The Sun.
London, England, 1862-12-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, VirtDNES OAY EVENING DECEMBER 17, 1862.

Ktiarded in its provisions. To such associations the Govern-
ment might furnish circulating notes on the security of the
United States bonds deposited in the Treasury. Tim se notes
prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uni-
form in oppearance and security, and convertible always
into coin, would at once protect labour against the evils of
a vicious currency, and facilitate commerce by cheap and safe
exchanges. A moderate reservation from the interest on the
bonds would compensate the United States for the prepara-
tion and distribution of the notes and a general supervision
of the system, and would lighten the burden of that part of
the public debt employed as securities. The public credit,
moreover, would be greatly improved, and the negotiations
of new leans greatly facilitated by the steady market de-
mand for Government bonds which the adoption of the pro-
posed system would effect.
It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of
considerable weight in my judgment, that it would reconcile
as far as possible all existing interests by the opportunity
offered to existing institutions to reorganise under the act,
substituting only the secured uniform national circulation for
the local and various circulations, secured and unsecured,
now issued by them. The receipts into the Treasury from
all sources, including loans and balance from the preceding
year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 1862, were
683,885,247 dols. 66e, of which sum 49,056,397 dols. 62c. were
derived from customs; 1,795,231 dols. 73c. from the direct
tax; from public lands, 162,203 dols. 77c.; from miscella-
neous sources, 931,787 dols. 64c. ; from loans in all forms,
529,692,460 dole. 50c. The remainder 2,2,57,065 dole. 80c.
was the balance from last year. The disbursements during
the same period were :—For Congressional, Executive, and
Judicial purposes, 6,989,009 dols. 29c. ; for foreign inter-
course, 1,339,716 dols. 37c4; for miscellaneous expenses,
including the Mints, loans, Post Office deficiencies, collec-
tion of revenue and other like charges, 14,129,771 dols.
50c. ; for expenses under the Interior Department,
3,102,985 dols. 62c. ; under the War Department,
394,368,407 dols. 36 ; and the Navy Department, 42,674,569
d ols. 69c. ; for interest on the public debt, 13,190,324 dols 45 ;
and for the payment of the public debt, including reim
bursements of temporary loans and redemptions, 96,096,922
dols. 09c.: making an aggregate of 570,841,700 dole. 25c.,
and leaving a balance in the Treasury on the Ist day of
July, 1862, of 13,043,646 dols. 81. It should he observed that
the sum of 96,096,922 dols. 09, expended for reimbursements
and redemption of the public debt, being included also in the
loans made, may be properly deducted both from the receipts
and expenditure, leaving the actual receipts for the year,
487,788,324 dols. 97, and the expenditure 474,744,788 dole.
16. Other information on the subject of the finances will bo
found in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to
whose statements and views I invite your most candid and
considerate attention. The reports of the Secretaries of the
Navy and War are herewith transmitted. These reports,
though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief abstracts of
the very numerous and extensive transactions and operations
conducted through these departments, nor could I give a
summary of them here upon any principle which would ad-
mit of its being much shorter than the reports themselves.
I therefore content myself with laying the reports before
you and asking your attention to them.

It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in
the financial condition of the Post Office Department as
compared with several years. The receipts for the fiscal
year 1861 amounted to 8,349,296 dole. 40, which embraced
the revenue from all the States in the Union for three
quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of
revenue from the so-called Seceded States during the last
fiscal year, the increase of the correspondence of the loyal
States has been sufficient to produce a revenue during the
same year of 8,299,820 dole. 90, being only 50,000 dole. less
than was derived from all the States of the Union during
the previous year. The expenditure show a still more
favourable result. The amount expended in 1861 was
13,606,759 dole. 11. For the last year the amount has been
reduced to 11,125,364 dole. 13, showing a decrease of
about 2,481,000 dole, in the expenditure as compared with
the preceding year; about 3,750,000 dollars, as compared
with the fiscal year 1860. The deficiency in the
department for the previous year was 4,551,966 dole. 98c.
For the last fiscal year it was reduced to 2,112,814 dole 57c.
These favourable results are in part owing to the cessation
of mail service in the insurrectionary States, and in part to
a casual review of all expenditures in that department in the
interest of economy. The efficiency of the postal service,
it is believed, has also been much improved. The Post-
master-General also opened a correspondence through the
Department of State with foreign Governments, proposing
a convention of postal representatives, for the purpose of
simplifying the rates of foreign postage and to expedite the
foreign mails.

This proposition, equally important to our adopted citizens
and to the commercial interests of this country, has been
favourably entertained and argued by all the Governments
from whom replies have been received. I ask the attention
of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmaster-General
in his report respecting the further legislation required, in
his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service. The Secre-
tary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to public
lands :

" The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue.
From the Ist July, 1861, to the 30th September, 1862, the
entire cash receipts from the sale's,' lands were 137,476 dole
26e., a sum mach less than the expense of our land system
during the same period. The Homestead Law, which will
take effect on lot January next, offers such inducements to
settlers that sales for cash cannot be expected to an extent
sufficient to meet the expenses of the general land office,

and the cost of surveying and bringing the land into mar-
ket. The discrepancy between the sum here stated as aris-
ing from the sales of the public lands and the sum derived
from the same source as reported from the Treasury De-
partment, arises as I understand, from the fact that the
periods of time, though apparently, were not really coin-
cident at the beginning point. The Treasury report includes
a considerable sum now,which had previously been reported
from the interior, sufficiently large to greatly overreach the
sum derived from the three months now reported upon by
the Interior, and not by the Treasury."
The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have,during the past
year, manifested a spirit of insubordination,: and at several
points have engaged in open hostilities against the white
setlements in their vicinity. The tribes occupying the
Indian country south of Kansas renounced their allegiance
to the United States and entered into treaties with the in-

surgents. Those who remained loyal to the United States
were driven from the country. The chief of the Cherokees
has visited this city, for the purpose of restoring the former
relations of the tribe with the United States. He alleges
that they were constrained by superior force to enter into
treaties with the insurgents, and that the United States
neglected to furnish the protection which their treaty stipu-
lations required. F In the month of August last the Sioux
Indians in Minnesota attacked the settlements in their
vicinity with extreme ferocity,killing indiscriminately men,
women, and children. This attack was whclly unexpected,
and therefore no means of defence had been provided.
It is estimated that not less than 800 persons were killed
by the Indians,and a large amount of property was destroyed.
How this outbreak was induced is not definitely known,and
suspicions, which may be unjust, need not be stated. In-
formation was received by the Indian Bureau,from different
sources, about the time hostilities were commenced, that a
simultaneous attack was to be made upon the v hits settle-
ments between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mou-
ntains. The State of Minnesota has suffered great injury
from this Indian war. A large portion of her territoryhas
been depopulated, and a severe loss has been sustained by
the destruction of property. The people of that State ex-

press much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the
limits of the State as a guarantee against future hostilities.
The Commissioner of Indian affairs will furnish full de-
tails. I submit for your especial consideration whether our
Indian system shall not be remodelled. Many wise and
good men have been impressed with the belief that this can
be profitably done. I submit a statement of the proceedings
of the Commissioners, which shows the progress that has
been made in the enterprise of constructing the Pacific
Railroad, and this suggests the earliest completion of the
read, and also the favourable action of Congress upon the
projects now pending before them for enlarging the great
canals in New York and Illinois, as being of vital and ra-
pidly-increasing importance to the whole nation, and espe-
cially to the vast interior region hereafter to be noticed at
some greater length. I purpose having prepared and laid
before you at an early day some interesting and valuable sta-
tistical information upon this subject. The military and
commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois and Michi-
gan Canal, and improving the Illinois River, is presented in
the report of Col. Webster to the Secretary of War, and now
transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it.
To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the
15th of May last, I have caused the Department of Agricul-
ture to be organised. The Commissioner informs us that,
within the period of a few months, this department has es-
tablished an extensive system of correspondence and ex-
changes, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect
highly beneficial results in the development of a correct
knowledge of recent improvements in agriculture, in the in-
troduction of now products and in the collection of the agri-
cultural statistics of the different States ; "also that it will
soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, plants,
and cuttings, and it has already published and largely dis-
tributed much valuable information in anticipation of a more
elaborate report, which will in due time b.) furnished, em-
bracing some valuable facts in chemical science now in pro-
gress in the laboratory. The creation of this department
Was for the more immediate benefit of a large class of our
most valuable citizens, and I trust that the liberal basis
upon which it has been organised will not only meet your
approbation, but that it will realise at no distant day all
22d day
the fondest anticipations of its most sanguine friends, and
me the fruitful source of advantage to all our people.
In accordance with copy
On the of September last a proclamation was issued
paragraph of that
by the Executive,of which is herewith submitted.
tention to what maPa the purpose expressed in the second
per, I now respectfully recal your at-
people, and its laws!' Tehseaid to consist of its territory, its
tion.e A nation
Thyabebealled " Compensated Emancipa-
tion:'
is the only part which
cisom,o,feciteehnr,etbaguientndethruraetaibeoility.
la'rtPhasasheitdliteet:"vi for ever."
and another generation
ias rate this never-ending
importance to duly consider
and e ejer." It is of the first
part. That portion of the earth,
and it is not
urfaee which is owned
and inhabited by the people of the •
utted States is well
adapted for the home of one national family; it
adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of

climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one
people, whatever they might have been in former ages.
Steam and telegraphs, and intelligence, have brought these
to be an advantageous combination for ono united people.
In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total
inadequacy of disunion as a iemedy for the differences be-
tween the people of the two sections. I did so in language
which I cannot improve, and which, therefore, I beg to re-
peat. " One section of our country believes that slavery is
right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes
that it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the
only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause of the
Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the African
slave trade, are each as well enforced perhaps as any law can
ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people
imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the
people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a
few break over in each. This I think cannot be perfectly
cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separa-
tion of the sections than before. 'The foreign slave trade,
now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived
without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves,
now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered
at all by the others. Physically speaking, we cannot sepa-
rate ; we cannot remove our respective sections from each
other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A hus-
band and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence
and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts
of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face
to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must
continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that
intercourse mere advantageous or more satisfactory after
separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier
than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully
enforced between aliensthan laws can among friends ? Sup-
pose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when,
after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you
cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of in-
tercourse are again upon you."
_ _

There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national
boundary upon which to divide, Trace through from East
to West upon the line between the free and slave country,
and we shall find a little more than one-third of its length
are rivers easy to be crossed and populated, or soon to be
populated, thickly upon both sides, while neatly all its re-
maining length are merely survevn-'' lines, over which
people may walk back mut torth without any consciousness
of their presence. No part of this line can be made any more
difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or parchment as
a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes,
gives up on the part of the sectional obligations upon the
seceding section the fugitive slave clause, along with all
other constitutional obligations upon the section seceded
from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would ever
be made to take its place

But there is another difficulty. The great interior region—
bounded east by the Alleghanies, north by the British domi-
nions, west by the Rocky Mountains, and south by the line
along which the culture of corn and cotton meets, and which
includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee, allof Kentucky,
Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri,
Kansas, lowa, Minnesota and the territories of Dakotah,
Nebraska, and parts of Colorado—has above three millions of
people, and will have 50 millions within 50 years, if not pre-
vented by any political folly or mistake. It contains more
than one-third of the country owned by the United States—
certainly more than one million of square miles—one half
as populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more
than seventy-five millions of people. A glance at the map
shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of
the Republic, The other parts are but marginal borders
to it, the magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky
Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest attd also the
richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of pro-
visions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them,
this great interior region is naturally one of the most im-
portant in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the
small proportion of the region which has not yet been
brought into caltivation, and also the large and rapidly-in-
creasing amounts of its products, and we shall be over-
whelmed with its magnitude of the prospect presented ;
and yet this region has no sea coast, touches no ocean any-
where, As part of one nation, its people now find, and may
for ever find, their way to Europe by New York, to South
Francisco. But separate our common country into two
nations, as designed by the preset rebellion, and every man
of this great interior region is thereby cut off from one or
more of those outlets, not, perhaps, by a physical barrier,
but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. And
this is true wherever a dividing or boundary line may be
fixed. Place it between the non-free and slave country, or
place it south of Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the
truth remains that none south of it can trade to any port or
place north of it, and none north of it can trade to any port
or place south of it, except upon terms dictated by a Govern-
ment foreign to them, These outlets, east, west, and south,
are indispensible to the wellbeing of the people inhabiting
and to inhabit this vast interior region, Which of the three
ways be the best is no proper question. All are better than
either, and all of right belong to that people and their suc-
cessors for ever. True to themselves, they will not ask
where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather
that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal
regions less interested in these communications to and
through them to the great outside world. They, too, and
each of them, must have access to this Egypt of the West,
without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary.
Our national strife sprung not from our permanent past, not

from the land we inhabit, not from our national homestead

There is no possible severing of this but would multiply and
not mitigate evils among us. In all its adaptations and
aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact,
it would ere long force re -union, however much of blood and
treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains
to ourselves, to the passing generations of men, and it can-
not, without convulsion, be hushad for ever with the passing
of one generation,
In this view I recommend the adoption of the following
resolution and articles, amendatory to the Constitution of
the United Slates :

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of

the United States of America. in Congress assembled, two-
thirds of both houses concurring, that the following articles
be proposed to the Legislatures and Conventions of the
several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the
United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by
three-fourths of the said Legislatures or Conventions, to be
valid as part or parts of the said Constitution.
Article —.---Ev ery State wherein slavery now exists,which

shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before
the let day of January, in the year of our Lord one thou-
sand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the
United States as follows, to wit :
The President of the United States shall deliver to every
such State bonds of the United States, bearing interest at
the rate of —, for each slave shown to have been therein
by the eighth census of the United States, said bonds to be
delivered to such State by instalments, or, in one parcel at
the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same
shall have been gradual or at one time within such States ;
and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only
from the proper time of delivery as aforesaid and afterwards.
Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and after-
wards introducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund
to the United States the bonds so received, or the value
theraof, and all interest paid thereon.
Article slaves who shall have enjoyed actual
freedom by the chances of the war at any time, before the
end of the rebellion, shall be for ever free, but all owners
of such who shall not have beeiadisloyal, shall be compen-
sated for them at the same rate as is provided for States
adopting abolishment of slavery—but in such a way that
no slave shall be twice accounted for.

Article —.—Congress may appropriate money and other-
wise provide for colonising free coloured persons with their
own consent, at any place or places without the United
States.

I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at
some length. Without slavery the rebellion could never
have existed ; without slavery it could not continue.
Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of
sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and the Afri-
can race amongst us. Some would abolish it suddenly, and
without compensation, some would abolish it gradually, and
with compensation, some would remove the freed people
from us, and some would retain them with us, and there
are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversi •
ties we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves ;
by mutual concessions we should harmonise and act toge-
ther. This would be a compromise among the friends, and
not with the enemies of the Union. These articles are in-
tended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions. If
the plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipation
will follow, at least in several of the States. As to the first
article, the main points are : First, the emancipation ;
secondly, the iength of time for consummating (37 years) ;
and thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation will be
unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual slavery, but the
length of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction.
The time spares both races from the evils of sudden de-
rangement, in fact from the necessity of any derangement,
while most of those whose habitual course of thought will
be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before
its consummation. They will never see it. Another class
will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate
the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little to
the now living slaves. But it really gives them much, It
saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely
attend immediate emancipation in localities where their
numbers are very great, and it gives the inspiriting assur-
ance that their posterity will be free for ever. The plan
leaves to each State choosing to act under it power to abo-
lish slavery, now, or at the end of the century, or at any
intermediate time, or by degrees extending over the whole
or any part of the period, and it obliges no two States to
proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and gene-
rally the mode of making it. This it would seem would
further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favour p!r-
petual slavery, and especially of those ;who are to receive
compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay,
and not to receive, wilt object, yet that the measure is both
just and economical is certain.
The liberation of the slaves is the destruction of property
—property acquired, by descent or by purchase, the same
as any other property.
It is rio less true, for having been often said, that the
people of the South are no more responsible for the original
introduction of the property than are the people of the
North, and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we

use—all of us use—cotton and sugar, and share the profits
of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the
South has been more responsible than the North for its
continuance. If then for a common object this property is
to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a common
charge ? And if Nith less money, or money more easily paid,
we can preserve the benefits of the Union by this means
than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to
do it ? Let us consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum

we have expended in the war since compensated emancipa-
tion was proposed last March, and consider whether if the
measure bad been promptly accepted by even some of the
slave States, the same sum would not have done more to
close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the
measure would save money, and in that view would be pru-
dent and economical. Certainly it is not so easy to pay
something as to pay nothing. But it is easier to pay a large
sum than it is to pay a larger one, and it is easier to pay any
sum when we are able, than it is to pay it before we are
able. The war requires money at once—the aggregate sum
necessary for compensating emancipation of course would be
large, but it would require no ready cash, no bondsmen, any
faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not
and probably would not close before the end of the 37 years.
At that time we shall probably have 100,000,000 people to
share the burden, instead of 31,000,000 as now, and not only
so, but the increase of our population may be expected to
continuefor a long time after the period as rapidly as before,
because our territories will not have became full. Ido not
state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase
which we have maintained on an average from our first
National Census in 1790 until that of 1860, we should in
1900 have a population of 103,208,415; and why may we
net continue that ratio far beyond that period ? Our
abundant room, our broad national homestead, is an ample
resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British
Isles, very certainly our population could not °apart& as
stated, and instead of receiving the foreign born as now, we
should be compelled to send part of the native born away;
but such is not our condition. We have 2,963,000 square
miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a population averaging
73 1-3 persons to the square mile. Why may not our
country at some future time average as many ? Is it less
fertile? Has it more waste surface by mountains, rivers,
lakes, deserts, or other causes ? Is it inferior to Europe in
any natural advantage? If, then, we are at some times to
be as populous as Europe, how bOOll ? As to when this may
be, we can judge by the past and the present—as to when
it will, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the
Union. Several of our States are above the average European

population of 73 1-3 to the square mile. Massachusetts has
157, Rhode Island 133, New York and New Jersey each 80,
and two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not
far below, the former having 62 and the latter 59. The

States already above the European average, except New

York, have increased in as rapid ratio since passing that
point as ever before, while no one of them is equal to some
other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining
a dense population.
Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its popu-
lation and ratio of increase for the several decennial periods
to be as follows :-
1790 3,920,827.
1800— 5,305,937. 35.02 per cent. ratio of increase.
1810— 7,239,8]4. 36.45 per cent. ratio of increase.
1820— 9,638,131. 33.13 per cent. ratio of increase.
1830-12,866,020. 33.40 per cent. ratio of increase.
1840-17,069,453. 32.67 per cent. ratio of increase.
1850-23,191,876. 33.87 per cent. ratio of increase.
1860-31,443,790. 35.58 per cent. ratio of increase.
This shows an average decennial increase of 31.60 per cent.
in population through the 70 years from our first to our
last census taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at
no one of these seven periods is either two per cent. below or
two per cent. above the average,thus showing how inflexible
and consequently how reliable the law of increase in our
case is, Assuming that it will continue, it gives the fol-
lowing results :-1870, 42,323,372; 1880, 56,966,216; 1890,
76,677,872 ; 1900, 103,208,415 ; 1910, 138,918,526 ; 1920,
186,984,335 ; 1930, 251,680,914. These figures show that
our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some
point between 1920 and 1930, say about 1925, our territory
at 73 1-3 persons to the square mile being of the capacity
to contain 217,186,000 ; and we will reach this too if we do
not ourselves relinquish the chances by the folly and evils
of disunion, or by long and exhausting war springing from
the only great element of national discord among us.
While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge

example of secession breeding lesser ones indefinitely would
retard the population, civilisation, and prosperity, no one

can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and
injurious. The proposed emancipation would shorten this
war, perpetuate peace, ensure this increase of population,
and proportionately the wealth of the country. With this
we should pay all that emancipation would cost, together
with our other debts, easier than we should pay our other
debts without it. If we had allowed our old national debt
to run at 6 per cent. per annum simple interest from the end
of our revolutionary struggle till to-day, without paying
anything on either principal or interest, each man of us
would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed
upon it then, and this because our increase of men through
the whole period has been greater than six per cent., and
has run faster than th. i'..4......* upon the ddbt. Thu. *lain
alone relieves a debtor nation so long as its population in- 1
creases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt.
This fact would be no excuse for delaying tho payment of
what is justly due, but it shows the great importance of
time in this connection, and the great advantage of a policy
by which we shall not have to pay until we number 100
millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to pay
now, when the number is but 31 millions. In a word, it
shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war,
than will a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan.
And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It
will be a saving of both. As to the second article, I think
it would be impracticable to return to bondage the class of
persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in
the property sense, belong to loyal owners, and hence provi-
sionnothingandunlessCongress.
is made in this article for compensating such. The
third article relates to the future of the freed people. It
does hot oblige but merely authorises Congress to aid in
colonising such as may consent. This ought not to be re-
garded as objectionable on the one hand or on the other,
mutual consent
the by
American voters,
I cannot make
it known better than it already is, that I strongly favour
colonisation; and yet I wish to say there is no objection
insomuchthroughof the
their peopleas
itrepresentatives t ocomes
be
dto deported
urged against the coloured persons remaining in the coun-
try which is not largely imaginary, if not sometimes mali-
cious. It is insisted that deportation would probably en-
hance the wages of white labour, and very surely would not
reduce them. Thus the customary amount of labour would
still have to be performed. The freed people would surely
not do more than their old proportion of it, and very probably
for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to white
labourers, bringing their labour into greater demand, and
consequently enhancing the wages of it. With deportation
even to a limited extent, enhancing wages of white labour is
mathematically certain. Labour is like any other commo-
dity in the market ; increase the demand for it, and you in-
crease the price of it. Reduce the supply of black labour by
colonising the black labourers out of the country, and by pre-
cisely so much you increase the demand for, and wages of
what) labour. But it is decided that the freed people will
swarm forth and cover the whole land. Are they not already
in the land ? Will liberation make them any more nume-
rous ? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole
country, and there would be but one coloured to seven
whites. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the
seven ?

Is it true, then, that coloured people can displace any
more white labour by being free than remaining slaves ? If
they stay in their old places they jostle no white labourers.
If they leave their old places they leave them open to white
labourers. Logically there is neither more nor less of it.
Emancipation even without their presence would injure and
displace white labour and white labourers. If there ever
could be a proper time for mere arguments, that time surely
is not now. In times like the present men should utter
n3thing for which they would not willingly be responsible
through time and eternity.
There are many communities now having more than one
free coloured person to seven whites, and this without any
apparent consciousness of evil from it. The district of Co-
lumbia and the States of Maryland and Delaware are all in
this condition. The district has more than one free coloured
to six whites, yet in its frequent petitions to Congress I be-
lieve it has never presented the presence of free coloured
persons as one of its grievances. But why should emancipa-
tion South send free coloured people North? People of any
colour seldom run, unless there he something to run from.
Heretofore coloured people to some extent have fled North
from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and
destitution ; but if gradual emancipation and deportation
be adopted they will have neither to flee from. The old
masters will give them wages, at least until new labourers
can be procured, and the freed men in turn will gladly give
their labour for the wages till new homes can be found for
them in congenial din es and with people of their own blood
and race.

This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests
involved, and in any event cannot the North decide for it-
self whether to receive them ? Again, as practice proves
more than theory in any case, has there been any irruption
of coloured people Northward because of the abolishment
of slavery in this district last spring? What I have said
of the proportion of free-coloured persons to the whites in
the district is from the census of 1850, having no reference
to persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by the
act of Congress abolishing slavery here. The plan consist-
ing of these articles is recommended, not but that a resto-
ration of the national authority would be accepted without
its adoption, nor will the war, nor proceedings under the
proclamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of
the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoption I
doubt not would bring restoration, and thereby stay both.
And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that
Congress provide by law for compensating any State which
may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been
acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would only
be an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments
apply to both. This plan is recommended as a means not
in exclusion of, but additional to all others, for restoring and
preserving the national authority throughout the IJnion.
The subject is presented exclusively in its commercial as-
spect. The plan would, 1 am confident, secure peace more
speedily than it can be done by force alone, while it would

cost less, considering amounts and manner of payment and
times of payment, and the amounts will be easier paid than
will the additional cost of the war if we rely solely upon
force. It is most likely—very likely—that it would cost no
blood at all.
The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It
cannot become such without the concurrence of—first, two-
thirds of Congress, and afterwards three-fourths of the
States. The requisite three-fourths of the States will neces-
sarily include seven of the slave States. Their concurrence,
if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting
emancipation at no distant day upon the now constitutional
terms. This assurance would end the struggle now, and
save the Union for ever. I do not forget the gravity which
should characterise a paper addressed to the Congress of the
nation by the chief magistrate of the nation.
Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors ; nor that
many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of
public affairs ; yet I trust that, in view of the great respon-
sibility resting upon me, you will not perceive a want of
respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem
to display. Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if
adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expen-
diture of money and blood ? It is doubted that it would re-
store the national authority and national prosperity, and
perpetuate both indefinitely ?
It is doubted that we here, Congress and Executive, can
secure its adoption ? Will not the good people respond to
united and earnest appeal from us ? Can we, can they, by
any other means, so certainly or so speedily assure these
vital objects ? We can succeed only by concert. It is not
" Can any of us imagine better ?" but " Can we do all
better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question
recurs, " Can we do better ?" The dogmas of the quiet past
are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled
high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion.
As our case is new, se we think anew, and act anew. We
must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our
country.
Fellow-citizens--We cannot escape history.
We, of this Congress, will be remembered in spite of our-
selves.

--- • ---
No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or
another of us.
The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down
in honour or dishonour to the latest generation.
We say that wo are for the Union. The world will not

forget that while wo say this we do know how to save

the tinion. The world knows we do know how to save it
We, even we here, hold the power, and bear the responsi•
bility, _ _ .

In giving freedom to the slave, wo assure freedom to the
free, honourable alike in what we give and what we pre-
serve.

We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope o

the earth.

Other means may succeed. This could not fail.
The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just—a way which,
if followed, the world will for ever applaud, and God must
for ever bless.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Washington, Dec. 1, 18G2.

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.

NORTHERN CIRCUIT—LIVERPOOL, Dec. 16.

MURDER FROM JEALOUSY.

At the Liverpool Assizes to-day Thomas Ed-
wards, a butcher, was indicted for the murder of
Isabella Tongue, a woman with whom he had been
cohabiting for upwards of 11 years.
The woman was a prostitute, and lived in a court
off Norman-street, Liverpool. Before she became
acquainted with Edwards, the deceased had, it ap-
peared, au intimacy with a man named Sullivan.
Sullivan, however, had been compelled to leave the
city, and only returned in November last. Then
the connexion between him and Tongue was re-
newed, and in consequence, Edwards became
dreadfully excited and jealous. On the 27th of
November Edwards came home in the evening, and
on finding that Tongue had been out with Sullivan
all day, he became very angry, and began to drink
ale and rum. During the evening he went out and
got more drink, and finally lay down on the sofa.
Early in the morning Sullivan and deceased returned
to the house, and Edwards angrily asked where
Tongue had been all day. The deceased made no re-
ply, but Sullivan said to prisoner, " What is that to
you ? She has been out with me." At this time Ed-
wards did not say auy more, but sat near the fire
with Sullivan, deceased, and other women. The
deceased notic,d that Edwards had a knife with
him, and she, therefore, feeling alarmed for her life,
suggested that Sullivan and Edwards should go up
stairs to bed together, and that she and another
female inmate of the house, namei. Wilson, should
sleep together below. Sullivan and Edwards did go
up stairs, but the prisoner almost immediately re-
turned below, and (according to the depositions of
deceased) demanded money from her, which she re-
fused, declared that she would not prostitute herself
for him any longer. The prisoner then stabbed
'longue furioubly iu the ueuk mod other parts of the
body, and she died very soon afterwards. When
stabbing her, he exclaimed," I will be hung for you."
The evidence adduced supported the charge.
Mr. Pope, for the defence, elicited that the pri-
soner was drunk, and that deceased had had an ill-
will to the prisoner. Upon these points he com-
mented strongly in his defence.
The jury returned a verdict of guilty, with a re-
commendation to mercy.
The prisoner was sentenced to death.

CHESTER CIRCUIT.—CHESTER, Dec. 16.
(Before Mr. Baron Bramwell.)
TRIAL OF THE BIRKENHEAD RIOTERS.

This morning the several prisoners, 18 in num-
ber, were placed in the dock, charged with the riot
and assaulting the police at Birkenhead, on the
evening of Oct. 15th.
The names of the prisoners are respectively,
Patrick Fahey, Patrick Fahey, jun., Thos. Buckley,
Michael Fahey, John Gorman, Hogan, Hoare,
Fynan, Lennon, Thos. Larkin, Catherine Larkin,
Martin, John Tracey, Thos. Shoolin, Elizabeth
Curtis, Bridget Burnes, and Margaret Maggin.
Thelprisont rs were all defended by counsel.
Mr. Groves, Q.C., for the prosecution, having
opened the case, and stated the circumstances,
which will be fresh in the public mind,
James Birne, examined by Mr, Brandt, also for
the prosecution—l am superintendent of police at
Birkenhead. I remember, on the Bth of October,
a placard was posted announcing a meeting at the
Debating Institute, near Trinity Church. There
was a disturbance, the church windows and the
windows of the institute were broken, and it was
agreed to adjourn the meeting to the 15th. In the
meantime we had made preparations to defend the
ne4;hbourhood on the adjourned meeting on the
15th. I❑ continuation the witness deposed to the
disturbance which took place near the institute by
the mob, and to the manner in which the different
members of the police force were injured, and seve-
ral shops and other property destroyed. This was
all after the meeting in the institute had been
broken up.
In cross-examination by Mr. Weisby, who was
for the defence, the witness said that the magistrates
did all they could to dissuade the promoters of the
discussion at the institute from holding it on the
15'h of October, the night of the riot.
Inspector Burgess deposed to being present
amongst the mob on the night of 15th October, near
the institute. A man, who he had since found out
was a priest, was leading them on, and witness heard
him say, "We want peace, and we'll have peace;
but no Garibaldian meetings here." There was then
a shout of " Hurra," and three cheers for the Pope,
which the priest called for. Witness was afterwards
attacked and knocked down insensible.
In answer to his lordship, the witness said that
the priest, after the riot, came to his (witness's)
house, and told him that he was a priest, and had
saved his life. Witness could now go to Birken-
head and point him out. He knew he was a priest.
Several police office► s were next examined, and
the case was proceeding when our parcel left.

OXFORD CIRCUIT.—GLOUCESTER, Dec. 16.
(Before Mr. Justice Mellor.)
The business of the Gloucester Assizes com-
menced to-day at 10 o'clock. Altogether there
were about 50 prisoners for trial, including three
murder cases, but a great many pleaded guilty in
the course of the day.