The Sun.
London, England, 1862-07-29 00:00:00

policy at home. It is the special characteristic of
German princes that they dread, above everything,
the tendencies to unity and freedom. To combat
these tendencies, the Prussian court did not scruple
to betray the Duchies, to send the flower of German
youth, as it were, to the shambles, t conclude a
treacherous armistice with Denmark in opposition to
the will of the German nation, and lastly, to force
the Schleswig-Holsteiners by means of an army of
intervention to which the House of Hapsburg also
sent its contingent, to lay down their arms, and
have the Danish yoke reimposed on their necks !
This cessation of the Schleswig-Holstein war of
independence through the intervention of the Prus-
sian and Austrian dynasties must not be forgotten
in order to understand the present state of things.
It was in return for that despicable sbirri service
which Frederick William and Francis Joseph per-
formed, that Denmark pledged herself in 1851-52
to respect to a certain degree some of the constitu-
tional privileges of Holstein ; to refrain from the
formal incorporation of Schleswig; to allow equa-
lity- to Schleswig with the other parts of the mo•
narchy in matters political ; and to grant equal
rights to the German and Danish nationalities with
regard to language.
Yet even these paltry engagements with the
Court of Copenhagen, according to Earl Russell's
saying, is "in honour bound" to fulfil, have been
disgracefully broken through. Attempts have been
repeatedly made to incorporate, first, Schleswig
and Holstein together, and when this failed, Schles-
wig alone, with the Danish monarchy proper. To
effect this end the press has been gagged ; the
right of meeting abolished, a network of espionage
spread over the country; an unbearable tyranny
exercised in matters of language in school and
church ; the youth of the country drafted into
foreign regiments, and Danish garrisons sent into
Schleswig-Holstein; the banners and emblems of
the Duchies prohibited ; the very name of the
country declared a treasonable application ; people
arbitrarily deprived of their franchise ; men im-
prisoned wholesale for no other offence than having
handed about the documents emanating from their
own parliaments; diets of the Duchies dissolved
whenever they wanted to make a statement of
grievances; the country inundated
foundedwithlotwooelrs
in
tyranny than whom none could
morality; in short a mode of government esta-
blished which English ambassadors and con-
sular agents abroad have justly stigmatised
as a .4 system of terrorism" and intimida-
tion—as an unbearable tyranny" "quite at variance
with the spirit of the age"—as an odious oppression
calculated to render the country " the scene of agi-
tation, perhaps of tumult and revolt." (See Blue-
book, correspondence respecting the Affairs of the
Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, 1860-61.
Letter of Mr. Consul-General Ward to Lord John
Russell, p. 29. Letter of Mr. Howard to Lord J.
Russell, p. 91. Lord John Russell's despatch to
Mr. Howard, p. 99.)
Do I lay stress on these facts with any desire to
see German Governments, as at present constituted,
again interferingby means of arms in the Schleswig-
Holstein affair ? Far be it from me to do so. We
German democrats know too well that our monarchs
are not the proper agents to work out freedom and
independence anywhere. We have no faith in their
sincerity ; we are perfectly convinced that they
only take the question of the Duchies occasionally
in hand in order to occupy the public mind, and
to prevent the spontaneous popular movement get-
ting the start of their own dynastic statecraft. But
ought Englishmen to conclude that the demands
of the Schleswig-Holstein people are unjustifiable
because the conduct and the motives of the Court
of Prussia, or of the Frankfort conclave of princely
delegates, are utterly worthless ?
The cause of the Duchies is virtually the same
as that of Venice, and, a short time since, of Lom-
bardy also ; or it may be compared, if any one
chooses to prefer constitutional ground, to that of
Hungary, in its resistance against the despotic,
centralising efforts of the Court of Vienna. In
race, in language, in manners, and in political ten-
dencies,the people of Schleswig-Holstein are mainly
German. In point of ancient law, such as laid
down in their charters, they have an established
right to insist on their country remaining " united
and indivisible," ;with a distinct existence, apart
from the Danish monarchy proper. It was under
this condition alone that, many centuries ago, the
Duchies consented to be ruled over by the same
dynasty with Denmark ; and even as it would
have been a gross injustice had an attempt
been made, at the time England and Hanover
were under the same dynasty, to render Hanover
English or England Hanoverian; even as it was a
' violation of solemn pledges in the House of Haps-
burg to attempt rendering Hungary a mere " pro-
vince of the " Austrian Empire"—so also is it a
perjurious proceeding in the Court of Copenhagen
to try a forcible fusion of its Danish and German
dominions by means of successive coups d'etat.
I state these things not as a believer in the ex-
clusive virtue of ancient charters. I believe in the
natural right of man to attain the highest state of
freedom in spite of all vested privileges; but I
think also that even the insufficient liberties that
are recorded on the parchment of bygone ages are
preferable, at any rate, to the bon plaisir rule of
unbridled despotism. I am, moreover, of opinion
that such antique records are frequently an indica-
tion of a series of popular aspirations. It is so,
surely, in the case of the Duchies. The Schleswig
Holsteiners have shown, by long and courageous
resistance, both on constitutional ground and on
the field of battle, that they will not tamely sub-
mit to a policy of encroachment which is an attack
on their liberties, an insult to Germany, and a
danger, prospectively, to Europe in general, and to
this country in particular.

Let me, sir, bring to recollection here that King
Christian VIII., in 1846, by his arbitrary Letter
Patent, declared the Danish law of succession to
henceforth apply equally to Schleswig-Holstein.
Thus the Duchies were threatened, from the want
of direct issue in the Royal family, with becoming,
at no distant time, the inheritance of the Russian
Czar ! Russia, in this contingency, would, as it
were, transplant her frontiers to the gates of Ham-
burg, and join the dominion of the Baltic to a strong
position at the German Ocean, facing the English
shores !

Is this a consummation to be wished for by
British statesmen ? And is it to be wondered at
that already, in 1846, the Schleswigers called out,
in their Parliament, for the reception of their en-
dangered country into the German Confederacy ?

One of the first results of the establishment of
Schleswig-Holstein independence would be, that
the Eider Canal, so long neglected by the Danish
Government for unworthy political motives, would
be made an easy, short, safe, and cheap thorough-
fare for large ships from the German Ocean into
the Baltic. This is a matter specially interesting
to England. On the other hand, so long as Den-
mark is allowed to pursue her policy of incorpora-
tion and denationalisation, she will, with fatal ne-
cessity, be
driven to injure both the commercial
and 'Political interests of this country ; for the
neglect of
the Eider Canal, the maintenance of the
Russian succession scheme, and the collusion be-
tween the Courts of
0f
of C'to hpenhagen and Paris, are the
inevitable results
oppression of the Duchies.
It will be seen from
these
i—the dwellers in that
observations that the
n
people of Schleswig-Rolste
Anglo-Saxon land from which the English have to
a great degree sprung—were, in fact, fighting
battle of England as well as their the
own, when
carrying d -
on their war of independence from 0 irom 1848
to 1851. How soon that struggle will be resumed
depends on the develo- i
lment of affairs in Germany
at large. This much, however, is
sure, that the
infatuation of German princes, and particularly of
that monarch (in whom simple-minded men had so
erroneously placed hopes Cot the • regeneration of
the whole country), is driving matters to a point
from whence there will be no issue, except by an
appeal to those natural rights of man, before which
the crowns that have been " taken from the table
of the Lord" are as nothing.
Already we have, so to say, returned to the years
just previous to 1848. The consequences will follow
in duo time. In the meanwhile, allow me to ex-
press to you, sir, the thanks of many political
friends for the sympathy you have shown to .our
effort's under trying circumstances, and for the

readiness you have exhibited in defending a cause
which ignorance and ill-will incessantly labour to
abuse.—l remain, dear sir, yours most respectfully,
KARL BLIND.
John Al'Adam, Esq.

PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES.

ST. THOMAS'S HOSPITAL.

The committee on this bill, the object of which
is to authorise the governors of St. Thomas's Hos-
pital to convey the site of the present hospital to
the Charing-cross Railway Company, to acquire a
new site for the hospital, and for other purposes,
met yesterday ; Mr. J. W. Buller in the chair. The
other members of the committee were Mr. Benyon,
Mr. George, and Mr. Brown.

Mr. Phinn, Q.C., and Mr. Johnson appeared en
behalf of the promoters of the bill ; Mr. Drew, soli-
citor, for the parish of Bermondsey; and Mr. Stur-
my for the parish of St. Saviour, Southwark.
Mr. Phinn, in opening the case, said this was the
last bill of the session, and one of the most interest-
ing. The preamble, after reciting certain ancient
charters, recited the Charing-cross Railway Act of
1859, authorising the construction of a railway
from London-bridge to Huugerford •market,and the
rtaokfoirnegnooof
oaf parobrittiorantioofn,S. antdTthhoemaaws'asrdHoofspxi2ta9l, 6,othooe
to the hospital. It then recited the existence of
certain doubts as to whether the governors could
make a good title ; the desirability of authorising
them to purchase a new site and erect buildings
thereon ; the order of the Court of Chancery ap-
proving of the bill as introduced into the Mouse of
Lords, and the fact of due notice having been given
to the Attorney-General. The learned gentleman
then proceeded to direct the attention of the com-
mittee to the history of the hospital and the pro-
visions contained in its various charters. The site
of the hospital was originally the Priory of Ber-
mondsey. In the year 1215, it was remodelled by
the then Bishop of Winchester, who turned it into
a foundation for canons regular. In 1538 there was
a valuation of all religious houses for the purpose
of the then King. The valuation was fixed at
£266 17s, 6d., and the institution was then surren-
dered to Henry VIII. It was then purchased by
the citizens of London and repaired for old and
diseased persons. In August, 1551, a charter
was granted by Edward VI., by which the hos-
pital was not devoted for mere local benefit, but
for the benefit of the whole of the poor, whether
belonging to the metropolis or resorting to the
metropolis. Two years afterwards there was an
indenture of covenants between King Edward VI.
and the corporation of London, by which the corpo-
ration covenanted " that they shall not only content
and pay all such debts and duties as are now
due by the said hospital, but also at their proper
costs and charges shall at their discretion, in some
convenient part of the said manor-house and place
of Bridewell, or in any other of the hospitals now
erected in London or in the borough of Southwark,
or in one of them, prepare sufficient lodging from
time to time for the comfort, aid, and relief of
pOor wayfaring men and strangers ; and the same
shall lodge, harbour, and intreat, and entertain
from time to time, in such good manner :and form
as the same wayfaring men and strangers have been
accustomed to be lodged, harboured, and intreated
within the said late hospital of the Savoy." That
and other passages in the charter and the indenture
showed that the objects contemplated were not
local, but general. In 1553, under a further char-
ter a vast quantity of land was granted to the cor-
poration of London to be applied to charitable par-
poses. These charters contained grants and
declarations of the uses to which they were to be
applied in consideration of the concessions made by
the Crown, also the designation of the mode in
which they were to be governed and the funds to
be applied. Having stated that he believed the
hospitals of the City of London might challenge
comparison with any hospitals in the world, the
learned gentleman called the attention of the
committee to the mode in which Vie govern-
ing body was constituted. It consisted of the Lord
Mayor and the Court of Aldermen, 12 common
councilmen, and 167 gentlemen elected from all
classes in the City and suburbs. From that body
30 gentlemen were periodically elected, and they,
together with a president and treasurer, consti-
tuted the grand committee of the hospital. That
committee met once a month, and the general
body once a quarter, and all important matters
were left to the decision of the general body. The
site of the hospital consisted of 18,672 square yards,
of which 8,936 were granted under the old char-
ters, and 9,736 were more recent acquisitions. The
revenues of the hospital from all sources in 1861
were (including a balance of £3,167 1 ls. 6d. in
the hands of the treasurer) £37,108 18s. 6d., and
the expenditure £32,756 7s. 9d., leaving a balance
of £4,352 10s. 9d. The hospital was capable of
accommodating 440 patients, and in the course of
last year the number of in-patients was 3,948, and
the number of out-patients 41,814. The revenues
of the hospital were fixed and permanent, the dona-
tions and benefactions last year not exceeding £214
18s. 11d. The hospital being in that thriving con-
dition, the railway bill was introduced, and not-
withstanding the opposition made by the governors
it became law. The Charing-cross company then
gave notice of their intention to take such portion
of the hospital as suited their purpose, including a
portion of the underground building. Proceedings
were eventually instituted in Chancery, and Vice-
Chancellor Page Wood decided that if the company
took part of the property they must take the whole,
but he stated, although the 92d section of the
Lands Clauses Consolidation Act gave them power
to convey, he doubted whether it gave them power
to convey more than was absolutely necessary for
the construction of the railway. Unless this point
were settled by Parliament enormous inconvenience
and delay might he experienced, for the £296,000
which had been awarded, and which was now in the
Court of Chancery, could not be paid over until
the title was made good. The governors were bound
to give up possession on the 26th July, and accord-
ing to their agreement possession was given
on Saturday last, and all the patients had been re-
moved. By the first clause of the bill it was pro-
posed to obviate the difficulty pointed out by the
Vice-Chancellor, and to give the governors the
power to convey the buildings to the company. The
seoond clause empowered them to purchase by agree-
ment any lands which might be approved of by the
Court of Chancery on a summary application at the
chambers of one of the judges of that court, of which
application the Attorney-General should have notice,
for a new site for the said hospital, &c., not exceed-
ing 50 acres. The other clauses provided for the
making of temporary arrangements for carrying on
the hospital, for the borrowing of £50,000, for a
residence for the minister of St. Thomas's Church,
and other minor matters. As the bill was originally
introduced the new site for the hospital was limited
to the counties of Surrey and Kent; but Lord Redes-
dale considered it unwise to fetter the discretion of
the governors and the Court of Chancery, believing
that if such limit was fixed an immense rise in the
value of all the available sites would immediately
take place. A proposition was also made to limit
the site to the south side of the Thames, but such
limitation was quite unnecessary, as the governors
had no intention of going from the south side of the
river. With respect to the temporary arrangements
which had been made, the learned gentleman stated
that accommodation had been provided at Guy's
Hospital for 100 patients. The temporary arrange-
ments at the Surrey Gardens would afford accommo-
dation for 250 in-patients and all the out-door
patients, for the museum, the operating rooms
and for the servants whose residence on the spot
wethoatnesinarnecessary. He trusted the committee would
site
had consider
foardibhete:hiaots theitl governors had exercised a
sound discretion in providing this temporary ac-
do de
saitrieo nt ,ov
vacated
cnaadtkeeivpopruolpd e consider oanrsri
ad
ne e itm arrangements
s efaorrn ea snt ofw
Mr. George PI a
think you said that the old hospi-
tal Mr. Phiaa__ycs
~and the railway company are
in actual possession
Mr. Richard
pitr a. 1
p,
iviansn
:exaanmd t
snteadt
ei
dn
tphraotof of
aggally, the treasurer of the hos-
the Mots stated byM
the agreement for the
Surrey Gardens was for two years
and a half, to he