The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-20 00:00:00

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477".:..4 SUIT,

LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 20, 1865.

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The county members for Buckinghamshire have
been entertained at Newport-Pagnell, and the
sharp criticism of their opponents do not appear to
have damped their spirits or clouded their prospects.
Mr. DISRAELI, who was heartily welcomed on his
arrival, alluded in his speech to the general results
of the election. The right hon. gentleman observed
that he preferred to meet that assembly after the
election rather than before, because as candidates
the county members could not speak so free from
anxiety as now that they were representatives. In
the first place, he was enabled to congratulate the
electors of Buckinghamshire on having returned
three Conservatives to Parliament as the represen-
tatives of their county. Mr. DISRAELI considers
that " considerable misapprehension" exists as to
the results of the general election now taking place.
The right hon. gentleman must be a very vexatious
opponent, for he is always sanguine, and can gene-
rally find some saving clause or redeeming point
which alters the aspect of things, and augurs well
for the eventful success of his party. There is more
in this than making the best of things, or of striv-
ing to keep up the courage of his followers, because
time and circumstances have proved the truth and
testified to the validity of his predictions. When
Sir ROBERT PEEL deserted the Tory party every
one predicted its downfall, and some well qualified
to judge considered that in a few years the scattered
remnants of their host would disappear altogether
from Parliament, or, at all events, only
show themselves in an isolated manner ;
but no one thought that twenty years after that time
they would have merged into the. most compact
and united party in the State, capable of influencing,
if not deciding, the most important debates and
divisions. This result has been brought about
quite as much by the faults of their opponents as
by their own merits ; but there is no denying the
fact. The disunion and disaffection that exists in
the Liberal ranks is proverbial ; it is a disgrace and
a scandal, and so long as it lasts no great measures
can be passed. The only thing which makes the
differing members coalesce is the prospect of a
defeat, which will turn out their so-called leaders,
and this course of proceeding cannot be profitable
to the community or productive of anything sub-
stantial to the country.
Mr. DISRAELI has a right to speak on the ques-
tion of the gains and losses consequent on the
election, and to be listened to as an authority by
friends and foes ; for he is generally right in his
verdict, because he watches events, and looks on
public affairs with the calculation of a philosopher
as well as the excitement of a politician. Besides,
no one can judge so well as he can of the resources
of his party, and the manner in which circum-
stances may affect them; for he has had to direct
affairs in the darkest days of defeat and in the most
unpromising circumstances, and has proved himself
equal to the occasion and prepared for every
emergency. Those sapient authorities who
have made" deep calculations, and come to
the satisfactory conclusion that the Ministers
have gained an immense majority by the late elec-
tions, will doubtless ridicule Mr. DISRAELI'S asser-
tions, cr attempt to deny hie conclusions, but they

must secretly acknowledge the justice of his re-
marks, and feel that apparent success is not always
real and substantial success. The right hon. gentle-
man declares that he does not quarrel about num-
bers, and will not " make captious inquiries as to
whether some unknown individual who enters Par-
liament for the first, and probably the last, time calls
himself a Liberal or a Conservative." He prefers
to take a large and general view of affairs, and
arrives at the conclusion that when Parliament has
settled down the Conservative party will not be
deficient in numbers to that which supported Lord
DERBY in 1859. Many of those who in the last
Parliament professed to belong to the Opposition
always supported the Government on critical occa-
sions, and it is curious to notice that nearly all
these useless appendages have lost their scat during
the election now pending.
Mr. DISRAELI observes very truly that the ap-
parent Ministerial gain is very little for a Govern-
ment that has been in power for six years, and
has had the power and prestige of the State at its
command during that time. He also intimated
that the Conservative party would be sure to gain
by the petitions that must be presented, and in the
last Parliament the Opposition gained ten by this
means. " From what I have observed of public
life," said the right hon. gentleman, "it appears
to me that the majority of petition cases
always will be decided against the Liberal party."
He accounts for this by the uncomplimentary notion
that the Liberal party, since the days of WALPOLE,
have generally depended on influences "of a parti-
cular kind, not yet acknowledged to be constitu-
tional." Mr. DISRAELI, in discussing the probable
events of the future, declared that Mr. BRIGHT
could not for ever be left in the background, and
no Government which called itself Liberal could
keep him like a servant employed in a pantry, or
waiting in a hall, while they were on the Treasury
benches. " The new Parliament will thus have to
deal with important changes, and as they will
be advocated by those of extreme opinions
they must be prepared to face them." In
consequence of the advocacy of the extreme
opinions of Mr. BRIGHT and his friend, Mr.
DISRAELI attributes much of the success which has
attended the Conservative party in these elections,
and then speaks hopefully of their future prospects.
He wisely says that he does not wish the party to
accede to office without a consideraole majority.
This shows his discrimination, and as there is no
doubt that the chances and changes of public affairs
will before long give them an opportunity, they
had better be prepared to conform to circumstances
so far as possible, and thus render their tenure of
office productive of benefit to the country, as well
as creditable to their own reputation. It has been
shown pretty plainly by this time that a monopoly
of power by the Liberals is quite hinimical to the
cause of Reform, and renders the party in power
quite indifferent to popular wishes, and over confi-
dent of their own abilities, and the necessity of their
maintaining the head of affairs.

The interest felt in the affairs of our Austra-
lian colonies is not generally of a very exciting
character. We are proud of their prosperity, of
their extent, and of their rapid progress. We
have good reason to appreciate the kindly feeling
shown by the colonists to the mother country in
every time of national anxiety or misfortune,
while the energy, independence, and enterprise
of the great Australian continent bear unmistak-
able evidence of their English origin. As Eng-
lishmen, we naturally believe them to be fully
qualified for self-government, and accordingly
leave them to manage their affairs very much in
their own way. We hear from time to time of
furious disputes, of factious opposition, of arbi-
trary government, and other crises and commo-
tions in the politics of the colony, but they do
not excite much uneasiness, for we have very
little doubt that matters will be satisfactorily ar-
ranged, and we believe that the colonists may
very safely be trusted to secure social order and
political liberty.
At the same time, although we take their
troubles very philosophically in this country, the
Australians have a great many difficulties to con-
tend against, and some questions of very grave
import to decide. Some of their perplexities are
inherent in the peculiar nature of their country,
which has been developed with wonderful rapidity
out of such diverse elements. Many of them arise
from the natural growth of a young settlement into
a great and populous nation, and in Australih, that
growth has been so rapid that the two extremes of
the scale seem almost to have touched. While there
are still vast tracts of land lying almost unem-
ployed, we see the active antagonism between
classes which is generally characteristic of older
civilisation. The Land Question has always been
one of the chief stumbling-blocks of Australian
statesmen, and unhappily the interference of the
Home Government has only been productive of
mischief. It is, unquestionably, very aggravating
to the industrial agricultural class, who are really
the chief wealth of the country, to see fine tracts of
fertile land kept idle as sheep walks, while it is
manifestly the interest of the squatters, who hold
them at a mere nominal rent, to retain them. These
two powers are therefore always contending for the
right of holding and buying land,especiallyinVictoria,
and as it is always easier to create difficulties than
to remove them, especially when any legal question
is concerned, the squatter interest has hitherto suc-
ceeded in defeating every effort made to put matters
on a better footing. The rights which they held
under the Crown, the length of their leases, the
claim for compensation, &c., enabled these large
landowners, who monopolised some of the best
public land in the colonies, to neutralise every
scheme for their removal, and to keep the " nine
points of the law" in their own hands.

It is not surprising that in a community as nearly
Democratic as English settlements could be such
conduct excited vigorous discontent and active
opposition. The position assumed by the great
body of the squatters was in fact simply untenable,
and it became only a question of time. The pro-
gress of events was certain sooner or later to dis-
place them from their ill-earned dignities, and to
divide the prizes of the soil among the hard-working
bees of the hive. But it is impossible not to deplore
the improvidence and shortsighted policy of those
statesmen who have laid so heavy a burden on a
young community, so unnecessarily hampered
its progress, and introduced a causeless element of
strife and division into its legislative councils.
Victoria especially the land question has been a by-
word for vexation and perplexity ; and we are,
therefore, heartily glad that there seems at length
a fair hope of removing this drag on the wheels of
progress. By the new land act, which had just come
into active operation before the departure of the
last mail, matters are placed on an entirely new
footing. The tenant of the Crown lands on taking
possession pays an annual rent of two shillings per
acre, with the right of purchase, at the rate of £1
per acre, at the expiration of three years or at the
end of the term of seven years. Thus, while the
tenant has the option of purchase at a fair rate, the
Crown receives a fair rent for th') land, which
hitherto has been far from being the case with the
lands of the squatters, There was, as might have