The Sun.
London, England, 1865-03-11 00:00:00

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THE DUKE OP SALDANEA AND MR.

SARAWA.

(From the Weekly I?egieter of March 11, 1863.)
Sir,—l am very glad—and I say it without the

least affectation—that Sir John Scott Lillie replied
to my letter about Saldanha, published in your
Catholic paper this day last week. It does honour
to the feelings of the gallant General to come for-
ward in defence of his old comrade in the glorious
struggle of the Peninsular war, in which both the
gallant soldiers did their duty with great credit and
high distinction ; but whether his letter will do much
good to the Duke or to the cause which Sir J. S.
Lillie seems to have yet go much at heart, that is
another question, of which your readers will be more
competent judges than I am. I will at once proceed
seriatim to examine and answer the several clauses
of the General's letter in the same order as they
there appear.

He says—" That I blame the Duke for having
,aken an active part in the restoration of constitu-
_

tional monarchy in his own country, under its legiti-
mate Queen Donna Maria, when the throne of that
kingdom had been usurped by Don Miguel, whose
despotic sway and. the cruelties he practised to all op-
posed to him, created such general dissatisfaction
throughout Euiope as to cause a universal feeling
amongst all friends of civil and religious liberty, and of
constitutional freedom for his overthrow."
The points or expressions I took the liberty of
italicising are those I will begin by adverting upon.
Then, first,— " the restoration of constitutional
monarchy" in Portugal. Old Johnson, who knew
csooimisetitulititotiliae n(fi n tthhee soleEn g
lissehuselanguage,
applicable dteofionures
case) that which is "consistent with the civil
constitution ; legal." I shall feel extremely
obliged to Sir John if he kindly shows me the
legality of which he so triumphantly speaks, of
that " constitutional monarchy" of his in my
country. I absolutely deny such legality ; the onus
probandi is his ; let him bring forth the proofs of his
assertions, and he will then see whether I have some-
thing substantial to say against them. And if he
does not prove what he advances, we shall know
what to think of his words.

Now, for the 66 legitimate Queen Dona Maria." I
just as peremptorily deny and reject any "legitimate"
_ _ . . _ _

(lawful) right in Dona Maria to the Throne of Por-
tugal, my country. Unfortunately, Ido not find
in Johnson the word legitimate in the sense it is here
used by the General, meaning lawful (as if he means
that Dona Maria is the " lawfully begotten" daughter
of Don Pedro, I knock under at once on this point.)
Yes, I totally deny to Dona Maria any right to the
Portuguese Throne, if not before, most certainly
from the 24th day of August, 1825, the date of the
treaty, and acknowledgment by Portugal and King
John VI., of the Brazilian Independence. When
the General brings forth his proofs, we shall see
whether I can discover some little flaw in them ;
and if he wishes at once to refute my arguments, I
will refer him to the article in which I stated them
with sufficient fullness, in your own paper of the
16th of January (I think it is the date), last year.
Until he refutes my arguments there, he must allow
me to beseech him not to speak lightly of what he
has not studied, or does not know.

After what I have just said, anybody who
knows the name of logic will at once judge
of the delicacy and fairness of calling Don Miguel
something very much akin to a robber or thief, and
me, consequently, his accomplice and abettor.
without being able to prove the charges. I am ready
to hear his arguments, and beforehand promise him
to submit to their cogency, if they have any.
Now, in the " despotic sway," " the cruelties
practised" (by Don Miguel), the " universal feeling
amongst all friends of civil and religious liberty and
of constitutional freedom for his overthrow," there
is only an appeal to the quackish delusions and
sophistic cant with which Freemasons and shallow
Liberals have heen trying to delude and upset
society ever since the first French Revolution. The
Encyclical of the Holy Father is the fit commentary
on_ all this. I do not wish, however, or 'want, to
shun any point or charge, and am always ready to

answer all ; but I have regard to your space ; I
therefore will only say, for the present, in reference
to the " despotic sway," first that such sway was
rot despotic, nor did I ever admit that it was, or
would ever have submitted to despotic power, which
was not at all the power of the Portuguese Kings,
according to the real and true constitution of the
country, which the Portuguese Legitimists, or the
immense majority of the people, maintained, wished,
and wish restored to this day. If Sir John con-
tradicts this, I am ready to answer him, and to bring
forth my proofs. Secondly, I deny also those
" cruelties practised by hint," and assert that they
were for the most part invented by the Portuguese
refugees, who, after having been expelled from the
country by the resistance and energy of the people,
came to England and set about manufacturing all
sorts of calumnious falsehoods--even the most
improbable and absurd—against the 'King and
the great majority and best part of the
nation which wished and supported him. These
are general assertions Sir John will perhaps say :
Well, here I am, ready to substantiate them, and
will gladly do so, if you promise to afferd me space
for it.

I leave the gallant General the benefit of the clap-
trap about the " general dissatisfaction throughout
Europe, the universal feeling amongst all friends of
civil and religious liberty, and of constitutional
freedom," &c. This reminds me of the actor who
said he had always at his disposal a remedy against
the slacking applause in the pit : he had only to
bring forth, no matter how, the bubble, " Not the
smallest feather shall be plucked out from the wing
of liberty !" But let me. ask—what has all that to
do with, or how does it in any way atone for, the
robbery of the Church in Portugal, with its heart-
rending consequences, the principal charge I bring
against Sir John's favourite Duke and his friends ?
Sir John makes a great merit to Saldanha (and
of course to himself) for participating in a feeling
created abroad (out of Portugal, he means) by
falsehood and calumny, and for wishing to cram
down the throats of the Portuguese people against
their will his famous nostrum of " civil and religious
liberty and constitutional freedom." The gallant
General who, I think, is no stranger to some know-
ledge of the principles of law, cannot be ignorant of
the maxim, Invito non datur beneficium. He must
have heard something of a hero celebrated by Cer-
vantes, one of whose first exploits was to rescue a
farmer's lad from a righteous flogging his master
was administering him for some misdeed ; a rescue
which produced to the boy a second and more severe
thrashing. Sir John, I suppose, knows also what sort
of thanks the hero of La Mancha afterwards got from
the lad, when called to to the merits and ser-
vices of knight-errantry. Well, I can assure the
General (and I offer to have the thing tested by honest
universal suffrage), that nine out of every ten Por-
tuguese would express to Sir John, and his friend,
to Lord Palmerston and his quadruple alliances,
thanks of the same kind as those of the farmer's
boy, for the precious " civil and religious liberty,
and Constitutional freedom," which " Liberal"
quackery has inflicted upon us. I feel almost sure,
the Saldanha himself—who has several very good
points about him—would admit the truth of what I

have just said, if the question was seriously put to
him. I can excuse foreigners, who were deceived
by the lying inventions of the Portuguese refugees,
and the lying correspondents in Portugal of most
of the English papers ; but there was little excuse
for Saldanha, who had his friends and relations in
Lisbon (even his brother Francis, now Count d'Azin-
haga, then a great Miguelite, till 1839, and the
King's agent at Turin), from whom he could know
the real truth.
How Sir John finds that the fact of a Government
who robbed the Church, reducing to beggary and
starvation her most respectable ministers—a Govern-

ment which has done all which the Holy Father most

reprobates (vide encyclical and Syllabus)—having:
appointed their Ambassador to Rome just the man
who chiefly contributed to the ascendancy and pre-
servation of that Government—that this should be
a forcible reason more for the readers of the Weekly
Register holding such Ambassador in higher estima-
tion—is above my comprehension.
The General is mistaken in thinking that I know

he had been appointed to command a division of

the rebels against us, &c. I never knew it. The
fact of the bill about his dfference with the public-
house-keeper in the Strand is all that I knew, for he
must remember how unwarrantably I was incom-
moded on that account. I shall not tire the readers
with this story, but have no objection to explaining
it fully.
The General still persists in calling me a "partisan
of the usurper," he will see that this makes it more
incumbent upon him to prove that the King had no
right to his crown.
He further says, I have " favoured him with va-
rious marks of my hostility," &c. That is possible,
as I could not much like those who, having no busi-
ness with the internal political affairs of my coun-

try, did all they could against us ; but I give him
my word of honour that I do not remember where or
when I ever showed that hostility to him personally.
Of late Sir John cannot have forgotten how we have

been very friendly, and so I am still towards him),
when he was most zealously trying, in combination
with me and others (the late General Gomez, for

instance), to find means and support for the
. _ _ _

triumph of Don Carlos (Count de ifontemolin) in
Spain. Now Don Carlos's principles and interests
were brotherly enough with those of my King, his
uncle.

The General wrongs the Duke of Wellington
and Lord Beresford, in accusing them of " advo-
cating despotic rule in Portugal ;" and with them

he wrongs Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Aberdeen, Sir
Robert Peel, the Marquis of Londonderry, Lord
Fitzroy Somerset (since Lord Raglan) Sir George
Murray, Sir Henry Hardinge (lately Lord Har-

dinge), and several more of such small fry, who

sided in the Portuguese question with Wellington
and Beresford, and unfortunately differed from Sir

John Scott Lillie in this and other respects. He
wrongs them, I say, because instead of " advocating
despotic rule" in Portugal, they advocated the
real Portuguese constitutional Government. Lord
Aberdeen and the Duke did not listen to us with

favour, or began actually to prepare for reversing

the unjust policy of Canning in regard to us, until

they saw laid before them the authentic documents

and proofs incontestable of the perfect legality of

the lawful Cortes of 1828—the real national Par-

liament, who declared the legal right of the King to
the Portuguese throne. I know this too well, as

I had in my quality of Secretary-to the Portuguese
Mission, to translate into French the above-said
documents, and the parallel ones of the great Cortes
or Parliament of 1641, in order to show the

Government here the perfect constitutional legality
of our late proceedings in Portugal. And it

was only after Lord Aberdeen had scrupulously
examined all, that he at last admitted our being
in the right. It was since then also that,
being pressed, on the strength of his admission,
by Viscount d'Assecca, my Minister, to recog-
nise formally the right of the King, he used to
reply :—" Bien fait ott mal fait, 111. le Vicomte,
c'est fait : nous avons reconnu le Gouverne-
ment actuel en Portugal, et vous ne devez
pas attendre que le Gouvernement d'une grande
nation comme la Grande Bretagne puisse si facile-
ment rebrousser chemin." Such was his reply,
and then the British Cabinet pressed our Government for
an amnesty to the refugees; the want of the ready grant-
ing of which was the greatest fault of our Government,
and what prevented the Wellington Cabinet from acknow-
ledging the King before their fall in 1830. I hope this sort
of digression will be forgiven, as the facts there mentioned

gyre not without interest, and they do justice as well as
ionour to such statesmen departed as England would ho

very glad to get back, in exchange even for Lord Russell
and Mr. Layard. •
Since they left power, what the Duke of *Wellington, and
Peel, &c., contended for in opposition was, leanest neutra-
dit towards Portugal—the now fashionable non-interraz-

tion
; truth, in fact, and justice and fairness, ,and liberty to
the Portuguese nation to have its own actual, lawful, and
really constitutional government, and to reform it legally
and constitutionally, by its own true Parliament, as Eng-
land was doing just, then.
Now, in the second part of the General's letter, there is
such a medley of facts and accusations jumbled together,
and very little relevant to the exculpating Saldanha from
the principal and substantial charges in my last lttec, that
. to answer all specifically and fully would take much more
space than you would accord to me. I, therefore, will not
venture on such work now, however much I wished it ;
but let our friend the General distinctly understand that I
am willing, and with pleasure, to reply fully to every item
he brings forth, if he, or rather you, guarantee me the
necessary space for the work. At present, not to extend
this letter beyond all reasonable bounds, I shall confine my-
self to-Ist, repelling the insinuation of my having any
personal indisposition against Saldanha, except on public
grounds ; 2d, to simply denying imputations that I know
not to be true ; 3d, to pointing out incorrect statements ;
4th, to show how the General does not exonerate his Duke
from any of the real and serious charges contained in my
letter to which he replies, against the same Duke. Then:
Ist, Saldanha never injured me in my private capacity ; I
never saw him even but once at Epsom races some 20 years
ago (and his likeness stuck at a shop in Regent-street) ;
never spoke to him or he to me ; always regarded him as a
sort of bon-enfant, pliable like wax ; so that, even now, in
spite of my most decided political hostility, I cannot hate
him. This is the real truth ; therefore, to his person apart
from political considerations, I have no sort of aversion
whatever.
2d. It would be difficult to me, or to anybody, to defend
the King " against a variety of crimes and misdemeanours
with which he was charged, cotnmencingwith that step he
took during the lifetime of his father, King John, to pave
his way to the absolute power he contemplated." Which
step does the General mean ? How can I know which is
the particular step amongst "a variety" (wholly undefined)
" of crimes and misdemeanours?" I shall, however, assume
that he wishes to speak of the well-meant but imprudent
and ill-advised affair of April 30, 1821. In this point, the
General addresses himself to one who, without having had
any part in the same affair, happens to know all about it
most competently from that very time ; and, by the strength
of this knowledge, I can tell the General that the Prince
had no more intention or wish of dethroning his Royal father,
or paving the.way to absolute power, 4-c., than I have just
now a mind to go and jump down from the top of the
Monument in Fish-street Hill. Of course, I cannot enter
hero into a discussion and demonstration of my denial.
Nor will I enter either upon the case of the murder
of the Marquis do Loul6, that noble patriot, who had been
condemned to death in Lisbon for being a traitor to his
country, in the service of Napoleon 1., whilst Sir John and
Saldanha were bravely fighting for the independence of
Portugal and the Peninsula—and who was generously
pardoned by the king and nation in 1817, or thereabouts.
But this I will say, that I was in Lisbon at the time, and
tried by means in my power (and I had many) to learn,
and could never get even a tolerable guess about who might
have been the murderer of the Marquis. The General,
therefore, who seems to know all about it, ought to inform
us of the real facts, rather than ask the information from
me. And to what I can also testify without hesitation is,
that, d:szspplov:ng, as every _•cnsib:a person tr.d, and con-
demning the manner in which the palace had been cleared
of the Marquis, there was not one person in a hundred in
Lisbon and throughout Portugal, who was not glad to
learn that Louie was no more by the side of the old King.
These are facts to which I can speak without hesitation,
from my own perfect knowledge and observation, and on
which I could expatiate, and state many important circum-
stances, had I not regard to the limited columns of the
Weekly Register.

- 3d. As to the accuracy of the facts and imputations
charged by the General, apropos de bottes, on my calumni-
ated and lawful King, I should like also to have room in the
paper for properly and fully analysing all, the jumble:—" Is
it not true that Don Miguel, on subsequently assuming the
reins of Government, did not, without judge or jury, in-
carcerate in the dungeons of Fort St. Julian and other
prisoners, all the noblemen and others of note, who were op--
posed .to his system of Government, where they remained,
suffering the greatest privations for several years, until the
reins of Government were wrested from his hands, and the
constitution restored by universal acclamation, when it was
found that the greater part of the unfortunate prisoners at
Fort St. Julian had perished under the cruel treatment of

its Governor Tolles Jordao, who was for to pieces by the
inhabitants of Lisbon and thrown into the Tagus (a retribution
so far for the Murder of the Marquis de Louie ?)" murdered
at Salvaterra nine years before, without the fact of the
murder having any connection with all the just transcribed
miscellaneous statements, in which there aro some very
small grains of truth, diluted in a vast quantity of the con-
trary ingredient.

It would require a good volume to fully show the in-
correctness of all the charges so loosely tripped together
by our General in the above quotation. I would have im-

mensgy to say and to refute on the whole, but especially
on what is contained in the italicized word. ; but I will here
limit myself to the following short remarks :—" The con-
stitution restored by universal acclamation," is a falsehood ;
the "universal acclamation" was, I suppose, by the people

—the nation. And will Sir John tell us who then support&

the King for five years against the obstinate efforts of his
enemies, aided from this country and from France, &c.,
with all sorts of support in men, money, arms, diplomacy,
public press, &c.? Why, if the people of Portugal were so
ready to receive with open arms and "universal acclama-

tion" the precious constitution, was it necessary to concoct
the infamous Quadruple Alliance, and to send the armies

of Saarsliel and Rodil into Portugal against us? I suppose
it was to rescue the nation from the nation ! The General

himself cannot avoid here to admit that he has been writing

non sense.

All he so glibly says about tho incarceration of the
"noblemen and others of note" is full of exaggeration; there
is some little truth in" it, but much more of the gravest
falsehood prevailing in the barefaced inventions wherewith
the "Liberal" Portuguese refugees and their compeers
plentifully supplied for years the English press, which,
with very scanty but honourable exceptions, would in those
times admit nothing else in regard to us. Let the reader
judge c,f the general accuracy by this assertion :—" Telles
forddo, who was torn to pieces by the people of Lisbon and
thrown into the Tagus." The fact being that General Telles
Jordilo, who had been, in the Peninsular War, a soldier as
brave and distinguished as Sir J. S. Lillie and &Manila,
was most barbarously murdered, NOT by the people of
Lisbon, not in Lisbon itself even, but at Cassilhas on
other side of the Tagus, by the soldiers of Villa
Flor (afterwards Duke of Terceira) when he had
been taken prisoner. Such are the real soldierly and
" Liberal " proceedings of Sir John's esteemed friends,
whom he so readily takes up the cudgels to defend.
The General is not ignorant, I see, of the importance
there is in a name. To buy for a trifle or nominal price, a
convent rascally and rapaciously taken by Sir John's friends
from its original owners, might not be thought a very
honourable thing, nor the charge thereof be without some
little weight. But call the result of the plunder "national
property," and the buying of it from the robbers for a trifle
becomes a trifling circumstance, and the mention of the
transaction a "frivolous charge." Has Sir John, like General
Butler in America, had, before he turned soldier, any ex-
perience in special pleading ? I make no charge against
Mr. Smith ; but I cannot but find it extraordinary—and for
a Portuguese and a Catholic, let me say, shocking—to see a
young man, a Protestant besides, without any profession
that I know of, and without any services to my country,
issue from Milton-street, Dorset-square, simply as an appen-
dage to Saldanha, and then seeing him some time after in
possession of one of the homes of our expelled and plun-
dered religious communities !
4th. Let me now ask the readers of the Weekly Register,
whether Sir John Scott Lillie has, in his letter, exonerated
Saldanha from any of the serious charges in my former
letter. I charge him with :-
Ist. Giving most sumptuous parties at the expense of a
nation, whose revenue is hardly half sufficient for the ex-
penses of the State and interest of its debt.

2d. Being one of the 'principal instruments in putting
my country under the power of the present Freemasonic
Government, who plundered Convents, Monasteries, Cathe-
drals, Churches, Confraternities (and are just now prepar-
ing to plunder, in the same way the Hospitals, the Orphan-
ages, the Charitable Brotherhood; &c.)
3d. Opening the doors of the Kingdom to the Protestant
Propaganda (who with this hope highly favoured the Por-
tuguese Revolution), and to infidelity, demoralisation, and
ruin, by aiding so efficaciously the Freethasons and Revo-
lutionists in their war against the lawful King and Consti-
tution, against the real Portuguese nation.
4th. Hating several times been all-powerful, absolute
Dictator, in Portugal ; having made several revolutions, in
which ho was the master of everything ; and still, never
having availed himself of such power, means, and autho-
rity, to hinder the plunder of the Church, to prevent the
abolishing of the Religious Orders and. Institutions, or ad-
vocate even some partial re-establishment of them, after
their scandalous, Vandalic, and impious abolition.
Are these charges true or not?
Has Sir J. S. Lillie exonerated Saldanha of them ?
A. R. SARAIVA.
21, Nottingham-street, Marylebone W.,
February, 27, 180.

DISAPPEARANCE OF A MOUNTAIN.—The Giornale
di Sicilia of Palermo states that, ts few days ago, a solitary
mountain near Hotta St. Anastasia, in the district of Sieli,
suddenly sunk down to the level of the plain, leaving no
trace behind except a few trees which stood on its top, and
are still partly visible. This strange phenomenon is attri-
buted to the volcanic aetiOn of Mount Etna, though the dis-
tance is considerable.

If the blunder of a gcrier al is a crime, General
Hardee was guilty of worse than a blunder when
he left cotton in Savannah belonging to neutral
owners to come into possession of an enemy who
has no respect for neutral rights, On January 12
we had to record the fall of Savannah, and at that
time the price of cotton at Liverpool was about 25d.
per pound.
The present price of cotton is about 16d. per
pound. This unparalleled depreciation of value is
due mainly, if not entirely, to the report that the
Federals obtained possession of about 30,000 bales
of cotton at Savannah. We deem it our duty to
point out how utterly unfounded is the panic that
now prevails at Liverpool, and to do what we can to
prevent a serious and widespread commercial dis-
aster. No doubt the stock of cotton in Liverpool
is larger than was anticipated, but any one ac-
quainted with the trade wit admit that the dif-
ference between the estimated and the actual stock
will not account for a fall of ld., or at the very ut-
most of in the pound. How then can we ex-
plain a fall of 9d. per pound ? The reports received
from India and from the Mediterranean do not war-
rant the supposition that the receipts of cotton from
I those places will be in excess of the receipts of the
past year, and we are not aware that any one pre-
tends that the prospect of an increase of Indian and
Egyptian cotton has had anything to do with the pre-
sent ruinous depreciation.
Can the recent successes of the Federals have
anything to do with the panic in the cotton mar-
ket ? No doubt, the fact that Wilmington is closed
and Charleston and Savannah arc in the hands of
the enemy, puts an end, at least for a time, to any
considerable blockade-running. But surely this
fact should enhance, rather than depreciate, the
value of cotton in Liverpool. The trade knows af3
well as we d4-that-large-supplies of American cot-
ton have come to hand. For example, from the first
week in February until the current week we have an-
nounced the arrival of upwards of 30,000 bales of
American cotton. It will be conceded that had it
not been for these large importations of cotton from
the Southern States those holders who calculated on
higher prices would not have been disappointed.
Now the termination or suppression of blockade
running puts an end to this source of supply, and
therefore the blow struck at blockade running can-
not lower the price of the article, since it will make
it scarcer.

But we may be told that the Federals have posses-
sion of cotton districts, and therefore cotton will
come out without any difficulty. From what took
place at Charleston, where a large stock of cotton
was given to the torch, we may be sure that no Con-
federate general will repeat the blunder of General
Hardee. But, in truth, no Confederate general will
have the opportunity of so blundering. Supposing,
which is not the case, that the possession of the sea-
coast towns enabled the Federals to sweep the states
of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, of
all the cotton stored in them, the amount of plunder
would be small. North Carolina is not a cotton-
growing country. Except the sea islands, which
have long been in the possession of the Federals, the
staple of South Carolina is rice. The cotton in the
part of Georgia occupied by the Federals was stored
in Savannah. But; further, it must be remembered
that Charleston, Savannah, and Wilmington were
the most convenient ports for blockage running, and
consequently a large supply of cotton—nearly
500,000 bales since the commmencement of the war
—has been obtained at these ports. The stocks at
these places were reduced to a very low ebb, for a
reason sufficiently apparent to those who are
quainted with the military situation and its exigen-
cies. The lines of railroad were so engrossed for
military purposes, and it became so costly to trans-
port cotton from Alabama, and from the cotton
States east of Alabama, to the Atlantic seaports,
that it was only sent forward in small quantities.
Captains of blockade runners can testify that of late
they have had to wait in port day after day for their
return cargoes of cotton. Where is then the stock
of cotton in the States of which the Federals have
obtained possession of the seaports ? Therefore the
recent Federal successes must suspend, may entirely
cut off, but cannot in any way add to our stock of
cotton.

It is impossible to conceive a more unfounded
panic than that which now dominates in Liverpool.
It began with the announcement that the Federals

_ .
had at Savannah some 30,000 bales of cotton be-
longing to neutral owners, and. which, by the way,
would have come to hand through the agency of
blockade running but for the change in the military
situation. The panic has been heightened because
the Federals, ignoring neutral rights, have appro-
...

priated the cotton, and being pressed for gold imve
shipped a portion of it to Europe. Assuming that
the capture of Savannah liberated 30,000 bales of
cotton, which would otherwise have been shut up

till the termination of the war, can anything be

more ridiculous than the notion that such an event

should cause a fall in price of 9d. in the pound ?
When we consider the whole position—that the Fe-

deral successes have stopped blockade- running,
which was the source of our large American supply,
and that in the states in which the Federal armies

are located there are no stocks of cotton—there is

reason, so far as the occurrences in America are
concerned, for an advance and not a downfall in

price.

The panic will not be of long duration. Buyers
will be eager to avail themselves of such unwar-
ranted cheapness, and it is hard to conceive that
holders will permit an absurd panic to involve them
in ruinous losses. The facts we have stated are no-
torious, and the conclusion is indisputable. We trust
that our observations may assist in restoring the
market to a sound and reasonable condition, and if
so, it will have been our privilege to have rendered
a most important service to the commercial commu-
nity.—lndex.

"And then he drew a dial frem his poke,
And looking on it with lack lustre eye,
Says very wisely, ' It is ten o'clock:
Thus we may see,' quoth he, "how the world wags."'
• SHAKSPEARE.
Benson's Pocket Dials are artistic, accurate time
markers,aresent
to m
ea
vd
ee r iny part suitablengdom
safef o r everybody, r y
post,b o d
ayt,
576 d,
every
of the
size,
7,8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23,
24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, and 35 guineas in
gold cases ; and at 2,3, 4,5, 6,7, 8,9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15,
16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, and 25 guineas in silver
cases. A descriptive pamphlet post free for two stamps.
W. Bensbn, Ludgate-hill, watch and clock maker to
H.R.H. the Prince of Wales. •
THE EASTER MONDAY REVIEW.-Yesterday the
committee appointed by the commanding officers of
Volunteers to inspect the ground and other facilities at
Dover and Brighton as to their convenience for the forth-
coming Volunteer review visited Dover. On the arrival by
the boat-train of the South-Eastern Railway, the deputa-
tion, consisting of Viscount Ranelagh, Lords Elcho, Truro,
and Lieut.-Cols. \Verde, Buxton, and Cochrane, were re-
ceived by Sir Luke Smithett, the deputy mayor, the local
committee for the reception of the Volunteers, and a number
of military and Volunteer officers, who entertained their
lordships at breakfast at the Lord 'Warden Hotel. Lord
Ranelagh first inspected the shed accommodation in the
town, which was pronounced ample for all requirements.
The railway stations next underwent inspection, and the
only fault found in respect to them was that snore room for
brigading outside the stations on the arrival of the Volun-
teers was desirable. Afterthis, Lord Elcho and the others
proceeded in carriages to the Round Down. midwaybetween
Dover and Folkestone, the proposed scene of the review,
Lord Ranelagh walking thither to see the time the march
would occupy, and he made the journey in a little over an
hour. The review ground was described as three miles long
and two miles broad. The advantages of the different po-
sitions were then pointed out. Mr. S. Finnis drew their
lordships' attention to Hougham, which used to be the fa-
Tourite place of the late Duke of Wellington to manoeuvre
his troops. The conmiittae seemed highly pleased with the
ground, notwithstanding they saw it in its most unfavour-
able state on account of the bad weather of the preceding
night. After carefully inspecting the ground and the neigh-
bourhood around, their lordships proceeded to Folkestone,
and inspected the railway station.
LADVERTISEMENT.I-Holloway's Ointment and Pills.-
Scurvy, Skin Diseases.-These unsightly complaints are
the source of much annoyance to thousands. While fret-
ting the mind they irritate the nerves, and produce a con-
tinuous slow fever, disordered stomachs and restless nights.
For this state Holloway's Ointment and Pills are an im-
mediate and certain remedy. Cure the cause and the
disease will cease. Under the influence of these approved
medicaments the blood reclaims its purity, the skin resumes
its healthy functions, the tongue cleans, the tainted breath
departs, and the languour and nervous depression disap-
pear. No corrupt humours can withstand the Punfraft
principles of these remarkable:remedies, Ivhict.i,expe
morbid matter from the system. They likewise correct
all irregularities of the liver and promote digestion.

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 11, 1865.

The list of Federal triumphs has now another
aldition. Wilmington has fallen, although it may
almost be said to have fallen voluntarily. In ac-
cordance with the new system of tactics the Con-
federates evacuated the city on the night of the
21st ult., after burning the bridge across Cape Fear
River, and •
destroying a thousand bales of cotton
and 15,000 barrels of resin. This capture, not
altogether unexpected, has
filled the North with
exultation. Whether Wilmington would have yet
changed hands if the Coufede
to keep it may es rat
questioned, had determined
be very fairly
i but there
is no doubt that whoever obtained tl.
e possession
of the city it is an important gain to the
By means 'of Charleston and Wihnin Federals
can reinforce their fleet by sea gton they
while the
Confederates have pretty well lost their means of
communication with the outer world. Alter the
capture of Fort Anderson, the fall of Wilmington
was almost a matter of certainty, and, in fact, the
Confederates announced their determination of
evacuating it some weeks since. The New York
Herald thinks the possession of the city most im-
portant at this juncture, because it will afford an
easy opportunity of reinforcing SHERMAN, in the
event of LEE, LIARDEEY 8" BRACW# combining

against him. The same journal observes that
Wilmington has been of service to LEE, even after
Fort Fisher, since it gave him supplies, besides
drawing off a large body of the Federals. All
this is true enough, and with whatever motive
Wilmington and Charleston have been aban-
doned they will unquestionably be temporary
losses to the South, which has striven so long and
so gallantly to maintain them. The tide of fortune
seems to have set in a continuous stream against
the Confederacy, and it is no great wonder that the
Northern people, always prompt to rejoice over their
own successes, and to let all the world know of their
achievements and their good luck, are transported
with delight. A surer test than mere popular ex-
citement is to be found in the rapid decline of the
price of gold. President LINCOLN has been es-
pecially fortunate at this critical season for
Washington's birthday and the day of his
own re-election will have been occasions of
genuine demonstrations instead of forced displays
of feeling that did not exist.
At the same time, while the star of the North is
undoubtedly in the ascendant, and the Federals
have gained a decisive advantage by penetrating, as
it were, into the heart of the South, the friends of
the Confederacy need not despair. It is useless for
them to deny that their enemies have achieved
many triumphs, partly from the chances of war and
partly from their own mistake in suffering SHER-
MAN to march through Georgia unmolested. Still,
having abandoned those outlying cities, which took
so large a number of men to maintain, there is no
doubt that the strength of the Confederacy will be
greatly increased by concentration. With less
to lose they have less to defend, and their troops,
no longer absorbed by defensive operations, can
direct their energies to the discomfiture of the
enemy rather than to the protection of their own
territory. It is significant that not only did LEE
long since proclaim his conviction that the loss of
Charleston, Wilmington, and other garrisoned
cities, would be an actual gain, but SHERMAN de-
clared himself to be of the same opinion.
It is probable enough that LEE will use his
newly-acquired strength in the capture bf Knoxs-
ville, Tennessee, which is a large town near
the Cumberland Mountaing, in a very central
position, contiguous to Cumberland Gap,
and in close proximity to Kentucky. It
was considered of so much importance by
LINCOLN that when it was captured by the Federals
he ordered a public thanksgiving. Knoxville is also
near Ohio, and is a good strategical position in every
way. It is likely that by a dexterous movement
LEE will make himself master of it ; and it was
rumoured that a division of LEE'S army had already
made its appearance in East Tennessee when the
news left. GRANT appears to have met with some
unexpected difficulties, for he has withdrawn from
his newly acquired position at Hatcher's Run. It
is believed that SHERMAN'S next endeavour will be
to join GRANT and compel the evacuation of Rich-
mond ; but, even supposing this achieved, the Con-
federate cause will not be materially damaged, since
if LEE takes to the field he will fulfil his threat by
making the North feel the burden of the war more
in the hour of their triumph than at any former
period.

If the Southern people will show themselves equal
to the emergency by calling out the slaves, they will
gain an immense numerical advantage and LEE
will be no longer be hampered in his movements by
the want of men. The proposition to arm 200,000
negroes has passed the Confederate House of
Representatives, but the Senate the day after
postponed its consideration indefinitely by a. majority
of one! The senators arc not to be always trusted,
as is proved by the conduct of FOOTE, and we can
hardly believe that men who sincerely desire their
country's independence will refuse to reconsider so
rash and headstrong a decision at the present crisis
of events.

It is of consequence that from time to time some
discussion should take place relative to the state and
condition of our colonies and their affairs, and
therefore the long debate that took place regarding
New Zealand may be considered as satisfactory in
its way, and conducive to the right understanding
of the subject. Mr. MILLS was at great pains to
bring the subject before the House, and evinced a
moderation in dealing with it that did him credit,
for it often occurs that when people turn their
attention to these questions they become vehement
and excited ; and thus, although animated with the
best intentions, they mar the effect of their own
exertions. The hon. member wisely refrained
from moving the address of which he had given
notice, and thus no altercation took place as to
particulars, but the whole subject was considered
in a general point of view. Mr. MILLS adverted to
the unhappy state of things in New Zealand, and
the confusion that was created in consequence of the
dissensions which prevailed among the officials.
There was great truth in his remarks about Gover-
nor Sir G. GREY, for the position of that gentleman
is a most difficult one, perplexed as he is with hos-
tilities from without and disaffection within. It is
therefore hardly fair to pass a severe criticism upon
the conduct of a man who is similarly situatedwhen
those who sit in judgment are so far removed from
the scene of action that they cannot possibly be
acquainted with , all the bearings of the case. The
expressions used by the hon. member with regard to
the Maories were also very much to the point, and
all who look upon the case in the right
light must admire the spirit evinced by the
Maories, and the indomitable resistance that they
have made to the trained forces and disciplined
troops of this country. In the course of his com-
prehensive speech Mr. MILLS mentioned two things
in particular which may be deemed conclusive in
their way as regards our future policy and the feel-
ings of the colonists. In the first place, he assumed
that England did not wish to annul the constitution
of New Zealand, and this is certainly a very safe
venture to make. There is no greater mistake
made by some of the would-be benefactors of their
country than that which has prevailed to a great
extent that colonies are a useless appendage and a
questionable advantage to a country. The other
point referred to was the conduct of the colonists in
regard to their treatment of the Maories, and there is
no reason to doubt the accuracy of the statements
here made as to their moderation in the long run,
although isolated instances of selfishness may have
led to the formation of a contrary opinion. Mr.
ROEBUCK, as usual, addressed himself to the ques-
tion with much animation, and in his graphic style
declared that he intended to exposea "great sham !"
England had for centuries been extending her colo-
nies, and thus had greatly increased the spread of
civilisation, but some infatuated individuals persisted
in their accusations against this policy, and were
never weary of abusing its promoters. There is
certainly a great deal of truth in this, as there is in
many of the lion. and learned member's remarks,
but the vehement manner and peculiar phraseology
which
hishead opts
often misleads persons into
statements exaggeratedthinking and his
opinions erroneous.
vast amount of good
Thhasereaccacrun
accrued
tnoo
those
rousbe doubt that
lands in which the
dissentientscivilisatio civilisation has
have settled, and that
bthy
. e c alvulsaen oyf
grbeeaftottlynaldvtaonAceir, d titheorEe:

BuCK's assertion, that it would be a-wise and po-
litic thing to exterminate the aborigines. When he
talked of " dispossessing the wild animals of New
Zealand, the most mischievous among whom was
the wild man," it was no wonder that there were
ceies of " Oh, oh." After the peculiar style of the
hon. and learned member's oration, it is not to be
wondered at that Mr. BUXTON should have retorted
by observing, that when Mr. ROEBUCK talked of
some people who abused everybody, it was certain
that if there was any human being " on the face of
the whole earth who arrogated to himself the excep-
tional right of abusing everyone else it was the
hon. and learned gentleman himself." Lord STANLEY,
with his usual discrimination, endeavoured to bring
back the discussion from a theoretical to a practical
point. He said that there was not much use at the
present moment in going into any details of a dis-
tant nature, for facts were stubborn things, and the
events in New Zealand would not be influenced by
the opinions of any one in that House. In the noble
lord's calm and dispassionate statement, we may
find the best solution of the vexed question under
dispute respecting the Maori tribe. It is certain
that all barbarous races disappear more or less before
the inroads of civilised ones ; but that need not be
laid to the charge of the white men, for it is the in-
evitable doctrine of human events. Lord
STANLEY, .as usual, grasped at the point
of the discussion that was most vital to the
interests of the colonists. He said that what we
had to do was to see that all had been done by the
colonists in their own behalf, and also to afford
them what " temporary" help they absolutely re-
quired, but with the proviso that after the termina-
tion of hostilities, it could not be renewed. There
can be no doubt that such a cause, if followed out,
will prove of the greatest possible service to the
colonists and all concerned in the matter over here.
Mr. CARDWELL'S remarks were very much to the
point, and the right hon. gentleman spoke in a con-
fident and cheerful tone as to the future of New
Zealand, thus forming a good contrast to the some-
what gloomy prognostications in which some hon.
members had indulged. lie said that there was
ample room for both races to live out there, and that
the natives of New Zealand were eminently quali-
fied to profit by the advantages of civilisation. It
is very satisfactory to hear such an opinion from
one so qualified to judge of the state of the case,
and we may confidently trust that the right hon.
gentleman's prediction will be verified, and that we
may soon rejoice in a better condition of affairs in
that important and interesting colony.

The suspension of a bank is always a local and
sometimes almost a national calamity. It is one of
the Hardships of our advanced civilisation that per-
sons and families may be suddenly transformed from
ease and affluence into absolute penury by no fault
of their own, having been guilty of no imprudence
or extravagance, and even without having the
slightest reason to anticipate the calamity that falls
upon them. The streets of a provincial town, espe-
cially, may be thus changed, in the course of a
few hours, from the cheerfulness and bustle of ordi-
nary business, into terrible confusion and excite-
ment and such, there is too much reason to
believe, will be the state of one of our great
centres of manufacturing industry to-day. The
bank of Messrs. ATTWOOD, SPOONER, and Co., of
Birmingham, is so well known by reputation, and
has been so long celebrated for its supposed sol-
vency, that the news of its suspension will come
with a terrible shock to large numbers of persons.
The melancholy intelligence will not have been
generally known till an early hour this morning, as
the bank closed its doors at the usual hour yester-
day in the usual manner. Many thousands of
workmen will look in vain for their wages to-night,
as the blow will extend throughout all classes. We
can only regret that the doors should have been
thus kept open till the last moment, as many busi-
ness men might pay in large sums with a view to
meeting their demands at the end of the week. Of
course money was drawn out likewise, but Friday
was an unfortunate day. We have yet to learn the
full particulars of the catastrophe which every one
will hear with heartfelt regret.

ELEC LION INLELLIGENCE.