The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-09 00:00:00

As is, indeed, but natural, under the circum-
stances, the accounts coming to us from Italy,
just now, vary according to the hopes and fears of
the writers who report what they see and hear
around them. We can almost tell beforehand
what will be the tendency of the advices received
as they drop in from different parts of the Roman
peninsula. And this, not merely, if the document
coming to hand be a " private letter from Rome," or
some exceptional correspondence from the Island
of Sicily. It is even within the bounds of possibility
to have a tolerably accurate foretaste of the flavour,
so to speak, of the opinions confided to us, accord-
ingly as they happen to be formed at localities, let
us say, as little remote from each other as Turin,
as Genoa, as Milan. The pro-capital, as we
may call it for the nonce, or the temporary metro-
polis of the new Italian Kingdom, is, almost as a
matter of course, all for the King and his Constitu-
tional Government. It signifies comparatively little
who chances to be at the head of affairs, whether
it be CAVOUR, or RICASOLI, or RATAZZI, the Prime
Minister and his colleagues are invariably, in the
estimation of the inhabitants of Turin, the re-
presentatives, par exellence, of the National Move-
ment. " Cstsarem vehis !" is the perpetual thought,
to all appearance, of the Turin population. And—
as by a sort of necessity—Turin is loyal, not only
to the KING, but to his Government. As Turin
is thus invariably and inevitably loyal, peopled
by Royalists—Geneva is, perhaps, more than any
other Italian City Mazzinian—and Milan more
than almost any other, even Naples, even Palermo,
Garibaldian ! The Genoese, it would be idle to deny,
are Garibaldian also, and even—whenever they have
the opportunity for showing it—enthusiastically
Garibaldian. But, beyond that, always, and not
fitfully, they are, for the most part, with the most
earnest of them, to the heart's core, Republican.
They have an "arriere pensee " even in their
momentary displays of devotedness to the Gari-
baldian cause—a cause always and avowedly in
the names of the KING and the Constitution—
they have even then an "arriere pensee " of Re-
publicanism. The slope of Genoa, to adopt the
phrase of LAMARTINE, is towards Democracy.
The Milanese, on the contrary, give themselves
up with their whole hearts to a sympathetic re-
sponse to any and every appeal that floats
to them —no matter from how far off—
from GARIBALDI. Nor can the enthusiasm cherished
at Milan for GARIBALDI be very much wondered
at. It comes not only from their remembrance of
his matchless exploits in the north of Lombardy,
between the borders of the lakes and the spurs of
the mountain range of the Carpathians, but—by 5
sort of reaction—it comes also from their vivid
contrast of his magnificent disinterestedness, as
contrasted with the selfish ambition of the French
Autocrat.

The Milanese, we may be certain, remember with
a pang of mingled pity and indignation the way in
which the Emperor NAPOLEON, through his Pro-
clamation from their city, raised the hopes of all
Italy to the highest pitch well imaginable, only to
dash them suddenly to the dust immediately after-
wards. They remember more vividly than any
other section of the Italians the passion of grate-
ful enthusiasm with which they greeted the " Li-
berator of Lombardy," at the time of his issuing to
the world his famous Milan Proclamation. Our
own gifted countrywoman, since deceased, the late
ELIZABETH BARRETT BROWNING, has articulated in
an affecting lyric the love and admiration then felt
by the Milanese for NAPOLEON 111. Yet it was after
a very brief interval had elapsed, as we all only too
painfully recollect, that NAPOLEON falsified his own
words, virtually tore up his Milan Proclamation,
and scattered the fragments of it to the winds,
marred all that he had already accomplished of his
splendid programme by the pitiable anti-climax of
his abruptly improvised concessions to the young
Kaiser FRANCIS JOSEPH ! No, we may be certain
of this—those Milanese have never forgotten in any
one of its details, that evil compromise. That shame-
ful rupture by NAPOLEON at Villafranca of the
compact he had originally entered into at Plom-
bieres! How the startling knowledge of it
afflicted CAVOUR we have recently had the oppor-
tunity of learning minutely from the graphic pages
of Count CHARLES ARRIVABENE. And we cannot
certainly wonder that the Milanese should yet hold
in very painful remembrance what at the moment
of its occurrence made CAVOUR nearly beside him-
self with passionate indignation ! Insomuch, says
ARRIVABENE, was the great Italian Statesman
astounded and infuriated by the knowledge of this
unlooked-for turpitude on the part of the French
EMPEROR that his face was flushed and burning,
that his voice was half-suffocated with emotion,
that he flung away his portfolio as Minister, that—
before withdrawing (as it proved, however, only for
the time being) into private life—he used words of
Such uncourtly bluntness in the presence of VICTOR
1 RmMANUEL that the latter immediately ordered
e //°l3ll- from his presence:
No, the Milanese are not likely ever to forget
the revulsion
caused by that melancholy and
anomalous Sequel
to a glorious and triumphant camr
paign. Hence their
ardent admiration for GARI-
BALDI, contrasting ,a
they do, as they cannot fail
to do, the self-abnegation
of the patriot-hero with
the paltering and huckstering policy of the
Imperial ally_ A contrast that
v. was never more
iewii when GARI-
BALDI out to iew, than
Dictatorship
in the South as Conqueror Liberator
of
Bgala:Dintgrleytired empty-handed from
to the King-
dom
his island '
farm at Caprera—vv
of the Two Sicihliielse, wNiAtphodLraEwoiNngwas
receiving
.
Lying
payment for his services as an ally, in the Shape of
GARIBALDI'S own birth-place of Savoy. . . - It
the news of what is now taking place in Italy comes
to us, therefore, from Rome, from Sicily, from
Florence, from Turin, from Genoa, from Milan—
we know at once the point of view from which those
events are regarded. It is no marvel consequently
that the intelligence varies in the most extravagant
manner, even within the twenty-four hours. So
that yesterday, for example, the tidings were dis-
tinctly to the effect, that all the young men of Italy
were hurrying as rapidly as might be in coasting
vessels down to the Sicilian. rendezvous of the nevf

army of Garibaldian s While to-day the news brought
to England tells us that the cause of the Garibal-
diens is altogether hopeless, that not only the army
of the KING, but that with it the great mass of the
population, even in Sicily, are dead against the Gari-
baldians, and devoted with one accord to the inte-
rests of the Government. To-day's "point of view"
is Rattazzian—as yesterday's " point of view" was
Garibaldian, One despatch comes to us from the
south from the midst of a group of young red-
shirted recruits bound for Corleoue—a most appro-
priately named locality, by the way, to have
been chosen as the head-quarters'of GARIBALDI ! The
other despatch comes to us, on the contrary, from the
North, from the head-quarters of the Government.
Through all the changes and fluctuations of these
confused accounts however, brought to us one day
from Turin and the next from Palermo, it is impos-
sible not to recognize that all Italy is astir, that
GARIBALDI, whatever his design, is in earnest, and
and that his new enterprize is no more of a fiasco
than that memorable one which once upon a time
set out from Genoa under his leadership, an enter-
prize that was so loudly laughed to scorn at the
period of its departure as the half insane device of a
crack-brained enthusiast.

Mr. RoEsucx excels in JONAH'S virtue—he does
well to be angry. If he gets into the amiable cue,
he is sure to be wrong. The country to a man
thought him so, when he did the amiable for
Austria; and now, he himself thinks he was wrong
when at the commencement of the American guars-
rel he was in such an amiable mood towards the
North. He is now got angry with the North ; of
course his virtuous anger is not sullied with love
for the South, he would only do justice to the
South in his wrath with the North.

It cannot be denied that the sentiments he
expressed :at Sheffield are those which have been
growing in the country for some time. Indeed we
have most of us followed very much the course
which Mr. ROEBUCK has taken. England generally
regarded Mr. LINCOLN'S election as a favourable
omen for the cause of freedom in the States, and
our love of liberty and of law made us indignant
that the South should by force resist the first bal-
lot which went against them, and after forty
years of party supremacy, be unwilling to put up
with one election which placed them in opposition.
It was bad no doubt. But the progress of the quar-
rel developed some things which none of us had
suspected. We knew that the South would be
devoted to its slavery, but we hardly supposed that
the North would cherish it also as the indispensable
bond of the Republic. We knew that the North
was addicted to protection for native industry ; but
we had not thought that she would seize the first
moments of the absence of Southern members to
pass a Morrill Tariff, and next session to pass one
infinitely worse, both designed to cut off European
commerce, and to aggravate the misery caused here
by the cotton blockade. We knew she always
intended to blockade the Southern ports, but did
not think her naval commanders would venture
to overhaul our mail packets, take persons from
their decks, and that their Congress, judges, and
governors would then join the sovereign mob in
lauding the insult to England, just because it was
an insult.

Such facts could but do their, work and they have
done it. And lest the changed feeling of this emai-
l' try should be soothed by time and forgetfulness,
4 the Yankees contrive to keep up a perpetual naval
blister on our commerce, of which we cannot, it is
true, get rid by international law, but which
nothing but the consummate patience and forbear-
ance of our rulers prevent the nation from tearing
off at any cost. According to international law,
iGrp 1.,-.1;—..., 41,...4 ;f 41,3 Am.,..;,........ .1...11.,. ,f mar
I( watched the ports of London and Liverpool, and
overhauled every ship they saw fit to suspect, they
would be within the letter of the law. They find
iit inconvenient to come so far, but they do watch
t the British port of Nassau in the Bahamas as rigidly
as that of Charleston, and not only stop and search
1
ships, without a shadow of a pretext for
doing so, but assume the right to interfere
with the trade between New York and
Nassau. Of course, the pretext is, that the neutral
port is made the depotfor,to the s
goods,o toSouthern
thbeer
nc conveyed,
as as opportunity may offer,
defiance of the proclamation of the Queen of
ENGLAND. And yet these Yankees smuggle con-
traband of war, in defiance of her proclamation, in
fifty times greater abundance than the South can
do. If we cannot by law prevent this semi-blockade
of British ports, can the North wonder that we re-
sent such straining of international law beyond all
the bounds of international courtesy ? and can she
be surprised if, while she glories in these legal in-
sults to the Britisher, the Britisher is inevitably
converted into a partisan of the South ?
Mr. ROEBUCK avowed himself favourable to re-
cognition. He held it to be for the interest of the
world that the country which aimed at omnipotence
in bullying, should be divided not only into two
States, but into five if they liked, and that it would
not only be less likely to conduct itself so offen-
sively to other countries, but would be better go-
verned at home. At first such views were held by
many here, but we believe they are becoming now
the general opinion. Some part of the meeting
seemed opposed to recognition of the South, proba-
bly confounding it with military intervention.
Simple recognition, however, without intervention,
is an acknowledged international right, and not a
violation of neutrality. And we beg to tell the
North that if it would be, which we deny, a strain-
ing of international rights, it is one not to be men-
tioned with that of a semi-blockade of British ports.
Is international law to be strained almost to break-
ing for Yankees only ? If they overhaul our ships
may we not recognise the South ?

Lord PALMERSTON must, of course, speak, even
at Sheffield, with the recollection that, though not
"in his place in Parliament," he is a Minister,
but we strongly suspect that his real sentiments are
the same as Mr. ROEBUCK'S. While expressing
his deep sympathy with the sufferers in Lancashire,
and his admiration of their conduct, he could but
insist on neutrality as the duty and wisdom of the
Government, expressing his belief that interference
in the war would but aggravate difficulties at home,
and his hope that another year might not witness
the deluge of blood which had characterised this.
But he has stated in the House that recognition
without intervention is no breach of neutra-
lity. The news from France to-day shows,
what the past has showed, how favourable
the EMPEROR is to recognition, and even
to something more, and its bearing on the North
could hardly be otherwise than that of inclining to
peace. Probably Mr. ROEBUCK is quite right, that
Six months will not pass over before it is done. If
,;(:, the sooner the better in the interest both of com-
merce of humanity. It' all the great Powers of
Europe agreed simultaneously to recognise the
South as an Independent Government we do not
believe Mr.
LINCOLN could any longer recruit his
army, and the war Would be at an end.

reid onestuatlheextciutrertelon:
oyf etahre wleostulfdrabge.
rwjefeiably nielsoottthahiber; geg
for
a great social improvement.
It
ments of that miserable mid most mistaken syatem

4
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"

THE SUN.
LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 9, 1862.