The Sun.
London, England, 1853-09-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

THE EASTERN QUESTION.
( From the Morning Chronicle. )
The intelligence of the passing of the Dardanelles
by a portion of the combined squadrons, is, in
every point of view, of a most important character.
That attempts should be made to misrepresent its
bearing, and to draw an argument in favour of the
abandonment of their ally by the Western Powers,
even from the fact of their partial advance to a
position of more effective aid, can surprise no one
who has watched the course of the present trans-
actions, and the tone from time to time adopted
by some who have taken part in their discussion.
Instead of deducing inferences to the disadvantage
of the Porte, from the passing of the Dardanelles
by a portion of the fleet, it is more to the purpose
to consider the nature of the step itself. We are
not yet at war, and it is still possible that, if not
the moderation, the prudence of Russia—which is
at least capable of measuring material forces and
estimating chances—may stand between the world
and the calamities which would be due exclusively
to ler criminal ambition. But the passing of the
Dardanelles, by an armed squadron, itself indicates
the non-existence of peace. It goes back for its
justification to the day when the Russian armies
crossed the Pruth. The invasion of the Princi-
palities created not merely a " casus belli," but a
state of war. All existing conventions between
the Porte and Russia, and which were participated
in by other Powers,were potentially determined
by that act of aggression. The Porte and the other
Powers who were parties to the engagements were
thenceforth absolutely free to consider what course
was demanded by their own interest and honour.
This was explicitly declared in the dispatches of
Lord Clarendon and M. Drouyn de Lhuys. It
is now declared even more explicitly by the act of
the Allied Powers. Ships of war, English and
French, have passed the Dardanelles ; and the im-
mediate purpose or ultimate consequences of that
measure m no way affect its present importance.
If the next mail from the East should bring us in-
telligence that the whole of the fleet has sailed to
Constantinople, no feeling will be more general
.than
that of regret that the step was not taken earlier.
Such a feeling, however natural and general, never-
theless may not be well founded. But, in any
case, we can scarcely fail to profit by a forbearance
which has at least made manifest to the world the
contrast between the spirit that has actuated Russia,
on the one side, and the Western powers on the
other. It cannot be said that our Government
has been over forward to remove the mask with
which that Power now no longer affects to con-
ceal her purpose, and by leaving its removal to her
own hand, her unscrupulous violence has been
more effectually opposed. It was as well that every
argument on behalf of Russia should have been
exhausted, in order that she herself might answer
them all. It is not to be regretted that her advo-
cates should find themselves at last under the ne-
cessity of admitting the entire justice of the inter-
pretation put by all impartial men upon her
previous conduct. To those who, with ourselves,
appreciated from the beginning the importance of
the modifications suggested by the Porte in the
Vienna Note, it must be satisfactory to meet with
the elaborate proofs now, somewhat gratuitously,
volunteered, that the demands which those modifi-
cations were intended to bar are utterly inadmis-
sible. The reality of these exactions can no longer
be denied, when they are explicitely avowed and
maintained by the party demanding them. They
are such, it is now admitted, as the Porte cannot
concede.
What then follows ? It has been said that the
fanatical mob of Constantinople is highly excited
against the Frank residents, but it should be recol-
lected that such excitement has arisen solely from
the dread of an acceptance of terms equivalent to
the original Russian demand. The fanaticism
which might, perhaps, call itself patriotism, is
roused against a conclusion so ignominious, that
even the detractors of the Porte do not consider it
as possible, now that all doubts as to its meaning
have been removed bythe explicit exposition of Count
Nesselrode. Now that the absolute justice of the
cause of the Sultan can no longer be disputed, the next
resource of the friends of the Czar is to discourage
all sympathy for those who are admitted to be in
the right. Therefore is it that the advance of a
portion of the fleet is represented as a measure of
protection against ignorant and fanatical barba-
rians, scarcely less ready to shed the blood of their
friends than that of their enemies. Even if the
motive thus assigned for the advance of the ships
were the true one, the question in dispute would .
not be affected. Were it, indeed, needful to in-
crease public indignation against the overbearing
injustice of the aggressive Power —against the
wicked and reckless selfishness which has hazarded
or wrecked the peace of the world—a fertile theme
for the purpose might be found in the charge
brought against the Turks, for if the lives and pro-
perty of English or French Christians have been
exposed to peril from fanatical violence, unpro-
voked and wanton aggression on an unoffending
neighbour is alone to blame. Some accounts speak
of the activity of Russian agency in fomenting
Mussulmau excitement in the city of the Sultan.
We are not forced to attribute to the Russian
Cabinet the fiendish wickedness of deliberately pre-
paring the probable consequences of an outbreak,
although it would be a gross injustice to their fore-
sight to doubt that such a contingency has come
within their contemplation. Indeed, if the guilt
of such a deed were to be attributed to him who
would derive all the advantage of it, it would not
be difficult to discover the criminal. Were Chris-
tian blood to stain the streets of Constantinople,
that blood would be in all senses on the head of
him who would first and alone draw profit from
the lamentable occurrence. But there is, we hope,
no ground for anticipating such a gain to the side
of the evil-doer. The righteous indignation of the
Turks has been expressed with some violence, in-
deed, and precautionary measures have been wisely
taken. But the excitement prevailing has not in-
duced the Sultan to cut the knot of his perplexing
position by any premature step. Whether his mo-
deration will be able to endure the terms in which
the rejection of the Emperor is conveyed, and the
reasons by which it is attempted to be justified, we
do not pretend to anticipate.
As the effect on the determination of the Sultan
and his advisers of the last Notes from St. Peters-
burgh will shortly be known, it is superfluous to spe-
culate on it. Should they find from the language,
and still more from the tone of these Notes, that
peaceth
waittheir
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until
nh ta
ils becometh econstruction
g lo of
v eincn
honour, we shall not waste words in proving that
whichot ea documentsib incompatible
withhhet has w
least excusable. Or should the Emperor not even
lifted—should the reported movement of the Rus-
sians be really a commencement of opera • tions on
the side of Servia—in either contingency it is not
improbable that our lengthened and persevering
efforts for the preservation of peace will have been
made in vain. The best chance of its maintenance
lies iti the conviction of the Emperor that there are
limits to our forbearance, and consequently limits
to his power. For this reason, we shall, in the in-
terest of peace, gladly hear that the portion of the
joint fleet which has already sailed has been fol-
lowed by the remainder.
In the interest of peace ;—but there are other
interests also. The elements of the question—
although its various and ever-changing features
have now engaged
general attention for seven
months, are simple, few, and comprehensible. Not
only are they comprehensible, but they are, to a
degree not unusual in foreign questions, fully com-
prehended by the people of England. The Peace
Society, and those who have represented them, on
this occasion, on the one side, and the concealed,
or avowed, advocates of Russia, on the other, have
spoken, indeed, perseveringly, fully, loudly, and
without an echo. But, with these exceptions,
there has been but one feeling in this country upon
the subject. • That feeling is a desire to maintain
intact the status quo—the rights of our ally and
our own—to defend our obvious interests and our
obvious honour : if it can be done, by peaceful
diplomacy—if not, " quocunque modo."
.We are
not often of accord with Mr. Urquhart, but we
agree with him that the nation which adopts the
principle, of peace at any price paralyses, by that
principle its assertion of every other. There are
some things, though not many, better than peace.
If we betray fear or doubt respecting the mainten-
ance of what we declare to be right, it is rat on the
Bosphorus only that we shall soon have rights to
maintain or to abandon.

(Front Bell's Weekly Messenger.)

The Czar, the Sultan, and the Pope are likely to
give the world some trouble. The affairs of the
latter have become unwieldy and uncertain. He
has meddled everywhere, and disturbed almost
every non-Romish country in Europe ; he may yet
live to experience the recoil of his desperate doings.
Need we refer to his interference in Britain, in
Prussia, or in Holland ? Or need we inquire by
what agency " the question of shrines" evoked the
ambitious rivalry of the czar, and drew foxth lus