The Sun.
London, England, 1865-12-28 00:00:00

mission, however, still provokes discussion.
The ordinary course would have been to
have organised a commission, and sent out
all the members simultaneously. But the de-
spatch of Sir H. STORKS in hot haste before
the other members of the Commission were even
decided upon was an additional and most unne-
3essary affront to Governor EYRE. It bore the
impression that whoever might be afterwards sent
out it was impossible to have so great an offender
in command any longer, and that at any cost he
must be immediately suspended. Whether such a
proceeding is not likewise an affront to the whole
Legislature of Jamaica, after the address of thanks
to the Governor for his prompt and vigorous re-
pression of the outbreak, may well be questioned.
however, the business is so far done, and Sir H.
STORKS, invested with full authority, has started
on his journey, the other members of the Com-
mission being not yet fully decided upon. The
Government has shown a great anxiety to secure
the services of Mr. RUSSELL GURNEY, the Recorder
of the City of London, and have applied to the
Mayor and the Corporation to sanction his appoint-
ment and give him the necessary leave of absence.
This has been of course granted after some little
demur, and amid many complimentary expressions
of regret. Mr. GURNEY himself declared that he
bad accepted the office most reluctantly, as it
implied the discharge of a most anxious and pain-
ful public duty ; and certainly the position of the
Commissioners is by no means an enviable one.
Neither is the situation of the Government just
now very pleasant. Yielding weakly to the pres-
sure of a clamorous and violent faction who deter-
mine to make facts suit their preconceived theories
instead of founding their theories upon facts, our
Ministry have virtually condemned Governor EYRE
and stigmatised the whole white population of
Jamaica as selfish and cruel cowards. This is the
most charitable construction that can be put upon
the statements, unhesitatingly put forward respect-
ing the treatment of the negroes, which, strange to
say, have a tendency to grow in extent and deepen
in horror with every succeeding recital. The con-
duct of the professed friends of the negro is the more
reprehensible and unjust, as slavery has nothing
whatever to do with the matter. There is no
doubt raised as to the cruelty, injustice, and il-
legality of slavery, and if there is one point upon
which all parties in this country are unanimous it
is this one. But the wickedness of slavery does
not insure the virtue of the slave. Slavery would
be equally bad in itself were its victims saints or
criminals. It is the principle which is un-
just and evil, independently of the effects produced
upon the victim. It is weakening a good cause, and
really injuring the prospects of the black race, to
claim for the uninstructed, untrained negro a per-
fect social and political equality with the highly edu-
cated, civilised white. It is simply impossible for
the black man to retain this position in his present
state, and to force him into it for the sake of a party
triumph is unjust and wrong. We should not dream
of taking a Russian serf from the desolate steppes
and putting him on an immediate equality with an
English mechanic, because, according to the doctrine
of the rights of man, their inherent claims to justice
and influence are equal. We are bound to recog-
nise the effects of long years of training and culti-
vation in men as we do in plants. The rough,
natural capacities cannot be measured against the
results of a wise and kindly training and pruning
hand ; yet instead of really directing themselves to
the education and consequent elevation of the negro,
his proposed friends have busied themselves in de-
claiming about his rights to perfect equality with the
white man, and have confused his ignorant, excit-
able mind by the sort of agitation which some
mob orators among ourselves stir up among the
poor. Added to these influences the formation of
a black republic at Hayti, and the sudden liberation
of the slaves in the Southern States, have no doubt
acted powerfully on the negro mind, and we must
remember that an ignorant and excitable population
are very likely to be carried away by the vision of
immediate present success and splendour, in total
disregard of the possible future retribution. Hayti
has witnessed a kingdom of the blacks, and why
should not Jamaica. It is not very likely that the
negroes would stop to weigh the difference between
England and Spain. It is enough for them that
they are both European Powers, though, thanks
to their white allies, they may easily believe
that the interest felt by this country for the black
man will render the QUEEN and her advisers very
indulgent to the eccentricities of her West Indian
subjects. All these elements of disturbance must
be taken into consideration in examining into the
condition of affairs in Jamaica, if we would arrive
at a just and impartial conclusion. It is not fair to
blame the negro for the errors which have been in-
stilled into him, but the tragedy of Morant Bay has
given startling evidence that the natural savageness
of the African requires more than one or two gene-
rations to tame it down. We can only hope in
justice to the negro himself, as in common fairness
to Governor EYRE, that Parliament will take up the
matter in earnest, and insist upon hearing the whole
truth uninfluenced by prejudice and partisanship,
whether political or religious.

The present generation has enough, and more
than enough, to do in settling the "vexed questions"
of the day, and of that day which preceded theirs.
One of the most difficult of these debateable mat-
ters is that of Capital Punishment, which has
always engaged a considerable share of public
attention, and deservedly so, for it is of great
importance. The public will look with interest at
the Report of the Royal Commission, which has
just been submitted to her MAJESTY. Great care
has been taken by those who have been engaged in
this arduous investigation, and the result of their
deliberations is now before us. Whether we agree
or not in all the conclusions they have drawn
from the premises before them, it is certainly very
satisfactory to know that this important question
Ihas been under the consideration of competent per-
Great care has been taken to collect all the
necessary evidence, and the opinions of all her MA-
JESTY'S Judges in England, Scotland, and Ireland
have been taken, which was a very commendable
step in the right direction. The Commissioners do
not enter upon the abstract question of the expe-
diency of abolishing or maintaining " capitalpunish-
ment," because differences of opinion exist upon thin
subject, but are all unanimously agreed upon the
necessity of making "alterations in the existing law."
Respecting treason, it is considered that the extreme
penalty should be inflicted in cases of extreme gravity,
but in minor matters the more merciful statute may be
substituted, which is called the Treason Delay Act.
The maximum punishment under this act sentences
the offender to penal servitude for life, which is a
very fitting retribution in all cases unaccompanied
by overt acts of rebellion, assassination, and vio-
lence.

sons.

The crime of murder, of course, engages the chief
part of the report ; and, in the first place, attention
is drawn to the defective state of the laws respecting
" manslaughter." This was introduced in order

to mitigate the extreme severity of the law ; but,

unfortunately, so many restrictions still abound
respecting its adoption that its effect is partially
nullified, There ie certainly an ano _ aly in the fact