The Sun.
London, England, 1862-09-16 00:00:00

No BEISFORD:SQUAR.E. London.

DR. CURTIS' MEDICAL WORK, MANHOOD :
ETITC L ESSAY ON SPERMA TO RIME A,
NERVOUS AND CTENER.ATIVE DEBILITY, &C.
'r et Published, the 150th thousand, with numerous plates,
in a sealed envelope, price is., ;old by all Booksellers, and
sent post paid, by the Author, for 12 stamps,
ANHOOD : the CAUSE end CURE of PRE-
/ MATURE DECLINE IN MAN, with Plain Directions
for Perfect Restoration to Health and Vigour. By Dr. J. L.
Ctrrirm, i Albernaarle-street, Piccadilly, Loudon.

CONTENTS:
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER on the Physiological
Structure and Functions of thoCeproductive Organs.
CITA PTER IL—Causes of Spermatorrhea and Impotence;
Fr.ri7 Vicious indulgences; Dangers of Neglect.
CHAPTER 111 .—A Review of the various Disqualifleations
Marriage ; whether resulting from Youthful Abuse, the
Pollles of Maturity the Effects of Climate, or Infection.
CHAPTERS IV. and V. on the modern Treatment of
Gonorrhea and Syphilis.
The Book oneludes with numerous varied and interesting
"BM to which is added the Author's recipe of p. preventive
Lotion.

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westward of the crests of the Allegheny mountains,
which traverse the state from north-east to south-
west in an unbroken chain, rising from 2,000 to
4,000 feet above the ocean level, and of course no-
where perpetually snow-covered or impassable,
though the roads which cross them are narrow and
bad, two or three great turnpikes excepted. The
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad crosses them at this
end of the state, and is held by the Unionists, nearly
all the other railroads, whereby the state is amply
gridironed, are (save for a few miles around Wash-
ington) in the hands of the traitors. West Virginia
is almost unanimously free labour and loyal, and is
held by the Unionists. Little fighting has been
done there for months, and it is presumed nearly
bare of troops. The rebels predominate in the ex-
treme south-west of it.

2. The Valley of Virginia, so called, is deep, very
fertile, and from 40 to 80 miles wide, lying between
the crests of the Alleghanies and the Blue Ridge,
which runs parallel to them on the south-east. This
valley is traversed by the Shenandoah river, Ns, hich
rises south and west of the centre of the state, and
pursues a generally north-east course to its junction
with the Potomac at Harper's Ferry, 40 miles north-
west of Washington city. Winchester, Strasburg,
'Woodstock, Harrisonburg, and Staunton are the
principal places in the Valley. The Blue Ridge is
lower and smaller than the Alleghanies (holding
much the same relation to them as the Jura to the
Alps), and is broken by repeated " Gaps," through
one of which the Manassas Gap Railroad makes its
way into the valley (which it connects with Alex-
andria) at Front Royal, which is near the junction
of the two principal branches of the Shenandoah,
some twenty-five miles above Winchester and
fifty from Harper's Ferry. The white inhabi-
tants of the valley are mainly secessionists,
and the valley above Front Royal was mostly in
their possession prior to the events of last week.
We presume that they now hold everything south
of Winchester, and may have that city.
3. Eastern Virginia consists of the residue of the
State (all south-east of the Blue Ridge), being about
half the area, and probably containing a little more
than half the entire population. Its railroads mainly
centre upon Richmond (the rebel capital), though
one from Leesburg, a few miles north of Washing-
ton, and another from the south-west, reach the
Potomac at Alexandria. The Manassas Gap Rail-
road diverges from the latter at Manassas Junction,
30 miles south of west of Washington city, runs
westwardly through the Gap into the valley, and so
to Strasburg, whence it follows up the north fork of
the Shenandoah, and comes to a stand at Mount
Jackson, half way between Woodstock and Harri-
sonburg, which are the capitals respectively of the
counties of Shenandoah and Rockingham, mainly
settled by Germans of a very old emigration, and
famous for always voting solid for whatever is called
the democratic ticket.

4. The Rappahannock Rives rises in the Blue
Ridge, but a few miles from the south fork of the
Shenandoah, and pursues au easterly course to
Fredericksburg, some 60 miles south-south-west of
Washington city, where it is within 10 miles of
the Potomac. It has here become a broad navigable
stream, though its extreme sources are hardly 80
miles distant. From Fredericksburg it has a gene-
ral south-east course till it is lost in Chesapeake
Bay, some 25 miles below the mouth of the Poto-
mac. For the present its course below Fredericks-
burg is commanded by the Union gunboats, but
above that city it becomes disputable, and has for
months in good part divided the Union from the
rebel forceg. It naturally forks towards its source
into innumerable streams and rivulets, but at first
some 10 miles above Fredericksburg, into two main
branches, whereof that coming from the north-west
retains the name of Rappahannock, while that from
the south-west is known as the Rapidan.

5. When Gen. Halleck, after Gen. M'Clellan's
change of base to the James River, was called to the
command-in-chief of the Union armies, it appears
to have been resolved that General M'Clellan's army
must be withdrawn from the peninsula, and united
with the Union army then covering Washington on
the south and west. General Pope, also from the
west, has just before been called to the command of
this latter force, known as " the army of Virginia,"
in contradistinction from General M'Clellan's, still
awkwardly designated " the army of the Potomac."
General M'Clellan is understood not to have con-
curred in the advisability of evacuating the penin-
sula, wishing to be reinforced where he was, and
to move thence upon Richmond once more. He
was finally overruled ; but his opposition is said to
have delayed the commencement and retarded the
conclusion of his return to the Potomac, which was
finally effected some ten days ago. Some portion
of his late army still holds Yorktown and the penin-
sula below that point to Fortress Monroe.
6. When it was decided that General M'Clellan
should evacuate the peninsula, General Popo was
pushed forward into the heart of Eastern Virginia,
to make a diversion in his favour. To this end, his
cavalry made repeated and damaging dashes at the
railroad connecting Richmond with Gordonsville,
an important railroad junction, nearly 100 miles
north-west, while the bulk of Pope's army—then
some 50,000 strong—advanced down the Orange
and Alexandria Railroad, which, running south
westwardly, connects Alexandria, via Gordonsville
sou - course,w citrhossLinygncbhobthurtghe innapthpaehafnar.
ssed both these
nock and the Rapidan. Pope also cro
and t
south-west—of
w Charlottesville,est—
of
s bordmate charged
os terceuapmi
esd,
Ga nodr d
ownassvreportedt h
ea t
uo n e t. inie to have
with that movement failed to execute it.

the rebel attention from M'Clellan's retreat down
7. Pope's advance, as was calculated, distracted
the peninsula, and collected their forces in his
front. Being soon out-numbered, he was ordered
to fall back, and did so. The bloody but inde-
cisive battle of " Cedar Mountain" was fought be-
tween the advance of the two armies respectively,
just north of the Rapidan, on August 9. Jackson
soon after retreated across the Rapidan, probably
to tempt, Pope further from his resources. After
some days' desultory skirmishing, Pope fell back
across the Rappahannock, and stood at bay, guard-
ing the innumerable fords of that river, along a line
of 2U or 30 miles. The position was, of course, ad-
vantageous to the defensive party, but liable to be
broken through by massing a heavy force at either
of a score of points, and breaking the defensive line
by a resolute effort. Still, though the enemy
(having ordered up everything from Richmond)
i o us effortWhilehteo pt
hi eurse es
tGo
oedn e roaal Pope's
guard, I i
an erebel
were undoubtedly much the stronger in numbers,
cnmalvdsaeelrr'y force under Stuart, some 1,000 to 1,200 in
pierced his lines at some unguarded ford
Catlett's Station
and made
made a circuit in his rear, surprising his head-
quarter'son the evening of the
making a considerable haul of his papers,
) to Pope's weakly.
with some money and prisoners. Stuart was, of
guaerdwecalshelamd:
ominous stillness prevailed
distant,vtheinmoiulersiines.
but one was captured,
sqoo
enfThfi
the
at
sr
trts
aehhffbey:
florsfo traitors
il
whomid front,
ot fwwte
but
the
Rappahannock.
with most
What are they
expectant
forces. course,22dan
gal: i d , . d
8. For some days all
duels were invited from that
skirmishes or artillery
.tomoruhra
queries. They were
about ?" were the wondering
expectation that
soon to be answered, and current .
side.foree SE. ew"lmArehne rsehoawr are a
the themselves
rebels
the traitor chiefs would not await the rapid
IV.IIID c'toll Was not Con-
centration of our new levies at T, as b
to be disappointed.
9. Early on Sunday morning, August 24th,

Stonewall Jackson, with some 30 or 40 thousand
trusted veterans in the lightest matching order,
without tents or waggons save for ammunition, left
the rebel lines south of the Rappahannock and
moved westward, unknown to and unsuspected
by Pope. Winding his wav among the
sources of the Rappahannock in the Blue
Ridge, by roads unknown to our side, he
turned the right flank of our army, and, emerging
unperceived at Thoroughfare Gae, about half way
between Manassas Junction and Front Royal, his
advance, consisting of Stuart's cavalry, swooped
down upon our depot of provisions, clothing, stores,
&c., at Manassas, like a hawk among a brood of
chickens. The small force guarding that point was
soon dispersed or captured, and our heavy stores
were appropriated so far as possible and the rest
destroyed. Railroad trains conveying provisions
and munitions to Pope and bringing back wounded,
sick, empty cars, &c., were captured and destroyed ;
those in charge of them running into the jaws of
the wolf while unouspecting any danger.
10. The capture of the junction was soon known
in Washington, and the Ist New Jersey brigade,
under General Taylor, sent down to rectify matters,
no one suspecting that there was anything more
serious than another cavalry dash at our lines of
communication. But by this time, a considerable
force of rebel infantry and artillery had come up,
and General Taylor's trigade and trimmings were
sent to the right about with little ceremony, and
with a loss of several hundred prisoners, who were
paroled as soon as possible. And still the junc-
tion, hardly 30 miles from Washington, and nearly
so far in the rear of General Pope, was firmly held
by the rebels, who challenged' all corners.
11. Thus far, General Pope would seem to have
been completely circumvented. It was nearly
Wednesday morning before he knew a word of the
nice business going on in his rear. When he did
learn it, he appears to have acted with a judgment
and decision of which our army movements
hitherto have evinced a plentiful lack. Instead of
sending back a brigade to re-open his communica-
tion, he at once divined that this was no mere
cavalry raid on his stores, but a daring if not
desperate attempt to isolate him and fall with
crushing weight on some part of our forces, pre.
liminary to a bold push upon Washington or Bal-
timore. So he promptly faced about and started
from Warrenton and its vicinity with his whole
force—now swelled by reinforcements to some
60,000 or 70,000—determined to know what all
this meant. He marched in three columns by
parallel roads. His central column under
Hooker (Pope himself with it) first en-
countered a rebel force that afternoon at Kettle
Run, a few miles below Manassas, and pushed it
back, killing and wounding 300 of them. Pushing
on to Manassas next morning (Thursday), Pope
found that place had been evacuated three hours
before Mr. Stonewall Jackson, who had moved to
Centreville (north) and thence westward up Bull
Run—doubtless to avoid a conflict with superior
forces and form a speedier junction with the re-
mainder of the rebel army, which was more slowly
following on his devious way from the south side
of the Rappahannock. M‘Dowell and Sigel's corps
followed and overtook him, and a fight ensued with
a general advantage to our side, which was only
terminated by darkness. Jackson held his ground
with desperate tenacity, knowing that a disorderly
retreat was destruction, while the bulk of General
Lee's army must be coming rapidly to his rescue.
We took 1,000 prisoners.
12. Friday morning, General Pope concentrated
his forces and pushed on after Jackson, who by this
time had been heavily reinforced by the rebel
main army. A desperate battle ensued, partly on
the Bull Run battle-ground of last year, our
troops this time approaching it from the south.
The Unionists had the best of it, holding the battle-
ground at. dark, though with a loss of eight thou-
sand killed and wounded. General Pope estimates
the rebel loss at twice that number. We were the
assailants throughout.
13. The next morning (Saturday) the positions
were reversed. The rebel grand army—estimated
at two hundred thousand in all—had now nearly
or quite all come up, and they, being much the
stronger party, assumed the offensive. They
gained ground upon us during the day. At
night General Pope's headquarters were at Cen-
treville, to which strong position his whole army
had fallen back in good order, and where he had
just been joined by Franklin's corps, while
Sumner's was well on the way to him. (These arc
among the best portions of the late army of the
Peninsula.) The two parties had gradually swung
round during these terrible conflicts, so that our
army is once more iu communication with Wash-
ington, while the rebels probably hold the posi-
tions west and south of Bull Run. Pope unques-
tionably is in a position of such strength that Le can
defy the enemy till he is so reinforced that he can
again assume the offensive, while, in the meantime,
he is already so strong that they will not venture
to leave him in their rear for any advance toward
the Northern Potomac.

NEW TAXES IN THE UNITED STI7ES

(From the New York Herald, Sept. 1.)
To-day begins a new era of this country. To-day
the nationai tax law goes into operation. Beyond
a few local and State taxes, which were felt by none
but owners of real estate, this country has never
been taxed before. We have jogged along quietly
and comfortably, and have amused ourselves greatly
by laughing at the over-taxed people of England,
where a man is taxed from the cradle to the grave ;
where light, heat, and water are taxed, and where
not only every rich man, but even the poorest pea-
sant, is obliged to pay largely for the privilege
of existence and the blessings of bad govern-
ment. Now, however, the laugh is to be on the
other side. We, too, are to pay taxes, :and it be-
hoves us to remember the great object for which they
are imposed, and to bear them with a good grace.
Taxes are a very bitter medicine ; but if well taken,
the benefits they will confer upon the nation are
incalculable.

A heavy tax is one of the necessities of this war.
Hitherto wo have paid our war debts with paper
money, or promises to pay, and now these promises
to pay must be redeemed. There are very few sorts
of business that will escape taxation, and the in-
come tax reaches all classes of our citizens, except
those who do not earn over 600 doll. a year. Even
these poorer classes will be indirectly taxed by the
rise in the prices of all kindsof articles, from clothes
tc patent medicines. In general terms, then, the
tax may be said to include every person, and no
one can avoid being affected and influenced by it.
Already our gas companies have notified their
customers that 15 per cent. will be added to their
bills to meet the tax. This measure has excited
much grumbling and dissatisfaction, but it is
perfectly fair and legal. The principle that
the consumer pays the tax
.is equitable, be-
cause the shoemaker makes up the tax that
he pays for gas by raising the price of his
boots and shoes; the tailor who buys boots and
shoes raises the price of clothing ; the merchant who
buys clothing raises the price of his goods; and so,
all being at once consumers and manuf.lcturers, the
tax comes equally upon dl. Persons with fi xt2cl
salaries will feel the tax most, and pay the most
taxes. _

The effect of the tax will be to deepen
publi3 sen-
timent. The people will be loss ready to excme the
mistakes of our Government and
polular our generals, and
the administration will either be immensely
or unpopular in exact proportion to its merits. The
war will be better conducted, for every man, hrsing
to pay his money towards carrying on the war will
insist and assist that it shall he properly prosecuted
and speedily and gloriously concluded. Greater
economy will become necessary both in nationai and
personal affairs. The people will now see Out a

I
Government contract job is a swindle upon each one
of them personally, and that robbing the national
treasury is precisely equivalent to picking every
citizen's pocket. This knowledge will make the
public less careless in the selection of officials, and
less inclined to overlook or forget any official cor-
ruption. Thus the taxes will reform the Govern-
ment by reforming the people. The necessities of
personal economy will make the people terribly in
earnest in regard to national economy, and ex-
tremely sensitive in regard to the utterances of the
press, which professes to bo the organ of the people.
When people who now wear several coats a-year
can afford only one or two ; when ladies who now
wear half a dozen silk dresses a-year get along
nicely with one, and ladies who have one get along
nicely with muslins; when people who now have a
dozen dishes for dinner can afford but simple fare;
when!hotels are compelled to give more comfort and
less luxury ; when restaurants are obliged to cut
down their bills of fare; when those who now ride
in cars and stages prefer to walk; and when those
who roll in their own carriages patronise the cars
and stages; when fine ladies reduce both the size
and the number of their bonnets, and adorn them-
selves more with nature's roses and less with
jewels and laces; when persons who now reside in
large houses move into smaller ones ; when persons
who now live in palatial mansions exchange brown
stone and marble for plain brick—then every man,
woman, and child will have a personal interest in
the government and in the war, and we may be
assured that the government will be more respected
and better administered, and the war more ener-
getically and vigorously conducted. None value a
thing so much as they who pay dearly for it.

We have no doubt, then, that the effect of taxa-
tion will be most beneficial to the national character
and the national welfare. The Americans are a
very adaptive people, and very seldom quarrel with
circumstances, greatly preferring to make the best
of what cannot be avoided. To the astonishment of
all Europe we have begged to be taxed, and now we
shall astonish Europe still more by paying our
taxes as readily and supporting them as easily and
turning them to our own advantage as speedily
as if we had never known what immunity from
taxation was, or as if we accepted the tax as a
special blessing, even though it be a blessing in
disguise.

CIVIL LIBERTY IN AMERICA.

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
NEW YORK, SEPT. 1.

While this war of blood is raging in the South
and the South-West, and in most of the Border
States, it is not unprofitable to turn from the hor-
rors of the battlefield to contemplate that other war,
of a different description, which is raging through
the North, a war of the Government struggling
for its existence, and which it not only wages
against the South, but against its own citizens and
every principle of liberty on which the Republic
was based. The Government, weak one day and
strong the next, sees " treason,' everywhere, and
runs blindly against it to crush it if possible, and,
if not, to punish it. Jesting Pilate asked what
was " Truth ?" The Northern people, who are in
no jesting mood, nor likely to be for many years,
are seriously asking their Government what is
" Treason ?" Every day the offence increases, yet
none of the smart lawyers in the Cabinet seem to
be able to define it. It is treason to discourage
enlistments. It is treason in a journeyman
painter to say that Mr. Lincoln is a " humbug,"
but it is not treason in a highly accomplished
orator and profound thinker to say that the Pre-
sident is a " tortoise"—a man without a backbone,
and utterly incompetent. It is treason to say that
Stonewall Jackson is a far Letter general than Pope
or Halleck. It is treason to say that the Govern-
ment is corrupt, and the public debt oppressive. It
is treason to say that the hab:as corpus ought not
to be suspended. But it is not treason to say that
" the Union is a league with death and a covenant
with hell ;" that slavery ought to be abolished in
South Carolina, without the consent of the people
of that State ; and that union, merely for the sAke
of union, is preferable to liberty of speech and ac-
tion—preferable to unindebteduess, preferable to
prosperity public and private, preferable to every
social blessing for which men have been accustomed
to strive since the dawn of civilisation. But among
all the charges of treason upon which people have
been lately torn from their homes and business and
consigned to the horrors of police dungeons, or the
more dignified miseries of Forts Lafayette or War-
ren, by the authority of the Government, the one
upon which a working mechanic named Mars was
arrested in this city last Saturday is the most sur-
prising. If the Society of friends in England is not
aroused to sufficient activity to memorialise the Go-
vernment for his release, or to send a deputation to
Washington to remonstrate with Mr. Lincoln, all
that can be said is that peace in Russia and peace
in America are not equally dear to the followers of
George Fox, or the believers in John Bright. Marx
was employed in a shot and shell manufactory, and
being, of course, quite familiar with the deadly na-
ture of the articles he compounded and constructed,
exclaimed to a comrade as he saw a squad of fine
fellows, in their new uniforms, marching down
Broadway, the drums beating, the star-spangled
banner floating proudly over their heads, Bce., and
the admiring women and little boys surveying the
brave spectacle, "There goes another lot of d--
fools to be shot." He was overheard by a
policeman, arrested for treason, carried before
the Provost Marshal, and by that awful func-
tionary detained in prison till Mr. Stanton or
Mr. Seward shall decide his future fate: Marx
' scorned to deny his words, but added, more
in explanation than in vindication, that he only
spoke the common opinion of the shop. Bating the
oath, which Mr. Bright would probably not employ,
there was nothing in the poor workman's opinion,
backed as it was by his professional experience, that
that eminent statesman would not have aprroved,
and which he did not frequently express when his
country was engaged in the Russian war. It is to
be hoped, if this little incident reach his ears, and
if his views upon war, the military art, and the
construction of shot and shell, remain unchanged,
that he will admit that it is safer to say in England
that a soldier and raw recruit is a fool, than to say
so either with or without a profane past participle
in America.

This case of Marx is sufficient to prove that trea-
son is a very vague as well as elastic charge in the
present temper of the Northern Government and
people ; but, bad as it is, that of the ten persons
—brokers, merchants, and others, in Wall-street,
arrested for organising a joint-stock association for
procuring substitutes for enlistment, is still worse.
Though these persons were imprisoned on an ex post
facto law, though one—if not two—of them had
actually subscribed large sums to favour enlist-
ments, and was known as a rabid patriot, eager for
the sanguinary prosecution of the war—he and his
companions have fared alike, and have all been
consigned to Fort Lafayette. The case of Colonel.
James W. Wall, of New Jersey, is quite
.as signi-
ficant. ficant. That gentleman made a speech a few days
ago, denouncing the arbitrary arrest
.of
tcria:ionus
without warrant—a speech full of illustrations
no
from the history of England, a speech
bluetan ot pa doubt, and and very much to the purpose, s
,cli the fol..
ticularly novel or profound, and
bs3g o that
lowing is about the strangest lit"
year ag
in
,W,,nie:--" had
any onr.," said he, "informed me e
dangerous prin-
ciples less than a twelvemonth
admission
of the right of
ciples embodied in the
volition, to suspend
the President, by his . simple,o f habeas corpus, would
the privilege of the '
wrniot
only by men professing
have been enunciated,
the
1 I would simply have
to be statesmen, but,
well-earned
it
°rid?"
But if, added to this, I had
:Would contend that the
.._yr.tshtes,se who justly wear
pronounc®d it absurd.
been told that such men

I President, by virtue of his position as Commander:
in-chief, had during a rebellion not only the right
to declare the existence of martial law anywhere in
the loyal States, but actually to delegate the power
to subordinates, I should have looked upon my in-
formant as a fit subject for the investigating power
of a Court of Chancery es to his lunacy. And yet
today both these strange circumstances exist. rI he
President lays claim to this tremendous power.
. . . Heaven preserve us if this be so!" For this
and other mild thunder Mr. Wall was arrested.
Mr. Olden, the Governor of New Jersey, not feel-
ing satisfied on the matter, is reported to have tele-
, graphed to the President to know the charges pre-
ferred against theprisoner. The reply in one word
was " Treason." The Governor, still more dissa-
tisfied, sent a second telegram to Mr. Lincoln, dec-
laring that the arrest or incarceration of any citizen
of New Jersey, a State not under martial law, un-
less upon the usual affidavits and the hearing of the
case in the ordinary way before the ordinary tribu-
nals, was illegal; and that, if necessary, he should
feel it his duty to call out the whole of the State
militia to prevent the execution of the order. And
so the matter rests. If Mr. Olden has done as re-
ported, and has courage enough to abide by his
work, the Government will yield the point, and
after a week's incarceration Mr. Wall will be re-
leased with a reprimand. But even the Americans
—so ready to sacrifice their liberties for the sake of
an unreal and valueless if not impossible Union—
must confess, if passion will allow them to think,
that if the expressian of such sentiments be trea-
son, law and liberty in the Federal States are at
an end, and that a man might just as well live in
Venice or Warsaw as in Jersey or New York, or
any city of the North. The statesmen of Wash-
ington do not attempt a precise definition of the i
crime which they punish ; but it becomes
clearer every day that treason in a Repub-
lican is not the same thing as treason in a Demo-
crat, nor in a rich man as in a poor one. It is
treason to discourage enlistments if the speaker be,
like Colonel Wall, a member of the great but tem-
porarily defeated party that elected all the Presi-
dents prior to Mr. Lincoln; but it is not treason-
able to discourage enlistments if the offender voted
for Mr. Lincoln, or if he be a supporter of the Re-
publican party in his State, city, or district. Last
week a rich Democrat and a rich Republican were
arrested by the over-officious police and sent to
prison without trial for treason overheard by spies
and informers. The Republican was discharged,
with a warning by telegraphic order from Washing-
ton. The Democrat remains in custody. The
Republican expressed distrust of Mr. Lincoln be-
cause he would not abolish slavery. The Democrat
expressed distrust of the Government because it had
interfered with slavery, and notably because it had
abolished that institutions in the district of Co-
lumbia. To be a Disunionist is a crime in every-
body except in those who are the greatest of Dis-
unionists, and who, by their agitation of the slavery
question for five and twenty years, produced that
hatred and estrangement in the South which in
their turn produced secession. "Better," says Mr.
Casius M. Clay, " to recognise the Confederacy at
once, and stop the effusion of blood, than have a
restoration of the Union as it was." That is to
say, a restoration of the Union guaranteeing the
right of the Southern States to hold their slaves.
Mr. Clay, who spoke more treason than the poor
shot and shell manufacturer, has been intrusted
with a command in the Federal army, and has not
been sent to a police dungeon or to Fort Lafayette.
Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, said in the Senate, "I
much more desire to see slavery exterminated than
I do to see the Union restored." And he,
though a Disunionist, and consequently guilty of
treason, has not been introduced to the Provost-
Marshal. Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts,
Mr. Wendell Phillips, and others of the same
school, speak Disunionism every day of their lives,
and no Provost-Marshal's myrmidon ever taps them
on the shoulder; while for tne offence, that ought
to be considered no offence at all in a free country,
of denouncing the corruption and incapacity of the
Government, Mr. Ingersoll being a Democrat, has
been consigned to prison by military authority with-
out form of law, detained there for nearly a week,
and then discharged with a caution—to bring his
action for false imprisonment against the Provost-
Marshal at some future time, if he have courage and
patriotism to risk so much on behalf of his country.
But the President only punishes his political ad-
versaries. His friends are allo wed to say what they
please. Besides, he avows himself to be both a Dis-
unionist and a revolutionist, and cannot well punish
his friends for agreeing with him, The right of any
State to hold slaves is part of the Union and the
Constitution, which Mr. Lincoln has sworn to up-
hold. Were a majority of the people of New York
and Pennsylvania, legally convened for the purpose,
to decree that slavery should bo re-established in
those States, Mr. Lincoln would have no right to
interpose or object, but would be bound by oath to
respect the decision and enforce it. But in his let-
ter to Mr. H. Greeley he says, "If I could save the
Union by destroying the rights of all the States, I
would do it ; and if I could save it by destroying the
lights of some, and leaving others alone, I would
also do that." Had a Democrat leader made such
a declaration with respect to the undoubted rights
of any Northern State, or declared that for the sake
of the Union he would extend slavery as readily as
he would abolish it, there can be little doubt that he
would not be allowed a second opportunity to say
or write such " treason," but that he would be safely
cabined in Fort Lafayette at a day's notice, to con-
sort with hundreds of similar unfortunates who
pine in that prison on charges of which they do not
know the nature, which may be utterly unfounded,
or which have been preferred against them in secret
by persons whose names they are not permitted to
discover.

And if a Government of lawyers (for Mr.LineolnJ
Mr. Seward, Mr. Stanton, and Mr. Chase areti all
attorneys) cannot 'define treason, nor agree Pu 2
those
any certain form of impartial punishment
for
r at
who may be guilty of it, no one can be surprisedae i Butler
the rough-and-ready mode which General
compe-
adopts in New Orleans, and which
andnedness has
titor for the distinction of strong-sha
.
Louis, 1,400
just adopted in the luckless city o.f General Scho-
miles higher up the Mississiptphi-e
district, has is-
field, the Military Governor of the
tribute of 300,000
sued an order assessing a tassouthern sympathizers,
dols. upon Secessionists, 0 city and county of St.
and other " traitors" in
the
collected without delay.,
Louis. The money is to_,in, and feeding th© en-
and used in clothing, r" service, and in provid-
,ionf killed"
rolled militia whilet
Each families of militiamen
ing for the suPPSorgtitute. This is sharp practice,
as may be left this master of strong battalions is
especially whertl lawgiver all in one, and has to de-
judge,"
of sympathy which makes the guilt
jury-,
amount in dollars which will be
fine the deg:r
as well as —er
e it. But, sharp, oppressive,
sufficient
t°pug
as it
unconstitutional . is, it is preferable to the
Washington system, which sends a man to prison,
and ruins his business, and his health, without
making the State a cent the richer by the process.
In 111inois;the President's own State, it would
appelr that treason—if by treason be meant sym-
pathy with the South—or a 107 e of the liberties
supposed to be gulrantPed by the Constitution, is
more systematic, if not more rampant, than in New
York. It 18 alleged that there are in that. State no
leE'S than 15,000 members of an organization call-
ing itself " The Golden Circle," and of which every
member or " knight " takes an oath on being initi-
ated,
which binds him to resist such encroachments
on the public liberty as the incarceration of people
in forts or bastiles without trial, and on the ma-
supported testimony of spies au,l informers. It is
furthermore stated that the organization is widely
extended throughout the North and West; that
members are to be found even in Massachusetts; and
!that, happen what may in the conduct or fr)rt

Wall-street was greatly excited yesterday, but the
premium on gold advanced no more than 1 per
cent. The cessation of hostilities since Saturday,
betokening exhaustion on both sides, is interpreted
as more favourable to the Federals than to the
Confederates, and has led to a quieter feeling.
It is believed that the Confederates cannot be
reinforced, that they have put forth their whole
strength, and will stand or fall by what they
have got ; whereas the Federals receive reinforce-
ments every hour. But the number of such re-
inforcements is neither known nor stated, and
may not be so large as Wall-street hopes and
believes.