The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-25 00:00:00

Mr. Angerstein,

Constituents,

Monday night, at eight o'clock, a crowded public meeting
of the electors of the borough of Greenwich was held at
the Literary Institution, Royal-hill, in that town, to hear

an address from Mr. W. Angerstein, M.P., explanatory of
his views on various important public questions. _

_
The chair was occupied by Mr. B. Coox, of Blackheath,
who briefly referred to the past services of Mr. Angerstein
as a member for that borough.
Mr. ANGERSTEIN, M.P., who was well received, com-
menced his address by wishing his constituents ahappy new

year, and expressing a hope that the events of the present
year, and especially that of the election of a new Parlia-
ment, would prove beneficial to all classes of the commu-
nity, and tend to advance the cause of progress, reform,
and retrenchment. Although it had been said that the last
session was comparatively barren in its results, yet several

important measures had become law, and he had felt it his
duty to give a general support to the present Govern-
ment, believing that the course of its legislation, especially
with regard to finance and commerce, had produced immense
benefits to the country. The Annuity Bill of the Chancellor
.of the Exchequer was at first looked upon with some sus -
picion, but that was soon overcome, and that measure would
prove a great boon to the industrial classes, and tend to
foster habits of economy and providence. He gave credit to
Mr. Gladstone that nothing in matters of finance 'which
would be productive of general good was too small to
escape his watchful eye, atd he had thus effected beneficial
changes which other men might have overlooked. Mr. An-
gerstein then passed in review the Poor-law Casual Relief
Act, the act relating to convict tickets of leave, and other
alterations in the law, which he considered of advantage ;
and with reference to the Danish question expressed his
belief that the Government had adopted the right course.
The treaty between France, Russia, Austria, and this
country, of 1852, he believed to be wrong. Unfortunately he
believed that poor Denmark had been ill-used, but he did not
think that the loss she had sustained would ultimately turn
out to her disadvantage. The great struggle which had for
so long been carried on in America was much to be regretted
by all parties, and he entirely concurred in the policy of the
Government to maintain a neutral attitude with regard to
both North and South. This country had been abused on
the part of the United States as well as by the adherents of
the South for not taking a prominent position ; but he be-
lieved the Government had acted a wise part, and whilst-it
had maintained intact the honour of the country—as was
proved by the affair of the Trent—it had steadfastly refused
to interfere in that which in reality was a domestic quarrel.
There was one consideration arising out of this dreadful
conflict wbich was, however, of a gratifying nature to the
friends of humanity. Whether the war resulted in the
North conquering the South or a final separation of the
States, slavery was doomed. (Cheers.) He sincerely hoped
that this frightful contest would ere long come to an end,
and that the fruitful plains of America, which for so many
years had enjoyed the blessings of peace, would cease to be
drenched with the blood of the people. Mr. Angerstein at
some length then referred to the last budget of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, and entered into statistics for the
purpose of showing the immense benefits which had
accrued to trade and commerce, and the load of taxation
which had been removed since the Government of Lord
Palmerston succeeded that of Lord Derby in 1858. During
that period the amount of taxes taken off was 13 millions,
of which about eight millions was indirect taxation, which
pressed most heavily upon the industrial classes ; and not-
withstanding this large reduction, such had been the ad-
mirable measures carried into effect by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, that last year the deficit amounted only to
£308,246. He therefore claimed for the present Govern-
ment that it had done its duty to the country in a financial
point of view, and that was a most important consideration
for all classes, and directly affected the well-being of the
whole people. He regretted that Mr. Locke King's bill for a
£lO franchise in counties, and Mr. Baines's bill for lower-
ing the franchise in boroughs, had not been passed, but he
believed these proposals of reform could not much longer
be staved off. As far as he was concerned, he had always
supported these measures, and was prepared to do so again.
Ile had heard it stated that the vote he gave against Mr.
Dodson's bill for abolishing the Oxford University test had
given dissatisfactfon to some persons. He was prepared
to remove all electoral and educational objections which
now existed with regard to Oxford, but when he
found that this bill proposed to have a total
change in the government of the University—in fact,
that its intention was to introduce a member without
any test at all—he could not conscientiously vote in its
favour. He should, however, be prepared to support a mea-
sure for an alteration in the present system if divested of
the objection he had referred to. Although much had been
done of a beneficial nature, it might certainly have done
more, but there were at least two reasons why this had
not taken place—first, the present Parliament was the
bantling of that political party which was opposed to any
comprehensive measure of progress and reform ; and se-
condly, it was very much the fault of the people that
more had not been- done. The mass of the people had
not given that hearty support out of doors to the passing of
measures for their own benefit they ought to have done.
With regard to the future, he should continue to support
those beneficial changes, and although he did not agree
with Mr. Bright in all things, he believed that no man
loved his country and its masses more than Mr. Bright, and
he coincided with him that a great measure of Parliamen-
tary reform could not be passed until the people were
united in demanding it. He did not mean that an agita-
tion of violence should take place—the intelligence and im-
proved education of the mass of the people would prevent
that—but he looked upon it as a creditable thing that the
honest and industrious classes should seek to take part in
the constitution under -which they lived, and which would
be strengthened by the extension of the suffrage to those
classes.
On the motion of Mr. HUNTLEY, a resolution expressive
of continued confidence in Mr. Angerstein was unani-
mously adopted, and the meeting separated.