The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-20 00:00:00

attend the closing passages of his peroration, we can
only come to the conclusion that this speech,
like its predecessors, is a flash in the pan, a momen-
tary effulgence, to make succeeding darkness more
visible. If the institutions of the country are in
the state Mr. BRIGHT declares them to be in, no
Reform Bill can put them right, for they will be in
a hopeless condition, and we shall be reduced to the
expedient, once recommended for Ireland, of seek-
ing a remedy by going under water for a fortnight.
Those who would direct the minds of their fellow-
countrymen and influence the generation in which
they live, must learn many things before they can
succeed. Talents and eloquence alone are not
enough ; they must learn to be consistent as well as
outspoken, and they must possess some diffidence
concerning their own merits, and some respect for
the merits of their opponents. Above all, they
must not make the excitement of a momentary dis-
play come before the carrying out of a conscientious
conviction, and the moderation which may
seem at first sight tame and trivial, but which,
like the charity that hopeth all things, in the
end may attain a greater victory than the violent
and vehement demeanour which puts no bounds to
its course and no limits to its impatience. The
great superiority of the English as a nation chiefly
consists in their endurance ; they do not rush at
revolutions, but they bide their time until the force
of public opinion in the end carries the day.
Mr. BRIGHT never could or would see this chief
characteristic of his countrymen, or appreciate its
mighty influence.

It is evident that the time has come when active
interference in the American question is confidently
looked for from England. Whether, judging from
the signs of the times, or from the deductions of
their own reason, both Canadians and Americans
have arrived at the same conclusion, and, according
to the latest intelligence, rumours are current, both
in Washington and in Canada, that British troops
are about to embark for the latter country in order
to be ready for the possible consequences of the re-
cognition of the South by England and France on
the 4th of March. That occasion will be an im-
portant one, and England will no longer be able to
maintain her professions of neutrality, since by her
conduct then she will declare for one or the other of
the contending parties. Tranquillity is restored in
Montmorency, where, it will be remembered, the
French Canadians had resisted the militia draught.
It is certainly no time for internal disputes when
the aspect of affairs across the frontier is threaten-
ing. The most important point in the military
intelligence is the assertion that LEE is about to
confront SHER3IAN, leaving BEAUREGARD to defend
Richmond, a task for which the great Confederate
engineer is eminently qualified. Apropos of that
Federal commander who is just now the hero of
the North, there is a melancholy rumour
current, not stated officially, but coming indi-
rectly from private sources. It is said that he
is suffering from aberration of reason, and that he
was similarly afflicted two years since when tempo-
rarily relieved of his command in the West. Should
this be true, his loss even for a time will be a serious
blow to the North ; but, even supposing him to be
in full possession of his faculties, the Confederates
can surely contrive so to concentrate their forces as
to arrest his further progress. HOOD'S absence with
his army is to be regretted on all accounts, but the
troops actually at hand ought to supply the
Southern generals with sufficient material to offer
him a formidable opposition. The financial affairs
of the North are moving rapidly along the road to
ruin. $74,000,000 gold bonds were sold during
December, and one of the journals believes that
more Seven-Thirty Bonds will be issued. FESSEN-
DEN has soon tired of his post, being nominated
Senator from Maine, thereby leaving the Treasury
portfolio virtually vacant. It is, certainly, not a
hopeful or profitable office. The Northern leaders
reckon on wearying out the Confederates by a
ceaseless prosecution of the war. They may yet
find their benevolent intentions frustrated by the
financial exhaustion of their own people.

The announcement of the assembly of the first
Cabinet Council of the season reminds us that we
are upon the eve of a fresh Parliamentary cam-
paign, and that it behoves the generals of both
armies to prepare for the coming struggle. The
Opposition have for some time been mustering
their forces and reckoning their followers,
and they have before them, if they
have sufficient wit to seize the moment
when the tide leads on to fortune, more
than one opportunity of putting their adversaries to
the test. First and foremost comes that great
Transatlantic struggle which is assuming every day
more gigantic proportions. The feeling of this
country has manifested itself unmistakeably in
favour of Southern independence ever since English
sincerity and common sense detected the hollowness
of Northern professions respecting the abolition of
slavery. The opinion is now rapidly gaining ground
that this country is playing an unworthy part, and
that, under cover of grand professions of disin-
terested neutrality, England has been really favour-
ing the Federal cause to the utmost of her ability,
short of actual assistance, to the derogation of her
own dignity, the injury of her trade, and the total
abnegation of her principles. If the Conservatives
would take heart to come boldly forward on this
great question and declare their adhesion to the old
English principle of the right of every nation to
choose its own ruler and its own form of govern-
ment, they might rely upon the support of the great
body of the people, more especially since, in recog-
nising the South, we should find the best security
for the gradual abolition of that " domestic institu-
tion" which has hitherto withheld from them some
portion of our sympathies. Supposing the subju-
gation of the South to be probable, the most likely
conclusion of the war would be the re-admission of
the seceding States into the Union on their own
terms, for there is no chance of the North achieving
a sufficient triumph to enable them to dictate the
terms of submission to the South. This, then, is the
great difficulty that lies before the Cabinet in the
ensuing session, and one which we may be tolerably
Sure occupied a prominent position in their
deliberations of yesterday. We fear, however,
that between the hallucinations of the heads
of the Cabinet, the dislike to take ac-
tive measures, the love for a " drifting"
policy, and the prevailing influence of the Manches-
ter school, there is very little chance of any decided
and consistent line of action. Continental politics,
too, must have given our statesmen something to
' talk about. The relations between Austria, Prussia,
and the German States, whom Mr. BRIGHT dignifies
by the name of " kingdoms," but which would
rather suit an Englishman's idea of counties, are
anything but harmonious, while Prussia's intentions
with regard to the Duchies are but flimsily disguised.
Italy is not altogether tranquil, Hungary is stirring,
the Polish question can hardly be said to be finally
settled. Going further off, China is still disturbed ;
the aspect of affairs in Japan is threatening ; New
Zealand is not yet tranquillised ; India needs care-
Iful legislation ; and the North American Provinces
are passing through an important crisis in their his-
tory. Altogether there is enough to discuss and to
consider in our external relations, while the great