The Sun.
London, England, 1862-07-11 00:00:00

of this Eastern hemisphere, of the ravings
of the brutalised and brutalising Pere .Du-
cheane. Women as well as men, the wriest
patriarchs and the veriest striplings, maidens and
matrons, little children of both sexes, mothers
with their infants in their arms and others
as yet but enceinte, are described as having been
thus promiscuously huddled together as the victims
of those execrable ruffians—those dear friends and
allies of ours, the Chinese ! Those dreadful bar-
barians, deeming all the rest of the world unci-
vilised but themselves! And whose Imperial forces
we are expected to assist vi et colas, by land
and by sea, in putting down the Taeping revolu-
tionists !

Why, after the merest momentary glance at the
simple record here given of these proceedings in
regard to the treatment of these Taeping pri-
soners, we are disposed to read Lord PALMERSTON'S
expressions of horror and disgust, a night or two
back, quite the other way. We should, in obedience
to this natural revulsion of feeling, be even disposed
to bestow our sympathy upon the Taepings, but
that we know only too well that the latter are
nearly of the same blood and temperament them-
selves. Colonel KNox Will do well, therefore, we
repeat, in thinking twice before he again champions
in the British House of Commons the cause of the
Taeping revolutionists. But Lord PALMERSTON
will do better still if he keeps somewhat more
within check his overweening sympathy for the
butchers of these Taepings, those wretched mis-
creants, their Chinese executioners. If anything in
the wide world can induce Lord PALMERSTON to
alter his views upon any subject, it must certainly be
this hideous and overwhelming testimony against
the Chinese, penned by the hand of an eye-witness,
and that eye-witness an Englishman.

Lord RUSSELL and GARIBALDI appear, after ali,
to be very much of a mind. No means by which
two such different men could express their senti-
ments can well be more diverse, yet they substan-
tially concur. The generous hearted popular hero
addresses the citizens of Palermo from a balcony ;
the cold aristocrat writes to a cold brother aristo-
crat in Foreign-office despatches to an ambassa-
dor. Yet what it all comes to is that LOUIS NAPO-
LEON and the POPE are the two greatest enemies
of Italy.
The hero, in the city where he made the first
step towards Italian unity, warns Italians against
Bourbonism, ill requiting, as it does, the leniency
with which it has been treated ; against Muratism,
because it is essentially despotism, and still more be-
cause the relative of MURAT still " keeps the cancer
in the heart of Italy at Rome." " I must tell you,"
he says, " this truth—NAPOLEON, the autocrat, the
powerful tyrant of France, is not our friend. No.
My words contain a disillusion, but the people of
Italy must be undeceived. Ido not speak to you
of the French people. Like ourselves they have need
of liberty ; to-day, unfortunately, they are dragged
down by despotism; but they are our brethren,
and you must learn to distinguish between oppressor
and oppressed. The people of France, the people of
Germany, the people everywhere are our brethren."
And next with a difference he comes to the capital
of Italy and its Temporal Prince—" A third evil I
pointed out long since to the people of Naples; to-
day I point it out to the people of Palermo : it is the
POPE. Look to it that you distinguish true priests
from false. The monks of the Gancia and other
priests of Palermo, for example, who fought with us
upon the barricades—note how they differ from the
priests who surround the POPE in Rome, The first
are the ministers of GOD, the second are the minis-
ters of the DEVIL." GARIBALDI is a Catholic, but
not a Roman Catholic—a believer in a first Bishop,
but neither a Papist nor a political Ultramontanist.

We now come to the English Foreign Secretary ;
adverting to a plan discussed in the Debats, of a
mixed French and Italian garrison, his Lordship
suggests, as better than that, that the French
should with the POPE occupy, as a temporary ar-
rangement, the Vatican or ecclesiastical side of the
city, and the King of ITALY the Civil City on the
other side of the Tiber. In this position he thought
time and circumstances would compel an amicable
understanding. M. THOUVENEL half jesuitically
replies that the plan, he feared, would be accepted
by neither party—the POPE would be obstinate,
and the Italian Government would accept nothing
less than Rome for the capital of Italy. "1 he ut-
most that can be expected of us (says M. THOUVENEL)
would be the restoration of Rome to the Romans."

Amen ! says Lord RUSSELL. I never expected
that the POPE would give way; he never has given
way in times past to the most reasonable proposals;
and any Italian Minister must hesitate or even re-
fuse, if asked to part with any portion of the capi-
tal of Italy. Even Lord COWLEY knew, without
referring home, that England would be pleased with
any arrangement which left " the Romans masters
of their own destinies." In the following interview
on the 28th March, M. THOUVENEL questioned
the claims of the Italians on Venetia, and talked
of the temporal rights of the POPE and of inter-
national law, on which matters Lord COWLEY found
it not difficult apparently to silence him. What he
could not alter was the stubborn will of him whom
GARIBALDI terms the " autocrat and powerful
despot of France." Ile saw little hope, and he ex-
presses his regret at seeing it, of "modifying by
discussion or remonstrance the course which the
EMPEROR'S Government is resolved to pursue."
To this Lord RUSSELL replies, pointing out with
spirit the despotism, the violation of international
law, and the anarchical consequences of the EM-
PEROR'S wilfulness :—" Setting aside," he ob-
serves, "all difference between a Protestant and
Roman Catholic Sovereigns, it is manifest that
the principle thus upheld is at variance with the
principles maintained everywhere else by France as
well as by Great Britain. Rome is foreign terri-
tory ; the Romans are to have nothing, and foreign
troops everything, to say to the form of its govern-
ment. This system can hardly be of long duration,
it is too directly opposed to the maxims of inter-
national law and the wishes of the Italian people."
What follows is a lesson for the Marquis of NOR-
MANBY as well as for the " Autocrat and powerful
despot." a The RUSSELL French Government," says Lord
, .4 must
Government of Itatlot make it a reproach to the
are not in a state of t
Y that the Southern provinces
ranquillity, while the French
flag protects the POPE In main
where every chief of bri taining a sanctuary
gands
futueraen
ifi.ncnudrsaiornesfugoen,
and prepare his band for
peaceful provinces."

Thus we have two such widely mit
erent men
one in their opinion of the EMPEROR and the
°One must speak with the restraint of diplool27t.E.
courtesy, the other speaks with the frankuess of
patriotic and generous indignation. The Port is
the very core of Italian evils. Did no such anti-

christian monstrosity exist as a successor
prO
of a hum'ole Apostle and represcrAative of a humble
SAVIOUR, who himself lived on charity and had not
where to lay his head, arrogating to himself
despotic rule over an indignant people, supporting
that despotism by
foreign bayonets—did not this
monstrosity exist, Italy would be politically at
ease, and her provinces free from papal cut-tbroatzi.
Equal in guilt, because the upholder of this religious
, and political barbarism, is the Emperor of the