The Sun.
London, England, 1865-12-16 00:00:00

SU.N, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 16, lEEE.

turned out to be a failure, in consequence of the ex-
cuse so constantly made that the casual wards are
full. And the inquiry just made into the state of the
houseless poor in Bermondsey has proved that
142 applicants for admission to the work-
house had recently been turned away. No one
can say that a system is successful which
can sanction such anomalies as the pre-
sent poor law does. When we reflect upon the
inconsistency of the order by the authorities at
workhouses, counteracting the effect of the measure
which has received legislative sanction, we must
deplore and denounce the existing state of things.
Mr. HILL declares, with perfect justice, that those
are mistaken in their notions who consider it eco-
nomical thus to cut down the number of the work-
house inmates, for " no being is so expensive to the
State as a criminal at large, " the effect of the
arbitrary restrictions now in vogue being to drive
many to the commission of crime.
_ _ _

LA TEST INTEL LICENCE,

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

SPAIN.

MADRID, DEC. 15.

The Correspondencia de Espano says that the
Queen's health continues to improve. It is therefore
probable that her Majesty will open the Cortes in
person.

'1 he same journal states that the Ministers have
not yet prepared the speech from the throne.

MARSEILLES, DEC. 15 (Evening).

The Messageries Imperiales steamer Peluso, with
the Mauritius and Reunion mails, arrived here to-
day at 4.30 p.m.

BELGIUM.
INAUGURATION OF THE NEW KING
OF THE BELGIANS.

It is worthy of attention that a heavy tax is levied
on the benevolent portion of the community, in
consequence of their having in a great measure
to supply the deficiencies created by the imperfect
condition of our workhouse management ; and
another evil accruing from this must be mentioned,
that many persons trade upon the ignorance and
mistaken generosity of others. It is seldom those
who are really the most in want'who obtrude them-
selves on the attention of alms-givers, and yet im-
mense sums are squandered on worthless individuals,
while the deserving poor are sinking into decrepi-
tude and pining away through lack of that care
which the State should exercise for the protection of
its helpless subjects. What can be truer than the
passage here met with concerning the chief objects
which for the most part reign paramount in the
minds of those who select the authorities at a
workhouse—" the immediate saving of the parish
funds, and the bringing down to the lowest possible
farthing, of the next half-year's assessment !" Such
ends are considered more worthy of attainment than
the many important things which rightly belong to
the responsible positions of master, matron, and medi-
cal attendant, who, as stated here, "did the subject
admit of mirth, might often be supposed to be called
from jocoseness, the relieving officer, a namo
to which he has about as good a title as those who
appoint him have to that of Guardians of the
Poor." The Lancet, which has recently appointed
a Commissioner to inquire into the medical condi-
tion of workhouses, gives it as its opinion that no
amelioration can take place while the Board of
Guardians are so badly constituted. An inferior
and uneducated class of small tradesmen compose
the majority of these bodies. Such are described as
" inconceivably petty, ignorant, and unfit to govern
institutions of so much magnitude." Certainly the
recent collision between the Board of Guardians at
a Workhouse and the Poor-law Board, on the sub-
ject of admission of the vagrant poor to the casual
wards, bears out the statement of the Lancet as to
the faulty construction of these Boards of Guar-
dians, and leads us to inquire what steps should be
taken to improve the position of affairs.
In this pamphlet it is stated that too much power
is vested in those who are not likely to know much
of the matter, in appointing Boards of Guardians,
and Mr. HILL proposes that the power of voting
should be brought into " closer accordance with
the amount of assessment," in order that a clearer
knowledge may prevail among the majority of those
who have the power of voting. It could do no harm
to try this plan if it did no good ; and we question
if any particular argument can be brought forward
against it. It is an acknowledged fact that the poor
do not meet with equal consideration from those a
few degrees above them, as from those quite out of
their sphere, but who have finer perceptions of the
making of systems and a more accurate knowledge
of the details which are so necessary to be ac-
quainted with. Some of the facts here mentioned
are condensed into a summary, which is very well
worthy of attention from the powers that be, as well
as from the influential classes who study such sub-
jects. One of the conclusions cannot be gainsaid,
and that is the one which affirms that the inhabi-
tants of a country which, like our own, " un-
grudgingly pays more than six millions a year in
support of the poor, ought not, and, under a good
administration of the poor-law and police would not,
be harassed by beggars, and have their feelings
outraged by authentic accounts of deaths from
cold and hunger, and their lives and property
endangered by the temptations to crime which ex-
posure to great misery creates." All this is
strictly true, and it is a great scandal to society
at large that the state of our poor-laws
should be so defective, the management of our
workhouses so extremely faulty, and the condition
of our poor in many instances so deplorable. The
aspect of affairs is, indeed, bad ; when it is no
matter of surprise to any general reader of public
news to take up a paper and find that another
death has occurred in our streets from sheer
starvation. It is high time for us to
awake from our lethargy in this important re-
spect, and to pay that heed to the subject of the
administration of the Poor Laws, which justice
demands from us, and which humanity should
long ago have led us to do in an efficient and
effectual manner.

BRUSSELS, Dm. 15 (Evening).

It has been officially announced that King Leo-
pold 11. will take the oath to the Constitution
before both Chambers at 12.30, on Sunday, the
17th inst. At 8 a.m. the ringing of bells and a
salvo of 101 guns will notify the solemnity. At 10.30
the general staffs of the civic guard and army will
form upon the Boulevard d'Anvers. The King
will be escorted from the palace of Laeken by
mounted civic guards and a body of regular
cavalry. At the entrance to the capital his
Majesty will be received and complimented by
the Burgomeister at the head of the Communal
council. The King's entrance into Brussels will be
announced by a salvo of 101 guns. His Majesty
will follow the route taken by the King on the 21st
July, 1831. The civic guards and the troops of the
garrison will be under arms in the streets through
which his Majesty passes. The entrance to the
Chambers will be occupied by the battalion of
Chasseurs-Eclaireurs, a battery of artillery of the
Brussels civic guard, and the wounded and decorated
of September. After the oath has teen taken their
Majesties will return to the palace under a salute
of 101 guns.

Native Literature in India.

(From Galignani's Messenger.)

We find several curious facts concerning the
intellectual state of India at the present moment
in M. Garcin de Tassy'S inaugural lecture, which
is now printed. After stating that the dialect more
particularly called Hindoostanee or oordoo, which
is composed of Hindee, Persian, and Arabic, is
likely to become the reigning dialect of India,
owing chiefly to the influence of railways, the dis-
tinguished professor informs us that no less than
seventeen new periodicals printed in Hindoostanee
have this year been added to the already existing
ones, and that most of these new journals have
appeared in provinces where none existed before,
such as, for instance, the Punjaub, Oude, and
even Afghanistan. Most of them are in oordoo,
but a few are in Hindee, which is the old dialect
of the country. The Agra Law Journal is pub-
lished both in English and in oordoo ; and the
students of medicine at Lahore have got up a scien-
tific periodical, called the Panjabi. There has also
been a vast number of new publications : among
them Bagavat Malwa, being a detailed account of
the insurrection of 1857, in the province of Maiwa,
by Nizam Uddin ; then the Jauhar-i'acl, an allego-
ricalmopraolentiocavl workselliket chieflyhe'Pi of an eroticlgrim'sProgr ess,''
and
various stamp.
Our author further notices the singular fact that
the English geld piece called a " sovereign" is cur-
rent in India under its own name, owing to the
strange coincidence that soo-ba ran, the original
meaning of which is " fine colour," also signifies
gold ; and as the conversion of a b into a v is very
frequent, as well as that of a French ou into an
English short one, the Indian has adopted the Eng-
lish word.with the greatest ease ; it moreover ina-
ifurates the decimal system, the value of the sove-
reign being exactly 10 rupees.

THE NATIONAL GALLERY.—The National Gal
lery has just secured, at the price of £3,400, a picture by
Vittore Carpaccio, representing the Virgin and Child with
the Doge Giovanni Mocenigo kneeling before them, and
holding in his right hand the banner of the Venetian Re-
public. On the right hand side, looking towards the pic-
ture, is St. John, and on the left St. Christopher, carrying
the Saviour. The figures are life size, and the picture
conies to us direct from the gallery of Count Alvide
nig°, of Venice,-.—The Reader.

blunder to allure a small country on by promises questions, that what we ought all to labour for and
which we did not intend to perform. (Hear, hear.) ought all to desire is a settlement,, and the removal
No one wanted to go to war for Denmark, but if we of these questions as soon as we possibly can from
did not intend to support her we should never have the arena of agitation. We should settle them, if
promised her any assistance at all. (Cheers.) They not at once and for all, at least for a sufficient period
could not but regard the present state of affairs in to last out the life of any single man I now address.
the country as eminently prosperous. The revenue (Cheers.) But the fault, as it seems to me, and that
was increasing, and while the exports of the country which is the great obstacle in the mind of every
had amounted to £200,000,000 ster., the savings of thinking man, is the difficulty, in any change of our
the people had amounted to nearly £100,000,000. representative system, of finding some spot where
In such a state of prosperity it was for the Govern- we can stop, and where we can say, "Here we stand
ment of the country to show what they would do in on principle. Here is a fair ground of settlement
the forthcoming Parliament—whether great organic beyond which we will not go; but to this, as a matter
changes were, in their opinion, necessary, or whether of principle, we are willing to advance." If you say
the more even tenor of our way was to be continued you will lower the franchise to £8 and do so, there
—ameliorating our institutions where necessity re- is an immediate demand that you should admit £7.
quired, but not making those radical changes which From £7 you would be called on to go down to £6 ;
at the same time that they might shake the consti- from £6 to £5 ; from £5 to £4 ; and, if we come
tution would not do for those who brought them the to a test of that kind, we shall soon find that there
good they expected. He felt certain that the pre- is no resting-point. We cannot hit upon any
sent Government would receive that fair and just mode which would enable us to settle for a length-
treatment from all parties which any Government ened period that question, upon the solution of
was entitled to receive so long as they did that which I believe the greatness and happiness of this
which the country required. At the same time he country for many years are at stake. (Hear,
felt equally sure that if, for party purposes or for and cheers.) One point which has struck us in
retaining power, they did that which the country reference to the late speeches of Mr. Bright is that
did not think necessary, Parliament would at once he affects a moderation which I am afraid he does
reject them, and the country would ratify the rejec- not feel—a moderation very different from that which
tion. (Cheers.) With regard to recent affairs inJa- he has expressed in former times. He tells us there
maica, he asked them asEnglishmen and honourable are 5,000,000 heads of families unrepresented, and
men never to judge of men until they had the whole he only asks that 1,000,000 of them shall be admitted.
facts of the case before them. In this case they had If all the 5,000,000 are entitled to be admitted, he is
men sent out from the country to uphold the certainly making a moderate demand in asking that
honour and dignity of the Crown and the country, only one in five should be admitted ; but there lies
and if those men were not to be supported all the question. The constituencies now number
till they were found guilty where could they ex- 1,500,000, and if you introduce 1,000,000 men all of
pect to find men who would undertake such respon- one class, of one feeling, and with one general in-
Bible positions? To say that such men were to terest, you at once introduce into your Constitution
be written or talked down, or that the Government a disturbing element. (Cheers.) You do not do
were to give in to a cry, was to say that no man that which will settle or that which will conciliate,
who might be traduced by others was to be safe at but that which will derange and disturb. You will
home, where of all places he ought to be supported. introduce a class that will almost counterbalance all
(Cheers.) He, for one, earnestly hoped that Go- the other interests put together, and it would be per-
vernor Eyre and those who were accused with him fectly certain to have a monopoly of power unless
would come well out of the matter. A searching those who shared in the representation were of one
inquiry was about to be instituted. That ought to thought and mind. In support of his views, Mr.
be sufficient for us, and if the Government did not
.Bright, to my extreme surprise, in his last speech
do its duty in the matter it was to them we had to quoted the opinion of the great Lord Somers. There
look without taking upon ourselves the task of try- is no name in the wide history of England or in the
ing individuals. (Cheers.) annals of all our constitutional history, which is en-
" The Health of Mr. Fitzgerald" was then pro- titled to be regarded with more admiration and re-
posed by Colonel BsarrrELoT, who expressed a hope spect than the name of Lord Somers ; but any one
that it would not be long before he again found his who knows the writings and opinions of that dis-
way within the walls of the House of Commons. tinguished man will be astonished to find that if the
Mr. SEYMOUR FITZGERALD, in responding, said he words quoted by Mr. Bright are to be taken lite-
had long occupied the double position of president rally, Lord Somers is quoted as an advocate of uni-
of that association and member for Horsham. He versal suffrage. The result of Mr. Bright's modera-
regretted that he was unable to appear before them tion is that he either asks too little or he proves too
in that double capacity on the present occasion ; much. If five millions are entitled to a vote, why
but, in all good humour, he could assure his hon. does Mr. Bright stop and say that he will only ask
friend who now represented the borough that he in- for one million to be admitted ? He does so because
tended to take the earliest opportunity of occupying he knows that if he expressed an intention, nakedly
that double position again. (Laughter and cheers.) and broadly, of going for this enormous addition to
The hon. gentleman referred to the cattle plague. the franchise, his proposition would be at once and
He said—l differ very much from the opinions which definitively rejected. (Loud cheers.) But there is
have been expressed that nothing more could have a greater, I will almost say, crime in the course
been done by the Government. My opinion is that which has been taken by Mr. Bright at this time.
they did not appreciate the gravity of the position He says, in the very last speech which he delivered,
and the heavy responsibilities which devolved on " I shall be told that I am advocating communal
them. We had first an Order in Council giving opinions. I am doing nothing of the sort." But
certain directions ; that was soon after supplemented when he makes this disclaimer, what is the tenour
by an order altering the first order ; that in its turn and the course of his observations ? He is address-
was succeeded by another adding to the first order ; ing thousands, perhaps 10,000, of the working men
next came an order explaining the former orders ; of Birminingham, and he says, " I ask you to look
and so it has been going on until Ido not know how at those who are the governing class of this coun-
many orders in Council there are existing, and I try. Look at their wealth, look at their luxury,
defy any man, unless he has an acute legal train- look at their ostentation, and look at their weari-
ing, to say what is or is not the effect of the various ness of satiety." He says they are called on to
orders on which the magistrates are called upon to move from place to place in order to escape from
act. I think, also, that a great mistake was made the position of wealth and luxury which they
in the first instance in the course taken with regard occupy. Now, does he mean those who are really
to the local authorities. I have always been averse the governing classes of this country ? I think not.
to see the powers of Government centralised. It is The governing classes are the middle classes of the
contrary to the spirit of our institutions. I think country. (Hear, hear.) It is not with the peers and
the great safeguard we have is that every man the rich, with those who have this wealth and oaten-
should take part in the local administration of local tation, that the great power of the country rests.
affairs. lam not one of those, therefore, who like (Cheers.) When Mr. Bright points to the govern-
to see the local authorities excluded from the ad- ing classes and says, " Look at their ostentation
ministration in affairs of this kind, and I think that and their wealth," what does he mean ? He means
Government ought to have adopted a much more to separate and single out a particular class—to
comprehensive system at first than they did, and separate the wealthy and the noble, and to hold
that they ought to have instructed the local them up to a great assemblage of working men as
authorities with the duty of carrying the system having interests different from their own, and de-
out. The disease ought to have been met in the priving them of what he tells them is their birth-
first instance by the most vigorous measures of re- right—namely, a participation in the representation
pression ; but, at the same time, I have always of the country. Now, in making such a statement
been of opinion that where private property is sacri- he does that which is a disgrace to any public man
ficed for the public good the loss ought to be met
—he does that which is calculated to raise up bitter
by the public Exchequer. (Cheers.) lam told that and angry feelings between class and class ; he
there are great difficulties in the way, and that it singles out those whom Providence has placed in
would open the door to fraud as well as throw a great and distinguished positions, and 'he holds
heavy burden upon the State. But it would not them up to the working men of the country as
be half as heavy a burden as the risk of having those who are their greatest enemies and oppo-
this dangerous malady spread over the whole nents. (Hear, hear.) If he means that the go-
country. If the Government found their powers verning classes are those who exclude the working
insufficient, they ought to have called Parliament men from a share in the representation, it is not the
together. It is one of the most vital and important rich, the wealthy, and the noble, but it is the great
questions that has been brought before a British middle class, and those who support the middle
public of late years, and it was a subject wellworthy class, because they believe, having much to lose,
of the consideration and meeting of Parliament. As having a great stake in the country, that their opi-
to the measures that may be necessary, I am very nions are stable, firm, and sound. (Hear, hear.)
much afraid that what would have been effective a It is to them that Mr. Bright's remarks must apply,
few weeks ago will not now be sufficient, and that and they are not to be addressed only to the wealthy
we shall find we are shutting the door after the steed and rich and noble of the laud. (Cheers.) Let Mr.
is stolen. As soon as Parliament meets I have no Bright ask himself a question. He speaks of the
doubt that measures will be adopted of the most great success of liberal and democratic institutions,
vigorous kind, with a total disregard of private and he says that if there was this wide extension of
profit or advantage. (Hear, hear.) Passing from that the suffrage in this country it would be accompanied
topic there have been other questions of public in- by an extension of education over the whole surface
terest adverted to this evening, and I think it has
of the country such as has never yet been seen.
always been permitted at this table, so long as we He is certainly referring to the agricultural districts
did not trespass upon the domain of politics, and as being districts where there is a total want of
offend the wishes of those present, to speak can- education, where the peasants are brutalized and
didly on public affairs. It would be ridiculous to debased, and are like the serfs upon a Russian estate.
suppose, in this free-thinking and outspoken Now, I would ask him to refer to the report which
eountry, that 150 men could be brought together and has recently been made by a Royal Commission as
induced to shut their eyes and mouths in regard to to the condition of the children in some of the great
the great public questions. I think, therefore, that
departments of industry in the North. (Hear.) I
I may be allowed to venture a few observations on
ask him if he has ever been able to read, without
that which is the great public question of the day. his cheeks blushing with shame, that account of the
We are told that we are to have a change in the
condition of the children employed in the large works
system of representation, and a great deal has been
in the North. We are told that there are children
said by a distinguished public speaker as to the de-
even of the advanced age of 9 or 10 who do not
merits, the failings, and almost the crimes of one
know the name of the Sovereign, the days of the
great party in the state in reference to that measure.
week ; who never heard of a Saviour, and who do
We are told that what Mr. Bright calls the Tory
not know even the meaning of a God. (Hear.) If
party have always been averse to all those great
he wishes to seek for a class of children where there
questions which for some years past have been car-
is a total failure of education, where there is an
rued, and which have advanced the prosperity and
ignorance such as scarcely can be paralleled on the
welfare of the country. In his speeches he is con-
face of the whole globe, it is not to the agricultural
stantly quoting to us the example of America. I
districts that he must turn. (Cheers.) It is not where
am one of those who regard with the greatest ad- he says the labourers are paid a poor pittance, such
miration the system which has been pursued in
as almost to justify robbery, but he must go to those
America, the efforts they have made in the direc- districts where fortunes are heaped up and obtained
tion of self-government, the enormous extension of
in a very short time. (Hear.) I admit that some
education, and the position which that republic
of the manufacturers, like Sir Franeis Crossley, ex,
has been enabled to take in the councils of the
pend their fortunes with a most princely munifi-
world. (Cheers.) There is no man more willing
cence ; but, as a general rule, you will find that
to tender a weed of admiration to the course pur-
where fortunes have been rapidly made by means of
sued by the American nation than I am—Tory as I
the labour of the practical class, the interests of the
am, and as Mr. Bright chooses to call me. But
practical class have never been rightly or justly con-
what will suit a new country with new institutions,
sidered. (Hear, hear.) Let me remind Mr. Bright
which they began to build up from the foundation,
of this—for he read his recantation in the House of
will not suit a country where the interests are so
Commons—let me remind him that he was the most
complicated, where the institutions that exist are
persistent opponent of those laws by which the
so interwoven in the heart and feeling of the nation,
labour of women and children was proposed to be
as in this country. (Cheers.) What suits the one
limited, simply with the intention of enabling those
will not suit the other, and it is impossible to reason
women and children to obtain education. (Cheers.)
by any method of analogy whatever, from the sue-
He has been the persistent opponent of those laws,
cess of the institutions of America that the same
and yet, in spite of all the opposition brought to
success would attend similar institutions here.
bear against them by the manufacturing interest,
(Cheers.) Now, as regards the abuse which has
they were passed, mainly through the instrumenta-
been thrown on one great party in the State by the
lity and by the assistance of the country gentlemen
distinguished speaker I have alluded to, we have
of England. (Cheers.) There is one other point on
this great consolation, that although he now
which I wish to say a word. Mr. Bright addressed
abuses us, it is only a few months since he abused
himself very strongly in his last speech to some ob-
our opponents just as much. (Laughter and cheers.)
servations made by a right hon. friend of mine, the
There is not one single word of reproach, of con-
member for Droitwich, who showed how moderate
timely, and of condemnation which he now throws
might
upon us which only a few months ago he did not as men of different shades of opinion be got so
unsparingly and emphatically lavish on those whom to combine as to form an Administration possessing
the confidence and respect of the country. (Hear.)
he now calls his friends. (Laughter,) What do I
My right hon. friend also said, quoting an old sen-
argue from that ? Why, that he thinks it is desir-
tence of one of the leaders of our party, that " Eng-
able in the present instance to give his full support
land dislikes coalitions." That is very true, but I
to a Government that will bring in a reform bill, be
understand by that expression the conjunction of
it wide or not, because he is determined to take
men in office differing.in opinion, but who will yet
whatever he can get, with a view, upon the very
first occasion, of getting more. (Hear, hear.) I be-
consent to waive the opinion they entertain in order
lieve there is not one man I now address who does to enable them to act together. (Hear.) Ido not
not feel that with regard to these great constitutional understand by a .coalition a number of men who