The Sun.
London, England, 1865-02-08 00:00:00

THE ADDRESS.

The Queen's Speech having been read by the Lord
CHANCELLOR,
The Earl of CHARLEMONT rose to move an address
to her Majesty, in answer to her most gracious Speech, and
commenced his observations by asking their lordships' in-
dulgence while he performedhis task. He first alluded.tdotthhaet
paragraph with respect to the warin America, and s
although a larger number of persons sympathised witha'l the
Southerners, yet he thought the strict neutrality
wwahihche
had.been enteredupon by her Majesty's Government writhe
wisest course that could be adopted. The disturbances
which had taken place in Japan, which had
caused much
settlement ;
anxiety, was, he rejoiced to see, in a fair way of
and he felt that the end of the difficulties would be to fur-
ther and extend the commerce of Great Britain. The uneasy
state of affairs in New Zealand was nearly at an end, and
ho hoped that all the difficulties would but tend to
further increase the estimation in which peace was held
by the great majority of the peoples in the world. Revert-
ing to home affairs ho said it was highly encouraging that
the revenue gave such evidences of prosperity, and he be-
lieved the gross amount received last year exceeded that of
any years before. The scarcity of cotton, unfortunately,
had led to much distress in the manufacturing districts,
but he was glad to find that an amount of that material
was now in the country which would give employment
to a large mass of the petitioners, and thus in a great
measure lessen the distress which had so generally pre-
vailed. With respect to Ireland he was much gratified to
find that there the prospects of improvement were
visible. The amount of flax raised last year was
very great compared with the last four years, and in
other branches of industry the increase had been
similarly satisfactory. In home exports the same
increase was observable, and it was most gratifying that
crime had decreased. In the shipping trade a remarkable
increase was observed, and what was extremely satisfac-
tory was that the majority of that property was owned by
Irish merchants. With the state of Ireland at the
present time with what it was twenty years ago
there was not one who could not feel the highest
pleasure, and if this prosperous state of things continued for
the next 10 years Ireland would not only be commercially
prosperous, but as contented as any other portion of her
Majesty's dominions. Before he resumed his seat, though
he felt he had detained the house too long with respect
to Irish matters, he must say that in all countries there
were people who were unsuccessful in their business and
unfortunate generally, and such people had a tendency to
vent their discontent on the powers that be, but he believed
the majority of the people were loyal to their Sovereign as
Englishmen. But the spirit of party was strong there,
and led to such unfortunate results as tended to create a
wrong impression. Their lordships had heard of the riots
at Belfast, and he would impress upon her Majesty's Go-
vernment the urgent need there was for more immediate
action to prevent a recurrence of these riots, as he believed
they were certain to recur in July next. He had many
more things to say respecting Ireland, but he would refrain,
and concluded his observations by moving an humble ad-
dress to her Majesty on the occasion of opening Parliament.
Lord HOUGHTON rose to second the address, instead
of the Duke of Cleveland, who was prevented from attend-
ing. In commencing his observations he said their lord-
ships would permit him to express his regret that the affairs
of Denmark had not been completely settled and her people
satisfied. Those clamorous nationalities, unsettled by the
question which disturbed Europe at the close of last session,
still remained unsatisfied, and threatened Europe with still
further disputes and possibly war. There had been agreed
upon between Italy and France a convention which he
hoped would result in prosperity to both nations. He
heartily concurred in the proposal to amalgamate the
provinces of British North America ; and he joined
in the regret that the United States were still suffering
from the horrors of civil war. It was consolatory
to know that in every place where England was
in arms, she was in arms on the defensive to protect
her own. With respect to home matters, he remarked
that the business of the present Parliament would
be of a purely practical nature. Ho regretted that
it had not widened the way of the British Con-
stitution, and he trusted that the present session would
not pass away without some practical effort
being made with respect to reform. It was true the dis-
tress in the manufacturing districts had abated, yet it was
a melancholy fact that a great deal of distress still
remained. It was much to be regretted, but he
was hopeful for the future, althoughunhealthy speculations
which the civil wars in America had induced left it uncer-
tain when things would get right again. Having
passed a high eulogimn. upon the conduct of the Earl of.
Derby for his exertions to alleviate the distress in Lanca-
shire, the noble lord resumed his seat by seconding the
address.

The Earl of DERBY rose and said—My lords, were it
not that I hardly think it quite decorous that the Address
moved and seconded by the noble lords who have just
spoken should be passed without any further notice, I
should scarcely have deemed it necessary to trouble you
with a single observation on a Speech soentirely innocuous
as that to which we have to-day all given such placid atten-
tion. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) That Speech, indeed, is
one of just such a character as might naturally have been ex-
pected to be addressed by an aged Minister to a moribund
Parliament. (Laughter.) The days of the Parliament are
numbered. No medical skill or science can prolong its
existence beyond a period of a very few weeks. Its condi-
tion, as far as protracting its life is concerned, is absolutely
hopeless. All that the most eminent physicians can do for
it is to take care that, its dying moments are disturbed by
no unnecessary excitement, that nothing may disquiet its
last hours, and that it may be supplied with just so much
gentle occupation as may tranquilly engage its thoughts.
(Laughter.) The physicians, of course, will continue to
hold their formal consultations on the state of the patient,
receive their accustomed fees—(renewed laughter)—and
waft it serenely towards its final rest. It is true we have
heard it said that that there are some ardent attendants on
the patient who are desirous of trying a more vigorous mode
of treatment ; and I am not quite sure that I did not gather
from the noble lord who seconded the Address an expres-
sion of regret that some more active treatment was not
adopted than the homoeopathic methods purchased by her
Majesty's Ministers. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I believe
that some of those ardent spirits advise a recourse togalvanic
action, in order that, if possible, by an electric shock
those energies may be roused which have for a consider-
able time been dormant. But the more experienced phy-
sicians, looking to the peculiar condition of the patient
and remembering • the effect of former expedients, feel
that such a shock might be too much for its feeble con-
stitution, and that it is not unlikely the attempt to
infuse fresh vigour into its system would precipitate
such a crisis as they undoubtedly have no wish
to bring about. (Cheers and laughter.) Another reason for
caution on the part of those who prescribe for the patient is
that his estate is not entailed, and it is exceedingly proba-
ble that when the inevitable dissolution takes place there
may be a disputed succession, which may not only give a
good deal of employment to the gentlemen of the long robe,
but lead to awkward results to those now in close attend-
ance at the sick bed. (Cheers and laughter.) I therefore,
my lords, congratulate her Majesty's Government on put-
ting into the mouth of the Royal Commissioners a Speech
so admirably adapted to their own position and to that of
the Parliament to which it is addressed. I am sure there is
nothing that threatens the feeble constitution of the patient,
nothing that can occasion it any unnecessary excitement,
and nothing, so far as the speech is concerned, which
should tend to accelerate the inevitable stroke that awaits
the Parliament in a very brief period. I dont, however,
'wish to say by any means that there are not touched in the
course of this Speech some subjects of considerable import-
ance, both as regards foreign and domestic policy, and also
as regards the past, the present, and the future. But those
subjects, of no small interest though they be, as far as re-
spects the past and the present, are so dealt with as not to
call for any expression of opinion or any judgment on their
merits from your lordships. And looking to the legislation
shadowed forth, it is certainly not of such a character as to
provoke any violent or party controversy, or rase any
grat
or animated political contest. I confess, my
lords,
turn-
ing to the
.first paragraph of the Speech, overwh'ich I de-
sire to pass rapidly and lightly, it alludes to a state of
Things to which I think no Englishman can look back with-
out considerable regret or without some feeling of humi-
liation, I will not follow the noble lord who seconded the
Address by entering into any speculations as to the possi-
ble complicationswhich limy ensue from that state of things,
and I will characterise by no epithet of mine neither that
petheacecownladiuccht hofasthe unitedbeenthe result of these negotiations, nor
were dictated. It • Powers by which its conditions
from
the
assurances is satisfactory, my lords, to know,
received by the Government that
among the complications
the ultimate disposal of twhehiseuiray arise in connexion with
ground for apprehending thatgriuegaatteßcaidapmroivtyin, caegsetnheerrale is no
turbance of the peace of Europe,
points conne(cteedar,.hear.) My lords,
there are one or two
with foreign affairs
on which I could have desired that thew
less reticent. I should have been glad, for example,
had been
exsa:flutopetisftawtee
had been furnished with some information
a ()-1e f
of our relations with the Emperor of Brazil.
It is true that Brazil is not a first-rate Power, nor i
1, hear.)
which we can apprehend any serious opposition ; but, atl
the same time, it is not a matter of absolute indifference to
us that we should continue in a state of protracted aliena-
tion from a country which had always hitherto been on
friendly terms with us, with which we have very large
commercial relations, and with which it is our interest in
every respect to have a good understanding. And I am
compelled to say that for the differences which have existed
between us and that State the main portion of the blame
rests upon the conduct of the British Government, and I
should be exceedingly glad if the noble lord the Foreign
Secretary, whether by mediation or otherwise, has taken

steps for putting an end to this unfortunate estrangement.
I am anxious, therefore, to hear some account from him of
the state of our relations with Brazil, and of wh it may have
been donetowards restoring that good unders trel 'lig with
it which is so desirable for the interest of b Ala countries.
(Hear, hear.) I pass by that most unfortuam, civil war in
New Zealand—for such it amounts to—w.th( ut expressing
any opinion on the merits or demerits of that question. It
is, at all events, a war of the most lamentable character,
and every one must feel it desirable that an end should be
put to it as soon as possible. Nor will I refer to the en-
gagement with the Daimio in Japan, who, in opposition,
it appears, to the Government of his country, had ventured
to provoke the hostility of all the navies of Europe.
Neither do I wish to dwell on another little civil war,
with respect to which her Majesty's Government have
not furnished information as to whom the parties are.
We learn from her Majesty's Message that the con-
dition of India is generally satisfactory, but, nevertheless,
we are informed that " long continued outrages on the
persons and property of subjects of her Majesty, and for
which no redress could be had, have rendered it necessary
to employ a force to obtain satisfaction for the past and
security for the future." Who the party is against whom
these steps have been taken, from whom redress is to be
obtained, what injury has been sustained, we may conjec-
ture and collect from the examination of other documents ;
but, as far as the Queen's Message is concerned, the coun-
try is left in the dark as to the party with whom we are at
war in India. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) It is unfortu-
nate to find that the civil war still continues in America;
'and I join in the expression of a hope, which I am sure
every person in this country would rejoice to see realised,
that there might be an early cessation of that deplorable
contest. (Hear, hear.) It is now nearly three years since
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, following in
the wake of Mr. Seward, announced that he had every rea-
son to suppose that another month would see the conclu-
sion of the hostilities in America. Three years have gone,
and yet those hostilities are carried on with more than usual,
I might almost say, savagery ; but, at any rate, spreading
desolation over large tracts of country, destroying the pro-
perty of peaceable inhabitants, and tending to embitter and
envenom the hatred between the people of the two sections
of America to such an extent as, in my opinion, will render
future reconcilement impossible, so that the only practicable
result
would be the separation of the two portions of the
country, or the entire subjugation of the one by the other,
(Hear.) It is impossible that every one must not earnestly
desire any step to be taken that may lead to a possibility
of reconciliation, or to a termination of the war. At the
same time lam not one in the least disposed to move from
the position of neutrality professed, and, I hope, main-
tained by her Majesty's Government; but I confess I look
with great anxiety and no little apprehension to some symp-
toms which appear to me to show that that neutrality has not
been received by the party to whom unquestionably it has
been most favourable with that goodwill and gratitude to
which I think it was fairly entitled. (Hear, hear.) Ido
not now refer to expressions published in Federal news-
papers, or made use of by individuals, or to language in de-
spatches of an official character addressed to authorities in
America with respect to this country, which, under ordi-
nary circumstances, could hardly be regarded as otherwise
than provocative of hostility ; but to two measures which
have received the sanction of the Senate of the United
States—one for giving notice of the termination of the
Treaty of Reciprocity with Canada, and the other for giving
the still more important notice for the termination of that
treaty, by which the force on the lakes is restrained and
limited. Of these two measures it is impossible not to say
that they are both adopted in a spirit of hostility towards
this country. (Hear, hear.) One of them throws open ques-
tions of the most delicate and difficult character. The Ame-
rican people have derived, as they do not deny, great com-
mercial advantages from the Reciprocity Treaty, and its
termination is advocated only on the avowed ground that
Canada derives still greater advantages. One effect of the
termination of that treaty would be, if I am not mistaken,
that the whole of the complicated question of the fisheries,
from the settlement of which the United States have de-
rived incalculable advantage, would be at once thrown
open. (Hear, hear.) I am old enough to remember what
serious complications and difficulties questions connected
with the fisheries occasioned, and how near to the point of
war they led this country and the United States; and now
all these questions are gratuitously, and apparently with-
out the slightest reason, thrown open, at the risk and dan-
ger of war—than which nothing could be more deplorable
—between this country and the United States. (Hear,
hear.) It is not a little significant, too, that at the same
time when the abrogation of this commercial treaty lays
open all these points of danger and difficulty there is
another step taken to abrogate another treaty. For a long
period the lakes have served as the means of peaceful and
profitable commerce between the two countries lying along-
side each other ; but I can recollect a period in the late
American war when there was a race of shipbuilding on the
two sides of the lakes and when the party obtaining the
supremacy in that matter gained the control of the lakes.
(Hear, hear.) That state of things was put an end to by the
treaty ; but now America is the party who, without the
slightest provocation or ground, breaks through that treaty
and declares an intention of increasing its force on the lakes,
thus rendering it necessary on the part of this country to
take corresponding measures. (Hear, hear.) ' I do not ask
the Government what steps they have taken, but I do say
I this, that they will be deeply responsible if they are not
awake to the peril in which the country is placed by these
two acts of the American Government followed up by an
intention to employ a preponderating force on the lakes.
That force can only be for aggression ; for to speak of an
attack by Canada upon the United States is to speak of a phy-
sical impossibility. Canada has a long frontier, peculiarly
open to aggression, being accessible by water as by land,
and unless you have a preponderating force on the lakes,
but, above all, if you allow the neighbouring Power to have
a preponderating force there, you place Canada at the dis-
posal of the United States. (Hear, hear.) Under these cir-
cumstances I see with additional satisfaction the announce-
ment of a contemplated important step. I mean the proposed
federation of the British American provinces. (Hear, hear.)
I hope I may regard that federation as a measure tending
to constitute a Power strong enough, with the aid of this
country, which I trust may never be withdrawn from those
provinces, to acquire an importance which separately they
could not obtain. (Hear, hear.) If I saw in this federation
a desire to separate from this country, I should think it
a matter of much more doubtful policy and advantage ;
but I perceive, with satisfaction, that no such wish is en-
tertained. Perhaps it is premature to discuss at present
resolutions not yet submitted to the different provincial
Legislatures, but I hop) I see in the terms of that federa-
tion an earnest desire on the part of the Provinces to
maintain for themselves the blessing of the connexion with
this country, and a determined and deliberate preference
for monarchical over republican institutions. (Hear,
hear.) Adverting to the state of affairs at home, it is grati-
fying, no doubt, to be assured by her Majesty's Government
that the general condition of the country is satisfactory. Her
Majesty's Speech then goes on to speak of the distress prevail-
ing in the manufacturing districts. Unfortunately, the state of
my health has not enabled me to give to the matter the at-
tention I could have desired, but from the reports I have
received from time to time there appears no question that
the distress has generally abated. We have seen the worst
of the crisis—(hear)--and we may now look forward to a
return of prosperity, with some fluctuations no doubt, in
those districts. (Hear.) Her Majesty's Speech refers to the
useful results derived from the act for the encouragement
of public works. lam not about to deny that many useful
results have proceeded from that act, that many works
wore undertaken and much employment afforded under it ;
but I regret to say that the persons deriving the greatest
advantage from the application of the act did not belong to
the class it was intended to benefit. The advantage de-
rived by the cotton operatives was infinitesimally small,
though, no doubt, they gained an advantage from the
general benefit given to trade. With every desire to carry
on works which would be of benefit to the community, I
think the Poor-law Board were hasty in accepting pro-
posals—at least, I am acquainted with some singular in-
stances of the kind—for works which required a large
amount of skilled labour and an infinitesimally small por-
tionothbje of
follow
object
t d
ttdrohtheeeasmdst,eputalaonniylsdski. (
unskilled labour, which it was the principal
the
brought
le
statisticsforward
confess
by whichh that I y
theh
he proved
noble
pa not
r oy
medoatvboel
rob to
oihis
own satisfaction, and no doubt to the satisfaction of those
etismsuhojfeetthea nlaorbgleereaarml tomundotiuibftaetdtleyntl
who heard him, the increasing prosperity of Ireland.
nth?
importancet itin tosis
con-
sistent
of the Speech,
ptoatritho
though
spaceg er
thaasns i
well deserves; and I am sure your lordships will be
gra-
tified to hear, from his own personal experience, a confir-
mation of the statement that Ireland is really becoming
more prosperous. (Hear.) I will not comment upon the
domestic legislation which we are promised in the course of
the present session. It may be of a very useful, it certainly
is not of a very exciting character ; and, with regard to any
measures of the kind which may be proposed, I am sure
that your lordships, without distinction of party, will en-
deavour to remedy existing evils. There is one subject as
Queen's
attention
eet him
hn?sn The
to which I regret that legislation is intended—l mean the
report of the Commissioners of public Schools. That report
Was a very valuable one, and contained an immense mass
of useful information, with some practical suggestions.
Perhaps in the presence of my noble friend opposite (the
Earl of Clarendon), who was a distinguished member of the
commission, I should not say—
" Stint bona, sunt quaadam mediocria, sunt mala plum
Qum legis."
(Laughter.) But this I will say, that those suggestions in
the report require earnest and careful attention. I think,
moreover, it would have been very desirable that another
year should be given to enable the governing bodies of the
public schools concerned to take into consideration the
recommendations of the commissioners, and see what por-
tion of them they could, with advantage to the institutions
over which they preside, of their own accord introduce.
(Rear, hear.) I am sure on the
that voluntary amendments
part of the authorities would •
be likely to prove more satis-
factory in their worki •
ing than those forced upon them by
Parliamentarythat while inegislation. Moreover, my own opinion is,
look
at theoretical excellence and proposing schemes which
may be to introduce extremely
well upon paper, the
result
not wo n
rk so satisfactoriand practice a state of things which will
l •
willY., not on the whole be as