The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-14 00:00:00

haps, we might have exercised. I hold that it is the sperous, and when I find public questions fairly
duty of the people on such subjects asthe distribution treated by my political opponents, I should not
of political power to have definite opinions. These grudge them the applause which they have justly
may be the opinions of gentlemen on my right or they earned, and I should congratulate you all on that
may be the opinions of the gentlemen on my left, but prosperity and give the Ministers of the Crown the
as long asthereare clear and definite opinions on such credit to which I think they are fairly entitled—
subjects the country is safe,because truth is the child (hear)—because although my experience of public
and creature of discussion, and there cannot be discus- affairs, or at least of official life, has not been
sionwithoutthoughtandknowledge. (Cheers.) What very considerable, it has been quite ample enough
I want, therefore, is that there should be opinions to teach me that the duties of a Minister of the
on these great questions ; for they are the questions Crown are as much as any man can well bear, and that the
which sooner or later must regulate the formation responsibility is greater than that which exists in any other
of Governments and the construction of parties. It position in life.
life.
triN. korcan we forget that some of our ablest
is the interest of some to divert your attention from m
nilalitimesosotf inthatthpoe psiritidoenof rallenharohosdarby)
these great questions, and to talk to you of the theenearaveseandressponsib
I say that the condition of England is, generally speaking,
management of finances and the maintenance of a prosperous one. If 1 make any exception it is not with
peace—two very important topics, no doubt, and in reference to the Government for any party object, but
a few minutes, if you wish to hear anything of these really for the sake of truth. lam not convinced myself that
much
ghreisatacos
sound
drcial prosperity of which we have heard so
questions, I shall touch upon them. (A laugh and
some persons el
last
appear to
et
cheers.) But then you must understand that thehainiavegseineen'coamnd
I cannot forget that during
great questions are questions such as the one to mercial failures which for number and in the largeness of
which I have referred—namely, the distribution of the sums that have been lost we had never before known
power in the State, or as another question on which to be equalled. I do not think the general condition of
I will make an observation—the relations between pauperism in this country is one on which we ought to
pcoanngepo•at.ulmattehroozehlovnets.thelbelieve
but
tat the nature. of
ll our.
Church and State. I say that these are questions
the metropolis, which forms so country,
ia ortant more especially
on which Englishmen ought to form opinions, what-
country, and of which it is impossible not to speak, even in
ever those opinions may be. (Hear, hear.) Great
men of science in the present day teach that in the the county of Buckingham—I believe that that is now a
that the state of Ireland is not satisfactory. I hear some
system of the universe there are certain great powers subject of just anxiety, if not of apprehension. I consider
which they call principal forces, such as electricity
and gravitation. By these agencies, under Divine faetnionemnoe
wn congratulatingcinitntht us
ton thle largef amount of popu-
Providence, the great system of the universe is _
I will not say asg a statesman, but eaetuleeaass; absolve however,
maintained. The questions I allude to, such as the
—I cannot look at such a result without a feeling of great
distribution of power in the State, and the form of apprehension. I know that we have been indebted to that
government by which you are to be ruled, or the population in past times for some of the bravest of our,sol-
question of the connexion between Church and diers, and it is impossible to avoid the consideration what
maybe our condition hereafter if the population of Ireland
" great forces" in politics. You may depend on it
State, are what men of science and philosophers call
should go on diminishing with the same rapidity that is
now taking place. But let that pass. I say that our con-
that you must not allow your mind or attention/ dition is generally prosperous, and I would in silence allow
whatever the conclusions you may arrive at, to be the Government of the country their fair share of credit
diverted from these great questions if you wish to for such a result, were it not for the extraordinary de-
keep the position as Englishmen which your fore- mands which they make on the expression of our grati-
fathers occupied before you. (Cheers.) I will now tude. I think there is a line of discrimination in this
oughtwhinchot independent
tooverste Elngdloisnhomtebenlileikve y
say a word about the question of Church and State,
entsttere tmhat c
theon st it u
which excites some little interest amengood-
gus here) harvests we have during ptlie last two years enjoyed have
and which I think deserves grave attention. been produced by any cabinet council whatever. (A laugh.)
lam myself in favour of religious liberty. I Ido not think that the gold discoveries, or that the wonder-
am in favour of the principle .f religioUs liberty, ful construction of those railways which now interlace the
without qualification, without condition, abso- country—l do not think that those discoveries have been
made in Downing-street, or that these great undertakings
lutely and completely. I understand by religious
have been carried on by the capital and energy of the
liberty that every subject of the Queen should
enjoy the full and free exercise of his religion. That ' ministers of the Crown. (Cheers and laughter.) But,
gentlemen, it is said that, in the management of the
I call religious liberty—(cheers)—and I am not at finances of the country this cannot be denied, and that, if
all surprised that men should prize the possession a Conservative Government had been in office, these great
of such rights. We all know—history teaches us— financial operations could not have taken place, and these
that religious rights and religious privileges are those greatfinan.cial results
wouldnlothave been achieved.
this
I
ques-
tion, esteemed by men. For these not only men, but
am not
tion, forglelhag to
etoo enter into
greatfregad for url argument
you to weary you with
nations, have made the greatest sacrifices ; and for
long-drawn arguments, but I will resort to facts, because
the same reason as I recognise the value of religion facts constitute proof, and are always acceptable ; and if
I think it is the duty of the State to secure to all its there be arguments that can answer these facts let the
subjects the opportunity of enjoying religious privi- opportunity be taken of putting them before you. Tam
leges. I further think that.the full enjoyment of re- going to make. comments upofnththseGopyroscernemdieungs
Government—the
he
eello
one of
ligious liberty by every man in the country is per-
the mostr of
them eminent members
It is said that Mr. Gladstone has
Chan-
fectly consistent with the constitution which the been extraordinarily er
successful in his finance ; that by his
country at present enjoys. Now, the difficult thing financial measures he has effected the most beneficial results;
is to ascertain how you can best arrive at such a re- and that it is impossible that the same advantages could
suit, because in other countries the attempts to arrive
at it are very unsatisfactory. In those countries the have been obtained if the Conservatives had been in office,
(A voice—" It would have been spent in war.") Oh, very
Government secures to the great body of the popula- lwell,hl will rememberll you .-henthliscomr
et
otfethwears'ubCeMctueobf
tion the enjoyment of religious rights by taking
mayu laughter.)
addresster. iGsen e r a
but y speaking
1 il not weary you by entering
what are called the ministers of each religion into into unnecessary details. I will take the results univor-
the pay of the State. But there are great objections sally admitted by the members of the Liberal party, and by
to this, because when the ministers of all religions, that means it will be perceived that the question can be
who of all men ought to be of an independent char- tried fairly. Ido not know any operation that has obtained
acter of mind, are salaried servants of the State, the Chancellor of thebs Exchequer.oth than
praise inl someh
they generally become its instruments, and are pqauarte
highly valuable to a corrupt and tyrannical Govern-ealanofttheerpea7ear duties
was pe r drlianesd more
eara hear.)u The repeal
looked upon as a great financial feat. What were the
ment. Again, when the State announces that it reasons given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer when ho
makes no distinction of any kind between religious repealed the paper duties ? The reasons given were those
creeds, and that it sets up no standard of religion— which I asserted hundreds of times before I knew Mr.
that all religions are the same to it—that conveys Gladstone, and during
and abstract
the period of my earliest youth ; but
thoughhe excise to the minds of men an idea of indifference to reli-that shouldtr at grounds
takeno
ffi t
twouldbehe!ciue s
tai
ognre agreed
ee u generalise duties
pion which may exercise a very injurious influence actually removing them must depend upon what might
on the State itself ; because no doubt the principle of prove convenient; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer
religion is so strong in men's minds that if religion said to Parliament, "If you do not remove the duty on
is divorced from the State—if the State ostentati- paper, somebody else will, because a previous Chancellor
ously announces that it admits of no appeal to the of the Exchequer has made
and cold
propohsition."o
time—you
I say
higher considerations which influence men, in my tchaantn canthnaott
ablnoewitahinotthaling
wouldt the
have been ho
me
yotousa
opinion that policy is calculated very much to dete- by a ConLvative Government, when Mr. Gladstone him-
riorate its character and to very much diminish its' self states that the change which he proposed originated
influence. (Cheers.) How have all these difficulties with his predecessor. (Laughter.) In due course I should
been overcome in England? Here you find a power- have been anxious to see a repeal of the paper duty pro-
ful, wealthy, and learned corporation, the Church posed, but I should have wished to see the change pro-
posed on more successful conditions. (Cheers and laugh-
of England, which formerly was independent of the
State, but which in time became allied to it. In its
ter.) If I had proposed the measure I should have sought
alliance with the State it acknowled to do it in such a way as to prevent the pain which I have
ges the supre- experienced when, in riding to the neighbourhood of the
macy of the Crown, which I trust never will be Chiltern hills, I have beheld smokeless chimneys and silent
lessened, for it is one of the keystones of our liberty, wheels in localities which once teemed with life and in-
civil as well as religious. (Hear, hear.) You have dustry, and which gave pleasant and remunerative occu-
this great corporation, which, while it has sup- rlitiontethememb measureersofa
Ih rurals should haveponfulatio ndne;ansadv'onncras
carry-
plied the the want consistently with the enjoyment of g out a
beneficial
avoid what was calculated to throw out of employment a
religious liberty by every subject of the State—at great number of persons throughout the counties of Hert-
the' same time providing spiritual instruction for all ford, Buckingham, Barks, and Bedford. It is quite incon-
the subjects of Her Majesty—holds a position of sistent to say that the repeal of the paper duties was a
independence that most favourably distinguishes it great financial feat, which nothing but the skilful manage-
from the position of priesthoods which are salaried Emenhteand theo lidntharepide courage of the Chhancellor of the
as
servants of the State—thus combining, as it were, main
rqeaseorn for the proposalvpr
that hisw
puredecegissvor in that
toleration and orthodoxy, and giving to our insti- office had pledged Parliament to its adoption. (Hear,
tutions the consecrating character of religious con- hear.) I think no ono will say that this is worth much
nexion. (Cheers.) And it has proved that its as showing that this could be regarded as a great, and suc-
existence is quite consistent with the ample and cessful, and original financial operation. Well, I will take
complete enjoyment of religious liberty by every the e buddrt of the
l.presenth. year. It was a large budget, de-
one of her Majesty's subjects. It is for these reasons BZ:bet, to prodeuecmepa considerablemense ree
ffleiecft,
upon
the elections.
no
—seeing the inestimable and priceless blessings There has been a great reduction of taxation proposed by
which have been obtained by the combination of the Chancellor of the Exchequer which has violated every
circumstances and by that connexion of the institu- other principle laid down by all other Chancellors of the
tions which prevails in no other country—believing Exchequer, that of anticipating the resources of the next
that the mainteance of the Church of England is yczarve.rnTnahiesn, which
ist the great
we
are toldbudgetwheoichnlyd not
twh beenave
e to the Liberal
of infinite utility, not merely to our spiritual wants templated by a Conservative Government, and which is-
but also to our spiritual rights—and believing that entitled to the gratitude of the country. What are the great
the connexion of that Church with the Crown measures of relief that have been proposed? I will throw
has secured the spiritual freedom which is the right out of view the little points of detail, but.there are two
great propositions which it contains, one is the remission
of all Englishmen and the spiritual instruction of
the people—l am the uncompromising and conscion-
great of the duties upon tea, and the other is a reduction
in the income tax. These aro the two great measures which
tious upholder of that great institution. (Cheers.)
, it is alleged, could only be proposed by a Liberal Chan-
I hope, therefore, that the gentlemen on my right, cellor of the Exnhequer. But what is the fact ? Why, in
although they may differ from my opinions, will 1852, as the organ of Lord Derby's Government, I was the
at least allow that I have given reasons for first Chancellor of the Exchequer who ever endeavoured to
these opinions, which are deserving of the grave grapple
ed I d naloa? Withrgescale with the question of the tea duties.
What di
consideration of men of thoughtful minds. (Hear.)
in the Cabinet, and with
httheeva
concurrenceapprolof myparliamentary
P o f m y colleagues
Now, I say that these are great questions of politics,
friends, I proposed a reduction in the tea duties almost
and when I find—as we see is now the case—some identical with that proposed by Mr. Gladstone in the pro-
gay journalists, and perhaps some Ministers on the sent year, and we were beaten by a majority of 13. Ido
hustings, telling you that the people of England care not grudge Mr. Gladstone the success which has attended
nothing about these affairs, that nobody is attack- his policy,
Government
what becomes of the statement that a Con-
ing the Church of England, and that therefore it is
measure s e r v a t i ve?
(Hear,ver n ment
hear.)
could
Then h
sn otthave
was h
t proposedsdn ere suchtono
af
absurd for any one to pretend to defend it, that no the income-tax. It is said that that could never have been
one wishes the Government of the country to be obtained from a Conservative Government. Allow me to
more democratic, and that therefore the cry is remind you that we left the income-tax at the lowest
merely one raised for the moment—l say, don't be point it had reached since its imposition in 1842—namely,
misled, whatever may be your political opinions, at thesd.in t
pound.d9 It vvaL soon afterwards
reduced to 4
ucradisedby
by such superficial and false observations. (Cheers.)
lil
r th'ink Gladstone
it is an absolute and it
te and nowabsurd misrepresentation dmisrepresentatio'n but
to
It is an insult to the great Conservative
party, say that this policy is one peculiar to a Liberal Govern-
because if you look to the property, intelligence, ment. There is your great budget of this year, granting a
and education of the Conservative body, all remission of taxation to the amount of £4,000,000. Why,
must acknowledge that it is a great party—and the policy pursued is that which we have been urging upon
it is an insult, also, to a great section of the the Government year after year, and though I do not
Liberal party, distinguished for their conscienti- grudge. themtheat
.red have reduced the duties on tea and re-
ed that it is only
plauseefeatviiu
a Liberal g t
d measures,
a
thstlsraay
ousness, their ability, and the energy they display in :ions absurdch to
the active part which they take in public affairs—l mitt
coupi d
such a proportion of the income tax. (Cheers.)
say it is an insult to both alike to say that no one There is another point connected with finance that I wish
wishes to make the Government of this country more to touch upon. Ido not wish it to be said, "He knows
democratic, and that no party aims at severing the how to touch upon the raw, but he does not dwell—"
connection between Church and State. (Hear, hear.) An ELEcTon—I wish to ask a question with reference to
It is not true, and every one knows that it is not the Union Rating Bill.
true (hear, hear) ; and you may depend upon it that
14.ti2fr. Dienazu—You know I have not come to the Union
Bill in the great controversy and struggle which these
which great Byet. (Laughter.) There is one subject upon
great credit that of
y the Administration, is taken b • • .
apposing opinions now occasion we shall ultimately the French treaty. It has been said on Liberal platforms
arrive at a sounder and a better conclusion if we and in Liberal newspapers that only the Liberal party could
acknowledge the importance of the great principles have effected such an arrangement—that if you had not had
now at issue, and make ourselves masters of these a free-trade Government you would not have had the treaty
questions, and so by the collision of intellect and the of commerce with France. Myanewer is that lam in favour
influence of discussion induce a majority of the coun-
of treaties of commerce, but I am surprised that a free-
try finally to arrive at that solution which will most tfraB4d3e
when Government
commerce should
w a
shlaavneg ingiven
sh in
gu s such
and wah ter:
treaty.
persons
contribute to promote the general welfare. 1 was were seeking to devise measures for giving an impulse to
observing to you that the habit now is to endeavour trade, I had the opportunity of bringing the general ques-
to persuade the people of England not to think of tion of treaties of commerce before the House of Commons,
these important topics, but, on the contrary, to con- and I then dwelt upon the advisability of effecting a
skier how admirably their finances have
French treaty of commerce as well as the compassing of
been ma- treaties of the same kind with other great Powers ; but
ndl na and how admirably the peace of the country what was the treatment I met with ? It was said, "This
has been preserved, and what blessings of a skilful is the most old-fashioned stuff ; we do not want treaties of
administration they have enjcyed under the present commerce; open your ports, take care of your imports,
Ministry. (Hear.) Now I believe the general condi- and your exports will take care of themselves ;" and oven
tion of the country is prosperous ; and I think it is to
Robert Peel said he doubted whether he should live
inano treaty of commerce. That was the view
most unfair, and shows a churlish andgrudging dis- o"
ththerdays.ose I have always been told that the
position, when a country is generally prosperous, taken
course of events has proved that my views were per-
not to give the responsible Ministers of the Crown fectly futile. In 1852 one of the first things done by
their due and fairshareof credit for that prosperity, the government of Lord Derby was to negociato with the
lam not one of those who are disposed to be cap- French Government a treaty of commerce. We were quite
tious in this matter. When I find the country pro- consistent, but when the thing was mentioned it was re-