The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-28 00:00:00

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BERLIN, Jan. 26.
The importance of the speeches delivered at the
debates on the Address by Herr von Bismark and
Count Eulenburg attaches interest to the full text
of each, which has only just transpired.
In the Upper House the Premier spoke as fol-
lows :
" I have first to thank the movers of the Address,
and the speakers by which it has been supported,
for the kind appreciation they have expressed
of the action of the King's Government. - In
accordance with the view taken by the majority
of the House for the home conflict, I permit myself
to add a few words, which, although conveying nothing
new, cannot be sufficiently repeated in face of themis-
representations by which they are obscured. The
basis of constitutional life everywhere is compromise.
The Prussian Constitution directs attention the more
necessarily to this basis, as differing from many others
it demands the unanimity of the three Estates of the
Legislature with regard to the Budget. These, how-
ever, although not absolutely equal in respect to the
Budget, are yet placed side by side as powers equally
endowed with absolute rights. The Constitution does
not impose upon either of them the obligations of
subordinating itself to one or both of the others.
Equally little does the Constitution invest one of the
three-Estates witif-Aeright, of uttering & sic vo/o, sic__
jubeo, to which the others would have to bow. The
easy plan of removing disputes between the two
Houses of Parliamentrby the Government undertak-
ing the duty of bringing the Upper House into accord
with the Chamber of Deputies, by the nomination of
members upon every occasion when -the Houses do
not agree, I consider unconstitutional, because op-
posed to the spirit of the Constitution. It leads to
the single Chamber • system, which in principle re-
quires an Upper House whose non-agreement with
the Lower House cannot be at all imagined. It
thoroughly undermines the institution of a House of
Lords, a first Chamber, an Upper House, or whatever
it may be called, which is just to be the exponent of
a policy not following withfacility the opinions of the
day, but constituting the regulator and ballast in the
ship of the Parliament. That same experiment, which
a Ministry might make, in order to bring a recalci-
trant Upper House by the nomination of members
in accord with a Liberal Chamber of Deputies, would
afterwards have to be repeated by a Conservative
Ministry for the sake of a Conservative Chamber of
Deputies, and it is by no means impossible that we
may some day have a Conservative Chamber of
Deputies. If we then had a Liberal majority in the
Upper House, it would again have to be completed in
the opposite sense, by which the number of the mem-
bers would soon become over full, and the Upper
House be only a shadow of the Chamber of Depu-
ties, which is opposed to the spirit of the constitu-
tion. The constitution, I repeat, necessarily points
in such divergences to the way of compromise. This
way was abandoned by the resolution passed by the
other house, Sept. 22, 1862—a resolution whose
accomplishment was evidently impossible. I will not
excuse; the steps taken by the Government in
• power in this matter, but this much is certain, that
when the present Government took office it found
the dispute in such a stage that it could only settle
it in a friendly manner by carrying out an impos-
sible resolution—not only impossible because the
Budget of 1862, which was rejected in important
particulars, was already exhausted, but also impos-
sible because it desired the Government to disband

the army. This impossibility, as the speech fron
the throne has pointed out, still continues. I an
especially grateful to the movers for the delicate
manner in which they have touched upon foreign
policy. Every practical man of business is aware
of the inconvenience attending the publication of
pending negotiations, a process which either lays
down our own object hastily and without the assent
of the other party, or throws a false light upon that
object in the eyes of the Power with which negotia-
tions are being carried on. The house may be
assured that the interests of Prussia in the negotia-
tions now in progress shall be firmly upheld, and I
may express my conviction that Prussian blood will
not be found to have been shed in vain. (Loud
cheers.) In criticising our foreign policy the Li-
berals have reproached us—and the reproach has
also been made in anticipation by the other house—
with having placed obstacles in the future resettle-
ment of the Duchies by our alliance with Austria.
I believe, gentlemen, that the utility of this alliance
during the past phase will be brought by the future
into a stronger light than the circumstances at pre-
sent knoWn have been able to do, and than I my-
self am at the' present moment in a position to
remainedwww hiath mi
nto r o
throw upon it. For the present I confine myself
r.
h
to observing that, if we had not taken the course
ido,wnaa
in
d twhaesmfruitlesslyaer recommended,
in
open nnadltoet
ebstisoe:
ohc
foeinusrnvddauerrieecsaguldatet,vear
that
ty NoVfouldFedtvael
attempted to be carried out. Now it is evident that
in a Federal war Austria would not only have parti-
cipated as a simple member of the Confederation,
but as the presiding Power ; and that, besides Aus-
tria, and far more decisively than she has done, the
majorityof the Diet would have influenced not alone
the conduct of the war, but especially the ultimate
resettlement of the Duchies. Even the gentlemen
who offer that reproach will not maintain that we
should have had to expect a more favourable con-
struction of Prussian interests from that majority
than from our Austrian ally. I take it, they bring
forward these reproaches in this manner simply be-
cause they do not follow out their consequences to
the end, and do not clearly perceive what would
necessarily have been the result if we had followed
their advice. The notion that the war we have
waged might have been waged by Prussia alone,
after rejection of the Austrian alliance, takes us into
a field of conjectural policy upon which I, for my
part, in the official position I hold, must decline to
enter; but thus much is certain, that we should not
have obtained the assent of the German Federal
Government to such a war without Austria ; that
we should therefore Nava had, outside the Prussian
army, to rely upon elements that had joined us either
in opposition to, or at any rate without the consent
of their Governments--they would not have been
regular
reference to a topic which mainly inte-
rests
all at this moment, you will not, I am
remarks
mnn th
sure, consider it as any want of confidence in your
agreement with the Government, but will attribute
my reticence to regard for the necessary restrictions
imposed upon me by publicity." (Loud and con-
tinued cheers.)
In the Chamber of Deputies Count Eulenburg,
the Minister of the Interior, made the following
speech
I cannot allow the votes to be taken without first
expressing, in the name of the Government, our satis-
faction that the mover of the Address in special
has
decency and
imprinted
upon our discussion to-day a tone of
reconciliation to which we have long
b
the subject under debate I entirely agree
h the mover, that the Gordian knot of our dif-
ference rests in the military question and in the
etoaaiofa
also
fall
away. I
ask
consequences thereto attached. The present Minis-
try found a situation which it had not introduced,
and would not have occasioned had it at that time
been able to exert decisive influence. But it also
found a situation which it could neither give up nor
remove without surrendering the rights of the
Crown. As the mover of the Address very correctly
stated, we have been thereby—like the majority of
the house more or less—forced into positions which
we should never have taken up had we found res
integra upon our accession to office. The question
in dispute
existing position—a posi-
twhich the consequences
connectediwith
is
th to remove
the erre removal
y would
nll

you, gentlemen, to realise to yourselves for a mo-
ment the essence of this military question. Picture
to yourselves a monarch, soldier to the heart's core,
who thoroughly comprehends:in all its vast import-
ance the utility of his army to himself and his coun-
try ; whose thought and endeavour it has long been
to give this force institutions guaranteeing its power
and safety, and conducting it towards a state of ex-
cellence calculated to maintain its rank as one of the
first armies of Europe. Picture to yourselves a
monarch who, finally believing he has discovered
such institutions, calls them provisionally into ex-
istence with the consent of trig representatives of the
country, and considers their execution so necessary
that he does not abandon them even at the risk of
the country being without a Budget. Picture to
yourselves, next, a war—a victorious war—a war
waged by the army under the guidance of its new
organisation, and reflect upon the very natural in-
ference that victory might perhaps have been at-
tained without the new organisation, but that con-
quest would not have been so secure, not so tho-
roughly a consequence of discipline—not, if I may so
express myself, so neat—as under the conditions which
have been justified and upheld in this war. Picture
to yourselves further, that the dangers which had
been thought attached to having no Budget have
not been proved to exist ; and will you then demand
of such a Monarch to retire from his work in favour
of which all facts speak, and to say, ' I and my
Government will seekaisnAtirTerstanding by des ..
ing a portion of that labour ,whiCh has made I3russia.
great ?' That, gentlemen, is impossible, quite
impossible. Neither the present Monarch of
Prussia, nor any King of Prussia, so long as we
live, will give up even one tittle of the principles of
this army reorganisation and of the legal conditions
with which he believes it to be necessarily bound up.
And remember, gentlemen, that the Kings of Prus-
sia have a stronger existence than a Chamber of
Deputies chosen for three years. Gentlemen, if you
admit that I depict the _situation as it lies before the
eyes of all, you will not be able to exclude the con-
viction that the Government cannot be moved in
this point to concession ; and therefore I think you
will act wisely not to make the military question
the touchstone of your right to vote the Budget, for
therein lies the evil. You have fought for and
against the advisability of this organisation for a
shorter or longer term of service ; but all these
questions cannot be of such importance to you that
you should cling to them with peculiar tenacity, if
you did not at the same believe that the defence of
your position therein was connected with the defence
of the claim to vote the Budget advanced by you.
Gentlemen, give up the idea of trying your right
upon the military question ; seek some other topic,
some other field upon which you may think it
advisable to prove the validity of your right,
although it may perhaps be difficult to discover ;
for you will find the Government ready, so far as
existing circumstances do not render it impossible,
to attach that interpretation of the letter of the law
upon which you have taken your stand. Let the
military question vanish from the stage, and it will
then serve us as a lesson for future times. The
fight we now fight for the last three years, and
which, if you do not give up this point, we. must
continue to fight on for an incalculable time, may
in that case still be of service to the country, and
contribute more towards the development of con-
stitutional life than you imagine. Do not, gentle-
men, leave the proofs of such patriotism to your
successors, but set yourselves to work as rapidly as
possible to make Prussia united, and thereby as
great and as strong as she deserves to be. (Cheers
from the Right.)