The Sun.
London, England, 1862-01-10 00:00:00

in the Senate on Thursday, the 26th of December
" Mr. Hale submitted, `That the President of the
United States be requested, if not incompatible with
the public interest, to transmit to the Senate copies
of despatches and communications which have passed
between this Government and the Government of
Great Britain, or between this Government or any
of its functionaries, relative to the seizure of Messrs.
Mason and Slidell on board the British steamer
Trent ; to be transmitted either in open or executive
session, as he may judge best.' The affairs of this
country in relation to Great Britain were very
critical. From the newspaper press and from those
who were supposed to stand in confidential relations
with this Administration, he learned that the Cabi-
net had, and for some days had had, under consi-
deration a measure involving more of good or evil
to this country than anything which had ever
occurred. He meant the surrender, on the demand
of Great Britain, of the persons of Messrs. Slidell
and Mason. To his mind a more fatal act could not
mark the history of the country—an act that would
surrender at once to the haughty and arbitrary
demand of Great Britain all that was won in the
revolution, reduce us to a second-rate Power, and
make us the vassals of Great Britain. He would go
as far as any reasonable man could be expected to
go for peace, but no further. He would be willing
to submit the question to the arbitration of any of
the great Powers of Europe,. but he would not
yield to the arbitrary and abiblute demand of Great
Britain for the surrender of these men, even to
escape from a war with that Power. Such a
submission would be a humiliation to our flag, and
he would prefer a declaration of war against Great
Britain by this Government. No senator would make
more honourable concessions to preserve the peace
than he would, but he would suggest that peace was
sometimes more dishonourable and calamitous than
war. The Administration ought to know the feel-
ing of the people of this country. With the permis-
sion of his friend from Indiana (Mr. Lane), he
would repeat an observation which that gentleman
made at the breakfast table this morning. That
senator said to him that Indiana had already 60,000
men in the field, and in sixty days she would double
the number if a war with Great Britain should be
brought on. He had seen no gentleman who was
in favour of the surrender of the persons alluded to;
it would humiliate us in the eyes of the world, irri-
tate our own people, and subject those who sanc-
tioned it to their indignant scorn. If we are forced
into a war with Great Britain he did not think it
would be because we refused to surrender Messrs.
Mason and Slidell. That was a pretence. If we
are forced into a war it will be because it is deter-
mined by Great Britain to force it upon us. They
would humiliate us first and fight us afterwards. If
we are to be humiliated he preferred that it should
be after rather than before a war. War he knew
would be a sacrifice to this people. He could see
its horrors, its disasters, its carnage, its blood, and
its desolation ; but still he would say let war come;
our armies scattered,
preservation of the
our
ourfields
i e s
barren,
rbatteredcn
for
d ot wh
en
national honour; a regenerating spirit among the
people would rebuild the cities, restore the army,
and render fruitful the wasted fields. Francis I. of
France, at the battle of Pavia, in which his army
was annihilated, and he was taken prisoner, ex-
claimed, All is lost but honour,' and the hon-
our preserved then was the germ of the great-
ness and glory of France to-day. He prayed that
this Administration would not surrender our
national honour. He could tell them that hundreds
of thousands would rush to arms and bare their
breast to its dangers rather than submit to degra-
dation. If this Administration would not listen
they would find a fire in the rear that would con-
sume them as stubble.; The, people would rise and
hurl them from the power which they dishonoured. If
a war should come he had the satisfaction of knowing
that we should not be entirely defenceless and with-
out satisfactory consolation. We should be fighting
in that great cause of constitutional liberty which
received its baptism in the blood which centuries
ago flowed from the scaffold in England and
animates millions to-day over the face of the earth
—a cause which lies deep in the hearts of English-
men, whatever may be the policy of their Adminis-
tration. If this war be determined upon in Eng-
land it was because it was out of the hands of Eng-
land's statesmen and in those of pettifoggers whom
they call law officers. If we are to preserve peace
we must preserve honour, and not sacrifice honour to
an inglorious peace. If this war is to come it will
not be carried on without fighting ; and, if we un-
derstand our true position, we can proclaim it to
every man who speaks the English tongue on God's
Footstool, and our:appeal would go to the hearts of
Englishmen, Irishmen, and Frenchmen. Some
fears had been thrown out that Louis Napoleon was
taking sides with England, and that we should
have to contend with the combined forces of France
and England, but ho did not believe it. He believed
if Louis Napoleon harboured one single sentiment,
entertained one principle, or had one single feeling
predominant over all others, it was to have a fair
field to try again the issue which resulted so dis-
astrously at Waterloo ; and he assured the Senate
that all over this country and Canada and Ireland
there were hundreds of thousands of true-hearted
Irishmen who have long been praying for an oppor-
tunity to retaliate upon England for the wrongs
which for centuries that Government has inflicted
upon their fatherland. If we know our own posi-
tion and our own strength (he alluded to the
strength which principle gave us), we had nothing
to fear in this contest. He did not pretend to be a
prophet, but he thought it required very little
sagacity to determine that when England entered
upon such a war she entered upon nne of more
doubtful contingency than any in which she
had been engaged. In such a contest England
would war with the spirit of the age, with the irre-
sistible genius of liberty, with the sympathies of her
own best people, and with a cause that was dear to
the hearts of patriots the world over. She would
war with a cause upon which we may ine oke with
confidence the blessings of the God of Liberty, who
will not fail in his own time and in his own way to
vindicate his own cause. If this war must come, he
, would repeat, let it come, and let us thank God that
he has made us the chosen instruments in his hand
of vindicating his own cause.
" Mr. Sumner said the senator from New Hamp-
shire had treated the question en a hypothesis. He
had said that Great Britain had made an arrogant
demand, and that ho was against it. How did the
senator know that ? Who in the Senate knew that ?
Who in the country knew that ? He did not believe
it. The senator from New Hampshire had expressed
a willingness to consent to an arbitration. How did
he know that this Administration was not likewise
willing to submit to arbitration ? Who there could
speak for the administration on that point ? He
submitted to the senator from New Hampshire that
he had spoken swiftly on both them points. There
was no evidence that could lead him to believe that
any arrogant demand had been made, nor was there
any evidence that could lead him to distrust the
fealty of the administration on this question. He
had a firm conviction that this question would be
peaceably and honourably adjusted. He did not
believe it was a question to be settled by war, and
he hailed with gratitude the suggestion of the
senator from New Hampshire in what to a cer-
tain extent might be called a war speech. He
had expressed a desire to resort to arbitration.
He, however, did not wish to be understood as
suggesting that that mode was under considera-
tion. He was not authorised to say anything on
the subject ; and he contented himself with repeat-
ing that it was in safe hands, and it was better for
them to reserve themselves for the question
when it was presented in a practical form, and not
to speak en hypotheses which facts may afterwards
show to have been false. The motion was with-
drawn."

From Mr, 1161fiti rpecob, yhich is ox 1y too well