The Sun.
London, England, 1862-01-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 14, 1862,

MR. GLADSTONE IN SCO2LAND.

Mr. Gladstone laid the foundation stone of a new
church for the Episcopal congregation of St.
James's, Leith, on Saturday. He spoke briefly on
this occasion, congratulating his hearers that they
were about to raise a structure worthy of Divine
worship.
" In one sense, indeed, the meanest structure is
worthy even of Divine worship. But it is a mise-
rable perversion of that true doctrine IN hen those
who are blessed with the goods of th's world
think it scorn to bestow them on the honour of
God, and shelter themselves in the undisputed fact
that it isn't in silver or gold, or precious stones or
rich carvings, but in the heart of man that God is
truly worshipped. It is a miserable perversion of
it when those whose hearts are too much attached
to the wealth of this world, and wish to reserve the
disposal of it for selfish pleasures, shelter themselves
under the principle that Christianity teaches us
with regard to the indifference of the Almighty to
material substances, and thus present a revolting
contrast between the miserable character of the
buildings in which they are sometimes content to
meet and worship the Almighty and the unbounded
luxuries which characterise every apartment of
their own dwellings and every detail of their pri-
vate lives."

The ceremony over, Mr. Gladstone met a crowded
audience in the assembly rooms, Leith, where he
was presented with a municipal address. Allssion
was made to the fact that Leith was the birthplace
of his father, and Mr. Gladstone, in reply, said :
" I am very sensible of the very great advan-
tages of birth. The aristocracy of this country is
an aristocracy which is strong and deeply rooted
in the affections of the people—(cheers)—and the
privileges of that aristocracy depend, not upon the
letter of the law, not even upon the strength of
custom, but upon two things—upon the wisdom
with which they are commonly used, and, above
all, upon the strong conviction of the people that
its existence is beneficial to the community at large,
(Cheers.) But although sensible of the advantages
of high birth, I may be permitted to say that when
I remember my own father, I never could desire to
exchange him, if it were in my power, for the father
of any other man." (Cheers.)

At two o'clock in the afternoon a meeting of the
Town Council and community of Leith was held in
the Assembly Rooms, Constitution-street, for the
purpose of presenting an address to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer,

The PROVOST having made a few introductory
remarks,

The Town Clerk read au appropriate address.
Mr. GLADSTONE on rising to respond was most
enthusiastically received, the whole assemblage
cheering vociferously. After acknowledging the
honour which had been conferred upon him, be
proceeded to pay a tribute to the memory of his
Royal Highness the late Prince Consort. Referring
to the recent anxieties in regard to the relations
between this country with America, the right hon.
gentleman spoke as follows .—I heartily wish that
it was in our power to exhibit to the community of
the United States the precise and exact state of
feeling that has subsisted in this country ever since
the beginning of that tremendous convulsion which
now agitates that continent, and overturns its peace
and prosperity. (Cheers.) I do not believe that
at the time when that convulsion commenced there
wag one man in every thousand in this country
who had any sentiment whatever towards the
United States of America, except a sentiment of
affectionate and sympathising goodwill (loud
cheers)—or who felt anything but a desire that
they might continue to go on and prosper, and
to finish the work, whatever it may have been,
which Providence had appointed them to do.
(Loud cheers.) I have not the least scruple in
saying for myself, that my opinion is, not only has
England nothing to fear from the growth of the
United States of America ; but that, as far as we
had a selfish interest at all in the matter, our inte-
rest was that the American Union should continue
undisturbed. (Cheers.) Our forefathers had known
the pangs of national dismemberment, and this
gallant country, after a long struggle, had submit-
ted to what they then regarded as a great calamity,
but what we have since discovered under the cir-
cumstances of the case to be no calamity at all, but
rather the accomplishment of a normal process of
nature herself. Universal goodwill was the senti-
ment which prevailed towards America in this
country. (Loud cheers.) Yet we could not help
forming an opinion upon that terrific and fright•
ful convulsion, when it occurred ; and there is no
doubt of the fact. I am not pretending to reveal
secrets, or to be an interpreter of public opinion
more than any other man ; but there is no doubt,
I think, of the fact that all thinking men in this
country had come to the conclusion that in that war
which had commenced the party which was
apparently the strongest had committed them-
selves to an enterprise which would probably
prove lo be entirely beyond their powers.
We saw there a military undertaking of tre-
mendous difficulty, and a military undertaking
which, if it was to be successful, would only be the
preface and introduction to political difficulties far
greater than even the military difficulties of the war
itself. (Cheers.) Now, I am afraid that when this
opinion came to be prevalent in England, that this
war was a war to be lamented and to be deprecated,
and likely to result in great misery, great effusion
of human blood, enormous waste of treasure, per-
manent estrangement, and bitterness of feeling—l
am afraid that the formation of that opinion, though
conscientiously formed, gave deep offence to the
people, or to many persons at least, in the
United States." Well, we know in private
life that the same thing constantly happens,
when a man is engaged with his whole
heart and will upon some enterprise that he
thinks vital to his well-being ; and when some
other person is known to have said that he thinks
the enterprise had much better not be undertaken,
great irritability, great susceptibility, is the result;
and such a state of things arises in despite of the
inclinations of the men themselves, in which there
is a disposition to quarrel and to contention.
(Cheers.) I believe that is a true and fair descrip-
tion of state of things between England and Ame-
rica at the time when what is so well known as the
case of the Trent occurred and produced so profound
a sensation in this country. When that case oc-
curred, I need not say that it was the duty of the
Government to use their very best exertions to make
an examination of the facts and law of the case ;
because, if we had b►en mistaken in our views of
the facts and law, I hold that, whatever
our inclinations might be to maintain the honour
of our country, our duty is not to disturb the facts,
but to pay strict obedience to the laws, especially
to those laws prevailing between nation and na-
tion, the creation of which is one of the grandest
results of modern civilisation, and the maintenance
of which is vital to the interests of every people in
the world. (Cheers.) But, having used the best
exertions in our power to inform ourselves on these
points, we made a demand to the American Govern-
ment which is known to this country. You all
know also the success of that demand. (Cheers.)
Now, what I earnestly hope is, that we shall
take in good part the concession that America has
made. Do Rot let us be tempted to criticise in an
unfriendly spirit any portion of their proceedings;
perhaps if any individual might be tempted to criti-
cise their proceedings it is the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. (Laughter.) I hear some people say,
" Why did they not give up Messrs. Mason and Sli-
dell at once, without waiting for our demand" Well,
now, I think I am the person who has the best
right to put that question, because undoubtedly, if
they had given up Messrs. Mason and Slidell at
once, without waiting for our demand, it would
have saved the various departments of the State a
great deal of trouble, and would have enabled me

to present at the close of the financial year a
balance sheet more entirely satisfactory than I can
possibly do, although I do not despond with respect
to it. But I hope that question will not be put.
Let us look, ladies and gentlemen, upon the bright
side of that which the Americans have done, and
surely a bright aide it has. Let us look to the fact
that they are of necessity a people subject to quick
and violent action of opinion, and liable to great
public excitement—intensely agreed on the subject
of the war in which they were engaged, until
aroused to a high pitch of expectation by hearing
that one of their vessels of war had laid hold on the
commissioners of the Southern States, whom they
regarded simply as rebels. Let us look to the fact
that in the midst of that exultation, and in a coun-
try where the principles of popular government and
democracy are carried to extremes—that even, how-
ever, in this struggle of life and death, as they
think it to be—that even while ebullitions were
taking place all over the country of joy and exulta-
tion at this capture—that even there this popular
and democratic Government has, under a demand
of a foreign power, written these words, for they are
the closing words in the despatch of Mr. Seward—
' The four commissioners will be cheerfully libe-
rated.' (Loud cheers.) Let us take these words, I
say, without minute criticism upon anything that
may have passed at former times, and may have
been open to differences of view—let us accept them
with thankfulness to the Almighty for having
removed any apparent cause of deadly collision, in
which the hearts of the people of this country were
united as the heart of eneoinan tc vindicate, under
all circumstances and to all extremities, the honour
of the British flag, and to discharge the duty of
protection to those who had placed themselves under
its shelter. Let us form for the future good auguries
from that which now stands amongst the records of
the past, and let us hope that whatever remains or
whatever may yet arise to be adjusted in those
relations between the two countries which afford
a thousand points of contact—every day must neces-
sarily likewise afford opportunities for collision—let
may arise or remain to be
ands
jhuospteedt,haatspinwhateveririt
of bherand altow thar with the disposition to assert our
iotly concord may prevail,
rights, we may be pernatted to cherish a disposition
to interpret handsomely and liberally the acts and
intentions of others, and to avoid, if we can, aggra-
vatirg the frightful evils of the civil war in America
by, perhaps, even greater evils—at any rate,enormous
evils to what, though not a civil war, would be next
to a civil war—any conflict between America and
England. Mr. Provost, I could not appear before I
you on this occasion and speak of the happy state of
this country within, and likewise of the happy
condition of its relations 'with foreign powers—l
could not avoid referring to these questions of
such vital interest. I now pass to that matter on
which you have been pleased to make a parti-
cular appeal to me, and at the same time to con-
vey to me the assurance of a fact by which I am
deeply gratified. You have referred, sir, to a series
of legislative efforts by which the last 20 years
have had impressed upon them a stamp which I be-
lieve will endure in history. We must not suppose
that we are likely to ace great and sudden revolu-
tions—l hope we may possibly see great improve-
ments; but at any rate We are not likely to see
great or sudden revolutions in the principles which
govern the intercourse of nations. Yet I do cherish
the hope that, by gradual, calm, and silent influ-
ences, the constant increase of kindly and friendly
intercourse, mutually beneficial in their operations
on trade, is calculated to be an humble auxiliary to
the great principles not only of an enlightened
civilisation, but even of our holy religion—this which
contemplates as a great practical result peace, union,
and harmony among the nations of the world.
(Cheers.) At any rate, ladies and gentlemen, this
country has contributed its offering upon that
sacred altar. We have done what could be done
to destroy those strange barriers which the
caprice of men had erected. No doubt under
a view, though with a mistaken view, of doing
particular and local good, those strange barriers
which the caprice of men had erected to prevent the
tree interchange of commodities between the nations
of the world. I am extremely glad, sir, to learn
from authority that I cannot but regard as conclu-
sive that the town of Leith has profited, and has
profited greatly, by the freedom of trade which has
recently been established in this country. I venture
to make an inquiry with regard to the condition of
trade in which Leith, as I know, has a special inte-
rest, and for which it has during many generations
past enjoyed a peculiar fame—l mean the wine
trade. (Cheers.) I believe it is the ease that houses
in Leith have very extensive private relations with
customers all over the country, on account of the
fame attaching to this port for the importation of
good wine. I must not presume to say too much of
my own personal experience—(laughter)—but I
must say that whenever I come to Edinburgh, and
enjoy the hospitality in which that city abounds, I
am always struck by the goodness of the wine—(re-
newed laughter and cheers)—and I cannot ascribe
the particular goodness of the wine in Edinburgh
to any special cause, so much as to the happy cir-
cumstances that its site places it within very easy
access of the wine imported at Leith. (Laughter.) I
hope with regard to the trade of wine in Leith, that
it will derive great advantage from the changes that
have recently been made. But we must not expect
the effect of these changes to be sudden. Neither
the laws, nor the necessities, nor the palates of men
change in a moment. (Laughter.) It is not neces-
sary for us to advance an argument in support of
the proposition that these benefits have arisen from
the change. But a single illustration may perhaps
be permitted, and I will, if you permit me, draw that
illustration from a case which to me, has been, and
perhaps to others of us, has been one of great and
peculiar interest, I mean the case of the treaty of
commerce with France, in the negotiation of which
Mr. Cobden has conferred, I am bound to say, a
benefit upon his oountry, such as, I trust, that
country will never cease gratefully to remember
and acknowledge. (Loud cheers.) The treaty
with France has only been in operation for a very
few months. There are but three months, in fact,
with respect to which any reference can be made
as to its results that would be of great importance.
That time is much too short, and in submitting to
you a comparison, in a very few figures, between
the present and the former state of the trade with
France, pray understand I am giving you the re•
sults of a very short experience, and which are, I
think, more an indication of what we may expect
than any full account of the results of that great
and important measure. But I must think that
they are satisfactory. You may, perhaps, recol-
lect that under the provisions of that treaty we in
England, who had overcome all international
difficulties with respect to freedom of trade—we
at once gave effect to the general nature and con-
ditions of the treaty, and admitted French
produce w itho at any limitations, excepting
in those cases where it was absolutely necessary for
fiscal purposes. In France, on the contrary, where
the Government, with a wisdom and courage that I
really think deserve our warmest commendations
—(cheers)—not in the interest of England, but in
interest of France itself, determined to face what
were called the Protectionist interests of that coun-
try, they wisely allowed the lapse of a certain time
before their treaty came into operation. It has not
yet entirely come into operation. One or two arti-
cles took effect in the year 1860, and one or two more
took effect at different periods in 1861; but it was
only upon the Ist of October, 1861, that the most
important change was made. That change, how-
ever, is not final ; because upon a future day the
general scale of duties upon English commodities
will be further reduced. Therefore, we have not
done more, as I consider, than, if I may use the
the expression, tap the benefits that I hope are to
be the result of that great measure. I take the
months of October and November, which are the

only two months during which we have the result
before us ; but I acid the mouth of September, be-
cause, although the new law was not then in opera-
tion in France, yet the exports of this country in
preparation for the new law, on the Ist of October,
had, of course, taken place by anticipation. I take
the exports of this country to France in the three
months of September, October, and November, 1861,
and I compare them with September, October, and
November, 1860. I ought, however, to observe
to you that the three months of 1860 already profited
greatly, even by the one-sided operation of the
treaty, because the free admission of French
goods tended to produce, and did produce, au
increase of expsrtation of British goods to
France, even irrespective of a change in the
French law. But the three months of September,
October, and November of 1860 showed that we
exported in those three months British produce to
France to the amount of £1,517,000. I now give
you the exports of the same three months in 1861,
which represent what I may call the first-fruits of
the treaty; but it is right I should mention that in
1861 there was a considerable export of corn to
France, caused by the deficiency of the French
harvest,-which did not occur in 1860, which would
have caused some temporary increase, although
nothing like that which I am about to mention.
The exports for the three months in 1860 from Eng-
land to France in British produce were £1,517,000 ;
while during the same three months of 1861
they amounted to £3,6l7,ooo—(cheers)—showing
a gross increase of £2,099,000, and an augmenta-
tion in the total extent of the trade of more
than cent. per cent. As I have said, the main
portion of the result was due to the increased ex-
port of British goods and to the operation of
the treaty, Now, Mr. Provost and gentlemen, I
think it very peculiarly desirable, on many grounds,
that this improvement in our commercial relations
should take place between us and France. It is true
the old state of things in the commercial law be-
tween this country and France savoured of the
period when it was almost thought in this country
—not perhaps so much in Scotland as in England—
a matter of duty to regard Frenchmen as tradi-
tional enemies. That opinion does not, I am happy
to say, prevail now. (Cheers.) At present English-
men aro in general disposed, and wisely disposed,
to treat the tradition of their ancestors as a tra-
dition for which they have much less respect than
they used to have, for which, I trust, they will
in a short time have no respect at all. (Cheers.)
The truth is that the union of England and
France in the bonds of special amity and harmony
is, of all other things that can be named, the
greatest benefit to these countries themselves and
to the other nations of the world. It is a benefit
which you cannot always enjoy, because it is im-
possible that the views and the policy of Govern-
ments and of nations should always coincide ; but
it is a benefit in respect to which I presume to say
that when we can have it we should have, for there
is none other comparable to it in magnitude. There
is no other which so completely offers us, humanly
speaking, a guarantee for the general peace and
happiness of the world. (Cheers.) Mr. Provost
and gentlemen, it is quite true that the policy of
Governments, as opposed to nations, may sometimes
interfere to mar that harmony. Therefore I say it
is well that we should not look simply to the policy
of Governments, but we should endeavour to unite
the two nations in harmonious feelings. (Cheers.)
When was there any means or instrument so power-
ful and so valuable for that purpose at our command
as the means and instrument employed in the
treaty of commerce with France, which increases
and multiplies tenfold the quiet, peaceful, unnoticed,
habitual, daily principles of kindly and beneficial
intercourse between the two countries? And when
is it that we are deriving this advantage ? It is at
the very moment when we:wanted it. I have given
you the state of trade between England and France.
What is the state of trade between England and
America ? I will take these same three months in
1860. Then we exported £5,109,000 of British
produce. In the same three months of 1861, instead
of £5,109,000, we exported only £1,932,000, show-
ing a decrease of £3,176,000. I humbly submit,
therefore, to you, that it is a national benefit of no
common order that, at the very moment when so
large a portion of our working population were de-
prived of employment, it had been so appointed—
and I hope I may venture to say it was provi-
dentially appointed—that the new system of
law should come into operation with France,
which, although not filling up the entire
gap, should fill up more than one-half of it ; because,
while we have a decrease of about £3,000,000 in
our trade with America, we have an increase of
£2,000,000 with France. I have ventured thus to
illustrate to you in a particular point the working
of those principles to which you have been good
enough to direct my attention by the address that
I hold in my Lands. It is useless for me to say on
my own behalf and on behalf of my colleagues that
our attachment to those principles is well rooted
in our convictions and well sustained by our ex-
perience. (Cheers.) Let us hope that a similar
spirit the spirit which has guided the
councils of this country with regard to the
question—will continue to guide them with regard
not only to the question of commercial free-
dom, but with regard to the general tone and spirit
of its policy—l mean the spirit that prefers liberty
—to slavery—a spirit that, while indisposed to
violent and capricious change, yet is sedulously and
ever awake to devise the means of well-considered
improvements—a spirit of generous reliance on the
people of this country, as being, under God, the best
means—for we have found it the best means—of
strengthening the laws of the country, and of giving
permanency to its institutions by placing their firm
seat and foundation in the hearts of the nation in
which we live. The right hon. gentleman resumed
his seat amid loud and prolonged cheering.
cheers
call of Provost
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Lindsay. terminatedonbythtehree being
proceedings
Gladstone,

(From the Daily News.)

Mr. Gladstone is the first Cabinet Minister who
has spoken in detail on the recent difficulty with
America, as well as on our general relations with
the. Northern States, and his just and generous
words will be heartily welcomed by right•think-
ing men on both sides of the Atlantic. Amidst
the merchants of Leith the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, himself the son of a Leith merchant,
discoursed of the great conflict which has crippled
our manufactures and seriously damaged our com-
merce, not only with the spirit of a patriot, but
what is far rarer in these days, with the calmness
of a statesman and the scrupulous fairness of an
unbiassed judge. The main value of the speech,
enhanced, of course, by the high position and au-
thority of the speaker, lies in this characteristic—
its elevation of view and thoughtful impartiality,
the anxious desire evinced throughout to do justice
to both countries. Mr. Gladstone rises far above
the petty devices and vulgar temptations which, in
discussing this question, seduce so many writers
and speakers less gifted, less honourable, and less
high-minded than himself. He has no theory to
gratify, to party object to serve by undue deprecia-
tion of the American people, and covert or open
abuse of their Government and institutions. He
will not condescend to catch a passing cheer by
blustering appeals to the vanity and self-love of Vs
hearers, and scorns to trade in the lowest national
passions in dealing with a subject which pre-emi-
nently appeals to the reason and conscience of the
community. In a word, he has no sympathy what-
ever with that unmeasured abuse of everything
American, and unmeasured praise of everything
British, which bigoted and vulgar minds insult
their country by denominating an English point of
view. On the contrary, he adopts the maxim in-
culcated by moralists and instinctively acted on by
honourable minds, of endeavouring in any disputed