The Sun.
London, England, 1865-10-02 00:00:00

Mr. Sumner on the South.

Subjoined are excerpts, comprising the most
important points, from Senator Sumner's speech,
delivered to the Massachusetts Republican State
Convention on the 14th ult. Senator Sumner
spoke as president of the Convention, and his ad-
dress occupied in delivery one hour and a half :
When last I addressed my fellow-citizen s on public affairs,
at the close of the late Presidential election, as we were
about to vote for Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson,
I undertook to show the absolute identity between slavery
and the rebellion, so that one could not end without the
ether. As I finished my address, I said to friends near
me, that it was "my last anti-slavery speech." Iso thought
at the time ; for I anticipated the speedy downfall of the
rebellion, carrying with it slavery. I was mistaken.
Neither the rebellion nor slavery is yet fully ended. The
rebellion has been disarmed, but that is all. Slavery has
been abashed in name, but that is all. As there is still a
quasi rebellion, so is there still a quasi slavery. The work
of liberation is not yet completed. Nor can it be completed
until the equal rights of every person once claimed as a
slave are paced under the safeguard of irreversible guaran-
tees. It is not enough to strike down the masters, you must
also lift up the slave. It is not enough to declare that
slavery is abolished. The whole black code, which is the
supplement of slavery, must give place to that equality
before the law which is the very essence of liberty. It is an
old principle of the common law, recognised by all our courts
as announced by Lord Coke, that "where the law granteth
anything to any one, that also is granted without which
the thing itself cannot be." So also where a piece of land
is granted which is shut in by the possession of the
grantor,-aright of way is implied from common justice and
the necessity of the case. Until all is done in ovary parti-
cular and beyond possibility of question, it is in vain to say
that emancipation has been secured. The good work is
only half done. It must be continued to its assured con-
summation. There is another object kindred to security, or
perhaps embraced in security ; and that is the national
faith. This, too, must be placed beyond cavil, or oven " sus-
picion." No nation can be powerful enough to disregard
this sacred bond. Character, fame, and prosperity itself are
all dependent upon its observance. But the national faith
is engaged, first to the national freedmen, and secondly to
the national creditors. No undertaking can be more com-
plete and inviolable, because it constituted the considera-
tion for those services and supplies by which the life of the
Republic has been preserved. The national faith is pledged
to the national freedmen, not only by the act of emancipa-
tion, which in its very essence and from the very nature of
the case is a " warranty of title," but also by tho plain and
positive promises of the proclamation, that " the executive
Government of the United States, including the military,
and naval authority thereof, will recognise and maintain
the freedom of such persons." Words could not be more
binding, and the history of their introduction testifies to
their significance and efficacy. They were not in the ori-
ginal draft by president Lincoln, but wore inserted at the
suggestion of Mr. Seward, when the proclamation was
read to the Cabinet; and there they stand without any
limitation of time or place, binding the republic in its na-
tional character, through its Executive, including the mili-
tary and naval authority, not only to recognise but to
maintain the freedom of the emancipated slave ; and this is
to be done not in any special locality, but everywhere, and
not only for a day or a year, but for all time. Our obliga-
tion to the national creditors is of the same validity, ap-
proved by successive acts of Congress, ratified by the popu-
lar will, and fixed beyond recall by the actual enjoyment of
the precious fruits for which the debt was incurred. Repu-
diation of our bonds whether to the national creditors or to
the national freedmen, would be a shame and a crime, and
the national faith is irrevocably plighted to the two alike.
Here is the proclamation, and here is the Treasury note.
Look at the signatures and look at the terms. Tho former
is signed by the President himself, Abraham Lincoln; the
latter is signed by an unknown clerk whose name I cannot
decipher. The former is stronger and more positive in its
terms than the latter. The Treasury note simply says that
it is "redeemable after a certain date," and that "this debt
is authorised by act of Congress." Tho binding terms of
the proclamation, which I have already road are solemnly
enforced by that memorable invocation at the close :—"And
upon this act, siecorely believed to be an act of justice war-
ranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I in-
voke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious
favour of Almighty God." Thus religion comes to confirm
the pledge with sanctions of its own. That pledge is as
enduring as the republic itself.

Meanwhile wo must follow Congress in the present ex-
clusion of all rebels upon political power. They must not be
--"“ ^n i take
my stand. Lot them buy and sell, let them:till the ground
—and may they be industrious and successful. These things
they may do ; but they must not be admitted at once into
the cor.ztttership of our Government. A. -ncli might the
respectable Mr. Ketchum reinstate his son at once in the
powers of a co-partner. The father received his son with
parental affection, and forgave him, but he did not invite
the criminal to resume his former desk in Wall-street.
And yet Edward Ketchum, who had robbed and forged on
an unprecedented scale, is as worthy of trust in the old
banking-house as our rebels in the Government of the
country. A long probation will be needed before either
can be admitted to his former fellowship. The state of
outlawry is the present condition of each, and this condition
must not be hastily relaxed. Congress has already set the
example by excluding from " any office of honour or profit
under the Government of the United States," and also by
excluding as councilor at law from any court of the United
States, every person who has given "aid or countenance
to the rebellion, or who has "sought or accepted any
office
whatever" under it, or who has yielded to it any "veluntary
support." This exclusion, thus sanctioned by Congress,
must be the polestar of our national policy. If rebels cannot
be officers under our Government, they ought not to be
voters. They should be politically disfranchised, purely and
simply, as a measure of self-defence, and in order to
prepare the way for those guarantees which we seek.
" Vipers cannot use their venom in the cold." Those are
words of political wisdom as well as of scientific truth, and
a great Italian writer did not hesitate to inculcate from
them the same lesson as I do now. Still further, in obtain-
ing guarantees we must look confidently to Congress, which
has plenary powers over the whole subject. Congress can
do everything needful. It has already begun by excluding
rebels from office. It must continue its jurisdiction ;
whether, through the war powers, or the duty to guarantee
a republican form of government, or the necessity of the
case, as in territories, is a matter of little importance. It
is of less importance under which of its powers this is done
than that it is done. Continuing its jurisdiction, Congress
must supervise and fix the conditions of order, so that the
national security and national faith shall not suffer. Hero
is a sacred obligation which cannot bepostponed. All these
guarantees should be completed and crowned by an amend-
ment of the Constitution of the United States, especially
providing that hereafter there shall be no denial of the elec-
toral franchise, or any exclusion of any kind on account of
colour or race, but all persons shall be equal before the law.
At this moment, under the just interpretation of the Consti-

tution, three-fourths of the States actually co-operating in
the national Government are sufficient for this change. The
words of the Constitution are that amendments shall be

valid to all intents and purposes " when ratified by three-
fourths of the Legislature of the several States;" or, accord-
_

jug to practical sense, by three-fourths of the States that
have Legislatures. If a State has no Legislature it camiet
be counted in determining the quorum of either House of

Congress, where precisely the same question occurs. Any
other interpretation recognises the rebellion, and plays Into
its hands by conceding its powar, through rebellious con-
trivance, to prevent an amendment of the Constitution
essential to the general welfare.

For myself, fellow-citizens, pardon me if I say that my
fixed. course is Others may hesitate; others may turn away
from those great truths which make the ear-reaching bright-
ness of the Republic; ethers may seek a temporary favour by
a temporary surrender. I shall not. The victory of blood,
which has been so won, must be confirmed bya greater vic-
tory of idea, so that the renowned words of Abraham Lin-
coln may be fulfilled, and a this nation under God shall have
a new birth of freedom, and government of the people, by
e
the people and for the people, shall not perish from the
earth." To this end I seek no merely formal Union seething
with smothered curses, but a practical, moral, and olitical
unity, founded on common rights knit togethhererboyocpuorm=
interests, and inspired by a common faith,o
covenant with life
stitution, interpreted anew, shall
and a league with Heaven, and libebrtela3rsohewalol,bLebvieerywwahyetroe
not only a right, but a duty.
with
child. li f e for
Thata edeedlosi
closing
the scaffold, whero ho was to ajtaoohanlneave
self-sacrifice, stooped to take up
man to his country. That
act was the legacy of tho
and
equality,fulfil.
Ie Thebglapsotasthpaolblebed,
fibie.snte;diacntidonsow:i
n mustthis continuen new order,
ldnegr,
shall become the
alG'heevie-eibbeinlleiount
own,astbtoe
bevearyt
p
Yof a race." Taking up the gauntlet,
insolent assumption of the conspirators
down this Peroiinftncoaiustor principle of our system and the
rleCboynsftetuntdioing n
alleged
I now insist''in "inferiority
the

- _
shall not prevail. This is not the first time that I have
battled with the barbarism of slavery. I battle still, as

;he bloody monster retreats to its last citadel, and God

willing, I mean " to fight it out on this line," if it takes

what remains to me of life.

MR. HARRY COPELAND, the author of the now
universal song "Slap Bang," is recently deceased.

MORISON'S PILLS OF THE BRITISH COLLEGE OF
HEALTH, EUSTON-ROAD, LONDON.—AII persons should
know that the above medicine can be sent by post on receipt
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—[ kcivertis ear. ut.

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HER MAJESTY.

BALMORAL, Sept. 29.
The Queen drove out in the morning with Prin-
cess Louise ; and in the afternoon her Majesty went
out with Princess Louis of Hesse.

Their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess
Louise of Hesse, Princess Helena, Princess Louise,
and Princess Beatrice went to a gillies' ball at Aber-
geldie, given by the Prince of Wales, in the evening.
Baroness de Schenck, Baron de Rabenau, and
Colonel the Hon. D. de Ros were in attendance.
The Earl of Dalhousie and Lady Christian Maule
arrived at the Castle on a visit, and had the honour
of dining with the Queen and royal family.
SEPT. 30.
The Queen, accompanied by Princess Louise
and Princess Beatrice, and attended by Lady Ely,
drove yesterday to Alt-na-Guitha-sack.

_ .
Princess Louis of Hesse and Princess Helena
went out driving in the morning ; and in the after-
noon Princess Helena drove out with Lady Chris-
tian Maule, the Hon. Mrs. Grey, and Miss Grey.
The Earl of Dalhousie, Lady Christian Maule, •
and Sir Charles Wood had the honour of dining
with the Queen and royal family.