The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-13 00:00:00

ELECTION

TEL LIGENCE.

TIVERTON.
The nomination of members to serve in the new
Parliament for this borough took place at 11 o'clock
yesterday, in the presence of a large concourse of
electors and non-electors. There was a consider-
able attendance of ladies, who occupied all the win-
dows and balconies commanding a view of the
hustings.

The candidates were escorted to the hustings by
their principal supporters, and on taking up their
positions on the platform were greeted with vehe-
ment cheers, mingled, in the case of Mr. Denman
and Mr. liralrond, with a few marks of disapproba-
tion from their opponents. Lord Palmerston was
received, as usual, with general enthusiasm. The
writ having been read, and the other formalities
duly observed,
Mr. F. HoLE proposed, and Mr. PAINE seconded
the nomination of Lord Palmerston.
Mr. AMORY proposed and Mr. FORD seconded the
nomination of the Hon. George Denman (Liberal.)
Mr. F, 0. PATCH proposed and Mr. CARPENTER
seconded the nomination of Mr. J. W. Walrond
(Liberal Conservative.)
No other candidate having been proposed,
Lord PAL3IERSTON then stepped forward to ad-
dress the assemblage, and was received with vehe-
ment cheering, accompanied by the waving of hats
and handkerchiefs. Silence having been restored
his Lordship (who looked remarkably well, and
spoke with all his wonted vigour and animation),
said,—Ladies and gentlemen, gentlemen electors of
Tiverton,—l cannot omit the ladies, because, even
as things are, we know the influence which they
exert over the electors—(laughter and cheers)—not
an unconstitutional influence--(renewed laughter)
—not by intimidation, but by winning ways—(a
laugh)—and, moreover, I am much disposed to
agree with the American lady who a few days ago
addressed, I think, the electors of Westminster,
and contended for what she called " the
woman's question"—that is to say, that
whenever universal suffrage is established the
ladies will have as good a right to vote as
the men. (Laughter and cheers.) Well, ladies
and gentlemen, I appear before you now not for the
first time. I am not, therefore, about to give myself
a character, because I know that you, who watch
with attention and anxiety the conduct of public
men, are just as able to form an estimate of my
character as I should be myself ; and no doubt you
would form it with more partiality than the man
whom it concerns. I have so long had the honour of
being one of the representatives for Tiverton that I
confess I feel no anxiety as to the result of the poll
to-morrow. (Cheers.) You men of Devonshire are
not reproachable with the attribute of fickleness.
You are steady friends and warm friends, and when
once you have taken up and supported a man, as you
have done me the honour of taking up and support-
ing me, it is not your habit to turn your back upon
him capriciously and without reason. (Cheers.) For
the last six years I have had the honour of being a
principal member of her Majesty's Government.
When first the charge of the affairs of the country
devolved upon us, we were told by many—and by
men whose opinion is entitled to weight—by men of
political experience and sound judgment, " Get rid
of that Parliament as soon as you can. (Laughter.)
It was called and elected under the auspices of your
opponents. Do not trust it ; it is sure to serve you
some scurvy trick. (Laughter.) Have a Parliament
of your own, and then you will be able to carry on
the business of the country." Well, we said "No ;
we will take things as they are ; we will trust men
of honour, until we find that we are deceived, and
we will not get rid of this Parliament until it has
shown by some adverse vote that we have no chance
of obtaining its confidence." (Hear, hear.) Well,
that Parliament, I must say, to its honour, treated
our Government in the fairest and most handsome
manner. I don't mean to say that we had not some
party struggles. Such struggles form part of the
-working of the British Constitution. There must.
be always, and ought to be, an Opposition as
well as a Government, and it is the business and
the duty of the Opposition from time to time
to try to displace, the Government, and they arc only
performing a public duty, and not liable to reproach,
when they take advantage of what they may think a
fair opportunity for doing so. (Hear.) Those oppor-
tunities were taken advantage of, but the attempts
failed. We continued to hold a majority in the
House of Commons ; and that majority, so far from
diminishing as years rolled on, was larger on the last
great battle than it had been when we were first
seated in office. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, I say
that you are part of the British nation, repre-
sented fairly in the House of Commons ; and can I
persuade myself that you will feel less confidence in
us than the House of Commons did—a House of
Commons, too, which was elected under adverse in-
fluences? (Hear.) You, gentlemen, acting as consis-
tent Liberals, haveinvariably for many years honored
me with your confidence and support, and therefore
I am convinced that I shall leave this town again as
one of the representatives of Tiverton. (Cheers.) I
can assure you that I desire no more honourable po-
sition, as a member of the House of Commons, than
that of representing this Liberal borough. (Hear.)
I will not deny or conceal from you that I have had
overtures made me to stand for other places—(hear)
--places to which men in general attach great value,
and for which they entertain great respect. But I
said " No; I have, as I believe, succeeded in secur-
ing for myself the friendship of the electors of Tiver-
ton." I am proud of that friendship, and I will not
be the man to leave old friends who are not dis-
posed to desert me. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the course
pursued by the Government of which I have had the
honour of being a member during the last six years is
written in the statute books of the land, is written in the
history of Europe, is written in the transactions of
the world. (Loud cheers.) We have, I flatter myself,
without the fear of contradiction, honourably and
faithfully performed the duties which our Sovereign
and the Parliament confided to our hands. (Hear,
hear.) There cannot, lam sure, be found in the an-
nals of the United Kingdom a period of six years
during which the nation has enjoyed more advan-
tages at home, morerespect and honour abroad, than
during the existence of the late Parliament. (Hear,
hear.) Industry has been relieved from many of
those shackles which previously cramped its exer-
tions. Wealth has been accumulated, and, with re-
gard to some individuals who have been more suc-
cessful than others in the pursuits of commerce and
manufactures, has been accumulated in a degree
which is almost fabulous. Indeed, to one who did not
know it to be true that degree might appear to be a
great exaggeration. We are told of individual men
who have amassed a million, even a million and a
half—nay, more, men hardly known to the bulk of
their countrymen, except as honest, industrious,
painstaking men, have acquired an amount of wealth
which in former times would not have been deemed
Well, the public wealth has
possible. (Hear, hear.)
increased with the aggregation of individual riches;
every man who has made these large accumulations
of wealth has been a benefactor to his country, not
only by the employment which he has given to thou-
sands under his care, but also by the contributions

which he makes to the revenue, and consequentlyto
the prosperity of the nation. In fact, the wealth of
the country has increased so rapidly that my right
hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has
been unable to stop that increase by a great reinis-

sion of taxation._ (Laughter and cheers.) He has
done his best (renewed laughter) ; he has taken off

tax after tax, income-tax, sugar duties, tea duties,
fire insurance duty—indeed, he has gone through all
the catalogue of taxes, nibbling here, cutting down
there (a laugh) ; but, in spite of all his exertions, the
country has been determined to produce a large re-
venue (laughter and cheers), and by that large re-
venue, accompanied by great alleviation of burdens
to each individual, we have succeeded in making for
the first
.time some noteworthy impression upon the
public debt—(hear, hear)—while we have also main-
tained all our establishments, Army, Navy, Militia,
and Volunteers in a state of perfect efficiency. And,
gentlemen, let me say, that is no small matter- (hear,
hear)—because, depend-upon it, the money which is
spent upon national defences in time of peace, pro-
vided always it is not carried to excess, is the best

security against the recurrence of war. (Cheers.) A
country which accumulates wealth and does not

maintain a sufficient means of defence is like a banker
who would fill his chest with gold and leave his doors
unbolted and his windows unbarred. (Hear, hear.)
We know what the result would be to the banker—
(laughter)—and history and experience tell us what
has been the result of a similar policy to nations.
(Hear, hear.) At the same time, our means of de-
fence, in order to be sufficient, need not and ought
never to be carried to the extent to which continental
nations carry the numerical force of their armies—
armies which are destined apparently more for ag-
gression than for internal security ; but we ought to
have a proper regard to those defences which secure
the people of this country from those innumerable and
indescribable evils which-befall a country that is the
seat of military operations. Along with that security
and that precaution it is the duty of a Government to
maintain, by every means consistent with national
honour and self-respect, the most friendly relations
with all the great Powers of the world. (Hear.) Well,
gentlemen, we have done that. We are upon good
terms with all the great powers of the world ; and the
way in which we have observed neutrality in
chat afflicting war which has desolated the pro-
vinces of North America, in spite of the strong
expressions of passionate partiality which broke
forth from different classes of the country
—some in favour of the North, others in favour
of the South—l say that the stedfast and perse-
vering manner in which we refused every solicita-
tion, and solicitations, too, which came from America
as well as from England, entitles us, I think, to the
thanks, as they contributed to the welfare, of the
country. (Cheers.) While the South imagined at
the outset that by stinting us in our supply of cotton
we should be compelled to take part with them, the
North imagined that their determination to abolish
slavery in the South would enlist in their favour the
philanthropic feelings of the British nation, and
that on that account we should assist them. Well,
that cotton famine was a great calamity to this coun-
try. (Hear, hear.) It lasted several years, and its
pressure was extreme. But noble, on the other
hand, was the conduct of that part of our manufac-
turing population who were thrown out of employ-
ment by the cessation of the cotton supply. They
showed that they had rightly understood the posi-
tion of things. They knew full well—they could
not be ignorant of it—that that pressure, that dimi-
nution of supply, was not owing to any act what-
ever of their rulers. They saw that it was the re-
sult of events over which the Government of their
country could have no possible control. (Hear.)
That was one motive which induced them to bear
the pressure with patience. But, on the other hand,
they saw the readiness with which their fellow-
countrymen stepped forward to contribute to the re-
lief of their necessities. They saw that our Poor-law
arrangements provided great means of relieving
their distress, but they saw also that the nobles and
gentry of the land came forward with magnificent
contributions in aid of the resources furnished by
the Poor-law to avert from them some of the evils
which the cotton famine inevitably inflicted.
(Hear.) Well, that was a great drawback from
our national prosperity. Then, again, we had in the
sister island three successive bad years, and those
who know Ireland, and are aware how much the
great bulk of her agricultnral population depend
upon the produce of their small bits of land, will
well understand how great was the calamity of those
successive failures of the harvest. But, in spite of
these local calamities, in spite of these partial draw-
backs from the advancing prosperity of the country,
I maintain that the wealth and welfare of the United
Kingdom have increased in a greater degree, and in
a more rapid manner, during the six years to which
I have referred than i❑ any equal period of our
history. (Hear.) Again, it has been thought by
some that her Majesty's Government have been too
much occupied with political matters, and have not
sufficiently attended to the extension of our com-
mercial intercourse with other countries. Far is the
truth from such an assertion. We have been assi-
duously engaged in Europe in extending not only
by our example and our precept, but also by our
treaties, those principles of free commercial inter-
course which have so well succeeded in this country,
and which we are telling foreign nations would suc-
ceed equally well with them. (Hear, hear.) We
have great:y enlarged, to the advantage of both
nations, the commercial relations between England
and France ; and depend upon it, gentlemen, that
one of the securities for a friendly understanding
between two great countries is the fact that each
country has a commercial interest in maintaining
peace and friendship with the other. (Hear, hear.)
We were assisted in that by the late Mr. Cobden
(cheers), and most honourable and successful were
his exertions in carrying locally into effect the in

structions which he received from the Government,

Ills conduct was, indeed, in all respects noble, for
he declined those offers which it was my duty to
make to him of rewards from the Crown, preferring
that reward which a good conscience affords to a
man who has well and faithfully served his country.
(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, there were among the
French people great prejudices to be overcome.
There were separate interests, which would, as they
thought, be thwarted and possibly ruined by the
competition of British manufactures. They seemed
to suppose, as many, men do in many continental
States, that commerce is a one-sided operation; and
that the manufacturers of England are silly enough
to what they call " inundate" foreign countries with
their manufactures without requiring in exchange
an equal value in the manufactures and produce of
the industry of those foreign countries. They have
found out their mistake. Other nations in Ger-
many are beginning to be undeceived ; and I trust
that . the doctrines of the great advantage which
freedom of exchange in productions invariably be-
stcws upon a nation is making its way—that while
we ourselves shall derive great benefit from its
universal adoption we shall also have the consola-

tion of thinking that we are conferring benefits
equal to those we receive, and that, therefore, we
are the friends of humanity at large. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, there was one remote part of the world
which men in their ignorance—l should rather say
in their unacquaintance—had magnified into an
unapproachable region, with which it was vain to
expect any friendly or commercial intercourse—l
mean China and Japan. Well, with both China and
Japan we are now upon friendly terms, and our com-
merce with both is rapidly and most prosperously
increasing. (Hear, hear.) I have here behind me an
hon. friend of mine, Sir John Bowring—(cheers)—
who had much to do in carrying out these great and
advantageous transactions, and to whom great merit
must be attributed for having been the first almost
to deal with the Japanese question. Then, I say,
seeing that the prosperous and successful exertions
of industry, whether agricultural, manufacturing, or
commercial, are the foundation of national wealth,
national welfare, and national happiness, a Govern-
ment which, like ours, have laboured incessantly
and successfully in extending our commercial rela-
tions with foreign nations deserves, as I think, the
confidence and support of their fellow countrymen.
(Cheers.) I trust, then, gentlemen, that I shall find

,he electors of Tiverton in the same mind as the
louse of Commons lately dissolved was, and that
hey will give a fair and honest support to me as

representing here that successful Government ; and
that I shall not be deceived in the expectationlhave
formed that I shall again carry away from this town
that honour which I have for so many years—and I
may say for so many Parliaments—enjoyed of being
one of its representatives in the Imperial Parlia-
ment. (Cheers.) I wish you, gentlemen, a good
clay, and, as is said in the play, " We will meet again
at Philippi" (laughter), by which I mean at the
hustings and the polling-booth to-morrow. (Loud
and prolonged cheers.)

Mr. Denman and Mr. Waldron having spokei,,
The Mayor then took the show of hands, and
declared it to be in favour of Lord Palmerston and

Mr. Denman

A poll was then demanded on behalf of Mr.
Waldron ; and thanks having been voted, on the
motion of Lord Palmerston, seconded by Mr. Den-
man, to the returning officer, the assemblage dis-
persed.

The contest between Mr. Denman and Mr.
Waldron will be very severe. Lord Palmerston's
return, it need hardly be stated, is quite secure.

BIRMINGHAM.
The nomination of candidates for the representa-

tion of Birmingham in the next Parliament took
place yesterday at 12 o'clock, in the Town-hall.
Mr. Alderman PHILLIPS proposed, and Mr. J.
JAFFRAY seconded, the nomination of Mr. Schole-
field.

Mr. GEo. DIXON next proposed Mr. Bright.
Mr. Alderman MANTON seconded the motion.
No other candidate being proposed, a show of
hands was called for, and with a spontaneity almost
electrical every man within the large building held
up both hands ; and then all cheered again and
again.

The MAYOR in the usual manner declared Mr.
Scholefield and Mr. Bright to be duly elected.
Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD, on rising to return thanks for
the honour conferred upon him for the third time,
entered into a review of the late Parliament, dwell-
ing more particularly on the three great measures of
the last session—the Union Chargeability Bill, the
Partnership Law Amendment Bill, and the Regis-
tration of Lands Bill. The hon. member also re-
ferred to his views with regard to the late American
war, and expressed a hope, as the Southerners were
fairly beaten in the contest, they would accept the
issue, and devote themselves to the work of consoli-
dating the Union, and promoting the general pros-
perity of the entire country. (Cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT (who, on coming forward, was re-
ceived with repeated cheers) said :—Mr. Mayor and
Gentlemen,—You have received me with great
kindness on this occasion, and you have again ccn-
ferred upon me a very high trust. I wish our lan-
guage was more copious, or that I were able to tell
you how much I esteem the position in which by
your favour lam now permitted to stand. But I
think I shall be compelled to leave for the future
the expression of that feeling, and show it by the
fidelity with which I shall endeavour to execute the
trust which you have now for the third time
confided to my care. (Cheers.) I suspect we all
feel that on this occasion there wants a little of
that stimulus that we acted under the last time
—(a laugh)—when my hon. friend and myself
appeared before you in the position of candidates.
I look in vain to the left corner of the platform for
those gentlemen who on that occasion felt it their
duty to oppose me. They did their opposition, as
any man in Birmingham would, I trust, do it, in a
manner that was courteous and gentlemanly, and I
have never from that moment to this felt the
slightest animosity to the gentlemen who then ap-
peared in opposition to me. I strongly hope, and I
have some reason to believe, that not a few of them
would have no objection on this occasion to stand
on this platform and give a joint support to my col-
league and myself. (Cheers.) But still, if there
wants the stimulus of opposition, there exists here,
and always must exist, a strong interest on an occa-
sion like this, when men are called upon to perform
the greatest public duty, to elect their share of the
most potent Legislature, that enacts laws for the
largest portion of the population of the globe united
under one sceptre and in one empire. And when
we say we are forming part of the Government of
our country, as we are doing this morning, what do
wo mean but this—that we are putting in force that
power which is felt either for evil or for good in the
very humblest homes of the people of this kingdom ?
For nothing can be more certain than this, that the
improved condition of the people of England at this
moment, as compared with their condition twenty
or thirty years ago, is to be attributed almost en-
tirely to improvement in our legislation, and to
greater wisdom in the action of Parliament and of
the administration of the affairs of the kingdom.
(Hear, hear.) And now, although some people
think that everything is very quiet, and that no-
body cares about anything, I take the liberty to
assert that the time, if not critical, is deeply interest-
ing; for to my eye it appears that many old things
are passing away ; and though it may not be said
that all things are, yet it may doubtless be said
that many things are becoming new. There is
everywhere, not in England only, but through-
out the Continent of Europe, and all over the
world, there is a. new power coming forward,
and steadily and continually advancing. (Cheers.)
It is a power -which is contesting the ancient
authority of monarchs and aristocracies ; and
with this new power there are new principles ,
always emerging and coming to the light, and
tamingob-
the sympathy and support of all sensible

and intelligent men, and giving, as I believe they
will give, greater securities to whatever freedom we
possess, and extending the bounds of that freedom
by extending' intelligence among the people, and by
strengthening in every kingdom the popular power.
(Cheers.) My hon. colleague has referred to the
address which I issued about a fortnight ago, in
which I referred mainly to the question of reform.
I take. that question to be the one great question of
the hour—(loud cheers)—and that really it may be
said at this moment to include almost every other
question. The Prime Minister, in his address to
the electors of Tiverton, says nothing about it.
(Laughter.) That, I think, was wise, considering
what he has done with regard to it. (Renewed
laughter.) But passing from that address, we find
that, both among Liberal and Tory candidates, the
question of Reform is mentioned in some way or
other, either in their written or spoken addresses to
constituencies at the present election. I don't know
who mentions it oftenest, whether the Liberal or
Tory. (Laughter.) I know, in the county from
whence I conic,. there are three Tory candidates,
and in their recent speeches they say that they think
the question of Reform is one that must soon be
considered and soon settled. The Liberals are more
specific in their statements. The Tories use am-
biguous phrases. They say they will not object to
what they call " a well-considered measure"—
(laughter)—which means a measure you would con-

sider so long that you would never come to a con-
clusion upon it. (Renewed laughter.) They also
say they are for a uniform or well-balanced propo-

sition of Reform—which means so exactly balanced
that the scale is not in the least degree to be altered,
and that everything should be exactly as it is.
(Laughter.) Well, others again say they would nob
object to a safe and constitutional measure of Re-
form—by which they mean a measure which will
not disturb one of those things which all sensible
and thoughtful men are beginning to condemn,
and which would leave those who have heretofore
exercised the sole power of government their uncon-
tested supremacy in the administration of the affairs
of this great nation. But why is there this wish on
the part of politicians on every side to see the ques-
tion of Reform got out of the way ? The people
are more instructed than they were twenty years

ago, and they know more of everything ; and is it

not reasonable that they should know more of the

question of the constitution which exists, and of the
representation as it stands, in their own country ?
. . . .

Now, let us see what it is that we mean ? We are
not ambiguous in our phrases at all. (A laugh.)
We live under what is called a representative con-

stitution. We are governed by a monarch, by a
House of Peers, and by a House of Commons. We
are the Common; assembled in this noble hall at

this moment. We form an important part of the
Commons of England ; and you have just exercised

your great and constitutional function, by electing
two men in whom you have confidence to take part

in the deliberation; and decisions of the Commons

House of Parliament. (Loud cheers). Now the
monarch—whether a monarch as admirable in the

performance of all the duties of that eminent office

as the Queen now upon the throne, or as some other

monarch of whom one can hardly speak so favour-
_ _

ably, who occupied the throne in past times—the
monarch is not representative, in the sense of elec-
toral representation. The monarch is the supreme

executive of this country, and is supposed to look
with equal eye upon all classes of the people. The

Peers are not themselves representative ; for they
give no account of their opinions or votes. They
separate from their gilded chamber after we are

dismissed from our humbler hall, but they do not
come back to great meetings of their countrymen
as we do, to receive condemnation if we have done

ill, or a return of confidence and a restoration of our
high trust if we have wisely and faithfully executed
our office. (Cheers.) Well, who is it then that stands
for the people—speaks for the people ? Why, the
House of Commons, essentially, and infinitely
more than any of the other branches of the

•
Legislature and therefore I should say, if we are
to be taken care of at all, it is essential that

the House of Commons should faithfully represent