The Sun.
London, England, 1865-12-16 00:00:00

pared. Since the beginning of the year the navy
has been reduced from 530 vessels, armed with
3,000 guns, to 117 vessels with 830 guns. So much
has been already accomplished, but more is in-
tended, and the President tells us that he pro-
poses to reduce the army to a peace footing,
comprehending 50,000 troops, organised to admit
of an increase to 82,000 if necessary, while the war
estimate has been reduced from $516,000,000 to
$33,000,000. This is certainly an arrangement, no
less prudent than necessary. It has long been the
boast of America that the people were not taxed to
support a standing army like the old European na-
tions, and unless she wishes to impose burdens
which the people are quite incapable of sustaining
in the present condition of affairs some very prompt
measures arc necessary. She has proved her mili-
tary capabilities most conclusively, and to preserve
a large force in time of peace would serve only as a
defiance to other countries and a standing ground
of suspicion and irritation which could only re-act
most unfavourably on American affairs. Coming
to the financial situation, the PRESIDENT recom-
mends the adoption of measures to reduce the cur-
rency and to discharge the national debt within 30
years. The reduction he aims at can, he thinks, be
almost imperceptibly accomplished by funding the

currency.
The relations of the States with Foreign Powers
occupied a good part of the Message, and English-
men will naturally turn with interest to learn what
the PRESIDENT says of the vexed question of the
Alabama claims. On this subject he must, of
course, adopt some of the injured innocence and
virtuous indignation tone so popular among his
countrymen on all matters concerning the Britisher;
but there is good reason to believe, from the PRE-
SIDENT'S language, that he means to follow the dis-
creet course of letting the matter drop. The accord-
ance of belligerent rights to the insurgents was, he
said, unprecedented, and had not been justified by
the issue. Certainly, if there is any country in the
world in which success is the test of virtue, it is the
United States, but we in England are not in the
habit of considering it an infallible one. England,
in a great measure, furnished the war material to
the insurgents, and British ships, manned by British
subjects, and prepared for receiving armaments,
left British ports to prey on American commerce,
and increased the desolation of the rebel States by
prolonging the contest. But the PRESIDENT found
it convenient to forget, though some, at least
of his auditors could hardly have failed to remember
the share which British subjects, British arms, and
British ammunition had in the suppression of the
rebellion. Certaintly the war was prolonged indi-
rectly by British aid, for the Federal Government
would not have found it very easy to recruit their
exhausted armies from their own countrymen, even
the New Englanders finding it pleasanter to de-
nounce the rebels than to fight them. The real truth
respecting the assistance derived from this country
during the war is pretty well known, and the accu-
sations brought against this country are worth about
as much as the charge of purposely encouraging the
fitting out of the Southern privateers in order that
English vessels might profit by carrying American
goods. This charge, directly made and gravely
substantiated, in the face of the losses inflicted on
this country by the cotton famine, is little more
than ridiculous ; but its perpetual repetition is not
calculated to encourage an entente cordiale between
the two countries. President JOHNSON, after re-
ferring to the proposed arbitration, said that the
proposed commission to settle mutual claims, ex-
cluding the Alabama business, had, "in that very un-
satisfactory state," been declined. The United States,
he added, did not present the subject as an impeach-
ment of the good faith of a Power professing the most
friendly dispositions, but in the interests of peace
and justice to establish important principles of in-
ternational law. At the same time he did not advise
any attempt to redress the matter by negotiation,
which was a hint to the Congress that they had
better leave so delicate and dangerous a subject alone.
The fact, no doubt, is that the PRESIDENT knows
enough of the English temper, and has received
sufficient information as to the public feelings in
this country, with respect to the privateer claims,
to be fully aware that he world be following a most
rash and reckless course were he to press the com-
pensation question. He is unprepared for support-
ing his arguments by force of arms, even were it
not suicidal folly to provoke a European contest,
and therefore if he began to threaten he would
very soon find himself in an undignified dilemma.
With regard to Mexico the PRESIDENT'S language
was also temperate. He declared it would be a
great calamity to all parties if any European Power
should challenge the American people to defend the
cause of Republicanism against foreign interference,
and while they were unwilling to consider what
might drive them to such a course they relied upon
the justice and wisdom of Foreign Powers to respect
the system of non-interference.
In the earlier part of the Message, the PRESIDENT
spoke at length on his reconstruction policy ; and,
alluding to treason, said that all persons charged
with it should have a fair trial before a civil
tribunal ; desiring, no doubt, that the long-deferred
trial of JEFFERSON Davis should be decided upon,
after which we may reasonably hope the PRESIDENT
will exercise the privilege of mercy, and spare his
country the disgrace of punishing one of her most
eminent citizens. Mr. JOHNSON plainly intimates
that the Southern members should be admitted to
Congress, and this will be the great question of the
Session. Already it has been brought forward, and
considerable excitement has been manifested on the
matter. The course taken by the Congress will be
watched with great interest, and we can only hope
I that the principles of their Constitution will be
respected, and that moderation and magnanimity
will win the day.

One thing is
very certain, that whatever other
social and domestic
Government this next Scleusseisotnio,ntsheaimreponretagnletcmteadttebrys
of the working of the poor law system and the
management of our workhouses must come under
consideration. A paper,* which was read at the
meeting of the National Association for the Promo-
tion of Social Science at Sheffield last October, is
well worthy of attention just now. It has been repro
duced in the form of a pamphlet, and one we would
here confidently recommend to the study of those
who are desirous of improving their knowledge on the
subject, one alike so interesting and important as the
welfare and comfort of our houseless and suffering
poor. Many circumstances have of late come under
the notice of the public which prove that much is
wanting to perfect the system now in vogue, and
also that much is taking place which never reaches
the public ear, but yet which is most culpable in
every respect. It is truly stated, here, that " the in-
sufficient and miserable provision for the casual
poor in many places in London is but
too well known, and becomes, as are all
aware, the ground of constant appeals to
private benevolence, the refusal of parochial relief
leading in some instances to actual death by star-
' vation." Even the attempted improvement of the
, recent legislative interference has in a great measure

* The Administration of the English Poor Law." By
Frederic Hill, Barrister-at-Law. 1, Adam-street, Adelphi
Chambers of the Social Science Associa4 n.