The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-07 00:00:00

IRELAND.

Sir It. PEEL gave notice that he would move for leave
to bring in.different bins rolating to Ireland.

PARQCHIAL ASSESSMENTS.

Mr. CLIVE gave notice that he would move for leave to
bring in a bill on this subject.
THE POOR-LAW COMMITTEE.

Mr. VILLIERS gave notice that he would move for
leave to bring in a bill for the reappointment of this com-
mittee.

MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE'S SISTER

Mr. M. MILNES gave notice of a motion for the intro-
duction of a bill to render legal marriages of affinity.

THE QUEEN'S SFEECH.

The SPEAKER read the Queen's Speech, and that por-
tion which related to a measure for facilitating the transfer
of land was received with general applause.
Mr. W. H. PO RTMAN, who was dressed in the uni-
form of an officer of Yeomanry, then rose to move that an
address be presented to her Majesty, in reply to the Speech
from the Throne. He alluded in very appropriate terms
to the loss which her most gracious Majesty and the coun-
try had sustained in the deathof the Prince Consort. When
that illustrious individual was first introduced to
the people of this country, the most sanguine
predictions were entertained as to the advantages
that would result from his union with her Majesty, and
these predictions had been fully verified. From his posi-
tion his Royal Highness was excluded from interference in
politics but he directed the pavers of his etiitivated intel-
lect to all that could promote moral, social, a ad intellectual
progress generally, and the physic al condition
of the humbler classes. He next adverted to
the dispute with. America, and atrocibuted the
pacific solution of the differences between the two coun-
tries to the promptitude exhibited by the Government. He
believed that to be the feeling of a large majority of the
people of this country. That difference bard been attended
with two important results in developing the loyalty
of the people of Canada—(hear, hear)—to the con-
stitution nuclei which they lived, and: satisfied them
that the Government of this country was. net indifferent to
the defence of Canada, one of the most. important of the
English colonies. He alluded also to the: friendly tone of
the Emperor of the French, to which he consi-
dered this country was to some degree indebted
for the solution of the difference with America.
He congratulated the house oh the succetes of the scheme
for the augmentation of our Na val Reserve, which placed
at the disposal of the nation a reliable and efficient force to
maintain her rights. He expressed a hope that an improve-
ment would take place in our future relations with China.
The measure for facilitating the sale and transfer of land
would be a great boon, not only to the possessors, but the
cultivators of land. (Hear, hear.) Hai ing referred briefly
to other points in the royal speech, he c. tned on the house
to agree to a special paragraph in the r tc ldress expressing
the deepest condolence on the loan she 2 ad recently sus-
tained. Her Majesty had so deeply ideal' tified herself with
the domestic interests of the country tr oat the community
s3mpathised with her, not merely :as a Queen, but
as a mother and a widow, (Hear;. „hear.) In agree-

ing to that paragraph they would not be discharging
merely a conventional duty, but giving expression
to the general feeling which rested on the affections of an
attached and loyal people. The hon. member concluded by
reading the address, which was an embodiment of the
sentiments he had expressed.
Mr. WESTERN WOOD, in seconding the address, re-
echoed the observations of the preceding speaker rela-
tive to her Majesty's loss in very feeling and effective
terms. He felt deeply indebted to the Government for the
manner in which they had acted in reference to the dispute
with America, which had such an important influence on
the monetary interests of this country. He congratulated the
house on the stability of the public funds,which he contrasted
with the state of Government Securities in other countries.
He again referred to the course pursued in regard to the
United States, and repeated his praise for the promptitude,
efficiency, and conciliatory spirit exhibited by Government.
He next alluded to the Naval Reserve and the Volunteers,
and argued that with such defences the country might
rest satisfied
,of safety and security being assured. He
went through some other points of the royal speech, and
said that in regard to estimates a liberal provision fre-
quently proved in the end a wise economy. In speaking
of the distress existing in the country, he reminded the
house that it had not attained to the extent which it had
done on previous occasions, and that up to the present time
lucal assistance had been found sufficient to meet the emer-
gency which had arisen. He praised the working classes
for the patience they had shown under their sufferings,
which he ascribed to the more general diffusion of know-
ledge. He contended that the distress did not arise from a
deficiency of supply of the raw material, but from over
production, which had been the means of overstocking all
the markets of the world. The hon. member concluded by
repeating the paragraph in the Royal Address, which
prayed for the wise guidance of the deliberations of Parlia-
ment.
The SPEAKER then moved the Address. _

Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, the intimation conveyed in the
Speech of the Lords Commissioners, both with respect to our
foreign relations and our domestic condition, must, I feel,
be satisfaotory to the house. Although no one can be blind
to the fact that the general condition of affairs is one prep •
nant with anxiety and apprehension, yet, under the favour
of Divine Providence, and with the exercise of vigilance
and moderation in our councils, let us trust that these perils
may be averted'. Since the house was prorogued themarch
of events in North America has been momentous. Nothing,
however, has occurred so far which has for a moment
shaken my conviction of the wisdom of the policywhich was
adopted originally by her Majesty's Government—the policy
of neutrality—(cheers)—and I feel bound to take this, the
earliest opportunity of expressing my belief that that policy
on the part of her Majesty's Government was sincerely
adopted and has been sincerely practised. (Hear, hear.)
Very recently, indeed, an event occurred which for a
moment seemed to endanger the practice of that policy.
The conduct of the Government with respect to the matter
of the Trent was the conduct which I trust that any men
responsible for the government of this country would have
followed. (Cheers.) But that it was followed with firmness
and moderation I freely and cheerfully admit. (Loud cheers.)
On the other hand, I am bound to say that the reparation
offered to us appears to me to have been influenced by
sentimen's as worthy. I, sir, am not prepared to peer and
pry into any possible motives unknown to us that may in-
fluence the conduct of public men. When I consider the
great difficulties which the statesmen of North America
have to encounter, when I consider what I may call the
awful emergency they have beea summoned suddenly to
meet, and which, without giving any opinion about the
cause of these public transactions, I would venture to say
they have met manfully and courageously, then, sir, I think
itbecomes England, in dealing with the Government of the
United States, to extend to all which they say at least a
generous interpretation, and to that which they do a liberal
construction. (Hear, hear,) sir, I have fairly and frankly
expressed my own feelings upon these points, but at the
same time I think we have a right to expect from the Go-
vernment of the United States that they should take no per-
verse view of the conduct of the Government of this coun-
try. (Hear, hear.) In an affair of intestine dissension a
neutral Power must contemplate a term to these disorders,
but whether that conclusion should be accomplished by vin-
dicating the authority of the legitimate Government, or by
recognising the in fluence and existence of the insurrectionary
Power, is an event which time and circumstances alone can
settle, but which is a result which never can be absent from
the observation and consideration of responsible Ministers.

(Hear, hear.) Sir, there is something in these matters
stronger than the Law of Nations—the instinct of the human
heart, which recoils from hopeless and unnecessary carnage.

(Hear, hear.) And what the Government of the United
States has a right to expect, and what I trust no Govern-
ment that may exist in this country would ever refuse them,
is that no steps should be taken—if steps should bo neces-
sary—in a precipitate spirit. (Hear, hear.) A precipitate
step may turn out to be a premature one; and we owe the ut-
most and the deepest deliberation on such matters not only
to the interests, not only to the feelings of an ally—which
ought to be considered—hut we owe it to the interests of
this country itself. (Hear.) And when, Sir, I see in this
paper before me the reference that is made to another coun-
try in North America, and when I find that an interference
is about to take place in that country which, from certain
authentic statements that are prevalent, may even aim at
its political independence, I say, remembering that this
country was the first that acknowledged the independence
of that insurrectionary State, it becomes us well to consider
what steps we should take in future in its respect. (Hear.)
But, Sir, in saying so much, and without giving any opi-
nion upon the present condition of the Southern States, or
upon the character of that blockade of their ports which so
much occupies public attention at this moment—because I
think to•night it would be most inappropriate and inconve-
nient to enter into any controversial discussion—(lond cries
of " Hear")—I think that this country has a right to ex-
pect that the most ample and authentic information in the
possession of the Government with respect to the blockade
should be laid on the table of the house. (Hear.) I pre-
sume that from the coratpanders of our squadrons and other
offilial sources on the spot the Government are in possession
of very ample materials on which the ultimate judgment of
this house and of the country may depend. That infor-
mation—without insinuating the slightest opinion upon
the merits of the case on the present occasion—l think we
have a right to expect to be given. (Hear.) Now, Sir,
. .

there is another matter connected with North America, to
which T have for a moment alluded, which I confess is one
that fills me with some apprehension. As I understand

that papers are to be laid upon the table, it would be highly
inconvenient and quite unnecessary to enter, now into any
discussion as to the merits of the policy adopted by
the Government with respect to Mexico; but I
do not wish this opportunity to be lost—m y, I feel
it my duty to take this occasion to impress upon the
house and the country that this is a question which
deserves our most anxious attention. And, Sir, I do this for
two reasons. In the first place, I cannot forget that Eng.
land was the first country that recognised the independence
of Mexico—an event connected with a memorable policy
and a memorable man. (Hear.) The occasion must be one
of the most grave which could bring about the necessitythat
her Majesty's advisers and that England should strike at
that political independence which they themselves created.

But there is a second reason which makes me view this an-
nouncement
with some apprehension, and which makes me
anxious that, even on this early occasion, the house should
give its attention to this very important subject. (Hear.)
So far as we can form an opinion from those statements
which are held to be authentic, and which meet the public
eye by the convenient communication of favoured journals,
the very grounds upon which this interference in Mexico is
taking place have changed in the course of a very brief time.
First of all we heard that the object of the expedition was
to obtain redress for British subjects who had been the vic •
tims of extortion and confiscation; but now it is generally
rumoured that the object is much higher—that not merely
is it to obtain redress for injury to British subjects, but that
the object and effect of this alliance may be to introduce into
North America new principles of government, and abso-
lutely to establish even new dynasties. (Hear, hear.) Now,
Sir, I have said that I will offer no opinion to-night on the
conduct of the Government in these matters. It is impossi-
ble, until we are perfectly familiar with all that has taken
place, that we can come to a satisfactory conclusion. But I
think the state of affairs is such as to justify great anxiety
on our part, and it may even lead to considerable embarrass-
ment. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, there is another piece of in-
formation which follows the announcement of the conven-
tion of France and Spain in regard to Mexico, which is of so
important a character that it ought not to pass without re-
mark, and that is the convention with the Sultan of Mo-
rocco. (Hear.) New, Sir, it is very difficult to collect from
this announcement the exact nature of the convention, hut
I presume I am not in error in the interpretation I place
upon it when I say that it is not a formal guarantee to those
who have lent money to the Emperor of Morocco, but that
it is in fact a virtual guarantee. Now, sir, treaties of gua-
rantee to those who have lent money to foreign Powers
should always be treated by this house with great indul-
gence. I do not mean to say that there may not be circum-
stances of so grave a character that the political considera-
tions may not absorb those principles of conduct which
generally prevail in this house. Ido not mean to say that
there are no circumstances in which such conventions have
not been sanctioned ly the house, though even within a
few years the house has sanctioned only by a very narrow
majority the engagements of the Crown in those matters.
Buo if there is to be a guarantee I should much prefer a
formal to a mere virtual guarantee. (Hear; hear.) In the
case of a formal guarantee this house necessarily exercises
a control over the transaction. The matter must be Lrought
before this house before such an engagement on the part of
the Crown can be accomplished. But in the case of a virtual
guarantee like the present where the Crown has not legally
guaranteed the interest of the creditor, but has placed itself
in a position which makes it the holder of the resources to
which the creditor is entitled, in that case the House of
Comtnons exorcises no control whatever. The obvious an-
, ewer to any objection is that there is no guarantee, and why
then, should the house exercise a control ? But I put this
case to the house—suppose the interest is not paid on the
Morocco loan, do not you think the House of Commons
will
hear of it ? (Hear.) Do not you think the hon. member for
the City (Mr. W. Wood), who has settled with so much
unction the policy of her Majesty's Government with re-
gard to the loan—(a laugh)—woulcl, pm; Mae do vat tO tllO