The Sun.
London, England, 1862-01-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 11, 1862.

THE TRENT AFFAIR,

THE OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE.

LIVERPOOL, FRIDAY.
By the Jura we have received further details of
Messrs. Mason and Slidell.
The first is a letter from Secretary Seward to Mr.
Adams, the American Minister in London, dated
Nov. 30, 1861. Mr. Seward in this letter compli-
ments Mr. Adams for speaking and acting so wisely
at the Lord Mayor's dinner, and also states that he
told Lord Palmerston the simple fact when inform-
ing him that the life of the insurrection is sustained
by the hopes of a recognition of the Southern Con-
federacy by England and France, and if those hopes
ceased the insurrection would perish in 90 days. He
refers in the same note to the fact of the arrest of
Slidell and Mason by Capt. Wilkes as a new and
un forseen circumstance. which is to be met by the
two Governments, if possible, in a kindly spirit.
Lord Lyons had said nothing on the subject, and no
explanations were furnished to Minister Adams, it
being deemed prudent that the ground taken by
the British Government should be first made known
at Washington, and discussion be had there, but
Mr. Seward deemed it proper to state that Captain
Wilkes acted without instructions, and the subject,
therefore, is free from the embarrassments that
might have ensued if the act had becn specially
directed. He trusts that the British Government
will consider the subject in a friendly temper, and
it may expect the best disposition on the part of the
Washington Cabinet.
The next letter is from Earl Russell to Lord
Lyons, dated Nov. 30, which details the Trent
affair. He says :

" It thus appears that certain individuals have
been forcibly taken from a British vessel—the ship
of a neutral Power on a lawful and innocent voyage,
—an act of violence which was an affront to the
British flag and a violation of national laws. Her
Majesty's Government are willing to believe the act
was without authority and resulted from misunder-
standing, as the Government of the United States
must be fully aware that the British Government
will not allow such an affront to its national honour
to pass without due reparation ; and the British
Government are unwilling to believe that the
United States deliberately intended unnecessarily
to force a discussion of so grave a question between
the two Governments. Her Majesty's Government
trusts that the Government of the United States
will of its own accord offer such redress as alone
could satisfy them—namely, the liberation of the
four prisoners and their delivery to Lord Lyons,
that they may again be placed under British pro-
tection, and a suitable apology for the aggression
committed. Should these terms not be offered by
Mr. Seward, you will propose them to him.
Mr. Seward replies to Lord Lyons (by whom he
was furnished with a copy of Earl Russell's letter)
stating that the despatch has been submitted to the
President. Mr. Seward says :—" The British Go-
vernment rightly conjectured what it is now my
duty to state, that Captain Wilkes acted upon his
own suggestions of duty, without any direction or
instructions, or even foreknowledge of it, on the
part of this Government. No directions had
been given him, or any other naval officer, to
arrest the four persons, or any of them, or
the Trent, or any other British vessel, or any neutral
vessel, there or elsewhere." After discussing the
whole question at great length in all its bearings,
Mr. Seward says—" I trust I have shown to the
satisfaction of the British Government, by a very
simple and natural statement of facts, and an analy-
sis of the law applicable to them, that this Govern-
ment has neither meditated, nor practised, nor
approved, any deliberate wrong in the transaction
to which they have called its attention ; and, on the
contrary, that what has happened has been simply
an inadvertency consisting in a departure by the
naval officer—free from any wrongful motive—from
a rule uncertainly established, and probably by the
several parties concerned, either imperfectly under-
stood or entirely unknown. For this error the
British Government has a right to expect the same
reparation that we, as an independent State, should
expect from Great Britain or from any friendly na-
tion in a similar case. I have not been unaware
that in examining this question I have fallen into
an argument for what seems to be the British side
of it against my own country, but I am relieved
from all embarrassments on that subject. I had
hardly fallen into that line of argument when I
discovered that I was really defending and main-
taining not an exclusively British interest, but an
old honoured and cherished American cause ; not
upon British authorities, but upon principles that
constitute a large portion of the distinctive policy by
which the United States have developed the re-
sources of a continent, and thus becoming a con-
siderable maritime Power have won the respect and
confidence of many nations. These principles were
laid down for us by James Madison in 1804, when
Secretary of State under Jefferson, in instructions
to James Monroe, our then Minister to England."
Mr. Seward says, after quoting these instruc-

tions,—
"If I decide this case in favour of my own
Government I must disallow its most cherished
principles, and reverse and for ever abandon
its essential policy. The country cannot afford
the sacrifice: If I maintain those principles and
adhere to that policy I must surrender the case
itself. It will be seen, therefore, that this Govern-
ment could not deny the justice of the claim pre-
sented. We are asked to do to the British nation
just what we have always insisted all nations ought
to do to us. In coming to my conclusion, I have
not forgotten that if the safety of this Union re-
quired the detention of the captured prisoners it
would be the right and duty of this government to
detain them ; but the effectual check and waning
proportions of the existing insurrection, as well as
the comparative unimportance of the captured per-
sons themselves, when dispassionately weighed,
happily forbid me from resorting to that defence.
Nor am I unaware that American citizens are not
in any case to be unnecesssrily surrendered for any
purpose into the keeping of a foreign State. Only
the captured persons, however, or others who are
interested in them, could justly raise a question on
that ground. It would tell little for our own claims
to the character of a just and magnanimous people
if wo should so far consent to be guided by the law
of retaliation so as to lift up buried iujuries against
'Rational consistency and national conscience. Put-
t% behind me all suggestions of this kind, I prefer
to express my satisfaction that by the adjustment
of the present case upon principles confessedly
American, and yet, as I trust, mutually satisfactory
to both nations concerned, a question is finally and
rightly settled between them, which heretofore ex-
hausted not only all forms of peaceful discussion,
but also the arbitrament of war itself, for more
than half a century alienated the two countries
from each other, and perplexed with fears and ap-
prehensions all other nations. The four persons in
question are now held in military custody at Fort
Warren, in the State of Massachusetts. They will
be cheerfully liberated. Your Lordship will please
indicate a time and place for receiving them.
" I renew, &c.,
" W. H. SEWARD."
The despatch from M. Thouvenal to M. Mercier,.
the French Minister at Washington, as already
published, is also contained in the correspondence.
The following is from Lord Lyons to Mr.
Seward :

" Washington, Dec. 27.

" I have this morning received the note which
you did me the honour to address to me yesterday
in answer to Earl Russell's despatch of November
30, relative to the removal of Mr. Slidell, Mr.
Mason, Mr. M'Farland, and Mr. Eustis from the
British mail packet Trent. I will, without loss of
time, forward to Her Majesty's Government a copy
of the important communication which you have
I made to me.

" I will, also, without delay, do myself the honour

to confer with you personally on the arrangement
to be made for delivering the four gentlemen to me
in order that they may be again placed under the
protection_of the British flag.
" I have the honour, &c.,

" LYON S."
A Washington telegram of the 28th says that the
decision of the President in this affair as announced
in Mr. Seward's despatch has the approval of every
member of the Cabinet.

The Washington National Intelligence,. (the organ
of the Administration), in an article apparently
semi-official, says :-
64 Whatever may be the disappointment of any at the re-
sult to which the Administration has come in settling a
question constitutionally devolved upon the executive
branch of the Government, we are sure all will applaud the
firmness and sincerity in which the Administration, resist-
ing a natural tendency impressed by the conceited drift of
public opinion in our own country, has resolved to do what
it believes to be right in the premises, and it surely should
cause to pause all who may be disposed to challenge the
propriety of the resolution to which the Administration has
come when they note that a contrary decision would leave us
in opposition, not only to the views of Great Britain, but
also to those of the Government of France respecting the
principles of public law involved in this transaction."
The Intelliyencer says, in conclusion :

" Whatever, therefore, may be said by any in the way of
exception to the extreme terms of the demand made by the
British Government in the case of the Trent, it is, at least,
just to admit that the case ha: been so adjusted by our Go-
vernment as to subserve, we hope, the great cause of neutral
rights against the assumptions heretofore asserted by Eng-
land, but now repudiated by that Power in common with
France and the United States. The law of nations, as
traditionally interpreted by our Government, has received
a new sanction, though at the cost, it may be, of some
national sensibilities waked into disproportionate activity
by the temporary exacerbations of our civil feuds ; the latter,
let us remember, are but for a day, the law of nations is for
all time."

_
CANADA.

A letter from Toronto, dated Dec. 26, says :
His Excellency Lord Monek has, by virtue of the
power vested in him by the provincial law, issued
an order calling out a large portion of the militia.
The whole of Canada is divided into military dis-
tricts, each district being subdivided into battalions.
We have colonels commanding districts, and lieu-
tenant-colonels commanding the battalions. These
gentlemen, as a general rule, know nothing of mili-
tary matters, but the organisation will prove useful
to a certain extent. The order requires each lieu-
n olne commanding a battalion to call out
a e
flank
t company
men. Volunteers are first
t n s co leof
7 5
asked for. If the companies are all filled about
33,000 men will be raised. At present they
are merely required to notify their readiness to
serve. They may not be actually " called out" at
all. But if the necessity does arise they will be
marched off to the rendezvous appointed by the
Commander-in-Chief (the Governor General), and
titularre colonels and majors
re-officered. It is easy to
see there
that
re or
many
i s ee df
the
d -o
who were " honoured" with commissions when
there was no prospect of war will be dispensed with,
and that some jealousy and discontent will ensue.
But Lord Monck owes it to his Sovereign, and to
the people both of England and Canada, that not
even an ensign shall be appointed who is not quali-
fied to discharge the duties required of him. Upon
the way in which a militia is officered their value
depends. If we are to be supplied with a lot of
swaggerers like those who flourish in the American
army, we may as well give up the contest at once.
This we confidently hope will not be the case, and
I am sure that in any measures Lord Monck may
take to secure the efficiency of the militia he will
be fully supported by public opinion. As the order
of which I speak was issued but a few days ago, and
as it has not reached the country districts, sufficient
time has not elapsed practically to judge of the re-
sponse it will meet with. But in every town and
village throughout the province volunteer companies
are in process of formation. The greatest enthu-
siasm is manifested; in fact, Canada is " spirtling
for a fight." All our public buildings are occupied
day and night in drilling. Men of all classes are
ready to shoulder the rifle and risk their lives in de-
fence of the country. Everything is so far in embryo,
but we shall soon emerge into a more fully deve-
loped state. A meeting of mechanics was held the
other evening in this city, and such was the ardour
manifested that I am assured in a week from this
date a battalion of 600 men will have volunteered.
A similar spirit is manifested in the Lower Province.
For the details of the movement I must leave you
to consult the Canadian papers, but you may rest
assured that, unless the advices from Washington
become especially pacific, in a fortnight from this
date nine-tenths of the unmarried men of the cities,
villages, and towns, and a large share of the mar-
ried men capable of bearing arms, will have volun-
teerd in the active militia force. By so doing they
render themselves liable to five years' service, while
the regular militia are only subject to 12 months.
But the volunteers of the active force nominate their
own officers, such nominations being subject to the
approval or disapproval of the Commander-in-Chief.
In an order issued by the Deputy-Adjutant-General
yesterday, the officers commanding battalions of the
regular militia were requested to place their com-
panies under the control of men who had been in the
regular army,when their services could be obtained.
So far as possible the request will be complied with;
but though there are many gentlemen in Canada
belonging to the class in question, their numbers
are far from sufficient to officer the whole
of the militia. This being the.case, any ex-officers
in England competent to take the command of raw
levies may be sure of getting commissions here, if
not in the regular militia, certainly in the volunteer
force. Though there is more of the Yankee about
Canadians than about Englishmen, they are by no
means oblivious to the lesson taught at Bull Run,
and thus desire, above all things, to secure good
and efficient officers.

Allow me a few remarks upon the temper of the
French Canadian population of the Lower Province.
If England were to go to war with France I would
be sorry to answer for the loyalty of many. But
war with America is a different matter. The Lower
Canadians have long seen their nationality, or, as
they more correctly express it, " their language,
their religion, and their laws," threatened by the
rapidly-increasing numbers of Anglo-Saxons in the
Upper Province, and they resist any and every
effort to Anglicise them, with a determination ex-
ceedingly detrimental to the cause of progress. They
know this, however, that if Canada should be lost
by Britain and gained by the United States, they,
the French di, would be completely
swamped.
notre religion, et nos
"Notre Canaans
langue,
lois," would soon disappear. This consideration
makes the habitants as loyal subjects of the throne,
in a contest with the States, as she has anywhere in
the world. The enthusiasm manifested is very great,
and from all parts of the Lower Province comes news
of the formation of volunteer companies, and offers
of whole regiments from influential men.
As mentioned in my last letter, a battery is in
course of erection, and will command the entrance
to the bay of this city. The other day a couple
of recruits, who a week or two ago had enlisted in
the 100th Regiment, deserted. They procured t,
small fishing boat belonging to a coloured man, and
actually attempted to cross Lake Ontario—a dis-
tance of 45 miles at least—to the American shore.
But before they had got far out the African sus-
pected their intentions, and, procuring aid, he
started in pursuit, and came within bail when
about ten miles from land. The deserters refused
to "heave to," but the negro fired at them from a
fowling piece loaded with buck shot, wounding
both severely. Their capture was then effected, and
they were brought back to the barracks. Upon tht)
person of one of the men was found a sketch of the
new works just erected. He is said to be an Ameri-
can, and it is rumoured he enlisted for the purpose
of being the better able to act the spy. So far
as our "fortifications" are concerned there is no.

thing to hide. The men of the 30th have thrown
up one battery with embrasures for eight guns. It
is simply a plain bank of earth running parallel to
the bay. A little further to the east, in such a
position that its guns would act upon a vessel en-
deavouring to enfilade the main battery, is an earth-
work for two 68-pounders. I understand it is the
intention of the military authorities to erect a fort
at the mouth of the Humber, a little river west of
Toronto two and a half miles. The fort will com-
mand one of the two roads, which an enemy ad-
vancing from the west upon Toronto would be
compelled to take.

The news of the death of Prince Albert is very
deeply felt by the people. There are none who do
not express heartfelt sympathy with her Majesty
in this affliction, coming so close as it does upon the
decease of her mother. All look with great anxiety
to the next mail, which will bring intelligence of
the way in which she bears her affliction.

THE CANADIAN REINFORCEMENTS.
THE ARRIVAL OUT.
(From the Quebec Chronicle of December 27.)]

The Persia, which passed Father Point a few
minutes after noon yesterday, soon reached Bic,
anchored about a mile and a half from the shore,
and commenced landing about 600 men in her own
boats.

They were nearly all landed by the evening,
without any casualty, the weather being mild and
calm, and the harbour perfectly clear.
They will start for Riviere du Loup to day, at
about noon, in caricoles procured from the people in
the vicinity. The road, 36 miles long, is good,
and the country well settled all the way. We
understand that if the weather continues fine the
Persia will proceed at once to Riviere da Loup, for
the purpose of landing stores, and the remainder of
her men, said to be in all 2,000.
There is not much ice in the channel, and the
military men who went down thither to superintend
the debarkation say it could have been effected to-
day without difficulty. Our information is to the
effect that the steamer would not be able to lie along-
side the wharf there for more than four or five
hours at high water, and that boats or schooners
cannot make their way to the wharf from her side
if she should anchor in the river.
If the weather should not be fine the Persia will
remain at Bic, where there is shelter under the
island from all winds, and excellerit anchorage, and
the 20 canoes with 100 men who were sent down to
Riviere du Loup two days ago will proceed at once
to assist in getting the stores on land.
The Australasian, it will be seen, is safe at
Halifax.

Of the Melbourne we have heard nothing yet.
She is fully due.
The Governor-General and Col. Paynter were in
the telegraph office here all yesterday afternoon en-
gaged in correspondence. The line was kept open
all last night.
The lighthouses in the river have all been relit
for some days past, owing to the prudent fore-
thought of the Governmsnt.

SURRENDER OF MESSRS. •''LIDELL

AND MASON.

OPINIONS OF THE FRENCH PRESS.

Several of the Paris journals express their satis-
faction at the settlement of the Trent difficulty, and
congratulate the United States on having acted
with so much moderation and self-command. The
feeling of our contemporaries inclines more towards
America than England in the matter, and some of
those journals even go the length of imputing to
the British Cabinet a desire to fasten a quarrel on
America on any pretext, however futile. Such a
supposition we conceive to be completely unfounded
—first, because England has enough to do at home
with her manufactures and commercial undertak-
ings to render a war anything but popular ; and
next, because the American nation. is not one that
any Power whatever would choose 'to encounter in
the field unless urged to such a morn by some
strong necessity. We subjoin a few extracts from
the articles of which we speak, conwitencing with
one from the Debats—

" The outburst of joy which has taken place in
London on the receipt of the news, and the testi-
mony of which is brought us by the English
journals, shows to what a degree England dreaded
war,' after having adopted, perhaps too precipi-
tately, the very system of conduct calculated to
render it inevitable. England not only uses the
language of satisfied national pride, but breathes
freely like a man who finds a hea.-rir weight re-
moved from his breast. The Post affects a little
coldness and diplomatic haughtiness.. We hope,'
it says, that this tardy reparation has been ac-
companied by the apologies demtimiled ;' but the
Times, that echo of public opinion, treats the ques-
tion of excuses as one of little varxte ; and, being
content to see the nightmare of a. maritime war
dispelled, is disposed to pass over th..etn."
The Temps expresses itself in these germs

" Honour to the Government of the United
States, as well as to public opini on. in America!
To admit the necessities of a situation, and to con-
form to it with a manly resignation, is a proof of
wisdom which is not yet very common among
nations and Governments. The American Go-
vernment, in releasing the prisoners, has doubtless
done nothing more than apply the• doctrines which
it has constantly professed, and, et the same time,
it wards off a great danger. To do, so has not the
less required great strength of mi nil, great mode-
ration, and great command over it self. We have
faith in that strength, in that moderation and in
that self self-command. If, moreover, President
Lincoln wishes to crown his work, and restore to
the incident of the Trent its true and general signi-
fication, he has only to solemnly cm Isider the re-
monstrance of England as an abamdoliment of the
old maritime policy of England. T he satisfaction of
the moment is for England ; the re al triumph is in
every way for the United States, a. ad for the cause
of the freedom of the seas. This p Tecedent is des-
tined to be deeply engraved in the me mory of nations.
It has been said that England and the English
Government hold in reserve other motives and other
pretexts for -war. That may be possible, but she can
now be defied to make use of them, as public opinion
would forbid it. Already divided, before the victory
which the Cabinet of Washington bas just gained,
over itsd 1, public feeling will become unanimous.
If we are not mistaken, a great change in favour of
the United States is about to take place, not only
in. England, but in every country: This incident
was perhaps necessary to make the Old World feel
by what bonds the United States were connected
with it. The South had considered the capture of
its plenipotentiaries as equivalent to a victory ; it
will not be mistaken in regarding their release as
an omen of its defeat." _

. -
The Opin ion Nationale employs the following lan-
guage :-
" Th e affair is now settled, and we may henceforth
sleep 7.n peace. John Bull and Brother Jonathan are
ollagt reconciled, and we might perhaps give way
to enthusiasm on the subject, if the insidious
question; is the reconciliation sincere ?' did not
suddenly present itself to our mind. We should
hesitate to answer in the affirmative. The Fede-
ral Cal Anet has made a concession for which it
must he Are felt great repugnance ; but it saw all
the danger of plunging into a war with Eng-
land Linder present circumstances. It has there-
fcs'e swallowed the affront, but feels it too
eenly to pardon England' for inflicting it. The
fire smoulders; some day or other, we shall see
the flames burst forth. But is England, which
has obtained so great a triumph for her self-love,
satisfied with it, after all ? The fact is open to
doubt. The British Cabinet is suspected, not with-
out some plausible grdunds, of wishing to force a
war ;upon the United States, and the language of
tN3 principal English journals would almost induce