The Sun.
London, England, 1865-06-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMM—There is one feature in the revelations
elicited by the late accident at Staplehurst which is,
perhaps, as alarming as anything ever brought to
light respecting railway management. The points,
indeed, upon which we commented yesterday are of
themselves sufficiently unsatisfactory. It is bad
enough that the very existence of the railways at
any given moment should be allowed to depend
upon the arbitrary pleasure of a man in the receipt
of less wages than a carpenter. It is bad enough,
again, that the very system of signals devised by the
Company for counteracting any mistake on this
man's part should, as we have shown, be completely
and elaborately insufficient for its purpose. It is
alarming, again, to see to what an extent individual
carelessness can go even in the discharge of the most
momentous duties. The carelessness which has pro-
duced this accident is a sort of ideal carelessness. It
reaches a height to which no one would have ven-
tured to predict that human nature would ever go.
But even these considerations are far from being the
worst suggested by the accident. Directors will
occasionally make unsatisfactory rules, and will have
to be convinced of their error by painful experience.
Men will occasionally be careless, and we shall cease
for the future to be surprised at any extent to which
this may go. But these individual failures might
fairly be considered exceptional, and not, therefore,
to be looked upon in the light of common dangers.
Experience in the one case and the certainty of
sharp punishment in the other might be expected to
be sufficient safeguards. It would be a very diffe-
rent thing if it should turn out that, whatever the
Company's rules may be, there is no security what-
ever for their observance at any moment. It was
conclusively proved, as we showed yesterday, by the
admission of the guilty parties, that the platelayers
had habitually disregarded every one of the regula-
tions respecting signals, and that the district Inspec-
tor was either ignorant of the fact or had himself
also disregarded the rules.. In order to under-
stand what is implied in saying that this neglect
was habitual it is to be observed that it had
existed for ten weeks, and there is every reason to
believe that it had existed for years. Now, let it
be observed what this establishes. It proves that
the lowest servants of the Company, its very hands
and feet, as it were, may absolutely neglect
their duties, and the Inspector, whose business it is
to prevent this, may either be not aware of it or in-
different to it, or both. Again, this Inspector may
himself thus habitually neglect his duties, and may.
leave his subordinates completely unchecked, and
he may do this without being observed or called to
account by any one. This being the case, what
security is there that the rules of the Company
should be ever observed ? An unenlightened pas-
senger would comfort himself with the supposition
that the workmen were kept to their rules by the
constant presence of the Inspector, the Inspector
by the supervision of the Engineer, and the Engi-
neer by the Directors themselves, or by some officer
responsible to them. On the contrary, each of
these limbs of the machine works, as it appears,
separately, and does, or does not, its duty at its
pleasure. It is this which is the climax of the recent
revelations, and which we recommend to the reflec-
tion of every member of Parliament, or of any per-
son of influence who may have occasion to travel on
the South-Eastern Railway. He is travelling on a-
line where all the rules upon which his safety

depends are, for all he knows, absolutely in abey-
ance. Nor can this appalling consideration, in the
present state of our information, be confined to the
South-Eastern alone. This line has hitherto had a
good reputation among railways for the care of its
management. If on a careful line the most im-
portant rules may be disregarded without anybody
interfering, what may be the case on a careless
line ? After such a revelation, we, too, like Mr.
Milner Gibson, are astonished that accidents do not
happen oftener, but to this admission we must add
that such a condition of things is terrible and dis-
graceful. It is, if possible, more amazing still that
such a state of things should be acquiesced in by any
one ; yet even this phenomena has occurred. The
Resident Engineer appears to look upon it as quite
a natural and proper arrangement, and the jury
which heard the condemnatory evidence views the
matter with perfect complacency. It only remains
for us to hear that Mr. Milner Gibson is of the
same opinion, and " only wonders" that any regula-
tions should ever be observed on railways. We con-
fess to being less patient, and if, as Mr. Eborall
said, it is the duty of the engineer to exercise super-
intendence over the inspectors, we do not see upon
what grounds Mr. Gallimore can be condemned
which will not also inculpate the engineer. The
idea which this gentleman—Mr. Ashcroft—enter-
tains of the duties of an inspector may be sufficiently
indicated by the following extract from his evidence :
" I think Mr. Gallimore might.have discharged his
duty during the ten weeks the works were in pro-
gress, and yet not happen to be aware of the fact
that the sending the signal to a proper distance had
been habitually disregarded. If it had been habit-
ually neglected, Mr. Gallimore ought, perhaps, to
have been aware of it, but he might possibly have
overlooked the circumstance without absolutely hav-
ing been guilty of a neglect of duty." If this repre-
sents Mr. Ashcroft's notion of the manner in which
he ought to discharge his own duty of inspection,
we are not surprised at any amount of neglect in
his subordinate officers. If this extraordinary state-
ment could be admitted, a consequence would follow
still more alarming than the supposition we have
dwelt upon. We have supposed that the officials of
the line may neglect their duty without being called
to account; but Mr. Ashcroft would have us to know
that they may discharge their duty without being of
any use whatever. To one of these two results, in
short, we are absolutely reduced, and either of them
is enough to warn every one off the South-Eastern
line who can possibly avoid travelling on it—either
everybody may neglect his duty without anybody
being the wiser, or everybody may discharge his
duty without anybody being the better. In short,
a jury never pronounced a more incomprehensible
opinion than when they excited Mr. Eborall's
satisfaction by recognising " the general sufficiency
of tid company's rules to insure public safety."
It is evident, on the contrary, that the rules
are entirely deficient in that condition without which
all rules are worthless—the power, that is, of en-
forcing them, and this, we take it, is the great and
special danger of these vast concerns. The share-
holders trust everything to the directors, and the
directors trust everything to a manager, and the
manager trusts everything to an engineer, and the
engineer to the inspectors, and the inspectors to the
workmen, and thus everybody considers his respon-
sibility shifted to his superior or subordinate, and
the rules sooner or later fall into abeyance. Com-
mon sense would suggest this danger, and the rules
therefore ought to provide against it. It will be
evident, moreover, upon reflection, that the whole
system must ultimately depend for its efficiency upon
the Board of Directors. The men will sooner or
later grow careless if not kept up to their work by
the inspectors. The inspectors will do the same if
not kept up to their work by the engineers, and the
chief officers should be required to make the most
constant and accurate reports to the directors. It
is only by such a system that regularity is effectually
maintained in the only other instances in which it is
equally important,—in the army and in the navy ;
and we believe that the only reason why it is effec-
tually maintained there is because the heads of the
army are themselves responsible to the nation. If
railway directors continue to permit such a state of
things as this accident reveals, it may become a ques-
tion whether they should not similarly be rendered
personally accountable for the consequences of their
neglect. At all events the only way in which such
a state of things as we have noticed can be effectu-
ally remedied is by the directors requiring the most
rigid and constant supervision of every department
of their service, and this they will never have done
unless they set the example themselves.
HERALD.—We confess to some -surprise and not
a little mortification at the manner in which the
Publichouses Closing Act Amendment Bill has been
treated in the House of Lords. Its supporters in
that house have been completely jockeyed by the
Government, and induced to give their consent to
a provision which renders it totally useless for all
the purposes it was intended to serve. A short
history of the circumstances which rendered the
measure necessary will be sufficient to demonstrate
this. When Mr. Knox, the police magistrate, in
his laudable attempts to put down the Bacchanalian
orgies of the Haymarket, persuaded Sir George Grey
to pass the measure for closing all places of refresh-
ment between the hours of one and four in the morn-
ing, alarm was taken by those classes whose lawful
avocations compelled them to be on the streets at
those prohibited hours, and representations were
made to the Home Secretary that such an indiscri-
minate closing of all means of refreshment would
punish the innocent along with the guilty. Their
plea was then admitted, and a clause was inserted
in the bill that special licences might be granted by
the police authorities for keeping open those houses

that were Lona fide frequented in the otherwise pr-
hibited hours by those classes of whom the Morning
newspaper compositors and the market gardeners,
may be taken as the accredited types. The bill passect
with this proviso, and had the police acted upon it;
and done their duty fairly under it, there would lieu
have been a word of complaint heard on the subject/
and the act, in removing a great stain and blot upon
our modern, civilisation, would not have itself in-
curred the scandal of puritanical rigidity. But ever
since the passing of the act the provision
.it con'
tamed in favour of these exceptional classes has re'
mained a dead letter. Not a single license has been
granted, and Sir Richard Mayne has been at 110
pains to conceal his determination that none shall
be granted. It was to compel him and those under
him to do their duty that the amendment bill was
introduced. This and no other purpose was ite
direct aim; and aecordingly the House of Commonsl
in order to secure that their intentions should no:
be again defeated, took the licence out of the 110°,5
of the police, and, in spite of all the efforts of So
George Grey to the contrary, vested the power in
the hands of the maoistrates. In committee of the
Lords Earl Granville succeeded in substituting th°,,
police for the magistrates; but he was warned thav
on bringing up the report the clause, as it first came
up to them, would be restored. The matter We°
again discussed on Tuesday night, and there Ni?
every prospect of the bill being restored to its
pristine integrity. There was a clear majority
against the Government, when Earl Granville, wise
in his generation, suggested a compromise, whit'
we suppose their opponents were compelled to
accept. The compromise proposed by Lord Gran"
vile was to the effect that whereas the bill apPli,eS
in its provisions both to the metropolis and to the
country, the magistrates should be allowed to el
the licenses in the country, but the police shoal
have the matter in hand in town. Was there ever,
such a perverse evasion of the great object of a biu
as this ? Why, the grievance exists only in thet
town. We have heard absolutely no complain
whatever from the country. It was to benefit Lon-
don and not the country that the bill was brought
in at all, and as Mr. Henley truly said, in the debate
in the lower house, had the police done their (111_4
there would have been no occasion for a new bin.
And now it is gravely proposed, because the poriee
have thwarted the intentions of the Legislature i.,1!
one bill, that the power shall be put into their halm
of thwarting their intentions in another. But the
mischief is now done, so far as the House of Lora'
is concerned. The practical question to be nol
considered is, what is the House of Commons net
to do ? Will they imitate the conduct of the Lord!
and accept this glaringly one-sided compromise
Deliberately, and after long discussion, they neg3'
tived the proposition that the power of licensini
should be placed in the hands of the police.
No
that time there was no thought of the country i,(3
one talked of the operation of the measure in 131:
country. The whole gist and scope of the pro"
sions of the bill were considered as it affected 14°11,,
don and London only. Will they now consent
a measure by which their deliberate resolution is se.
at nought, and they are mockingly told that their
principle may act very well in places where th.eY
never intended, but that it is wholly inapPll:ci
able in the place where alone they desiro
it to operate ? We cannot believe they will re
tamely see their opinions set aside. If there We it
any valuable provision still left in the measure,„4
might be worth while to postpone considerata°lo
of dignity to those of public utility. But this
of
not the case. To put the power into the hand,s,,r,
the police is simply to refuse the power altoge,°:io
How can it be otherwise ? Parliament says the
desirable that certain houses shall be opened for 17,
refreshment of certain classes at hours when ()these
wise it could not be obtained, and then they prop%
to leave the discretion of opening such houses ill'
parties who have over and over again declared do
the most emphatic manner that so far as dePel,l,n,
on them such houses shall not be opened at
3;
If the two houses choose thus, with their eyes °lve'
to elect a master that shall override their el'ev
solemn decisions, it is their own concern, and t3l,lff
have doubtless well weighed how far that is 111`telie
to advance their own dignity in the eyes °1 et
country ; all we have to say is, that they will
Profleo
benefit the classes for whose welfare they OO
themselves to be so anxious. The bill will pass 1,
doubt, and add one chapter more to those that :4
ready fill the statute book; as to any practical eff,
it will be as dead as the Ecclesiastical Titles
But if the House of Commons shall reject the 09'0
promise, and insist on the restoration of their erbo
clause, good is sure to result. It may be that ter
Government, which has already shown itself ratilot
elastic in the matter, may yield under the firm fr °e,
and strong will of the House of Commons, and re,
store the clause in its integrity in spite of the blay,f
plausibilities of the President of the Council.
that were to happen we venture to think that ever):
body would be satisfied except Sir Richard 31g%
and those under him, who would find themselves:+l,
the disagreeable position of having their digl7o
lessened and their duties increased. And if
worst should happen, the Lords remain obstinr:3
and the bill be thus suffered to fall through, it
venture to believe that those who first asked fereot
would not break their hearts. For if the pr°,
sham measure be rejected they will have an
mitted standing ground from which to appreau,, aceol
u
new Parliament with a new measure, intro
under happier auspices, and, we may hope, atten
with more success.