The Sun.
London, England, 1865-04-07 00:00:00

THE DEFENCE OF CANADA.

On the motion for going into committee of supply,
Lord ELCHO drew attention to the speeches and opin-
ions of several leading Canadian statesmen on the question
of the defences, and from which it appeared that the colo-
nists expected that their portion of the expenses was to be
raised on imperial credit ; that the responsibility of this
country extended to giving protection to every man in the
colony, and that England was to supply the gunboats re-
quired on the lakes. Under these circumstances it was the
duty of the Government to come to a clear understanding
with Canada in reference to what the mother country
could or could not do ; and he thought they ought to say
that as long as Canada stood by us we would stand by her.
Discussing the probability of defending Canada effectively
the noble lord undertook to say that if he went beyond the
narrow circle of military official authority, for every prac-
tical man who held that Canada could be defended there
were ten who would declare that it could not. The same
authorities would tell them that the only points that should
be defended were Quebec and Halifax, particularly Hali-
fax, and that we should maintain in Canada a number of
regiments sufficient to garrison these places in time of war,
and to train the colonial forces in time of peace. But what
they attached most importance to was the fortifying of
Halifax and making it impregnable—a second Gibraltar,
in short. England, however, could not enter into arrange-
ments to furnish unlimited credit, or take upon herself to
erect defences at Montreal, Kingston, Toronto, and along
the whole line of frontier. Neither could she send 30,000
troops to man the defences, nor compete with the United
States on the lakes in the construction of gunboats. As a
matte; of policy, moreover, it would not be wise or for the
interest of the Canadians themselves to erect permanent
fortifications, to burden their country with debt, and make
it the seat of hopeless battle in the event of an American
war. He by no means wished to desert Canada, but he did
recommend that a similar course should be adopted with
regard to her that had been pursued towards Turkey and
the Danubian provinces. In conclusion, the noble lord
moved for copy of papers and extracts of correspondence
relative to the proposed Canadian defences and the share
of the total cost which is to be respectively borne by
-Canada and the United Kingdom.
In seconding this motion, Sir J. HAY contended that the
only portion of tho North American provinces that could
b 3 defended was tho eastern portion—Montreal, Quebec,
Lake Ontario, and the St. Lawrence ; but unless forces
were at once sent out, which could only be done after ter-
minating the convention regulating the marine of each
country on the lakes, it would bo impossible to improvise
a sufficient naval force for the purpose in the event of an
American war suddenly breaking out. The only true base
for the defence of Canada was Halifax and Nova Scotia;
and he urged the necessity of expediting the arrangements
for finishing the inter-colonial railways, and thus complet-
ing the communication between Quebec and Halifax.

Mr. BUXTON argued that it was the duty of Govern-
ment to submit to the deliberate decision of the people of
Canada the question whether they, in fact, desired the
United Kingdom to take part in their defence on land, or
whether they considered that her doing so greatly increased
the risk of their country becoming the theatre of war.
Colonel SYKES recommended the withdrawal of the
British troops from Canada, that good terms should be
maintained with the United States, and that if the latter
resolved to attack the colony we should only attempt her
defence by naval operations conducted on the coast.
Mr. ADDERLEY combated the arguments of Lord Elcho
with regard to the possibility and policy of assisting in the
defence of Canada, insisting that it was the duty of England
to encourage the colonists to make strongholds along their
frontier, which they themselves should garrison, and
which might be as easily defended as the new fortifica-
tions at Portsmouth. It was the interest of this country
to maintain the independence of our North American pia--
vinces ; and if it was neither impossible nor impolitic to
defend them then the sooner they were enabled to develope
their resources and strengthen their defences the better.
If there were some dOubt at the present moment as to the
feeling of the Canadians, it arose from the fact that the
question of federation still remained undetermined, in con-
sequence of the reluctance displayed by New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia to enter it. The time would soon come,
however, when the federation would be completed, and
that once accomplished, he had no doubt it would be equal
to taking charge of its own defence.

Mr. CARD*ELL objected to producing the paper asked
for, on the ground that the Canadian Parliament had been
prorogued, and that four gentlemen were now on their
way to this country for the purpose of conferring with Go-
vernment upon the subject of the defences. The best de-
fence of Canada was the knowledge on the part of foreign
Powers that war with her meant war with England. Her
next best defence was the spirit and energy of her own
people. To call out that spirit had been the object of the
Government; and that spirit had been evoked in a manner
rarely witnessed.
After some observations from Mr. KINGLARE,
Mr. J. B. SMITH reminded the house that Canada was
virtually an independent country, being in possession of
self-government; that her people were in a very pros-
porous condition, and that all the public lands had been
made over to her by England. It was the duty of the
Canadians, therefore, to provide for their own defence.
But if we went to war with the United States, which he
did not consider to be likely, he objected to choosing
Canada as the battle-field.

Remarks were also made by Mr. Alderman Rose, Sir F.
Smith, who deprecated the revival of the discussion, and
Captain Anson, who repeated his previously expressed con-
viction that Canada was defenceless in a war with the
United States.

Sir J. PAKINGTON complained of the manner in which
the Government had produced Colonel Jervois's report. He
had been informed that the report itself was withheld, and
that the document laid before the house was merely the
letter that covered it. How was it, ho asked, that the re-
ports of Colonel Gordon, Colonel Wetherall, and others, had
not been produced? Further, he complained that the
Government had misled the house with regard to the rela-
tions existing between themselves and the Canadian minis-
tors on the precise policy to be adopted.

Mr. C. FORTESCUE donied that the Government were
in possession of any reports that conflicted with the recom_
mendations of Colonel Jervois.

General PEEL argued that Canada was perfectly defen-
sible, and hinted that such debates as the present were cal-
culated to do great mischief by discouraging the colonists,
whose sentiments were thoroughly loyal and patriotic.
Mr. LAIRD remarked that in case of war gun-boats
could be built in this country in pieces and subsequently
put together on the Canadian lakes ; but unfortunately we
had no means of repairing vessels either at Bermuda or
Halifax.
After a few words from the Marquis of HARTINGTON,
Lord ELOHO consented to withdraw his motion, as he
understood that the papers ho required were not in
existence.
The motion having been •withdrawn, the house went
into committee of supply, and voted the sum of £1,748,000
on account of Civil Service estimates.
The further consideration of the army estimates was then
proceeded with, and the following votes were passed :-
432,200 for Chelsea and Kilmainham Hospitals; £131,000

THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS ON CONFEDE-
RATE PROSPECTS.

The Congress of the Confederate States has
issued an appeal to the Southern people, from which
the following passages are extracted :

Our absolute surrender and submission to the
will of the con lueror are the only conditions vouch-
safed by our arrogant foe. We are told that if we
will lay down our arms and place our lives, liberty,
property, and domestic institutions at the feet of
President Lincoln, he will be merciful to us.
Upon his clemency we must rely to save us from
universal confiscation and extermination. Yes ;
these are the conditions upon which the people
of the sovereign States composing this Confe-
deracy may be allowed to do--what ? To return
into the Union from which they solemnly and
deliberately withdrew themselves because their
interests and their hcinour required it, and
their repugnance to which for years of remorseless
and cruel war have served to intensify. Thanks be
to God, who controls and over-rules the counsels of
men, the haughty insolence of our enemies, which
they hoped would intimidate and break the spirit of
our people, is producing the very contrary effect.
From every part of the country there comes up in
response a shout of mingled indignation and defi-
ance. A noble enthusiasm re-animates our gallant
army, who have been battling so long for freedom
and independence. Let us all be united now. Let
there be no parties or factions amongst us. Let us
rise to the height of the great occasion. Let us all
be willing to spend and be spent in the cause of our
country. Let us contribute freely all that we have, if
need be, to carry on the war until our final triumph
is secured. Let us take fraternal counsel together,
and calmly consider our conditions and prospects.
Such a survey, we believe, must tend to re-assure
and encourage even the less sanguine. The extent
of our territory, the food-producing capacity
of our soil, the amount and character of our popu-
lation, are elements of strength which, carefully
husbanded and wisely employed, are amply suffi-
oient to' insure our final triumph. The passage of
hostile armies through our country, though produc-
tive of cruel suffering to our people, and great
pecuniary loss, gives the enemy no permanent ad-
vantage or foothold. To subjugate a country, its
civil government must be suppressed by a continu-
ing military force, or supplanted by another, to
which the inhabitants yield a voluntary or forced
obedience. The passage of hostile armies through
our territory cannot produce this result. Perma-
nent garrisons would have to be stationed at a
sufficient number of points to strangle all civil
government before it could be pretended,
even by the United States Government it-
self, that its authority was extended over these
states. How many garrisons would it require?
How many hundred thousand soldiers would
suffice to suppress the civil government of all the
states of the Confederacy, and to establish over
them, even in name and form, the authority of the
United States ? In a geographical point of view,
therefore, it may be asserted that the conquest of
these Confederate States is impracticable. If we
consider the food producing capacity of our soil, we
need feel no apprehension as to our ability to feed
the people and any army we may put into the field.
Although the occupation by of his ruthless_
policy of destroying the granaries, and
agricultural implements of our people wherever he
moves, has, undoubtedly, diminished the amount of
our cereals ; still, in view of the fact that in every
state, without exception, its agricultural labour
has been devoted almost exclusively to the raising
of breadstuffs (while before the war it was
mainly devoted to the production of cotton,
tobacco, and other exports), it is impossible
to doubt that there is an ample supply of
food in the country. Our transportation, it is
true, is defective and inadequate, but this may be
indefinitely improved by more energetic efforts and
more thorough and systematic organisation. We
cannot believe, therefore, that on our bountiful soil,
so richly blessed by nature, there is any danger of
our failing in this great contest for want of food—
of our being starved into submission to the hateful
yoke of the conqueror The people of the
United States are becoming weary of this war.
The foreign material for their armies is beginning
to fail them. The mutterings of discontent at the
prospect of a further draft upon their home popu-
lation are beginning to be heard in their large
cities. The prospects of a war, indefinitely pro-
longed, is alarming their capitalists. Public credit
must sooner or later collapse under the burden
of expenditures, the magnitude of which the
most skilful financier cannot venture to predict.
Success gives us a country and a proud position
among the nations of the earth. Failure makes us
the vassals of an arrogant people, secretly, if not
openly, hated by the most enlightened and elevated
portions of mankind. Success records us for ever
in letters of light upon one of the most glorious
pages of history. Failure will compel us to drink
the cup of humiliation even to the bitter dregs of
having the history of our struggle written by New
England historians ! Success is within our reach.
We have toiled and panted onward nearly to the goal.
We have almost grasped the costly price of inde-
pendence—never won except through anguish and
blood. The crown stands ready to encircle the fair
brow of our young republic. The :shades of our
martyred heroes hover over us and beckon us on.
The fearful entreaties of our mothers, wives, and
daughters, to save them from nameless horrors,
urge us forward. Will we pause? Can we falter?
Will we allow the weapons which the God of
battles has so often directed to the smiting of the de-
spoilers of our homes now to drop from our nerveless
hands ? Shall we be discouraged by the superior
number of the enemy?

The battle to the strong
Is not given,
While the Judge of right and wrong
Sits in Heaven I
The God of David still
Guides the pebble at his will ;
There are giants yet to kill,
Wrongs unshriven.
But the enemy has already put forth his utmost
strength. He has made his most
gigantic effort.
He has strained his energies to their greatest ten-
sion. He has taxed his resources to their utmost
limit. He is almost spent and breathless with his
tremendous exertions. Let us stand firm. Let us
he calm and resolute. Let us show that our faith
is in our cause and in His guidance, who shapes the
destinies of nations—" is fixed and cannot
move." In that faith, and with humble reliance
on that guidance, let us hope all • things, endure all
things ; and when we strike the invaders of our
country, let religion, patriotism, love, honour, noble
pride—every sentiment sacred and dear to the heart
of man—nerve our arms and give vigour to the
blow. Then shall we conquer the peace for which
earn. Thus shall we make the
we all so ardently y
memories of our slaughtered sons and brothers glori-
ous and immortal. Thus shall we compel the nations
of the earth to receive and welcome us among them.
Thus shall we make the plough and the reaping
hook replace the cannon and the sword, and our
ravaged fields smile once more with teeming har-
vests. Thus shall we return our devoted soldiers to
their long-abandoned homes, and enable our people
once more to sit each under his own vine and fig
tree, with none to make them afraidiThus shall we

The draft of a bill to amend the laws relating to
theatres and other places of public amusement,
which was brought in by Mr. Locke on the 10th of
last month, has been published. The first law
which it proposes to amend is the 25th of George
11. c. 36, commonly called the act of King George
11., the second section of which enacted that no
house, room, garden, or other place should be kept
for public dancing, music, or other public enter-
tainment of the like kind, in the cities of London
and Westminster, or within 20 miles thereof, with-
out a licence had for that purpose from the last pre-
ceding Michaelmas quarter sessions of the peace.
The first clause of Mr. Locke's bill enlarges the
scope of this second section of the act of George 11.,
making it apply also to places kept for the perform-
ance of stage plays, not only in and around London
and Westminster, but throughout Great Britain, of
course with the requisite variation in the matter of
jurisdiction as regards Scotland. The second clause
of the bill provides that no place shall be licensed
for any of the purposes contemplated by it unless
it is shown, to the satisfaction of the magistrates,
that the place for which it is sought is constructed
and arranged in :conformity with the rules pre-
scribed in the schedule. By the third clause, sec-
tion three of the act of George 11. relative to an in-
scription over a door or entrance and to the hour of
opening, is repealed. The powers of the Lord
Chamberlain, of justices of the peace, and of the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, are saved
by clauses four and six. The fifth enlarges the
application of the Lord Chamberlain's power of
licensing plays ; and the seventh extends the exist-
ing enactments for the protection of authors of dra-
matic pieces, musical compositions, &c., so that they
shall be applicable to places licensed under Mr.
Locke's proposed act for the public performance of
stage plays.

Appended to the bill is a schedule of rules,
in-
tended to secure the safety of the public in theatres.
These provide-1. That, with the exception of pri-
vate box lobbies, to which the public have not free
access, every hall or corridor shall be at least five
feet wide, and one foot more in width for each 100
persons over 500 who are to be accommodated in
the part of the building to which it leads. 2. That
in each part of the building there shall be doorway
access of six feet width at least for each 500 persons
to be accommodated in that part, and one foot more
for each additional 100 ; and that no box or inter-
nal doorway shall be less than three feet wide. 3.
That all doors shall be hung so as to open outwards,
that is, towards the way of egress. 5. That all
alleys and gangways in the audience part of the
house shall be kept free from seats and. every other
obstruction to the free ingress and egress of the pub-
lic. 6. That all gaslights in any part of the build-
ing, which are or maybe at any time within two
feet of any inflammable substance, shall be effi-
ciently guarded with wirework or otherwise.

VatalAccident on the South Devon Railway.

PLYMOUTH, April 6.
During Wednesday night an accident occurred on
the South Devon Railway near Totnes, through
which Geo. Barratt, a stoker, was killed ; and High-
more, a driver, received such injuries as to leave but
very faint hopes of his recovery. The two unfor-
tunate men, in company with two guards, left Ply-
mouth at 8.5 p.m. in charge of the night up-goods
train for Exeter. The train reached Totnes about
half way to Exeter, and passed on at high speed in
perfect safety at about 10.30. But on arriving about
300 yards beyond, and passing over the railway
bridge that crossed the River Dart, the engine, from
some unexplained cause, ran off the rails, dragging
with it 25 out of the 26 heavy trucks that formed the
train, the tail guard's van alone remaining on the rails.
.The engine was not brought up until its wheels were
deeply imbedded in the adjoining marsh. About 100
yards of the rails and sleepers of the line were torn
un:_The boiler exploded, but whether from the pri-
mary effects of the steam,. orfrOrn-figrieoutwarr
injury to the casing- through the runningoff thane,
has not yet been determined. Barratt met with his
injuries through the explosion, and died before he
could be; taken into Totnes. Higlunore was
promptly removed to the waiting-room of the Totness
Station, and medical assistance rendered him, but
from the fearful injuries he had received it was con-
sidered that he could survive but a few hours. The
guards escaped uninjured, and, on their recovery from
the shock, hurried up the line with the lights of the
train, to warn the night down express from London
that was due within a few minutes of the accident,
both lines having been completely blocked up.
The news of the accident was also forwarded from
Totnes shortly afterwards to Newton and Ply-
mouth by telegraph. From the latter station Mr.
Compton, the newly-appointed general traffic super-
intendent, Mr. Avery, the goods traffic superin-
tendent, with assistance, arrived at
,the scene of the
accident shortly after 1 p.m., by a special train.
Assistance was also subsequently forwarded from
Newton. The down express train was luckily made
aware of the accident in time to prevent a collision
that might otherwise in a few minutes have fear-
fully added to the calamity. On its arrival at the
obstruction the passengers got out and walked into
Totnes, where they were sent on to Plymouth by
the special train, arriving there at 3 a.m. Active
measures were then • taken to clear the line, which
was accomplished in time to prevent the morning
mail train from London being delayed any further
than about one hour.

The Plague in Russia,

A communication, dated April 5, received from
her Majesty's ambassador at St. Petersburg, says :
—" The fever is contagious, and is called in French
i%vre a rechute, in German das recurrirende fieber,
and' the relapsing or famine fever' in English. It
is also styled remittent fever, or ' typhus recur-
rens,' or ' bilious typhoid fever,' or ' synocha,' or
miliary fever,' or 'typhinia.' It was unknown in
Russia, until eight months ago, when Professor
Botkin called attention to it as a fever he had never
seen, though foreign physicians had described it.
There is much ordinary typhus in St. Petersburg.
The official journal states that the typhus and the
April 5, that an
kn
typhoid fever and the febris recurrens' prevailing
in St. Petersburg have now slightly diminished."„
Lordo wn N
appearedf from Berlin,
the valley of
along
the Vistula, and especially at Elbing. The Prussian
unadipsioerrd reports
po rhas ts
Government is not aware that it came from St.
Petersburg.

Tl,e Medical Gazette of St. Petersburg says the
a"i.reeayseenattirteoi:e, w
out as
epidemic
autumn that is called
t he
in the north-east and south-west of the Russian
empire. M. Gworling, the government doctor at
Penn, announced that he had seen 40 cases of this
disease, which commences with cold and shivering,
followed by great heat without perspiration, ac-
companied by colic, headache, delirium, [general
debility, and sometimes with a flow of blood7from
the nose. The disease lasts from five to six days,
after which the invalid recovers his appetite, fails
into a sound sleep, and the fever quits him. The
fever returns after a short interval, but again ceases,
and the doctor has observed this to have happened
three or four times. Quinine taken in large doses
cures the fever, and removes delirium, but does not
produce decisive effects, nor is sufficient to arrest
the progress of the disease. The doctor adds that he
has seen more than 300 persons attacked with the
disease in the course of the years 1857 and 1858 in
was mistaken
for theereitragyedellwow fithecuecrl.l violence that it

.PRESENTATION TO A SAILOR.-At a meeting of
the Liverpool Local Marine Board yesterday a silver medal
was presented on behalf of the Danish Government to
Daniel James, second officer of the ship Thornhill, as an
acknowledgment of his able services in rescuing the crow of
the Danish schooner Anne Elizabeth in October last, when
that vessel was waterlogged and sinking. The captain of
the Thornhill recently received a gold medal for the same
rescue.

LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 7, 1865.

After the lengthened debate on the question of
the Canadian defences, the other evening, in which
the opinion of the majority was so unmistakeably
expressed, it is almost a pity that the subject should
have been reopened. Lord ELCIIO had undoubtedly
some ground for his motion in the reported dissatis-
faction of the Canadians with the amount of the
vote proposed by the Home Government ; but,
under the circumstances, it would have been as well
if the noble lord had accepted Mr. HALIBURTON'S
suggestion, and deferred his motion. It was brought
forward, it was true, rather with the view of elicit-
ing the opinion of the Government than with any
vexatious object, since, at the conclusion of the dis-
cussion, Lord ELCHO withdrew his motion. At the
same time there are some gentlemen who hold such
extraordinary opinions on this and similar questions
that it is not desirable at the present crisis to give
them any unnecessary opportunity of ventilating
them. The Canadians do not want to be told that
their country is indefensible, and assuredly the
Americans do not need any such expressions of
English feeling. Though the general good sense of
the House always predominates when the question
is raised, but the discussion of last night served
little purpose. We have before remarked that it
was very much to be regretted that the Government
did not take the whole vote of £300,000 at once.
It would have been an earnest to the Canadians
of the spirit in which the mother country
is ready to come to her assistance, and
would have been readily agreed to by the
House. In fact, more than one of the speakers in
the debate expressed surprise and regret that the
vote taken should be so small. All the arguments
by which the Government support the principle of
the vote point to a very much larger sum.
£50,000 laid out on national defences can go but a
very little way, and as this is a case above all
others in which the old motto, Bis dat qui cito dot,.
is applicable, it would have been much wiser and
more gracious to have taken the whole vote, and to
have laid out as much as possible this very season.
We all know how much may done by the employ-
ment of extra hands and a little extra pressure on
the contractors, so that it is difficult to believe that
it would not have been possible even with only a
few months' summer to have laid out treble the
vote of the Commons. The penny-wise-and-pound-
foolish policy of the Whigs, who are anxious to
appear before the taxpayers as rigid economists, has
been very unwise in this instance ; still as the Cana-
dians cannot be under any doubt of the real feeling
of the mother country, it would have been well to
have avoided the further debate. This would have
been the more desirable, as the anticipated arrival of
the Canadian Delegates in this country will afford a
ready opportunity of effecting an amicable arrange-
ment between the two Governments on all matters
of detail, and will enable the Canadians to report
to their own countrymen on their return the
hearty interest which Englishmen take in the wel-
fare of the British American provinces, and their
resolution to assist them to the utmost of their
power if need be.

Sir JOIIN PAKINGTON complained, with Some
justice, of the conduct of the Government in having
so long delayed the discussion of this question, and
in having proposed so small a vote when they came
to it. " If Government had taken a wise course
they would have seen the possibilities hanging over
us, and during the last four years would have, in
concert with Canada, gradually prepared us for
events, and have placed us in a position in-which,
if the worst should happen, we should have been
better prepared than we are to face the exigencies
of war." As for the opinion so confidently ex-
pressed by some military men, as to the indefen-
sibility of Canada, we need not be under
much uneasiness, since these gentlemen ap-
pear to forget that Canada has been held
against an opposing force in the long-ago war
between England and America. Tf we are to ac-

cept the dictum of these gentlemen, how are we to
account for the fact that we retained possession of
the colonies certainly against the wishes and en-
deavours of these overwhelming antagonists, who
are now to sweep all before them ? We are alter-
nately told that it is hopeless to oppose the Ame-
ricans, and that it is quite certain they mean no
harm. We may hope, if we will, that our Federal
friends may hesitate before plunging into another
war'; but after the Southern experience we shall
scarcely do well to trust to the moderation or
humanity of Federal armies. We do not
wish Quebec to be another Columbia, or Mon-
treal a fresh New Orleans ; and if there
are still Englishmen to be found who are willing to
expose their kinsfolk to such risks, they are in a
decided minority. Mr. SMITH propounded the
theory that it was " utterly impossible" for Eng-
land to compete with America for the possession of
Canada, and that affairs were totally changed since
she had done so successfully years ago. But the
hon. member appears to forget that if America has
increased in strength since then, England has not
exactly stood still, and that we need not anticipate
the doubling of our national debt, or the wholesale
flight of our troops in case of a trial of strength.
Rightly did Alderman ROSE say that if we had
been in the habit of calculating possible results
with such nervous nicety we should never have
triumphed in the great European struggles
of former days in the Indian mutiny of our own
time. Impossibility and failure used to be words
inadmissible in the British military code ; but we
have changed all that of late. Mr. FORTESCUE, in
a very sensible speech, said he did not know what
the opponents of the vote wanted. They said at
the same time that it was impossible to defend
Canada, and that we ought to tell the Canadians to
defend themselves. Were we, he asked, to exhort
them to organise their militia, increase their volun-
teers, and vote large sums at the moment that we
told them that the task of defence was hopeless ?
But the rules of common sense which had been so
much talked of were, added the hon. gentleman, the
same on both sides of the Atlantic ; and until we
found weak States in Europe seeking their safety in
disarmament, we could not recommend such a course
to Canada. Such is undoubtedly a fair statement
of the matter, and there is no doubt that it ex-
presses the general feeling of the public.

The Federal Diet has gone against Prussia in
its decisions as yet, and hence we may expect
new complications to arise in this already con-
fused affair. So far as any satisfactory settlement
can be made in the vexatious arrangements it may
be said that the resolution adopted by the Diet is
a good one—namely, that Austria and Prussia
should cede Holstein to the Duke of Augustenberg,
and to communicate to the Diet their intentions
concerning Lauenberg. If this were done some
improvement would certainly take place in the pos-
ture of affairs, for it must be better for any one to
have possession of the Duchies than the grasping
nation which so longs to clutch them. The replies
of the chief Powers of Germany to the resolution
were very characteristic, more especially that of
Prussia. Austria declared through her represen-
tative that she was prepared to surrender her title
to the possession of Holstein to the Duke, provided
that Prussia would do the same ; but if not, she
would maintain her title to the Duchies until a
solution was come to. This is eminently charac-
teristic of Vienna tactics, not averse or unwilling
to enter into the views of others, or to coincide with
fair proposals, but especially jealous of all connected
with Berlin politics. There can be no blame at-
tached to the Austrian authorities for the course
they have pursued in this matter, for there can be
no doubt that there is every reason to dread the
manoeuvres of the crafty BIS3IARK, aided by his
willing coadjutors. As for the reply of Prussia, it
was about as inscrutable in tone and style as could
be expected, and therefore it was certainly an ap-
propriate one. Prussia virtually refused the
proposals while pretending her readiness to
acquiesce in the arrangements. The plea put forth
was that an understanding must be come to, and
an investigation made of the claims of the Duchies,
and " especially of her own !" This is the most
important part of the affair, and all who know much
of the matter will see that in reality we are as far
as ever from a settlement of this vexed question. It
comes to this—Will the other parties acquiesce, or
will they not, in the arrangement that Prussia takes
the Duchies ? This is the real question at issue and
the true ground of the dispute. The demands of
Prussia are imprudent in the extreme, and more
than justify the worst of the expectations that were
formed by those who censured Prussia's policy last
year. It is really intolerable that before the assem-
bly of the various Germanic States this arrogant
nation should be so grasping and so forgetful of the
promises made last year in the presence of the other
Powers of Europe. Nothing but the whole will
satisfy Prussian desires ; and it seems now to be
tacitly understood that the result will depend upon
which is the strongest to hold out, and which can
make the most of their opportunities. As the re-
presentative went on with his remarks he gradually
unfolded the extent of the demands made, and the
more sanguine among his listeners must have given
up all expectation of a satisfactory solution being
come to when they heard them. It would, indeed,
almost seem as if it were the intention of Prussia
to intimate, to the full extent, her unwillingness
to accede to the propositions made, so that there
might be no mistake made hereafter. It was
asserted that Prussia would keep her right of pos-
session until a conclusion had been arrived at, in
accordance with her own convictions. This is
encouraging, certainly, for those who know pretty
well by this time what the convictions of Prussia
are upon this point. The last passage in the reply
was the most important, which signified that
Prussia could not hold out any hope that the
expectations would be realised which were set
forth in the resolution of the Diet. It is quite im-
possible that an amicable= arrangement can be
come to after all this; and even if the assisting
parties in the deliberation separate upon outwardly
friendly terms, the seeds will be sown of future
dissension and serious differences. Whatever ex-
pectations may have been entertained concerning
a successful settlement at the eleventh hour are
now quite illusory, and it is idle to expect that
an understanding will be arrived at. Prussia will
stop short at nothing which does not suit her
desires, and we may now appreciate, to the full
extent, the mischief that was done by the supine-
ncss of our legislators last year. Had they taken
a decided stand upon the question of right, they
would have rendered an important service to
Prussia in the end.

Just as people were beginning to think that the
horrors of the inclement winter were over they are
threatened with the advent of a worse evil. The
Russian epidemic is marching on with giant strides,
and spreading universal consternation around. The
news from Berlin seems to confirm the worst fears
of some, and the ravages of the pestilence at St.
Petersburg are at all events unabated. There are
ten thousand cases altogether, and two thousand
deaths. A" hundred cases occur in a day. Forty
physicians are dead, rreeautionari measures are

being adopted at Moscow, and the police are using
every endeavour to counteract the spread of the &B-
order by inspecting the rood and dwellings of the
labouring classes. In the House of Commons last
last night Sir JOHN PAKINGTON very properly
called attention to the subject, which just now
may be regarded as one of the chief topics of
interest. The right hon. baronet asked whether the
Government had directed their attention to this
matter, and what steps they had taken to " ascer-
tain the true nature of the disease and to avert its
introduction into the country." Sir G. GREY said
that the Ministers had taken pains to find out the
particulars of a statement that they had seen con-
cerning this case, and had immediately sent instruc-
tions to Sir A. BUCHANAN, at St. Petersburg, to
make the fullest inquiries, and to report to them
from time to time what he learned. A medical
officer has been sent to St. Petersburg, for the pur-
pose of investigating the nature of the disease, and
the officers of Customs have been ordered to
use the greatest care in examining vessels that
come from the Baltic. So far, it would seem,
that every precaution had been adopted by our
authorities at home, and though in this they have
performed a most important duty, yet still it is
satisfactory to find that time has not been lost as
too often occurs in such affairs. It will be gratify-
ing to the community at large to find from the
perusal of Sir G. GREY'S speech that so many useful
steps have been taken of a provisionary and precau-
tionary nature, and the intimation of the right hon.
gentleman concerning the accounts he has received
from Russia is also of a cheering character. How-
ever, forewarned is forearmed, and all who have
the power and opportunity to act had better bear
this in mind, and not be too ready to thihk that
danger is over, when, perhaps, its worst form has
not yet been assumed.