The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-31 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING-, JANUARY 31, 1865.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

AMERICA.

(REUTER' S EXPRESS.)
Per the Asia.

NEW YORK, Jan. 17 (Evening).
The most important feature of the military situa-
tion is the capture, by the Federal forces, of Fort
Fisher at the mouth of the Cape Fear River. The
event is officially announced by the following de-
spatches, which are transmitted by the Assistant
Secretary of War :

Headquarters United States Forces, on Federal
Point, N.C., Jan. 15—via Fortress Monroe,
Jan. 17.
Brigadier-General J. A. Rawlins.
General,—l have the honour to report that Fort
Fisher was carried by assault this afternoon and
evening by Gen. Ames's division and the second
brigade of the first division of the twenty-fourth
army corps, gallantly aided by a battalion of ma-
rines and seamen from the navy.
The assault was preceded by a heavy bombard-
ment from the Federal fleet, and was made at 3.30
p.m., when the first brigade— Curtis's, of Ames's
division--effected a lodgment on the parapet, but
full possession of the work was not obtained until
10 p.m.
The behaviour of both officers and men was most
admirable. All the works south of the Fort Fisher
are now occupied by our troops. We have not less
than 1,200 prisoners, including Gen. Whiting and
Col. Lamb, the commandant of the fort.

I regret to say that our loss is severe, especially
in officers. lam not yet able to form any estimate
of the number of casualties.

(Signed) ALFRED H. TERRY.
Brev. Major-Gen. Commanding Expedition.

Fort Fisher, Jan. 16, 2 a.m.
After a careful reconnissanee on the 14th, it was
decided to risk an assault on Fort Fisher. Paine's
division, with Col. Abbott's brigade to hold our
line, already strong, across the peninsula, and
facing Wilmington against Hoke, while Ames' divi-
sion should assemble on the west-end.

After three hours of heavy navy firing, the assault
was made at 3 p.m. on the 15th. Curtis's brigade
led, and, as soon as it was on the west end of the
land front, it was followed by Pennebacker's, and
the latter by Bell's.
After desperate fighting, gaining foot by foot,
and severe loss, at five p.m., we had possession of
about half the land front. Abbott's brigade was
then taken from our line facing Wilmington, and
put into Fort Fisher, and on pushing it forward, at
took the rest of the work with little resistance.

The garrison falling back to the extreme of the
peninsula, where they were followed and captured ;
among others, Gen. Whiting and Col. Lamb. I
think we have quite 1,000 prisoners.
I hope our own loss may not exceed 500, but it is
impossible to judge in the night. Among the
wounded are the commanders of the three leading
brigades ; Gen. Curtiss being wounded, not se-
verely, but Cols. Pennebacker and Bell dangerously.
The land force was a formidable one, the parapet
in places 14 or 15 feet high, but the men went at it
nobly, under a severe musketry fire.
The marines and sailors went up gallantly, but
the musketry fire from the east end of the land
front was so severe that they did not succeed in
entering the works.
The navy fire on the work, judging from the
holes, must have been terrific. Many of the guns
were injured. How many there were on the point
I cannot say, perhaps 30 or 40.
(Signed) C. B. Com STOC lc, Lieut.-Col.,
A.D.C. and Chief Engineer.

Another despatch estimated the number of priso-
ners captured at 2,500, and the number of guns

at 72.

General Grant telegraphs to this department that
in honour of this great triumph achieved by the
united valour of the army and navy he has ordered
a salute to be fired by each of the armies operating
against Richmond.
C. A. DANA, Assistant Secretary of War.

FORTRESS MONROE, Jan. 17.
lion. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy,—
The Altantic is just in from Wilmington.
Fort Fisher and the works on Federal Point are
in our possession.

The assault was made by the army and sailors on
Sunday afternoon, and by 11 p.m. the works were

our.

The losses are heavy.
Lieut. S. W. Preston and B. H. Porter, of the
navy, are killed.

Our captures were 72 guns and about 2,500

prisoners.

Generals Whiting and Lamb (rebels) are priso-
ners and wounded.

The Vanderbilt is on her way North with
despatches.
Two 15-inch guns burst on the monitors.
(Signed) E. T. NicnoLs, Commander.

There are rumours that General. Grant is extend-
ing his left wing with a view of making an impor-
tant- offensive movement. Confederate accounts
represent that the railroad from City Point to his
left and centre has lately been running both night
and day. General Ord continues in temporary
command of the troops north of the James river,
and General Heckman, during the absence of Ge-
neral Weitzel, is in command of the 25th .Corps
(coloured). Deserters report still that Lee has
recently sent troops to South Carolina to oppose
Sherman. Richmond papers state that Grant has
recently been reinforced by a large number of well-
drilled negro troops. The same journals admit
that the recent heavy rains have injured to a con-
siderable extent the defences of Petersburg.
Further details of the late Confederate capture of
Beverley, West Virginia, show that the attack was
made at daylight by Wickham's brigade of Rosser's
cavalry. The Federals, after a short but desperate
resistance, surrendered the town. About 400 of
them were made prisoners.
General Hood's army is said to be still at Corinth,
Mississippi, and Thomas's army is at Clifton, Ten-
nessee, on the Tennessee river, near Florence. The
troops were well supplied, but no military active
operations were expected for a few days, as the
roads were in very bad condition.

There is no further news from Sherman's army.
The main body of his troops are supposed to be
still at Savannah and Beaufort.
It is announced that the Confederates have an-
other ram nearly ready for service in the Roanoke

river.
p
Arkansas advices confirm previous reports of the
evacuation of several points by the Federal forces,
among them Fort Smith and Van Buren. Twelve
strong block hoilses were being built along the line
of the Pacific railroad to prevent Confederate raids
from Arkansas into Missouri. It seems impossible
to ascertain positively the truth or falsehood of the
recent reports of the death of General Price. One
account states he is positively dead and that Gene-
ral vdespatgichileshas been appointed his successor. Other
represent him to be still alive and' in
command_, a large force near Pocahontas.
In Missouri
pursuing the home Guards are vigorously
numerou a War of extermination against the
the State.s bands of guerillas scattered throughout
General Canby has ordered a draft for one man
in seven to be made in his
Arkansas, Louisiana,
and department, comprising
of February, unless the qunt,l4B,Bls6PPi'
a shall have been pre-
on the 15th
viously filled by volunteers. Canby has
also issued a very stringent ordpergeeransgeoat
the insurrectionary districts. t trade with
are to bebfuutrnt ee
fin
the Federal lines to sell products 118 Coming into
with protection and requisite passes ;
found violating the laws against contraband trade
they are to be severely punished, and their property
confiscated.
Communication is to be established between San
Francisco and Salt Lake City by means of a road
the Colorado river, and thence by steamers to
Lake. The opening of this new route is ex-
pected to aid greatly in developing the resources of
Utah.
The New York Times of to-day, in a special
despatch from Washington, dated 16th January,
says :
" Francis P. Blair, sen., returned from Richmond

via City Point to-day, and has been during the
evening in -close consultation with the President and
Secretary Seward, touching a proposition of Jeff.
Davis in regard to commissioners for peace.
" Spies from head-quarters of the Airily of the
Potomac, who returned from Richmond yesterday
morning, report the significant fact that General
Lee has sent his family away from Richmond.
They also state that at the rebel capital there is but
one subject thought or talked of, and that is
peace."

The Associated Press publishes the following
despatches respecting Mr. Blair :
" Washington, Jan. 16..
" The Republican in an extra says :
" ' A private despatch from City Point announces
that the Hon. Frank P. Blair sen., returned from
that place from Richmond yesterday morning, and
immedirtely left in a steamer for this city.
" Mr. Blair is expected to arrive here some
time this afternoon.' "
Another despatch :

" Francis P. Blair arrived at the Navy Yard this
afternoon in the steamer Don, the flagship of the
Potomac flotilla. Much speculation is indulged as
to the result of his visit to Richmond, but nothing
definite can be ascertained concerning it."
The Richmond Examiner of the 14th inst. says :
" The version of Mr. Blafr's interview with Presi-
dent Davis is that he (Blair) wrote Davis a letter
inquiring whether he would receive a social visit
from an old friend ; that Davis responded, and that
the interview took place, at the end of which Davis
delivered Mr. Blair a letter to President Lincoln, in
which he declared his willingness either to receive
commissioners from the United States to treat of
peace, or to send them duly credited if they would
be received at Washington." . . .
The Richmond Enquirer of the same date says :
" Francis P. Blair, of Lincolndom, is still in this
city, stopping at the Spottswood Hotel. Nothing
reliable has yet transpired in regard to his mission.
Several members of the Confederate Congress and
of the Legislature waited on him at his rooms yes-
terday, and at once resolved themselves into a com-
mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union."

The Richmond Whig of the same date says :
" There were no developments to-day relative to
the mission of Mr. Frank P. Blair, sen. His move-
ments even are not revealed to the public."
The New York World, in a despatch from its
Washington correspondent, dated 16th • January,
says:—

"During his•stay in Richmond, from Wednesday
to Saturday, he (Mr. Blair) had an interview with
Jeff. Davis, Secretary Benjamin, and Mr. Seddon,
Secretary of War, besides several Congress men.

• • • . On his return here he remained for some
time at General Grant's head-quarters. . . . .
This evening Mr. Blair, sen., and his son Mont-
gomery, late Postmaster-General, called on Presi-
dent Lincoln and spent some time.. What passed
at this interview is as yet unknown to outsiders, but
to the latter Mr. Blair has intimated very decidedly
that he went on no official mission, and that he did
not receive any official or semi-official communica-
tion while in eßichmond. So far as is known of
what he actually heard in Richmond relative to
peace, it is believed that the tenour and details
were consonant with the articles in the Richmond
papers on the same subject, so frequently repro-
duced in your columns."

The New York Herald's Washington correspon-
dent states that Mr. Blair's mission was one of a
purely private. character, and says that the pass
accorded him to enter the rebel lines not only
recited that he was understood to come upon pri-
vate business, but restricted him to the transaction
of such business exclusively. " Mr. Blair's chief
object in going to Richmond was to. recover, if pos-
sible, some valuable title deeds abstracted from his
house by the rebels, during the rebel raid against
Washington. Some of these were recovered." The
Herald also states that Mr. Blair was not autho-
rised to make any peace propositions, but hoped to
be able to lay before his quondam friends, who
now leaders of the rebellion, such suggestions
might tend to bring about a conclusion of the war,
"He was everywhere kindly received, and had
frank and free conversations with Mr. Davis and
numbers of others of the leading men of the South,
but these resulted in nothing definite." The
-Herald's correspondent concludes by saying :—"No
propositions, either written or verbal, were made by
Mr. Davis to Mr. Blair, nor was he made the bearer
of any to his Government. -As far as political
affairs are concerned, his mission was without
result." 1

The .New York Tribune's Washington correspon-
dent says :—" It is needless to say that Jeff. Davis
has sent no letter to Mr. Lincoln, and made no sign
of lowering the Confederate flag—none whatever.
Ex-Governor Jacobs, of Secesh and Kentucky, came
up from Richmond with Mr. Blair. He represents
the feeling for peace to pervade all classes in that
city, and to extend to officers of high grade in the
army. Among the working classes, he says, it
amounts to an actual demand. He predicts that
there will be a cessation of hostilities within two
months, and a proposal of peace upon some terms
of reunion from the Confederate Government to
ours.

"This is quite a contradiction of the indications
of a fact reported by an officer arrived to-day from
the interior of North Carolina, that the rebels have
already in the field, armed and equipped, thirty re-
giments of freed slaves."

The New York Times of to-day publishes the
following leading article upon the " Rumours of
Peace"

"We reiterate the conviction we have already
expressed that the reports of attempted or intended
negotiations for peace which are so diligently pressed
upon public notice are utterly without foundation.
We see nothing here or at Washington to give them
the slightest claim to the slightest credit. Unless
the most explicit assurances in the highest quarters
are utterly unreliable, neither Mr. Blair, nor Mr.
Singleton, nor anybody else has gone to Richmond,
either to open negotiations with the rebel Govern-

ment, or to sound the rebel officers as to their wishes
and expectations in regard to peace. That Mr.
Blair, being at Richmond, will talk about peace is
very likely, and it is possible, though not at all pro-
bable, that he will learn from Mr. Davis and Com-
panys something on this subject which we do not
know already. Mr. Blair sought permission to go
to Richmond exclusively on the plea of private
y
business, and he has no shadow of authority, direct
or indirect, to say one word on behalf of the Go-
vernment concerning the terms of peace.
" The Government seeks a peace earnestly, and
nwithot saedeketeintntiEnreodupguhrposeto negotiationssecur secure
o if t .
any sort with
But it does
the rebel Government--still less on the basis of
what the leaders of that Government may
in conversation with individuals as terms
ono which i I
indicate
it will be conceded. President Lincoln and those
associated with him, the Union men in Congress
and elsewhere, regard the war waged against the
Government as a rebellion ; they determined at the
very outset to treat as such, and to suppress it by
force of arms ; and from that time to this, in spite
of discouragement and defeats, in spite of open hos-
tility from those whose political sympathies arc with
the rebels, and of the more dangerous counsels of
timid and mistaken friends, it has persevered in that
determination. All the last election the issue was
fairly made throughout the loyalajitorSty, decided in
ates,andthe
people, by an overwhelming
favour of that method of restoring peace instead of
the opposite plan proposed at Chicago ofsed
restoringsceept
it by negotiation. The Government has
that decision as an imperative endorsement of its
policy, and it is pursuing that policy
energy and augmented vigour. It seeks peace and
freedom through ,ith fresh
war, more resolutely and more
exclusively than ever before. And there has never
authorities
omrieti
es sincein any the
inclinecrthan now to seek peace from the Confede-
brae:
private
"Those, therefore,
through
officials of the rebel government, of
imm •
ethate or owthaerrbwegayan. when it was less
diplomacy, or, as a consequence,
immediate who are looking for peace
remopt
ment, resting their hog
little reflection,
that all such attempts,
with the principles on which
personal interviews with
overnment, are, in our judg-
it
seems
on a false basis. Avery
e v
eonu
ifs will convince any one
thethey were compatible
war has been con-

ducted, might prove: abortive. They assume that
we are first to ascertain what the rebels want, and
that this is to be our guide in negotiating with them.
Does anybody suppose for a moment, that they.will
accept voluntarily, or as the result of negotiation,
less than they had when they began the war ? And
does anybody suppose that we will give them more ?
Can we give them a peace that shall make their
rebellion an advantage to them—a positive and
substantial success ? Even if they waive their claim
to independence, can we concede their construction
of the Constitution ? Can we give them State
sovereignty in their acceptation of the term ? Can
we concede to them anything on any point which
they did not have when they began the war ? Yet
without some chance of such concession, there is not
the slightest chance of their entering upon negotia-
tions of any sort.
" But although we look for it in another direction,
the prospect of peace seems to us by no means
remote. Lee's army is all that remains of the re-
bellion, and so long as that does remain we have no
right to expect such a peace as we can accept. When
that is destroyed the rebellion is crushed, and we
shall have such a peace as must follow the restored
authority of the Constitution and laws of the United
States. But that great battle remains to be fought.
It can no more be averted or evaded than could
Waterloo, and its result on one side; at least, must
be equally decisive. It is to this final issue that the
Government is now advancing. It is bringing all
its available military force to bear upon :that. Its
first effort, of course, will be to compel General Lee
to meet it ; if successful in that, its next endeavour
will be to defeat and overwhelm him: If it fails in
either, the war may be prolonged; if it succeeds in
both, we must, in the natural course of events, have
a prompt and lasting peace. And in no other way,
and at no earlier moment, in our judgment, can we
have peace at all."
The following resolutions were adopted in the
Confederate House of Representatives :
Resolved—That under the Constitution Congress
alone has the right to declare war, and the Presi-
dent, by and with the advice and• consent of the
Senate, to make a treaty of peace.
Resolved—That all attempts to make peace with
the United States by the action or intervention of
the separate States composing the Confederacy are
unauthorised by the Constitution, in contravention
of the supreme law of the land, and.are, therefore,
revolutionary. • .
The last resolution in the series is as follows :
Resolved—That we, the representatives of the
Confederaie Sta;tes, are firmly determined to Con-
tinue the struggle in which we are involved until
the United States shall acknowledge our indepen-
dence, and to. this determination, with a sincere
conviction of the justice of our cause, and an humble
reliance upon the Supreme Ruler of Nations, we do
solemnly and faithfully pledge ourselves. •
The Richmond Dispatch of Jan. 12. deprecates the
course of some other Colfederate journals in
blaming Jefferson Davis for the disasters suffered
by the Southern armies, and says that there is no
More reason in attributing to him all the disasters
in the West, than all the glories in the East.

The State Convention of Tennessee has unani-
mously adopted a series of resolutions for ever abo-
lishing slavery in that State, and abrogating the
ordnance of secession adopted in 1861, together
with all laws passed in pursuance thereof. These
resolutions, which form an amendment to the State
Constitution, are to be voted upon by the people of
Tennessee on the 22d February, and, it is generally
believed that they will be sustained by the public
voice.

The Convention also nominated as Governor, to
succeed Andrew Johnson, vice President elect,
Parson W. G. Browillow, who, in a speech accepting
the nomination, announced his determination, if
elected, to vigorously conduct the duties of the
office, and, particularly, if sustained by the Legis-
lature, to put an end to guerilla warfare in Tennes-
see, even if every man concerned in it had to be
shot.

The Richmond Examiner advises, in consideration
of the large quantity of cotton captured by General
herman, at Savannah, and the exposure of all
p ints where cotton is stored in the neighbourhood
Federal armies, that all cotton or tobacco should
e destroyed whenever there is the least probability
f their falling into the hands of the Federals, who,
7.1 t e Examiner affirms, frequently are attracted by
t ose staples, and make raids into regions which
vould otherwise escape molestation. •

General Butler has arrived in Washington, in
obedience to summons from the Committee on the
Conduct of the War, before which he is summoned
to give testimony in relation to his Wilmington
failure.
The New York Herald now advises Butler's dis-
missal from service for being " utterly incompetent
and insubordinate."

The Richmond Enquirer of January 12 advocates
the arming of the slaves as follows :
" General Lee is regarded as a man reasonably
devoted to our cause ; he is looked upon as not
easily disheartened ; he has exhibited a practical
patriotism ; he is admitted to kiwi( something of
the wants and necessities of the army ; he .is a large
.slaveholder, and yet he urges his country's autho-
rities td conscript the negroes, and to liberate them
and the wives of those who are made soldiers. If
one was disposed to rest the 'question on, authority,
we might stop here and ask what man will put him-
self in the scales against General Lee? If this war
was being waged for rights' in the .territories, this
proposition to arm the negroes and liberate the
negro soldier would be suicidal. 13ut as it is the
white man's liberty, and not, the neyro's slavery, for
which this' people are really fighting,:the proposition
of General Lee is one by which every man's devo-
-1 tion to the cause may be weighed; measured, and
estimated.. We proposed the plan of 'abolition ; we
suggested nothing as to who should abolish the
institution ; we merely said that for independence
—not recognition, not intervention—but for inde-
pendence and peace, actually acquired through the
instrumentality of England and France, we should
be prepared to urge upon the people of thei e States the
abolition of slavery." The Enquirer continues
" Mr. Seward'§ extreme haste to misrepresent this
proposition as a sign of our exhaustion shows his
dread of our approaching Europe armed with
such a proposition. He understands that
all his slanders and falsehoods would be
instantly . exploded, and his Government pre-
sented to the world in all its naked deformity of
practically denying the great charter of. its own
liberties, and seeking, against its Declaration of In-
dependence, to impose upon these States a Govern-
ment against the consent of their people. Our
cause, stripped of the prejudices which .slavery has
thrown around it, would be the cause of a people
struggling for nationality and independence, and
the United States would stand before the world as
the oppressor,, denying the principles by which its
own struggle for liberty was justified. Then we
should reap the benefit •of that disgust which the
conduct of the enemy has excited throughout the
woad, as well as the value of that sympathy which
our firmness and resolution have won, despite the
disadvantages of slavery. The • proposition can do
no harm—it
may do much good—shall it not be
made."

The arrest of the Hon. Henry S. Foote, while on
his way to the North, as previously announced, has
given rise to many speculations by the Northern
press as to the cause of his flight and arrest. Some
journals think that Mr. Foote was intending to
make important disclosures to the Washington au-
thorities, and among them a statement of the mea-
sures adopted in the Confederate Congress during
its recent secret session. President Davis makes
the following announcement to the Confederate
House of Representatives :

I have just received a report from the Secretary
of War, stating that Henry S. Foote has been ar-
rested by a military officer in Northern Virginia
while endeavouring to pass our lines on his way to
the enemy's country. I submit the matter to you
in order that such disposal of the case may be made
as to you shall seem proper."
Mr. Foote is reported to have avowed to Col.
Daggett, who caused his arrest, that he was on his
way to Washington to negotiate a peace. He is
reported to be now at Frederickfiburg, under parol,

awaiting the action of a special committee of Con-
gress appointed to investigate his case.

The semi-official Richmond Sentinel of the 12th
inst. publishes the following article in reply to the
public demand for the enlargement of General Lee's
present military authority : ,
" Some of our contemporaries have been recently
discussing the nature of the official relation between
the two eminent public servants whose names head
this article (President Davis and General Lee) ;
and from the eagerness of some to give fresh confi-
dence to the people, though from less creditable
motives in others, have suggested that the appoint-
ment of General Lee to a higher grade—that of
generalissimo or field marshal, with power to com-
mand all our armies, or to assume the general con-
duct and direction of our military operations—
would have a tendency to dispel the temporary de-
spondency caused by recent reverses. We need
hardly say to our readers how earnestly we have
deprecated the exaggeration to which this despon-
dency has been carried. It has been far in excess
of what was justified by the circumstances, and has
been intensified by the croaking at the street corners
and in the bar-rooms, which has been the cause of
so much evil during the war. It is even to be feared
that some of this croaking has found its way into
quarters where courage and serenity are naturally
to be expected, and where, in consequence, it is
especially hurtful. This, however, is a diversion
from our purpose.
" Believing, as we do, that it is of the utmost im-
portance to allow no misunderstanding to exist of
the real state of the case, we have taken pains to
ascertain the facts, and can now give them with the
certainty that we are not mistaken.
" General Lee is the officer now highest in com-
mand in the line of the army. General Cooper,
who alone stands above him in the army list, is on
the staff, not on line duty. Whenever General Lee
is in the field, therefore, he commands not only all
troops that are within the department assigned to
him, but all who may happen to serve in connec-
tion with his command. The limits of his depart-
ment are bounded solely by his own opinion of his
ability to extend the necessary supervision over the
operations. Thus, when the President desired, some
time ago, to place General Lee in command of the
entire Atlantic coast, as being connected with the
operations of the army now opposed to Grant,
General Lee felt himself constrained to object to,
taking military control of any part of the coast
beyond the mouth of Cape Fear, and to request
of the President to continue the separation between
his department and that which, under an independ-
ent commander, extends southward from the Cape
Fear.

" The first point, then, which we wish clearly to
fix in the minds of our readers, is that General
Lee's command in the field is as large, and extends
over as great a department, as he is willing to con-
trol. We must not be understood as concurring
with our great General in the modest estimate he
mukes of his own merits or capacity. On the con-
trary, we are confident he does himself less than
justice in believing that he would not add to the
strength and efficiency of his defence of our country.
We confine ourselves simply to the fact that it is
his choice, not the President's wish, that restricts
his control to the limits of his present department.
" But it is said—' We do not want General Lee to
command in the field any greater district of country
than he thinks best. What we want is that he
should have the general direction of the other
armies, the general conduct of their operation—a
control over their plans of campaign.' _ _

" To this we answer that this Is eminently de-
sirable ; that it is proven by the past history of the
war to be exactly what the President wished and
attempted, but thatl experience has shown, unfor-
tunately, that the two duties cannot be performed
at the same time by the same man, and that we are
driven to choosing between General Lee in the field
and General Lee in an office at Richmond, exercis-
ing a general supervision over all our military ope-
rations. In a word, the President has made the
very experiment now urged, and General Lee found
it impossible to do both duties. The President re-
luctantly, and at General Lee's own request, was
compelled to choose between relieving him from the
command of the army defending Richmond, or
I
from the general command over all our \ rmies,
which it is now urged should vest in him.

" How quickly we forget history is illusLratcd
almost daily, but the present is a very striking in-
stance. On the 25th March, 1862, Congress passed
a law indicating a wish that General Lee should
have the same control of military operations which
it is now desired to confer upon him, and the
President at once placed him in the position created
by the law. His counsels and aid were found in-
valuable by the Executive, until, on the fall of
General Johnston severely wounded at the battle of
Seven Pines, the President deemed it essential to
the safety of the capital to put General Lee in com-
man of the army of Northern Virginia. But Gene-
ral Lee, when thus placed in command in the field,
was retained in the general command of all the
armies at the same time. What was the result ?
To the great regret of the President, General Lee
was forced, by a stress of duty too great for one
man, to request that a choice should be made.
Willing as he ever has been to do his country every
service in his power, he left it to the President to
say whether he could best aid in its defence by re-
maining in the field' or returning to his office in
Richmond. The wisdom of the choice which left
him in command of the army that
.has now for
nearly three years baffled every effort of
the enemy to get possession of our capital,
will scarcely be questioned by any ; least
of all by Virginians.

" This exposition would be incomplete were we
to omit the fact that the President, while availing
himself of the Services of General Lee in the field,
loses no opportunity of obtaining the benefit of his
advice and opinion on all important questions, and
on all extended operations. These two distinguished
citizens, too devoted to their country, too conscious
of their own nobility of character, too superior to
base or envious passions to entertain for each other
any but the most cordial sentiments of mutual
esteem and friendship, are constantly engaged in
the interchange of visits for conference Am all mili-
tary affairs, as well as on the general condition of
our country. From this the happiest consequences
have resulted. Would that so eminent an example
were followed by all ; and we should soon see a
spirit of confidence animating the people, that
would put to shame the croaking, the despondency,
the fault-finding, and the faint-heartedness that
now disgrace so many of our public men, and pro-
duce effects so injurious to our cause."
The New York Herald of the 15th January, con-
tains the following article, which is headed " The
Present Policy of Russia : "

" We have had several visits from the Russians
to this country from time to time. The Government
of the Czar has sent war ships here, has established
diplomatic and consular agents, and keeps an
ambassador at Washington ; yet it is evident that
the Russians, after all, do not understand either our
position or what should be their own policy. If
properly advised by their agents, they.would know
that now is the favourable time to carry out the
traditionary policy of their race to extend the empire
to the Bosphorus, and seize upon Constantinople.
The effort made in 1855 to accomplish this by the
Crimean war failed because the military combina-
tion of France and England was too strong for
Russia singlehanded ; but now, while we are pushing
our continental policy to a point that will be likely
to employ the only two Powers in Europe that could
oppose the measures of Russia, the time has arrived
for the designs upon Constantinople to be inaugu-
rated. If the Czar does not do this, he must be as
befogged about the state of affairs in this country
as his diplomatic representatives appear to be."

LOSS OF THE SAN JACINTO.
Advices received here by the Federal transport
Continental, from Key West, on the 10th inst„
announce that the Federal steam sloop-of-war San
Jacinto, Captain R. W. Meade, was lost on the
morning of the Ist inst., on a reef off No-Namekey,
on the Bohawa Banks. The day previous to the
disaster she had been' chasing a blockade runner,
which esqaped by reaching neutral waters. Dark-
ness coming on the San Jacinto stood in shore,

hoping that during the night the blockade runner
would stand out for the Hole-in-the-Wall.

The night being dark and the currents uncertain
the vessel overrun her reckoning, and instead of
being twenty miles from shore, as was supposed by
the commanding officer, she was close on the reef
which she struck at 12.40 a.m. All efforts and
attempts to get her off were frustrated by a heavy
gale setting in from the eastward, and at 10 o'clock
the next day she " belged," her sides being crushed
in. There being no possibility of saving the vessel,
the captain directed his attention towards saving
the crew and the public property. With his boats
and the assistance of the wreckers who had con-
gregated around the vessel, the crew were landed
without loss of life. The guns and most of the
stores were likewise saved.

The English naval-authorities being informed of
the circumstances, sent a steam sloop-of-war to the
assistance of the San Jacinto.

The San Jacinto, it will be recollected, over-
hauled the British mail steamer Trent, from which
it took the Confederate Commissioners, Slidell and
Mason.

The Wreck of the African Mail Steamer
Armenian.

The Wexford Constitution gives the following
account of the loss of the African mail steamer
Armenian, on Arklow Bank. The steamer left
Liverpool on Tuesday last, having on board 42
passengers and a crew of 49, all told :
" At five minutes to twelve o'clock, on Tuesday
night, the captain reports that he saw Arklow light,
and put the helm to starboard. In a few minutes
afterwards the Armenian struck aft. She had on
full steam, and was going at the rate of eleven miles
an hour. At this time the passengers, eight of whom
were ladies and five children, were all in bed, as was
also a portion of the crew. The shock was so great
as to awaken every one on board, some of the
passengers being thrown out of their berths.
The passengers proceeded to dress them-
selves, but some of the women and children
had not time to do so. Every effort was made to
get the steamer off, but without success ; and, half
an hour after striking, it was discovered that there
was ten feet of water in the ship. By 1 o'clock on
Wednesday morning the water had gained so much
upon her that the engine fires went out, thus pre-
venting any continued attempt to pump her, although
even during the time they were worked the pumps
proved of little service, owing to the water gaining
so rapidly. As all hope of getting her off was now
abandoned, and as she was sinking fast, preparations
were made for securing the safety of the lives of
those on board. The ladies and children were
first got out, not without great difficulty, and
placed in the starboard lifeboat, the port lifeboat
having been stove in. Some of the ladies sustained
severe injuries in the course of their transfer to the
lifeboat from the sinking ship, as did also
some of those who were assisting them, Dr. Gilmour,
R.N. (a passenger, who was going out to join the
Rattlesnake at Sierra Leone), having his arm put
out of joint. A crew of 10 or 12, under the com-
mand of Mr. Johnson, third officer, were placed in
the lifeboat, and the latter at once proceeded to-
wards the Arklow lightship, which was about six
miles to the north of the scene of the wreck. At
this time the sea was breaking over the vessel. The
remaining boats were got out, and as many of the
passengers and crew as they could contain were put
on board. Still, there remained upwards of
' thirty on the wreck, which was every moment sink-
ing deeper and deeper. The sea was now break-
ing over her so heavily that it was deemed ne-
cessary to cut away the foremost so as to ease
her. We may here mention that some of
the ladies when put into the • boat had scarcely
any clothing on, and were only protected from the
weather by rugs and other coverings thrown from
the steamer. About five o'clock the Armenian began
to settle down, there being 3i fathoms of water at
the place. All were now obliged to take to the
rigging. One of the two passengers lost had not
strength enough to climb to the rigging, and was
washed overboard. How or at what time exactly
the oilier passenger and the wo sailors were lost is
not known. The name of ne of the lost passen-
gers is Horne , that of the o er is not known. He
was a warrant officer going out to join his ship.
The two of the crew who were lost were Smith, the
first steward, and Watts, the third steward. The
water continued to rise gradually after the ship
settled down (it being flood tide), until it reached
within five or six feet of the top of her funnel.
All on the wreck continued to cling to the
rigging till about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, many
of the passengers suffering greatly. Meanwhile the
starboard lifeboat, containing the women and chil-
dren, had made for the lightship, which it reached
early in the forenoon, all getting safe on board.
The crew that had brought her thither, however,
were so exhausted that they felt they would be un-
able to take the lifeboat back to the wreck with a
view to render assistance to those who were still
clinging to it, and four of the crew of the lightship
volunteered to man the boat back to the scene of
the disaster. Coming towards noon, the steamer
Montagu, having observed The signal which had been
erected on board the lightship, bore down on the
latter. Those on board belonging to the Armenian
were taken out and put on board the Montagu. Capt.
Clarke was then informed of the critical state of
those left on the wreck, and at once proceeded to-
wards the bank. The steamer noticed the two boats
which had last put off from the wreck, and having
taken on board all that were in the two boats took
these in tow and again proceeded for the wreck.
By the time she came near to her it was about 12
o'clock, and the poor fellows were becoming greatly
exhausted. Meanwhile the ship's lifeboat, manned
by the volunteers from the lightship, had also
reached the scene of the disaster. They were near-
ing the wreck, when the boat was caught by a
heavy breaker and at once capsized, the four men
who were in her being thrown into the water. Two
of the men were seen to rise and cling to the cap-
sized boat, but they were immediately washed off
again, and neither they nor their two companions were
ever seen again. The boats belonging to the Arme-
nian, and which were still in tow of the Montagu,
were then detached, and, manned by meh
belonging to the wrecked vessel, with the assistance
of some of the crew of the Montagu, proceeded to
endeavour to get off those who were in the rigging.
This was a task of no ordinary difficulty, and only a
few were taken off in this way. They were enabled
to reach the boat by sliding down the running gear,
while others of them had to be hauled in through
the water, a rope being thrown from the Montagu
to the wreck and fastened to the latter, and a life-
buoy attached. The process of conveying each man
from the rigging to the Montagu occupied from 10
to 15 minutes. Those who were on the windward
portion of the rigging had to swing themselves to
leeward before lowering themselves into the boats.
All, however, were safely got off, Captain Leamon
being amongst the last to leave the wreck.

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TlMES.—Events are unpropitious to the fame of
General Butler. In the success of the second expe-
dition against Wilmington and the capture of Fort
Fisher that zealous but unfortunate commander has
received a condemnation more painful than any
which a court-martial can pronounce. It has been
shown again, as in countless instances before, that in
war boldness is the best policy, and calculation often
the dangerous forerunner of inactivity. We had
hardly received the report in which General Butler
gave excellent reasons why Fort Fisher should not
be taken when the telegraph announces that the
work is done. The expedition under Admiral
Porter and General Terry arrived off the fort for
the second time on the 14th inst. ; at noon the next
day the fleet opened a heavy fire, which lasted fifty-
four hours. The assault was then made. The
fighting was desperate, the Confederate garrison of
1,200 men using the advantages of its position to
inflict heavy loss on the enemy. But after seven
hours' fighting the Federals prevailed. The South-
ern soldiers were driven from their works, and re-
treated to the end of the long spit of land on which
the fort is situate. Here they were forced to sur-
render, and the Federals have thus made the first
step towards mastering the town and harbour of
Wilmington. The energy with which this enterprise
has been prosecuted is creditable to the military
administration at Washington. Seldom has there
been a more discouraging failure than that of the
expedition in which General Butler bore a part. A
fleet of unprecedented strength, fitted out at an
enormous expense, and provided with a new and,
as it was thought, most deadly instrument of de-
struction, and a powerful land force chosen from
among the best troops of the Federal States, were
despatched against the Southern port, and nothing
but ill success attended them. The storms of winter
shattered them ; the fireship, filled with twice as
much powder as the Erith magazine, came to nothing
—the tremendous fire failed to produce any effect on
General Beauregard's well-constructed works ; and,
finally, the commander of the land forces held
back, and gave his opinion that success was im-
possible. In General Butler's report it is told
how General Weitzel and the experienced officers
under his command thought it useless to assault
the place ; that no such strong work as Fort
Fisher had been taken during the war ; that
at Port Hudson, where thousands perished in a re-
pulsed assault, the defensive works were less strong ;
that a double assault at Fort Wagner was undertaken
against feebler preparations, and the General declares
that " much as I regretted the necessity of aban-
doning the attempt, yet the duty was plain." For
once, however, the civilian power in the Government
has advantageously controlled military operations.
To give the South no term of respite, no opportunity
for fresh preparations, no breathing time which
should refresh it for new exertions, is the policy of
the Cabinet ; and it has been carried out even at the
expense of so devoted a servant as General Butler.
The order to this officer to return to his place of
residence in peaceful Connecticut was a rebuke
under which a soldier must keenly suffer ; but this
almost Carthaginian severity has probably infused
a new spirit into his successor. There is a great
deal to be said for the policy which in the last
century shot a British admiral to encourage the
others. The Washington Government did not go
so far with General Butler ; but they made it
sufficiently plain to his successor that they required
him to take Fort Fisher instead of giving reasons for
not having taken it. Accordingly, we see signs that
in the second attempt a more determined spirit pre-
vailed. The monster fireship was not there to
frighten those wile had constructed it. In the former
expedition the Fedral fleet was so apprehensive of
being blown to pieces along with the enemy that it
stood off some 12 miles from the shore, and left
the Confederates to make more thorough prepara-
tion against an attack. This time the assailants
seem to have been aware that hard fighting alone
could accomplish their purpose, and it must be
admitted that they have shown excellent military
qualities. The powerful fleet of Admiral Porter
used all its strength, and we cannot but admire the
courage of the Confederate garrison, which endured
such a storm of fire for more than two days and
nights. In the fight they must have shown equal
prowess, for the loss of the assailants is estimated
at nearly their own number. But at last they
were driven out, and. all eventually surrendered.
Among the Federal successes this exploit will be
distinguished, if not for the importance of the vic-
tory, at any rate for the circumstances under which
it has been gained. Usualry the winter has been a
time of involuntary armistice, either the exhaustion
of the armies or the difficulty of carrying on cam-
paigns by land or sea having led to the suspension of
actual warfare. But in the depth of winter and amid
the dangers of sudden tempests and a fatal coast the
Federals have won their last victory, and may suc-
ceed in totally closing or destroying the last con-
siderable port of the Confederates. As to the effect
which the capture of Fort Fisher and the future ope-
rations of Terry and Porter may have on the foreign
trade of the Confederacy, the assertions of the South
are confident, but are hardly to be trusted. They
deny that the loss of Fort Fisher will close the river,
and this•may be true ; but it is difficult to believe that
the capture of this fort will not lead to other suc-
cesses which will either place Wilmington in the
hands of the Federals or render it useless as a port
for blockade-runners. Wilmington itself is situated
at the head of a long inlet of the sea, which is
guarded at the entrance by an island forming two
channels, and Fort Fisher, now in the hands of the
Federals, commands one of these. The other is still
open, and ships may enter by it ; but after this first
success it can hardly be doubted that the Federals
will either force the passage of the river up to Wil-
mington itself, or by holding Fort Fisher and the
promontory which commands the Western Channel,
endeavour to make the place useless to the enemy..
Thus, after long and laborious exertions and an ex-
pense equal to that incurred in many European
wars, the Federals may be said to have almost suc-
ceeded in shutting in their enemies from communi-
cation with the European world. The South has
gradually lost port after port, and though cargoes
will continue to be landed in obscure places along
those hundreds of miles of coast, yet the blockade
will be as effective as it is in the nature of such an
operation to be. It will be seen then how far the
South is capable of doing without that with which
England has hitherto furnished it. There are
persons among the Confederates who pretend that
it would be no loss to the South if every harbour
of its coast were in possession of the enemy and a
foreign craft never unloaded a cargo for their use.
The legislation of the Richmond Congress 'and the
orders of the President have certainly gone so far
as to discourage and partially prohibit the introduc-
tion of luxuries, confining the foreign trade of the
Confederacy solely to the purchase of arms and
other materials of war, or objects of necessity, such
as medicines. But we cannot believe that the South
is indifferent to those large supplies of arms which
have been hitherto furnished by Europe, and we
doubt not that if Wilmington be taken, and the
spirit of Confederates remain unbroken, the Govern-
ment of Mr. Davis will use every effort to open new
channels for the trade. The Federal Government
has, no doubt, means of judging the value of the
assistance with the South_ receives from foreign
material, and the vast efforts which have been made
to shut up the Southern ports, the costly expeditions
which have been fitted out, and the perseverance
with which the design has been pursued prove that
in the opinion of those best informed the isolation
of the Confederate States is necessary for thb suc-
cessful termination of the war.

POST.—Conservatism—in the prospect of a gene-
ral election—is exerting itself with much diligence
and not a little acrimony to disturb Mr. Gladstone's
seat for the University of Oxford. The agitation
is at present chiefly confined to clerical and Univer-
sity papers, and notably to the correspondence of
our contemporary, the Guardian. But it is in pre-
paration on a much larger scale, and no stone will
be left unturned in Oxford to secure a triumphant
opposition. But it is uphill work. It would have
been easier some years ago than now. When Mr.
Gladstone was last opposed his hold was not greater
on the University than it is at present, while his
general popularity was undoubtedly less. His policy
as a financier was to some extent tentative, and the
omnipotent merit of success had not yet been
achieved. He had not then become, as he has
now, the central figure of a group of men
whose services the country cannot dispense with,
and whose talents it will not suffer to lie idle.
His opponents feel that they have no case
as against his administrative triumphs. They
know that it would be useless to ask any other
constituency in the kingdom to turn out so
brilliant, so versatile, and so successful a represen-
tative. But a university is the seat of other influ-
ences than those which reign in county or borough
constituencies. It would never do in any place out
of Oxford to make it a ground of opposition that
its member was not a sufficiently High Churchman.
It is in Oxford alone that the question of Mr.
Gladstone's Church principles could ever be raised.
Yet this is the cry on which an attempt is to be
made to oust him. Like many another man of
great mind, he takes the liberty of thinking for him-
self ; he claims the right of modifying his views if
experience so teach him ; and if on any subject he
retains his old opinions, he claims the privilege of
judging for himself how far they shall govern his
conduct as a public man, and. in relation to ques-
tions of public policy. The University is to be asked
to disapprove these high principles of public con-
duct, and to send a man to Parliament who will
act more in accordance with Conservative tradi-
tion • who will run in a groove, and not take upon
himself to act or vote otherwise than with his party.

To bring about the rejection of Mr. Gladstone
the Conservatives have attacked his Parliamentary
conduct in relation to Church matters. Be do
made speeches and given votes of which theY, a
not approve ; and he has introduced nothing 0.L.,
Church character of which they do approve. Pi!,
cause they do not admire some of the earlier ecexi,,
siastical aointments of the present Governineing
they lay the blame at Mr. Gladstone's door.
not an approving, was virtually a consenting
Parto
to those appointments, whereas he ought rather 0
have resigned office than have suffered them t° crght
unchallenged. His presence in the Ministry 01,1=?A
to have secured • a better choice of men to fill 'l's.
offices in the church. In short, •it would be inViiie
l
Bible to sum up here, still less to discuss, al
grounds on which, in different ways and by different
her
persons, the University is to be urged to reject the
brilliant representative. It is enough to say thait not
fiat "to get Gladstone out" has gone forth, anst
a few willing feet are hasteningto give it effect. for
few who know Oxford, or the Tory asPiran7 nee
office, if they have any regard for the indepenuellr.
of a public man, will withdraw their votes frog'
Gladstone on the grounds alleged. Rather tia'eJa
will feel that his public acts must be constLech
with due regard to the circumstances by lsZe.
he is surrounded and the special duties of his,e,' to
If Mr. Gladstone were Premier it would be lani'ao
challenge his Church appointments. He 's- •
would be responsible for them. But it is an et
derstood thing among Ministers that they are it
to interfere with each other's patronage, 31,1., to
would be as foreign to Mr. Gladstone's natu'i-',rcl
step beyond his province as it would be to 'lnt,
Palmerston's to suffer it. For the Church aPPellie
ments Lord Palmerston alone is answerable, an tiff
is perfectly able, if occasion requires, to ills the
what he has done. It is highly creditable to in
Chancellor of the Exchequer that his opponents ci;s
find nothing worse to say of him than that he le,
not done what it was no part of his office to
while they cannot deny that he has filled his P°:er
tion with a brilliancy and success which have ne'is
been surpassed. The real secret of oppositi°ll4t
his connection with the Palmerston GOVernt,
and his undisguised adherence to the Liberal
it is not for Oxford, even as a ConservaLal
institution, to throw her illustrious scholar °IT;
board on that ground. He cannot be blanleu,her
choosing to work with Lord Palmerston ra,"-„E.4
than, to occupy a useless position on the eit-to
benches for an indefinite number of years. IsTh'llicl
have joined the present Ministry when asked w..e-ao
have been downright folly. Mr. Gladstone of
active man, a man of genius, of ambition, an„"ifer
. devotion to public life. As such he saw in of
of office under Lord Palmerston an opportmli";ncr•
serving his country. Was he, from an illferlOr;„a
tive, to hold back from that opportunity, and sirbscl
the best years of his life in inactivity? lie he
studied finance • he represented a given systel',.;tbe
maintained certain' principles : was he to foregunito
only chance that might offer of throwing his r+,-9.1?
into the very work for which he was best .7,delf
Granted that in Church principles he was. .21;o-
-separated from many of his colleagues, yet no. for
ing to act with them would have done notni, the
the Church, while it would have deprived hint the
opportunity of rendering priceless service `),Ast
State. But of all people the Tories have the; to
right to complain of any one's unprofitablene'Poo
the Church. They have not been able to keep °at
long, but we look in vain for any single ine7o-
for the good of the Church during their bit'. rby
cendancy. The two Administrations of Lord no
did absolutely nothing for the Church, and laaui
sort of foundation on Church principles for a airy
to the confidence of the University of Oxford ice'
body of Churchmen. We acknowledge the serch
of the Conservative party in the defence of eiTcoll
rates ; but with that single exception the Ch;vecl
owes them nothing. The Church has not renias
much from the State of late years, but what it
..t.
received it has received through the Liberal Pa.,'elif
It was under a Liberal Ministry that the oertj
bishopric of Ripon was founded ; under a 1-',,i130S
Ministry that the additional see of Manchester
created ; under a Liberal Ministry that Convou-torl
was suffered to proceed to business after a eellitibe;
and a half of compulsory inactivity. It was a ;s-sof
ral Ministry that disapproved the obstructiven„eb.
Archbishop Musgrave, and gave to York an are
bishop favourable to the restoration of the INE°'-‘,rets:
Synod. It has been under Liberal Colonial j'onial,
ries that the Church has so multiplied her e?"-n9
bishops and been countenanced in the transactie-veS
her colonial synods. While, if our menial se're,
usz the synodical action of the Church neveli,ord
ceived such bitter opposition as it did from of
Derby when Lord Stanley, and from Mr.
and Mr. Walpole. Our belief is that the Ul%O
sity of Oxford will have the good sense to see.„l.o,'
the time has come when " good Churchtnans“,l
as it is called, is not necessarily associated Nvithdut
party. Many of the Liberal party are exee",eticl
Churchmen—Mr. Gladstone amongst the ree;',,reat
many of the Conservatives are very •
Churchmen. It is by no means certain that AO.' or
Lygon, who is now so busy in thus unsettlingg' to
Sir Stafford Northcote, whom some are anxious d 9
put forward, would in any sense prove better frlecer.
to the Church than Mr. Gladstone ; while it is
ear
tain that they could not be classed anYwheernexfor°
him as Ministers. Let the University 0! tet whoa
take true and honest measure of the Misled a
BO ably represents her, and not be in
sting gr.
clique who, even if they succeededin unsea`L—eithef
Gladstone, wouldbe utterly powerless to serve
the University or the country as he has done'