The Sun.
London, England, 1865-04-14 00:00:00

of justice, ho turned to those questions which concern the
public prosperity, especially the making of roads and rail-
ways. The customs of Vera Cruz in consequence of the
measures taken have considerably increased. Several rail-
ways have been conceded and are partly executed. Mining
has been encouraged, and is progressing favourably. Steam
communications have also been established with foreign
countries. Emigration has also been stimulated by offer-
ing grants of land ; and to crown the whole a national bank
has been founded at Mexico with the aid of foreign capi-
talists. Such are the results attained in this short space
of time. As to the military expeditions which M. Picard
condemns, they were necessary to break the power of Jua-
rez. He received supplies through Matamoros, and from
ports on the Pacific. The Emperor Maximilian therefore
resolved that those ports should be seized, and expeditions
were accordingly sent for the purpose. Do those corps
er armee which overrun the immense territory from victory
to victory merit nothing but blame ? (Movement.) What !
you criticise the conduct of the eminent chief who has
covered our flag with-new glory, and has done what had
never been accomplished in that country for 50 years past !
(Hear, hear.)
M. E. PicARD—I never said that.

M. Rowan—lf you did not blame the soldiers you blamed
the commander, and you strove to make the Government
contradict itself. Well, then, the columns of Marshal Bite-
eine have occupied Durango, then Monterey, then Mata-
moros ; and they have destroyed the sources from which
Juarez drew his supplies. Gen. Douay has penetrated into
the State of Jalisco, and, advancing towards the ports of
the Atlantic, has successively conquered them for the Em-
peror, and caused the Mexican flag to be everywhere re-
spected. (Applause.) M. Picard, if I understand him
aright, reproaches us with two things; an overweening
confidence in Mexican resources, and a breach of promise.
Now, with respect to the former, it appears to me that the
information given by M. Corta is sufficient to reassure the
Chamber. He has shown us that under the Spanish Ad-
ministration the contributions reached 100 millions, 50 of
which were appropriated by the Spaniards. In 1846 the
Americans were in possession of all the Mexican ports,
and the customs were found to bring in 80 or 90 millions.
There is also the revenue from the mines, the land-tax,
and the tobacco crops. A single reflection ought to con-
♦ince the Chamber of the vitality of the country, and
during the wars the taxes were infinitely heavier than in
the present day. A general just returned from Mexico gave
me this reply to my inquiry about its resources :—" The
country has paid 300 millions of taxes annually during 50
years." If that be the case, gentlemen, may we not as-
sume that the re-establishent or order will enable us to
levy 150 millions per annum ?—(adhesion)— and that order
will be found in the administration of the Emperor Maxi-
milian, which will give serious guarantees to any sub-
scribers of a loan. Nor is there any question of responsi-
bility, either direct or moral, on the part of the French
Government; we decline it altogether, and merely submit
the facts of the case to the judgment of the public.
M. J. FAvRE—Who is to control the operation ?
M. RouHEn—The capitalists themselves, who understand
their own interests, and will take care not to risk their
funds in random speculations. It is indeed certain that if
they have any belief in the allegations of M. Picard, they
will not lend their money. But I am about to reassure the
hon. member and his friends ; their minds may be at ease,
as the loan is already contracted. (Signs of satisfaction.)
At this moment it is signed by the chief houses of France
and England. I received the news on entering the Cham-
ber. (Applause.) I now come to the second charge, that
of a breach of our engagements. But what did we really
promise ? In January of last year we stated that the French
troops would not remain indefinitely in Mexico, but be re-
called according to circumstances, and we expressed a hope
that not less than 10,000 men might be withdrawn before
the close of the year. Now, what has happened ? We ad-
mit that the force recalled does not exceed 7,000 or 8,000
men ; a regiment of Zouaves has been detained by the siege
of Oejaco. But two days after the capture of that place,
Marshal Bazaine wrote to the Minister of War to say that
the regiment was on the point of embarking in order that
the promise of the Government might be fulfilled. Hon.
members will see that the good faith of engagements has
been scrupulously respected. But, gentlemen, there is, 'as
we are told, a black spot in the horizon. We ought to
withdraw our troops through fear of a rupture with the
redoubtable States of North America. Let us examine the
real character of the danger. lam well aware that certain
manoeuvres, tending to sow provocations and kindle a war
between France and the United States are carried on with
impunity. Such papers are circulated both in France and
England. I myself read the other day an article that drew
a most deplorable picture of the state of Mexico, and the
same article was reproduced in 15 other journals. I should
not have mentioned this had not M. Picard brought for-
ward an anonymous document, not even written in French,
purporting to be the complaints of subscribers to the Mexi-
can loan. What guarantee has M. Picard of its authenticity;
and, if he has none, how can he venture to make it public
in this house ? (Noise and approbation.) There exists
indeed in the United States a press both ardent and sus-
ceptible. A report was propagated that France intended
to colonise the provinces of Sonora and Chihuahua, with
the view of working the metalliferous deposits. The re-
port caused a lively emotion, and France was made the
object of the wildest accusations. In some journals it was
pretended that she was contemplating an armed interven-
tion in favour of the South, and the supposed menace was
retorted by an invocation of the Monroe doctrine. Two
recent incidents have been mentioned : in the House of
Representatives the Chamber has voted itself competent to
control the action of Government; in the Senate the words
"Legation of the Republic of Mexico" have been substi-
tuted in the Budget for "Legation of Mexico." Such have
been the most recent manifestations ; they have since been
forgotten in the march of armies and the turmoil of war.
On the other hand, the explanations interchanged between
our Government and that of the American Piesident have
been of a satisfactory nature. In his Message of Dec. 1,
1864, Mr. Lincoln says that he remains attached to a strict
neutrality ; in that of March he appeals to peace and con-
cord among all nations ; lastly, his representative at Paris
has given our Foreign Minister the clearest assurances re-
lative to eventualities that cause so much alarm. I am
therefore entitled to affirm that such apprehensions are
groundless. I should consider it impious to express a
wish for the continuance of the deadly contest now raging.
I know not how it will terminate, but I say openly that
it is the desire of the Emperor and of France that it
should cease as soon as possible. The day when
peace shall be signed will be a day of rejoicing for France,
as the oldest ally, and, so to speak, the godmother of the
United States. (Applause.) But, gentlemen, why should
the States covet Mexico ? They have already possessed it,
and lost no time in abandoning it. The sole idea of the
North is to reconstruct the Union, and the annexation of
Mexico would be in direct contradiction to it, for the force
of the South would be greatly augmented thereby. The
real interest of the States is to open commercial relations
with Mexico on the most amicable footing. I need not say
much of the buccaneers from Matamoras; that country is
500 leagues distant. On the whole I can see no valid rea-
son why peace between France and the United States
should be disturbed ; these two countries will remain
united in remembering their past greatness and their pre-
sent friendship. With regard to the return of our troops,
a month or two sooner or later is of little consequence.
They will not return at the moment fixed by you in the
amendment—fixed also by Juarez, who, encouraged by the
report you have sent him, supposes that the Opposition re-
presents France. (Applause and interruption.)
M. J. FAVRE—That is an insult to the Opposition.
M. E. PICARD—You are violent ; therefore you are in the
wrong.

M. ilouitEit—l was not aware of being violent—the vio-
lence is on your side ; and you have neither legitimate
grievances nor serious hopes. (Great applause.) Were your
complaints just, public opinion would be with you, which
it is not. (Assent and interruption.)
M. J. FAVRE—We have had 180,000 suffrages in Paris.
Try and get your candidates elected.
M. CHEVANDIER DE VALDROME—Paris is not France.
M. BELMONTET—The Emperor had eight million votes.
M. E. PRT.T.PTAN—If public opinion is with you give us
back the liberty of the press. (Noise.)
The PRESIDENT—YOU prevent that by your provocations.
M. E. PICARD—We demand of the Government—
The PRESIDENT—I beg hon. members to remain silent.
M. Rouher is in possession of the house.

M. ROUnEß—Gentlemen, if I have gone a little too far
in my expressions, my responsibility will be covered by
the attitude of the Opposition. I conclude, then, by re-
peating that our expedition is one of grand import to the
interests of civilisation, and that our troops will not be le-
called till the object be attained and the difficulties sur-
mounted. (Prolonged applause.)
The amendment was then put, and rejected by 225 voices
to 16 ; and the paragraph was adopted.
The PRESIDENT then read Par 17, relating to Algeria,
and said there was an amendment signed by MM. Beth-
mont, Carnot, Dorian, Gamier-Pages, and ten other mem-
bers, thus worded :

" Algeria invites a new system of Administration.
The interests of this great colony require that colonists
should find lands to purchase, that individual property
should be constituted amongst the Arabs, and that a liberal
legislation should insure to our compatriots the representa-
tion—the guarantees that are still wanting. The army re-
presses insurrections by its valour, but it belongs to the
civil population to prevent their recurrence by its own de-
velopment, and by the establishment in Africa of French
p•wer and civilisation."

Viscount LANJUINAIS rose to develop° the above amend-
ment. He began by reminding the Chamber of his stric-
tures on the favourable situation of Algeria just previous
to the great outbreak of the great rebellion of 1864. That
rebellion was not yet completely extinguished, and if
France had to maintain 70 or 80,000 men in Africa and 40
or 50,000 in Mexico, her action abroad would be paralysed.
It was therefore essential to inquire what were the real
motives of the rebellion. He was obliged to draw a dis-
tinction between the real causes and those alleged in the
Government reports. (Murmurs.) The latter were of three
kinds : the recrudescence of religious passions, the con-
flicts between the military and the civil governments, and
the license of the press. It would be easy to show that the
first cause was wholly imaginary, and that the real cause
of the insurrection in Tunisia was the extortionate levy-
ing of imposts. Nor was there much more reality in the