The Sun.
London, England, 1862-12-17 00:00:00

THE rsuN, LONDON, WED DES )Alr (WENT NP-1 DECEMBER 17, 1862.

use—all of us use—cotton and sugar, and share the profits
of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the
South has been more responsible than the North for its
continuance. If then for a common object this property is
to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a common
charge ? And if Nith less money, or money more easily paid,
we can pleserve the benefits of the Union by this means
than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to
do it ? Let us consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum
we have expended in the war since compensated emancipa-
tion was proposed last March, and consider whether if the
measure bad been promptly accepted by even some of the
slave States, the same sum would not have done more to
close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the
measure would save money, and in that view would be pru-
dent and economical. Certainly it is not so easy to pay
something as to pay nothing. But it is easier to pay a large
sum than it is to pay a larger one, and it is easier to pay any
sum when we are able, than it is to pay it before we are
able. The war requires money at once—the aggregate sum
necessary for compensating emancipation of course would be
large, but it would require no ready cash, no bondsmen, any
faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not
and probably would not close before the end of the 37 years.
At that time we shall probably have 100,009,000 people to
share the burden, instead of 31,000,000 as now, and not only
so, but the increase of our population may be expected to
continue for along time after the period as rapidly as before,
because our territories will not have became full, Ido not
state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase
which we have maintained on an average from our first
National Census in 1790 until that of 1860, we should in
1900 have a population of 103,208,415 ; and why may we
not continue that ratio far beyond that period ? Our
abundant room, our broad national homestead, is an ample
resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British
Isles, very certainly our population could not expand as
stated, and instead of receiving the foreign born as now, we
should be compelled to send part of the native born away ;
but such is not our condition. We have 2,963,000 square
miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a population averaging
73 1-3 persons to the square mile. Why may not our
country at some future time average as many? Is it less
fertile ? Has it more waste surface by mountains, rivers,
lakes, deserts, or other causes ? Is it inferior to Europe in
any natural advantage? If, then, we are at some time to
be as populous as Europe, how boon ? As to when this may
be, we can judge by the past and the present—as to when
it will, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the
Union. Several of our States are above the average European
population of 73 1.3 to the square mile. Massachusetts has
157, Rhode Island 133, New York and New Jersey each 80,
and two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not
far below, the former having 62 anc the latter 59. The
States already above the European average, except New
York, have increased in as rapid ratio since passing that
point as ever before, while no one of them is equal to some
other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining
a dense population.
Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its popu-
lation and ratio of increase for the several decennial periods
to be as follows :

1790 3,920,827.
1800 5,305,937. 35.02 per cent. ratio of increase.
1810— 7,239,814. 36.45 per cent. ratio of increase.
1820— 9,638,131. 33.13 per cent. ratio of increase.
1830-12,866,020. 33.40 per cent. ratio of increase.
1840-17,069,453, 32.67 per cent. ratio of increase.
1850-23,191,876. 33.87 per cent. ratio of increase.
1860-31,443,790. 35.58 per cent. ratio of increase.

cost less, considering amounts and manner of payment and
times of payment, and the amounts will be easier paid than
will the additional cost of the war if we rely so:ely upon
force. It is most likely—very likely—that it would c •st no
blood at all.

The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It
cannot become such without the concurrence of—first, two-
thirds of Congress, and afterwards three-fourths of the
Stats The requisite three-fourths of the States will neces-
sarily include seven of the slave States. Their concurrence,
if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting
emancipation at no distant day upon the new constitutional
terms. This assurance would end the struggle now, and
save the Union for ever. I do not forget the gravity which
should characterise a paper addressed to the Congress of the
nation by the chief magistrate of the nation.
Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniars ; nor that
many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of
public affairs; yet I trust that, in view of the great respon-
sibility resting upon me, you will not perceive a want of
respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem
to display. Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if
adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expen-
diture of money and blood? it is doubted that it would re-
store the national authority and national prosperity, and
perpetuate both indefinitely ?
It is doubted that we here, Congress and Executive, can
secure its adoption ? Will not the good people respond to a
united and earnest appeal from us ? Can we, can they, by
any other means, so certainly or so speedily assure these
vital objects? We can succeed only by concert. It is not
" Can any of us imagine better ?" but " Can we do all
better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question
recurs, " Can we do better ?" The dogmas of the quiet past
are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled
high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion.
As our case is new, so we think anew, and act anew. We
must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our
country. _ _

Fellow-citizens—We cannot escape history.
We, of this Congress, will be remembered in spite of our-
selves.

No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or
another of us.

The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down

in honour or dishonour to the latest generation.
We say that we are for the Union. The world will not
forget that while we say this we do know how to save
the 'Union. The world knows wo do know how to save it.
We, even we here, hold the power, and bear the responsi-
bility,

In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the
free, honourable alike in what we give and what we pre-

serve.

We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope o
the earth.

Other means may succeed. This could not fail.
The way is plain, peaceful, generous, Just—a way which,
if followed, the world will for ever applaud, and God must
for ever bless.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Washington, Dec. 1, 1362.

ASSIZE IIV7ELLIGENCE.

NORTHERN CIRCUIT—LIVERPOOL, Dec. 16.

MURDER FROM JEALOUSY.