The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON- TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER is, 1861

completely at their mercy ; indeed, this despatch
seems to be buethe repetition of yielding to Vienna
cajoling, which for some time threw his Lordship
politically into the shade. It seems, too, so sin-
gularly ill-timed. At the very time when our
Royal family is contracting an alliance with that
of Denmark, for our Foreign Minister to propose
to weaken and break up the kingdom, seems more
like an amateur idiosynoracy than the deliberate
act of an English Secretary of State.
We are not, of course, about to rewrite the inter-
minable story of Schleswig and Holstein. Suffice
it to say that that Denmark practically includes
Holstein, Lauenberg, Schleswig—that the King of
DENMARK does not deny that the Duchies of Hol-
stein and Lauenburg are part of the German Con-
federation, or refuse to govern them as such; that
he does deny this of little Schleswig, which is in-
habited by a mixed population, and that Lord
RUSSELL has sent a despatch to Denmark which
we think Englishmen generally will be ashamed of
when they read it. Apart from the merits of the
question, the tone of It is so much that of a superior
lecturing an inferior, that we do not wonder the
Danish Government resented such a haughty piece
of scolding and dictation. But when he sums up
all in the dogmatic propositions, that " Holstein
and Lauenburg are to have everything the
the German Confederation asks for them that
" Schleswig should have power to govern itself,
and not be represented in the Reichrath,"—and
concludes with proposing to give the three duchies
such powers as shal'l make all little better than
separate States united only by the crown, we can
no more expect Denmark to listen to such a pro-
posal, than we could be expected to listen to one
from Denmark to break up the Union between
England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. We
hope his Lordship is a strenuous defender of the
Deak party in Hungary, and of the independent
rights of that kingdom. Hungary can show
grounds for her claim, with which it were idle to
compare those of the Danish Duchies. If he has
not lectured Austria or Hungary, far more sharply
than Denmark, on these petty appendages to its
crown, he is self-convicted of gross partiality. The
whole affair of Denmark and her Duchies is, how-
ever, nothing but a dirty German job, and no Eng-
lishman ought to have anything to do with it, ex-
cept to rebuke the vanity and inconsistency of the
Germans.

Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON'S withdrawal from the
threatened contest at Southampton simplifies the
matter very considerably. His timely decision to
this effect ought to be held, in his regard, among
other Liberal constituencies, in very favourable re-
membrance. It ought to be, in other words, for
him a—mark to the good. For we yet hope to felici-
tate this true Orator and advanced Liberal on his
return to the British House of Commons. Not—
we will venture to premise, however, at once as a
hope and an expostulation—not as the champion of
" vested interest," or of airy individual, no matter
how illustrious or how persecuted, but as the advo-
cate of principles worthy of enforcement by an elo-
quence as remarkable as that with which Mr.
GEORGE THOMPSON is so abundantly gifted, and
by a probity of character as indisputably con-
spicuous as his. The last of the " outsiders"
among the competitors for the vacant seat of
Southampton has consequently, in the person of Mr.
GEORGE THOMPSON, retired from the field. A
clear stage is left, therefore, betimes between the
two remaining candidates—the Liberal and the
Conservative.

Clever though the design was by which
the latter hoped to slip in for the borough,
we cannot but feel confident that it will now be
effectually worsted by this opportune avoidance of
anything like a serious split among the Liberal
electors constituting the bulk of the Southampton
constituency. The Lord Mayor ROSE has a chance,
it is true, even now, of obtaining a majority—sup-
posing that the supporters of Captain MANGLES
should not be vigilantly upon the alert. Let there
be no further toleration, consequently—for we fear
there has been some already among the supporters
of the Liberal candidate—no further toleration
whatever of the disgraceful scenes of rowdyism by
which the earlier incidents of this sharply-con-
tested election have (we grieve to bear the
fact in recollection) been disgraced. The
rivalry existing among the great railway com-
panies and also among the great packet companies,
the enterprise of which may be said to con-
verge at Southampton—has unhappily originated a
certain disunion among the otherwise dominant
and unassailable upholders of Liberalism down at
Southampton. The knowledge of the fact that it
is really and truly, as we say, ought, beyond all
other considerations just now to influence the policy
of those more earnest and practical Liberals who
have undertaken to sustain the interests of the
Liberal candidate now standing forward alone be-
fore the constituency—ought to influence their po-
licy in one rational direction, namely, to the dedica-
tion of the whole of their energies to the practical
work of electioneering. Not the toleration even of
that fancy work (of which we had cherished the

hope that we had in a great measure heard the last
long since, at any rate in England) what
may be called the fancy work of elec-
tions, executed for the most part with the
agency of brickbats and bludgeons. The Liberal
electors of Southampton have something better to
do now than to connive at the repetition of the late
disgraceful proceedings in that borough. Mr. GEO.
THOMPSON has afforded them, by his timely with-
drawal from the contest, the fullest opportunity of
vindicating in a signal manner the liberality of the
constituency, by the rejection of Lord Mayor ROSE
and the triumphant return of Capt. MANGLES—of
all men the fittest and properest person yet thought
of as a successor to the late representative of the
borough.

theewahu
it
THE RUMOURED PLOT AGAINST THE EMPEROR
NAPOLEON.—A Paris letter says :—Since the discovery of
hoonus.lleshvaaalvrwde Prince Eugene plot, which every day as-
sumes larger proportions as facts creep out, the police ser-
vice .at Compiegne has been tripled. The most minute pre-
cautions taken.nabe nabout
the The
Emperor's famous
person Corsican
in guard,. plain
clothes, is divided into three sections, and watches night
and. day without intermission. The mieror has been. ad-
vised to resume the coat of mailj under his shirt, which he
loft oft wearing in 1859, on account of the great discomfort
of it. In spite of all the efforts made to throw a veil over
and there irsei
held
thelesa realgate state sit,: ocf. tuhritn
society
i etthey gueststhan
thae
re
Council
of the eray'
is swarming with spies,
sbi
dine
ne te e
of
theat the
Treasuryvi in Down-
ing-street. The Ministers present were--Viscount
the Lord Chancellor, Earl Granville, scsoiurnGt Pal-
s
Grey, the Duke of Newcastle, Sir G. C. Lewis, Sir Charleseerge
offiAcialCreaanwwy
acea osr net lasts tehgdauyt
ee theoare. e palace
mach
Wood, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Duke
Somerset, the Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson, the Righto
Hon. Edward Cardwell, Lord Stanley of Alderley, and the
Right Hon. C. P. Villiers.
UNSEASONABLE SALMON FISHING,—Two cases of
salmon poaching in the Severn in the fence or close season
have just been prosecuted by the officers of the united asso-
ciation for the protection of the fisheries of that river. At
the Petty Seesions at Lydney, Glocestorshh.e, Reuben Ward
was convicted of fishing for salmon with a " lade net" at
Lydney on the 29th of October, the fence season commencing
on the 2d of September. He was also convicted of having
in his possession a portion of a foul and unseasonable sal-
mon, and he was fined for the first offence £2 10s. and, £2 Is.
costs, and for the second offense ls. and costs. Thomas
Lewis and Thomas Lewie, jun., father and son, wer
convicted of fishing on the same day for salmon in the
Severn at Lydnye. 'I hey were seen on the sands fishing
with a "lade net, and were proved to have taken at least
i one salmon. They were fined £2 and lls. 6d. costs each ;
la default of payment a month's imprisonment.

LATEST NEWS.

ATHENS, Nov. 11.

All is quiet. The cases of insubordination which
occurred among the soldiers in the provinces have
been repressed. The Nationall Guard is being
organised and armed.
A demonstration has taken place at Syra in favour
of Prince Alfred ; others are preparing all over the
country.

CORFU, Nov. 15.

The principal inhabitants of Syra and the Pirsens
have given a banquet to the officers of the English
fleet.

The health of Prince Alfred was proposed by the

Greeks.

The toast of " The Independence of Greece" was
drunk by the English.
The English vessels hoisted the Greek flag and
saluted it with 21 guns.

PARIS, Nov. 18.
Baron Gros has been appointed Ambassador of
France to the Court of St. James.

The despatch of M. Drouyn de Lhnys, in reply to
the note of Gen. Durando, is published to-day.
It corresponds with the analysis recently given by
the Belgian papers.

TURIN, Nov. 17.

Parliament will meet here to-morrow for the
Session. There will be no Speech from the Throne.
Almost all the deputies have already arrived.
The King has forwarded a large sum of money
from his private purse to the towns of the Romagna
for the benefit of the sufferers from the recent inun-
dations.

The official Gazette of to-day decrees the abolition
of the state of siege in the Neapolitan provinces
and Sicily. The Prefects of Naples and Palermo
retain the power of making some exceptions.

The board of directors of the Neapolitan Rail-
ways has been elected. Messrs. Charles Waring
and Howard Kennard have arrived upon business
connected with these and the Sicilian railways.
Mr. Brassey is expected to-morrow.

ENGLAND AND DENMARK.

The Grenz-Boten, a weekly journal, publishes the
following as the text of the despatch of Lord Rus-

sell to Mr. Paget at Copenhagen. We translate it
from the German, into which it had been translated
from the English original :
" Foreign office, Sept. 24, 1862.
" According to reports received from various quar-
ters, it appears that the exchange of notes between
Austria, Prussia, und Denmark has led to a state of
ill feeling, as might have been expected, respecting
the obligations of Denmark in the affairs of Holstein,
Lauenburg, and Schleswig, in counter-position to
the common constitution of the Danish monarchy.
The greater the lapse of time, and the longer the
negotiations are spun out, the deeper will be the
chasm which separates the two parties, and the more
violent will be their language towards each other.
" After having carefully and sorrowfulli consi-
dered this unsatisfactory state of this question, and
the unfavourable results which necessarily ensue,
her Majesty has resolved to give you instructions
which it is to be hoped will lead to a satisfactory
settlement. In giving these instructions it is ad-
visable to touch first upon those points which may
be already regarded as settled.
" The first of these points is, whether Holstein or
Lauenburg can levy taxes or decree laws without
the assent of the States of those Duchies. This
point has been settled by the decision in the nega-
tive of the German Confederation, of which the
Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg are members.
"Another question, which it is not necessary to
dwell upon, is the Constitution of 1855.
"It is clear that a Constitution, whether thought
good or bad by the members of the kingdom or of
the Duchies, has no control either in Holstein,
Lauenberg, or Schleswig, has the Duchies have not

recognised it.
" Nor is it necessary to dwell upon the rights of
the Danish Parliament.
"It is quite clear that Denmark can levy taxes
and give laws to its own people without the consent
of Holstein, Lauenberg, and Schleswig. Two
questions of great importance have still to be con-
sidered. The first concerns Schleswig; the second
the whole Constitution (Gesammtsverfassung).
Schleswig was formally in an abnormal position.
Though not forming part of the German Confede-
ration, it was, nevertheless, connected with Holstein,
7hich is a member of the Confederation. Later
enactments have altered that unsatisfactory union,
and Schleswig is now only bound to Holstein in
non-political relations which equally concern both.
Nevertheless, there exist relations between Ger-
many and Denmark which have given rise to the
existing differences.
" The sacred promise made by the King of Den-
mark to Schleswig, and communicated to the Ger-
man Confederation in 1852, touches chiefly upon
two points. The first is, that Schleswig:shall not
be incorporated with Denmark; the second is, that
Germans in Schleswig shall be placed on the same
footing as Danes or subjects of other nations. The
complaints which Germany has raised as to a breach
of those promises are 'contained in the Prussian
despatch of the 22d of August.
" A systematic destruction of national and neigh-
bourly relations between Schleswig and Holstein ;
neglect of the regulations concerning the Kiel
University ; the appointment, almost exclusively, ot
Danish officials in church and schools ; the whole
spirit of administration in the Duchy; finally, the
total disregard of the existing enactments respect-
ing the language, are facts so well known that
they need no further enumeration.
" For all practical purposes it would be useless
to attempt a control through Germany upon the
appointment of Danish officials in Schleswig in
church or educational matters. It would only lead
to new difficulties and continual differences.
" The best means to put a stop to this for the
future would be to grant perfect independence to
Schleswig ; to give full power to the Schleswig
estates to decide upon all questions concerning the
church schools and universities, and to decide

upon what language should be used where the
Danish, German, or mixed population should pre-
dominate.
" Finally, there is the question of the Constitu-
tion, the most complicated of all. Treaties, pro-
tocols, and despatches throw little light upon the
subject. The few gleams of light which are thrown
only tend to lead astray. For what could be more
detrimental for all union, action, and independence
than to maintain that no law was valid, no budget
acceptable, unless sanctioned by the Parliament of
the monarchy ? What would Austria say if she
were expected to accept a Constitution which would
curtail the power of the Reichsrath at Vienna un-
less separate estates in Hungary, Galicia, or Venetia
had acquiesced in the same or sanctioned the
same budget ? How would Prussia act under an
unconditional veto given to the Estates of Posen by
deliberations in Parliament ?
"If such a Constitution must lead to a speedy
and decisive rupture—if each part could not have
its full and independent action without obstructing
the wheels of the whole machine—if, for example,
we take the estimates asked for the navy at 90, of
which amount Denmark is to provide 60, and the
other States 30, Denmark can vote its 60 without
the vote of the other States. Only one objection
can be made to this proposition.
" If the 1,600,000 inhabitants of Denmark were
called upon to pay the army and navy estimates,
and the 50,000 inhabitants of Lauenburg declined
to pay their share, the Danes would look upon it
as an oppression, considering the relative position
of the King-Duke's position in Lauenburg,
" The remedy for this has been found in a propo-
sition fur a normal budget brought forward ind 6
pendent of the Diet and of the Estates of Schleswig-
Holstein and Lauenburg.
" It is evident that the Government of an inde-
pendent State like Denmark must ask for grants
for the civil list of the Sovereign, for the diplomatic
service, and for the fleet.
" This may be calculated on the very lowest
scale, with regard to the Royal dignity and to a
state of peace.
" The grant may be asked from the four repre-
sentative bodies. A State Council, consisting of
two-thirds Danes, and one-third Germans, might
decide how it ought to be distributed. Their reso-
lutions should be made public and an annual re-
port published.
" The normal budget to be granted for ten
years; the division or expenditure to made yearly.
Extraordinary expenses, exceeding the estimate of
the normal budget, to be voted optionally by the
kingdom and the three Duchies independently.
" The propositions which I have made may be
summed up in a few words :
" 1. Holstein and Lauenburg should have every-
thing the Geri an Confederation asks for them.
2. Schleswig shall have the power to govern
itself, and not to be represented in the Reichsrath.
3. A normal budget shall be adopted by Den-
mark, Holstein, Lauenburg, and Schleswig.
4. Extraordinary expenses shall be sanctioned
by the Diet (Reichsrath), and the separate Parlia-
ments of Holstein, Lauenburg, and Schleswig.
" I request you, sir, to leave a copy of this de-
spatch with the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
(Signed) " RUSSELL."

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Times' Coffes.pondefit.)
NEW YORK, Nov. 4.
The interest in the elections absorbs that of all other sub-

jects, Without speculating as to results which will be par-
tially, if not fully, ascertained before this letter is de-
spatched, I shall employ the interval in directing the atten-
tion of the English public to one or two other matters that
do not excite so much notice here as they would under other
circumstances, but which are none the less important in
their bearings upon the momentous struggle in which the

Northern people are engaged. If Mr. Seymour and his
party be elected to power in New York, there will be a

modification of the existing despotism and a chance of
peace. If, on the contrary, they be defeated is favour of
Gen. Wadsworth and the Republican ticket— one of the
candidates of which declared on Saturday that the failure
of the North to subdue the South would be a calamity
" only second to the destruction of the Christian religion"
—there will be a super-Austrian aggravation of misgovern-
ment, and a prolongation of the war until the North shall

have lost not only its prosperity, but the last vestige of its
liberty. Like a weak and irresolute man, the Government

is spasmodic in the energy it displays, Everything it has
to do is done by fits and starts. The war, vigorously car-
ried on one day, relaxes into " comfortable quarters" on the
next. Opposition to slavery inflames the Presidential mind
in the morning, and dwindles away by nightfall into the
cautious conNiction that, if slavery be wrong, it is not Mr.
Abraham Lincoln's business to set it right. Ministerial

vigour boils up for a week or two in violent arrests of un-
offending citizens for supposed sympathy with the rebel-
lion, and then cools off for a month, allowing treason to be
spoken by important persons as freely as if the country
were in the full enjoyment of constitutional liberty, though
bubbling up at intervals to scald some minor offender. For
the last three weeks the Government has been in its cold
fit. The President has- issued his proclamation, and sub-
sided into the quietude so greatly needed after such ex-
haustion. M'Ulellan, having nearly achieved a de-
cisive victory at Antietam, has taken time to re-
flect upon the past and the future, and manifested the
usual its tnertice of all heavy bodies that rash people would
impel too suddenly into space. The War Secretary, having
nearly filled Forts Warren, Lafayette, Delaware, and
M'Henry with political prisoners, has taken a siesta, and
allowed o. little liberty of speech to the few impatient spirits
who yet vindicate their claim to an Anglo-baxon origin by
grumbling at the errors and misdeeds of men in power.
There has been a little Saturnalia of free discussion in con-
sequence. The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, an ultra-Abo-
litionist, has declared "that the country is going towards
disunion and despotism, because one of the most honest men

who ever held the Presidential chair is not a man of

affairs ;" " that there has been a waste and slaughter of
men in M'Clellan's and Pope's battles that the Government
has never cared to estimate, and will never dare to publish;"
that " M'Clellan suffers from fatal, hopeless, and ineradi-
cable timidity, and is more pained to have one mtin shot
than to have a thousand rot in the hospitals;" and that
there "is a deep, widespread, and increasing discontent
with this weak and helpless Administration." And Mr.
Stanton sleeps, and makes no sign to the Provost-Marshal.
On the other side, Mr. Fernando Wood—an ultra-Demo-
crat—has had the courage to say that, if the President will
not inaugurate a change of measures, the country will in-
sist on a change of men; that "some second Napoleon will
sit in the White House and dictate terms to the country ;"
that, for his part, "if he is to live wader a tyrant, he pre-
fers an able and bold tyrant to a mean and petty despotism,
such as that at present existing ;" and, finally, " that he
does not' believe it is possible to conquer the South by mili-
tary triumphs—but that the South will come back to the
Union under Democratic and Conservative administration.'

Mr. Elijah Purdy, a prominent member of the same party,
and known as the " War-horse of the Democracy," exhorts
his friends at Tammany Hall to do their duty at the polls
" by" putting out the vagabonds "who have got temporary
possession of the Government." And still Mr. Stanton
makes no sign, and the Provost-Marshal moves no finger to
point towards Fort Lafayette.
But there are symptoms of a break-up in this official
apathy. The hot fit is coming on. The snoozing giant is
going to rub his eyes, put on his seven league boots, and
stretch forth his long arms to clutch the two hardy people
who dare not only to form their opinions, but to utter them.
The Rev. Mr. Beecher may perhaps escape, for Mr. Stan-
ton is not bold enough to excite the ire of all the young and
old ladies of Brooklyn who "sit under " that pious come-
dian; but it will in all probability fare hard with Mr. Fer-
nando and Mr. Benjamin Wood,—with Mr. John Van
Buren, Mr. Elijah Purdy, and Judge M'Keon, if not with
Mr. Horatio Seymour himself, for the "treasonable effron-
tery" they have displayed in denouncing the imbecility of
the Administration. Already a beginning has been made.
General Butler has arrested three Episcopal clergymen of
New Orleans for refusing to pray for Mr. Lincoln, and
despatched them under military escort to this city, to be in-
carcerated in Fort Fafayette. The agent of all three arrests
was the redoubtable major whose interruption of the service
at St. Pitul's
.Church in that sorely oppressed city was re-
corded in my last. The three unfortunates arrived this
morning, and many learn in prison, if they will, that it is
safer to denounce Mr. Lincoln as an imbeeil in Brooklyn
or New 'York than to refuse their prayers for him under
the benign auspices of General Butler. In New Hamp-
shire a person named Batchelder has been arrested by the
Provost-Marshal for " disloyal practices" nut specified. A
writ of habeas corpus was applied for and granted. The
Provost-Marshal telegraphed to Mr. Stanton to know what
to do. Mr. Stanton replied that he was to plead his warrant
from the War Department, and that if the civil power at-
tempted a release of the prisoner he was to appeal far the
United States in the vicinity. The Provost-Marshal pleaded
as advised, and the judge, whose name is Bell (misspelt
Pell by the War Department, as if the exact name of so
insignificant a person as a judge were not worth recording),
yielded the point after hearing the arguments of consul.
He said that it seemed to him inexpedient and useless to
issue an order for an attachment which could not be en-
forced ; that the Government, of the United States had
plainly expressed its determination to resist by force any
attempt of the civil authorities to deliver the prisoner ;
that he received this, not as a threat, but as the announce-
ment of a settled resolution,—which, with the vast armies
under its command, the Government had the ability to exe-
cute against any force which the State (of New Hampshire)
could command for the execution of the law. He therefore
declined to take any further action in the case. The ques-
tions occur, if such Ministers and such judges as these had
existed in the time of the Stuarts in England, would there
have been any popular liberty in England at the present
day ? And would the United States themselves have been
other than a conquered dependency? And are the Ameri-
cans, who submit to such high-handed despotism, the
worthy or the unworthy sons of English ancestors, having
any right to boast of John Hampden, the pilgrim fathers,
or George Washington ?
Mr. Batchelder's case is bad enough ; but worse remains
behind. Last Friday Mr. James R. Lackland, described as
a prominent lawyer of the city of St. Louis, was arrested
in his office at noon by the Provost-Marshal of that city
in consequence of a speech delivered by him on the previous
evening, in which he not only asserted that Secession was
caused by the Northern Abolitiunists, but "that he had
no faith in Mr. Chase's paper currency." He was allowed
to remain at liberty for a few days on parole, in order that
he might prosecute a forgery case, in which he is engaged
as counsel, after which he has pledged himself to return to
custody. In the same State of Missouri, Mr. Temple Orr,
a judge of one of the courts, was arrested on the previous
day at Jefferson City for the offence of declaring the pro •
olamation of President Lincoln to liberate the slaves un-
wise, impolitic, and uncalled for; and because he publicly
expressed doubt of the power of the Administration to
carry out "lawfully" the objects of that proclamation.
But a worse case than either of these remains behind.
A young married lady, a native of New Orleans, 20 years
of age, and slid to -be remarkably handsome, was
heard singing Secession—and therefore treasonable--
songs, after a private dinner party in Washington. She was
informed against by an outside listener, said to be a police
agent from New York, taken into custody, and conveyed to
this city, where she was locked up in the police cell of the
station-house in Forty-seventh-street. A friend to whom
she communicated her trouble called upon the Deputy
Provost Marshal on the day after her arrival, to make in-
quiries, and was informed that she was a "silly Secesh
woman," and would immediately be sent home to her friends
in New Orleans. The zealous friend remonstrated on the
harshness, if not injustice, of detaining her in a common
cell, reserved for thieves, prostitutes, and disorderly charac-
ters, and was informed, with a significant look and sharp
accent, that the lady was a spy who ought to be hanged,
and that he would do well to mind his own business if he
did not wish to be sent to Fort Lafayette. This was 41 days
ago, and the young lady still remains at the police-station.
It should be added, for a clearer comprehension of the
animus which directed this proceeding, that there may have
been something more than a song at the bottom of it, inas-
much as the lady's husband is a Secessionist, and that, like
Mr. Lincoln, she has or had a brother in the Southern army.
An application for a writ of habeas corpus is forthwith to
be made in her behalf, unless the Government on the threat
of publicity should be so far ashamed of the tyranny which
it has knowingly or unknowingly countenanced as to order
her release. The story seems incredible, but it is asserted,
to be true by citizens of the highest character, and if the
Government be unwise enough to force it before the courts
on the application for a writ, the details, hitherto unmen-
tioned in any of the newspapers, will find their way to the
public with a far more damaging effect upon the Adnainis-
tration.than any other imprisonment which the proclama-
tion of martial law has afforded.
Philadelphia has filled up, by high bounty money among
its German and Irish population, its quota under the
draught. There will consequently be no conscription in
that city. The desire continues to grow in intensity that
the same result may be reached in New York by the same
means; or that at events the operation of the draught may
be postponed till the let of January. Among many other
circumstances which have come to the knowledge of the
police and the Government, and! which render the latter
somewhat fearful of the consequences of a conscription, is
the fact that clubs or associations of labouring or other
men, too poor to pay for substitutes, and not in a position
to go to the war without ruin to their business and their
families, have been organized throughout the cities of New