The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-27 00:00:00

but one only circumstance, we say, in this rising
bears about it what cannot but strike the
majority of observers, upon reflection, as
a very ominous and a very sinister significance.
This being nothing less than the aspect of
reproach turned against the King in his flight, and
repellingly also against the relatives of the King,
who are involved in the ruin of his downfall, the
aspect of unmistakeable reproach that the rule of
OTHO has never once affected to desire the great-
ness of the country or—its agrandizement! Simul-
taneously with the delivery of this distinct and
starting taunt of reproach against the KING and
the Dynasty that have just succumbed before the
Revolution, the troops are ordered to be concen-
trated at Vonitza of all places ! It was at Vonitza
that the revolt of the local garrison may be said to
have given the signal to the revolutionists. The
train, it is true, had been previously laid, far and
wide, surely and secretly—but there at Vonitza
the match was lit and applied, and the mine sprung.
Vonitza being conveniently situated, observe, upon
the frontier line of Turkey !
Knowing perfectly well, as we do, in the pre-
sence of all these facts, how wide spread are the
intrigues that have led to this abrupt and startling
manifestation—remembering the importance alike
to the maintenance of the balance of power in
Europe and of the ready continuance of our far off
rule in Hindostan—it is a satisfaction to be aware
also, no less unmistakeably, that not only is our
diplomacy on the alert in regard to the
import of all these extraordinary transactions,
but that with exemplary promptititude the
British ships now stationed off Malta ate
forthwith to proceed to the Pirass. There almost
as a matter of course, we presume, they would soon
enough be joined by a French naval division—Eng-
lish and French alike presenting themselves there
upon the spot to note the progress of events and to
be prepared for any emergency.
Casting a momentary glance at the melancholy
records of this reign of thirty wasted years, wasted
alike for the KING himself and for the people he
has so systematically misgoverned—it is impos-
sible not to recognise, almost at a glance, that it has
been a reign first of all marred by the Prince's
overweening German predilictions, and after-
wards and for the most part by the sinister
influence exercised upon his always blun-
dering councils by the Evil Genius at his
elbow, that Queen-wife of his, with her petty
ambition, her constitutional guile, and her Russian
proclivities. Originally himself altogether un-
qualified to fill the throne of Greece—incapable of
understanding the duties of a Constitutional So-
vereign—OTHo has found these two baneful incen-
tives to misgovernment fatal i❑ the end. And this
not only to himself and to his Crown, but to the very
dynasty he was supposed to be inaugurating. His
Bavarian infatuation led to that Revolution of
1843, which lost to him the whole of his German
Favourites. His subjection for years past to the
evil influence of his Royal Consort Queen AMELIA,
has more than anything brought about this far
more complete and overwhelming Revolution of
1862, which has cost him, not simply the ruinous
support of a cluster of petty German intriguers, but
has, far more seriously as a result, lost to him and
to his race a Crown and a Kingdom.

" Six days later from America"—still no great
event, or very important movement. Military
doings may be summed up in the statement—Fe-
derals pressing on slowly and heavily, Confederates
as usual completely out-generalling them in gue-
rilla exploits. Thus we are told that General
STUART in his successful raid into Pennsylvania
was twice as successful in his main object—obtain-
ing supplies, as we had been previously in-
formed. He returned with twice five hundred
horses, which we may be sure he will turn to good
account; and, as we have heard so much of the
shoeless condition of the Confederate soldiers, and
winter is at hand, he prudently carried off " large
quantities of boots and clothing taken in Penn-
sylvania."
Then, as a light-armed man, and to show
them what agility could do, he swept completely
round the heavily-armed M'CLELLAN, and crossed
the Potomac into Virginia on the other side of
the Federal camp. On the other hand,
M'CLELLAN, in his slow and sure style, is again
on the south of the Potomac. He has advanced
as far as Charlestown, hardly ten miles into Vir-
ginia, from Harper's Ferry, and is feeling about to
see whether he may venture further. He has
made that town his head-quarters, but can hardly
be intending to press on, however, slowly to Rich-
mond in that direction. The Confederates in his
front are sufficiently numerous to have compelled
one division of his army to fall back.
In Kentucky, where there has been more fighting,
the Confederates seem to have made a similar clever
move to General STUART'S in Virginia, and to have
gone to the back of their victorious opponents, re-
treating in good time with considerable plunder.
By the Baltimore we learned that they had been
driven from Frankfort and Louisville, and certain
it is that BUELL was fighting them forty or fifty
miles further southwards, while DUMONT had taken
150 prisoners and two guns at Versailles near Frank-
fort ; yet we find a body of them getting behind
the Federals pouncing again on Frankfort, and
capturing a large number of waggons and five
hundred Federals ; doubtless they loaded the wag-
gons well with articles so much needed by their men.
In this way they appear to provide themselves with
supplies of military stores, at the cost of their
enemies, even when the latter are substantially
moving forward. Yet the Federals would seem to have
the real superiority in Kentucky. The despatches
announce severe fighting there at Harrodsburg, the
place to which the Confederates had retreated by
the last accounts after the battle of Perrysville;
the latter are said to have lost a thousand pri-
soners, and to be further retreating, and rumours,
on which however no reliance can be placed, were
current that General BRAGG was killed.

-'Federal victory at Corinth seems to have been a
real victory. At least we are now informed that
the Confederates acknowlege defeat there. We
are told that the Confederates there beeame
" demoralised," and abandoned eleven guns, which
they first spiked, besides losing two thousand pri-
soners. The Federal army has albo been able to
advance farther into Mississippi, though we cannot
see what advantage any advance into that thinly
peopled planting State could be of to the Fede-
rals, unless they were able to descend so far south
as to complete connection with General BUTLER at
New Orleans, and take Vicksburg on the Missis-
sippi, which FARRAGUT was unable to capture, in
the rear. Thus, on the whole, the Federals appear
to be taking a firmer stand. Though outwitted by
Confederate guerillas both i❑ Virginia and Ken-
tucky, they have the best of it in the more impor-
tant c -
to their threats. main body ; they have steadily forced back the
threaten Naelivilii
of their enemies in Virginia, Kentucky,
and 'bdissieaip ' and though the Confederates
Tennessee, the Federals pay
wonders, but the
no attention
vrecnreats. The Confederates do
solid strength: era's seem to have the more
The political news allows the Democrats,
as a body, are quite strong that,,,
to defy the
PRESIDENT'S arbitrary powers."'t
assumed and asserted the right to osendugh alhle has'
contents to Lafayette, and other similar political

sanatoriums, they yet openly denounce both his pro-
clamatiOn for emancipation of the slaves as a mili-
tary measure, and the very suspension itself of the
habeas corpus act in virtue of which he could walk
off the stump orator into custody. Of course the
PRESIDENT is not so foolish. It is the sneaking
traitors he aims at; the men who treasonably com-
municate with the enemy, and inform them of
Federal military movements, and the men who
endeavour to check the enlistment he has ordered.
These unworthy Free States men deserve no pity.
Perhaps every
one of them is destitute of pity for
the black fellow citizen in bondage in the South,
and would scout the notion of a negro claiming a
writ of habeas corpus. Let them have a taste of
bondage without slavery, as they are so fond of
fetters, and slavery too, for others.
The large meeting of the New York Democrats,
to which we refer, passed resolutions requiring the
PRESIDENT to carry on the war constitutionally, as
well as condemning the proclamation and the
habeas corpus suspension. We should like to know
how such a war could be carried on constitutionally
when the authors of the war have thrown the con-
stitution overboard, set up another, and, without a
single practical grievance, separated from the
general Government because they proved to be a
minority at an election. Even their cherished in-
stitution was not only not attacked, but too jea-
lously protected ; and Mu. LINCOLN would, unfor-
tunately, have given them any guarantees they
wished for non-interference with slavery and for
surrendering fugitive slaves. The only thing he
would not guarantee was,that he would aid in cover-
ing soil yet free with slavery. Does any Englishman
think he ought to have surrendered that point. Bad
as the American Constitution is in regard to fugitive
slave law clauses, it is not so bad as to consign the
territories to slavery. Will it be pretended by the
advocates of the South that Mr. LINCOLN ought to
have assured the South that he would work the
constitution, so far as his influence went, in the
interest of extension of slavery, and not, as he
affirmed he would, in the interests of freedom. In
his recent pretentious speech at Liverpool, Mr.
MOREHEAD, of Kentucky, to our minds, convicted
the South of seceding on this single point. We
have, indeed, always maintained that slavery exten-
sion was the real object of Southern fighting, and
prevention of that, as far as slavery is concerned,
the real object of the North. The North, to its
shame, preferred the continuance of slavery where
it existed; it only desired to keep it where it was;
and this, too, from no philanthropical sentiment,
but simply because, like the people of Illinois and
Kansas, it wanted to be able to keep not only the
slave, but even the free coloured man, from the yet
unsettled territory. Be the reason what it might,
the North desired no unconstitutional action ; it
simply desired by regular and constitutional means
to make the extension of the Republic an extension
of freedom, not of slavery.

The Democrats read a letter from General
SCOTT, dated last March twelvemonths, as if that
could be applicable to the present state of things.
The old General leaned to the CRITTENDEN com-
promise, or to allowing the South to depart in
peace. He considered the conquest of the South
would be a work of years, of large armies, of
able generals, and of much blood and treasure,
and that, when accomplished, it would require
for 'generations a costly garrison to retain it.
There is no doubt, probably, now, even in Mr.
LINCOLN'S mind of this last point, but he well
knows that the South would not now depart in
peace, with only so much territory as the North
would allow it. The North-west will never sur-
render the Mississippi, the North-east will never
part with the Bay of Chesapeake, while neither
would forego the Border States. To part in peace,
now, is out of the question. The sad business
must be fought out; and, unless we are mistaken,
the South is much more rapidly approaching ex-
haustion than the North. It has made splendid
exertions, in the worst cause man ever fought
for, but we hope it has nearly worn itself out.

These will be glad tidings to all the friends of
GARIBALDI in England—that Professor PARTRIDGE
has again taken his departure for Spezzia! It was
time enough that some intimation of the kind should
be made public. The rumours as to the Hero's actual
condition, every day almost becoming uglier and more
alarming. True it is that there were circumstances
brought to our knowledge simultaneously with
the receipt of this sinister intelligence—
circumstances encouraging us reasonably enough,
the while, to believe that the evil rumours
were for the most part monstrous exaggerations.
For example, it certainly did not look as if the
General's wounds were so very alarming, or even, as
it was hinted at times, in so agonising a condition
as the more doleful correspondents maintained--
when it became known to us, as it did but very
recently, it will be remembered—that GARIBALDI
was well enough to be removed from the position
of Varignano to a more cheerful residence at
Spezzia—a house belonging there to the Italian
Minister of Marine. Nevertheless, even with
all the encouragement derivable from incidents
like these, the statements as to the continued
seriousness, and still more the undeniable ob-
scurity of the wound in the hero's ankle, have
filled the friends of GARIBALDI here in England
with the liveliest anxiety. And this of late, it
should be said, increasingly. We cannot wonder,
therefore, under the circumstances, that Mr.
PARTRIDGE has deemed it in every way
advisable in his own interests and the interests
of GARIBALDI, and in the interests of the friends
of GARIBALDI, to revise his former opinion
in regard to the condition of the still suffering,
but happily no longer imprisoned, hero : vlz.,
by returning for however brief a while to Spezzia.
For his supplementary report from that place we
shall now look forward with the most eager
curiosity,

The Transatlantic Telegraph is not to be quite
forgotten. Mr. CYRUS FIELD and Messrs. GLASS,
ELLIOTT, and Co., are in correspondence on the
subject, and the latter have stated the terms on
which they are willing to commence the enter-
prise. The well-known firm are so confident of
their ability to lay
for 12 months that tthheeywainudiegtep isti,t into orderstake
areine
their entire profits upon its remaining in working
order ; and, secondly, to make a cash sub.
scription of £25,000 in the ordinary capi-
tal of the company, and pay the same by the
regular calls of the company. As the confidence of
the public must depend entirely on its confidence
in the great knowledge raid experience of GLASS,
ELLIOTT, and Co.—it will make the risk incurred
by them the measure of its trust. Now the great
telegraph firm proposes to be secured against a first
direct loss, by weekly repayments of their actual
disbursements for labour and material. Their
profits, however, are to be made abso-
lutely contingent on the successful work•
ing of the line, since, though they are to re-
ceive 20 per cent. on the actual cost of the line
for their " time, services, and profit," they are to
receive it in shares of the company, we presume at
par, in 12 instalments during each month the cable
is in successful working. After the line is laid,therc.-
fore, the entire value of their shares will of course