The Sun.
London, England, 1865-12-07 00:00:00

America and England.

Tho London Spectator (says the New York Evening Post)
labors to convince Englishmen that the United States are
not likely to make war upon England. It strikes Ameri-
cans oddly that it should bo necessary to make an argu-
ment on this point. If Englishmen who aro alarmed at such
a prospect could know the mind of the American people
they would seo that what they fear is as improbable as
almost any possible event could bo.

We do not want to go to war with England ; the
American people understand very well that the chief suf-
ferers by such a war would be the English people—they
were our true friends during the war; the aristocracy
would not suffer. Our people understand, too, that the
example of our successful Republican Government will
have much greater power in England, and will be of much
greater use to the Liberal party there, if the two coun-
tries remain at pearo, than if thoy fall by the ears
together.
But it is true that Americans enjoy the dilemmas in
which the British Government has placed itself by its con-
duct towards the United States during the late war. We
are amused at the Fenian attempt, and cannot help chaffing
John Bull when we see him falling into a dreadful "funk"
at the prospect of a rising in Ireland. We remind him, at
such a time, of Alabamas, and of blockade runners, and of
Fenian war supplies drawn from America, as, until last
April, Davis's supplies were drawn from England. We
talk to the respectable Bull about acknowledging the bel-
ligerency of the Fenians, &c. In short, wo "Yankees"
aro a laughter-loving people, and it is scarcely to bo ex-
pected that we should lose so good a joke as this Fenian
excitement in England gives us.
As for our claims against England on account of the
Alabama's depredations, &c., let no Englishman flatter
himself we aro going to war to get thorn settled. While
they aro unsettled England gives us most important host-
ages for good behaviour. If sho chooses to deny the
justice of these claims, she puts herself in our power the
first time she goes to war, and wo are neutral. It may be
said, indeed, that we aro presenting our claims for da-
mages out of pure kindness to England. Their payment will
bind us hereafter to the most thorough and real neutrality,
just as the refusal to pay will establish a precedent which
will hereafter place our shipyards, our machine shops, our
gun foundries, our coal mines, at the service of any Power
at war with England, and enable Americans to build and
equip Alabamas and Shenandoahs to sweep British com-
merce from the seas the first time England goes to war
with even a fourth-rate Power.

No—we do not need war with England; we have too
many advantages on our side already. We are laughing
at her, and that is better than fighting her. We expect
her to keep her fingers out of the Mexican pie, which it
will presently be our duty to cut up. We may have some
trouble with Napoleon, if our Government does not wisely
and firmly show him that he must "get out of Mexico."
But for the prosont wo have no desire to fight England;
and as for our little claims, we do not need the money,
but England does need, for her own comfort and safety, to
settle certain principles and points of international law and
practice ; and it is very kind in us to give her a chance to
sottlo them in a way advantageous to herself. What could
be of worse omen for English commerce, what could be
more embarrassing to her, than for us to withdraw now
these claims, and simply say we will accept your reading
of the laws and act accordingly in the future ! Such a
course, we imagine, would give every sensible Englishman
alarm and annoyance.