The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-27 00:00:00

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAY.—Morning, 3h. 30m.—Afternoon, 3h. 55m.
Two--Monnow.-Morning, 4h. 14m.—Afternoon, 4h. 46m.

att

LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 27, 1865.

The news of the capture of President DAVIS will
probably be heard with deep regret by all parties
in this country. Those who have watched the
Southern fortunes with interest, who have sympa-
thised in their struggle for independence, and have
admired the courage and patriotism of their leaders,
will naturally be deeply grieved that the high-
minded and statesmanlike President, who, in spite
of all risks and aggravations, governed his people
in strict accordance with constitutional law, should
have fallen into the hands of his implacable enemies.
The friends of the North, on the other hand, who
are rejoicing in the triumph of the Federals, and
anticipating the speedy reconstruction of the Union,
can hardly fail to regret that so awkward an oppor-
twaity should have been given to JOHNSON and his
advisers for the fulfilment of their threats. No
Englishman, whatever his political opinions are,
seecanishto b
they the Government of the United
States stained
the judicial murder of its most
distinguished adversary. Americans, carried away
by the vehement passions of the hour, and by that
political excitement to which they are always too
prone, may, indeed, become reckless enough to talk
of the gallows and the scaffold as the fit termination
for the career of a man who has reigned over
a wider territory and a larger population
than many European
Kings . and that, too,
at a time of unprecedented danger
and
trial. If it be an arduous task to govern a
great nation in time of war, whenthewrhionlge
machinery of Government is in good wok
order, the undertaking is certainly more formid-
able in its nature when the political system has
to be established, and the. difficulties and dangers
attending the internal administration of a new
kingdom are joined to the outward changes and
perils of an old one. All these embarrassments
were met and conquered by the resolute PRESI-
DENT of the Confederacy. As one of the most
eminent of our own statesmen has said, " JEFFER-
SON Davis made the South a nation." It was no
petty rebellion of a disaffected party ; it was no

mere local jealous or angry political feelings that
formed the subject of dispute. Under his guidance
it became the resistance of a whole people to a
Government that was obnoxious to them—a war
founded on the same principle, if attended with a
different result, that dictated the Declaration of
Independence. A man who, during four years of
a mighty war, could govern a nation numbered
by millions by the aid of civil authority, and ac-
cording to constitutional law, cannot be stigma-
tised as a mere mischievous demagogue and rebel.
Whatever charge may be brought against him by
the active imaginations of Messrs. JOHNSON and
SEWARD, or by whatever opprobrious epithets
they may choose to designate his conduct, to
Europeans at least he will never be otherwise than
the great leader of a great people, and no allegations
of conspiracy or denunciations of treason can con-
vert him from a President into an assassin and a
rebel. If Northern animosity is allowed so far
to disgrace itself as to take the life of JEFFERSON
DAVIS, it will in this country at least be regarded,
not as the punishment of a traitor, but as cruel
and cowardly vengeance on an unarmed foe ;
vengeance for a fair and open fight, in which the
Southern President never suffered himself to be
betrayed into acts unworthy of his position.
Moderate and prudent men in the North, who
have the real interests of their country
at heart, are doubtless very sorry for the capture of
DAVIS. Even President JOHNSON himself appears
to be sensible of the dilemma in which he has placed
himself by his rash and reckless proclamation, and
by throwing the blame on the Judge-Advocate has
withdrawn the charge of complicity in the murder
which he openly brought against DAVIS. The New
York Press, however, for the most part, declares
DAVIS to be deserving of death, only the 7ribune,
an honourable exception, appeals to the self-respect
and dignity of the people. Unhappily, neither
people nor Government have given us much cause
to trust to their moderation or their magnanimity,
and we cannot but look with considerable anxiety
for further intelligence. If the Federal Government,
instead of offering a reward, which alone was an in-
centive to capture, had suffered DAVIS to leave the
country unmolested, they would have taken the
most judicious, as well as the most generous course.
As it is they have placed themselves in a difficult
position, and we can only hope that merciful and
moderate counse s may be allowed to prevail. The
Americans may rest assured that should the punish-
ment of a felon be awarded to a prisoner impartial
observers will not perceive much distinction between
the execution of President DAVIS and the murder of
President LINCOLN.

The case of Colonel DAWKINS is one of those
unsatisfactory matters which no one seems able to
set right, and which confer no credit upon any
concerned. A great deal of discussion took place
last night, and, doubtless, it would have been better
if more pains had been taken the other night to
render that explanation which the House had a right
to require, but after the best had been made of the
affair it was but an unsatsfactory reason which was
rendered. The public are always more satisfied
when a public trial is substituted for a private in-
quiry, and if Colonel DAWKINS'S conduct justified
the extreme measure resorted to, no doubt the
decision of a court-martial would have amounted to
the same in the end, and all this confusion would have
been avoided. It is evident that the Government
committed a great mistake in their treatment of
this matter, for after pooh-poohing Mr. GRIFFITH'S
attempt to represent the case the other evening,
Lord PALMERSTON last night requested those mem-
bers who had precedence of the hon. member for
Devizes to postpone their notices till after his.
This showed that the effort to suppress the matter
would not do, and that a general feeling of dis-
satisfaction prevailed at the mystery which en-
veloped the matter, and which the ignorance and
inattention of the officials in the House of Commons
only tended to increase. Colonel DICKSON truly
stated that these " disputes were most injurious to
the service, and might result in one of those great
military slanders which were so much to be
deplored." The particulars which came out con-
cerning the disputes of Colonel DAWKINS with his
brother officers
did
not improve his case ; but still
that does not alter the fact that there has been mis-
management. It is always a pity when any affairs
of this kind become the topic,. of public discussion ;
an unfavourable impression is sure to be produced,
however really just the decision of the authorities
may be. The House of Commons last night nega-
tived Mr. GRIFFITH'S motion ; but the opinion of
the public will be that more openness throughout the
affair would have answered the ends of justice, and
been productiVe of less irritated feelings, besides
obviating misconception and false impressions. If
the regulations of the service render it expedient to
dismiss officers by courts of private inquiry, the
sooner these rules are changed the better for the
credit of the army and the satisfaction of the com-
munity.

The feeling of the House of Commons with re-
gard to the Dockyard Extensions seems to be
entirely in favour of the works being carried out as
rapidly and as efficiently as possible. The necessity
of extending our dockyard accommodation has be-
come so evident as to impress even the Admiralty
authorities, and Mr. CORRY remarked last evening
during the dißcussion on the Estimates that three
years ago Lord C. PAGET ridiculed his proposition
that a million and a half should be expended on our
dockyards, whereas the lowest estimate for the
works now proposed by the noble lord himself was
between four and five millions. The hon. member,
however, was by no means inclined to find fault
with the extent of the works ; in fact, he
only regretted that they should not be more
actively pushed on, so as to put the naval arrange-
ments of the country on the most satisfactory foot-
ing in the shortest possible time. The sum to be
laid out in these works is, it seems, to be spread over
15 years, which, as Mr. CORRY justly observed, is
much too long a time. The Admiralty propose, it
is true, to push on some works faster than others,
but there is no reason why the whole of the neces-
sary changes should not be made with as much
vigour and rapidity as possible, so as to put our
dockyards without delay into a proper state. The
immense size of the modern vessels of course.
demands increased accommodation, and it
is a shortsighted and foolish economy that
would begrudge the necessary outlay. Fifteen
years is a long while, and there can be
no valid reason for so dilatory and unsatis-
factory a mode of conducting a matter of national
importance. Mr. CORRY proposes, and many com-
petent authorities share his opinion, that the money
required, instead of being taken by an annual vote,
should be borrowed on terminable annuities, as is
done to meet the expenses of the fortifications.
This plan would meet all difficulties, and would
insure the works being carried out rapidly and
efficiently.
We have always too much delay and
dawdling in our public works, and it is a matter of
regret that in works so
much wanted at present
there should be the same drawback.
in-
stance, should the works atCork,vhieh Why,are
tf for r
cost
only £15,000, be spread out over six years? We
hope that the Government will:see the force of the

objections raised to the delay, and will agree when
the proposition is received to substitute the loan on
terminable annuities for the tedious annual vote.

The decision of the House of Lords, concerning
the Imperial Gas Bill, last night, was very satisfac-
tory in every respect ; it will doubtless meet with
the concurrence of the public. Lord RAVENSWORTII
very properly opposed the second reading of the
Bill, and showed its mischievous tendencies. The
object which the company had in view by the pass-
ing of this measure was to raise extra capital, and
become the largest company in the world. There
would have been no remedy for those who com-
plained of the quality of the gas if this proposal had
been carried out, which is sufficient proof of its
utter undesirability. This " gigantic monopoly," as
the noble lord truly designated it, is just one of
those schemes which are at variance with the com-
mon sense of the community, and which engender
discontent and irritation among those numerous
classes who are concerned in the matter. The
Bishop of LONDON also spoke strongly on the sub-
ject, and showed the House the inconveniences that
would arise if the bill became law. Bow-common,
which was formerly a pleasant place, was now quite
spoiled, and Fulham and Chelsea would share the
same fate if the company were possessed of the
powers proposed to be vested in them. His lord-
ship further stated that it was all very well to talk
of the law making it impossible for the Thames to
be adulterated, but they had had experience of
" such impossibilities." This is very true, because a
fine can always be paid, and, in some cases, it is
more profitable to do so, and, therefore, the law is
violated without hesitation. Some noble lords were
of opinion that it would be better to allow the
bill to be read a second time, and then
refer it to a select committee. It was just as well,
however, not to have done so. When it is once
seen that a measure is really objectionable, it is
always a pity to go on discussing the pros and cons
of the affair, as Earl GREY truly observed, the real
merits of the case would not be put before the
committee, because the parties to the dispute were
not evenly matched, " the proposal came backed
by a powerful company, and the opposition was
from individuals who had no organisation to bring
the evils which it would inflict before the committee."
There is a great deal of truth in the noble earl's
suggestion that we want a tribunal to decide upon
bills that, under the title of private, endeavour to
authorise public works, or, at all events,
works of a public nature. It is always
to be regretted when any measure is carried
which confers too much power upon any company
and gives it a monopoly. The interests of the
public are always sacrificed to the private ends of
the directors of the works, and general advantages
are at a discount while particular places are carried
on with zeal and assiduity. The gas monopoly in
London is already sufficiently apparent without any
change for the worse taking place, and on every
account it is a matter of congratulation that the
Imperial Gas Bill has been thrown out. A service
of great importance has thus been rendered to the
community, who are greatly indebted to those noble
lords whose skill and foresight have been instru-
mental in preventing the passing of a one-sided
measure, that must certainly have done damage to
the health and convenience of the public.