The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-19 00:00:00

S TAMPED &I.

county have been. granted to their party ? Why, not
one. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") Well, then if the Liberals complain that none of the threeseat; is
ceded t o
av
ioredss I r
for
e how much stronger
them in
have Conservatives complainingthat;o
ht
reason e e
one out of the fourteen seats(CinhAeelrids
ad
Nov,c cdd. t oi‘tihre. mci no
wt liTetr county?comes
forward upon public
grounds as a supporter of the present Govern-
ment, as opposed to the policy of the Conservativeparty.
(A cry of "you have got no policy.") Well, we can
afford
to be a little more candid than our opponents,
leecause
while they have claimed every conceivable merit for the
Whig Government—(uproar)—and have attributed every
conceivable fault to the Conservatives—(renewed and con
tinned clamour, in the midst of which the right hon.
baronet left the sentence unfinished). I can see a reason
why somo among you do not wish to hear the candidates ;
it is because you have already got a very unruly member
of your own—a tongue—and I wish that now you have
got it you would hold it. (Hear, and cheers.) I am not
here to bestow unqualified blame upon the Government.
If Lord Palmerston were among us to-day there is one
merit, I believe, which he would concede to the Conserva-
tives—the merit that during the six years of his tenure of
office we have often saved him from defeat and discom-
fiture. (Hear.) Now, there are some things which I ap-
prove in the prosent Government. I thank the Govern-
ment for the strict neutrality they have preserved in the
unhappy civil war which has afflicted our American kins-
folk. Whatever may be the differences of opinion and
sympathy among us as to the causes of that unhappy con-
flict, there can be no doubt that strict neutrality in point
of political action was the bounden duty of the Britis! Go-
vernment—(hear)—and in the maintenance of that neutra-
lity the Conservatives have given the Government their
cordial support. (Hear, bear, and no, no.) I also thank
her Majesty's Government for the moral support they have
given to the cause of Italian independence. I said in this
county—and I said it from the first—that it was for the
interest of Europe and of civilisation that Italy should
shake off the yoke of Austria ; and that, with her magnifi-
cent seaboard, with her fertile soil, and her intelligent
population, she should assume her proper rank in the
great family of nations. (Cheers.) I said then, and I
say now, as I have always said, that the establishment
of free States is for the interest of England—(hear)—
because in every free country there must exist a natural
ally of that England which is the parent and the model of
them all. (Cheers.) Now, we hear a good deal at present of
the policy of non-intervention. That policy of non-in-
tervention, except in cases in which our honour or our
interests are directly concerned, is the policy that has
been adopted by all modern Conservative statesmen—
(cheers)—by the late Sir Robert Peel, by Lord Derby,
by Mr. Disraeli. But then non-intervention does not
mean that England is never to express her opinions to
foreign States on affairs that may affect the tranquillity
of Europe or the welfare of humanity. (Renewed cheers.)
That is a silence which the people of this country never
would allow to their Government (hear, hear) ; and as
long as liberty, and justice, and mercy exist upon earth,
so long will the heart of England beat in their cause,
and so long will her voice be heard in- their defence.
(Cheers.) Having now stated to you where I can frankly
praise and thank the present Government, I will tell you
where I am compelled to blame them ; and I will do it
all the more frankly and plainly because I must here
find the same fault with them towards an unfortunate
foreign Power which I will show you later they have
committed towards you, their own fellow-countrymen.
That fault is, that they have excited hopes which they
have deceived, and that they have made promises which
they have broken. (Hear, hear.) That was the case
with regard to Denmark. (Hear, hear.) I do not wish
to exaggerate; I do not wish to say that our Govern-
ment offered such direct pledges of military aid to Den-
mark that those pleeges could not be explained away by
a clever lawyer. But I say that in the dealings of a
great State with a small and a weak one the great State
should act, not as a clever lawyer, but as a straight-
forward, a loyal, and an honest gentleman. (Loud cheers.)
When a great State says to a small one, "Your cause is
just ; put yourself in our hands, act upon our advice,"
and the small State complies with that recommendation,
there is a promise on the part of the great State that the
small one shall not be left to fight and to bleed alone.
(Cheers.) But that was what was done by Denmark.
Denmark altered her laws ; she upset her Government ;
she revoked her constitution ; she changed the battle-field
she would herself have preferred—all by our advice—and
then at the close we loft her mutilated and despoiled, and
compelled to accept far worse terms than she could have
made if she had never listened to our counsels and counted
on our aid. (A cry of " What would you have done then?")
What should we have done ? Well, we would not have
made promises which we wore to break. I do not blame
the Government for declining war, because war was im-
possible. Ido not blame the Government for maintaining
peace. But what Ido blame them for is this—and it is a
blame I believe which neither we nor any other Govern-
ment would have incurred—l blame them for having used
language of menace to Germany which Germany laughed
at as idle braggadocio. I blame them not for preserving
peace, but for so contriving it that while every wise Eng-
lishman said peace was necessary, every brave English-
man, on accepting that peace, hung his head for shame.
(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") But let me add one word,
and I wish you to hear it. I wish to say this, that in
blaming the Government I do not, as many Liberals as
well as Conservatives do—l do not make Earl Russell a
scapegoat upon this occasion. I do not say that Earl
Russell was guilty, and that the Cabinet was blameless.
(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, whatever the faults of
Earl Russell may have been—and such is human nature
that the faults of great men, like their merits, stand out
more broadly thairthose of ordinary mortals—but, what-
ever the faults of Earl Russell may have been, I must say
that the last fault I should ascribe to him would be that of
wilful indifference to the honour of old England, in the
history of which he has played so conspicuous a part, and
will leave so imperishable a name. (Cheers.) Whom,
then, do I blame? Not individuals ; I never assail indi-
viduals. I blame a vacillating, a motley, and a
divided Cabinet--(cheers)—to which all the despatches
and proceedings of Earl Russell were referred. (Hear.)
And now I charge her Majesty's Government with the
same fault towards their own fellow-countrymen which
they committed towards Denmark. I charge them
with exciting hopes which they deceived ; I charge them
with making promises which they broke. (Hear, hear.)
What say you to Parliamentary Reform and a £6 borough
franchise ? Lord Derby's Government proposed a measure
which would have given to every working man in this town
a vote, whatever rent ho might pay for his house, provided
his fellow-countrymen by some foresight, by some prudence,
only he should have secured the confidence and respect of
bymaking some moderato investment in a savings bank or
in the funds. (Hear, hear.) But what should be the amount
of that saving would have been a fair subject for conside-
ration in the committee on the bill. The Whigs, however,
took alarm. They saw that there might be a settlement of
the question. They did not desire to have such a settle-
ment, because as long as the question was unsettled thorn
was a something by which they could threaten a Conser-
vative Government, and a something by which they could
hazard a promise to their Radical allies. (Hear.) Accord-
ingly a meeting was summoned between the Whigs and the
Radicals, and at thatmeeting the usual agreement was come
to, namely, that the Whigs should have the places, and
that the Radicals should have the promises. (Cheers and
laughter.) The bond of that union was that if the Radi-
cals would help the Whigs to defeat the Derby Govern-
ment, then the Whigs would introduce and pass a Reform
Dill with at least a£6 borough franchise. That was their
promise. Now, the man who more than any other ef-
fected that union—the man who contributed most power-
fully towards its formation was Mr. John Bright. (Three
cheers for Bright). And what does Mr. Bright say now ?
lie says that the Government have broken all the promises
without which they could not have obtained office for a
single day. So much for Mr. Bright. Mr. Gladstone, in a
very striking sentence, said that the Liberals have a trust
in the people only qualified by prudence, while the Con-
servatives have a distrust of the people only qualified by
fear. Well, I will do the Government the justice to say
that upon this question of Parliamentary Reform they unite
both the fear and the prudence. (Cheers and laughter.)
On the hustings they propose such a change out of fear
and in Parliament they drop it out of prudence. (Renewed
cheers and laughter.) There is an old story which I will
tell you if you will have the kindness to listen to it. Two
men met one day, and one of them' said to the other,
.d How is our friend Jack ? I hear that he has a bad fever."
" Oh," said the other, " the fever has gone off." The next
day the same men met again, and the one who had spoken
first said to the other, " 'Why, you deceived me yesterday ;
you said that Jack's fever had gone off. It has gone off, but.
I finclitiat Jack is dead." " Well, said the other, " I did
not deceive you ; Jack's fever has gone off, but I forgot to
say that poor Jack went off with it." (Laughter.) That is
something like the Whig ardour for Parliamentary reform,
and for a£6 franchise fur poor Jack the workingai Lmoarnd.
(Hear.) It was a fever—a raging fever—as
Derby's Government ; but the fever went off with that
working man, went off
Government, and poor Jack, the
with it. (Cheers and laughter.) Tho fault I find with the
Government is this—that, instead of settling, they like to
painful and irritating questions, in order that
keep alive
they may get out of them at the hustings that political
capital
which they afterwards invest in Parliament in the
emoluments of office. (Rear.) Now Parliamentary reform is
One of those questions, and church rates is another. Mr.
Cowper is for the total and unqualified abolition of church
rates. ,(Rear, and uproar.) But, observe, that he is for it

It will be seen by the close order in which they rounded
that this was a very interesting race, when the time allow-
ance is taken into account. Tho Duda had a better wind
than either of the others, and threatened to overhaul the
Satanella directly they rounded, but it was some time before
that occurred. The Octoroon, which was within a few
seconds of her time, now sent her topsail down, and it
would probably have been better had she done so earlier.
She now set her hYdropult to work and wetted her
mainsail. Tho Queen stretched to the Lower Hope
point, where she made her first board. The Octoroon
and Dud; a little astern, went about at the same
time, and these three judiciously worked the south
shore, where the young flood, which had notbegun to make
when they rounded, was strongest. At the Lower
Hope point the Satanella was level with the Queen, but
dead to leeward ; she held on her reach nearly ten minutes
longer than the Queen, and when she at last went about,
it was clear that she had not been a gainer by the course
she had taken, when she was not only dead to leeward, but
had very little tide under her, for the Queen had gone well
away and the Dudu had come up. Off the Ovens buoy
the Dudu tacked short under the Satanella's lee, which had
to bear away to avoid some craft, and went through her
lee into the second place. After this there was no change,
and the race finished as follows:

The Queen
50
Dudu 5 21
Satanella
Octoroon
Accordingly the Queen won the first prize, and the Dudu
the second, but the owner of the Satanella claimed the
litter, on the ground that she only measured 14 tons,
although set down at 15, and was therefore entitled to a
minute from the Dudu, which made her winner of the
second prize.

Mr. Cecil Long presented the first prize to the represen-
tative of Mr. Whitbread ; the second was withheld until
the tonnage of the Satanella is ascertained by the club
measurers. The company on board the Oread expressed
their great satisfaction with the viands supplied by the
skipper.

"It is believed," says the Gazette de France,
" that the French Government will create in the port of
Yokohama, in Japan, a naval.arsenal for the repairs of the
vessels of the French naval division in China."
REGULATION OF MINES.—The •select committee
the Commons on
ro nt
ithethe
re9gthuloaft
i3ofna3a'ntdo
iiin,nn'epsitifteiiiocrnetuti
solt:ndnftroolo)fy:he t
,:re°alua.tsnBi odlnlo_iifoitifitClotoreferencehi ne
the com p
thereto,t s co n
appeart ain ed in
have examined only one witness, Mr. Thos. Burt, and then
came to this resolution—that it would bo impracticable to
complete the inquiry within the session, and as it would
bo inexpedient to publish any evidence they might receive
without affording those affected by it an opportunity of
being examined, they would suspend their proceedhigs,
and recommend the appointment of a new committee at
the beginning of next session to resume the inquiry.
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