The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-29 00:00:00

Dinner to the Hon. Chas. Gavan Duffy.

On Saturday evening a complimentary dinner
was given at St. James's-hall to the Hon. Charles
Gavan Duffy on his return from the colony of Vic-
toria—Sir George Bowyer, Bart., M.P., presiding.
The company numbered about GO gentlemen, the
large majority of whom were fellow-countrymen of
the honoured guest ; and amongst the more distin-
tinguished. were Sir Colman O'Loghlen, Bart., M.P.,
The Donoghue, M.P., the Hon. T. Darcy M'Gee,
Canadian Minister of Agriculture ; Mr. Maguire,
M.P., Mr. Kennedy, M.P., Sir Rowland Blenner-
hassen, Bart., Mr. Blake, M.P., Mr. Mahon, M.P.,
Major O'Reilly, M.P., Mr. Moore, M.P., Mr.
Lanigan, M.P., Mr. Pope Hennessy, M.P., Sir
John Gray, Mr. M'Evoy, M.P:, Dr. Brady, M.P.,
Mr. Broderip, M.L.A.. Victoria, Mr. Hughes, late
M.L. A.., Victoria.

The toast of " Her Majesty the Queen" having
been honoured,

The CHAIRMAN proposed "The health of Mr.
Duffy," passing a warm eulogium on the character
and merits of that gentleman. His whole life, he
said, had been unexceptionable. They were about
to drink the health of a man whose entire career
had been one of pure and unmixed patriotism.
(Cheers.) It was well known that Dr. Johnson had
said that " patriotism was the last refuge of a scoun-
drel ;" but the learned doctor spoke of those who
made patriotism a marketable commodity—as a bill
of exchange, or any other object which might pass
from one hand to another; whereas the patriotism
of his humble friend formed a wide contrast to the
statement thus expressed. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Duffy
entered Parliament with himself (the chairman)
and he could conscientiously say that no man
during his experience in the House of Commons
had more easily or quickly succeeded in catch-
ing the eye of the Speaker. His policy was pre-
eminently Irish. He thought of Ireland before
everything. In short, he had proved himself
throughout a true Catholic, a true Irishman, a true
patriot, an honest man. (Cheers.) Notwithstanding
the distinguished position he achieved in this coun-
try, he had been' transferred to another land,
and there he pursued a career of such brilliant
success that all must regret that the scene of his
labours was so far distant. He deeply regretted
that it was the intention of the hon. gentleman to
return to Australia, for Dan of his earnestness,
ability, and integrity were much needed in our House
of Commons, and such a man as Mr. Duffy was
qualified to be their leader. His determination,
however, was to return to his new-adopted country;
and it was now their pleasure and duty to express
a wish that he might live long, and that he might
come back again to those who would be always
delighted, as at the present moment, to give him a
sincere and cordial welcome. (Loud cheers.)

The toast having been drunk with true Irish enthu-
siasm, •

Mr. C. GAVAN DUFFY, in returning thanks for the toast
of his health, which had been very warmly received, ob-
served that as he glanced round the table the company
seemed to present a strange panorama of his own life—every
phase of it for more than a quarter of a century was re-
called to his mind by some familiar face. Having announced
his intention of visiting Ireland, he observed that after
coming from Australia he feared he was not fitted to look
with much patience on the spectacle which his native
country presented, he said he felt surprised and wounded
at the tone which prevailed in respect of the Australian
colonies in the press and in the Parliament of this country.
He thought there was a great mistake of policy and a
strange lack of good feeling in the eagerness with which
every fact appearing to damage or lower the reputation
of the Australian colonies was received in England. A
century ago the same prejudices existed towards the
colonies of North America, and the evil consequences had
not died out yet, and perhaps never would die out. If
there were a less friendly feeling towards this country in
the America of Andrew Johnson than in the America
of George Washington, the chief cause, he believed, was
the ill-feeling created by that contemptuous criticism in
England. (Hear.) There was a generous and cordial feeling
towards their native country among the mixed population
of Australia ; but they had the sensitiveness to unjust criti-
cism which distinguished every new people, and they might
be made as hostile as America had been by the same causes.
He was puzzled to account for this sentiment towards Aus-
tralia. What had Victoria, for example, done to provoke
hostility ? She had never cost the Imperial Treasury a
guinea except f6r strictly Imperial purposes. She had man-
aged her own affairs without pestering the Imperial Par-
liament, and had managed them with notable success. She
had poured a tide of gold—averaging nearly a quarter of a
million sterling every week—for the last dozen years into
the commercial capital of England, from which wealth
every class and almost every individual in this community
was more prosperous than he would otherwise have been.
(Hear, hear.) He might as well attempt to analyze the
ocean as to refute the tide of misrepresentation ; but he
would take as a specimen what he had himself heard in a
single night during the present month. In the Reform de-
bate Mr. Gregory read an extract from an Australian news-
paper to show how the Legislative Assembly in Victoria,
under democratic influence, had refused to grant £50,000 a
year in aid of assisted female immigration, notwithstanding
a great inequality of the sexes in the colonial population.
But Mr. Gregory had omitted to tell Parliament that the
sztract was from a newspaper nearly five years old; and he

had also omitted to tell Parliament, if ho knew it, that
every year since the date of that paper £50,000 a year had
annually been spent on assisted immigration. In fact, the
London daily papers of the very week in which his speech
was made contained advertisements offering free passages to
the colony of Victoria to suitable female immigrants. Mr.
Gregory also read an exti.act from an anonymous correspon-
dent, denouncing the local Parliament in unmeasured terms.
If he might venture to set his personal experince of nearly
10 years against the statement of the writer who withheld
his name, he would affirm that, making reasonable allow-
ance for the necessary and essential difference between a
country like this—possessing a class with abundant
wealth and leisure—and a colony not yet 30 years in exist-
ence, the Parliament of Victoria represented the commu-
nity as adequately and effectively as the British Parlia-
ment represented these kingdoms. (Cheers.) It contained
some men who would be distinguished in any deliberative
assembly which he had ever seen. Mr. Gregory's corre-
spondent spoke of ex-ploughmen and railway porters.
Though he had been a member of the Parliament during
its entire existence he did not know to whom reference was
made as an ex-ploughman ; but in a country where a large
sectiai of the people lived by cultivating the land it was
surely natural and proper that some farmers should be
elected, and the real ground of complaint was that only ono
or two had been elected. Four years ago an ex-railway porter
had been elected by a mining constituency, and having sat
in the same Parliament with him for several sessions he was
of opinion that the ex-railway porter was a more useful and
less discreditable representative than much more important
railway functionaries who had sat in European legislative
assemblies. (A laugh.) Mr. Gregory's correspondent cited
the names of five gentlemen who he affirmed would have
no chance of election with Victorian constituencies. Ho
did not know how he arrived at that conclusion. One of
the gentlemen named was Chief Justice, and he -had been
elected for the most democratic constituency in Australia
—that of Melbourne, when he was Attorney-General.
Two others were a stipendiary magistrate and stipendiary
sheriff, who had never tried to get into Parliament, and
who could not get in without resigning their offices ; ano-
ther was a retired attorney, who had been elected to the
Upper House, and had not by any means electrified it by
his eloquence or statesmanship—(a laugh)—and the last
was a squatter or sheep farmer, who, if his own class de-
sired to see him in Parliament, could easily be elected for
any one of several constituencies, which never selected a
member not devoted to the pastoral interests. Fancy some
French or American critic dogmatically affirming that the
English constituencies were debased, and citing as evi-
dence of it his conviction that Chief Justice Cockburn, the
Recorder of Hull, or Mr. Norton, the police magistrate,
would have no chance of getting into Parliament. (A
laugh.) If Mr. Gregory wished to present to Parliament
a startling contrast between the old country and the
new, he would furnish him with one which had the advan-
tage of being founded on fact. He might ride over a district
in Victoria larger than the county he represented without
meeting a man who had not sufficient to eat and drink
and wear, and without seeing a farmer who did not own the
land he tilled in fee-simple, or hold it on terms of inde-
pendence ; without seeing a clergyman living at the cost of
the country without a flock, or a church built by the State
without a congregation. When Mr. Gregory could say as
much for Galway he might throw the first stone at Austra-
lia. But on the same evening a much more important
person, and one who ought to know Australia better, had
been nearly as completely mistaken. He declared that the
democracy of Victoria were prevented from applying for
the franchise, because a registration fee of ls. had been es-
tablished by law, which they considered too high a price to
pay for enfranchisement. But the fact was that to whatever
extent the new system had diminished the number of elec-
tors—and the extent was much less than Mr. Lowe sup-
posed—it had not arisen from the paltry fee, but from the
necessity of personal attendance at the registrar's office.
Personal attendance in many cases meant losing a day's
work, in a country where a day's work might mean a gold
nugget. And there was the further necessity of proving
local residence for six months in a country where a large
portion of the population were necessarily rendered un-
settled by the nature of their pursuits as miners and
shepherds. If he might call in question the logic
of so accomplished a dialectician as Mr. Lowe, it ap-
peared to him a very inconsequential argument to contend
that, because the working classes in Australia were
totally indifferent to the franchise, it was dangerous to
grant it to them in England, lest they might swamp all the
other classes by their eager exercise of it. Mr. Lowe fur-
ther declared that the d emocracy had absolute control
over the Australian Legislature, and used their power for
class purposes. He was at a loss to know on what grounds
the right hon. gentleman had arrived at that conclusion.
He asked the gentlemen around him to remember that the
people of Australia were simply their own countrymen
who had 'passed through the tropics to a new home ; that
they were not the worse for that adventure, but rather the
better, as they had thereby given proof of their courage
and self-reliance, and that the Mends whom they had left
behind ought to rejoice in their prosperity, and feel that
their character was part of the possessions of this country.
(Cheers.)

Opinions of the Press about the Emperor
and Prince Napoleon•

THE GOVERNMENT ORGAN, " THE TIME S."—
The good sense which the Emperor of the French
has so often brought to bear upon the proceedings
of his relatives and his Ministers has not deserted
him under the trying circumstances which have
arisen during his absence in Algeria. The Emperor
has given whole years of his life to illustrating the
character, the writings, and the opinions of the First
Napoleon. It might have been thought difficult for
any one to speak in terms of the highest praise of
the great French Emperor, and yet to give marked
offence to his nephew and successor ; yet no letter
of the Emperor's which we have seen since his
acsession to the throne bears such strong marks
of irritation. It may be said without exaggera-
tion to convey a bitter reproach to his cousin
for the abuse of the opportunity afforded by
the Emperor's absence, and of the high office to
which the Prince was promoted. " While leaving
you," writes the Emperor, " Vice-President of the
Council of State, near the Empress and my son, I
wished to give you a proof of friendslaip and confi-
dence, hoping that your presence, conduct, and
discourse would testify to the union reigning
among our family ; but the political programme
-which you place under the aegis of the Emperor
can only be useful to the enemies of my Govern-
ment, as furnishing grounds for judgments which
we cannot admit." This is plain speaking, and
has in it a tone of bitterness to which from such a
source we are little accustomed. No doubt it is im-
possible to conceive anything more galling to a
Prince like the Emperor Napoleon, whose theories
are obviously and avowedly a great deal more liberal
than his practice, than to be encountered by profes-
sions of Liberalism from members of his own family
a great deal more advanced than any to which he is
able to give effect. There is something disloyal in
the proceeding. Prince Napoleon like every other
Frenchman, has, no doubt, a right to his opinions,
and he is capable of expressing them with force and
clearness, but it is not right that he should receive so
many benefits, honours, and emoluments from the
Government of his cousin, and at the same time
avail himself of his absence to place himself in the
unenviable dilemma of being supposed either to
secretly approve the expression of sentiments ad-
verse to his own published opinions and avowed
policy, or else, as he has felt himself forced to do
on this occasion, publicly and pointedly to disavow
them. We speak impartially on this subject, for
we neither approve the sweeping Democratic senti-
ments of the Prince nor the thoroughly restrictive
policy of the Emperor. The first, we believe, would
plunge society into infinite evils; the second keeps it
in a state of pupilage, and prevents it from obtaining
that experience which is necessary to the practice of
political freedom. We took occasion to comment, and
not, we think, unjustly, on the elaborate attempt of
the Prince to palm off the First Napoleon as the
advocate and champion of liberty—as one who
was guilty of but one weakness in his life, and
that owing to his too scrupulous good faith. Such
statements as these cannot exalt the character they
are intended to raise, and only attract to it the well-
merited censure which a free Press seldom fails to
bestow where it isdeserved. We rejoice to find that
the Emperor of the French not only reproves his
cousin for the Democratic programme which he
most unjustly ascribes to Napoleon, but also for his
mistaken estimate of the true bearing of his charac-
ter and the true meaning of his career. " Can we,"
he says, " pigmies as we are, estimate at its true
value the great historical picture of Napoleon ?
Standing before a colossal statue, we are powerless to
take in the whole at a glance. We never see but the
side which strikes our view." We did not of course
expect the French Emperor to give any countenance
to such a view of his uncle's character as we have felt
ourselves compelled by a sense of historical justice
to present, but we are pleased to see that the censure
pronounced upon Prince Napoleon is not confined
to the political or religious doctrines of which he
sought this occasion to make himself the exponent,
but that he is reproved for the view he has giv m
of the Emperor's character. He does not tell us in
what respect he considers that the Prince has mis-

interpreted Napoleon, but he accuses him of taking
partial and inadequate views, and dwelling too
much on the side which is for the moment presented
to him. In this criticism we cordially agree. What
can be more preposterous than to seize upon isolated
points in the character of a man like Napoleon,
and to seek to found upon them views of his inten-
tions which the tenour of his whole life contradicts ?
The Prince has culled from the Imperial records
language addressed by the First Napoleon to the
Poles and the Hungarians, and some aspirations
for the unity of Italy, and concludes thence that
Napoleon was in favour of the principle of nationa-
lities, although his whole life was one continued
struggle to carry on the business of conquest by
main force alone, without appealing to the people.
How could it be otherwise when it entered into the
plan of Napoleon to re-enact on the whole conti-
nent of Europe that which the long revolution be-
gun by Louis XI. and ended by himself had done
for France—to fuse all nationalities into one, and to
make Europe a single nation under a single head ?
How could a man embarking on such an enterprise
invoke in his aid that very feeling of nationalities
which it was the whole aim of his life to overthrow
and destroy? Whatever were his faults, Napoleon
was a man of iron and inflexible consistency ; his
objects were clearly defined; he. sought them with
unflinching and unswerving pertinacity, and was of
all men who ever lived the least likely to sacrifice
the end to the means.
In like manner the Prince would desire us to fix
our eyes exclusively on the meditations of Napo-
leon at St. Helena, and the remarkable change
which he says his mind had undergone during his
residence at Elba. It was not unnatural that Na-
poleon, writing at St. Helena, should lament that
the wonderful change which he represents as being
wrought in his mind during his residence at
Elba was not appreciated as it should have been
by the rest of mankind. Kings and people feared
him, but they were wrong ; he returned a new
man. They did not know that he was an entirely
altered person ; they did not understand that mode-
ration was now his leading characteristic. They fell
into the error of believing he was the same man as
he was a year before, not having the power of read-
ing in his heart the wondrous change which the
Prince assures us had been wrought there. Nay,
we actually believe they were strengthened in this
opinion by the fact that Napoleon left Elba in
defiance of treaties, and under circumstances which
rendered it absolutely impossible for him to main-
tain his position except by victory in the field.
They doubted his sincerity when he said to
Benjamin Constant, " Let us have free elections,
discussions, responsible Ministers, liberty—l
want all that ; the liberty of the Press above
all ; to stifle it is absurd. This surely was
a one-sided view of the character of Napoleon, and
to endeavour to persuade us that it was his real
conviction is to set a few isolated expressions, used
at a time when they were necessary for his success,
against the consistent and undoubted tendency of
his whole life. We do not wonder that the Empe-
ror objects to this sort of reasoning, which can only
end in fixing keener attention on the weak points of
the Imperial character. We can perfectly under-
stand, also, how distasteful it must be to him,
while he is advancing so slowly and cau-
tiously in the path of reform, to find his
cousin denouncing every characteristic of the
present Constitution of France the restricted
suffrage, the Press laws, the negation of the right
of meeting—things to all of which we also object,
but which it was scarcely fair in Prince Napoleon to
condemn in such sweeping terms while he was con-
tent to receive so many benefits under them. We,
therefore, see nothing to blame in the caustic admoni-
tion with which the letter concludes—" that in order
to prevent anarchy the Emperor had to establish,
first in his family and then in the Government,
severe discipline, admitting but of one view and one
action ;" nor are we at all surprised that Prince
Napoleon has accepted the intimation thus frankly
conveyed, and resigned his high position as Vice-
President of the Imperial Council.
THE CONSERVATIVE ORGAN, " THE STANDARD."
—The Emperor of the French has supplemented his
cousin's development of the Napoleonic traditions
in a fashion which must make the orator of Ajaccio
very sensible of the incompleteness of his study of
that interesting subject. Napoleon, master of France
and a prisoner in St. Helena, expressed a great many
opinions of a very emphatic but very destructive
character. He talked a liberalism in exile of the
sincerity of which we can have no other test than
the despotism he exercised when in power, and, dic-
tator of Europe, he professed a great many wishes
and purposes to which, although the occasion offered
itself, he never cared to give effect. By a judicious
selection from these random opinions, the Prince
was able to " disengage the idea of Napoleon upon
those still unsolved questions which agitate and pre-
occupy the present generation" in such a manner
as to make the idea a sponsor for his own extreme
views. But in culling these choice sentences the
Prince seems to have overlooked altogether a Na-
poleonic characteristic which one would have
thought his father's history would have impressed
above all others upon his mind—his uncle's inflexible
rule of treating his family as his subjects • his
avowed determination to subordinate their will en-
tirely to his own. Napoleon 111. is the inheritor of
his uncle's power, and considers himself, and is pro-
fessedly considered by his cousin, the inheritor of
his traditions. If for no other reason, therefore,
the Prince, before extracting from the language of
his uncle a policy which amounted to a declaration
of war against Austria and the Papacy, should
have submitted his ideas to his cousin, and asked
permission to express them. He did no such
thing. Without a word of warning he seized an
occasion upon which all politics might very well
have been laid aside to pronounce dogmatically
upon the unsettled questions of Europe, and
to pronounce upon them opinions directly
contrary to those entertained by the Emperor, and
consequently calculated to cause him considerable
embarrassment. That was an offence against what
we may call the unwritten family law of the house
of Napoleon which could not be passed over, and
the Emperor lost no time in writing to his cousin to
announce the painful impression which the speech
had made upon him, and let the world know how
he had beenimpressed by publishing the letter in the
Moniteur. The rebuff is a severe one, but it was tho-
roughly merited. A more mischievous speech could
hardly have been made, and it was evidently the in-
tention of the Prince that it should be mischievous.
It was designed to kindle revolutionary feelings
against Austria, and to stimulate the revolutionary
party in Europe, whose action is one of the great
difficulties of the French Government. It breathed
a hatred and rancour which, whether they be
" no longer of our day," as the Emperor says, or
not, deserve the utmost reprobation. It sought
to set Europe by the ears, and to produce a series
of wars after the pattern of those of the First Napo-
leon,
in order-that certain nationalities might be re-
constituted,
and the Napoleonic idea, which we pre-
sume means in Prince Napoleon's mind finding a
throne for Prince Napoleon, be thoroughly carried
out. It was more, it was an impeachment of the
policy of the Emperor—to whom Prince Nopoleon
owes alLthat he is—a kind of appeal to the French
public to reverse their positions. " Look at me,"
said the Prince in substance, " I am the true ex-
pounder of the First Napoleon's ideas. I am the real
Napoleon, who would unite democracy with glory.
My cousin is a pitiful coward. He is afraid of
Europe unquiet." Not content with denouncing in
the bitterest language the policy of the Emperor on
the Roman question, the Prince actually went out
of his way to show his opposition to the Emperor's
Mexican policy—a gratuitous and wanton offence.
Under any circumstance the Emperor would
have had a right to complain of such a
speech, and to treat it as an offence to
himself personally, but the particular circum-
stances under which the speech was made aggra-
vate very considerably the offence, and make the
conduct.of the Prince perfectly inexcusable. The
Emperor had recently elevated the Prince to the
position of Vice-President of the Council of State,
thus giving him, not mereiy a mark of confidence
but a direct and powerful influence upon the
policy of France. That appointment naturally
induced many people to believe in an accord of
opinions upon great questions between the two
cousins, and gave to his words, in their estimation,
a considerable importance as a probable reflex of the
views of the Emperor. The Emperor was absent
from France, and in his absence the opinions ex-
pressed by the Prince gained a further importance
with many people, who fancied that the whole mat-
ter had been planned so that the Prince could speak
and the Emperor gain time to discover from the ma-
nifestation of public opinion whether to adopt or re-
pudiate the views of the speech. We do not make
the Prince answerable for the over-cleverness of con-
tinental politicians, but he must have known himself
that the circumstances, whilst lending in the public
eye a much greater importance to any speech he
might make, imposed extreme discretion and re-
Serve, and that if he really felt called upon

to arraign his cousin's policy, honour and
honesty alike commanded him to choose another
season for doing it. To make such a speech at such
a tune was to convict himself, not merely of political
incapacity but of petty cunning. Had the opinions
of the speech been as sound and just as they are
wild and iniquitous, their expression under the cir-
cumstances would have been a blunder. As it is,
the Prince has managed to combine the crime with
the blunder. The letter of the Emperor is written
with a very becoming dignity and great moderation.
He gently rebukes his cousin for betraying his con-
fidence, for taking advantage of his absence to
attack his policy, or, as he puts it, for " showing
disunion in our family," and at the same time
asserts with great decision his resolve to follow out
his uncle's policy, and " establish in his familY
that severe discipline admitting but one will and one
action." The error of the Prince could not have
been more mildly and yet more decisively condemned.
That he has been decisively condemned he acknow-
ledges himself. Immediately upon the publication
of the Emperor's letter he addressed a reply, resign-
ing the Vice-Presidency- of the Council of State and
the Presidency of the Commission of the Universal
Exhibition, and published it long before it could
reach the Emperor. Prince Napoleon does not
take correction kindly. He is evidently angry 04
well as mortified, but his anger will not disturb
the Emperor, and be little noted in France-
The Prince is, no doubt, a man of some ability',
but whatever influence he may enjoy is due entirely
to his cousin's favour and the presumption of his
confidence, and that favour and confidence with-
drawn he will count for nothing. He may pout
as much as he pleases, nobody will trouble about it
save the little clique of Democrats who gather about
and flatter him. France will rejoice at the rebuke
which the Emperor has administered to him • will
rejoice that the head of the state has repudiated the
wild and rancorous views, any attempt to give effect
to which would make of Europe a vast battle-field,
whilst the mere suspicion that they were entertained
by the Emperor would fill Europe with an alarm
blighting to all progress and pregnant with the
danger of a war waged to nip the purpose in the
bud.

POST.—The Emperor of the French has not hesi-
tated to fulfil the obligations imposed upon him by
peculiarly painful circumstances. His Majesty's
letter to Prince Napoleon will be understood in
France and appreciated by Europe. The speech at
Ajaccio was a political indiscretion that could not
be passed over. It was indiscreet, in the first place,
to substitute an essay for an elegy ; but Prince
Napoleon travelled out of the province of the
historical essayist, and, more particularly in sum
raing up his argument, expressed sentiments which
were susceptible of an interpretation incompatible
with the principles on which the Second Empire
had been established. As a matter of fact, it is
the policy of Napoleon 111. that has modified
the opinions formed of the policy of Napoleon 1.1
and reconciled Europe to the Empire in France.
The Emperor of the French can apply the
ideas of his great predecessor to the present time,'
whereas Prince Napoleon has shown, both with
reference to Austria and the United States, that he
entertains those ideas in a sense generally inad;
' missable and which, carried out,tcould hardly
toconfirmanew the teaching of history. This Is
not dissembled by the Emperor, and anarchy, that
is the formidable enemy of true liberty, would de-
stroy all, public confidence in a Government which/
corresponding to the requirements of the French
people, commands the respect of foreign Towers.
The Emperor's letter was published in the Monitearl
and Prince Napoleon has resigned the office 01
Vice-President of the Privy Council, and also that
of President of the Commission of the Universal
Exhibition.
THE OLD TORY ORGAN "THEMORNING HERALD.
—lt cannot surprise any observant or reasonable
man that the Emperor of the French should have
thought it necessary to visit the recent speech of his
impulsive and imprudent cousin with an outspoken
and peremptory rebuke. A more reckless and
mischievous speech could have hardly have been de-
livered by a personage whose position imposed uP°ll
him the duty of peculiar prudence and reserve.
The foreign policy of Napoleon I. is a topic, ~°II
which it behoves the descendants of his faralli,
to speak in the vaguest terms and with the most
cautious reserve. Napoleonic ideas of domestic go;
vernment may be made the theme of unbounded
eulogy or the basis of developments suited to the,.
genius or the convenience of his nephew without
any risk of displeasing France or disturbing
Europe. But when Napoleonic ideas of foreign
policy are the subject of discourse it behoves the
speaker to veil them in that peculiar strain Or
mystical language in which the present Emperor /0
so perfect an adept ; or to interpret them, as he
well knows how to do, in a manner most unlike
their apparent significance. For 12 years of that
Empire which is peace have not taught Europe
wholly to forget the terrors of that Empire which
meant universal, desolating, ever-aggressive war ;
and a Bonaparte on the throne of France finds not
the least of his difficulties and dangers in the dis-
trust with which the name and the reputation
he inherits inspire even the most friendly
and the most powerful of his neighbours.
It has been the study of the present Eta'
peror, while keeping on good terms with the
so-called nationalities, and never allowing theme
entirely to disconnect their hopes and aspirations
from his name and dynasty, to convince the Go-
vernments of Europe that they have nothing to
fear from him •, that nothing is farther from DID
intention than to play the part of a political fire"
brand and plunge Europe into anarchy that Franc.°
may profit by the confusion. Napoleon 1:
wise enough to know that no system of governrae%
in France is strong and stable enough to have 1,1,0
need of the good-will, and no cause to dread t°o
enmity, of the Continent at large; and it must bald
provoked him to as much anger as so calm and
self-governed a mind is capable of feeling to 0.01
his cousin attempting to identify the Imperinf
cause at once with the ambition of the founder "
his family and the restless aspirations of the 8452"
pean revolutionists.

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14.4 , -

HER MAJESTY.

BALMORAL, May 25•
Princess Helena completed her 19th year to-dal'
The Queen and Princess Helena drove out in the
morning, and in the afternoon the girls of the
Queen's School were entertained, in honour of the
day, with tea under the trees in front of the Castle'
and afterwards played and danced on the grass.
Her Majesty and the royal family were presel/
during a part of the time.
The Duke of Argyll had the honour of dining
with the Queen and royal family.
MAY 26.
The Queen, with Princess Louise, attended 111
Miss Bowater, drove out in the morning.
In the afternoon the Queen and Princess Helen*
attended by the Hon. Mrs. A. Gordon, drove to
Loch Callater.

The Prince and Princess of Wales.
The Prince of Wales went to the South Kensing:
ton Museum on Saturday, and presided at a 113eet3i
ing of the Commission for the Paris Internatloll

Exhibition.
The Prince and Princess of Wales, accompaniel
by Princess Mary of Cambridge and the Duke °-
Brabant, took a carriage drive.
The Prince and Princess of Wales had a dini:efir
party in the evening. The company included t''6"-a
Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge an
Princess Mary, his Royal Highness the Duke, 01
Brabant, his Serene Highness Prince Ed-ware' "„
Saxe Weimar and the Countess Dornburg, the P 11%;
of Rutland, the Belgian Minister and Madame and
de Weyer, the Hanoverian Charge d'Affaires ell,
Baroness Blome, the Earl and Countess of Westin
land, the Earl and Countess of Macclesfield, Countesf
of Morton, Earl Granville, Earl Cowper, Ber 11:
Sefton, Sir Charles and Lady Mary Wood, Lie„;:.
General Sir Hugh Rose, Sir Rutherford Alcock, dY
Laurence Oliphant, Colonel Home Purves and fess
Geraldine Somerset (in attendance on the DBrc~yue'icr,
of Cambridge), Baron de Wykerslooth,
and Dr. Smith (in attendance on the Duke of t..
bant), Lieutenant-General Knollys, and Lieutenan
Colonel Keppel. ePIAe
Jos
th
Dr. Gunz, Mdlle. G. Schubert, and Mr.
Labor (Pianist to the King of Hanover) had
honour of playing and singing after dinner- ,rte.
Mr. N. G. Cusins accompanied on the piall°l',De
with
11' it,
The Prince and Princess of Wales,
Countess of Morton and Lieut.-Colonel SePTleilei
Waiting, attended Divine service at the- 1)
Royal, St. James's, yesterday morning.
iv
We deeply regret to announce the corn
_ of
sudden death of the llcn. Thomas E. Stonor, eldest
.5.000.0
he died, yesterday morning, at his residence try' Lord Camoys, in his 41st year. After a very short 170;
street, Piccadilly.