The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-08 00:00:00

TilE STJN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 8, 1862.

MR. and MRS. CHARLES KEAN will repeat
THIS EVENING LOUIS XL, and on alternate
Evenings, during next week, Louis XL and The Wife's
Secret, in consequence of the brilliant success and overflow.
ing audiences which have attended their performance at
Drury-lane Theatre.
On Monday, 10th ; Wednesday, 12th ; and Friday, 14th,
Louis XI. On Tuesday, 11th; Tuursday, 13th; and Satur-
day, 15th, The Wife's Secret.
To conclude each evening with the Grand PANTOMIME.

AN EXTRA and LAST MORNING PER-
FORMANCE of the PANTOMIME will take place
on MONDAY, next, Feb. 10, at Two o'clock, at the PRIN-
CESS'S THEATRE, in consequence of the numerous ap-
plications for places. Children Half-price. WHITTING-
TON AND HIS CAT. Ths Cat, Master John Harlem, in
which he will display his graceful Flights on the Trapeze a
la Leotard.

NEW THRATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHL—
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
342 d, 343 d, 314th, 345th, 346th, 347th Nights of the Engage-
ment of Mr. and Mrs. Dion Boucicault.—Last weeks of The
Octoroon and The Colleen Bawn.

THIS EVENING, at 7 o'clock, the o•reat American Drama,
entitled THE OCTOROON; or, LIFE IN LOUISIANA.
After which, at 20 minutes past 9, the great Irish Drama
of THE COLLEEN BAWN. Mr. and Mrs. D. Bouecault ;
Messrs. Emery, Fisher, Billington, Eburne, Jamison, Grace,
Stephenson, C. J. Smith, Lewis ; Mrs. Billing-ton, Mrs. H.
Marston, Miss C. Denvil, Miss Latimer, and Miss Woolgar.

Box Office open from 10 till 5.

NEW ROYALTY THEATRE,
Dean-street, Oxford-street.
Immense success of the new Operetta.
THIS EVENING ('th time) A CHINESE ROMANCE.
After which Offenbach's Opera Buffo, entitled LE MARI-
AGE AUX LANTERNES. Mr. John Morgan, Mesdames
Stanley, Payne, and Mason.
To conclude with (first time) a new and original Farce, by
Messrs. Ben Barnett and George Webster, entitled CARNA-
TION OF CARNA lON COTTAGE:
commence at half-past 7.

A STLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.-
-LA- Last 5 Nights of the Pantomime. —Last 7 Nights 01
The Colleen Bawn.

EVERY EVENING THE COLLEEN BAWN.
To be followed with the wondrous feats of the greatest
Equestrians in the World, Young Gunerius, Madlle. Halvor•
sen, and Mons. Goldkette. _

Concluding with the Grand Comic Pantomime of
JOHNNY GILPIN'S RIDE TO EDMONTON.

In prepar ition, a gorgeous Eastern Spectacle, introducing
Two of the finest Performing Elephants ever seen in this
country.
- -

Stage Manager, Mr. W. Searle.

CANTERBURY HALL AND FINE
ARTS GALLERY.
"THE ENCHANTED HASH " (SECOND EDITION)
by Mr. E. ➢larshall, with Eleven Wonderful Transformations
(the most talented performance ever attempted by a single
person), at a quarter-past ten. Also the following extraor-
dinary combination of Comic talent, viz.: Mr. Randall, Mr.
Frederick French, Mr. J. G. Forde, Miss Harriet Coveney,
and Miss Greene.

Grand Selections from LA TRAVIATA, by Mdlle. Negri,
Mr. Herbert, Signor Tivoli, and a powerful Chorus, at Ten
o'clock.

Musical Director, Mr. Jonglmam.
Admission—Hall, Bd.; Stalls and Balcony, is.

VICTOR JULIEN, " THE FLYING MAN."
at CANTERBURY HALL, Every Evening at half-
past Nine o'clock.

THE OXF O R D
6, OXFORD-STREET,

Two Selections Every Evening alternately from " Ernani,"
" Lucrezia Borgia," "La Traviata," " Simon Boocanegra,"
" La Circassienne," bc., by the entire Company, Full Band
and Chorus.—Conductor, Mr. F. Jonghmans. Solos by Mr.
Viotti Collins (the great English violinist). And other at-
tractive Entertainments, the Comic portion by Miss Harriet
Coveney, Messrs. Sam Collins, Wood and Son, E. Marshall,
M. P. Foster, and W. Randall.
Hall, 6d. ; Stalls and Balcony, is. ; Private Boxes, 10s. 6d.

THE OXFORD. 6, OXFORD-STREET.-
" LES MERVEILLES GYMNASTIQUES"

By Masters HENRI and PFAU
(aged Nine and Eleven years),

From the "Cirque Napoleon," Paris, at which place they
performed for Three Hundred Consecutive bights, creating
the utmost enthusiasm and excitement.
The Double Feats on the Flying Trapeze of these Youthful
Artistes are unsurpassed for daring, skill, and grace.
They make their First Appearance in England at this
Establishment on MONDAY, the (7th of February.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAY.—Morning, 7b. 50m.—Afternoon, Bh. 22m
To-monnow.-Morning, 9h. 2m.—Afternoon,. 9h. 41m

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, FEBRUARY 8, 1882.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
34—highest since noon yesterday.
24—lowest this morning and during the night.
28—this day at noon.
BAROMETER-30.63.
WlND—North-Easterly; fresh, with fine weather, bui
bitterly cold.

(114)), f2R

T SUN.
LONDON, SATURDAY, FEB. 8, 1862.

A document longer than our readers will care to
peruse is now before us—No. 74 in the first of the
Parliamentary Papers on North America. It is a
letter delivered on the 14th of August last, by
Messrs. YANCEY, RUST, and MANN, to Lord
RUSSELL, and sets forth in full the object of those
worthies in coming to this country. They soon
obtained an informal interview with his lordship,
and tell us in this letter the purport of their repre-
sentations to him. They gained nothing by them, as
the brief answer of Egli RUSSELL plainly shows. No
hope was given them of the recognition they desired
—civil war and belligerent rights had already been
acknowledged—and for the rest Lord RUSSELL tells
them they must fight it out, unless they find a
better means of adjustment.
Now it is as well these Southern gentlemen
should know, that if we look upon the shortcomings
of the North as E 0 great as to chill our sympathy—
we look upon the great vice and crime of the South
as so hateful, that we not only cannot sympathise
with their cause—we detest it. We think it bad

in its inception, and in its object revolting.
We think respectable men ought to be ashamed
to belong to it. If we look at Mr.
YANCEY'S old plea of State Rights, and the hos-
tility of the Federal Government to their liberties
and rights, we only wonder how these persons can
think to impose upon impartial Englishmen by
arguments 'which could only pass in Slavedom. We
know, as a matter of fact, that the pro-slavery party
had the ascendancy till Mr. LINCOLN'S election,
and their rights were not threatened certainly then.
Their weak tools whom they placed in the presi-
dential chair, and all the officials appointed by
Ithem, and sanctioned by a pro-slavery senate,
could have done the tyrants of the South no
harm. At last they were beaten fairly ai
the ballot-box; and what did these precious lovers
of liberty do—these men who had been loyal
enough while they could elect their own party
man ? Why, they secede ! Never was anything
in politics done by free people more unfair, more
base, we must confess, as between the two parties.
The South accepted the game as long as every
throw was in their favour. On the first adverse
throw, these mean wretches clutch the stakes and
run away with them. If we admit that, in
regard to slavery, the North is only not
the slaveholder in possession, and hardly better than
the South, yet, as between the two parties, no
" welshers," no " blacklegs" of the turf ever did a
more disgraceful deed than that of the Southerners.

Mr. YANCEY omits the chief cause of the quarrel,
and assigns a false one. He would palm
off upon us the pretence, that the South was
for Free Trade, and that that was the
chief cause of secession. Nothing of the kind. It
was a mere after-thought or bribe to be held out to
Europe. It failed any longer to bribe the North,
so now it was to be tried on England and France.
Why, for the last forty years the South has voted
with the North all the hostile tariffs which have
yet existed. There have been tariffs worse
than the MORRILL Tariff—the South voted
them. Nothing in the way of protecting native
manufacture against the Dritishers came amiss to
them. Of course they wished to have things as
cheaply as could get them, so do all protectionists
—but like other protectionists they would vote
against free trade in one article that they might get
support to prevent it in regard to another. The
Southerns are all fanatical against free trade in
labour. They believe only in the lash, and as long
as the North WOuld protect them in the use of the

lash, and in refusing freedom of labour to the negro,
the South would protect the North, in its tariffs,
and in refusing free competition to British goods.
And these are the hypocrites who come to us cant-
ing about free trade!
The truth is Slavery is the one odious crime
which is dear to them as their life •blood. For dear
slavery's sake they would vote for prohibitive
Northern tariffs ; for beloved slavery they will vote
for free-trade with England. Anything they would
vote for, so that it did but gain artificial support
for slavery. Mr. YANCEY in this document terms
the Northerns hypocrites, because Mr. LINCOLN
and the North have endeavoured to persuade Europe
that their cause is that of anti-slavery, while they
propose in America to adhere to a pro-slavery con-
stitution, and have in all their acts, and in their
resolutions of Congress, taken all possible pains to
show that they do not intend to free the slaves.
" The great object of the war, as now announced,
is not to free the slave, but to keep him in subjec-
tion to his owner ;" at the same time the LINCOLN
Government aims to get control over the slave's
master. This is, with the exception of the last
remark, too true. But the North, after all,
has one important superiority to the South
—the one thing
which, though these gentle-
men conceal it—caused their utterly unjusti
fiath secession—the North is opposed to extending
the curse of slavery to soil yet free from it. The
restriction of slavery as an evil to its present limits
—the prohibition of its introduction into any of the
territories of the Union which may yet become
States—and the refusal to allow slaves to be brought
by their masters into the free States on the same
terms as their fourfooted living property ;—these are
the real grounds of secession, and Messrs. YANCEY,
ROST, and MANN are as hypocritical as the North
can be for suppressing this, and putting forward
free trade for their pretext.
Since the letter of the commissioners, things have
altered but little. The South has resisted longer,
and the North has longer attempted to conquer in
vain. Mr. LINCOLN has shown himself no more
hostile to a reunion with slavery than he was then,
and the South have certainly shown no disposition
to mitigate its horrors. Money has failed in the North
as well as in the South ; but in relation to England
and to Europe the strife presents no altered features.
The blockade may be imperfect, but it is a reality ;
some generals may have headed the Executive in
their anti-slavery zeal; but the Executive has
purged itself of earnest antislavery men, and small
battles, useless victories, and harmless defeats are
continually recurring. We must therefore wait.
Want of success, or want of money, must soon
bring about negotiation in some shape; and Eng-
land will follow, not anticipate, events.

Tardy though the tributes proffered by the
Lords and Commons to the memory of the late
PRINCE CONSORT have necessarily been, they have
compensated for their delay by their magnificence.
Seldom has there been heard such a superb series
of eulogiums—heartfelt we do believe every one
of them—pronounced upon a Prince of these
realms, passing away in the flower of his life : the
encomiasts themselves being among the foremost
men of the age.
Lord PALMERSTON, the Earl of DERBY, Earl
RUSSELL, and Mr. DISRAELI—each in turn spoke
of the Royal Consort of Queen VICTORIA in
terms that but for their almost tearful earnest-
ness, and but for the fact that they were
spoken of one then lying calmly in his sepulchre,
might have appeared to the more cynical the lan-
guage of extravagant adulation. Of this at least
we are satisfied, that no one would have more
eagerly deprecated these unstinted panegyrics
than the PRINCE CONSORT himself—he among
whose distinctive attributes was his graceful
modesty and his almost sublime self-abnegation in
the laborious assiduity of his life, as the comfort and
support of his Queen-wife in all the State anxieties
incident to her supreme position as a Constitutional
Sovereign. Before the first day's sitting of the
Legislature had even commenced, before the ch men
proposer and seconder of the Address in answer
to the gracious Speech from the Throne in the
two Houses of Parliament had risen to discharge
their nervous duties by the delivery of their maiden
speeches, we felt satisfied that some incidental
allusion would be made, in one house or
the other, to the noble lines penned in
homage to the fair fame of Prince ALBERT--
" ALBERT the Good "—by the Poet Laureate. In
this expectation we were not disappointed. Lord
DUFFERIN closed his commendations of that lofty
and eminently beautiful career by echoing those
accumulated benedictions upon the widowed
monarch with which Mr. TENNYSON ends his
affecting " Dedication." The meaning of all these
impetuous and almost impassioned tributes to the
Prince, now that he has suddenly passed away
from the midst of us—

Not making his high place the lawless perch
Of wing'd ambitions, nor a vantage-ground
For pleasure; but thro' all this tract of years
Wearing the white flower of a blameless life,
Before a thousand peering littlenesses,
In that fierce light which beats upon a throne,
And blackens every blot;
—the full meaning of all these abounding panegyrics
upon the Prince's memory—we take to have been
most happily expressed in those simple and truthful
words of ALFRED TENNYSON in which, with a
world of pathos in every melodious syllable, he
writes—

. . . We have lost him :he is gone
Fe know him now:
Adding to this—

. . . all narrow jealousies
Are silent; and we see him as he moved,
How modest, kindly, all-accomplish'd, wise.

It is the fact of that o'er late and even posthumous
recognition of the nobility and the resplendent worth
of this exalted personage—" a Prince indeed !"
that explains the depth of emotion, of an emotion
half love, half gratitude, all admiration, prompting
every earnest word, written or spoken, of the Royal
Consort of VICTORIA since the moment of his
demise, when—

" Commingled with the gloom of imminent war,
The shadows of his loss moved like eclipse
Darkening the world."
Through all these eloquent tributes to the departed
Prince, there is manifest, moreover, such a blend-
ing of appreciation for his excellence with loyal
devotion for the widowed QUEEN, as cannot but
have yielded to the latter from first to last an
exquisite sense of consolation. Her MAJESTY
knows full well by this time in very truth and
deed that her august husband has not lived in vain
for his family or for his adopted country, indi-
rectly even, it may be said, for all Christendom.
Premature (as it appears to us mortals) though
his death—his life at its completed round is now
co by us, one and all, as having been, so
far as
snhuman fallibility could admit of any life
being, all but perfect ! It is seen now in its full
orbicular completeness. It is loved and revered
by a free people, as pure and earnest throughout.
An eminently laborious life it was—a life made
up for the most part of the didcharge of earnest
duties earnestly. And it is the memory of all
these incontrovertible facts that in a measure
sanctifies with truth and feeling, eulogiums that
must otherwise have palled upon the national

ear long since, to whomsoever applied. The last
choral panegyrics upon the PRINCE CONSORT
are those whieh have now been heard in the Lords
and Commons of England—and, of all, they will
not be the least welcome to the stricken heart of
our gracious SOVEREIGN.

THE AMERICAN CIVIL TSAR.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR,—I have read in The Sun the proceedings of
a meeting held under the auspices of the Hon.
Arthur Kinnaird, at which several of the emissaries
of President Lincoln made sundry misstatements in
regard to the causes and probable result of the
American Civil war.
I am a citizen of the State of Pennsylvannia,
I took an active part in the last Presidential
election, and can testify to the fact that
every democratic statesman and orator in
the North informed the people that, in the event of
the success of a sectional candidate on an unconsti-
tional platform, which is Mr. Lincoln's case, the
people of the Southern States would avail themselves
of their right to withdraw from the Union, and I
beg to refer you to the speech of Mr. Calhoun, made
in the United States Senate Chamber in 1833 on
the Force Bill, in which he delared the doctrine of
States Rights as understood by the Fathers of the
Revolution ; he also expounded the tariff question
and gave a prophetic account of what has transpired
within the past year. Southerners have always
proclaimed that their States would secede, in the
event of an infringement of their rights on the
tariff or any other matter, the Federal Government
having no original, but only derivative powers from
the respective States. It is therefore untrue that
the action of the Confederate States was the culmi-
nating point of a " conspiracy." It is also untrue
that there has been a " close intercommunication in
all matters, educational,ecclesiastical,and social." All
the religious denominations, North and South, have
been separated for years, with the exception of the
Protestant Episcopal Church, which is now divided;
in fact, the secular affairs of that Church have
been conducted on States Rights principles, the
position of a bishop of a diocese being comparable
to that of the governor of a commonwealth. Even
in my State we have an utter contempt for the
Yankees and all persons who follow in their train.
I am not at ail surprised that a New York jour-
nalist and lobby politician should be inexact in his
statements, or that the nephew of a historian, who
falsified history in the Trent affair, should make
wilful errors; but I am astonished to find the head
of the church in Ohio creating erroneous ideas in
the minds of English gentlemen, at the bidding of
a corrupt and wicked Administration.
London, Feb. 9. TRUTH.