The Sun.
London, England, 1862-01-03 00:00:00

AMERICA.

LIVERPOOL, JAN. 2.
The Royal Mail steamship Africa, Captain

Shannon, which left New York on the 20th, at
6 45 a.m., has arrived. Her advices have been
partially anticipated by express, via Holyhead.
The following Teasels of war were in New York
harbour—Two French frigates, two ditto paddle
steamers, two English corvettes, and one ditto

gunboat.
The Cunard steamship America, with advices
from Queenstown to the Bth, passed Cape Race on

the night of the 18th, but refused to be boarded.
In the Senate, on the 19th, Mr. Willey (Union), of
Virginia, offered a resolution that the existing war
was forced upon the country by the States in rebel-
lion without provocation ; it was designed to de-
stroy the Union and Constitution, and their purpose
was to disavow and repudiate the fundamental
principles of a Republican Government. Tie pro..
ceecled- to speak at some length on the resolution,
contending that the rebellion was perfectly unjustifi-
able. In no country was life more secure and civil
and religious liberty more perfect. The country had
been in unexampled prosperity, and especially was
the South favoured, and there consequently could
be no grievance to cause the rebellion, as a Virginian
Senator and slaveholder had declared that the South
always got what was demanded. He commended
the proclamation of those Generals who had declared
that it was not their intention to interfere with
legal institutions, and expressed his gratification
that the President in his Message had re-declared
fidelity to the Constitution. He declared that by
no effort of his should slavery be extended, though
he believed it necessary for the present that the
African race should be kept in bondage. He gave
a brief sketch of the rise of Secession, and declared
that it was the result of a long concerted conspiracy,
is avowed by the leaders of the rebellion. He
argued at some length against the doctrine of Seces-
sion, and contended that the real cause of Secession
was hostility to the Democratic principles of Repub-
lican Government. Without finishing, Mr. Willey
gave way to a motion for an executive Session.
The Senate adjourned to the Gth of January. A
Message was received from the President on foreign
relations, in which document no allusion was made
to the affair of the Trent, but the Gulf expedition
was gravely alluded to.
In the House of Representatives on the 19th a
bill was passed authorising the construction of 20
iron-clad gunboats.
The New York World of the 19th says—
" It would seem as if Lord Lyons might be ap-
prehensive that the demand he is required to make
would be more peremptory than a correct knowledge
of the facts would warrant. Why has he detained
the Africa ? Yesterday was her regular day, and
she is detained, by his direction, until to-day. He
would have received his despatches, brought by the
Europa, at 6 o'clock last evening, and the steamer
will have sailed before he can possibly expect a
reply from our Government. May we not safely
conjecture that it is a wise foresight on the part of
Lord Lyons to prevent the consequences of too hasty
action ? He knows perfectly what his Government
does not yet seem to understand, that Capt. Wilkes
intended the reverse of a discourtesy, and if he shcald
find the demands of his Government too peremptory
for the circumstances, he probably wishes to state
that opinion and await further instructions, issued
on fuller information, before shutting the door
against a diplomatic solution. If he believes that
a removal of the misapprehensions that exist in Eng,
land would immediately restore friendly relations,
such a course would reflect credit on his wisdom
and magnanimity. Knowing that Captain Wilkes
intended a courtesy, Lord Lyons probably will not
allow his Government to act as if Captain Wilkes
had intended an insult in not bringing in the Trent
for adjudication."
In another article the World says—

" Neither nation desires war. The interests of
each alike strongly urge against it. But neither
will submit to a supposed belligerent spirit on the
part of the other. Both are determined not to be
bullied ; and so each prepares to fight against its
grain, under the false notion that the other is
fixed upon having a fight. It is all wrong, and the
public journals which are infusing that feeling, and
inflaming the passion thereby engendered, involve
themselves in fearful:guilt. This malign influence
must be neutralized. Englishmen must be made to
realize the fact that in the taking of Mason and
Slidell no insult was intended to their flag ; and
that the whole course of action was dictated by a
considerate and courteous spirit. They should be
made to understand that if there was irregularity
in the exercise of an undoubted belligerent right, it
came, as was the fact, from a regard to their in-

terest, and not from any disposition on our part to
carry things with a high hand. Let that right
impression once be brought home to them, and the
danger of the case will vanish at once. All depends
.upon England's conception of the animus which
governed the transaction. An unintentional affront
is no affront at all. We say, then, that the Ameri-
can press, which is everywhere regarded as the
exponent of American sentiment, should avoid all
exultation and defiance ; and be governed by the
same urbane spirit which we are all sure ruled
Commodore Wilkes in his noble act. If public
opinion here should express itself in that key,
opinion on the other side would soon right itself,
and the two Cabinets would be left free to bring the
whole matter to a speedy and satisfactory settle-
ment."

Alluding to the hostile feeling in Canada, the
same paper says Whatever may betide us now,
we are ultimately victorious, and Canada will do
well to remember it."

The New York Times of the 19th says :
" In seizing Messrs. Mason and Slidell Captain
Wilkes either did or did not conform to the well-
established principles of international law. If the
act was not warranted by the code we shall make
the proper amends. If it was, we shall hold, with-
out objection, the prisoners. No cause for war
exists. No cause is desired on either side. Such
we understand to be the position of our Govern-
ment, by which we learn that no apprehen-
sions of a rupture of friendly relations exist.
It does rot :seek to disguise its opinions upon
this matter. It wants no war with England
on any pretext, and especially it wants none in such
a crisis as the present. It well understands the
secret of the zeal displayed in certain quarters in
its behalf in the emergency, and of the gratulations
of the rebels over the threatened rupture between it
and England. The prospect of such a war has en-
listed even Mr. Vallandigham and Mr. Cox ardently
in the support of Government in its vigorous prose-
cution. Not an instant's time is to be lost, accord-
ing to these gentlemen, in pitching in. In such a
war they see the safe deliverance of the rebellion.
But in all this they are doomed to speedy disap-
pointment. As soon as the two countries can make
up a statement of the case between them, all diffe-
rences will be speedily reconciled. While no appre-
hension need be felt in reference to any captious
action by our Government,we have equal confidence
that the despatches from the British Government
will be in a similar tone. The communications be-
tween the two will have little in common with the
ebullitions of popular feeling on either side. These
were caused by apprehension and alarm at the con-
sequences of war, not by any desire for one, which
is universally deprecated by the great majority
on both sides. We predict we shall get out of
thin embroglio, into which we were entangled