The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-07 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
NEW YORK, SEPT. 24.
Gen. M'Clellan having failed to crush the rebel-
lion on the banks of the Potomac, President Lin-
coln has come to the rescue with a proclamation which
ho hopes will crush it in the cotton fields. Sixty
days ago he declared that he would confiscate the
property, slaves included, of all persons who at the
expiry of that term should ba in arms against the
Government. That proclamation having remained
a dead letter—having had no effect whatever in
coercing or persuading the Southern people to re-
enter the union which they abhor, has been fol-
lowed by a second, extending the day of grace until
January 1, 1863. On that day, as far as Presi-
dent Lincoln's action can penetrate, all persons held
as slaves within any State, or designated part of a
State of which the people shall then be in rebellion
against the Federal Government, shall be con-
sidered henceforward and for ever free, and the
naval and military power of the United States
shall recognise and maintain their freedom. But

the President does not take it upon himself to abo-
lish slavery, for he proposes to purchase the manu-
mission of all slaves within such States as may be
loyal at the time specified, and which may desire to
rid themselves of the institution, and to leave sla-
very alone in all such loyal States as may not feel
disposed to try the experiment of emancipation.
The document is what it is the fashion to call " a
step in advance ;" but it has the fatal demerit of
being insufficient to please the ultra-abolitionists,
and of being more than enough to offend the South-
ern slaveowners, the Northern pro-slavery party, the
advocates of State rights, and all that large class of
persons, American as well as Irish, who have a social,
a political, and an economic objection to the negro,
and who though refusing to enslave him, would abso-

lutely expel and banish him from their territories, as
in Illinois and Wisconsin, and who would deny him
all social status, as in New York and Pennsylvania.
It is true that the President foresees this difficulty
and endeavours to obviate it by his favourite, but
foolish and futile project of expatriation. It is
enough to say on this point that the negroes of the
South are not likely to hear of it for many months,
if ever; that the free negroes of the North object
to leave the land of their birth to try their fortunes

in Central America, in Africa, or anywhere else ;
that Chiriqui, the place selected for the first expe-
riment of the new colony, does not belong to the
United States; that if the scheme could be carried
out it would reduce the South to a wilderness for
want of the labour that white men could not under-

take ; that it would cost more money to expatriate
the 4,000,000 of men, women, and children of the
South, to say nothing of those of the North, than
Mr. Chase could print off in three years in any
form of note or bill that would pass current ; and,
last of all, that it is absurd, impracticable, and im-
possible.

It is too soon to judge of the effects of the procla-
mation. In New York the Abolitionists—who are
but a small party—are delighted, and their chief
and ablest organ emphatically prays that " God will
bless Abraham Lincoln" for it; but the vast mass
of the people who have no sympathy for the negro,
and who think he is well placed in the South and
very ill-placed in the North, seem to think that it
is but waste-paper at the best, or that if it have any
results at all they will only be to embitter Southern
feeling, to render reconciliation more hopeless than
ever, and perhaps to drive the Border States out of
the Union. Tho document seems as much designed
to influence the public opinion of Europe as to in-
timidate the South, but it is likely to fail in both
respects. It is not a decree of emancipation on
the merits of the case, such as Mr. Wendall
Phillips might pen were he Secretary of State, and
such as General Fremont,were he President, might
issue with the confidence of a theorist, believing
that he was in the right, but is a halt between
two opinions. It does not strike at slavery because
slavery is wrong; but only because slaves are pro-
perty that, in the President's opinion, may
be confiscated, like lands, houses, money, or
munitions of war, with the sole view of damaging
an enemy. 'Worse than all, if the public opinion of
the North should not support Mr. Lincoln and con-
done his offence, the document is illegal and uncon-
stitutional, and as complete a breach of his oath on
assuming office as if he had abolished trial by jury
or any other institution of the country. If the
Democratic party obtain a majority in the next
Congress the impeachment of Mr. Lincoln will be
among the probabilities of the new year, and per-
haps a result much less improbable than the aboli-
tion of slavery. Wall-street, of a certainty, does
not look with favour upon it, for within a few hours
of its promulgation it sent up the price of gold and
silver and reduced stocks one and a half per cent.
Next to the President's proclamation and the
movements of the battle-field in present interest,
and, perhaps, destined. to be superior to them in
future importance, are the efforts made by the
Democratic party to control the policy of the Go-
vernment, if not to supersede Mr. Lincoln before
the expiry of his term of office. The mingled im-
becility and corruption of the Administration, as
well as the whole current and fortune of the war,
have given the Democrats a chance of which they
seem determined to avail themselves, not only in
the election of the Governors and local Legislatures
of the several States, but in that of members of the
next Congress. The struggle has commenced in
the State of New York, which has hitherto been
almost as Republican in its sympathies as Massa-
chusetts, with the exception of New York City,
which is, and always has been, intensely democratic.
The present Governor, Mr. Morgan, aspired to re-
election, but as he is tainted by the exposures of the
Van Wyck Committee, in the matter of some army
and navy contracts which he considerately put
into the hands of his brother, because he could not
touch them himself, he has deemed it wiser not to
offer himself again. There is a talk of putting for-
ward General Wadsworth, who has rendered the
Federal Government good service in the Secessionist
city of Washington, and General Dix, who was still
more useful in Baltimore. Another section of the
Republican party are of opinion that General Fre-
mont would be a better man to fight their battle.
The Democrats, on their part, have no objection to
Fremont singly, to Fremont and Wadsworth, or to
Fremont and Dix, or to Dix and Wadsworth, or to
the whole three in conjunction, or to any number of
Republican candidates that may be brought forward
jointly or separately. If opposed by one candidate,
General Wadsworth is considered to be the most
formidable, as likely to unite the greatest number
of suffrages. If they were so fortunate as to be
opposed by General Fremont singly, they would be
but too happy, as in such a case they imagine the
success of the Democratic party would be as easy as
it would be encouraging ; and, as General Fremont
is a man who does not believe in his unpopularity,
and is as completely the victim of one idea as Mr.
John Bright, the chances are that the Democratic
writers and agents will unite in heaping hypocriti-
cal praises upon him as the day of election ap-
proaches, with the view of inducing him to stand.
The Democrats calculate that the anti-abolitionists
among the Republicans would in such a contingency
rather given their votes to their candidate, the Ron.
Horatio Seymour, than run the risk of electing
impracticable a person as Fremont. In the meantime
the schemers, the mancnuverers, and the wire
pullers are busily at work in preparing for the strug-
gle. The elections take place on the second
of November, and include a Governor,
Governor, a Canal Commissioner, an
Lieutenant-
n Inspector of
a Monday
State Prisons, a Clerk of the
Aembly for the State
Court of Appeals, and
17 members of the House of
of New York, together with six members to Con-
gress for the six
Mr. Seymour is a candidate
congressional districts of the county
and city of rew
York.h s
party,
and big
well qualified to unite his
talents, if' ISUCCeafill

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