The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-09 00:00:00

THE UNITY OF ITALY.

In continuation, the right hon. gentleman said—
There is but one other word that I will say to you,
but it is a word that it is impossible for any mem-
ber of the present Government, addressing his fel-
low-citizens on public affairs, to omit to pronounce
_I mean the name of Italy. (Great cheering.) It
has been, from the first, in my opinion, a principal
part of the mission of the present Government to
give true expression to the English sentiment,
and to conform to the English conviction in
the whole of its policy with respect to Italy; and
it was a mission properly undertaken by the pre-
sent Government, beennst) Lord Palmerston, who is
at its head, hes been perhaps one of the very earliest
in this Country to discern the true conditions of the
Italian question, and to endeavour to impress a
policy
sense of those conditions upon the
of the
country, even at a time when the public mind had
not received that full preparation for it which it
has now happily received. And Loud Russell, also,
as you well know, has for years, both as Prime
, Minister and in other capacities, associated himself

Mr. ALcocK, in responding, said it gave him
great pleasure and satisfaction to find himself able
to come amongst them upon all occasions, not only
because it gave him pleasure to meet his constitu-
ents, but because it enabled him to get an insight
into their wishes and sentiments, which was ex-
tremely useful to him in the performance of his Par-
liamentary duties. It was impossible to come among
them without ascertaining their views upon the
leading questions of the day, and probably upon no
question did they feel a deeper interest at the pre-
sent moment than the great question involving that
disastrous war which was now raging in the conti-
nent of America between the Northern and the
Southern States; He could not avoid taking this
opportunity of saying that when that terrible
struggle first broke out he felt that, as an enemy to
the continuance of slavery, he could scarcely be
otherwise than opposed to what was termed the
Southern interest in America, because he felt that
inasmuch as they were the only parties in America
who were the owners of slaves, that to avow oneself
in favour of those States would be to support slavery.
It was, however, Lord J. Russell, who, with that
clearness of perception which distinguished him,
first placed this matter in a clear light, and showed
to the world that the struggle between the Northern
and Southern States was not a struggle which in-
volved the question of the continuance of slavery at
all ; but that, in point of fact, it was on the part of
the Northern States a war for power, and on that
of the Southern a struggle for independence.
(Cheers.) When that was made clear, its effects soon
became apparent in enlisting the sympathies of Eng-
lishmen on the side of the Southern States. In this
happy country everybody was in favour of indepen-
dence, and therefore, although properly enough
there had been no outward demonstration, all in this
country sympathised with the people of the Southern
States in their heroic struggle for liberty. (Cheers.)
It was quite true that in consequence of this struggle
great distress had fallen upon our own manufactur-
ing districts, but he was not sure that out of this
unhappy calamity acme permanent good to this
country would not arise. Nobody could form an idea
of the value of the spur which this would give to
the cotton cultivation in India. At the present mo-
ment that country grew more cotton than (America
excepted) all the rest of the world together.
Hitherto we have had no spirit of enterprise in
that country. They had done nothing with respect
to railways and canals ; for while there were only
about 1,600 miles of railways in India there were
18,000 in America, and accordingly the facility
which they possessed of transmitting the raw pro-
duce, as compared with that of the growers in
India, was enormous. Hitherto they had been
asleep in India, whilst in America they had been
wide awake : and looking at the probable duration
of the present struggle and the exhaustion in which
it would leave the whole continent of America, there
was little doubt that it would be the means of open-
ing up a steadily increasing trade with India in an
article for the supply of which we had hitherto been
wholly dependent upon America. (Cheers.)
Mr. LOCKE KING said all party spirit seemed
for the present to have subsided, whether they
looked to the House of Commons, or to the country
generally. He knew it was very necessary that
there should be party, and indeed, in the present
day they found that party spirit acted constantly
upon the Government of this country ; but it acted
in a friendly way, and it kept the Government to a
great extent in check. No doubt there were par-
ties who were ready at any time to take upon them-
selves the responsible duties of governing the coun-
try. This had been the case in all times, and
there would always be persons watching for op-
portunities to seize the reins of power, and to ob-
tain the honourable position of representing the
county or the borough constituencies, whenever
an election took place. (Hear, hear.) For him-
self, he would say most candidly, that having
for a long period possessed the confidence of
so highly respectable and important a constituency
as that which he now represented, he would never
relinquish his post without giving whoever opposed
him a desperate atruggle for the place. (Cheers.)
With regard to the House of Commons, he thought
he might say that in the existing state of affairs
there was scarcely any party at all; but the whole
country rejoiced that a most distinguished states-
man, who had the sympathies and the kind wishes
of all, presided over the councils of the nation.
(Cheers.)
t
He would say that Lord Palmerston
was, without exception, the most popular man in
the country. (Cheers.) Whether presiding at a
countryaffairs of
the nation
ninatiooin
convivial
the
Hsocioeutyse, orof
Commons,conducting
Lord Palmerston
always
showed himself to be a
thoroughly true-hearted
Englishman,
and they
were always proud to say that the leader of the
House of Commons was the first gentleman in
Europe.

Several other toasts of a local character followed,
and the proceedings terminated.

TtEtentironli,isanidmto.
pora
excited MARRIAGE
LV E
whichl t T h 0
has
European ()AE,
which a more melancholy interest was added by the extra-
ordinary decision of Lord Ardmillan last session, is, it is
n:
case,Yt
said, set down for hearing by the Judges of the First Di-
vision for the 4th of next month. The judges meet thus
early to hear and decide upon the case.— Caledonian
Mercury.
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It appears from the later accounts of the battle
that the Confederates stood entirely on the defen-
sive, from which we must infer that they found
themselves inferior in numbers. If so, there will
remain a considerable portion of the army of Vir-
ginia yet to be accounted for, and from which
tidings may yet be heard. Letters by the present
mail state that Fitz John Porter had crossed the
Potomac with his corps, which, being in reserve at
Sharpsburg, had escaped all injury, and that he was
repulsed, and compelled to recross into Maryland
with severe loss. It appears at present, as so often
before, that a retreat of the Confederates is ominous
of disaster to their foes. What, indeed, is the
Federal filmy to do now—return to Washington
for the third time, or persist in crossing the river,
and, if it can, advance up the valley which so far
has proved to the Northern armies, " a bourne from
which no traveller returns ?"
But the movements of the armies are of small
importance when compared with the astounding
political intelligence by this mail. Of late Mr.
Lincoln had broken away from the zealots. The
appointment of General Halleck and of M'Clellan,
the release of political prisoners, some relaxation of
the reign of terror—all proved that fanaticism had
fallen out of favour. For this reason former ex-
perience should have taught us that the next oscil-
lation would carry it higher than ever—and so it
proves. The proclamation now issued is the most
consummate folly ever perpetrated by a ruler, No
wit of man could devise another measure so fatal
to the political unity of the North, so disastrous in
its effect on the wavering States, and especially
the great State of Kentucky, or so stimulating to
every energy of the South, if there were one that
flagged. Practically it is the recognition of the
independence of the South by Mr. Lincoln. No man
sets fire to a house of which he expects to become
the owner by process of law. Mr. Lincoln now
sees it is inevitable that the South will be an inde-
pendent Power, and he appears to deem it his
policy to make a last attempt to ruin it.
What will be the effect of this measure, if it pro-
duce any effect whatever? Its professed object
can only be attained by a revolt of the negroes.
Peaceful, contented, faithful as they have proved
through all the turmoil of the war, it is assumed
that on the Ist of January they will end all this,
and rise at the bidding of Mr. LincJin. Is there
any one so ignorant as not to know what a negro
revolt means ? No race is to be found more docile,
more readily contented or of a kindlier disposition ;
but underneath all this African blood is hidden, as
the claw sheathed in the tiger's paw, and that
1 blood was never yet aroused without atrocities from
which the mind shrinks with a shudder. Such a
revolt would begin on lone plantations, where at
once every white man would be murdered, every
traveller waylaid, every white woman seized, every
pale-faced child tossed into the flames of the burn-
ing homestead. And what would be the end of this
hideous spectacle ? The white population of the
South is to the black as two to one, and in power
of destruction as 20 to 1. The first surprise would
lay low its miserable victims; but the scene would
close on the utter extermination of the negroes of
the revolted district.

Lest this picture should appear overdrawn, let
us take that of an eminent Northerner, Horatio
Seymour, now candidate for the position of Gover-
nor of the State of New York. In his speech on the
10t hof September, at Albany, he says:—

" The scheme for an immediate emancipation and general
arming of the slaves throughout the South is a proposal for
the butchery of women and children, for scenes of lust and
rapine, of arson and murder unparalleled in the history of
the world. Its effect would not be confined to the walls of
cities, but there would be a widespread scene of horror over
the -vast expanse of great States, involving alike the loyal
and seditious. Such malignity and cowardice would invoke
the interference of civilised Europa. History tells of the
fires kindled in the name of religion, of atrocities com-
mitted under the pretexts of order or liberty ; it is now
urged that scenes bloodier than the world has yet witnessed
shall be enacted in the name of philanthropy I"

But, although this would follow the e proclama-
tion as its natural result, there is a safeguard to
humanity in its impotence. Some months ago a
General Hunter issued his proclamation overthrow-
ing the entire social system of three sovereign
States with a mere wave of his pen. This did not
provoke revolt ;it only provoked. laughter. What
greater right or authority has Mr. Lincoln to do
this thing ? Doubtless he has as much as to stop
the writ of Habeas Corpus over all the extent of
the North. At the same time that he proposes to
free the Southern blacks he proceeds to enslave
any Northern white man that gives him displeasure,
sends him to one of his bastilles, or to cell No. 4,
New York, and there feeds him on salt pork so long
as he may choose.

But doubtless Mr. Lincoln knouts right well that
nothing can come of his proclamation. All evi-
dence agrees that he is a man of jocose and kindly
disposition. What, then, can be the object of a
measure from the smallest effect of which he would
shrink ? A very important object. There, is a
presentiment in the North that recognition cannot
be long delayed, and this proclamation is aimed,
not at the negro or the South, but at Europe. We
are now to be told there is a great lofty principle
in the way which shall overawe Europe in its ma-
chinations. Unfortunately for its purpose, this
virtue comes a little too late and halts a little too
clumsily. We are not believers in conditional vir-
tue, and if the rebellious States are to be made
clean of their iniquity why is the disease to be re-
tained in those that send members to Congress ?
Where was this great principle the other day, when
Mr. Lincoln told the coloured deputation to their
faces that they were an inferior race, and could not
be permitted to live with white men, and must go
to live somewhere else ? Will philanthropy do
much good to 4,000,000 negroes by taking a few
hundreds from their homes and sending them to work
in a coalpit at Panama ? And where was this prin-
ciple when Mr. Lincoln tortured words into every
complication to prove there was no principle in the
affair—to declare that if it suited his purpose he
would free some of the negroes, and if it suited his
purpose he would free all of them, and if it suited
his purpose to free none of them, he would free
none of them ? The European understanding may
be slow when compared with that of theNewWorld,
but it is not quite so shallow as to be cajoledby such
principle as this.

They who respect the demand of the Southern
States to exercise the right of self-government, and
who hold that they have amply proved their power
to maintain their independence, believe the time has
arrived when recognition can no longer be delayed
without injustice to them and great political injury
to ourselves. But it is rather for the friends of the
North to be eager in this Matter. Another year of
this war and the North will disappear as a
political
will make merry
Power. The Unionist, of course,
at this, as two years ago he did at the prediction of
a civil war. Take a thin sheet of iron ; you cannot
tear it. But if you make a cut into it, it may then
be torn like paper. That fissure
in the Union is
now made, and a fraction of the first disruptive force
will rend it further. There was never more hatred
between North and South than there is now be-