The Sun.
London, England, 1862-03-20 00:00:00

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Lessee, Mr A. Harris.
THIS EVENING, CASH V. CUPID. Mr. Widdicomb,
Mr. Shcre, Miss Maria Harris, &c.
Atter which, at Eight o'clock, OTHELLO. lago, Mr.
Pechter ; Othello, Mr. Ryder.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI.-
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
TO-NIGHT, THE LIFE OF AN ACTRESS. Mr. and
Mrs. Dion Bouecault, Messrs. Emery, J. L. Toole, Billington,
Stuart, Ebume, Sefton, Powell, C. J. Smith ; Mrs. Billington,
Mrs. Harland, Mrs. H. Lewis, Miss Laidlaw.
After which, THE COLLEEN HAWN. Mr. and Mrs. D.
Blucicaulr, Mr. Billington, D. Fisher, C: J. Smith, S. Emery,
Stephenson ; Miss Woolgar, Mrs. Billington,

Commence at 7.

NEW ROYALTY THEATRE,
Dean-street, Oxford-street.

THIS EVENING, THE LOTTERY TICKET'.
To be tollowed by DELICATE GROUND. Miss Rebecca
Powell, from the Winter Gardens, New York ; Messrs. C.
Wyndham and D. James.
After which, the succesful Opera Buffo, entitled LE MARI-
AGE AUX LANTERNES. Mr. John Morgan, Mesdames
Stanley, Payne, and Mason.
To conclude with the Ballet Divertissement, HOMAGE TO
FLORA. Misses Clara and Barbara Morgan.
Commence at halt-past 7.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.-
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. W. Batty.
In consequence of the great sensation created by the won-
drous feats of the colossal Asiatic Elephants on the stage,
and in the circle, their truly marvellous Pertormance will be
continued till further not ce.
THIS EVENING, the Grand Eastern Spectacle of THE
RAJAH OF NAGPORE, with new and splendid dresses,
scenery, and decorations, introducing Mr. Bell's trained Ele-
ph, nts, pronounced by the Press and the Public the cleverest
animals ever exhibited.
To be followed by brilliant Scenes in the Circle by the
unrivalled Troupe 01 Equestrians.
Concluding with a comic Ballet of Action, introducinr, Mr.
Hairy Croueste (the favourite Clown to the Ring), the Misses
Gunnis, and the whole of the Corps de Ballet.
Commence at 7—Conclude at a quarter-past 11.
Stage Manager, Mr. W. Searle.

CANTERBURY HALL AND FINE
ARTS GALLERY.
VICTOR JULIEN, " THE FLYING MAN,"
(Last Week but One) at half-past Nine, in new and extraor-
dinary feats.
Grand Selections from "La Sonnambula," "Dinorah,"
and " La Circassienne, " by tldlle. Negri, with full Band
and Chorus, conducted by Mr. Jonghmans.
The COMIC by Mr. Randall, Mr. Frederick French, Mr.
J. l"orde, Messrs. Hilelebrandt and Ormond, and Miss
Caroline Parkes.
Admission—Hall, 6d. ; Stalls and Balcony, ls.

THE OXFORD, 6, OXFORD-STREET.-
EVERY EVENING.
HENRI and PFAU, in their intrepid Double Feats on the

Flying Trapeze.

Two Operatic Selections alternately from " Ernani,"
" Macbeth," "Il Trovatore," "La Traviata," "La Circas-
sienne," kc., by Miss Russell, Madame Enderssohn, Messrs.
Morley, Greene, C. Greville, and Albert. Full Band and
Chores—(Conductor—Mr. F. Jongtom.ns.) Violin Solos—
Mr.Viotti Collins, and other Vocal and Instrumental attrac-
tions. The Comic portion by Messrs. Sam Collins, Harvey
and French (the Nerves), E. Marshall, and IV Randall.

Hall, 6d.; Stalls and Balcony, ls. ; Private Boxes, 10s. 6d.

A Grand Morning Entertainment EVERY THURS-
DAY, at Two, HENRI and PFAU and the whole of the
Company, appear.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
T 4h. 32m.—Afternoon, 4h. 51m
To-moRROW.-Morning, sh, 16m.—Afternoon, sh. 39m,

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, MARCH 20, 1862,
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
47--highest since noon yesterday.
`'s—lowest tnis morning and during the night.
31—this day at noon.

BAROMETER-29.40 ; falling.
WIND—E.-N.-Easterly ; rather fresh, with dull, rainy,
cold weather.

NOTICE.

All remittances are, henceforth, to be made to
Mr. JOHN CHAPLIN, at The Sun office, 112,
Strand, who has been appointed, by the Lord
Chancellor, Receiver and Manager of The Sun
newspaper, and the outstanding debts due in
respect thereof.

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THE SUN.

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 20, 1862,

All the copious details of news, and the specu,,
latiorts of letter writers from the States are thrown
into the shade by the telegraphic summary of
President LINCOLN'S message which accompanies
them. At last we have a Presidential move on the
subject of slavery ; a hesitating, cautious, and con-
ciliatory one, it could but be from Mr. LINCOLN ;
but we are much mistaken if it will not develope a
new element in the struggle, should it not prove
the precursor of Lord RUSSELL'S predicted early
settlement. We do not exaggerate the importance
of this message, there is no need to do so ; for a
calm consideration of its bearing on the actual state
of the struggle between the North and the South,
and of its inevitable working on the future, will
show the suggestions of the President to have in-
trinsic importance enough.
The President invites the Houses to pass a joint
resolution offering pecuniary aid for the emanci-
rti'4 of slaves. Congress may decline to do this,
out even if it does, it cannot destroy the moral
effect, ut Itteh a recommendation from a President
who has refrained to the uttermost from dealing
hitherto with
slavery. Thousands in the North
who have till
cp:6o:__ been backward and timid on
'the slave
L'un, when they see their Chief
alagistrate reluctantly
compelled to propose
serious measures in reference to it, will take
courage, and become gradual emancipationists
at first, and if that cannot be carried, they will pro-
bably drop the qualifying Word,
and turn Aboli-
timists. The Message teca..te
cially evident
that Slavery is held by the first man i._
u the States
to stand in the way of restoration of the union.
It was well enough known before, but
"uvr the
most responsible authority in the States proclaims
the desirableness of emancipation, although con-
fessing it to be, on the compensation plan, as costly
trs the war. It is folly to extenuate the effect which
such a declaration frOm such an individual must
have with all the thoughtful and more wary part
of the Northern community.

Bat, for the present, wt.l may suppose the Congress
to concur with the suggestion of the PRESIDENT,
and its working will then be, in his judgment, that
of attaching the principal border States decidedly
to the North, and compelling the purely Southern
States to despair of regaining them. Mr. LINCOLN
thinks, we might perhaps layknows,that the purely
Slave-States trust less to their ovfn competency to

form a confederation, than to the hope, that if
they can effect a separation, the Border States will

eventually sympathise with them. Missouri, Ken-

,ucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and perhaps Maryland,

are their hope. Vast as the territory would be
south of these more important States, it would be
but a feeble power as a nation. The PRESIDENT
would deprive them of this hope. " The leaders of
the insurrection," he says, "hope that the Govern-

went will be ultimately forced to acknowledge the
independence of some part of the disaffected region,

and that then all the Slave States north of such

parts will say—' he Union for which we have

struggled being already gone, we now choose to
go with the Southern section.' " To deprive them of
this hope substantially ends the rebellion. The
initiation of emancipation completely deprives
them of it.

Probably late successes in the Western Border
States, and the Union feeling manifested there by
the people, have had something to do with the
PRESIDENT'S coming to the decision now before us ;
and it must be acknowledged to be an admirable
reconciliation of his determination not to interfere
with slavery unconstitutionally, and yet to use
emancipation as the means of embarrassing the
rebels. He can remark truly that his proposal
does not claim for the Federal Government a right
to interfere with slavery within the State limits,
it being left a matter of free choice with the States
to accept or reject the proposal. The Constitution
says, in explicit words, nothing about slavery ; it
enforces, however, on all free States, by an inten-
tionally periphrastic clause, the rendition of slaves
—that is all, and it is bad enough. But the Con-
stitution certainly leaves the general Government

free to co-operate with any of the States in any
way it pleases for any purpose. We have no right
to complain of a President for thus keeping com-
pletely within the limits of the Constitution he has
sworn to defend, and from observing an oath from
which nothing but circumstances of absolute necessity
can liberate him. What he now proposes is perhaps
as terrible to his opponents by its political modera-
tion as by its obvious tendency. They will see that

it points to universal ultimate emancipation ; but
they will be unable to represent it as an act of
political war on the slave States. It is, as he
describes it, an "initiation" of emancipation, yet
it is not even such an interference on the
subject as was our own in the West Indies.
If the resolution be carried, it would seem
almost certain that the slaveholders generally in
the Border States will gladly avail themselves of
it ; and even in the slave states themselves, the
possibility of a change without injury to their
pockets will soon begin to shake the prejudices of
great numbers. Mr. LINCOLN sensibly observes
in regard to slaveholders :—" In the proposition
now made, though only an offer, I ask whether the
pecuniary aid tendered would not be of more value
to the States and private persons concerned than
are the institution and property in it in the present
aspect of affairs." Surely property which can run
away at pleasure during war, and which may never
again be protected by a fugitive slave law, will be
held by thousands to be of less value than the
" pecuniary aid offered by the Government."
As to the ways and means of furnishing the
pecuniary aid, the PRESIDENT truly enough points
out that the cost could not exceed that of war. The
eventual cost would indeed be far less than a war
carried on with determination on both sides. The
sacrifice of life, health, money, and property en-
tailed on the Union by a few years of determination
on the part of the North to recover all for the
Union, and of the South to resist to the last, would
undoubtedly far surpass any expense incurred by
gradual emancipation. At the same time the poli-
tician would have the grand result before him in
the latter case of a Union free, or steadily freeing
itself, from :what has been hitherto its disgrace
and hindrance.

We observe that a contemporary who always
leans to the South and their cause, represents the
proposal of the PRESIDENT as important only as a
" bid " towards putting an end to the war. It is
suggested that other bids may follow, and that the
North may gradually rise in its offers till the South
accepts its terms. But certainly there is little in
the temper of the North so far as we can under-
stand it here, to warrant such a supposition. Their
late victories in all the exultation they occasioned,
suggested amnesty indeed, and fair terms, but
unconditional return to the Union was all along
assumed as indispensable. What the Southern
politicians demand, however, and what the North
will suffer long before it concedes, is independence.
Everything else the North can offer the South could
have had from Congress at the time it seceded.
Mr.LTNcoLN himself declares war to be in dispensable
as long as there is resistance and that his proposal
is offered, not as a bid, at least not one for peace- i
ful separation—but the very reverse—he tells us
himself that by depriving them of all hope of gain-
ing the Border States he shall substantially end the
rebellion ;" and " tha initiation of emancipation" he
says " completely deprives them of hope of the
Border States."
We begin to hope, therefore, that though the
President begins in the mildest and most concilia-
tory form, yet that as "the initiation of emarci-
pation" is the policy on which he relies, the result
will be only a succession of " bids" to make eman-
cipation more and more probable. At the effect of
of the Message on all parties—on senators and re-
presentatives, on Conservatives and Radicals, as de-
scribed by the New York Herald, we cannot won-
der. Another great Federal victory would not
have been so really important as the President's
emancipation Message.

Looking towards Warsaw through the Russian
lorgnette, all goes on there couleur de rose and
" swimmingly." It is so charming a novelty in
itself to mark how this possibly can be in the
ancient capital of Poland, that it is really worth
looking at. The latest occasion for this display of
loyalty and of willing submission on the part of
the inhabitants, we learn—still from our official in-
formant—was the recurrence but a little more
than a week ago of the ever-memorable ninth of
March, a day so delightful for the Poles to call to
their remembrance, inaugurating as it did so many
resylendant and consolatory hopes, in regard to
which of course the Polish population have never
once in any particular been even for an instant
doomed to anything like disappointment. The
-ninth of March ! Does not every Pole's heart " the
wide world o'er," al Lon,. or in exile, thrill to re-
member it ? The anniversary of the accessiun to
the Imperial throne of the Autocrat of All the
Russias and their dependencies, of his Majesty tLe
Emperor ALEXANDER 11. What abundant reasons
or gratitude the in habitants of Russian Poland have,
to be "Ire, whenever they call to mind that famous
ninth of March, when—in the very crisis of the
Crimean
War (just after the agonies of that dreadful
winter had been
Paned through by the Allied armies
before Sebastopol)---another Czar ALEXANDER
ascended that awfal throne
of the great Northern
Autocracy, from which the Rouse of ROMANOFF
rules, with an absolute authority, the destinies of
sixty millions of their fellow creatures.

Once before there was an Emperor ALEXANDER,
who came into possession of the eceptre of pwrxit