The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-17 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 17, 1865.

The news from America brought by the Wash-
ington is not very striking. The lull has succeeded
the storm, though whether it is not the precursor
of, another may perhaps be doubted. Everywhere
the Confederate armies are surrendering to their
opponents, and there is little prospect of the imme-
diate renewal of hostilities. The chief fear is that
the acrimony of the Northern authorities against
the Southern leaders will embitter the feelings of
the Confederates and hinder any renewal of
friendly feeling. The New York Chamber of Com-
merce, indeed, at a recent meeting, adopted resolu-
tions expressing a hope that the restoration of
Federal authority would be everywhere signalised
by executive clemency and magnanimity towards the
Southern people, but the effect of this praiseworthy
sentiment was considerably marred by the subse-
quent adoption of another resolution, supporting
President JOHNSON'S assertion, that treason is the
greatest of crimes, and that rigorous justice
should be meted out to the Southern leaders. Of
course, Americans cannot be expected to accept
the European view that both parties are bellige-
rents, and that, consequently, there is no ques
tion of " justice" or of " treason" in the case, but
the mere antagonism and fortune of war. When,
the principal Italian States went to war together,
there was no argument about treason or rebellion;
and, in point of fact, the American States were
united on the understanding of separate legislation
and individual sovereignty. If Virginia resented the
'despotism of New York, very certainly New England
would not submit to the control of the Carolinas,
so that at the first open struggle for supremacy a
war was certain to come.

The death of BOOTH is unfortunately likely to
foment discord in another way. From whatever
motive the assassin of LINCOLN was killed, his
death has certainly given ill-disposed persons in
the Federal interest the opportunity of fabri-
cating stories to the detriment of the South.
It is so easy to say that evidence has been found,
that papers, letters, or confessions were in the dead
man's possession which implicate eminent Confede-
rates in the crime. Thus we find a Philadelphia
journal announcing that documents found upon
BOOTH'S body afford proofs that President DAVIS
and the Confederates in Canada were privy to
the assassination of President LINCOLN. This
rash and groundless assertion will no doubt find
believers among the New Englanders, who will
not pause to ask whether a man like Boom
would be likely to carry such incriminating docu-
ments about with him, or whether DAvzs—suppos-
ing him to be capable of such complicity, which
his 'whole character and conduct denies—would
have suffered such open evidence of his guilt to be
forthcoming. The greater the severity shown to
the Southern leaders by the party now in power,
the more fully do they deny their own assertions.
Had the case been reversed, and had the murderer's
weapon replaced JOHNSON and STANTON by LINCOLN
and SEWARD there
might have been some object,
present
but to bring the men to power by such
an act would have been as suicidal for the
South as it would have been dishonourable. The
tone of New York is shown by the "Jerald recom-
mending the Government to demand the surrender
of DAVIS from any country, regardless of treaties,o
and urges that sufficient force should be used t
seize him as the common enemy of the human race.
All sinks into the shade, however, before the official
language of the President himself, who has actually
issued a proclamation offering a reward of $lOO,OOO
for JEFFERSON DAVIS, and smaller sums for other
Confederates, whom he declares to have " incited,
concocted, and procured the murder of LINCOLN and
the attempted murder Of SEWARD." At the same time
he announces that " other rebel traitors" are har-
boured in Canada ; so that we may indeed anticipate
fresh troubles. Such an accusation is altogether ,
unpardonable, and based, as it is upon " evidence