The Sun.
London, England, 1865-09-19 00:00:00

Earl RUSSELL expresses the great regret
which her MAJESTY'S Government feel in the pre-
sent digposition of matters, and declares

that the " present convention only serves to
augment the regret expressed by her
Majesty's Government at this period." Certainly
it has been a step from bad to worse, because the
preliminaries of peace did not altogether destroy
the hopes that were entertained of the final inde-
pendence of the Duchies and their emancipation
from the control of the allied powers. Now the
last chance has been thrown away, and the most
sanguine cannot look for any amelioration in posi-

tion or prospects for these unfortunate States. In
the plainest manner Lord RUSSELL sets forth the
way in which the previous treaties have been ab-
jured by this new convention ; for, in the first place,
by the Treaties of 1815 the King of DENMARK
acquired a seat in the Germanic Diet as Duke of
HOLSTEIN, and the treaty of 1852 recognised the
right of succession to the whole of the Danish

monarchy constituted by the late KING. This treaty
has, however, been completely set aside, as the
noble lord affirms, " by Austria and Prussia, two of
the Powers who signed it, notwithstanding the
assurances given in the despatches of January,
1864."

The noble lord proceeds to comment on the
style in which the affair has been conducted,
and declares, with great truth, that it might
have been supposed that, at any rate the wishes of

the inhabitants of Berlin and the popular feeling in
Germany would have been consulted, and also the
opinion of the Diet considered, to which Austria and
Prussia so expressly alluded at the London Con-
ference. Thus one class of rights might have been
substituted for the other, and some chance of a final
arrangement been come to. But instead of this the
noble lord emphatically declares " all rights, old
and new," whether the agreement of Sovereigns or
the expression of the popular will, " have been trod-

den under foot by the Gastein Convention,, and the
authority of force is the sole power which has been
consulted and recognised." This is undoubtedly
a most correct definition of the matter, and the clear
and concise way in which it is set forth is an addi-

tional proof to the skill of the noble lord in such

complicated affairs. At the same time, we muss

deeply' deplore that the Foreign Minister of England

should be powerless to do more than protest in such
an emergency as this. Had he adopted a firmer
tone at the outset of the Schleswig-Holstein con-

troversy, how different would the result have been.

It is a disgrace to us as the foremost people in the

world that Europe should witness a Convention

which can only be properly designated in Ear]

RUSSELL'S terms, as being based solely upon
" violence and conquest."

It seems from the Australian intelligence that the
two Victorian Houses have agreed on addressing her
MAJESTY on the subject of the Colonial Defences.
The Australians can scarcely be suspected of an
unwillingness to exert themselves in their own
defence, and certainly they lack neither men nor
money to carry out their schemes. The address
recommends that £lOO,OOO should be devoted to the
immediate purchase of guns of the most effective
construction, and that the co-operation of the Im-
perial Government should be invited on the ground
that Imperial interests are so deeply concerned
in the trade and commerce of the Vic-
torian ports. The recent disturbances in
Europe and the great war in America seem
to have awakened the attention of the colonies, and
the wealth which they offer to tempt the invader
renders it prudent on their part to fortify themselves
against attack. In case of a war between England
and America, the Australian ships would be natural
prizes, and indeed a powerful nation at war with
this country might direct its attack against our
Southern colonies. Australia might thus find herself
involved in hostilities, through no fault of her
own, while on the other hand, if the connection with
the mother country were severed, her danger
would be tenfold increased. If England ren-
ders her on the one hand liable to suffer
from the consequences of a war, on the other
she protects her from real and positive danger.
Unlike most new colonies, Australia is wealthy and
prosperous. Her natural capacities are compara-
tively undeveloped, while her extent and climate
offer immense advantages. As CAMPBELL said
many years before gold discoveries were dreamed
of—

"As in a cradled Hercules we trace
The lines of empire in thine infant face."
The rapidity of her progress since then has more
than verified the
prophecy,
doubt, if
she continuesinfluenceofunder the beneficial and
fostering
ci rleiast
local and pj
eoawl
oeurf u 1
s
constitutional government,
that Australia has before her
ifnuthuerre.preSshene
thsatsatseo,
moenedangers to avoid, however,
The separate colonies must take heed less private
local interests arc suffereeodptloe.intAerfo.aerhel
jealousies and
with the substantial interests of the p
the influence of the Jews, who endeavour to make
their own fortunes at the expense of all others,
must be especially guarded against in a community
like that of the Australian cities. We are glad to
find, from the last accounts, that the new Land Act
is in full working order, and has as yet fully
answered the expectations formed of it.
The squatters, who have hitherto de-
feated every attempt to break up their
monopoly will no doubt encumber its action in
every way they can, and they may probably succeed
in regaining posession of a good deal of the land
allotted. There can, however, be no doubt that_a
great, deal has been set free for the use of the

now find it convenient to shut their eyes and close
their ears to these unwholesome truths, the day will
most assuredly come when Austria and Prussia
will rue their present course, and regret their
monopolising the rights of others. They
have succeeded in alienating from themselves
the respect and sympathies of the nations of
Europe, and in the time of trial they will
find the full consequences of their isolation.
France will be an open foe some day, sooner or
later, and no Government in this country
will be able to outrage public opinion
by countenancing the despots of Germany.
When the momentous change of fortune comes we
shall find the full significance of the circulars of
Earl RUSSELL and of M. DROUYN DE LHUYS. It
is impossible to do more than protest against the
measure in which the affair has been compromised,
but still it is put on record in the archives of diplo-
macy that the Ministers of England and France have
declared themselves adverse to the principle upon
which the.Gastein Convention is based, and this is so
far satisfactory now, and will be of service hereafter.
The terms in which Earl RUSSELL has expressed
himself are much the same in effect as those which
M. DROUYN DE LHUYS made use :of the other
day, and if the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin
have any prescient notions they will feel alarmed
at the tenor of these two circulars. They mean
mischief for the future, if not for the present, for
they distinctly declare that France and England do
not now sanction the course pursued by the Ger-
manic Powers, and from henceforth we may safely
infer that they will not receive the same support in
war, and co-operation in diplomatic matters, that
they have done for a long period.