The Sun.
London, England, 1862-03-12 00:00:00

ITALY.

A letter from Turin of the 9th, in the Debate,
eays

" The declarations of Baron Ricasoli no longer
admit of the Ministry being attacked in its origin.
Its acts must be waited for. M. Ratazzi's pro-
gramme has been approved of by, every, one; the
only criticism that I have heard on it is that it is
somewhat vague upon certain points, 'but that it is
the fault of all programmes, which require to be
commented on by acts. It thus becomes probable
that the Ministry will for some time go on with-
out too many obstacles, and that the dissolution of
the Chambers will not be necessary. M. Lanza is,
however, very active in his opposition, He has
convoked for this evening the former Tnitjority, at
the meetings of which he presided formarly; Rig
especially against- M. Cordova that iheloutary is
raised. The journal, the Diritto, which attacks
M. Cordova_ most severely, is- in tie--hartds-of-the
members of the pro-dictators, with. which M. Cor-
dova has been in direct opposition. Thar Minister
wished yesterday to resign, but the council refused
to permit him, thinking. rightly that it was better
not to give way to party clamours. M. Sella
spoke yesterday 'in: the Senate for the first time,
and with success, has come to an understand
in g with that body relative to the law on the Court
of Accounts."

The clerical journal, ii Campanile. of Turin,
announces that Monsignor Franzoni, the ex-Arch-
bishop of Yurin, is better.

POLAND.
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

WARSAW, MARCH, 1862.

The order of the Governor-General slightly
mitigating the rigorous measures of the state of
siege which continues ever since the 15th October
last, is considered by some as a prelude to another
and it is hoped a humane mode of ruling. It is
quite time that the long talked-of promises of the
Emperor, recently renewed through the mouth of
the Archbishop Felinski, should, though partly,
bo carried out, and the sufferings of this brave-
spirited and most patient people be at last put an
end to. Whenever the spirit of the Poles rises, and
they become turbulent, restless, and even threaten-
ing, the Russians do not pay much attention to
such an Pspect of affairs; but when they see the
Poles calm and resigned, awaiting with a stoical
determination their hour of revenge, as it has been
and is now the case, then the enemies of Poland
become frightened, and commence to reflect seri-
ously. Hence the never-ending peasant question '
was, it appears, discussed a few days ago by the
council of ptßtel and, a definitive solution of the

relation between the peasants and the landowners
arrived at. The latter have shown,the most gene-
rous and friendly disposition to benefit their less
fortunate countrymen, and thus the bonds of mutual
attachment, as the children of the same
cruelly oppressed country, have been strengthened
and rivetted. For in spite of the diabolical
machinations of the Russian agents and particu-
larly the wish to sow dissensions. between the
peasantry and the land proprietors, a feeling of
mutual confidence has never been disturbed. It is
impossible now to enter into all the details of this
new law, and we must wait until it has been sanc-
tioned by the Emperor and promulgated. What-
ever has been effected in this respect must be
entirely ascribed to the efforts of the Agricultural
Society, which has done so much for the well-being
of the peasants and prosperity of the country—
efforts which, as you know, were stopped by the
Marquis Wielopolski on his accession to power, but
the fruits of which he himself used afterwards for
another plan with very few modifications, which is
now the subject of the deliberations of the Council
of State.

On the other hand, the Minister of Justice, M. 1-;
Dembowski, is preparing a new bill for the better
administration of the criminal law, and has sum-
moned to his aid men specially informed on the '
subject, whom he is most anxious to consult. It
is even rumoured that there is some idea of in-
troducing a trial by jury. A trial by jury under
the Russian Government sounds like a mockery,
and I should not he surprised to see all these grand
reforms announced by the official journals here,
merely to dazzle the eyes of France and England,
vanish away like all other solemn promises ema•
nating from the Russian monarchs.
Still the people submit to their fate, in which
they are encouraged by their new archbishop, who
seems to gain a great power over almost all the
minds of the population except the students. Simple
and affable, with the thorough meekness of a
Christian, he has accomplished by his preaching
and example what the Russians could not effect by
wholesale murder and transportation to Siberia.
The national hymns are not to be heard any longer
in the churches, and every one relies on the word
of their worthy prelate. A true Pole by birth, and
a patriot at heart, he declined to fill up the vacan-
cies of the priests despatched to Siberia, when
asked by Government to do so, stating that the
Emperor had promised them a free pardon, and
that they should return to their former posts. This
is an unexpected blow levelled at the Government
by a man of their own choice, and it only shows
that a good Pole will never change, whatever may
be the place of his avocations, as St. Petersburg
was that of the present archbishop.
We have received some copies of the letters ad-
dressed to Earl Russell by Mr. George Mitchell,
lately published in London. They are perused here
with avidity, though, like the clandestine journals
in this city, they pass from hand to hand secretly ;
and Mr. Mitchell, after the barbarous treatment
which he received from the Russian soldiera during
his stay inWarsaw in October last, has been classed,
and most justly so, not only among the friends of,
but among the great sufferers for, the cause of
Poland. The publication of these letters is a living
and fresh testimony of the way in which the Poles
are governed by Russia.
The great impression which the meetings in
favour of Poland recently held in England pro-
duced in Frante has extended here, as many French
papers circulate in this country, and the interest
as well as the sympathy of the English people
awakened by such demonstrations are really a balm
of consolation poured into the hearts of the op-
pressed Poles. Let us hope that the numerous
petitions which are being presented to Parliament
from all parts of England in behalf of Polish rights
and nationality will have the effect of inducing the
British Government to urge upon Russia the ful-
fillment of her duties towards Poland as guaranteed
by the treaties, in the formation of which Great
Britain has taken a most conspicuous part.

AMERICA.

LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY.

The Royal Mail stemship Asia, Captain Lott,
has arrived with advices from New York to the
26th.

The project of a treaty with Mexico, submitted
to the Senate, contained a provision for the appoint-
ment of a commissioner to arrange certain details ;
and it was to fill this commission that General
Scott's name was submitted with the treaty. The
Senate had not yet taken favourable action.

The anniversary of Washington's birthday was
kept at New York with more than the usual demon-
strations. At the Cooper Institute a large meeting
was held, which was addressed by JudgePierrepont,
M. M. Everts, H. J. Raymond, Ex-Governor Hunt,
and Joseph Hoxie. Letters of sympathy from Mr.
Seward, D. S. Dickinson, Governor Morgan, Go-
vernor Sprague, Governor Olden, and Alfred Ely
were read.

The Republicans had a Union festival at Irving-
hall, and addresses were delivered by E. C.
Cowdin, Dr. Hitchcock, Dr. Bellows, W. M.Evarts,
Hon. Henry J. Raymond, Horace Greeley, Geotge
Folsom, E. Delafield Smith, and Dr. Sowder.
Letters expressive of sympathy were read from
leading statesmen. One of the speakers, Mr
Everts, said,—

" With all his readings of the Constitution, he
had never been satisfied that there was any line of
it enforcing the protection or maintenance of
slavery anywhere. True, there was the Fugitive
Slave clause, and the obligation to suppress insur-
rection ; but the latter referred to white as well as
black insurrections. The only occasion 'where that
clause had been put in operation was in the case of
discontented white men. The great difficulty was
where to take hold of slavery. lIiS judgment was'
that the political power of slavery should be over-1
thrown, in order to undermine its social standing.
qt was our duty to deprive it of its power in the
general Government, and then leave it to local dis-
integration. Just as sure as slavery in the general
Government had operated on the side of slavery in
the States, so would the influence of freedom in the
general Government operate for the interests of
freedom in the States. Look at the States upon
which slavery smiled, and upon the Free States.
The love, and not the hate of slavery, was to be
feared. (Applause.) We were fighting for the
constitution, and we were justified in doing that
',with such means and such weapons as were brought
against us, with whatever shattering force it should
operate against slavery. (Applause.) Let the war
fall upon the guilty cause of the rebellion—the
slaveholding aristocracy of the South—upon the
stimulant of their unholy passions—slavery. (Ap.
plause.) When the war was o-ler, whatever of
slavery was left, leave it, and where no loyal State
Government would be found, the general Govern-
ment would take hold, and slavery would then be
dealt with. (Applause.) The slaves of the South
were to the Constitution but a portion of the people.
The Constitution knew in the South but two kinds
of people—those who were loyal and those who were
rebels. (Applause.) Compared to a loyal slave,
the lives of a hundred rebel masters were but
dust in die balance. (Applause.) The Union de-
pended upon the integrity, ability, and virtue pf the
people. We had to marshal our forces. We had
been guilty of neglect of our sacred trust, and had
no right to make posterity pay the bill. (Applause.)
We must insist that, with the same honest labour as
our forefathers gave, we should work in the cause.
It was a crime to extort money out of the necessi-
ties of the Government. (Applause.) We must
have the Mississippi—not for alligators alone—but
for at least one flat boatman. (Applause.)
Mr. Raymond, another speaker, referripg to
South Caroling, said;—

, .
"It may take a generation to extinguish•the spi-
rit of rebellion in South Carolina, but it will, sooner
or later, be extinguished. I do not consent, for one,
to the giving up of even South Carolina under any
circumstances. we don't want her in the Union
for our purposes, but we want her for her own.
don't want her to be divided up. S/Ae must remain
in the Union as a state, and we must make her
people so loyal that they will curse the memory of
their ancestors who attempted to take the State ont
of the Union. South Carolina needs what all bad
children need—discipline—and that she is now get-

ting. After we have given her people the chastise-
ment they deserve, and have hung a dozen of the
leaders who betrayed them—(applause)—we shall
have given them a lesson which their children will
not forget in all time to come. But, whether it
takes one year, ten years, or twenty years, South
Carolina must be redeemed. If we could put her
into the sea ; if we could sink her at the mouth of
Charleston harbour, and thus establish an effectual
blockade there—(laughter)—l should be glad. But
we cannot ; South Carolina is at least a geographi-
cal expression ;' we cannot get her off the map,
I don't want to see her cut up and divided among
the other States; I want her to be preserved, at
least, as a relict of the great rebellion—as a curious
and unique fossil, handed down to our children from
another age. But we must reform and regenerate
as we raise our flag over rebellious soil, and I be-
lieve it can be done, even with that most pestilent
of rebel States—South Carolina.