The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-22 00:00:00

Commence at a quarter to 8.

THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.-
Managers, Messrs. E. Falconer and F. B. Chatterton.
THIS EVE NING the performances will commence with
the Farce of HUSBANDS BEWARE. Mr. G. Belmore ;
Miss Hazlewood, Miss R. Leclercq, &c.
After which, Shag; ere's Tragedy of KING JOHN : Messrs.
Phelps, James Anderson, T. Swinbourne, Raynor. G. Bel-
more, E. Phelps, C. Harcourt; Miss Atkinson, Mrs. H.
Vandenhoff. Mrs. Hodson, &c.
Commence at 7.

THEATRE ROYAL, II AYMARKET.-
Sole Lessee and Mans,-ger, Mr. Buckstone.
THIS EVENING, TIIKEE VV E 6KS Art ER MAR-
RIAGE. Mr. W. Farrell, Mr. Chippendale, Miss Snowden,
Kiss belly Moore.
Atter which, USED UP. Mr. Charles Mathews, Mr. Howe,
Miss Belly Moore, Mrs. E. Fitzwilliam.
To be followed by (9th time) WHO KILLED COCK
ROBIN ? Mr. Chippendale, Mr. C. Mathews; Mrs. Charles
Mathews, Mrs. Fitz william. &c
Concluding with THE BALLET. Messrs. Arthur and
Char:es Leclercq. Miss Fanny ,fright, Miss C. Adams, and
the Corps de Ballet.
Commence at Seven.

ROYAL LYCEUM T REATAE.-
Under the sole Management a Mr. Fechter.
THIS EVENING, at Seven o'clock, THE DAY AFTER
THE WEDDING. Mr. and Mrs. Horsman.
After which, at 8, a New Drama, entitled THE WATCH
CRY. Mr lechter, supported by Nessrs. H. Widnicombe,
S. Emery, C. Horsman, Raymond, Fitzpatrick, Clifford. and
Idles Elsworthy.
To conclude with the Farce of NURSEY CHICKWEED.
Messrs. H. Widdicomb, Raymond, Moreland; Mrs. Lee and
Mis 3 Lavenu.
Box Office open daily from Eb ven till Five.
Acting Manager, 11. Barnett.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL ADELPHI.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING, at 7, GOOD FOR NOTHING. Mrs
Alfred Melton and Mr. Felix Rogers.
After which, at 8, RIP VAN WINKLE. Rip (his 69th
appearance), Mr. Jefferson, supported by Messrs. Billington,
P. Bedford, R Phillips, _Felix Rogers, Ashley, liburne, C. J.
Smith; Mrs. Biliingtor, &c.
To conclude, at halt-past 10, with THE WIDOW'S
VICTIM. Messrs. Bildngton, Felix Rogers, Ashley; Miss
Godsell, hiss Seaman, and Hiss Jenny Willmore.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and !Manager, Mr. (Geo. Vining.
THIS EVENING, QUIET LODGINGS.
Atter which, at a quarter to Eight, IT IS NEVER TOO
LATE TO MEND. t haracters by Messrs. Vining, T. Mel-
yil►e, T. Mead, I). Murray, S. Ca►haem. F. Vilders, J. G.
Shore, G. Murray, H. Melton, C. Seytun, R. Cathcart; Nisi
L. Moore and M►ss Katherine Rodgers.

ROYALSoIe Lessee aSndlMßanaAaereTsspMrsTbilwanEboArouTahlt. E.
THIS EVENING, at Seven. SHORT AND SWEET.
Alter which will be produced a new Opera Burlesque,
L'AFRICAINE ; or, The Queen of the Cannibal Islan is :
Messrs. Stoyle, James, Thorne; Mesdames Swanborough,
Raynham, Johnstone, ace.
To corclude with AN ALARMING SACRIFICE.

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Sun,
rit

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, NOV. 22, 1865.

As the first session of the New Parliament ap-
proaches nearer and nearer, the great question of
Reform becomes more and more the subject of en-
grossing attention. It is very generally and deeply
felt that this is the last House of Commons that
ought to be elected on the present partial and im-
perfect basis, and although the natural life of Par-
liaments offers a tempting excuse to reluctant
Ministers, and members who have hardly forgotten
the expenses of their late election, there is no in-
clination on the part of the public to encourage
further delay. We have reached a stage in the
discussion on which all parties, with only individual
exceptions, agree in the broad principle that some
Reform is necessary, though when we come to con-
sider the details we find an endless variety of opinion.
In an article on " Personal Representation " in
the current number of the Westminster Review on
this subject, it is observed that the very speakers or
writers who begin their arguments by declaring
that Parliamentary reform is unnecessary, end them
by acknowledging that it seems certain to come.
46 The lower classes do not want it, they say ; the
upper classes do not approve it ; nevertheless both
will unite to bring it about. They deplore this
strange infatuation, and ask why no one will make
a stand against it, and then make no stand against
it themselves. The fact is they drift with the cur-
rent, and the current of popular opinion at this
moment in England is in favour of bold measures of
political reform." The very faintness of the
demonstrations in its favour, adds the writer,
shows rather the weakness of the opposi-
tion to it than the uncertainty or indifference of
the public. With this prevailing sentiment then
with the Liberal party in office, and with a states-
man at the head of affairs whose name has for a
long series of years been identified with the principles
of Reform; whose reputation as a politician was won
in fighting its battles, one would imagine that
there could be no danger of delay, nor
any difficulty in bringing the problem to
a speedy and a satisfactory conclusion. Unfor-
tunately every one who knows the temper of his
time knows otherwise, and is tempted, if he be a
genuine reformer himself, to exclaim, with the old
fable writer—

46 An open foe may prove a curse,
But a pretended friend is worse."

And of the "pretended friends of Reform
the Liberal ranks include a large number.
Earl RUSSELL'S own conduct in respect to the great
question with which he was so early associated has
not been such as to inspire unmeasured confidence
in him as a leader, any more than the careers of his
followers gives us reason to hope that they will
drive their reluctant general into the fight. But one
thing is certain—neither party nor leader have now
any excuse for delay. The great Minister whose
personal popularity atoned for his known indif-
ference, if not dislike, to reform, has laid down
the baton of command for ever, and a Liberal
Cabinet, under a Liberal Prime Minister, cannot
any longer delay the settlement of the great
Liberal questions of the day, It therefore remains

to consider in what manner the desired changes
shall be introduced, and every one is ready with
arguments on behalf of his own favourite theory.
The Westminster thinks that we are tending
towards Democracy, and the wish is probably
father to the thought ; but such is, in reality,
neither the belief nor the desire of the great body
politic in this country. It is from the fear of
the effects which may be produced in practice
and theories which are in themselves irreproach-
able, that many persons who have no desire to per-
petuate abuses have shown no great desire for
political changes. They shrink from introducing
the thin edge of the wedge, lest demagogues and
enthusiasts should take advantage of the change to
produce violent convulsions in the political system.
The great object which all thoughtful men set
before them— and most assuredly the object
which finds most favour with the English public
generally—is to introduce the necessary and desir-
able reforms without producing any consider-
able disturbance in the constitution. The
great objection to be urged against leaving
matters in statu quo is that we are not car-
rying out the constitution of the country,
which demands the fair representation of the people.
In dealing with this question the writer in the
Westminster denounces those temporising reformers
who only want the popular enthusiasm to go just
so far that they may ride into office on the tide, and
and then they would command it to go no far-
ther. " Such persons," he declares, " are really more
rash than thorough Democrats, for they propose
to push on in the direction of Democracy, casting
aside all consideration of what are the fundamental
dangers of democratic institutions, and what are
the best means of modifying them. To enlarge the
franchise in any considerable degree without putting
it on a sound basis capable of future extension,
and, without adapting the details of our electoral
system to the new state of things, is very much like
attempting to work railway trains on ordinary
roads with such brakes as were sufficient for mail
coaches." Under this head he places the supporters
of the £6 franchise, who think to settle the matter
by that single reform. But when we come
to consider the writer's arguments against
the continuance of the preponderating power in the
hands of the upper classes we find him running into
those extremes which make democratic politics so
unpalatable to the general public. It has been
argued, he says, that England has grown
rich, prosperous, and powerful under this
one-sided Government, whereas the pater-
nal despotism of Austria can show much
of its population happier, more moral, and more
intelligent than any of our people, and it has
nowhere so much misery and demoralisation as we
have in our great cities. America can claim to be
better educated and more productive, and must,
therefore, be the richest, while France is at least
equally powerful. But, supposing we accept for a
moment these extravagant statements, they have
nothing to do with the political question, and we
should not fear the verdict of an intelligent jury of
these happy Austrians, these rich Americans, and
these powerful Frenchmen, who would not,
if they were honest, hesitate to declare
that political liberty had been attained
in England to a degree impossible in their
own countries. The fact is, that human nature
is everywhere alike, and each class, if it has
the preponderance and the power, likes to maintain
it. The upper class was most unwilling to surren-
der its prize in 1832, the middle class has been no
less reluctant since, and we can see from the ty-
ranny of our Trades' Unions and our strikes that
the lower class would act in precisely the same
manner if they had the opportunity. The only
security against class legislation and oppression is
the diplomatist's favourite theory of the balance of
power. We must get a fair representation of every
class, and then the one will counterbalance the
other. This is the fundamental theory of the
British Constitution, with its three estates, and
it must be borne in mind by every Reformer if he
wishes to attain a safe and comprehensive Reform.
The great difficulty of the question is, as we have
said, found in dealing with the details. Men may
agree in principle, but when they come to put their
opinions into practice the perplexity begins, and
the differences appear. The writer in the West-
minter, who, as we have seen, is liberal and com-
prehensive enough in his views, supports the
crotchetty and impractical theory of Mr. HARE as
the best means of avoiding the dangers of extremes.
Mr. HARE recommends that we should decide how
many members we wish to have in our House
of Commons, divide the population of the
country by this number, and leave every individual
elector free to name any man he will, and then send
to Parliament every man who had the necessary
number of electors. This sounds very well, but it
would never answer in practice. The great
body of candidates are only known in their
own localities ; we should have a few noted men
elected a dozen times over, while equally useful but
less known members would have no chance. It
would, too, be so complete a change in our ordinary
system as to be most unwelcome to the public gene-
rally, and we cannot but think that a more practical
and simple mode of dealing with the question ought
to be found with very little difficulty.

The Transylvanian Diet was opened yesterday
by the Government Commissioner, but little was
said of an interesting character. The old story
was repeated of the necessity of a careful considera-
tion of the " political situation," and indeed only
one subject was put before the Diet for discussion,
which was the revision of Article I. of the law
passed by the Transylvanian Diet of 1848, concern-
ing the union of Hungary and Transylvania. This
does not present a very extensive sphere for debate,
but no doubt there are weighty reasons for confin-
ing the subject in narrow limits. It is not likely
that any very great progress will be made
in a national sense, so long as the present
arbitrary course is
pursued, and the van-
ous Diets and assemblies are informed what
they are to do and say. Such specific regulations
must cramp the freedom of expression and restrict
the deliberations until no good is done or any
change made worthy of the name. In Croatia the
National party have resolved upon proposing the
union of Croatia, Hungary, and Sclavonia, and to
" recognise the principle of a common legislation.,,
They desire that negotiations should be entered
into with a deputation from the Hungarian Diet in
order to carry out this policy. Altogether affairs
appear to be in a very unsettled state in these
quarters, and it is impossible to predict what may
be the result of all these manceuvres and
machinations, for however decided may be
the wishes of the people, or however earnest
may be the intentions of the several Diets to carry
them out, nothing can be done of a lasting charac-
ter or in a satisfactory style unless the Imperial
Government show themselves willing to promote
the cause of improvement. It will be of no avail
for the various States to make plans and furnish
propositions if underhand means are employed to
frustrate the main objects in view, the establishment
of constitutional rights and the independence of
the people. Mere forms and ceremonies will be of no
me at all, and fine-bounding professions are merely

an insult and a mockery to the intelligence
of those to whom they are addressed, unless deeds
are substituted for words, and a meaning is found
to exist in the promises besides the desire to cajole
in lieu of coercing the people, or compromise them-
selves so that they cannot afterwards extricate them-
selves from the arrangements hastily made in good
faith.

Although by no means so dangerous and un-
scrupulous as Prussia, Austria pursues so tortuous
a policy that it is impossible to place any
implicit reliance in the professions she makes.
However good the proposals may be that emanate
from the Vienna Government, there can be no cer-
tainty that they will be carried out in their entirety,
or allowed to continue in full working even if they
succeed to the extent of their promises, or beyond
them. The suspension of the Constitution of the
26th of February has naturally given rise to great
misgivings, and people inquire, with great justice,
what confidence can they place in such a policy
of inconsistency, and a system which has no solid
foundation. It is not the way to inspire respect
or to secure confidence thus to veer about to suit
the fancies of the hour; and the attempt to make
political capital out of national rights is neither a
fair nor a faithful interpretation of the duties of a
Government. Attention is very naturally directed
to. this subject at present, on account of the excite-
ment that prevails concerning it in Vienna just now.
The Abend Post has lately contained an article on
the suspension, and it is the more significant on
account of its having been revised by Count
BELEREDI.

It will not surprise many far-sighted judges to
leern that no period is fixed upon for a return to
the forms of the Charter, although it was generally
supposed in the country immediately interested that
such wouldbe the case. It is curious to noticethe rea-
sons given in this official document for the policy of
the Government. We are told that the bases of the
political aims are the Imperial Manifesto of the 26th
of September, and the Patent Law of that date.
Further on it is stated that those daily papers are
incorrect which have been declaring that the " sus-
pension of the Constitution. will end in a given
time." It is a very hopeless prospect that lies be-
fore the lover of freedom in Austria according to
this account, and no doubt it is a substantially cor-
rect one. It was not likely that so peculiar an ar-
rangement as the suspension of the Constitution
would have taken place had not there been
some other motive in the background than the
professed one of conciliating Hungary. We find
it has been confidently set forward that "before
there can be a general constitution having in it the
principle of vitality" there must be accord in the
fundamental laws of the empire in all its different
parts. If it be necessary to wait until the relations
between the Crown and Hungary are definitively
settled there will be a very long time to wait. No
real reason exists for the suspension of the law for
the representation of the empire until Hungary shall
consent to send representatives to the Austrian
Reichsrath. It is playing off one against the other
in a very dexterous but not a very creditable manner.
The " constitutional organisation" of the Empire
is made the stalking-horse for a great many
purposes, but there is little reason in any of them,
and a very short investigation will serve to show
their fallacy. In reality, it was quite unnecessary
for the Government to have suspended the
Constitution at all, and the best proof of
the undesirability of their course is given
in the delay that has taken place in restor-
ing it. Such a course naturally unsettles
the minds of the people, and gives rise to all kinds
of suspicions as to the honesty of the powers that
be. Clever as these German Governments may be,
they will find out their mistake if they go
too far in trifling with the feelings, and abus-
ing the confidence of the people. The Hungarians
are not so easily taken in as may be imagined, and
they will look well to the meaning of all proposals
to them before they commit themselves. The
EMPEROR and his Ministers will very likely end by
displeasing all parties, and incurring the indig-
nation of those who trusted that a better era
WAS dawning for Austria. If one thing makes
people more angry than another it is the notion
of being entrapped ; and the more we consider
the aspect of affairs in Vienna, the more must
we consider that they have been greatly mis-
managed. It is idle to go backwards and forwards
in this trifling manner with the conduct of a great
country, and the shuffling course pursued will
inevitably result in evil, unless a very different
leaf is shortly turned over by the Imperial Govern-
ment.