The Sun.
London, England, 1862-06-03 00:00:00

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THE SUN.
LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 3, 1862.

The House of Commons seems likely to be paved
after the fashion attributed by the orthodox to
another place. No fewer than six good resolutions
will the House have placed before it tonight. Good
country will perhaps say
all of them, though the
that none of them are good enough. Not content
with three amendments to the original motion of
Mr. STANSFELD--kY Lord ROBERT 7401n4sau, Mr.

HORSMAN, and Lord P- ALDIERSTON respectively,
with a fourth by Mr. GRIFFITH on Mr. HORS-
MAN'S—the " amiable" Mr.IVALPoLE gave notice of
a fifth amendment last night, completing what, ex-
cept technically, are six resolutions on the subject
of national expenditure. And all these six resolu-
tions have not only so much that is true or good
in them, but they have also so much in common,
that almost every member of every party might vote
for each, and not vote inconsistently, whatever his
previous votes might have been.

We all believe with Mr. STANSFELD—Lord PAL-
MERSLON'S own amendment indeed implies it,
though not explicitly affirming it—that the national
expenditure can be reduced " without compromis-
ing the safety, the independence, or the legitimate
influence of the country." What does the Premier
oppose to this ?—deep sense of the importance of
economy—care for the security of the country,
which Mr. STANSFELD does not overlook—then a
little praise of his own Government for the decrease
it has effected in the expenditure, with a hope that
it might be able to effect yet further diminutions.
Truly—but that the first resolution is proposed by
an independent Liberal belonging to the Financial
Reform party, and the second from a Premier who
is thought to like spending money too freely on
fixed forts or fixed fancies—there seems little reason
why the Premier and the unofficial member might
not vote for each other's motions. It is the animus
rather than the precise words of Mr. STANSFELD'S
resolution which galls Lord PALMERSTON.
Lord ROBERT MONTAGU'S is a mere solemn con'
stitutional truism—perfectly useless—a cipher on
the left hand of unity in this business, and can only
serve for a little idle vapouring. It is Mr. HORS-
MAN and Mr. GRIFFITH, who Out-PALMERSTON
PALMERSTON in his own defence—the former re-
trospectively, the latter prospectively. The one
says—wishing to catch Tory as well as Whig votes
—that the estimates of the late and the present
Government have not been at all excess of what was
wanted—the other Mr. GRIMM'S one,would change
praise of past estimates into what would perhaps
be equally palatable to Lord PALMERSTON—a pro-
mise to vote as freely as ever for the future. Thus,
then, stood the list up to last night :—Mr. STANS-
FELD for safe reductions; Lord PALMERSTON, in
words, for the same ; Lord MoNTAGu, nil : Mr.
HORSMAN, praising past expenditnre ; Mr. GRIF-
FITH promising to go on spending.
But, last night forth came Mr. WaLPOLE with
the most definite amendment of all; he has ven-
tured even to amend the Premier's resolution, and
the difference between the two must therefore, we
presume, be taken to indicate the difference between
the Derby meeting of yesterday and the Premier.
Let us carefully note it. Tories, like every one else,
will go with Lord PALMERSTON in recording their
being " impressed with the necessity of economy,"
while yet " mindful of the obligation to provide
for the security of the country at home, and the
protection of its interests abroad." But in the
second clause Lord PALMERSTON expresses gratifi-
cation with the decrease of expenditure the Govern-
ment had been able already to effect, "and trusts
that such further diminution may be made
as the state of things will warrant." The
Premier has expressed himself here very in-
felicitously. For a House of Commons only to
express a hope that the Government and the House
will not spend more than they are warranted in
doing, for that is what it comes to, reads very much
like a man's hoping that he shall be an upright
trustee. Mr. WALPOLE'S amendment on this part
of the Premier's proposal, takes the form of an
instruction to the Government—it runs thus :
"And this House trusts that the attention of the
Government will be earnestly directed to the
accomplishment of such further reduction (due
regard being had to the defences of the country) as
may not only equalise the revenue and expenditnre,
but may also afford the means of diminishing the
burden of those taxes which aro confessedly of a
temporary and exceptional character."

This is very much like saying, If you remain in
office after this amendment is carried, you remain
to work in Tory harness ; for you will be required to
conform to these instructions, which we know you
very little relish. At the same time, if an appeal
were made to the country on the differenck between
the two, the popular difference would be in favour
of the Tories. They do not merely propose to spend
no more than they are warranted in spending, but
to direct attention to being warranted to spend less.
But what will be most popular is their pointing to
the repeal of those taxes which are " confessedly of
a temporary and exceptional character." This can
of course only refer to the income-tax, or perhaps
the war Customs duties. And it will, as a definite
proposal, be assuredly more popular than merely
saying with Lord PALMERSTON we hope we shall
spend no more than we ought.
We should strongly recommend Lord PALMER-
STON to accept Mr. WALPOLE'S amendment—
frankly to say that, in general terms, he meant as
much as Mr. WALPOLE does by his more
specific language. His Lordship might certainly
point to his own Chancellor of the Exchequer's
speeches, especially his Manchester one, as showing
that his financial colleague held views identical
with those of Mr. WALPOLE. Save us, said Mr.
GLADSTONE, five millions, and we will do without
the Income-tax—a tax he has so often declared to
be too unjust in its inequalities to be tolerable as a
permanent tax ;—give your whole attention, says
Mr. WALPOLE, to equalising revenue and expendi-
ture in such a manner as to get rid of this tempo-
rary tax. If it's all fair to learn from an enemy,
never could it be fairer for Lord PALMERSTON to
do so, than when his friends have previously taught
him the lesson. Mr. STANSFELD could net do
better than accept such a conclusion of the whole
business.

Although the Transfer of Lands Bill, prepared
by Lord Chancellor W - EsTBuRV, and sent down
from the House of Peeis all taught and trim, under
full sail and with flying colours, was allowed to
Pass the second reading last night in the House of
Commons, we very much fear that before the ses-
sion has closed, the good ship, like its predecessor of
1859, will have foundered. Whether it be the Lords
or the Commons that witnesses the launching of it
(
—the "other place"
another to threaten it • h
here again Earl RIJE3BELVE3
appears always, somehow or
with an evil fate. To echo
metaphor, as applied to
any new reform measure—the wave that carries
it forward from one house appears to lack
over the bar of the
will be argued—the new bill
it fairly
fonotohrweeer .
beforei—f t i t
Parliamf nt having
passed suc-
cessfully through all its stages in the Lords
has already been read a first and second time in
Commons. Tout is bien—there is merely the
consideration of the Chancellor's cleverly-contrived
bill, clause by clause in committee, and then the
third reading there in the Commons—et c'est fini !
PrfOiSely—lF these few further stages can be passed
through agreeably, well and good, the Royal
Assent will perfect all, as a matter of course, and
the bill, by that magic ipsa dzxit of the SOVEREIGN,
will be transformed into a complete enactment. If
have it, however, there
are alreadyAs
indications fortuneiionwill
s plainly enough visible of
" breakers a-head." Although the second reading
Was got through very satisfactorily yesterday in

the Commons—although there was no attempt at a
division, no hit at a ny immediate opposition—when
the Bill was read a second time, and was then or-
dered to be com&tted on Monday the sixteenth
instant (Monday we ek, that is), Sir HUGH CAIRNS,
it will be perceived, from the Commons Report of
last night, gave notice that upon that day (the 16th
inst.) he should move that the bill be referred to a
Select Committee I Coasidering how far the session
has already advanced, arrd that then on Monday
week next it will be pretty' well a fortnight older,
in the event of Sir HUGH CAIRNS' motion being
carried, there will be small prospect indeed, in
point of fact, no visible or appreciable prospect
whatever, of anything further being done in its
regard before the date of the prorogation. Refer
the Bill, as Sir HUGH CAIRNS suggests, to a Select
Committee in the middle of June, and what possible
likelihood will there be of the report of that Select
Committee being laid upon the table of the Com-
mons in sufficient time before the rising of the
houses early in August to admit of the suggestions
embodied in that same Report being
applied to the measure, and to allow of
the measure so revised being referred again to
the consideration of the House of Lords ? It is the
idlest, vaguest hope that could well be. The fate
of the Bill already appears to be pronounced. And
considering the generous aid given by the now
Chancellor (when he sat in the House of Commons
as Sir RICHARD BETHELL) to the framer of the
original draft of a Land Transfer Bili in 1858-1859,
one might regard Lord WEsnußY's comment upon
Sir HUGH CAIRNS'S threatened stab on the 16th, to
be as pathetically reproachful almost as Et to
Brute ! It is diamond cut diamond, however. Sir
HUGH is possibly jealous that another should
mount the hobby he himself was the first to trot
out and show the paces of. Besides in one sense
the proposed reference of the Bill to a Select Com-
mittee of the Commons is really and truly little
more than a pendent to what was done early in
the session by the law lords—the majority of
whom, Liberals and Conservatives alike, were
the rigid censors of the learned Chan-
cellor's carefully deliberated proposition. Modi-
fied though the Bill was in the Upper House
in obedience to one or two of the more urgent sug-
gestions thrown' out by those law lords—to Lord
WESTBURY'S manifest and very comprehensible
vexation—the Bill, though thus altered, is not
sufficiently so even yet, to please the severest censor
of all, the hon. and learned gentleman, the ex-Soli-
citor General, under the late DERBY Government.
And so the matter promises to close this session
again, by the quiet device of referring the whole
question once more to the consideration of a Select
Committee.

What is to he the issue of the movement at Rome ?
We should reply—probably for an indefinite time
to come, just what we now see. The important
change is, that but a small division of French
troops will henceforth maintain the occupation
that General GOON gives place to General Count
MONTEBELLO, and M. LAVALETTE returns, to do
his best in instructing His Holiness and Cardinal
ANTONELLI in the duties of their position. As to
the Count, both parties professing to claim him as
leaning to their views, we must either suppose him
to have no marked prepossessions, or not to have
discovered them; and hence, to be the proper per-
son, as an uncommitted man, to act any part which
his master may wish.

The reduction of the army of occupation is a
visible fact, which hardly admits of more than one
interpretation—it surely means that the EMPEROR
wishes to show himself as less, directly, powerful
in Rome and Italy than hitherto. No one supposes
that he will frankly and generously leave the
Italians to settle their own affairs before time and
circumstances force him to do so. He appears, how-
ever, to see that the time is approaching when he
must make up his mild whether he will, before all
Europe, continue to be the festering sore in the side
of Italian independence and good government, or
give the nation its last rights—tights so long and
doggedly withheld. The Constitutionnel gives us some
mysterious explanations, if such they can be called—
" Does," it asks, " this imply that the solution of
the great problem may be expected from day to
day ? No. Those who expect an immediate solu-
tion are no less under an illusion than those who
expect a return to an impossible past." Diplomacy,
it remindsus, is slow in its workings; bUt:theEMPE-
ROR is loyal both to the POPE and to Italy—" The
objects to be"—says the Constitutionnel—" attained
and guaranteed are the safety of the Holy Father,
and the legitimate interests of Italy. Such is the
double object followed by the policy of France, and
we shall have made a great step towards the solu-
tion so eagerly yearned for by many men when
France will no longer find herself in presence of an
insuperable ' non possumus,' and when the Court of
Rome will consent no longer to treat a political
question as a religious dogma." The best instruc-
tion in the whole affair, we doubt not,
is that furnished by the withdrawal of part of the
French troops—when the whole are withdrawn the
lesson will be complete. M. LAVALETTE may
reason and expostulate, but all will be ineffective
compared with the entire withdrawal of French
crutches, and enabling the Holy Father to walk
alone. He is well able to do it, provided he lay
down his secular burdens, or place them on the
shoulders which ought to bear them.
But there seems to be another reason why the
French should just now quit Rome. If we are to
credit the latest correspondents, they not only are
in Mexico, but are wanted there. Now, M.
ACHILLE FOULD finds it an almost, if not quite,
impossible task to make ends meet as things now
stand. The occupation of Rome has been one of the
chief causes of the deficiencies of the French budget.
How will M. FOULD meet the charge for Mexico,
as well as Rome and Algeria ? From the latter the
EMPEROR cannot withdraw. At Rome all the
population and ali Italy wish him farther off; while
Mexico is said to be welcoming his army with open
arms. Quit Rome and go to Mexico, then, seems
to be the dictate of common sense. There La
Puebla, with its fifty thousand people, illuminates
to welcome the French soldiers ; at Reme they
would illuminate on bidding them farewell for ever
even an English correspondent writes that they
were received at Orizaba, another smaller town,
with every demonstration of joy. While the
few partisan soldiers who oppose them, flee al-
most as soon as attacked. Let Mexico, then,
take the place of Rome in French finance and
French military attentions. Italy can take better
care of itself than France can take of it ; while no
one can pretend that Mexico does not need a little
help, if merely to put down anarchy. The EMPEROR
would, we thick, be well advised, if he must be a
protector somewhere, to play that part in Mexico
than in Rome.

TUE QUEENS RETURN FROM

SCOTLAND.

EDINBURGH, MONDAY.
The Queen and Royal Family left Balmoral at
12 40 p.m., and posted to Aboyne. Thence they
travelled south by railway, passing Ferry-hill,
Aberdeen, at 3 50, and arriving at Perth, where
they dined, at 6 30. The journey was sesnmed at
7 p.m., and they will reach
Windsor at 9 0' clock
tomorrow morning.