The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 22, 1862.

PUBLICATIONS.

HURST AND BLACKETT'S STANDARD LIBRARY.
On Feb. 26, Is., bound, and illustrated by John Gilbert,
ADELE, By JULIA KAVANAGH, Author of
" Nathalic," " French Women of Letters," ;
forming* the New Volume of lIURS I' AND BLACKETT'S
STANDARD LIBRARY OF CHEAP EDITIONS OF

POPULAR MODERN WORKS.
Ilurst and Blackett, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

THE PRESENT DISTRESS IN TRADE
1. fully explained in J. GROSSMITH'S
" GOVERNMENT UPON FIRST PRINCIPLES."
The cause is there predicated of the monetary difficulties ex-
perienced in 1860. The Crisis is at hand. Anxiety in busi-
ness has now become the grim torture. Purity of motive.
intelligently exercised, must-animate all Governments, or all
is lost, All denominations of Constitutions are carefully
examined in J. Grossmith's "Government upon First Prin-
ciples."

Kent and Co., Paternoster-row.

The Fourth Edition, Just Published, Bvo, in cloth, price 58.
by post free, ss. 6d.

ON TRUE and FALSE SPERMATORRHCEA ;
with the View to the Correction of wide-spread Errors
in relation to the Treatment and Cure of Sufferers from De-
bility of the Generative system, or Sexual Hypochrondriasis.
Translated from the German of Dr. PICKFORD.

" Dr. Pickford is known to English readers by his frequent
practical contributions to German medical literature. This
is the first time, he infbrms us, that he has addressed himself
to the non-medical reader. We trust that this may not be the
last, if he shall detect any other equally flagrant evil which it
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various forms of disease which resemble it are accurately de-
scribed, and thus a safe guide is offered for the treatment of
the malady."—Medical Circular.
" We have dilated so long upon the contents of the preli-
minary chapter, that we have scarcely left ourselves space for
any notice of the subject specially treated of by Dr. Pickford;
but the moderate price at which the 'brochure' is sold, places
it within the reach of every one interested in the matter."—
Dublin Medical Press.

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(Entered at Stationers' Hall.)

CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES.

(From the 'Special Correspondent of the Times.)

MONTREAL, FEB. 7.
It would give those who admit that war is neces-
sary sometimes, as the sole means of redressing
national grievances, considerable satisfaction to see
the difference presented by the regular troops of
Great Britain now moving about Canada and the
vast masses of volunteers assembled on the Potomac
by the United States. It is not that the British-are
one whit finer men ; taking even the Guards, there
are some few regiments there which in height and
every constituent of physique except gross weight,
cannot be excelled on an average comparison. As
a whole, perhaps, the average of intelligence, which
is understood there to mean reading and writing,
may be higher among the United States volunteers
than among the British regulars ; not much, how-
ever. The Sanitary Commission of New York, a
very patriotic and thoroughly American body, did
not attempt to claim more than three-fifths of the
United States armies as of American birth. The
immediate descendants of Irish and German parents
are thus included among native•born Americans,
though they are in all respects except birth Irish
and Germans still. Very probably they have not par-
t;tken to the full or to any great extent of the advan-
tages of public education. But, taking the statement
f o theou Commissioners—which,
sem—eitsitn may r s
—which, by the by, is a very
e
the patriotism of the Northern
p
be doubted whether in reading,
so
rpiu l as reflection
n oe
on
writing, and arithmetic there is any great supe-
riority on the part of the United States troops over
the British. I admit that in some regiments of the
as
smcear and of such intelligence
may
enable a man to argue on
s,
New England States there is a higher average of
atshuscemhaarkydneiornws d of hisluecde him
ge
officers,
to believe he is competent to
criticise the conduct of a campaign. There is an
immense amount of newspaper reading and letter-
writing, but of the former there is more than of the
latter, for our own mailbags are ample enough to
satisfy any one that the same preponderance which
is maintained by London over New York in corre-
spondence is to be found in the English army over
grbler who finds fault with
What is it, then, which
the American. Many Irish and Germans here have
no inducements to write letters. Few are unable
wouldt ore ads
a ttheirisfytheum
newspapers.
the expenditure of standing armies that he has got
value
r he is
withmaney when he contrasts the British
troopsthe battalions on the Potomac ? It
, which is the
cbsedience vise
very
h ye
lifeefficiencyo f di
se
ipprloi
od
eu c; etdh
eb yl
aot bt
ee
rd
ii es no
incor-
porated, and, in motion or at rest, acting by fixed
rules, with something approaching to certainty in
its results. This small army could be massed toge-
ther with its artillery and transports in a very short
time, and directed with precision to any one point,
though it is now a series of detachments on garri-
soni:ale'and it has
With all
gent outlay, and
tu heeit
lhi
ebre dutyr
es
alrviafat
lhnr rather rt
occthan.asional
corpsbaggages.
sx t draa'
nay a
the cost of transporting it, the force in a few weeks
will be far less expensive than an American corps
of the same strength, and it is no disparagement to
the latter to say they would be less efficient than the
British: I do not speak of actual fighting, for our
battle-fields in Canada alone tell how desperate may
be the encounters between the armies. Our force is
under the orders of experienced officers. The staff
consists of men who have seen service in the Rus-
sian War, in Asia, in India, and in China, and who
have witnessed the operations of great European
armies. The United States is now laboriously seek-
ing to acquire experience at a, cost which may be
ruinous to its national finances, and a delay which
may be fatal to its cause, but it cannot galvanize
the inert mass with the fire of military efficiency,
though it burns, we are told, with hidden volcanic
energies, and is pregnant with patriotic life. The
use of an army in war is to fight, to be able to move
to and after its enemy, to beat and pursue him. It
is not to be wondered at if the work which Great
Britain has only partially accomplished, notwith-
standing the greatness of its progress, should be
only begun in the United States. The aptitude of
a large mass of the inhabitants for arms, whether
they be foreign or native-born, is marred by many
things. There is the principle of equality intruding
itself in military duty, confounding civil rights with
the relations between superior and inferior, between
officer and rank and file. There is the difficulty of
getting men to follow officers who have no special
fitness for their post. A soldier may be made in a
year, a company officer cannot be made in three
years, There are many officers in the American
army of great theoretical and some practical know-
ledge ; there are many in the British army, lazy and
indifferent ; but no one would think for a moment
of comparing the acquirements, in a military sense,
of the officers of the two nations. In the Crimean
War, when our army was enlarged at a time that
severe losses had much diminished the number of
officers, we saw that our standard was considerably
lowered by the precipitate infusion of new men. No
wonder, then, that the United States had and has
great difficulty in procuring officers of the least value
for a levy of more than half a million of volunteers.
But the system itself is a most formidable barrier to
success. Under no circumstances can it reach a mo-
derate degree of efficiency, unless the test of subse-
quent examination be rigidly enfored. There is no
superiority of rank, of military knowledge, of per-
sonal character, of social position, to create an emu-
lation in the mind of the private to be the obedient
but daring equal of the officer in the time of danger.
To such general remarks there are many and
brilliant exceptions. In the course of time, the
personal qualities and the reputation for bravery
and skill of officers would stand in the Republican
armies in lieu of those influences which move the
British soldier. No one is foolish enough to think
or say that the private follows his officer because
the latter has paid so much money for his commis-
sion or has so much a year. The gradual rise from
one rank to another is a guarantee of some military
knowledge, at all events, of acquaintance with drill.
Social position counts for much. Men who are equal
before the law are very unequal in the drill book.
It is to me lamentable to see so much faith -in a
cause; such devotion, zeal, boundless expenditure,
and splendid material comparatively lost—to behold
the petted Republic wasting away under this influ-
ence and the vie inertia of the force it has called
into being. It is a lesson for the nations ; but it
has not yet come to its end. If standing armies
there must be, let them be as complete in organisa-
tion as can be. If an empire must rely on volunteers
as its main defence, let care be taken that they are
organised and efficient so as to be effective, and re-
gulated on such principles of economy that they
may not overwhelm with debt the country they are
engaged in protecting by their arms. The whole of
isbepfoarrealiyt can strike a blow.
the North has had its heart set
sosnatbhye
bßaudrnmsisdnesegxez
oaaffinriacleer in command has been about
pedition. It is already
naefasitlauffreo.
ffiTchere
abbloiowtohaasssniostt
General
him.eee fallen.
et ra
The
hnen
Burnside
ed n
agTyn aholer
as useful to him as our Admiral was to Lord Raglan
in the descent on the Crimea ; in fact, he has done
as little as he possibly could do.
The expedition
was originally, as I anticipated, intended for Aquia
as
have reason to think, diverted it to
e
Creek, on the Potomac and James River. General
PMmelleiinfiT sh boats suited for the former were
loa
quite ucnt'for the latter. The President precipitated
its departure. Some vessels were lost, others are
fast aground, many ara quite unfit for the shallow
waters, others are unfit for anything. Although
the sounding ought to have been well known or
carefulcouldlynot
studisdvessels were sent to places where
they cross, or were run hard and fast on
the bottom. At one time thousands of men were
dence, rather than good guidance, they were saved
from dying of thirst. No
want of of water, and it was by Provi-
proper boats were pro-
videdsufferinfogrfrriovmer
And so the expedition

stands fast in sight of the alarmed but fast accumulat-
ing and preparing enemy while agents are purchas-
ing vessels, and stores, and boats at New York and
elsewhere for the force, which is but 14,000 men in all.
With that, other combinations must go or stand over
for the present. If Burnside should succeed in
doing nothing more than fixing the Federal tooth
in a bit of marshy coast and stirring up the alli-
gators in the swamps, he will have effected as little
as Sherman, Phelps, or Butler up to the present
writing. With all this time before them, the Con-
federates, if they have guns and materiel, ought to
be able to give his present force a severe rebuff.
It is quite true that the Confederates suffer from the
same disadvantages as those which affect the Fedc•
rals, but in a far less degree. Mr. Davis, early in the
war, got hold of the army and subjected it to dis-
cipline. It was not so difficult to do so in the South
as in the North, owing to the diarence in the
people. The officers were appointed 7y him. The
men were animated, as they are now, by an intense
hatred of their enemy. Their armies were in a de-
fensive attitude ; a large number, comprising some
of the best of the United States officers, sided with
them. They are operating on the inner circle. But,
after all, if the possession of the seaboard, the use
of navies, the vast preponderance of population,
the ability to get artillery and arms, and the
occupation of the heads of the great river commu-
nications be not utterly thrown away, the North
must overrun the South, if only the Northerners
can fight as well as the Southerners, and if the
North can raise money to maintain the struggle.
Let us leave out of view the Slave element for once.
The Abolitionists assert the most formidable weapon
in the United States' armoury is the use of the
emancipated slave, but it is rather difficult to see
how the slaves could assist the North as long as
they remain obedient and quiet in the South, or
how the North can get at them by a mere verbal
declaration till it has pierced the Slave States.
Above all, it is not clear that it would benefit the
penniless Exchequer of the North to have
4,000,000 black paupers suddenly thrown on it for
support. Slavery is to me detestable. The more I
saw of it the less I liked it. It is painful to one who
has seen the system at work and its results to read

in English journals philosophical—pseudo-philoso-
fical treatises on the subject, and dissertations on

the " ethics and [esthetics" of the curse from which
we shook ourselves free years ago with the appro-
bation of our consciences and of the world. If the

North was not fighting to put slavery under the
cegis of the Constitution, its cry of distress would

move heart and hand in places where its appeals
and promises now fall cold and dead. It has de-
cided on its own course, and its military operations
cannot at present be much, if at all, influenced by
the questions connected with slavery. Having
arrived at the conclusion that the North must,
under provisoes, succeed in obtaining possession of
the most important points in the South, it does not
follow that the latter is forced into the Union as a
natural result. If the Slave States be true to their
provisions they will no more belong to the Union
then than they do now. They will be subjugated,
that is all. The North is rapidly arriving at the
conviction that they are dealing with enemies ;
there is a cry going out to admit them to be so, and
to ask the authorities to consider their captives as
prisoners of war. " Free Corcoran" is suggested at
Boston as a watchword for a public movement.
" Hang Corcoran" is Mr. Davis's threat if a bridge-
burner is executed by General Halleck. Let us not
seek to complicate matters by ill-timed interference,
which would be unjustifiable also. The United
States, whatever its internal composition was, must
be admitted by foreign nations to be an entity—the
agent of a Confederation of whose part we had no
political cognisance.

The revolt of the South was a surprise as com-
plete as the Indian mutiny. It was in May last
year the United States collected the semblance of
an army—in July they moved and were defeated.
Then came the work of re-collection, re-organisa-
tion, and the formation of six armies along various
parts of the frontier of their new enemy. It was
not till the end of October the Federals could be
said to have their levies in hand. Some movements
in November we disastrous. Diversions and changes
in the plans of the various campaigns were necessi-
tated by affairs in Kentucky and Missouri. The
expeditions from which so much was expected did
no more than claw on the parts of coast and occupy
some points, where they remain, not by any means
however, as the New York Times says, dispensing
thereby with the necessity of maintaining a block-
ade of the adjacent ports, or opening ports in lieu
of them. And at last winter came, and the state of
the country now prohibits any combined ,move-
ments on a grand scale. In March the season will
will be more favourable, and if a year elapses with-
out seeing the Northern armies well established in
the South there may well be some fears that Euro-
pean Powers will claim a right to be heard in the
interests of peace. It is now admitted that such
must be the case by the Americans themselves. In-
tervention is now talked of by people who would
have scorned the idea of submitting to "the world
in arms" a month ago. The notion of it is becoming
familiarised as that of a possible evil. Men say, in-
deed, that it will unite all parties in the North as
one man, and make them Abolitionists. Un-
doubtedly it is a menace which will set the armies
of the North in motion as soon as they can be
moved. The evil of bankruptcy, of an unpaid army,
does not alarm them ; and the piteous appeal of Mr.
Chase to Congress do not move them. Congress
spending its time over Mr. Bright does not vex them.
The ball at the !White House,—where " a large
helmet in sugar at the top of the table signifying
war, and a very large fort made of cake filled with
quails candied, on a side table," were graceful re-
minders to the giddy throng that they were mortal
Republicans in a state of civil tumult,—no more
excites them than the pleasing squabble between
the New York editors as to the priority of
their invitations, but they are naturally moved
by the thought of England giving a word of
counsel to them, and shudder at the phantom of
French intervention. The Ides of March are corn-
ing ; so arc the evil days which were vaticinated
for the hero of the hour. There are again more
voices raised against General M'Clellan. The cry
of " On 1" to some place or other is being heard.
Each dull delay is rebuked in the Senate and in
the House of Representatives, and approval comes
from the West echoing the sentiments of the people
there, :who boldly declare in one of the Chicago
papers, that they will not pay the taxation caused
by a New England war. On that point the follow-
ing is a significant extract, and it justifies the state-
ment I made when 1 was in the West last June,
that the States there would not contribute their
proportion of the tax :
" New England has furnished fewer soldiers, according
to population, than any other district of the country, and
she is the only district which is making money out of the
war. So much is she making that it is her interest that the
war should continue. She is making much more out of the
war than she would make but for the Morill tariff. She will
pay less taxes, according to population and wealth, for the
support of the war, than any other district of the country,
and at the same time will be taxed heavily to enable New
England to make money out of the war. This latter taxa-
tion comes of the Morrill tariff. At the same time, the
war, which has been brought on mainly by New England
fanaticism, has destroyed the best markets the West had
for its products, so that wheat, corn, oats, barley, beef,
pork, and lumber scarcely pay the cost of raising. There
is no disghising the f ict that the West is tiring of this sort
of thing, and it will demand that the measures of taxation
which Congress shall prepare shall be fairly adjusted with
reference to the relative situation of New England, the
Middle States, end the West. If taxes should be accord-
ing to representation, Illinois alone would have to pay half
as much as all New England, whereas the wealth of New
England is 20 times greater than that of Illinois. New
England will insist upon this mode of taxation, because, she
says, the Constitution directs that direct taxes shall be
according to representation. She is all at once greatly
enamoured of the Constitution. Had she been equally
enamoured of it hitherto in all things, the country:woild
not kAONY Ws war, There is no negro in this conflict Pe-