The Sun.
London, England, 1865-10-02 00:00:00

BY ROYAL LETTERS PATENT.

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etfected."—Medical Journal.

THE RESC UE SOCIETY wishes to add another
home to 12 now in operation. Last year no fewer
han 455 poor, friendless, young females were rejected irom
want of FUNDS and room, making a total of 3,087, who have
been sent away in five years. Here are brief details of a few
of the most recent cases:
F . , aged It% fallen, mother dead, deserted by her father.
m. A. F., aged 13, homeles., both parents dead.
A. 8., aged 17, fallen, father dead, deserted by her mother
8. D., aged 15, fallen, mother dead.
C. 8., aged 15, fallen, mother dead,
A 8., aged 16, fallen, both parents dead.
H. S., aged 14, hcmeless, deserted by her parents
lii. H.. aged 17, fallen, both parents dead.
C. 11., aged 17, fallen, both parents dead.
A. G. aged 18, fallen, father dead.
aged 18, fallen, both parents dead,
S. 8., aged 17, fallen, both par, uts dead.
S. D., algye.,dls,
agedf
fallen, allbeont,hbpoathrepnat; denetaaddead.
The new home the Committee wish to form woald be for
young girls, almost children, from the age of 8 to 16, who
have been led astray from the path of virtue.
Contributions will be received gratefully by the Secretary,
Arr. Daniel Cooper, 85, Queen.streek Cheaptaide; or by Hems
Barclay and Co., Lombard-street.

Mr. Ennis said, before his worship commenced the pro-
ceedings, he was requested to ask Mr. Stronge's permission
to allow two ladies—one the wife and the other a sister of
the prisoners—to attend during the trial. They were Mrs.
O'Donovan Rossa and Miss O'Leary.
Mr. Stronge—l am sorry that I cannot accede to your
application. The room is barely sufficient to accommo-
date those present, and if I acceded to the application it
would be impossible to meet a similar one in any other
case. Before commencing the proceedings, I think it right
to mention that 1 have deemed it advisable to hold this in-
vestigation here rather than in the ordinary divisional po-
lice court of the district. The court in which we are sit-
ting is that in which the police commissioners discharge
their magisterial duties in connection with the discipline
of the police force, and, as a matter of convenience, I have
availed myself of it on the present occasion. If I had de-
cided upon disposing of these charges in the ordinary po-
lice court of the district there would have been great dif-
ficulty in getting through the very heavy magisterial
business which has to be discharged in that place, and
which cannot admit of postponement. There would also,
probably, have been inconvenience and obstruction to the
traffic in the narrow and crowded thoroughfares in the
neighbourhood in which the police court is situate. Could
I have hoped that this investigation might be disposed of
in one or two sittings, the objections to which I have ad-
verted might not have been thought of so much import-
ance ; but I regret to say that, from the nature of the case,
the number of the prisoners, and the very voluminous
character of the evidence, it is likely that it will last some
days. Under these circumstances, I hope the learned and
professional gentlemen engaged in the case will excuse
the inconvenience they may be put to ; and as it is not
possible that the general public can be admitted, 1 shall
do all in my power to accommodate the gentlemen of the
press, and to facilitate the discharge of their important
duties. I regret the accommodation afforded by the police
courts in Dublin is so insufficient. It is, however, matter
of public congratulation that this inconvenience is about to
be removed.

Mr. Barry, Q.C.—On this occasion I appear on behalf of
the Crown. The prisoners, as you are aware, were arrested
on the 14th of September, on a charge of being concerned
in a treasonable conspiracy to subvert her Majesty's go-
vernment in this country ; to separate this country from
England, and en. reamblic. They
have been tee remanded, anti if you were now to considJr
the importance of the case—the importance of it to the
nubile and to the prisoners—the serious nature of the
charge, and to regard this merely preliminary step in a
public prosecution, I should deem it my duty, on the part of
the crown, to ask for a remand ; for speaking, as I do, in
the presence of the magish.ate engaged for so many days
iu taking testimony in the case, and inspecting the volu-
minous documents referred to in these depositions, I shall
be believed when I say that as a matter of fact, the crown
must be totally unprepared to present the case in that order
and with that propriety which should distinguish a prose-
cution on the cart of the crown. You are aware that up
to this moment it has been found impossible to furnish
the crown solicitor with the necessary documents and in-
formation to enable him to bring the case before a court of
justice, in consequence of their being retained up to this
time in the possession of the police. It has been deemed
expedient, notwithstanding the naked state of the case,
that no time should be lost in laying the evidence before
the public, so as to enable them to judge from the evidence
of the real nature and extent of the Fenian conspiracy, so
that it may bo undiminished by incredulity, and not exag-
gerated by panic. Therefore, I shall now proceed to lay
before you the evidence upon which I shall deem it my
duty to ask the prisoners to be committed for trial—for, of
course, this is merely a preliminary examination, as we
must await the decision of another tribunal ; but I believe
that evidence will disclose a combination of folly and
wickedness not often paralleled in the annals of fanaticism
or crime. The design of the prisoners and their confede-
rates was to create in this country alarm, and raise an in-
surrection amongst some of the inhabitants ; and with the
aid of sympathising friends, as they are called, in America,
who were to invade this country, they wore to subvert the
government, and establish an independent republic. This is
not the time for the discussion of political theories, as it
would be unbecoming'in me to occupy your time on such a
topic; but it is difficult for me to restrain myself from express-
ingrnyastonishment that if the object they have in view could
be achieved by peaceful means any sane man could be found
anxious to exchange the constitution of this country—hav-
ing regard to its susceptibility for wise innovation and
capability for progress—for any form of republican govern-
ment that I ever heard or read of, ancient or modern ; nor
shall I stop here to discuss the absurdity of believing that
such a project was capable of achievement. This is not the
fitting occasion for such discussion, and if it were, to in-
dulge in it would, upon my part, be indeed a useless waste
of time, for to those who are accessible to reason my lessons
are not wanting, and those who are led away by political
delusions would turn a deaf ear to the observations of the
crown lawyer. But it is difficult to believe that in the year
1865 any man should be found, no matter how ignorant, to
believe that England,
with her power, with her inexhaus-
tible resources, would or could be compelled to submit to
the establishment of a filibuster republic within a few
hours' sail of her shores, and under the auspices such as are
proposed to establish this Fenian republic. It is to be
remembered that in that attempi-qm conspiracy would
not alone have to encounter the power of the executive of
England, but I am proud to say there are in this country
Irishmen, not as they would be described in some publica-
tions, the slaves of England, but true-hearted Irishmen,
feeling for their country with loving hearts, and under-
standing her interests, and not only men of wealth and
possessions, but working men who, by the labour of their
hands es brains, have to support themselves or families—
men who may have much to gain by revolution, but who
still regard the Fenian Socialists with horror, and would be
prepared—with arms if necessary—to defend their homes
and families against a filibustering invader. The feasibility
of this design is easily seen to have been impossible. It may
be said, why, then, the necessity of this prosecution? Those
men were indeed powerless, yet the effect of revolution
being only contemplated would be to produce much mis-
chief in this country—mischief to the lower orders,
whose foolish hopes and expectations might be raised of
what was an impossibility, and mischievous to the com-
munity at large, and cause a feeling of insecurity in this
country most inimical to prosperity and progress. But
however insignificant this attempt may appear, it had as-
sumed a shape and dimensions which rendered it necessary
that the Crown should interfere. The design is manifested
in writings, public and private, as will be proved in the
evidence upon the trial. The design took the form—not
such as was contemplated on former occasions of a similar
character, not a mere revolutionary theory, a scheme of
political regeneration,
and the substitution of ono govern-
ment for another—it partook of the character of Socialism
in its most vicious and dangerous shape. The lower
classes were led to expect a re-distribution of the property
of the country, and that any man who possessed more
property than another had an advantage over his fellows
which should not be permitted. The operations of this
revolution were to commence by an indiscriminate mas-
sacre and assassination of all those above the lower classes
including the Roman Catholic clergymen, against whom
their animosity is particulary directed for their opposition
to the views of the brotherhood. Every man who came
from America broughfannouncements of some meeting of
the Fenians there, and of speeches of the most frenzied
character being made there. After some time it was stated
in America that there were in this country 200,000 men,
ready to assist and co-operate in cases of an invasion on

the part of the brethren in America. Now, the newspapers
in America may tell us that that was all a farce and a
joke, and the correspondence of well-informed journals in
this country might induce us to take another view of the
proceedings of those who took part in this assembly. But
surely we are not to consider, in estimating the motive of
the proceedings, the effect produced upon the well-in-
formed in America and other countries. We are to con-
sider the effect likely to be produced upon the igno-e
rant and excitable lower orders in this country,
amongst whom, not alone by certain newspapers, but by
pamphlets, at considerable expense, the proceedings at
these American meetings were circulated. They were
informed that trained officers were arriving from Ame-
rica to lead them in this insurrectionary movement,
and every day brought an officer or two who immediately
put himself in communication with those Fenian localities
in this country, who produced revolvers or a sword, thus
giving something like reality to the promises of these
American agents. But more than that ; sums of money—
in reality, having regard to the object which was in hand,
small, but comparatively large sums, have during the past
month arrived from the brotherhood in America, to be ex-
pended for the purpose of revolutionising this country.
Within the last fourteen days no less a sum has arrived
than £3,500. Now, of course, that sum is miserably small
compared with the resources those people would have to
encounter. But still that money judiciously applied would
be very easily used to make it appear to the misguided
dupes of this conspiracy an inexhaustible fund to supply
them with munitions of war and arms, and other materials
for revolution. On Thursday the 14th September £l,OOO
were lodged by Mr. O'Leary, upon an American bill, and
on the night of the arrest one of the prisoners, whineewitfilP
I do not now remember, a bill for £5OO was found ; and
since the prisoners have been in custody two bills, each for
£l,OOO, have been intercepted by the authorities, making
a sum of £3,500 arriving from the treasonable sympathisers
in America for the purpose of this intended revolution.
The making of pike-heads has been carried on to a very
considerable extent. One man, who is in custody, will be
proved to have made something like two thousand. Now,
two thousand pike-heads do not represent a very consider-
able amount of military material, but, at the same time,
judiciously expended, sent in cases, as they were, contain-
ing each about fifty, and sent down to the Fenian
" circle," as it is called, it was calculated to produce in
the minds of the ignorant persons who were induced
to join in this movement an idea that really there was
something substantial in the proposed insurrection and
the aid to come from abroad. A number of revolvers have
been found in the possession of several of the prisoners
arrested; several thousand belts were ordered, and
some of them have been found in the possession of
the parties arrested. It will thus be seen that means were
adopted, if not to effect a rising in this country, at all events
to induce persons to join in this treasonable confederation,
under the belief that there were large resources—large ma-
terial aid—to be derived from America to assist them in
carrying out their object. Under these circumstances it will
be plain it was impossible for the Government any longer
to forbear taking action against the promoters of this move-
ment; and thus this prosecution has been instituted. The
principal agent in promoting this Fenian conspiracy is a
person named Stephens, who, it will appear, has been for
nearly 20 years engaged in the' disseininatiori of treason in
this country, or making preparations for doing so. He has
been engaged in the movement of 1848, and he subsequently
appears to have been an active promoter of what is known
as the "Phoenix Conspiracy," nine or ten years later, and
ho appears to be, if not the originator, certainly the most
active promoter in this country, in Amerizs, and elsewhere,
of what is known as the Fenian Conspiracy. Whether the
idea was originated in America or not—whether it. was
started by him in America or not—l am not in a position
to say ; but there can be no doubt, that whatever its origin,
its spread, and the dimensions to which it has reached,
such as they are, are traceable to the Fenian Brotherhood
in America, to the organisation established there, and to
the communication between that brotherhood and the one
in this country. This Stephens is not in custody. He
effected his escape on the very day the arrests were made
here. I have already intimated that I have had no oppor-
tunity of anything like a perusal of the mass of documents
which have been found upon the parties arrested. There-
fore, I shall confine myself to reading a few extracts which
a short glance enables me to conclude are of importance.
The first letter I shall call attention to is a letter written by
Stephens in the latter end of 1863 to Mr. Luby, one of the
accused here, arranging with him for becoming either the
nominal proprietor or the editorof the newspaper known as
L.;gh.P.serk- This Irish People will be found to be the
great nucleus ortt....nseiracy in this country. It was the
organ for disseminating the—dOetriuoo of the brotherhood,
and its staff constituted what may be termed the executive
council of the organisation in this country. The name of
Stephens does not appear as connected with the newspa-
per; but the correspondence amply shows that ho was in-
timately connected with its management, and that in point
of fact he was, to all intents and purposes, the organ of its
designs. The official declarations make it appear that Wil-
liam Clarke Luby was the sole and only proprietor of the
Irish People, and that John Haltigan and O'Donovan, who
is known as O'Donovan Rossa, I believe, were the printers
and publishers of the newspaper called the Irish People.
The learned gentleman then proceeded to say that the Irish
people, from the period of its establishment in November,
1863, had been engaged in the dissemination of treasonable
doctrines. It was finally seized on the night of the 15th
September, when the arrests were made. Without attempt-
ing to go through the articles which appeared in the-paper
from time to time, he would just road an article headed
" Priests and Politics," which was written for the sup-
pressed number. (Mr. Barry read the article in question,
which was of the revolutionary character common to the
journal, and amongst other strong expressions contained
the observation—" Our only hope is in revolution," " Li-
berty must be won by force, or not at all.") The meaning
of that document it was necessary to refer to further—it
spoke for itself. A number of documents had been found
with the prisoners. Among them were a variety of letters
written by Stephens. He might observe that it would be
proved in evidence that considerable Caution was exercised
by the persons engaged in the movement to avoid as far as
possible committing themselves in writing, and especially
writing that was to pass through the post. The letters
were found, generally, to have been sent by hand, often
addressed to parties other than those for whom they de-
signed, and were couched in language mysterious and
obscure, until read by the light of facts recently discovered.
One of the letters written by Stephens—but like most of
those in his handwriting, signed only "J. P."—directed
the party receiving it to confer with O'Leary, and between
them make out a full and clear account of the money re-
ceived "since Kelly's arrival," and how it had been dis-
posed of. In another letter Stephens said that although
he was not watched so much in England as in this country,
still travelling from place to place was very severe upon
him. To some person whom he indicated as "Mr. N." he
recommends extreme caution, and said that the month
would give them "50 A's with confidence and order
hitherto wanting." It would be necessary to explain the
meaning of the observation "50 A's." The mode of get-
ting recruits for this organisation were as follows. A per-
son in the confidence of the principals was entrusted with
the administration of the oath. He swore in as many as he
could—the oath taken being substantially an oath of alle-
giance to the Irish republic, " now virtually established in
Ireland," to take up arms at a moment's notice, and to give
implicit obedience to the orders of the superior officers. It
appeared to have been a rule that no person should be pre-
sent at the time of the swearing in, but the person to ad-
minister the oath and the person to take it. According
to the number of men sworn inby an individual horeceived
a certain rank, indicated by the letter A, B, or C. A great
number of documents had been discovered, in which the
enlistments were registered and kept for the information
of the heads of the conspiracy. They were on small
papers ruled in squares, which were filled up with a circle,
a line, a V, or an inverted A. The circle represented an
unarmed man, the line that he had a pike, the V that he
had a rifle, and the inverted A some other description of
weapon. In another letter of Stephens, found in the pos-
session of Luby, he spoke of the importance he attached
to the establishment of military schools, and said that he
had abandoned the idea of having them in Paris. He
then went on to give instructions for the organisation
of schools, and said that the first essential was to enrol
in men ; the second, to purchase arms ; and the third,
elementary drill. It would be proved that, in accord-
ance with these instructions, drilling schools were
established very largely throughout the country. Other
letters spoke of the arrivals of money ; and the books of the
Royal Bank showed that in April last, and subsequently,
bills upon Rothschild and Co., for sums of £5OO, £514,
£267, £4OO, and other amounts, were lodged in the bank
for collection. An account was also kept in the Bank of
Ireland in the name of O'Leary, and he found to his credit,
with George Hopper's signature to it, a bill for £2OO. Then
he found, "For collection," £6OO, on September 4, a draft
on London. During the earlier part of the year he found
very large receipts from America. On July 10 there was a
bill of exchange on Rothschild and Co. for £5OO, and again
in August one for £5OO. These sums reached O'Leary at
the Irish People office; and he would ask the magistrate to
believe that they were sent forward to carry on the revo-
lutionary movement. One of the bills for £l,OOO which
had been intercepted was fent forward from New York by
a Mr. Michael Cavanagh, who was intimately associated
with the Head central department in America. It was. in
an envelope' addressed, " Mr. George Hopper,
street, Dublin." It would be pioved hereafter that" Mr.
Hopper was connected in a very remarkable manner with
the money transactions. The second bill for £l,OOO was
sent to Mr. Hopper by a person named Peterson. He had
mentioned that pikes had been manufactured. They had
discovered the man who had been engaged in the manufac-

- Mr. Stronge observed that the informations which had
been lodged tended to bring the prisoner into intimate con-
nection with the Irish People newspaper, and to show that
he acted as financial manager of it.
Pierce Nagle, the informer, was then brought into the
court, and given a seat within the inclosure of the bench.
lie was then sworn, and the chief clerk, Mr. Williams, read
his information. Ho is rather over the middle height, wore
a black cloth coat, trousers, and vest, and a black silk neck-
tie. Tie has a thick face, which though somewhat stupid in
its aspect, would be rather well looking than otherwise,
but for the fact of his eyes being crooked, large, and star-
ing. While his informations were being read, ho sat with
his head slightly stooped, his face being slightly flushed
and betraying considerable enalbon, and eyes frequently
turned furtively towards the grisoners. The deposition
made by him was read over by Mr. Williams, chief clerk.
It was very voluminous, and went in great detail into the
circumstances of the witness's connection with the brother-
hood. It appears from it that he was engaged recently as
clerk in the Roman Catholic chapel of St. Laurence O'Toole,
and that he also was engaged in the Irish People office as
a "folder." He was engaged by Stephens as an agent, to
proceed to the country to promote the organisation, and in
this character he was in Clonmel and other towns in the
south of Ireland. He deposed to being present at nume-
rous meetings of Fenians in Dublin and elsewhere, and
implicated by his statements a large number of the prisoners
in connection with the Fenian conspiracy. The witness
then went on to describe the attendance at Fenian meet-
ings, and ho mentioned the names of several of the pri-
soners and others whom lie met at those meetings.
Mr. Barry announced that the authorities had just
received by the American post another communica-
tion signed by the same Michael Cavanagh, enclos-
ing another bill of exchange for £1,408. The letter
was addressed to O'Leary, under cover to George
Hopper, Dame-street. That bill made in all £5,000
received within the last fortnight.
A second information made-by-Nagle was--also

read, professing to give an account of the objects and
proceedings of the Feniaus, and many of the pri-
soners as members.

Sergeant Pact, a pensioner of the 57th Regi-
ment, was next examined. Ile stated that he had
been sworn in as a Fenian in Manchester, and that
he had agreed to come over to Dublin as a drill
_ _

instructor, which he did, bringing with him creden-
tials to parties in the office of the Irish People. On
arriving in Dublin he was sent from one person to
another, and at last he was told that they had
nothing for him to do. He then told them it was a
humbug, keeping hint without employment. Even-
tually he said he felt it his duty as an old soldier to
tell all he knew to the authorities, and he wrote to
the War-office on the subject. He identified
O'Donovan, and partly identified Hopper. On cross-
examination by Mr. Sidney the witness failed to
identify any other prisoners. He also said his ob-
ject in taking the oath and coming to Dublin was
for the purpose of gaining information to supply to
the Government.
The inquiry was adjourned till to-day.