The Sun.
London, England, 1865-04-20 00:00:00

is plain speaking, and not the worse o that. But
after the argument we have the explanation.
Prussia and Germany, it is urged, have a rising
maritime commerce to protect on all seas, with,
since the Danish war, " an extension of rights and
relations." Their shores on the Northern and Bal-
tic Seas have hitherto lain comparatively unpro-
tected ; they have powers to develope which are
impossible without a fleet, and, in order to pd
themselves in a safe position, they must have a
navy, not merely defensive, but capable of offensive
operations also. Thus much we learn from the
ministerial programme, which is well-worded and
succinct, although the historical evidence cited is
not made very clear. But the ambition of the pro-
ject is astounding. Prussia desires, at one vault,
to ride the oceans of the earth. The preamble of
her Navy Bill affirms that she' must build ships to
protect her trade in the most distant seas, to cover
her coasts at home, and, in the event of war, to
blockade the ports of all hostile nations. It is true
that drawbacks are admitted ; but the confidence
displayed in the Navy Bill is little less than sublime.
Assume Prussia not to become, at a bound, a naval
power of the first rank, what is the argument ?
That unless she keeps foremost in the second rank,
her fleet is utterly useless. We do not imagine for
a moment that the English people, proud as they
are of their maritime position, are jealous of these
endeavours to launch' a new European navy ; they
can keep the sea ; they can, under proper admi-
nistration, defend coast and port ; they can escort
their merchantmen, no matter what storm of war
is raging ; but they can also afford to hear a few
words of suggestion, very much in unison with
much that has appeared in our columns, from the
Berlin navy administrators. A class of ships is
wanted, they say, " to protect commerce upon the
high seas, to capture hostile cruisers and merchant-
men, convoy native vessels, render service at the
most important commercial stations, and which,
through their rapidity and other good qualities, are
able to assist ships of the first class in action. This
class still consists of wooden frigates and corvettes."
To these words, echoing our own, we would direct
particular attention. But what is to be the new
Prussian navy, as constituted by the bill just pro-
duced ? An armament of ten heavy ironclads, of
is enormous strength and burden, ten others more
f lightly armed ; eight decked wooden corvettes—six
of a less capacity ; six iron despatch boats, " mostly
used in time of war to carry despatches, to watch
the enemy, keep up communications with ports at
home, tow damaged vessels, carry wounded to hos-
pital, and so forth ;" and four transports—the whole
costing a mighty sum of money, and being put in
line-of-battle or otherwise serviceable order so soon
as their holds can contain a keg of gunpowder.
Europe, it need scarcely be said, will regard with
little anxiety this maritime activity on the part of
Prussia. Prussia is a kingdom with few favourable
outlets and feeble natural frontiers. It has more
than once been forced into a policy of craft and vio-
lence by the instinct of self-preservation. But, from
the day when a Prussian King made his first ap-
pearance on a field of Europe, the kingdom has
neglected warnings which may not yet be studied
too late. Its efforts at self-aggrandisement of recent
years have not been too wisely calculated. We all
know what the realm is in itself, and how it has
been formed—of what an agglomeration, indeed,
of seignories, duchies, bishoprics, principalities,
•and provinces, it is constituted, eight distinct
deposits of acquired power underlying the Prussian
throne. Now Prussia, not satisfied with being
safe by land, aspires to a rivalry with the
great maritime nations on the sea, which must
tax the Royal and patrimonial resources of
her monarchy, besides the people, in a manner
somewhat severe. It may be a far-sighted policy ;
but it certainly appears experimental so far as the
living generation is concerned. It is a truth familiar
to all Europe, that Prussia, apart from her brief
intervals of inglorious warfare, since 1815, has
been working apace to put her material interests
on a level with those of the other Northern and
Western nations. In this attempt she has partially
succeeded. Engaged in many constitutional
struggles, inferior in intensity to those of 1848,
though more prolonged, she has, upon the whole,
advanced considerably, and, until the assault upon
Denmark discredited her in the sight of the civilised
world, her fame stood high. We are dynastically
related with her, and must have every desire to
witness her prosperity ; but her politics of late have
been suspiciously circuitous and provocative, as the
action of that which may be termed Minor Germany
most indubitably proves. There are several dangers
before her, upon all of which she appears eager to
rush. Lord Brougham once said that Prussia
never adopted in her court the style of extravagance
prevalent in England, France, and Austria ; but
impoverished herself by " trying to seem stronger
than she was." Comparatively considered, it is
true that her armaments, in proportion to her
population, are not exorbitant. They are by many
degrees less, relatively, than those of the French
and the Dutch, the Spaniards and the Portuguese ;
but when Prussia has a great navy, with costly
harbours, coast works, and a system of maritime
fortifications, will she be one jot the stronger along
her land frontier? Her Minister of Marine recom-
mends the " re-establishment of the fort of Fried-
richsort." In that we discover a truth which the
Minister of Marine would appear to have forgotten.
Friedrichsort was dismantled because it was useless.
But every fancy has its hour of sunshine, and there
exists little possibility that the Berlin Chambers
will baulk the last Royal proposition that a people,
intoxicated by cheap victories over the Danes, shall
clothe their coasts in granite and iron, and, far and
near, defy the world.