The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-05 00:00:00

I NIPERfAL PAR LIAME'_NT

HOUSE OF LORDS.—YESTERDAY.
The Lonn CHANCELLOR took his scat on the wmolsack
at 5 o'clock.

GARDENS IN TOWNS.
Lord REDESDALE said he intended to renew this bill
early next session.
Lord OVERSTONE thanked the noble lord for what he
had already done on this subject,
expressed his grati-
next
ficatisession, when hon at hearinge
trusted it the bill was to be reintroduced early
ul
of both houses of Parliament. d receive the approval
PERSECUTION IN TURRE y
Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE called attention
taken place
to some cases of religious persecution which had
in Turkey. He should like to know whether her
ambassador had taken any steps to prevent those tst)persecu-
tions
being continued.
Earl RUSSELL said her Majesty's Ambassador had
called the attention of the Turkish Government to the sub-
ject, and, as we understand, reparation had been made to
the persons who had been unjustly treated.
UNION RELIEF AID BILL.
Earl RUSSELL, in the absence of the noble earl the
President of the Couneil, moved that the house go into
committee on this bill. The noble earl entered into a brief
explanation of the provisions of the measure, pointing out
the severity of the crisis it was intended to alleviate.
The Earl of MALMESBURY said the present bill was
not one of a party nature, but purely a matter of business,
and as such it had been treated so by the House of Com-
mons. He regetted her Majesty's Government had not ad-
hered to their original measure, and he doubted very much
whether the distress in Lancashire was of that awful nature
as had been described in the newspapers, at lei st at the
present moment. But whether it were so or not, it had
long been foreseen, and the Government had waited until
the last week of the session before it had attempted to pro-
vide a remedy. The result was that the bill had been very
hastily considered, and were establishing a very bad
precedent. Many of the agricultural parishes paid
rates as high as 4s. in the pound, without considering
themselves as unduly distressed, and it was monstrous
that a district proverbially prosperous should be entitled
to extraordinary relief because they had to pay a lower I
figure. lie strongly condemned the power to raise loans
on the security of the rates, and after the dignity and pa-
tience with which their sufferings had been borne, he
thought it was unworthy of these distressed districts to
apply for an extraordinary aid while others far worse off
had never thought of asking for it. He thought personal
property ought to be liable to the poor rate, and concluded
by entering his protest against the dangerous precedent
established by the bill.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said the bill ought not be
looked upon as one forming a precedent for future occasions,
it was expressly intended to be exceptional, and dealt with
accordingly. The noble earl had found fault with the
Government for not bringingin the bill earlier, and then
argued it was altogether uncalled for. it was true that
the rates were higher in many agricultural parishes, but
the operatives had exhausted their all with a noble mde-
pendence, and the bill was intended to meet a possibility
of a much worse state f things than at present existed.
Lord KINGSDO WN considered it in the last degree
censurable that the great communities which had collected
and had been enriched by those toiling populations of Lan-
cashire and Cheshire should at the first apps oach of distress
seek to throw the burdens upon the adjoining localities.
Lord EGERTON approved of the bill, and entirely con-
curred in the wisdom of the House of Commons in amend-
ing it so as to give guardians borrowing power.
Lord OVERS TONE said the
oeratives in the distressed
districts had only been reduced
adherence on the part of the o pauperism by a strict
Government to a great princi-
ple of state policy. Under these circumstances he ques-
tioned whether they ought not to be relieved by some public
rather than local contribution. He hoped that before Par-
liament met again the war now raging in America would
be terminated, and that the Northern and South
would once more enter into cordial relations with etrlanatSgtraeteast
country from which they claimed a common oricsi
operateso
Lord REDESDALE feared that the bill
wobalici.
with injustice in certain instanees, and observed that
parishes would not contribute in proportion to their
wealth,
while others might have to pay more than their fair share,
After a few words from Earl RUSSELL in reply, the
house went into committee, and the various clauses were
agreed to. The standing orders were then suspended, and
the bill was reported, and read a third time and passed.
The Corrupt Practices Prevention Act Continuance Bill
passed through its remaining stages.
'l"he Commons' amendments to the Night Poaching Pre
vention Bill were agreed to after some discussion.

THE CONFEDERATE STATES.
Lord CAMPBELL then rose to move for copies or ex-
tracts of any correspondence which her Majesty's Govern-
ment had received from Mr. Mason, the Southern envoy,
relating to the acknowledgment of he Confederate States
of America by Great Britain. He said, as the Govern-
had already laid before Parliament, in the first nueiber of
the papers on America, the despatch of Col. Mann and Mr.
Yancy, demanding the acknowledgment of the Southern
Confederacy in 1861, and had also laid before Parliament a
despatch of Mr. Mason at the beginning of the present year
on the blockade, there could be no technical objection to pre-
sent any correspondence of a later period. It was well
known that the Southern envoys, both in London and in
Paris, had recently demanded the acknowledgment of the
States they represented, and of which the power to defend
their capital against an invading force was in the last days of
June triumphantly asserted. In one sense, indeed, the
papers would be useless; they could do little to enhance—
so strong was it already—the conviction which appeared to
pervade society and Parliament, that the war ought to end
in separation of the Northern and the Southern Powers. It
was not too much to say that no class or party in the coun-
try any longer desired to see the reconquest of the South
and the reconstruction of the Union. The unanimity
might be traced to many different causes. It was owing
in some measure to the seasonable flood of light which Mr,
Spence, in his well-known work, had thrown upon the sub-
ject, It was owing in a still greater measure to the
speech of the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
on the 10th of March, in which he told the world that se-
paration was the issue of the struggle which he contem-
plated, and that at a period not distant from the time when
he was speaking. It was owing also to the labours of en-
lightened men in the House of Commons, of whom Mr.
Gregory had been the most conspicuous. But still more
should the unanimous desire for separation and aversion to
reconquest in this country be traced to the conviction that
the interest of the negro race would be promoted by the
former and retarded by the latter; that the area of
slavery must be limited when separa ion happened,
and would most likely be extended if reconquest
unhappily occurred. It was further strengthened by
the fact that the progress of the war had, during part
of the year, and even the capture of New Orleans, dis-
proved the existence of any Southern party for the Union
had revealed in the South :a self-sacrificing heroism and
inexhaustible endurance which could not have been counted
on before ; had shown, in point of fact, that the South could
only be restored to the Government which formerly pos-
sessed it by an exterminating war, as well as an aggressive
one. Besides the devastation and destruction it would
bring upon the South, it was generally seen that reconquest
of the Union threatened the North with military despotism,
trade with insupportable restrictions, and Europe with pro-
longed uneasiness. These papers were not wanted to give
new force to a core iction so prevailing, but they might throw
light upon the course which Great Britain ought to follow
amid the danger which surrounded her in consequence of
this civil war. The first danger of Great Britain, viz., the
possibility ef Southern subjugation, and all the evils it in-
volved, might be, perhaps, dismissed as a remote one. The
second danger, which arose from the continuance of the
war—the manufacturing distress it must occasion—was far
more serious and distressing. So long as the war continued a
scarcity of cotton must be apprehended. If, indeed, the
American supply were utterly and finally extinguished, the
means a ould not, perhaps, be wanting to replace it; but
so long as the American supply was constantly impending
on the market they could not hope to gain a large amount
from Africa or India. And who should say what degree of
social or political disorder might not follow manufacturing
distress if it extended over four years or upwards? Another
danger for Great Britain, more likely to remain unnoticed,
but Lot less easy to describe, was that, if the war should
end in separation, before this country had merited alliance
from the Southern Power, Canada was exposed without an
adequate defence to at least a possible invader. If Canada
was unable to support a numerous militia, if Britain was
unable to send large armies to her succour, what defence
could they rely on except a firm ally upon that continent,
prepared at any moment to cross the frontier of the Power
by which an unjust attack was made upon our dependency?
It should never be forgotten that we were not able to
secure the duration of the contest, that after the exhaus-
tion of ;the combatants we could not prevent other
Powers by their influence from bringing the war to a con-
clusion, although we might refuse to share so great and
meritorious an effort. Some persons have ingeniously con-
tended that, looking to British objects, we ought not to
bring about or to desire a termination of hostilities; that the
evils arising from such a termination were greater than the
evils which the war itself inflicted on us, and that our policy
and business was to stand still and let it rage as long and
burn out as gradually as possible. Such counsels might
be just if we had any guarantee for its continuance. But we
clearly had not. Suppose Great Britain held aloof completely
in the present autumn, while the other Powers of Europe,
swayed by the French Government, employed their moral
force to terminate the war in Southern independence. In
two months Canada might be assailed and Great Britain be
without the least support on that continent. If, however,
Great Britain had united with the other Powers of Europe
(after showing every observance to the Government of
Washington) in acknowledging the independence of the
South, she would not be unsupported in America when
separation happened. Such a msde of acting, if it did not
at once remove the chance of Southern euCugation, Was
calculated to remove it. If it did not at once jarrest the civil
provided against
war, it was calculated to arrest it. Of the three danger,
therefore, he had ventured to enumerate, it
one, and had a tendency, at least, to neutralise the others.
ioanction
But if no one could allude to the line
became us without the greateston caouit' which
serve, there was one point and re -
might speak with openness and firmness.which any man
being put out of the question, the civil Reconquest
rcould never end
until foreign Powers had recd nised the Government of
Richmond. Since modern Eurgope
civil war had ended in the came into existence, no
Power until that Power sovereignty of the insurgent
States, giving an ]had
exam been recognised by neutral
reconquest. It was t to the State which aimed at its
acknow-
ledged by Great Britain°t
till Portugal had been
acknowledge her existence2s years that Spain consented
It was
as an independent Power.
not till long after nearly all the Governments of Europe
had acknowledgedßolland, that
Spain the United Provinces of
The same
gave up the hope of re-absorbing them.
circumstance applied to the United. the South Ame-
rican republics to Greece, arid to Italy. The
acknowledgment Powers had always preceded
to Belgium,
by neutral .
first endeavoured
the acknowledgment by the Puweregth'cilt too much to lay
to control the insurrection. It `tvn.se not
against an down as a principle that had acknowledged it. leinsur-
gent State until neutral Powers m.gas
4werost be abandoned while neutral
not
At least it never had
War for a reconquest con'?
lel have the strongest appli-
Powers sanctioned its COntl"
been. And that princ P
the voice of Europe they
Government owfoluVashington. However sick-
cation to the
cned of the war, it was only by
necessity of waging it.
authority
could be delivered from the horrible n •
was requisite to pave the
Some Powerful
sofnrelVangdreat a change of system upon their part.
Ha inn undertaken to coerce the Southern States, having
drawn
'5OO 000 men from peaceful avocations, having sent
the tax-gatherer to range among homes which he had never
darkened, having ensnared the people of the North into
unprecedented sacrifices by a vision which 90 days would
always enable them to grasp, but which after two
campaigns remained jeep
llpeanbaegaems
vteer: with theirfac
gle
could they recede from their
aspirations, avow at once their error and their guilt, while
een, renounce w ha
t
Europe still declined to acknowledge Southern indepen-
dence. Separation was impossible, until the effort to re-
conquer was discarded. The effort to reconquer must go
on, until foreign Powers granted to the South the recogni-

lion which it asked for. So long as they withheld it, they
compelled the Government of Washington to persevere in
its unnatural and sanguinary labours. The whole ques-
tion as regarded acknowledgment appeared to turn
upon th© moment. If other Powers of Europe
were prepared, had England a right to count
upon a better one ? Operations of -gunboats were
retarded by the dryness of the navigable rivers;
operations on land, by the fearful heat and the disease it
engendered. Richmond was no longer menaced Securities
at New York had undergone a great depreciation. The war,
as far they could judge, had lost its hold on popular- opinion.
The abolitionists who followed Mr. Sumner had ceased
to give it their support. And if many of the most reflect-
ing men believed that in December and January last
Europe lost an opportunity of taking that step without
which the war could scarcely end, and which would
then, perhaps, have closed it, with what decision and
despatch ought not a new conjuncture which invited to
such a mode of acting be made use of ? There was this
difference between the present and the former opportunity.
In January the Federals bad never been victorious in battle,
and, however resigned to separation, however hopeless of
reconquest, might still prolong the war in order to recover
their priestige and repair their military losses. How the
greater balance of success was likely to extinguish such a
difficulty. But if the present moment is abandoned what
are we to wait for—not for Northern victories ? They
would limit our capacity to acknowledge Southern inde-
pendence, as it was limited from the defeat and death of
lately driven General M'Clellan to the river. 'We are to
wait, therefore, for new misfortunes to the Government ofe
Washington before we grant to this unhappy strife then
pulafceelostihnfin.
dpeossibwileity
lord inof March,thewß so, how hard a situation
do
The language of the
urtldefurblde
noblethe impressionstni
tlohr
emufaneyvenlotns'gerantdo
aspire to reconquest.
their prospects are
more dark and their embarrassments more fatal, we will not
help them to conclude the war by separation Is it not
enough to see their armies driven back •
alarmed, their spirit gone, and their finan , their capitol
ceexhausted I Be'ore
we grant the extrication they must owe to neutral powers,
are we to wait until the Southern forces are again a e
and triumphant; until the invaders are invaded, uggr .88i"
avengers are the victims, until the Northern
Statesnil the
overrun, and until 'Washington is occupied—until, at least,ure
its Government had encountered new humiliations, losses and disasters at the hands of the people whom they had
rashly undertaken to chastise and to subdue ? At least,
England was hardly justified in waiting for new reverses
to the Federals, unless it was the only conduct in whi,da
the other Powers of Europe would support us. In
that case no doubt they were entitled to pursue it.
Perhaps the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs
would describe such a case as being the real one. If not,
his silence would explode it. The noble lord concluded by
moving for the correspondence.
Earl RUSSELL said that no official communications had
taken place with reference to the affairs of the Southern
States, but some unofficial communications had been re-
ceived in reference to Mr. Mason's mission, which, how-
ever, he could not lay upon the table.
After a few words from the Earl of lkf —ALICESIIIIRY, ap-
proving of the answer given by the noble Foreign Secretary,
The motion was withdrawn.
The other business was disposed of, and their lordships
adjourned at 20 minutes to nine o'clock until two o'clock on
Thursday next.
To

HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY.
The SPEAKER took the chair shortly after 3 o'clock.
GAME LAWS.
Sir J. PAXTON gave notice that early next session he
would move for a select committee to inquire into the sub-
ject of the game laws, with a view that the Government
might introduce a bill on this subject which might he satis-
factory to the country. (Hear, hear.)
THE ALLEGED BRUTAL TREATMENT OF A
SOLDIER AT WOOLWICH.
In reply to Mr. Alderman SALomozcs,
Sir G. LEWIS said that the treatment alluded to had
been inflicted on the soldier, but that the sergeant had been
- suspended, and the subject was undergoing inquiry.
COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH BELGIUM.

In reply to Mr. S. BEAUMONT,
Mr. LAYARD said that negotiations had been concluded
with the Belgian Government, by which British vessels
were to be placed on the same footing as any other vessels
entering the continental ports, and that they were to be
exempted from any transit duties.

• THE ACT OF UNIFORMITY.
In reply to Mr. H. SEvadoun,
Mr. CLIVE said that there was no violation of the Act
of Uniformity in the charge issued by the Bishop of Oxford
to the clergy of his diocese, enjoining on them the use of a
prayer at the conclusion of the Nicene Creed with respect
to the termination of the American war.
OUTRAGES ON BRITISH SUBJECTS.
In reply to Captain JERVIS,
Mr. LAYARD said that the conduct of the Peruvian
Government in reference to Captain White and Captain
Cardwell had been under the consideration of her Majesty's
Government, and the Peruvian Government had. been
remonstrated with in reference to the matter.
LUNATIC LAW AMENDMENT BILL.
The Lords' amendments to this bill were considered and
agreed to.

POOR REMOVAL BILL.
The Lords' amendments to this bill were also considered
and agreed to.
FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL.
The house went into committee on this bill.
On clause 1,
Lord i'ALMERSTON said that it must be evident to the
house that this bill could not pass this session, and, at the
same time,'he wished to observe that her Majesty's Govern-
ment would not promise to bring in a bill on the subject
next session.
The order for going into committee was then formally
discharged.

THE POOR LAWS.
Mr. VILLIERS said that he considered it his duty to
vindicate the conduct of Mr. Parnell, the Poor-law inspec-
tor who had been sent to the cotton district. The conduct
of that official had been most unjustly assailed by a noble
lord in the other house, and he condemned the small
minded pedantry which proceeded upon the assumption
that the poor laws could never be administered except in a
language and spirit that made them odious to the country
at large. He concluded by moving for copies of reports
which had been made by the gentleman in question.
The mo,ion was agreed to.
The house suspended its sitting shortly before 4 o'clock,
there being no further business on the paper.
At the evening sitting,
THE OUTRAGE ON A SOLDIER AT WOOLWICH.
In reply to Mr. Alderman SALOMON'S,
Sir G. C. LEWIS said it was true that a soldier at
Woolwich had been scrubbed with sand as a punishment
for some barrack offence; the sergeant who ordered the
punishment had been dismissed by the Commander-in-
Chief, and an inquiry into the circumstances of the case
had been instituted by the War-office authorities.
THE COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH BELGIUM.
In answer to Mr. 13EAtrAtoxT,
Mr. LAYARD said that the
commercial treaty just con-
cluded with Belgium contained the favoured nation clause
--placed English vessels on the same footing as regarded
tonnage dues and other matters as Belgian vessels—gave
British vessels the same privileges as those which Belgian
vessels now enjoyed in our casting and colonial trade--
abolished the transit dues, but retained the prohibition on
gunpowder and small arms. Moreover British vessels were
to be exempted from the pay of the Scheldt dues, so far as
they depended upon the Belgian Government. The treaty
would last for 10 years. The Government had remon-
strafed with the Government of Peru on the subject of the
outrages committed on Captain Melville White. The case
of Captain Cardell was at this moment before the legal
tribunals.
The house subsequently went into committee on the
Fisheries (Ireland) Bill ; but, after a short discussion, the
order was discharged and the bill withdrawn, Lord
Palmerston declining to pledge the Government to take up
the question in a future session.

THE MARRIAGE LAW,
Ounthaey motion for the adjournment of the house until
Th
Mr.rsd II E' NNE SSY called
as
attention
illustratedto tbhye
the anomalousyeiv(lr. state of the law ofmarriage,
ton case.
i‘ IrWHITESIDE also spoke on the same subject, and
urged the necessity of some improvement of the existing
law.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought the law of Eng-
land
newtas in a satisfactory state, and be should be content
to i adopted throughout the United Kingdom but to
force it upon Scotland or Ireltuid without the general coin-
sent would be impossible.
Mr. GRIFFITH referred to the state of affairs in Servia
and Eastern Europe, and expressed a hope that Lord Pal-
merston would not enter upon the consideration of the ques-
tion
or any othe in a sprircounit of
try. partisanship, either in favour of Turkey
In answer to a question from Mr. Cox, on the subject of
a Reform Bill next session, Lord PALMERSTON said it would not be ftd!reirtylles
for him to express any opinion upon what her Majesty's
The might do next session.
The motion for adjournment Was then agr&tii d to,
a and
half-past
one o' t
ten minutes
un past eight the house adjourned clock on Thursday.