The Sun.
London, England, 1862-01-01 00:00:00

_WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 1, 1862.

His opinion was that there was no ground for sup•
posing these returns would lead to any practi-
cal good. (Hear.) If, however, any goo I could
be shown to arise from it, then individuals must
give up their prejudices and Government must have
the thing they wanted. In the absence of any proof
of this kind as to the utility of the thi le-, he should
object to the police or any other machinery being
employed.
Mr. T. L. GOODLAKE said the value of the
statistics depended upon the period of their being
published, but the statistics for Ireland for the year
1860 were not published until the autumn of 1861.
This fact disposed of the argument of their general
utility. (Hear, hear.)
The CHAIRMAN was about to put the proposition
of Mr. Bros, when
Lord OYERSTONE said he was very much afraid
if the motion should be carried in the affirmative it
was calculated to have an effect on the general
question of agricultural statistics not intended by
the mover, and hardly so by the members of the
Court. To return a pure negative to the question,
simply saying that it was not expedient to collect
agricultural statistics through the medium of the
county constabulary, unaccompanied by any sug-
gestion, would be felt by the Government and pro-
duce an impression in the country that in the opi-
nion of the county of Berks the collection of agri-
cultural statistics was inexpedient, or, at least, that
it was a very questionable act. He did not believe
that that was the feeling of the Court generally.
He would ask the Court not merely to consider the
technical reply to be given, but the substantial
effects of it. If, after full deliberation, they were
prepared to co-operate with the Government to ob-
tain good agricultural statistics, but thought that
there should be some better mode of collecting them
than that proposed by the Government, that would
be a very regular and business-like way of dealing
with the question. He hoped the Court would not
return the dry answer that it was inexpedient to
collect these statistics without suggesting an alter-
native course. With regard to the expediency of
collecting agricultural statistics a few words only
would be necessary. In every other branch of in-
dustry in this country it had been found uniformly
desirable to collect from all engaged in those indus-
trial occupations the best information that could
be, gained, and in proportion as they had been ren-
dered with accuracy the interests of the parties
engaged in those pursuits had been promoted.
Could any reasonable man doubt that that which
was true of other industrial parts of the empire,
and had proved to be true, could be otherwise than
true with agricultural matters ? The agi iculture
of the country was a trading interest as much as any
other. Its success depended upon the:same princi-
ples, and upon the exertion of the same wisdom, the
same prudence, and the same forethought and con-
trivance, and they might be assured on general
grounds, without going into detail, that in propor-
tion as the information was correct it would be
valuable to all engaged in that important pursuit.
He trusted on that ground, the Court would in their
resolution express the opinion that the magistrates
and gentlemen of Berkshire were ready to co-ope-
rate with the Government in any reasonable effort
to get the practical and detailed information which
had been found useful in other branches of trade.
With regard to the point that the statistics would
not be sufficiently accurate to be useful, he believed
that the history of agriculture would follow the his-
tory of everything else. The first effort would be

incomplete, but as confidence was obtained and pre-
judice obliterated, they would find these statistics

would increase in their accuracy, and they would
find in a short time that that information would
facilitate all reasonable calculations of landlords
and tenants, and limit the evils arising from ex-
treme fluctuations resulting from ignorance of this
information. Then with regard to the question as
to the best mode of obtaining this statistical infor-
mation, he thought that was a question more fit for
the Government to consider and decide than for the
magistrates in Quarter Sessions. He was a little
surprised at the form of the question put to the
Quarter Sessions, but he had no doubt that the
meaning was to obtain from the discussion which
would arise some indications for the guidance of the
Government and what were the feeling and opinion
of the country as to any effort requisite for obtain-
ing the information, and whether the Government
might calculate upon aid and co-operation from
different Quarter Sessions as to the best mode to
obtain it. With respect to the question of the
collection being made through the county constabu-
lary, ho thought the remarks of Mr. Walter were
correct, namely, that the original impression hostile

to it was founded upon the impression that the duty
imposed upon the police was of a far more dange-
rous and delicate character than intended by the
Government. The question resolved itself into
one the narrowness of which was almost ludi-
crous. The question was whether any groat and for-
midable difficulty existed in the way of sending out
the papers to the farmers through the hands of the
police. That was the question, and it seemed to him
that it was one hardly fit to occupy the time of the
Court. He would really suggest that the Court
should pass a resolution something to this effect :
That they should first thank the gentleman who
had been kind enough to see the Home Secretary,
and that they should send a reply that they were
ready to co-operate with the Government for the
purpose of obtaining the best possible agricultural
statistics, whether through the medium suggested
by the Government, or through any other medium
which, upon full communication with the Quarter
Sessions, the Government might deem most practi-
cal and expedient. Ho thought an answer of
that kind would become the Court, and not violate
the feelings of any magistrate.

Lord BARRINGTON said personally he felt much
indebted to the noble lord (Lord Overstone) for the
able speech he had made on the subject, and he quite
agreed with every word that had been uttered. He
should be glad to see these agricultural statistics
collected in some way or other. If the Court did not
like the information to be obtained through the po-
lice, he hoped they would resolve to find out some
other way. He thought his friend Mr. Walter had
made a sugg. stion well worthy of consideration.
He would not say that it should be necessarily
adopted, but at any rate, it was one of those things
which he could state in his place in Parliament if
any bill were brought forward, as he supposed there
would be hereafter. He should be sorry to put a ne-
gative on the collection of agricultural statistics,
and if the noble lord (Lord Overstone) would move
a resolution to the effe3t he had suggested he (Lord
Barrington) would be happy to second it.

The Hon. P. P. BOUTERIE, M.P., said, acting
upon the suggestion thrown out by Lord Overstone,
he would ask Mr. Bros whether he would not mo-
dify his resolution so that, after expressing the in-
exp;(liency of employing the county police, it should
go on to say it was the opinion of the Court that it
was desirable to collect agricultural statistics in some
mode to be devised by the Government.
Mr. W. H. STONE said he thought it would gene-
rally be considered by the farmers to be a nasty in-
quisitorial, thing, and he hoped the Court would not
sanction it. He was quite sure no other Govern-
ment but the present would have ventured to ask
for such a thing.
Mr. NORRIS, MY.,
(Hear, hear.)
said he bad taken consider-
able pains to ascertain the feelings of the tenant
farmers in
his neighbourhood on the subject, and
he had found them uniformly
willing to give the
in formation asked, believing
it to be a general public
good.

Mr. llorKnis said he mentioned the matter to
his tenants at a late rent audit, in-
stance they declared that they would not make any
return. and in every

Sir CHARLES RUSSELL said 41
Government
simply proposed to try the experiment of collecting
these statistics, and he hoped that Berkshire would
not be the only county to Withhold the information
sought. For his own part, he saw no objection to
tt e employment of the c-:unty police,
as they had
ready means of access to all the farms, and could
deliver the papers without imposing any great ad-
ditional labour upon them.

A discussion ensued as to the precise terms in
which a motion shonld be submitted, and eventually
Lord OVERSTONE proposed the following :—" That
this Court will readily give its best assistance to the
Government in any efforts which it may make for the

mit;

to WON I
purpose of collectingagricultural statir usthrough-
out the kingdom; but that, in the opinion of this
Court, the responsibility of deciding upon the best
means for accomplishing that object properly rests
with the Government."
Mr. ARBUTHNOT seconded the motion.

Mr. BRos said he felt this resolution of Lord
Overstone left the question open as to the employ-
ment of the police, and he therefore must keep to
the motion he had submitted to the Court in the
earlier part of the proceedings.
It was then arranged that the proposition of Lord
Overstone should stand as an amendment to Mr.
Bros's motion, and

The CHAIRMAN said he really could see no objec-
tion to granting such returns as asked for by the
Home Secretary. What was wanted was the quantum
of acres cultivated in any particular way, and to the
principle of the thing he saw no objection whatever.
A division then took place, and the amendment
of Lord Overstone, stating the willingness of the
Court to co-operate with the Government in obtain-
ing these returns, was carried. The numbers were
For Lord Overstone's amendment .... 26
Against it
Majority for the amendment
At the close of this discussion the larger propor-
tion of the magistrates left the court.

KINGLAKE,_3I.P., AND 1113 CON-

8117 UEN7 S.

On Monday evening a crowded and enthusiastic
meeting was held at the Town-hall, Bridgwater, to
hear from Mr. Kinglake his annual address to his
constituents. The chair was occupied by the Mayor
(Mr. J. Browne), who appropriately introduced the
business of the evening.
Mr. KINGLAKE, after alluding to the loss the coun-
try had suffered in the death of the Prince Consort,
said—l will abstain from adverting to any of those
legislative measures which have occupied the House
of Commons, except those only with respect to
which I think it is desirable to address to you one
or two observations. During the last session of
Parliament we were occupied, with the exception
of the Church-rate Bill, upon which I shall pre-
sently speak, with four measures, all more or less
affecting the religious liberty of the British subject.
First, there was the Affirmations Bill, then the bill
relating to certain religious tests which are still
applied to persons accepting particular offices ; then
Sir Morton Peto's Bill, respecting the last rites of
sepulture due to Nonconformists ; and then there was
also the bill relating to Charity Trustees. Well, gen-
tlemen, all these were bills which more or less inte-
rested the great Liberal party in this country, and to
all these measures, in all their stages, I gave my cor-
dial support. (Applause.) I am sorry to say in vain,
none having become the law of the land. Then, again,
there were several measures relating to the represen-
tation of the people brought before Parliament. There
was Mr. Locke King's Bill—a very wise one, as I
think—relating to the county franchise; there was
Mr. Baines's measure, relating to the extension of
the borough franchises; and there was Mr.
Berkeley, with our old friend the ballot. (Hear.)
All these measures were submitted to the House of
Commons, and to all of them I gave my humble
support in all their stages. (Applause.) But with
respect to all these, also, my votes were all in vain,
because none of them became the law of the land.
And now with regard to the measure on church-
rates. The number of votes having been found to
be equal, the Speaker, although taken a little by
surprise, yet in admirably appropriate words--for
so the house considered them—stated the grounds
on which he felt it to be his duty to give his vote
for the "Noes." They were grounds quite uncon-
nected with the merits of the measure, and were
founded on the custom which his predecessors had
adopted of so voting as to give the house an oppor-
tunity of reconsidering its former decision, and the
result is that for the last session the bill was en-
tirely lost. Well, gentlemen, I have enumerated no
less than eight measures of importance, all of them
more or less dear to the Liberal party and
at a time when the Liberal party is supposed to be
in power, and all of which have failed. I therefore
think it right to inquire why it is that this failure
has visited us. (Hear.) I know, gentlemen, the
ready answer of our opponents will be that it is as
clear as possible that there is a great Conservative
reaction. But I don't believe that that is true.
(Hear, and applause.) I don't believe that that is a
solution of the question. I believe that the reason
may be more safely sought for in this direction. I
observe that all these bills are bills which have
been introduced into the House of Commons by
private members of Parliament, and experience
teaches us that measures introduced into the House
of Commons by private members are not those
which lead to actual and practical legislation.
(Hear.) There are many causes which I think tend
to account for this. 'When a bill is introduced by
a member of the Government, then, if not the ex•
istence of the Government, at all events the credit
of the Government, is at stake, and the very fact
that such is the case gives a practical character to
the discussion ; and this, I must take leave to tell
you, is wanting in bills introduced by private mem-
bers of Parliament. I would therefore submit whe-
ther it would not be better that such measures
should be left to the patronage of the Liberal Go-
vernment rather than to what we may call the
volunteers of the Liberal ranks. (Hear, hear, and
applause.) You will remember that in the year
1859 Lord John Russell brought forward a very
important amendment on the subject of the repre-
sentation of the people, and when you call to mind
that the amendment was followed by a dissolution
of Parliament, and that the general election which
followed brought about a change of Ministry and
placed in power those who now occupy the offices
of State, you will perhaps feel entitled to ask what
has become of the Reform Bill. But before we
cast any blame upon her Msjesty's Government for
not further pushing the question of reform we must
remember what degree of strength we gave them
for carrying such a measure, (Hear, hear.) If I
remember rightly, the majority which, by a good
deal of coaxing and management on the part of Sir
Wm. Hayter, was secured, was only 13 on a great
party Tote ; and all experienced legislators will tell
you that that is not a majority which will enable a
Ministry to carry through Parliament a great and
complicated measure. Now, gentlemen, before I
come to the subject which has occupied nearly the
whole of you for some time past—l mean the
threatened war with America--I desire to say a few
words on the state of European politics. Perhaps,
after all, the most momentous events to be expected
from this new American war will be those for which
we may have to seek in Europe. (Hear, hear.)
At present all Europe tell us that we are right in
this quarrel, but experience tells us that nothing
is more quickly forgotten than the mere cause of
a war. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, if this war
should break out, those nations Ni hich bear
hatred against England will inquire whether or
not this may be an occasion for venturing
an attack upon us; or, what is much more pro-
bable, they will inquire whether this may not
be the time for attempting those territorial
changes which cannot be sa'ely attempted when
England's attention is fixed upon European affairs.
(Hear.) Gentlemen, I will not conceal from you
that if this emergency—this Transatlantic emergency
—had occurred two years age, there would have
been great ground for anxiety with regard to our
relations in Europe. (Hear.) But 1 rejoice to be
able to say that since last I addressed you in this
hall a great improvement has taken place in the re-
lations between this country and the Powers of Eu-
rope. (Hear, hear.) When Net year I addressed you
in this hall the military Powers of Central Europe
were in so distressed a state as to exercise no power at
all, and the Emperor of the French was at that time
so completely the master of the situation—l mean the
Emperor of the French personally and not France,
that England was placed in circumstances of embar-
rassment and difficulty, which I then endeavoured
to describe to you. I recollect at that time showing
Toll how perilous was the situation of England.
The justice of the words I then uttered was very
generally recognised in this country; and I have
come reason to believe that it was also recognised
in a quarter where it might have been sup-
posed to have been unwelcome. We now find that.
M. Fould, the Finance Minister of France, has ad-
dressed to the French Emperor words exactly coin-

iding in principle with those I spoke to you.
(Hear, hear.) He has told the Emperor that it is
impossible that he can ever have credit among the
other Powers of Europe for being a peaceful poten-
tate while he has in his hands the whole means
and capabilities of France. (Hear.) The justice
of this the French Emperor has recognised, and it
is now promised that there is to be something like
constitutional government of France. It is no
matter to us what the government of France may
be, so far as the mere personal feeling of French-
men is concerned; yet it is of great importance to
us that there can be no war in that country
without the assent of the French people—(hear,
hear)—without such an assent as would give us
fair notice of what is coming. (Hear.) Well,
gentlemen, turning again to the period when
I last addressed you, within two months after that
time I had some duties imposed upon me—l found
myself engaged in a labour and discussion in the
House of Commons of a most anxious kind. I am
speaking of the period of the commencement of
1860. I and some others were then engaged in a
very anxious and toilsome labour, but no labour of
that kind can be so great, no anxiety of political
spirit can be so acute, as not to be amply rewarded
by a declaration which was made by Lord John
Russell on March 20, 1860. Lord John Russell, in
quiet, temperate, but firm language, then intimated
to Parliament that the time had come for England
to make a stand against further encroachment ; and
he added that, however friendly the Government of
England might be towards the Government of
France, yet, in order to maintain the tranquillity
of Europe, England must no longer hold herself
aloof from the other Powers. (Hear, hear.) No
sooner had these words been uttered than England
recovered, I will not say her rank as a first-rate
Power, for that had not been altogether lost, but
the authority in Europe which she owes partly, in-
deed, to her strength, partly to he's moderation,
partly to the freedom from all ambition for territo-
rial aggrandisement, and partly from the commu-
nity of interests which binds her in amity with all
Powers, and determines her to hold her own, but
nevertheless remain free from the desire to encroach
upon the possessions of others. (Applause.) The
value of that change in our policy was tested last
year, when I happened to become acquainted with
the fact that a scheme was in agitation for annex-
ing the island of Sardinia to France. I did not
hesitate to go down to the House of Commons and
state in simple words what I happened to know. I
stated no more than the bare facts. I did not say that
any actual agreement for this cession' had been
made, but merely told the House what had chanced
to come to my knowledge. (Hear, hear.) The
statement elicited from Lord John Russell, as I
humbly hope, will have the effect of inducing
France to abandon any scheme of the kind. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) My belief is that that scheme
had been entertained without any knowledge of the
full extent to which it would excite opposition on
the part of England; and that the French Empe-
ror was enabled to perceive, from what passed in
the House of Commons, and from the feeling of the
country generally, that this was not a measure
that could not be tolerated by England consistently
with her determination to preserve the balance of
naval power in the Mediterranean. (Hear, hear.)
I tell you frankly that it was on account of the
good faith they have shown that I have been a sup-
porter of her Majesty's Government. And, when I
tell you that, I mean that I have not been a sup-
porter by halves. (Hear.) Night and morning I
have done all that I could, by the votes which a
member can give, to accord my support to the Go-
vernment. (Applause.) In the spring of last year
several of the Southern States of what we were ac-
customed to call the United States of America, chose
to secede from the Government with which they
had been connected. Her Majesty's Government
soon found that these seceding States comprised
a population of some 8,000,000 men ; that they
were as peacefully and regularly governed as any
European State ; that they were maintaining war
against the Northern States, for the most part, it
appeared, with some success ; and it was quite evi-
dent, therefore, that our Government had no choice
but to recognise these 8,000,000 people as bellige-
rents—that is, as men who were carrying on war,
for you could no more deny that they were carrying
on war than that the sun shines at noonday. (Hear)
At the same time the Government of this country
determined to maintain a rigid neutrality. (Hear,
hear.) The people of the North had, perhaps, some
sort of ground for supposing that the strong feeling
which this country entertained on the subject of
slavery might affect the course which we should
take when the Southern States became separated
from the North. They seemed to think that on
that ground we should at once have declared for
them in order to abalish the evil which we had
always denounced. We did nothing of the sort ;
and, from what has happened, I draw a lesson in
support of a principle I have always enforced—
that in the policy of States a sentiment never can
govern. (Hear, hear.) Depend upon it that the
relations between various States will always, or
almost always, be governed by their great in-
terests. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, there is
another lesson to be drawn from what has hap-
pened in America—that, where a State is sub-
ject to domestic broils, there is a strong inclina-
tion on the part of many—and this is especially the
case in some States—to seek an issue out of their
domestic troubles by finding a quarrel with a
foreign State. (Hear, hear.) And I must say that
I never saw so strong an instance of this policy—if
policy it can be called—as on this occasion. (Hear.)
I own to you that it has been the custom of Eng-
land during many years to be a little too negligent
in the maintenance of her rights as against the
United States ; the feeling of every one was that we
should submit to anything rather than get into a
quarrel. (Hear, hear.) That was a very peaceable
feeling—a feeling for which I refuse to cast blame
upon my conntry; but it was not statesmanlike, be-
cause experience tells us that by Such a course we
may be forced into a war which might have been
avoided bya little firmness at the outset. (Applause.)
I don't think this would be the place for me to at-
tempt to go into the grounds on which I say the
act of Commodore Wilkes, which you all know of,
was unlawful, but I tell you with confidence that it
was so. (Hear.) If I had addressed you a fortnight
ago I should have found it necessary to argue the
question, but now that all Europe has pronounced
the act to be unlawful, I may be content with as-
serting what might have argued then. (Hear.)
M. Thouvenel, in beautifully clear language, has
told the American Government that they are doing
that which is indefensible. (Hear, hear.) This is
the more important and interesting because all who I
have read history know that America owes her in-
dependence to the aid she got from France, and that
France and America have always been competing
side by side for the rights of neutrals. (Hear.) For
the solution of a question of this kind international
law had provided a competent tribunal, and he who
withdrew this matter from that tribunal was Corn-
modem Wilkes, because if he honestly imagined the
Trent was carrying contraband of war, it was per-
fectly competent in him to take possession of her,
and carry her into the prize courts and have her law-
fully condemned. (Hear.) But he rejected the prize
courts, and took the law in his own hands. I want
to ask who cent Commodore Wilkes to carry on war
against a peaceful mail packet? I am afraid I must
answer the question myself by telling you that he
was sent by a Power to which we in England are
always accustomed to bow with defference, and
which we:all infinitely respect. He was sent bypublic
opinion. But, then, how comes it that that Power
which rules us all here with moderation is in Ame-
rica so low, so perveree, so lawless, so mad as to
send this man on a mission which is no less destruc-
tive to his own country than offensive to ours?
(Hear.) I am afraid that the answer is one with
whicti all who have observed with care the United
States of America have been long familiar—namely,
that although good men there abound, yet, from
some cause connected with their system of govern-
ment, the good men are driven into the shade, and
the bad men aro prominent. Commodore Wilkes
seems to have calculated that by doing a simple
lawless act of this kind he would obtain the good
opinion of his fellow-subjects—that is, all those of
them who would come forth. As soon as the news
was received in this country there was a firm deter-

mination to uphold the honour of the flag, and that
that honour should be vindicated according to law.
(Hear, hear.) No man desired that we should pass
those bounds which the law officers of the Crown
might prescribe. (Hear, hear.) With admirable
patience the country waited until the law officers
of the Crown had given their decision, and as soon
as it was given there was hardly a man who ven-
tured to question it. (Hear.) Upon this a despatch
of a very, cogent kind was addressed by her Majes-
ty's Government to the Government of the United
States, and had our Government done less they
would have ceased to be a Government. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) I have not the slightest doubt
that the despatch was couched in terms the most
courteous, and that it expressed the belief of her
Majesty's Government that the act of which Com-
modore Wilkes had been guilty was one which they
would repudiate, and therefore instructions were sent
toWashington to request that reparation which ought
to be given. I have no doubt that a clear distinction
was made between the reparation in the restoration
of the two commissioners and the reparation that
due notice be given of the act of which Corftmodorc
Wilkes has been guilty. I have no doubt, with
respect to the latter, that our Government,wwould be
willing to negotiate with temper and moderation,
but it must be understood that, with respect to the
restoration of the commissioners, that was made a
condition without which it would not he possible for
Lord Lyons to remain at Washington. (Hear, hear.)
I wish to explain what has been said in reference
to the subject of arbitration, Whatever question may
hereafter arise, no man who understands occasions
of this sort will' impute to her Majesty's Govern-
ment the smallest blame for not urging a settlement
by arbitration, for when her Majesty's Government
addressed that despatch to the Government of
Washington there was no dispute, so to speak, be-
cause our Government had not at that time any
right to suppose that the Government at 'Washing-
ton would support the act of its officer. (Hear.)
It would have been discourteous in the highest de.
gree to suppose that the American Government
would: dispute that which we considered indisput-
able, and therefore the duty of first proposing arbi-
tration could not come from our Government.
Many considered that if there should be a refusal to
give up the prisoners war would be immediately
declared. I don't understand that that is the case.
If the request shotild not be complied with, I appre-
hend that it would be the duty of Lord Lyons to
ask for his passport and bring home with him the
whole legation. But he would bring with him also
I imagine, the answer which the American Govern-
ment may :think fit to make to the demand of
our Government. (Hear, hear.) When we have
that answer then it would be right for her
Majesty's Government to decide what course she
would take in dealing with it. (Hear, hear.) With
respect to the suggestion of submitting questions to
arbitration I have something to say, and perhaps
there are few persons in this country who have
much more right to speak upon the subject. You
may have heard that in the Congress at Paris in
1856 a protocol was signed, which recommended, if
I may so express myself, a wholesome principle of
referring questions of dispute to arbitration. It was
obvious that to introduce into international law a
new principle of this kind would depend for its suc-
cess upon the way in which the first attempt to
appeal to the principle should succeed. (Hear.) The
first occasion on which the attempt was made oc-
curred very soon after. You all know the deep
interest which this country has always taken in the
efforts to suppress the slave trade. In 1858, after
much urging, she got the Portuguese Government
to suppress the slave trade upon the African coast..
The Portuguese Government, not very willingly,
and in sheer obedience to our dictation, captured a
French vessel having upon it all the indications
which are usually regarded as sufficient to convict
the vessel of being engaged in the slave trade—l
speak of the Charles-et-Georges. The French
Government indignantly required that the vessel
should be restored, although it was clear to
everybody in England and everybody in Lisbon that
the vessel was liable to be condemned. The
French Government was vastly more powerful
than the Portuguese, and refused to appeal to
the principle of arbitration. England, though
she had compelled the Portuguese to take this
step, was obliged to stand by and see the vessel
given up. Here, then, I fear is an end to the
principle of referring questions to arbitration, be-
cause, if the first time one of those questions occurs,
a great Power refuses to be bound by it, how can
any other Government be expected to do otherwise P
(Hear, hear.) I trust that, in order to avoid the
unspeakable horrors of war, the United States will
yield, and that they will not allow fellaw-subjects
of ours to remain in felons' cells. (Hear, hear.)
There seemed to be some ground for supposing that
the Emperor of the French was not indisposed to
take the same view of the matter as we bad; but I
believe I may say that means have been taken to
ascertain what is the feeling of France on this sub-
ject, and the feeling is that in this matter England
ought to be left to fight her own battles. I believe
I may say that it is not the desire of this country to
ask the alliance or seek that of any other European
Power. But, gentlemen, supposing we are alone in
this quarrel, is it certain that America will be alone
I have already said to you that when war once
breaks out the original cause of the quarrel is soon
lost eight of, and that nations will range themselves
according to what they suppose to be their best in-
terests. I venture to remind those who may be
meditating any thing against En gland on the ground
of the trouble which now threatens her that the
very last time we were engaged in a war with Ame-
rica, which broke out in 1812 and continued for
some years afterwards, was exactly that period
when we invaded France and achieved our greatest
victories.

At the conclusion of Mr. Kinglake's address,
Mr. R. FORD, ex-Mayor, moved a resolution pro-
testing against the hon. member's foreign policy,
especially his conduct towards our " august and
faithfully ally, the Emperor of the French."

Dr. KING seconded the resolution, for which only
two hands were held up.
A proposition, moved by Mr. J. L. SEALY, and
seconded by Mr. It. BALE, thanking Mr. Kinglake
for his address, was carried amid much cheering.

IIEALTH OF LONDON .DURING THE WEEK.

(From the Registrar-General's Weekly Return.)

In the week ending last Saturday (December
28th) 1,148 deaths were registered in London, of
which 234 cccurred in the population of the age of
60 years and upwards, 304 between the ages of 20
and GO years, and 610 in the first 20 years of
existence. The mortality was not so great by 100
as in the previous week ; in the corresponding
weeks of the last ten years (1851.60) the average
number 'corrected for increase of population is
1,548. So the deaths to the present return are less
than the average by 400.
The mortality from small-pox is much below the
average. Measles has caused less than the usual
number of deaths, only 19 having occurred last
week, though the corrected •average is 39, and in
the corresponding week of last year the deaths
from measles lose to 49. The deaths by scarlatina
and diphtheria are in excess of their averages.
Whooping-cough was fatal to 45 children, a num-
ber below the average ; and the deaths from this
infantile affliction in the previous three weeks re-
spectively numbered 50, 55, and 61.
The fever of London assumes three forms, which
are respectively designated typhus,typhoid (typhia),
and relapsing fever (typhinia.) Fifty persons died
of these fevers last Week. The typhoid fever,some-
times called gastric fever, for it affects the intes•
tines, is propagated in air and water by the exe-
cretions which are accumulated in the cesspools and
sewers of cities. • Its ravages will be reduced effec-
tually when this matter is restored every day to
the cultivated soil, of which it is a natural consti-
tuent.

The mortality from diarrbcea is rather below the
average. The pulmonary complaints now fatal to
a considerable extent are bronchitis and pneumonia.
108 children died under the age of 15 years, 35
persons between 'l5 'and 60, and 37 at 60 years and
upwards died of those diseases. Eight women and
one man were registered at the advanced age of 90
years and upwards; the oldest was a woman, aged
99 years.

Last week the births of 780 boys and 734 girls,
in all 1,523 children, were registered in London.
In the ten corresponding weeks of the years 1851-
60 the average number was 1,667.

FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT.

LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S-OFFICE, DEc._3l.

Orders for the Court's change of mourning on Monday,
the 27th of January next, for his late Roy al Highness the
Prince Consort, viz .
The ladies to wear black silk dresses trimmed with crape,
and black shoes and gloves, black fans, feathers, and orna-
ments.

The gentlemen to wear black Court dress with black
swords and buckles, and plain linen.

The Court further to change the mourning on Monday,
the 17th of Feb. next, viz.

The ladies to wear black dresses with white gloves, black
or white shoes, fans, and feathers, and pearls, diamonds, or
plain gold or silver ornaments.
The gentlemen to wear black Court dress, with black
swords and buckles.

And on Monday, the 10th of March next, the Court to
go out of mourning
DOWNING-STREET, DEC. 30.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint Thomas Price,
Esq., to be Lieutenant-Governor of the island of
Dominica.

CROWN.OFFICE, DEC. 30.
MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN TILE PRESENT
PARLIAMENT.

Town of Nottingham—Sir Robert Juckes Clifton, of
Clifton Hall, in the county of Nottingham, Bart., in the
room of John Mellor, Esq., who has accepted the office of
one of the Justices assigned to hold Pleas before the Queen
herself.
WAR-OFFICE, PALL-MALL, DEC. 31.

2d Regiment of Dragoons—Captain Charles Jefferys Wat-
son Allen from half-pay, 12th Lancers, to be Captain,
. .

vice Brevet Major Jan;es Leith, who retires upon‘halfL

pay.
6th Dragoons—Major and Brevet-Lieutenant-Colcnel John
De Montmorency Murray Prior to be Lieutenant-Colonel,
by purchase, vice Edmund D'Arcy Hunt, who retires;
Captain John Edward SwiDdley to be Major, by pur-
chase, vice Prior; Lieutenant John Baskerville to be
Captain, by purchase, vice Swindley ; Cornet James
Stocker Grant Smith to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice
Baskerville; Charles Douglas Beresford Creagh, Gent.,
to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Bennitt, promoted.
12th Lancers—Edward Albert Pole, Gent., to be Cornet,
by purchase, vice Blacker, promoted.
14th Hussars—John Bradney, Gent., to be Cornet, by pur-
chase, vice the Hon. F. Amherst, promoted; George
Staunton Lyncb..Stattnton, Gent., late Lieutenant Hants
Artillery Militia, to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Browne,
promoted.
15th Hussars—Robert Marcus Briscoe, Gent., to bo Cornet,
by purchase, vice Walker, promoted.
Royal Artillery—Captain Andrew Orr, from the Supernu-
merary List, to be Captain, vice Henry Heyman, re-
moved to the Supernumerary List; Second Captain and
Brevst-Major Frederick Miller to be Captain, vice Bre-
vet-Major Charles Ingilby, removed to the upernume-
rary List ; Second Captain Robert Wolseley Haig, on
the Supermtmerary List, to be Captain; Second Captain.
and Brevet-Major Charles Henry Owen, on the Super-
numerary List, to be Captain; Second Captain and
Brevet-Major Alderson Milman to be Captain, vice
Brevet-Major Miller, removed to the Supernumerary
List ; Lieutenant Frederick Coulthurst Elton to be
Second Captain, vice Vivian Dering Majendie, removed
to the Supernumerary List ; Lieutenant Charles R.
Franklen to be Second Captain, vice Eden, appointed
Adjutant ; Lieut. Clennell Collingwood to be Second.
Captain, vice Brevet Major Miller; Lieutenant Frede-
rick Augustus Anley to be Second Captain, vice Brevet
Major Milman; Second Captain Morton Parker Eden to
be Adjutant; Sergeant-Major John Pitt to be Quarter-
master • Surgeon Ethelbert Henry Blake, M.D., having
completed a period of 20 years full-pay service, to be
Surgeon-Major under the Royal Warrant of Ist October,

1858.
Coldstream Guards—Ensign and Lieutenant Hugh Gran-
ville Fortescue to be Lieutenant and Captain, by pur-
chase, vice Philip Le Belward Egerton, who retires;
Ensign John Barton Sterling, from the Bth Foot, to be
Ensign and Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Fortescue.
Ist Regiment of Foot—Assistant. Surgeon Wm. Chalmers,
from the 17th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Wm,
White, appointed to the Staff.
Bth Foot—John Mount Batten, Gent., to be Ensign, by
purchase, vice John Barton Sterling, appointed 4o the

boldstreim Guards.
16th Foot—Lieut. Charles Pressly render, from the 37th
to be Lieutenant, vice Charles Henry Woodmass, who
exchanges; Staff-Assistant-Surgeon Edward O'Connell

to be Assistant-Surgeon.
18th Foot—Ensign Ferdinand Ogilvy Fitz Gerald to be,
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Sydney Darvell, who re-
tires; William Edward Chapman, Gent., to be Ensign,
by purchase, vice Fitz Gerald ; Quartermaster John
Staniforth, from half-pay, late 67th Foot, to be Quarter-
master, vice C. Godfrey, appointed to a Depot Battalion.
21st Foa—Ensign Edward Walker to be Instructor of
Musketry, vice Lieut. John Blaksley, exchanged into
the Ist West India Regiment.
34th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon William Sly, from the 16th
Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice G. Smith, deceased.
37th Foot—Lieut Charles Henry Woodmass, from the 16th

Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Charles Pressly Pender, who
exchanges,
38th Foot—Charles Alexander Stuart Monteath, Gent., to
be Ensign, by purchase, vice Brady, who retires.
41st Foot—Lieutenant Ashton Henry Warner to be Adju-
tant, vice Isaac King, who resigns that appoinment.
61st Foot—Staff-Surgeon Themes Ligertwood, M. 8., to be
Surgeon, vice Herbert Taylor Reade, who exchanges.
70th Foot—Lieutenant Eustace Cay to be Captain, by pur-
chase, vice Oswald Pilling, who retires ; Ensign Henry
Bally to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Cay; Charles
Townley Martin, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice

Bally.
87th Foot—Lieutenant Alfred Herbert Hugh Smith to be
Instructor of Musketry, vice Ensign Vowell, deceased.
98th Foot—Lieutenant Frederick Jackson, from half-pay
27th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Thomas Gardiner, pro-
moted, without purchase, to an unattached Company;
Ensign William O'Toole to be Lieutenant, by purchase,
vice Jackson, who retires ; Henry William Roberts,

Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice O'Toole.
Rifle.Bnpule—Staff-Assistant-Surgeon Thomas Kennedy

to be Assistant-Surgeon.
Ist West India Regiment—Ensign Arthur George St
George to be Lieutenant, by purchaPe, sice Panter, pro

motea ; Harry Golding, aerie. to be Ensign; by purChase,
vice Mansergh, promoted ; Joseph Guy Knight, Gent.,
late Lieutenant Leicester Militia, to be Ensign, by pur-

chase vice St. George, promoted.

DEPOT BATTALIONiI-::Captain George Newish Adams,
of the 86th Foot, to be Instructor of Musketry, vice Captain
Macdonald, under orders to join the Service Companies of
Ist Battalion, 16th Foot; Quartermaster Cornelius God-
frey, from the 11th Foot, to be Quartermaster, vice John
Desmond, who retires on half-pay.
COMMISSARY DEPARTMENT.—Deputy Commissary-
General William James Tyrone Power, C. 8., to have the
local rank of Commissary-General in British North Ame-
rica.

MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.— Surgeon Herbert Taylor
Reade, from the 61st Foot, to be Staff-Surgeon, Vice
Thomas Ligertwood, M. 8., who exchanges; Assistant-
Surgeon William White, from the Ist Foot, to be Staff
Assistant Surgeon, vice Joseph Salkeld Johnston, M.D.,
appointed to the 72dd Foot; Assistant-Surgeon St. John
Killery, from the 36th Foot, to be Staff Assistant-Surgeon,
vice Robert William Jackson placed upon half-pay.
VETERINARY DEPARTMENT.—The promotion of the
undar-mentioned Veterinary-Surgeons, as First Class
Vetinary -Surgeons, to bear date of Nov. 26, 1861, instead,
of Tuly 1, 1859 : —F. F. Collins, 16th Lancers ; A. J.
0 wles' 6th Dragoon Guards; J. S. Stockley, Royal Artil-
lery ; S. P. Constant, sth:Dragoon Guards; H.Withers,
3d Hussars.