The Sun.
London, England, 1865-02-06 00:00:00

ment with nothing certain before it, to be opened in
a cold speech read by deputy, and then to betake
itself till Easter to preliminary business, can excite

no enthusiasm and does excite no interest.

The

country is languid with a languor which has in it as
much of cynicism as content, lacks entirely that
power of fixing its gaze upon its representatives,
which, like the master's presence in a factory, makes
all the wheels appear to move round more rapidly.
And yet Parliament is not without work to do, and
work of a most interesting and important kind.

Wholly apart from any new topics which the Queen's
speech may contain, it is easy to furnish a list of
subjects to which, whether the Ministry advise

mention of them or not, the housep must imme-
diately attend. The first of these is Canada. It
will be scarcely possible to avoid some allusion
to the constitutional change to be completed
this session in British America, not possible

,o evade at least one discussion on the terms

of the important treaty—for it is a treaty—to
be concluded between the mother country and
Acadia. It is not likely that the discussion will
be either long, or violent, or minute. Mr. Card

well's style orspeech, always the same whether the
topic be the birth of a new nation, or an alteration
in Australian tariffs, would take the picturesqueness
out of any event however great, and Parliament
knows well the limit of its capacity. It will accept
or reject Federation as a whole, without demurring
to details, and the country, though interested in the
project, has about it only three convictions—that
the scheme is in its principle wise and feasible, that
if the Provincial authority is not limited it will break
down, that whether it succeeds or fails the Acadians
must be suffered to do as they please with their own
country—and none of these ideas tend to exaspe-
rate debate. Then there is the notice as to the ter-

mination of the Reciprocity Treaty. Parliament
must give an opinion as to the policy to be pursued
in that matter, whether at least it is wiser to main-
tain a great and therefore provocative force upon
the Lakes, or to allow Acadia to hold her " Medi-
terranean in snippets" for herself, or to reserve and
accumulate all strength against the day when the
power of both countries may be taxed to the utter-
most. There will be long, possibly angry, discus-
sions about those Lakes, for their defence involves
the great question whether long precautions do not
exhaust us more than sudden displays of energy—
whether the Duke of Wellington was right or Sir
Cornewall Lewis. Next there are New Zealand
debates to come off. Parliament has to decide—to
decide now, and to decide once for all—whether it
intend to rule the Anglo-Saxon colonies in great
emergencies or to allow them to rule themselves. It
has granted self-government during ordinary times,
but it seems strangely disposed to suspend it during
confusion, and the determination of the New Zea-
landers either to manage their own war their own
way or to leave England to pay for it has brought
the difficulty to a head. Three courses are open to
the House of Commons—to allow the colonists to
direct the English army, or to abandon the defence
of New Zealand against the Maories, or to compel
Mr. Cardwell to recall Sir George Grey, and each
of these courses is sure to find eager and irritated
advocates, supported by considerable sections of the
llouse. Then a malt-tax discussion cannot be
averted unless indeed Mr. Gladstone includes
reduction in his budget, for the farmers are seri-
ously annoyed at what they consider the injustice
with which their claims are treated, and just before
an election Tory and Liberal will strive alike
to explain their position upon the subject. Reform
is sure for the same reason of its fair amount of acri-
moniousdiscussion, though not upon an official pro-
posal, still upon one brought forward by a private
member, and we trust that the principle of represent-
ing minorities will find advocates high enough in
public favour to force the consideration of that great
problem upon the existing constituencies. After
malt Lord Westbury has a bill enabling Government
to appoint stipendiary magistrates in districts which
require them, sure to arouse the country gentlemen,
perhaps bring on the whole question whether the
government of the poor by the rich is the exact
equivalent of self-government, a subject which may
one day have to be discussed with practical meaning.
Then there is this immense railway question, which
has acquired every day new weight from the marked
tendency of the country to give to the proposal of
State proprietorship a fair and candid hearing. That
ruinous jealousy of the State qua State, whether
controlled by a person, a caste, or by the people
themselves, which has impeded so many great enter-
prises, seems to be dying away, and with it the
greatest obstacle to the one imperative need of Eng-
lish society—a dead lift of the masses of the English
people towards a decent level of physical comfort. If
this empire is to endure, an official statement that
one-fifth of the population is underfed must cease to
be true, and it cannot cease until the jealous dislike
to employ the aggregate strength of society on be-
half of its component parts has finally died out. The
reform of the poor law which is inevitable will
perhaps be postponed once more, though the Law of
Settlement is ripe for :abolition, but Parliament is
certain to take some action upon the ecclesiastical
point, the construction of the final tribunal in spiri-
tual affairs. It is said that the grand project so
loudly heralded by the Tory journals has dwindled
down to one for the appointment of a Commission
of Inquiry into the expediency of revising the law,
but even in that form the discussion is sure to be
sharp and eager. If the Erastian party are awake
to their position they will resist even that demand,
as contrary to their great principle that the council
of the nation is supreme over the doctrine as well as
over the formulas of the National Church, and in
any case the younger members are certain to hail
the opportunity for one more attack upon those who
assert in the face of the nineteenth century that the
section of society called the priesthood has rights
over the whole of society called the laity. And
finally there is the Budget, the distribution of a
surplus with which Mr. Gladstone may give a fresh
impetus to trade, or may relieve the well-to-do from
the only State burden they really feel, or may
remedy the intolerable double burden which now
falls on the lower middle class, or finally may break
up the Tory ranks and seat himself as Premier of
the nation by proving to the farmers that the
chosen leader of the free traders is not indifferent to
the cry of agriculture. There are smaller questions
without number likely to be brought forward—a
new Bankruptcy Law and a new Foreign Enlist-
ment Act, a bill on prison discipline and a demand
for some attention to Ireland, a project for relieving
India of some of its military burden, and endless
suggestions for improving and accelerating naval
administration. The Cabinet itself may have ideas,
though one expects them nowadays only from Mr.
Gladstone ; but whether Government be active or
stationary, whether the people be languid or eager,
the inevitable questions we have mentioned are
enough to give to the House topics and to the
nation food for political thought.
THE 44 LONDON REVIEW" ON THE Loss OF THE
BOMBAY. It is now some days since we were
startled by the news that her Majesty's ship Bombay
had been destroyed by fire near Monte Video ; but
beyond this brief announcement that there was no-
thing to satisfy the painful curiosity it was so well
calculated to excite. We have now before us the
despatch of Captain Colin A. Campbell, who was in
command of the Bombay • but though there is much
in this document that will be read with the deepest
interest, it fails to throw any light on the cause of
the disaster, which has thus far baffled investigation.
We learn that on the 14th of December the ship left
Monte Video Roads at 6.15 a.m., and in the fore-
noon arrived at a point between Flores Light and
the English Bank, where the crew exercised at
general quarters, firing at a target. In the after-
noon, at about 1.45, they again went to quarters,
and beat the retreat shortly after 3 p.m., keeping
the foremast lower deck guns exercising. At about
3.30 George Noble, who with another seaman was
stationed on the platform of the hold to pass up
shell, saw flames and smoke issuing from under the
starboard foremast handing-room of the after maga-
zine and platform adjacent, " and immediately
rushed up and rang the fire-bell." Beyond this
point the fire cannot be traced backwards. The
lights in the after light-room were put out, the
magazine was secured, and they were in the act of
putting out lights in the fore-light rooms, when the

alarm was given. It was ascertained that there was
neither flame nor smoke in the light-room, and that
all the lights were burning excepting one. But the
fire, once discovered, spread with such extraordi-
nary quickness that, from this fact, and from the
intense volume of smoke and flame, Captain Camp-
bell is led to suppose that the spirits were ignited.
How they came to be ignited he does not attempt
to say, and he is obliged to dismiss this part of his
subject by the candid avowal that he has not been
able to ascertain how the fire originated. Here is
the succinct history of its progress in the
" times" taken by the master while on the
poop. " Fire-bell rung, and after-magazine
reported on fire at 3.35 p.m. Quarter boats
ordered to be lowered, and sick passed into them,
as the fire was gaining, 3.50. Commenced getting
boom-boats out, 3.52. Men forced from below by
flames and smoke ; hatchway and skid covers put
on, 3.55. All boats out, except second launch; fire
coming up hatchways and skids, forcing every one
over by heat and flames, 4. Mainmast went over
the side, 4.15. Mizenmast, 4.40. Foremast, 5.5.
After magazine exploded, 8.25." We can express
no surprise at the scene which followed upon the
discovery of the fire. We are too much accustomed

to the calm and collected heroism with which Eng-

lish soldiers and sailors meet their disasters arid

obey orders in the very face of death, to feel any
astonishment at the perfect self-possession displayed
by the officers and crew of the Bombay upon this
dreadful occasion. The men at once went to their

fire-stations, and those who were in the orlop-deck
remained at their posts in spite of the dense smoke
and flames which were coming from the after-hold,
where the fire proved to be, till many of them had
to be carried up insensible. In 17 minutes after
the fire-bell was rung, those who continued below
were forced up by the heat and smoke, and they had
not long gained the deck before they were forced over

the ship's side and forward; the flames spreading
in every direction, and the top-sails and rigging in
a blaze. Some une" to the anchors, cables, bow-
sprit, and ropes which were hanging by the sides of
the ship • and hammocks, gratings, and whatever
else would float, were thrown overboard to assist
those who were in the water, of whom, however, it

seems to have been ascertained that 91 perished.
Such of the crew as had found safety in the boats,
at the imminent peril of their lives, stood by the
ship rescuing those who were holding on to the
ropes under the bows. Nor was there one man
that day who stained the character of a British
seaman by a word of impatience or an act of selfish-
ness, or the slightest sign of fear. " The officers
and ship's company," writes Captain Campbell,
" behaved exceedingly well throughout under the
trying circumstances in which they were placed.
Every one went to their stations with alacrity, and
worked with the greatest zeal and cheerfulness ;
there was no confusion even ; when the order was
given to get the boats out, not one of those ordered
to remain at the fire and pumps left their station
till they were absolutely driven away by the flames."
Only for this admirable conduct, the loss of life
must have been greater than it was. But while
repeating this tribute of praise to men who have
so well deserved it, we are anxious to repudiate an
ungenerous passage in a leading article of one of
the daily journals, which, with the case of the
Surrey Theatre before it, insists that soldiers and
sailors, though not naturally more brave than other
men, are, from their dense of duty, more trust-
worthy and collected in the hour of danger. It
may be true that the audience at the Surrey fled
precipitately upon the alarm of fire. But for a
just judgment between the ship and the theatre we
must compare the officers and crew of each. If
we do so, we shall not find much to choose between
the calm and collected courage of either. All honour
to both. The crew of the burning ship stood at
their posts till the flames drove them away. But
they displayed no higher sense of duty, no nobler
self-devotion, than the clown and pantaloon, the
sprite and the stage-manager, who would not stir
from the theatre till they had placed scores of
frightened women and children beyond the reach
of danger.

THE " SATURDAY REVIEW " ON THE KING AND
PARLIAMENT IN PRUSSIA.—The King of Prussia ap-
pears really to wish for a reconciliation with the
House of Deputies, if only he is allowed to have his
own way. The success and revived popularity of
the army have put him in good humour, and dis-
posed him to indulge in the curiously sentimental
mode of thought which seems to belong to his family.
His predecessor was often laughed at for his fanciful
theories and romantic language, and it was hoped
that the present King, who never affected to be a
scholar or philosopher, would be simple and straight-
forward in word and in deed. The illusion was dis-
turbed by the determination to be crowned with
ancient pomp at Konigsberg ; and, since the first
rupture with his Parliament, he has habitually in-
sisted on a Divine right which must have been
mysteriously entailed on Frederick I. and his de-
scendants at the beginning of the eighteenth century,
an age not otherwise fertile in miracles. Few
private laymen enjoy the satisfaction of believ-
ing that every person who differs from their
opinions, or opposes their wishes, is guilty of pro-
fane resistance to Divine authority ; and the infalli-
bility of kings themselves had gone out of fashion
until it was revived in modern Prussia. William I.
apparently believes in his odd little creed, as far as
it is possible to believe an incredible crotchet. His
religious enthusiasm overflows upon his favourite in-
stitution, so that he has persuaded himself that the
valour and discipline of his army proceeded from
the extraordinary piety of the soldiers. Indeed, the
present popularity of the army is but a tribute from
a devout community to the virtues of the saints in
uniform. " The great thing," says the King, in his
reply to the address of the Upper House, "is that
everything has been done on that principle which,
by the blessing of the Almighty, can alone insure a
durable success, namely, the fear of God. This fear
of God is uppermost among our soldiers, and has
been the cause of the sympathy of the people, who
are ready to make sacrifices for the army." There
is something strange in the dreamy excitement of a
commonplace elderly prince. It is difficult to sup-
pose that such doctrines or phrases can gratify a
highly educated nation, especially as the royal
thanksgivings are intended to reflect indirectly on
the contumacious Deputies. The fear of Godwhich
is cherished in the ranks of the army, and the con-
sequent sympathy of the people, are, in the King's
mind, dependant on the organisation which he has
resolved to maintain. If the Parliament also wishes
to share the credit of the general piety, it must pro-
vide the necessary funds for three years' service.
Although foreigners are not competent judges of ad-
ministrative details, there is reason to believe that
in the original matter of dispute with the Parliament
the King exercised a sounder judgment than his op-
ponents. There is no difference of opinion in Prussia
on the necessity of maintaining an efficient army, and
as the national finances are flourishing, the country
could well have afforded the additional outlay which
might have been caused by an extension of the term
of service. The officers of the army are, however,
unpopular with the middle classes, as the military
profession is the exclusive resource of the poorer
members of the aristocracy. The King was suspected
of an undue leaning to the nobility, and he violated
the a privileges of the House by incurring
consider-
able expenditure without previous Parliamentary
sanction. The ground of controversy was shifted
from military expediency to constitutional right, and
among Englishmen there has been little difference
of opinion as to the merits of the quarrel in its later
stages. Experience shows that Continental As-
semblies are almost always unable to assume the
political supremacy which has belonged for nearly
two centuries to the House of Commons. Generally
based on a wide suffrage, they provide a less perfect
representation of national interests and opinions,
and they find themselves in the presence of kings
who command great standing armies. No English
Minister could refuse deference to a Parliamentary
decision in favour of a special military system ; but
it is perfectly intelligible that, in Prussia, preroga-
tive and privilege maybe adjusted on different prin-
ciples, and that the Crown may have, in fact as well
as in theory, the absolute control of any army which
it is authorized to employ and to pay. The power
of granting supplies, on the other hand, seems to be
the indispensable function and inherent right of, every
representative body. Even under the French Im-
perial system the Legislative Body votes taxes and
loans • and, in Austria, the Council of the Empire
is at this moment urging a reduction of the army as
the consideration for adopting the official budget.
Almost all recent Constitutions have been estab-
lisned under financial pressure by Governments
which found themselves unable to raise sufficient
money, although they might be strong enough to
suppress resistance. A Parliament which can be
pledged to expenditure without its own consent is
but a useless fiction, and it seems that even the
Prussian Minister admits in words the financial
authority of the Deputies ; but he informs them, at
the same time, that it is useless to discuss the King's
military reforms, as they have been definitively
adopted.
THE " EXAMINER" ON THE QUEEN'S LETTER TO
RAILWAY COMPANIES.—On the 27th of December
a letter of admonition was, by command of the
Queen, addressed to the principal railway companies,
exhorting them to greater care of the public safety.
Considering the eagerness there is both to learn and
to communicate any act or concern of her Majesty,
it is very remarkable that the public heard nothing
of this letter till the middle of last week, almost a
month after date, and even then it would not have
come to light if it had not happily happened that a
provincial company, the Sheffield and Manchester,
could boast of exemption from disaster, and conse-
quently could hear the letter read without wincing.
The total suppression of it, so far as regards the public,

by other companies is full of significance. In the
days of the First Napoleon a soldier of the
to
Army boasted that the Emperor had spoken to bin?:
"What did he say to you 2" asked his comrades' and
le
after fencing with the question, the fellow at last sa,
" Well, if you must know, his Majesty said, ' Bee'
gone, scamp.' " Now the railway companies, haavig
been more discreet than this fellow, and greal' a'
the honour of a letter from her Majesty, they hale
not only refrained from boasting of it, but from any
mention whatever. Was there no companY
_gin
London that could read the letter with the e,
conscience of the Sheffield and Manchester ?linesl
course, with the greater traffic of the great ,
centring in London, there must, even with the he 4"
care, be a liability to accident proportionate to thetu
traffic, and even so well managed a line as
Great Northern has not been wholly exempt from
disaster. Companies may fairly say that they ca:1Id;
not give to all travellers the security they provi 0
specially for the Queen, as in her Maje,stys le
they make surety doubly sure ; and if they did ~t,
same for the public generally they could nothingr-
half a dozen trains a day. But, achni,7
this, they may reasonably be required to 6:
the public the benefit of similar precatitinn-1
though not carried to the same extent. For instance!
when the Queen travels there is for many
train on the same line before her Majesty's tram,
nor behind it, and collision is actually inll3°.si4;
The Queen's safety does not depend on sign- ei
though signals are used to indicate the clear ad
upon which for many miles before and behind
110
train has been permitted to move. Here is the I. „
of safety of long intervals between trains, and wj+t +0
out asking so much as is provided for her MajeVarre
Ales I.lu
security, the public may fairly demand a larger su if
of this precaution than is now granted to it. at
nothing follows or precedes her Majesty's trainur
an interval short of 40 miles, or in time an 11, °,l;
may not a quarter of the space or the time be iads
claimed to improve the public safety? But aenure
regards Royalty there is a gradation of this rilea6the
of precaution, and it appeared in the inquirY into
of
disaster upon the Ascot day that the Princelier
Wales's train had not the clear road secured fOLolit
Majesty, and that any unforeseen stoppage,%s' 's
have left no space to spare. His Royal Hignll of
train had more margin for safety than the tranti
the general public, but not so much as makes sur'ost
doubly sure for her Majesty. There is one .4.11,; of
important precaution for her Majesty's safe' at.
which all her subjects might also have the berieja
Thb Queen has always the means of communicat ill,
with the guard or the official in charge of the tra
0,
and can cause the train to be stopped at all 111,0
ment, or may give any directions that circunastanays
may require. We believe also that there is lathird nays
an extra look-out on her Majesty's trains, a we,
official, besides the driver and stoker, on the eng the
to see to the road and the signals, and to lea°, to
drier and fireman, relieved of those duties, freoie
attend wholly and solely to their engine. ginner
arrangement ought to be extended to all pad cap
trains, for it is impossible that the drivemio be,
watch the road and signals as they ought n't of
watched, and attend atso to the managetn„e'oorr
their engines. Some day a disaster will be tne,„ big
sequence of a driver's compelled attention v" $33
engine when his eyes may be wanted to discern
obstruction or signal of danger on the road.