The Sun.
London, England, 1865-06-02 00:00:00

lane and down the lane, and up to the sky and
down to his boots—anywhere but just straight in
front of him. (Laughter and applause, and cries of
Go on, my boy, and Bravo !) Of course, it must
be attributed to the measures of the Government.
When certain measures are proposed with the object
of producing certain effects and those follow, I sup-
pose you must call them the effects of those mea-
sures. But Mr. Raikes did not mention several
very prominent features in financial policy which
were not convenient to the tenour of his speech.
(Hear, hear.) He did not mention that during the
present Parliament the net reduction of taxation
amounted to 11/ millions of money. (Applause.)
He did not speak of the benefits of free trade. Free
trade is rather an awkward theme for a Tory. That
is the rock on which their party split, which split it
has never yet recovered. That is the good work in
which they refused to follow their great leader, Sir
Robert Peel ; and, although since that time they
have been compelled to acquiesce in free trade mea-
sures, yet they have always resisted them when they
could, and invariably accepted them with reluctance.
(Applause.) The Government is to be blamed for
not carrying the Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Well,
in 1860 Lord John Russell brought in a Reform Bill,
embodying the amendment by which he had turned
out Lord Derby. That bill failed. It was not defeated
by adverse majorities, but failed principally from
delays. Well, under ordinary circumstances, per-
haps it would have been the duty of the Govern-
ment to press the matter in the following session.
But the circumstances were not ordinary. After
that measure had failed a decided reaction began to
set in in public opinion. (Oh, and order.) No
popular meetings were held ; the press did not echo
the voice of the people ; both within and without
the walls of Parliament the subject was treated with
coldness. Was the Government, then, to endeavour
to force Reform down the throats of a reluctant
country ? (Hear, hear.) That reaction which I
have been speaking of has been going on ever since,
and I think I may, say it attained its culminating
point in the speech of Mr. Lowe the other day. Mr.
Lowe, as you know, is a staunch Liberal. (No, no.)
He professes to be so (oh), and yet he delivered the
most determined anti-reforming speech that has been
heard for a long time. I think if there is anything
which would have been more calculated to rouse the
spirit of Reform in the country than another it was
that speech of Mr. Lowe's. But it appears to mete
have failed to do so. There has been no more ex-
citement in the country since that speech was de-
livered than before it. (Hear, hear.) Now, gen-
tlemen, I will come a little nearer home, and I will
speak about my own idea as to Reform. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) I have stated in an address
which I have issued that I am in favour of a liberal
extension of the franchise, and I would give a fair
and careful consideration to any measure with that
object in view. (Hear, hear.) Ido think indeed
that, considering the improved condition of the la-
bouring classes, considering the high qualities that
they have sometimes displayed—as, for instance,
during the late cotton famine in Lancashire—con-
sidering that the education of the lower classes has
increased in a greater ratio than their wealth, I
think that they are justly entitled to an extension
of the franchise. (Cheers.) What is Mr. Baines's
statement of the state of representation in this
country ? I think he said in his speech the other
day that out of a population of 20 millions, 19 mil-
lions were unrepresented. Well, this fact is very
significant, and it will show you that when we boast
of our representative institutions we must use the
word in a very modified sense. I have said lam in
favour of a liberal extension of the franchise; but
when you come to look at particular propositions
you are met by a great difficulty. You are met by
the difficulty of letting in large numbers of voters
who would drown property and the higher education
of the country. (Hear, hear.) I would not pledge
myself to go so far as to vote for Mr. Baines's bill.
(Oh, and cheers and groans.) At the same time I
will not bind myself to look upon the £lO borough
franchise as a finality. (A Voice—" Then you are
as good as Mr. Raikes," and cheers.) There has been
a great controversy going on as to whether there is
such a thing as an abstract right in every man to
have a vote. It has been argued in opposition to
that, that if it were so, if you prevented any man
exercising that vote, he would have a right to resist
you, and that the doctrine of abstract right is the
same as that which arms the hand of the assassin.
(Oh, groans, hisses, and cheers, and a voice, " What
about the ballot ?") I will come to the ballot pre-
sently. It seems to me that this argument supposes
that there is no such thing as political expediency
sufficient to control those abstract rights. If you ask
me for an opinion I will candidly say that I think
there is such a thing as the abstract right to vote.
(Cheers.) I do not see what meaning the maxim has
that representation must accompany taxation unless
that is the case ; but I do say that that doctrine
must be controlled by prudential considerations—
(hear)—and I would never let these abstract rights
prevail against the ascendancy of a class. I wish now
to speak of another subject—church-rates. I have
said something about church-rates in my address. I
said, " As respects the present law of church-rates, I
consider it vexatious and impolitic, and in the ab-
sence of any such plan for its amendment as shall
fully meet the demands of religious liberty, I should
be disposed to vote for its abolition." (Applause.)
I wish you to understand that I am a firm adherent
of the Church of England. Ido not surrender the
right of the State to tax members of the Church of
England for the support of the fabric of the church.
At the same time justice compels me to admit that
it has no right to take the money of Nonconformists
and apply it to purposes from which they derive no
benefit. (Applause.) No question has caused
greater difficulties or been a greater puzzle to states-
men than this. Twenty-five years ago it was pro-
posed in Parliament to exempt Dissenters. This
found no favour either with Dissenters or with the
Church. The Dissenters objected to being marked
off by so precise a line, while the Church found it
inexpedient—that it put a premium upon dissent.
(Applause.) Since then various compromises have
been tried, but none have met with success. I
would gladly hail any device which, while saving
the rights of the Established Church, would satisfy.
Dissenters and might receive the sanction of Par-
liament ; but if no such third course should prove
feasible, rather than that the inconvenience, the
hardship, the anomalies of the present law
should continue, I would vote for its abolition.
(Loud applause.) Now I will come to the subject
which has been alluded to by my friend in the mid-
dle there—the ballot. (Hear, and cheers.) Ido not
know if many of you are in favour of the ballot.
(Cries of no, no, and yes, yes.) I have no hesita-
tion, gentlemen, in saying that lam not. (Cheers,
followed by a cry of " Three cheers for the ballot,"
which was partially responded to, the performer on
the penny trumpet renewing his efforts and excit-
ing some laughter.) The ballot received one quietus
a long time ago from the pen of Sydney Smith, and
it has received another quietus very lately from the
pen of Mr. Mill. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps yOu will
allow me to give you the idea of Mr. Mill on the
subject, because it is rather a remarkable conver-
sion. He says in his address to the electors of West-
minster, " Voting for a member of parliament is a
public and political act, and my conviction is that
in a free country all such acts should be done in the
face of, and be subject to the comments and the
criticisms of, the entire public. (Hear, hear, and
applause.) I wish that the elector should feel an
honourable shame in voting contrary to his known
opinions, and in not being able to give for his vote
a reason which he can avow. The publicity which
lets in these salutary influences admitted unfortu-
nately also some noxious ones ; and if I thought the
electors of this country were in a state of hopeless
and slavish dependence on particular landlords, I
should be, as I once was, a supporter of the ballot."
(Hear, hear, cheers, and a cry of "All my eye and
Betty Martin.") I ask you, gentlemen, would the
ballot insure secrecy ? (Cries of both Yes and No.)
I
believe that in America it has totally failed to do
so. (Loud cries of no, no, and yes, yes, followed
by " You have it in your clubs.") And even if it
did insure secrecy, there would be the same mo-
tives for corruptionansdafetghueasardmoef rpouomblicfomr
odrealicept -
tion, while that great
—if it is not too much to call it—the respect for our
neighbour's opinion, would be entirely done away
with. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, gentlemen,

MUOIMMIN