The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-05 00:00:00

THE SUN.

LONDON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 5, 1862.

Notwithstanding the boldness of the King of
ITALY'S proclamation—the all but unanimity of tha
Chambers in supporting the Italian Premier and
his colleagues—the pride and the power of the
French EMPEROR, with his well-disciplined divi-
sion already at Rome, and his grand army of
500,000 or 600,000 men at home, ready to aid that
garrison when necessary—we may rest perfectly
convinced of this, that VICTOR EMMANUEL, that
RATAZZI, that NAPOLEON himself, will think twice
before laying a hand upon GARIBALDI.
It is idle to argue, as our chief morning contem-
porary has argued but very recently, that the great
Italian Patriot and Hero would find it difficult to
induce even a hundred adventurers to march under
his banner io the event of his unfurling it for an
advance upon Rome. Wherever GARIBALDI might
choose to direct his steps, in defiance of no matter
what antagonist—there, against the foe pointed
out to his compatriots, the latter would follow him
for a certainty. The intelligence now being brought
to us, mail after mail, from the Roman peninsula,
proves this incontestably to be the fact. And it is
not intelligence coming to us from the South alone.
Tidings of the nature here hinted at arrive in larger
and larger abundance from Genoa, as well as from
Sicily. GARIBALDI may call for his Garibaldians,
said the Times very recently, but it will be in vain !
All this being but an echo, the latest and the loudest,
of the old familiar derision and incredulity. "You
may call spirits from the vasty deep : but—will
they come ?" Italy is answering this half-articu-
lated unbelief—and her answer is tolerably plain
already in its precision. The youth of Italy, to
whom GARIBALDI more especially appealed, are not
remaining, either in the North, or in the South, in
any way apathetic. It matters nothing to the
would-be recruits at Genoa that GARIBALDI has
sent two of his personal suite thither to reason with
them, to assure them in the name of the General,
that their hastening at this juncture to Sicily is
altogether superfluous. The assurance comes too late,
even though it comes to them earnestly and urgently
from the Sicilian head-quarters of GARIBALDI'S new
expeditionary force. They have already heard the
General's summons—these young Italian patriots—
and are thronging by twos and threes, in clusters, in
crowds, hundreds upon hundreds, from the different
northern provinces of the Italian Kingdom, hastening
down to Genoa for the merest chance of embarka-
tion for Sicily—for GARIBALDI Striplings many
of them, bat still strong enough and old enough, in
ambition and in patriotism, to covet the privilege of
weilding a sword in the ranks marshalled, it
matters but little to them against what fearful odds,
by GARIBALDI. Nay, to reach Genoa, they have
pawned what little they possess in the world in the
vague hope of getting off somehow, from that sea-
port. to swell the numbers of the little nucleus of a
patriot army now being gathered together by their
idolized chief in Sicily. It is not, thee, because we
regard the motive of the present enterprise of
GARIBALDI as an insane and idle daydream, that
we grieve to have observed the rupture that has
now taken place between the General on one hand,
and the Parliament, the Ministry, and the KING
upon the other. Whatever else may come of it,
we may be tolerably sure of this that GARIBALDI
Will not find himself as isolated as some of the friends
of Italy (?) have imagined. It isbecause we anticipate
—rather than this—the wider and yet wider separa-
tion not of One Man, together with a mere handful
of followers from all the rest of the section sud-
denly estranged from him—for what reason ? lite-
rally because he, and he alone, is really consistent
to the last !—it is because we anticipate a far wider
division among the Italians now—if there is to be
any division among them at all (a matter still to this
very moment problematical)—it is simply and solely
because of this momentous hazard that we find
ourEelves, in a manner, standing aghast before the
very audacity of GARIBALDI'S new enterprise.
When it is maintained, however, that the destina-
tion cf GARIBALDI is (beyond any serious doubt
of it) the Eternal City—we cannot for our own
part but remember what, without question,
GARIBALDI himself has unquestionably taken into
account in the matter : namely, that—there
are more ways to Rome than one. Mt hen
he quitted Genoa a couple of years since to
achieve the almost bloodless conquest of the King-
dom of the Two Sicilies, he did not lead his 800

men point blank to Naples—but he went to Naples
by way of Sicily, he landed at Marsala, and
thence, after crossing 'swords with the lourbon
soldiers, advanced upon Palermo. There is, we
should presume, but small probability that while
certainly in any case staking everything upon the
hazard of a die by entering resolutely upon his
now rapidly advancing expedition, GARIBALDI
should, upon any conceivable pretext whatever, lead
his band of patriot followers to all but certain de-
struction ! Namely, by conducting them in the first
instance, at the very outset of his enterprise against
the soldiers of the Emperor NAPOLEON and the
army of King VICTOR EMMANUEL ranged against
his earning in battle array ! A proclamation—
till
Pointing to Rome—it is true, has but
i
the
llat BOW been addressed by GARIBALDI to
Romantrumpst; 4
be tempted
GARIBALDI
much wild and
Matrons, there appears
Matrons. A mere flourish of
tiouilnds like to us : what we should
.wllosll—but that we remember it is
'We
indy is affixed to it—merely so
this prod
But simul-
taneously with
Iva:at:lion to the Roman
Other and quite a diffe-
rent order of proclamation altogether! One addressed
not to Romans
, ne
t to Sicilians,
not It is like the fir principality,
but to—the &laves . " glinunerinE
by
oA;tjaßl 1 \i
Italians even
or
..
11 the hcze of these confused -
of light through I'LL • say.
i
hip and doings of
GARIBALDI since he quitted his
~ntesto—to the Sel
retreat at Caprerc. A 111- apE, !
A proclamation that,
if the wording of it is ',O be
taken in its literal sense, would Appear to poi"
that out as GARTBALDI'S immediate destination !
In the meantime, while we are waiting and
watching thus with breathless interest, the pro-
gress of events there in southern Italy, but par-
ticularly among the Sicilians, be3ause of GARI-
BALDI'S presence among them--the civil and mill-
tart' authorities of the Italian Government with
the permission of the KING, at the direction of
his Ministers; at the secret instigation of his
Imperial Ally and (shall we say it ?) Master,

that potentate whom all Italy has so much rea-
son (instance Nice ! instance Savoy !) to regard
with such an overwhelming sense of gratitude !
—the civil and military authorities of the Italian
Government thus pushed southwards, are closing,
to all appearance, rapidly and surely round
GARIBALDI—as though it were a contracting circle of
fire about a scorpion ! It is a desperate game alto-
gether. And one, the signal for which—it certainly
must be admitted—GARIBALDI was the first to
sound. True, that he did so. But—admitting
that—must we not also add, under how much provo-
cation. Whatever that provocation, nevertheless,
it is lamentable that the signal should have been
given as GARIBALDI has now given it. For the
immediate result of a collision between the con-
fronting forces threatens to be in every way most
perillous. Here—NAPOLEON, with a firm foothold
in the very centre of Italy, and with all the armed
prideand glory of France at his back to support him
if needful! Here—GARIBALDI, the most daring and
heroic Patriot living— strong in his individual
honesty, and in the love, almost the idolatry, of
25,000,000 Italians.

The letters and papers which have been received
by the Europa, if they do not add any material
facts to those forwarded by telegraph, give us some
interesting information on the state of public feel-
ing in the North. They show that while the PRE.
SIDENT is determined to carry on tie war with
vigour the people by no means evince the spirit
which they did a year ago. The PRESIDENT tries
a little shifting of the principal actors in the scene,
bringing to Virginia the principal Federal general
from the West. HALLECX is commander-in-chief,
and be, with POPE and BURNSIDE from North
Carolina, were holding a council of war at Wash-
ington, though in war one competent head is better
than those of fifty in council. POPE is beginning
in his command in NV estern Virginia with vigorous
words and deeds too, and means to show poor, dull
M'CLELLAN what a little youthful dash can do.
Whether he can show him how to take Richmond
is yet to be seen.
But though the PRESIDENT shows no symptom
of flinching, the people do. When the Europa
left, the anniversary Bull's Run, the 21st of
July, had just passed, and the feeling produced
by the reverse at Richmond is quite a contrast
to that of last year. Then the youth and middle
age too of the North were ready to enlist every-
where. No doubt was entertained after the first
great disaster, that it was but for the mighty
North to arise in its majesty, and the South
would quail, and if not, be crushed at once.
Very different is the feeling generated by the
second disaster. Distrust of Noi thern generalship
—fear that that of the South is really superior
—a compulsory perception of the fact that
the Southerns can fight not only with dashing, but
with persistent bravery for seven days together—
the hesitation of the Border States, and their de-
termination to maintain that real link of Union
with the South, slavery—the vastness of the road-
less territory on which they can make no impres-
sion—and the demonstrated unanimity and revived
courage of the South—all this is telling on a com-
munity which sees daily waggon loads of sick and
wounded brought home to tell sad stories or to die,
which sees its gold purchased at 20 per cent. pre-
mium for foreigners, and which knows that the
tax-gatherer is now about to make his unaccus-
tomed calls.

Above all, is the different spirit of the PRESIDENT
and his people seen in the slow progress of the en-
listment. We gather from the correspondence
that special reasons are telling against it with all
the classes which furnished previously the greater
number of recruits. The native Americans find all
their patriot aspirations disappointed. The corrup-
tion of public men at home, and the obstinacy of
the South, are what they had not looked for. They
believe in the integrity of the PRESIDENT, though
many doubt his capacity, but they think little of either
the integrity or the capacity of those under him.
Hence they hold back. The Irish have furnished a
very large portion of the recruits. They have been
a very different set from Major O'REILLvs' heroes
of Spoleto, for they have been amongst the bravest
of the brave in the Northern armies, But the
Irishman hates and is jealous of the negro as a
competitor in the labour market: he likes slavery
because it keeps the slaves in the South, and the
employment of the negroes in the camps, actually
offends him. However, the most telling fact with
him is, that he may get half a dollar a day in the
camp, but can earn a dollar and a half in the safer
employment of reaping corn. So, though from no
love of peace, he beats his bayonet into a reaping
hook. The Germans also, who have hitherto
enlisted in considerable numbers, furnished nume-
rous soldiers to the army—a great part of them
having been already drilled before their emigration
to the States, they were ready made soldiers. Their
grievance seems to be that of gaining no pro
motion. Thoteeh conscious of military superiority,
they see all the posts in the army bestowed on the
" native American.' Thus, in addition to the gene-
ral causes of backwardness to enlisting, there are
many special causes to hinder its success. We
should not therefore be surprised if, unexpectedly
almost to themselves, the Northerns begin to flag
in this now obviously useless war. Nothing but
an immense levy can give any chance of success ;
this they must know, but at present there is no
appearance of such a levy being raised.

" Look at France" is the common taunt with
which the enemies of free voting and extended suf-
frages greet the advocacy of these popular rights.
Well, look at France, we also rejoin, if you wish,
for a specimen of the blessings of—" Influence." In
France, we are told, that the ballot and universal
suffrage work in favour of a despotism the most
absolute France has ever seen. In France, we re-
ply, they do not work, but are worked, by
a power which seized on the 2d of Decem-
ber, through that aristocratic institution, a
standing army, on all the physical force
arid machinery of the State The master of sixty
legions is, not merely in the general sense, but in
the sense of individually managing and controlling,
master, not only of every prefect, but of every
mayor in France; and the master openly uses his
servants in the management of his nominal elec-
tions—Penalty of not submitting to be used, in-
stant dismissal!

Here is an instance of this a day or two more
than a week old. The Mayor of Merville, in the
department of Nord, received from the prefect of
the department instructions to " direct universal
poli-
tical opinions.
suffrage" against M. PLICHON, the present deputy
of the department. M. VERHAEGHE had been
M_lnhoaenynootusrreusdnininc:terruptedly of the place for thirty-two
SaEane.nalvddispw,Eaßinthoditbtwillyfaaostar an intimate friend of M. PLiciloN,
vvit,l guaria:eitillalewciotrhatethe deputy in his poli-
For so long, he tells us, he was
1830
the
enfidence of his fellow citizens,
ent by thei
various successive Govern-
d by the hand of the
reesontgi3rand faithful services—re-
elected
dv
iesreym
member of the Council
and supported to the last
riZanimous suffrages,
majority of the Municipal cou:_t,,by the unvarw.
'11) yet, with all
oefletcht
ee dAornr