The Sun.
London, England, 1862-04-25 00:00:00

POLAND.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
WARSAW, APRIL 17.
The recent discussions on Poland in both Houses
of the British Parliament, condensed and translated
into the Polish language, are clandestinely circu-
lated here, and almost absorb every other subject of
conversation. Gratefully acknowledging the inte-
rest and the sympathy expressed for their misfor-
tunes and present sufferings, the Poles do not admit
the impossibility of some sort of interference in
their behalf by the Powers who signed the Treaty
of Vienna, in 1815, and thereby guaranteed the
political rights of the Polish nation. Even at the
risk of an uncourteous reply from St. Petersburg,
a remonstrance should be made by England against
the actual state of things in Poland. They will
not agree with Earl Russell that a constant, though
unsuccessful, intermeddling with the internal affairs
of a Power regardless of its obligations, such as
Russia, is derogatory to the dignity of the British
Government. Duty, say the Poles, however un-
pleasant, should be performed; and this duty, in
the absence of liberty on the continent, devolves
entirely upon England.
Another point which formed part of the speech
of Lord Palmerston, is not much relished by the
Poles, viz., his lordship's opinion that the national
manifestations were not required to convince the
world of the unquenchable and unconquerable spirit
of patriotism in the Polish nation, and that they
only drew upon them the revenge of the Russian
authorities. For a maintain,
long time, they
Europe had
pronounced the Polish nation quite
RUSSitEIZ hied, and resigned to its fate; calumnies of
the blackest die were launched by the German press
against their submission to the Russian yoke,
though, perhaps,
the statesmen were differently
informed. It required them to give a new proof to
the world of the vitality of tho Polish life, and
blood was shed? fresh Tlctina3 were and are being

made, all to show that though Poland may be di-
vided and oppressed she has not lost one iota of her
athchmcnt to her former rights and glory, for
which she will ever be ready to take up arms.
On the whole, the debate, and particularly Mr.
Denman's lucid statement and enumeration of the
tyrannical acts of the Russian Government, has
cheered many a Polish heart, for it exhibited the so
much praised benevolence and good feelings of the
Czar in their true light.
Such periodical discussions in the British Parlia-
ment are the only moral check on the conduct of the
Emperor, who is much annoyed to be thus dragged
before the tribunal of public opinion in Europe.
Hardly any event of importance has occurred,
except, as I already wrote, the arrest of 20 young
students on the Bth inst., in the church, and their
quick expedition to the confines of the empire, to
increase the numbers of the Russian army. Now
in what country in Europe could such an act of
despotism be tolerated, and is the Emperor aware
of what passes in Warsaw ? But a short time ago, a
series of new administrative measures, among which
that of the introduction of a new penal code was
announced ; and, certainly, nothing could be more
just or desirable. At this moment we are not go-
verned by any laws, and the caprice, and more fre-
quently the savage revenge of the Russian generals,
is the only rule on which hangs the life of the inha-
bitants.

The friends of the Marquis Wielopolski give it
out that he is in great favour with the Emperor,
who promised to carry out all his plans relating to
the peasant and the educational question. Much
as the Marquis is unpopular, no one, however, would
be so blind to public interests as to stand in the
way of his useful reforms. By all means let tb em
be converted into the Ip.w of the country, and, put
on their trial. The Poles, though aspiring to their
former independence, are not unwilling to accept
any concessions that may be made to them—they
are, surely, ripe enough for them--but let them be
bona
_fide reforms, such as would tend to general
benefit, and not the continued repetition of these on
paper only, as it is the case now, and has always
been with the Russians.

The mourning, and all other marks of sorrow, are
still worn by the ladies and the people generally,
in spite of the orders to the contrary; and the police
seem not to take any 'notice of them since they
would have to arrest everybody.
A sectional demonstration took place at Cracow
last week, which led to a collision between the stu-
dents of the 'university and the police, who were
worsted on the occasion.

In Lithuania the same spirit of passive resistance
continues, which even the refined cruelty of M.
Nazimow, the Governor-General, cannot subdue.
He has been summoned to St. Petersburg to be con-
sulted on the possibility of raising the siege of that
province, but he energetically opposed himself to
such a leniency, and represented the great danger
to which the Empire is exposed by the attitude of
the Polish nation.

2'HE ACT OF 1844-4 GIGANTIC
, 8717.1111DLE.

To THE EDITOR OF TITS SUN.
SlR,—Allow me to call tlae attention of your
readers to the fact, that th
a gigantic swindle or r.. 1 Act of 1844 operates as
the interests of both em-
ployers and work,;)eople, unintentionally no doubt,
but nevertheleSs it is a fact.

The Act alters periodically the value of the
measure by which the labour of the operatives and
the goods of the merchant are measured, producing
the sP.me effect as if false weights and measures
wr.,re used at times for the benefit of the monied
class to the prejudice of all other classes.

In illustration of the fact, imagine a pair of
scales for the purpose of weighing value, put a
piece of cloth, or any other product of labour,
worth in ordinary times of trade and credit a pound
sterling, into one scale, and into the other a pound
either in the shape of a sovereign or Bank note, and
the scales will balance each other.

Now, let a monetary panic occur, such as took
place in 1847 and 1857, arising from gold being
taken fxora the Bank of England, and the money
of the country reduced to the same extent by the
destruction of Bank notes as compelled by the Act
of 1844, and mark the consequences.
The price of all stocks of goods in traders' hands
will fall from 30 to 70 per cent., as was the case in
those panics. For the sake of clearness we will
assume the fall to be 50 per cent., or one-half the
value. The owner of the pound sterling in that
case gets double the quantity of cloth for his
money, whilst the merchant or manufacturer gets
only 10s. instead of 20s. for his article.

The manufacturers then, in self-defence, must
either reduce the wages of their workpeople, or run
short time, or close their mills, and turn them
adrift.

In this way does the law, by altering at times
the measure of value, ruin hundreds of masters,
and reduces thousands of the working class to
beggary and starvation.
The conflict created by the Act of 1844 is not
between labour and capital—men and their masters
—but between masters and men on the one side,
and money and dealers in money on the other.
To remedy the evils of this unjust law let masters
and men unite in petitioning Parliament for the
establishment of a National Bank of Issue, to
which shall be transferred the sole power of issuing
Bank notes, now enjoyed by a limited number of
bankers for their own benefit, by which means the
value of money, the measure of value, will be kept
steadier, and a sum of upwards of £30,000,000
obtained for alleviating the burdens of the people.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
HAMER STANSFELD.
Highfield, Windermere,
24th April, 1862.