The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-26 00:00:00

TUE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENINGXNOVEMBER 26, 1861

wows..
younger sons, being always synonomous expres-

sions.
Still we rather hope that reason, and the
exigencies of the time, may be too strorg for
both Whigs and Tories. The latter like
the former, would never spontaneously proffer re-

duction, but if reduction must be, why then the
lowest bidder might be the buyer—of office.

Political auctions once begun, it is not easy to say
where the biddings will stop; and if less must be
spent—if so, the nation wills it—why then Tories
may think that they may as well have the spend-

ing of the curtailed amount, as their opponents,
trusting to providence for giving them an oppor-
tunity to increase their estimates again. Thus,
though sadly against the grain, the Tories may be-
come glad to adopt their leader's speech of last
session, contemptuously and angrily as they then
received it. They will forgive Mr. DISRAELI
when' they see that he only anticipated what was
inevitable, and so gave them a locus stanch' in the
battle. On the whGle, however, we must counsel

our readers not to rely on Mr. DISRAELI and the
Tories for reduction of taxation, but on themselves
alone. Though the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer
would gladly return to office with a popular budget,
nothing will induce his followers to back him up
in that line, but the knowledge that the people will
compel any Government to produce one.
We are now assured, in the language of certain
knowledge, that our load of SEVENTY MILLIONS is
to be reduced by TWO MILLIONS. It may be so.
We have had no special communication from any
of the fifteen lords and gentlemen who are sworn
to secrecy on matters of Cabinet discussion.
Assuming the correctness of the report, we have
only to tell Lord PALMERSTON that two millions
will not do. Mr. GLADSTONE himself gave us the
cae when he told us that if we could be content
with sixty-five millions, he could dispense with the
income-tax. That is, therefore, the course that
our demands must take. Mr. GLADSTONE con-
siders that the abolition of this most odious, inqui-
sitorial, and unequal of taxes would so increase
consumption, as to recoup him the sacrifice, in the
larger produce of other taxes. We should save five-
pence, and gain ninepence. We have no doubt
that Mr. GLADSTONE knew well - what he
said, and that his calculations would be as de-
cidedly justified as they have been in regard to the
French treaty.
-
We warn Lord PALMERSTON, however, that if
he means to remain in office, the " honour of the
country" dodge will suffice no longer. We have
had enough of it now for several years, at the cost
of ever increasing estimates. He must listen to a
hungry country, and not to the hungry "services."
The demands of Lancashire will equal several pence
in the pound, we fear, of the income tax,
and the increasing amount may well be-
come such as private benevolence may prove it
competent to meet. Besides the suffering operatives
also, there is a rapidly increasing number of per-
sons who will feel the ruinous effects of the loss of
their consumption of the articles they deal in.
Tradesmen of all classes will find their incomes dimi-
nished or gone—landlords and masters even will
have less to spend than usual—the circle will be
ever widening, while this cotton famine lasts, which
will feel the affliction more or less severely. This
is the grand fact of the day as regards taxation.
Generous contributors will feel it too hard to pay,
in addition, taxes for " national honour." Suffer-
ing tradesmen will feel it yet more—suffer-
ing masters will join in their complaints—
even landlords will begin to think it too bad; and
there will be a general conviction that for the
nation, as well as the individual, " seeking the
bobble reputation e'en at the cannon's mouth', is
paying rather too dear for the whistle. Lord
PALMERSTON has long enough identified " the
honour of the nation" with the number of her
cannon and her bayonets—but the nation begins
to see that he has overdone it.

Who would have believed it possible to find
Count DE PERSIGNY and M. BILLAULT cited to
answer a civil claim iu an English court of justice ?
Who, if they heard of such a fact, would have sup-
posed the debt could be for services in the English
Press ? We all know that the days of bias and
influence are likely to last as long as the world lasts,
but in our simplicity we had supposed that the
days of hiring a newspaper to advocate certain
opinions had long passed away. There was a little
unpleasant affair, to be sure, not long ago in Ireland,
but the exception in that case, so far as it went,
only proves the rule. It is manifest, however, now
by the pleading of the man who thinks himself
defrauded of his due, that the proprietor of an Eng-
lish newspaper did sell the use of his paper and his
pen to the Imperial Government, Mr. Sergeant
GLOVER, on the one part, and 'Users. PERBIGNY
and BILLAULT on the other being the contracting
parties. The learned sergeant's action is only
in a very incipient state, yet it is not too much to
say that the prima facie case is complete. Mr.
GLOVER would not have brought such an action
unless he were quite certain of a claim on the merits
as well as the law of the case. Nor can we be
wronging the defendants, we conceive, in assuming
that they led the plaintiff to believe that he should
be fairly remunerated for his outlay and services.
That if Sergeant GLOTER, in fact, held a brief for
his MAJESTY in the English Press he should be
fairly remunerated.
At :present the purely technical question
of where the cause of action arises is the only
point. A point which has nothing to do with
the merits of the ease. The Count appears to the
action—M. BILLAULT wishes to be out of the affair,
as well he may. The amount claimed—Ll4,oo0—
seems large, but that is a question of degree for a
jury. When, however, we find that it was required
for the conduct of the Morning Chronicle and its
satellites, the Morning News, and Evening Journal,
we know at once that a large sum may have been
sunk by the Sergeant in attempting to get up a
circulation ; and without that the Chronicle, and its
adjuncts, could have rendered his MAJESTY but
little service. But Mr. GLOVER had charges for
Imperialwork
Chronicle d
; o n e
articles,theinwewll as
remember
purely editorial line. He wrote
instructed
them,n o d owueb t , f for
imagine.rthe
Co. found statements and arguments,ifP IG
His value in the work was that, EbßeSwouNi7d
best
know how to dish them up for the English taste.
As a matter of fact they did much amuse English-
men. It was hardly supposed they were paid for
in hard cash ; but at a time when the EMPEROR'S

views were an object of curiosity, it
was conjectured that saying the best for an
Anti-English policy might be rewarded with that
valuable article to a newspaper, the priority of in•
formation on one subject, respecting which all the

world was curious.
Far beyond this, however, were the services, and
expected rewards of the learned Sergeant. He in-
forms us that be conducted the three papers for his
MAJESTY, but " wrote and translated from the
French, and printed in the Morning Chronicle cer-
tain articles, and wrote certain other articles to be
translated into the French language, for insertion
andteeuear
clear;
;ucbwo line:
tauittniuodenez .
or in ntna:nie,ar„t a
&c.hi
in Fm rt
The
nh
mean
ha account
caoutenhr
tsa,ti ts, hanemo 3 in
to
vuoegr:;t-

other editorial duties in the Imperial service, he
wrote articles in the Morning Chronicle which his
masters could translate into French, and display to
the natives of France the high terms in which the

more judicious and independent press of England
spoke of the Imperial policy.

The real wonder is, however, twofold. How men
who know England so well as we might suppose
PERSIGNY and his master did—for we can hardly
suppose the EMPEROR not to be cognisant of the
business—how they could suppose such a scheme
would succeed in England—and next it is wonder-
ful, that having committed themselves (assuming
that they have), they should not satisfy their agent
without driving him to expose himself and them to
the world. They must, of course, have resolved not
to try the same trick again. The failure of the
Chronicle, we may suppose, has satisfied them that
it will not answer to try and mould English opinion
through her own press. The hirers of the
English press would hardly have sholibeir hand
if they had intended to continue the game. They
must know that after this revelation all laudations
of the EMPEROR would be regarded as duly
paid for, and would of course be perfectly inopera-
tive. They have found that bribing of the press,
here, is dear and unprofitable work, and as they
intend to give it up, they feel no shame about let-
ting all the world know what they have been doing.
One thing they may learn if they will, that Im-
perialism can find no support here. We do not
wish needlessly to insult a neighbouring ruler, but
as little will his praises, or even apology for him,
be endured. We may acknowledge his neighbourly
aid in the Trent affair, and his wisdom in the treaty,
but his general policy must be too odious to us to
find an advocate who could command an audience.
We look on liberty utterly curbed in France—a
press with but one :editor—Nice and Savoy taken
by fraud, and Sardinia coveted—Rome crushed
beneath foreign mercenaries—ltaly deprived of
her capital and harassed by brigands—GARIBALDI
shot—Mexico invaded—the people crushed under
heavy taxes, that a vast army and fleet, useless but
for gross ambition, may keep all Europe in alarm—
we look on such broad patent facts as these, and
must therefore scout the English journal which
should attempt to justify such a disturber of
Europe.

LATEST NEWS.

PARIS, Nov. 23.

The Constautionnel of to• day contains an article
on the affairs of Greece, signed by its chief editor,
M. Limayrac. in this article M. Limayrac recalls
that France has no motive for refusing, should Eng.
land make the proposition to renew the engage-
ment of the three Powers with Greece.
The writer continues—

" The situation of France is free, decided, and I
completely disinterested. The accession of Prince
Alfred to the throne of Greece would not wound us.
Greece is free to choose her Sovereign. Our re-
lations with England are so cordial that
we should feel no displeasure at the choice of
Prince Alfred. In what way could we take
umbrage at the position of a great Power who
would create for itself the obligation of maintain-
ing a Prince on the Hellenic throne ? Greece exists
with difficulty as it is, and the Power which fur-
nishes a dynasty will be unfronted by two perilous
difficulties. Either it will have to restrain the
aspirations of the new King within the prison walls
of the present frontiers, and thus lose popularity
and prestige, or it will encourage the ambition of
the Greeks for territorial aggrandisement, and in
that case open the door to the redoubtable Eastern
question, which is pregnant with all kinds of com-
plications."
M. Li►nayrac concludes :-
4' These serious embarrassments would result for
England from the triumph of the candidature of
Prince Alfred. The Morning Post has not thought
proper to take cognizance of them, but the limes
has perfectly comprehended them."

ST. PETERSBURG, Nov. 26.

The journal de St. Petersbourg of this morning
publishes the bases of the Trade Tax Bill, laid
before the Council of the Empire. Its main features
are the equal admission of natives and foreigners
to the Merchants' Guild, and the retention of the
social privileges of the merchants. The tax upon
the first class of the Guild is fixed at 265 roubles,
that upon the second class at 25 roubles 65 copecks.
The arrangements now in existence in reference to
foreign Jews are maintained.

TURIN, Nov. 25

In to-day's sitting of the Chamber of Deputies,
Signor Nicotera sought to prove that Signor Rib-
tazzi had, at the commencement of his administra-
tion, endeavoured to effect an alliance with the party
of the Left.

Signor Nicotera also spoke of promises having
been made to him by Stnor Rattazzi relative to the
national armament and reforms in the administra-

tion.

General Cugia explained his conduct in the
government of Sicily. He stated that Garibaldi
had promised to leave the island, and that it was
necessary to temporize in order to avoid sanguinary
collisions. During the negotiations, however, Gari-
baldi suddenly entered Catania.
Signor Rattazzi will reply to-morrow.

BERLIN, Nov. 25.

It is asserted in diplomatic circles that in the
note despatched to the Government of Electoral
Hesse this morning Prussia reminds the Elector of
the engagement entered into by him in June last.
and points out the steps that the Prussian Govern•
meat might take should the Budget not be laid be•
fore the Chamber.

CASSEL, Nov. 25.

An orderly, with despatches from. the Prussian
Government, arrived here early this morning. It
is reported that he has orders to wait 24 hours for
any answer it may be decided to return.
Lieutenant-Field-Marshal von Schmerling is ex-
pected to-day upon a special mission from Austria.