The Sun.
London, England, 1862-12-20 00:00:00

N°. 21,989.

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~~~~

welcome addition to our knowledge of the region in ques-
tion. We give the following samples of its contents :
FAMINE AND PESTILENCE.
Our time has been spent mostly within the limits of our
residency, the mission only moving out for a few hours'
exercise daily, either for a ride at sunrise, or for quail-
shooting in the fields outside the city walls. On these occa-
sions, whilst traversing the filthy lanes of the city in our
egress and ingress,we bad full and painful proof of the suffer-
ings of the people from the combined effects of scarcity and
pestilence; for epidemic small-pox, which first made
its appearance in the city shortly before our arrival, was
now raging with terrible virulence, and greatly multiplied
the horrors of the famine. Almost every house had its
doomed, dying or dead, whilst the houseless lay naked in
the public thoroughfares—a most sickening and disgusting
mass of sores and corruption—in the silence of death, or
else in the ravings of delirium or the pangs of starvation,
filling the already foully-tainted atmosphere with most
pitiful moans and cries : a feast to myriads of flies, which,
whilst they gorged themselves, filled the body with worms,
and then hastened away to disseminate the plague. This
terrible pestilence and famine continued with unabated
severity for full six weeks after our arrival, and the daily
scenes of hideous suffering we encountered on our way to
the open country proved a most painful ordeal. Most
fortunately, the pestilence, which was so rife in the city
and surrounding villages, hardly existed within the citadel
—a fact for which no very satisfactory explanation could
be found; for, though it was somewhat cleaner than the
rest of the city, and also less densely peopled, it was quite
impossible to prevent a constant tide of communication be-
tween it and the infected quarters. Its inhabitants, also,
consisting as they did of the troops and adherents of the
heir-apparent and their families, were better supplied with
provisions than the genera* of the townspeople--a cir-
cumstance which no doubt, coupled with the other condi-
tions above mentioned, exerted a due influence in enabling
them to resist the attacks of the fell enemy, but yet not
sufficient to account for their almost total immunity from
the disease, unless one is allowed to suppose that the well-
cared-for native is less predisposed to the contagion than
the starved, so as to be in a measure protected from it. Be-
sides, the fact of most of the natives of this country having
already had small-pox in their youth, either by natural
means or innoculation, may have had some weight in pro-
tecting the better classes from a second attack, whilst the
starved fell easy victims to its ravages through the pre-
disposing circnmstances of their condition.

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THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVE N I INI G, DEC EMB ER 20, 1861

the best of the evening, and is well remembered to the pre-
sent day.

r ,nq D
OUTSIDEERs a.O nF
A.
ITASNTDRASLTITJAR. TLBAyNwD, OR TIIE
ILLIAR
wo
contain ne .heßaorenyns toi ldfeeydr .tta considerable na
rif o
dr r nkaet
piNlotln:lipjrt eßEwsspoAseu:c
s mMT he Aer
recently,
tl ros
r°e)
hoB
en.
ing Australia, through which the author travelled—we pre-
ld
seem, a tolerably minute journal, not only of what he saw,
but what he thought. The commentary, however, is the
least welcome part of the book. The manner is vulgar and
braggart, and beset with affectations of expression and
criticism which, as literary efforts, are not only ill conceived,
but are excessively wearying to read. "Bumptiousness,"
in short, is the inherent characteristic of Mr. Jessop's style.
He can tell nothing in a plain and modest manner, but en-
crusts his text with a rank exuberance of apostrophe, ver-
bal conceits, and phrases couched in all the artifices of labo-
rious antithesis. To exemplify. He writes :—" One of
those memorable and few days on which the misery usually
attendant upon my existence was suspended; when the
essence of felicity, as far as poor mortal man can receive it,
was imbibed by my senses; when a sublime kind of ecstacy
was thrown, as a spell, over all my faculties; when the na-
ture within me was so exalted by the nature without, that
existence itself seemed doubtful; such a day as this was
that Sunday in September when! entered the glory of Aus-
tralia, the matchless harbour of the Queen of the South. It
is a day to be remembered. It was a great day, being Sun-
day. It was a glorious day, the sun shining with all the
majesty of youthful vigour. It was a matchless day, the
wind and the waves being lulled till they sent forth a
gentle aerial sound. It was a marvellous day, my good
genius having arisen in a brave good humour.
It was a splendid day, everything contributing
with might and main to create a scene which should rouse
men's thoughts to heaven. It was a happy day, a moat
happy day, a complete and perfect day of bliss." (Fudge.)
Again, " How is education amongst you, good people of
Tasmania P not very high, not very wide, not very strong.
Slow work here ; slow work and bad in the Parliament
also, men, far from honourable in their position or their
talents, occupying a seat, and exercising the same great
means of working weal or woe as those of esteem; weal to
themselves, however, if possible, and woe to all. Compar-
ing paper with paper, if you are no better in this respect
than your neighbours, you are by no means worse. You
love to lead a quiet life, but a quiet life is not always the
best. I suspect quiet people, and I have my reasons. The
most venomous thing that troubles mankind is at the same
time the most quiet—a snake, to wit. Not that I hereby
allude to your progress and proceedings being serpentine—
not in the least. where there is overmuch quite, there
scandal takes up her residence. I hope it is not so among
you. I hope you have better work to do than to be tearing
one another to pieces. Have an eye about you, good peo-
ple, for the signs are not favourable. There are evil reports
flying abroad, flying all abroad. The land is good, say
strangers; we should like to live there, but the people are
naught." Were it possible to denude the volumes of this
tiresome overlaying of words, and the lamentable absurd

ties of vein into which the author's pen perpetually runs,
they would probably be read with interest, inasmuch as
they deal with countries which are daily becoming more
and more important, the inner life of which is not too well
known, Mr. Jessop's accounts of the early discoveries of
Bass and Flinders are among the best sections of the book
—that is, if the reader can stomach the fantastic and dis-
agreeable style in which they are narrated.

ADDRESS OF 7HE PODOLIAN NOBLES
TO IHE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA.

The following is the translation of an article on
this subject from the pen of M. de Sacy, which
appeared in the Journal deli Debats of the 16th
inst. :
In the beginning of October the nobility of Po-
dolia assembled at Kamieniec for the election of
the functionaries whom they are legally empowered
to appoint, unanimously voted and signed an ad-
dress, in which they demand of the Emperor the
administrative reunion of the province to the king-
dom of Poland.
" Sire,"—such were the words of the address—
" the situation of our country is deserving of all
your solicitude ; in it you behold a people without
inbtruction, schools insufficient both by their num-
bers and the state of education; trade deprived of
capital and devoured by usury ; the exportation of
corn rendered impossible by the want of communi-
cation by roads ; capital withdrawn from funded
property through the want of credit institutions
and of a system of mortgages; institutions opposed
to the customs, the traditions, and the normal de-
velopment of society; the execution of the laws
rendered impossible by a foreign bureaucracy which
seeks its inspirations elsewhere than in the wants

and interests of the provinee ; finally, a society de-
prived of organs which, elected by itself and
from its own body, would watch over the affairs of
the country.

" Such a situation, which is the result of our
separation from the kingdom of Poland, threatens
the country with complete ruin. To prevent this
there is but one means—to reunite us administra-
tively to a country whose traditions, interests, and
principles of civil and religious liberty are the same
as ours."

Although the discussion and the voting of an
address which exposes the wishes and requirements
of the province was, on the part of the meeting at
Kaimeniec, an act formally authorised by law, the
governor of the town opposed it, and threatened to
bury the meeting beneath the ruins of the hall
where it held its sittings if it persisted in carrying
out this project. But neither prayers nor threats
had any effect. The address, as stated above, was
unanimously agreed to, and the governor having re-
fused to take charge of it, the marshals, faithful to
their commission, themselves sent it to the Empe-
ror. The answer was an Imperial ukase, dated 31st
October, which deprives the marshal of the pro-
vince and all the marshals of districts who
signed this address, most humble, but criminal in
its tenour, of their functions, and sends them before
the Senate for trial. The marshals included in the
accusation were accordingly, in the beginning of
November, arrested in their homes and escorted by
troops to St. Petersburg, where they are now pri-
soners. But let us return to the Imperial ukase.
"His Majesty," so runs the preamble, " after
having listened, in the Council of Ministers, to the
respectful report of the Minister of the Interior on
the illegal address of the landholders of Podolia,
finds that those who signed this address,,which
was approved in the provincial meeting, have not
exposed in it the local wants which really relate
to their province, as the law authorised them to do ;
but that, rashly censuring the state of the Govern-
ment established according to the principles of the
laws of the empire, they have already manifested a
tendency to change and shake the integrity and
unity of the empire.
It clearly appears from the very terms of this
ukase that the provincial meeting of Podolia was
authorised by the law to expose " the local wants
of the province"—and if we return to the terms of
the address, it will appear that it does nothing
else :—" Sire, the situation of our country is de-
serving of all your solicitude," &c, It is the suf-
ferings and the wants of the province that are in
question. The address goes no further. Not a
word can be found in it that attacks " the prin-
ciples of the laws of the empire." But at least are
its unity and integrity threatened by the wish to
see the province administratively reunited to
the kingdom of Poland and the other Polish
provinces ? This is evidently the point on which
the accusation rests; it is this which, in the eyes
of the Emperor and his Council, has appeared to
constitute, on the part of those who signed the ad-
dress, a crime amenable to the high jurisdiction of
the Senate. It is also chiefly from this point of
view that we have to examine it.

The nobility of Podolia does not ask to be sepa-
rated from Russia. The kingdom of Poland, to
which she asks to be administratively united, like
the other so-called western provinces, which are
once mentioned in the address, is subject to the
authority of the Czars. And, on the other hand,
Podolia cannot be considered as really forming an

integral part of the empire, any mere than the

kingdom of Poland and the other Polish provinces.

The text of the treaties by which their present

political position is regulated cannot give any open-
ing for the slightest equivocation, or leave any
doubt on the matter. The first article of the Treaty

(~yam
NEWSPJUIEIit
_____.
Teer Sile. Xie,se'r—'"Le.';"ixel \Ve
•
~241-V.,„! —s 7e. e
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' prosecution of -I•6?ee wh —t - e
~.
IKamieniee. It is not onl riii,' -' l'`, e
, 1 -* s -'4,
and icternal order which i • ii"4' e
tribunal of the Russian Senatzoleit ”que ~
• of
European public right. The meeting orKa eniec,
in asking for the administrative reunion of the pro-
vince it represents to the Kingdom of Poland, bad
not violated any of the fundamental laws of the
Empire; it has not iu any way attached the prin-
ciple of its unity or its integrity, inasmuch as
Podolia is not an integral part of the Empire, any
more than the other Lithuanian or Ruthenian pro-
vinces. What is its crime then ? ' Its having
claimed at last to enjoy the political condition in
which Europe placed it in 1616, and its having lee-
lieved that under the reign of Alexander 11. it was
permitted to recal, without tre..son, the promises of
Alexander I.
We eertain;v do not pretend to assert that
Europe should intervene or take part in the prose-
cution. The cause is, however, that of Europe;
Europe cannot fail to take an interest in it, end
perhaps it would have been wiser in the Russian
Cabinet not to revive eueli questions.
This prosecution reminds us of another instituted'
in 1828 before the Senate of the Kingdom of
Poland, made into a National High Court for the
occasion. The members of a secret society formed
with the object of reclaiming for all parts of Poland
the maintenance of their nationality, the liberty,
independence, and restoration of their countr3, were
also accused of having conspired against the sove-
reign rights of the Emperor, and the integrity of the
empire. All were acquitted, and a report of the
President of the High Court to his Majesty the
Emperor and King, explains the causes of the ac-
quittal in terms which may be applied with singular
apropos to the present prosecution.
" All the accused and their defenders," says the
report, " in unanimously declaring nationality to be
the sole object of the society, have in their justifi-
cation appealed to the treaty of Vienna. They look
upon this good work of the late Emperor Alexan-
der, of glorious memory, as a guarantee given to
the inhabitants of ancient Poland (as it was in 1772)
for the maintenance of their nationality, viz., for
the right of continuing to be Poles, and to have a
representation and national institutions whatever
may be the rule by which they are governed.
" It has therefore appeared to the court, in eon_
currence with the opinion of the public ministry it-
self, that this object was in no way condemnable.
The Advocate-General has, however, thought that
it could only be regarded as lawful in the kingdom,
and that it became criminal so soon as it extended be-
yond its limits, for, in that case, it necessarily con-
nected itself with the second object attributed to the
society—of reuniting all the parts of Poland in one
body.

'l ~ ~ ~-c

PRICE..... ..4d.
STAMPED ....sd.

of Vienna, after establishing a kingdom of Poland,
formed of the old Dachy of Warsaw and " united
to the Russian Empire by its Constitution," goes on
to say—"l he Poles, respectively subjects of Russia,
Austria, and Prussia, shall obtain a representative
and national institution, regulated according to the
manner of political existunce that each of the
governments to which they belong will judge it
useful and proper to grant to them."
Thns the very treaty which makes the Poles of
the incorporated provinces subjects of Russia, gives
them the right of obtaining " a representative and
national institution." Is not this what Podolia
asks for ? Administrative re-union is, in its view,
nothinz but the means of obtaining and insuring
the possession of those national institutions and
that representation which were promised to the
Poles, 47 years ago, under the guarantee of all
the Powers that signed the Treaty of Vienna.
Podolia does not seek to break the bond which
unites her to Russia ; she only asks that the bond
may be given its true character. She addresses the
Emperor; she might, without any crime, have ad-
dressed herself to Europe, and Europe might have
demanded, with her or without her, what she de-
mands.
There can be no doubt as to the true meaning
of the provision of the Treaty of Vienna, which we
have just quoted. Another article of the same
treaty, Art. 11, says—
" The principles established concerning the free
navigation of rivers and canals in the whole extent
of ancient Poland, as also regarding the use of har-
bours, the circulation of the products of the soil
and of industry between the different Polish pro-
vinces, and regarding transit, as enunciated in two
treaties between Austria and Russia, shall be in-
variably maintained.''
Thus, although parcelled out among three diffe-
rent States, no commercial barrier was to be placed
between the Polish provinces, Their rivers, their
canals, their harbours, remained, in the whole extent
of ancient Poland, open to the products of their soil
and their industry. What Art. 14 did for their
commerce the second paragraph of Art. 1 was in-
tended to do for their nationality. The well-deter-
mined and clearly-defined intention of the Powers
was that the provinces of ancient Poland, though
placed under foreign sceptres, should remain Polish.
We shall only recal here the terms of the instruc-
tions given in 1815 by the English Government to
their plenipotentiary, Lord Castlereagh. Is not
this again all that the address of Kamienice asks for ?
" Institutions in conformity to the traditions and
interests of the province"—a representation by
means of which " organs elected by the country and
chosen fiom its people watch over its affairs,"
" communication by way of roads for the free ex-
portationof its produce." The very terms of the
treaty are to be found in the address, and nothing
more.

"It has nevertheless appeared to the court that
this induction could only be justified by analogous
acts. In the absence of such acts, the thought of
the accused can only be looked upon as a wish which
they have moreover sought to excuse—
" Ist. By the expressions of the Treaty of Vienna,
by which his Majesty the Emperor Alexander had
reserved to himself the right of giving to the king-
dom of Poland such internal extension as he may
think proper.
" 2d. By the expressions in the speeches pro-
nounced by the throne at various diets.
And in consequence of these considerations the
President declared that the Court had not been able
to " find a criminal tendency in the expression of
wishes on which the whole prosecution depended."
The position of the Marshals of the province of
Podolia is much stronger than that of the accused
of 1828. It is not as members of a secret society,
whose acts may always be, with more or less
tice, likened to conspiracies, that they are to appear
before the tribunal of the Senate. They have not
conspired; they have acted in broad day, with the
greatest loyalty, and in the exercise of a commis-
sion clearly defined by law. But it is no longer
Polish Senate—it is a Russian Senate that tries
them. Will the Russian Senate, at least, strictly
apply to their case the laws of the Empire ? These
laws give the electoral meetings of the nobility, in
every province, the right of discussio❑ on the wants
and interests of that province, and, further, to ex.
pose them, through the provincial Marshal, to the
Governor of the province, to the Minister of the
Interior, and, in important cases, to the Emperor
himself.
The nobility is forbidden to make regulations
contrary to law, and, in such case, the assembly
collectively, and Marshals individually, are liable
to penalties of from 150 to 30 roubles ; but " as for
representations addressedtoa governor or an inferior
authority on the subject of the wants of the pro-
vince, the repression of local abuses, or the suppres-
sion of irregularities observed in the local adminis-
tration, even when these abuses proceed from some
general arrangement, they are not considered con-
trary to the laws, if put forward in reasonable
terms."
In the face of such provisions, it is difficult to
understand how the prosecution can be maintained
before any tribunal whatever, and how it will be
possible to obtain a condemnation. But it is not
for us to examine this side of the question here ;
this is the business of the advocates who will plead
before the Russian Senate. The only branch of the
subject we have in view, and to which we think it
our duty to call the attention of our readers, is
that by which this affair is connected with the
public rights of Europe, and which we have en-
deavoured to place in the clearest possible light.

We have said and proved that the intention7of
Europe, assembled in Congress at Vienna 60 years
ago, was not doubtful; we shall soon show that
there are at least more cabinets than one whose
opinion on this point has not changed, and that,
notwithstanding the sort of indifference (laisser-
aller) of which the Powers have given proof on
every occasion when Poland was in question, the
subject has never been completely lost sight of.
But it may be well now to observe that among all
the Sovereigns assembled or represented in the Aus-
trian capital in 1815, not one showed more zeal, or
a more anxious desire for the guarantees to be given
to the Polish nationality than the Emperor of Rus-
sia, Alexander I.
In doing this he only showed that he was faithful
to the engagements he had solemnly undertaken in
1811 and 1812 towards the Poles and the Lithuanian
provinces; but from the zeal which he showed in
this portion of the negotiations, it is easy to perceive
that this was not in his view only a question of
keeping promises, but that it was the result of a
well determined conviction, and affected one of the
essential points of his policy. He would have wished
at once to re-establish under his sceptre the whole
kingdom of Poland, such as it existed before the
three partitions ; he wished, at least, to re-construct
a Poland by the re-union of all the palatinates and
districts subject to his authority. He was prevented
by the anxieties with which such a subject inspired
Austria and Prussia for their Polish possessions.
But he wished and obtained that, though under dif-
ferent sovereignties, the various parts of ancient
Poland should remain Polish ; he wished for the
existence of a kingdom of Poland, and he expressly
reserved to himself the right of giving to this king-
dom, which was to be completely independent,
all the internal development which circumstances
might seem to him to admit, viz., to augment it by
the annexation of the Lithuanian and Ruthenian
provinces, all of which formerly formed part of the
old Republic of Poland.
Thus, all that the address of Kamieniec asks for is,
not only what Europe wished in 1815, but what the
Czar, Emperorof all the Russias, wished at that time.
This reunion of all the palatinates and districts of
ancient Poland in one single kingdom, which he had
not been able to get adopted at Vienna, and which,
so far as he was concerned, he had reserved to him-
self the right of effecting, Alexander I. did not cease
to hold out to the nation as a thing to be hoped for,
as a prize to be won by its good behaviour :—" A
few more steps directed by wisdom and moderation
and marked by confidence and honesty," said he on
opening the Diet of the Kingdom in 1820," and you
will attain the objects of your hopes and mine ;" and
this object was the restoration of the Polish father-
land so far as it could be accomplished by Russia
alone. The same promise may be found, in termsmore
or less explicit, in all the speeches pronounced either
at the opening or the close of the various sessions of
the Diet, and already the Lithuanian army had been
reunited to the Polish army under the command of
the Grand Duke Constantine, and this prince has
himself pointed out, as one of the causes of the fatal
but glorious insurrection of 1830, a confidential
letter, rendered public by an indiscretion,in which
his brother the Emperor Nicholas announced to him
that he had determined not to carry out the pro-
mises of Alexander and completely to change his
policy with regard to Poland.
The intentions of Alexander I. cannot be then
matter of doubt, any more than those of the Go-
vernments that were contracting parties in the Trea-
ties of Vienna. We have said that, notwithstand-
ing the perhaps excessive tolerance which Cabinets
have shown to the Powers who partitioned Poland
among themselves, whenever the obligations con-
tracted by them in 1815,with regard to their Polish
possessions were in question, the matter was never
entirely lost sight of, and that their intentions have
not changed. Proof of this may be found in a
despatch, addressed in 1831 by Lord Palmerston to
Lord Heytesbury, the then Ambassador of the
King of England at the Russian Court.
There is one other point to which I wish to direct
your attention. By Art. lof the Treaty of Vienna
it is stipulated that the Poles, subjects respectively
of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, shall obtain a
national representation and institutions, regulated
according to the kind of political existence which
each of the Governments to which they belong shall
think it useful and fitting to grant them. It is
understood that although this stipulation has been
executed by Austria and Prussia, it has hitherto
been entirely unfulfilled by the Russian Govern-
ment. His Majesty's Government have been in
formed by the French ambassador at this Court that
instructions have been sent to the Duke de Morte•
mart to draw the attention of the Russian Govern.
ment to this matter, .
should be agitated, your lordship is instructed to
state that as far as his Majesty's Government are
informed of the facts of the case it does not appear
to them that the provisions of the Treaty of Vienna
applicable to the Polish provinces of Russia have
been hitherto carried into execution.
These explanations appear to us sufficient to
justify the importance which. we here attach to
-the

DISPERA7E AFFRAY TV BURG LA is

On Wednesday morning a house at liazlewood,
in the Hagley-road, Edgbaston, in the suburbs of
Birmingham, occupied by Mr. Reynolds, solicitor,
was broken into by five burglars, who were fright-
ened away by a servant, severely wounding him in
a struggle that cook place. The house, it appears,
stands at the bottom of a garden, the front being
towards the town, and in the rear is a walled
yard, with a heavy door leading to a kitch courten ga-
r-
den, beyond which is a smaller garden and a
field.
The man-servant slept in a room over a stable,which
was included in a range of houses. The burglars,
it appears, crossed the field and the two gardens
from Augustus-road, and obtained entrance to the
courtyard by the door. Having gained access, their
first step was to silence the bell by placing tow
round the clapper, and they afterwards forced open
the door of the kitchen, thereby gaining admission to
the house. It appears, in the meantime, that their
steps were heard by the man who slept in the room
overhead. He got up to a small window in his bed-
room, which overlooks the courtyard, and seeing at
a glance the position of affairs, promptly and cou-
rageously determined, if possible, to foil the at-
tempt, partially dressed himself, armed himself
with a hatchet, and taking a lighted candle, sallied
down to the kitchen where he found the men.
As far as can be gathered from his account, given
since in moments of consciousness, he attacked the
men, a scuffle ensued, in which his candle was put
out, and he himself was knocked bleeding and un-
conscious to the ground, from a heavy blow with a
, and he was also
ssthraurepk instrument r uwmoeunntd
eodn
inthtehehebardeast.
The burglars
must also have " hocussed" a watch dog which was
kept on the premises. The young man remained
unconscious up to noon'on Wednesday. Two men
have since been apprehended on suspicion of being
concerned in the burglary.:
Ex-

TRAORDINARY UAPTITRE OF A W
Falmouth correspondent informs us that/IALE.—Our
a messenger arrived
on Monday at the office of Messrs. Fox and
Co., stating
that a large whale had been seen asaore near Foram. It
measures 46 feet in length, and is supposed to be of 20 tons
weight. The noise of its blowing drew Mr. Blarney, farmer,
with his men, to the spot, when the whale was found beat-
ing itself about on the rocks. The whale was secured by
throwing ropes round it, and forms a valuable
mouth Journal.
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