The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-13 00:00:00

GRAND TRUNK OF CANADA.

The traffic receipts on this company's lines for the week
ending the 24th of December last, amounted, for local pas-
sengers, to 5,055/. ; for foreign passengers, to 1,31.9/. ; for
mails, &c., to 642/. ; for local freight and live stock, to
11,896/. ; and for foreign freight and live stock to 3,0041.—
total on
.1,377 miles, 21,916/. ; against 24,4941., on 1,335
miles, in the corresponding week of 1863, showing a de-
crease of 2,5781., in consequence of the traffic being inter-
rupted by snow storms. The total receipts from the let of
July to the above date amounted to 594,5791., and for the
same period in 1863 to 545,5471., showing an increase of
49,032/.

The Collision on the North Kent Railway,

Yesterday afternoon the adjourned inquest on the bodies
of the five unfortunate men who were killed in the recent
collision in the Blackheath tunnel of the North Kent Rail-

way was resumed before Mr. C. J. Carttar, coroner for

West Kent, at the Railway Hotel, Blackheath.
Mr. Freeland again represented the company. Mr. Wool-
lett appeared on behalf of the signalman Jones ; and there
were also present Mr. Eborall, the general manager ; Mr.
Cudworth, locomotive superintendent ; Mr. Knight, traffic
superintendent of the company ; and Mr. Claydon and Mr.
Chapman, station-masters, Charlton and Blackheath.
The first witness called'was

Joseph Groombridge, who said that when the collision

took place he was riding in the break next to the engine of
the eupress train. When the collision took place he goi

out of the carriage window and walked along the tunnel,
which was full of smoke and steam. Hearing somebody
say that a down train was coming, he got into the carriage
again. A lamp was handed into the carriage, which he
supposed came from the guard, but he did not know.
Mr. Chapman, the station-master at Blackheath, was
asked whether there had not been a train stopped in a
similar manner in the tunnel next day.
The Coroner, however, intimated his opinion that the
question had no bearing on this particular inquiry, and it
was not pressed. _ _

Mr. Woollett asked whether, according to the rules of

the company, a signalman ought to receive instructions
with reference to a telegram from a boy by word of mouth.
Mr. Chapman said that a signalman ought not to receive
any such instructions by word of mouth except from him-
self, as station-master. Instructions from others ought to
be in writing. _

Mr. Woollett asked whether, under the revised and sup-
plementary rules, all trains travelling at unusual hours,
not specified in the time-table—in which description
would be included ballast trains—were not required to be
telegraphed from station to station of the " speaking
telegraph."
Mr. Chapman said he did not conceive that such a ballast
train as the one which had caused the collision was a train
travelling at unusual times. Unusual times he considered
to be hours after the ordinary working of the trains was
over. Special trains were telegraphed by speaking tele-

graphs.
Mr. Freeland said there were special regulations as to
ballast trains.

Mr. Woollett called attention to the rules, by which any
train not included in the time service was to be treated as
special, whether ballast, coal, empties, light engines, or
otherwise.

In answer to a further question from Mr. Woollett, Mr.
Chapman said that this ballast train was not telegraphed
by the speaking telegraph. It was telegraphed, however,
in such a way that everybody would know it would be a
ballast train going to Bricklayers' Arms.
Captain Tyler,R.E., the Government Inspector of Rail-

ways, was called and said—l inspected the Blackheath
tunnel, in which this accident took place, on the 19th ult.

for the first time, and again on the following Thursday.
There was one mark on the side of the tunnel where the

engine was said to have come into contact with it, but no
other mark. There was a good deal of water dropping, and
the rails were in a very wet state. I had read a letter in
the paper to the effect that the express train had gone off
the line before the collision, and I made particular exami-
nation of the line with reference to that point, and I came
to the conclusion that there had been nothing of the sort.
The gradient of the tunnel is 1 in 168 from Charlton to
within 215 yards of the collision, and up to the mouth to
the tunnel there is a steeper gradient-1 in 132. There is a
curve in the tunnel, but not such a sharp one as would se-
riously impede the progress of a train. The gradient is not
a severe one, but it was too severe for this engine with the
load it had to bear. Probably the engine might have car-
ried the load through if it had not been stopped at Charlton.
It came to a stop on the second or steeper gradient in a very
wet place. Under the circumstances the tail lights of the
ballast train would not be visible more than 10 yards off.
The engine driver of the express train could not see them
until he was well on the train. I saw the engine of the
ballast train after the collision. It appeared in good order.
The driver told me that it was in good working order before
the collision took place, but that afterwards the pumps had
gone out of order. Being a ballast train, however, the col-
lision would not be so muchfelt in the fore part of the train.
I have drawn. up a memorandum as to the causes of the
accident if the jury would like to hear it.
The Coroner—l presume it is drawn up from information
you have received?
Capt. Tyler—Yes, it is.
The Coroner—Then, I hardly know whether we can re-
ceive it in the court.
Capt. Tyler—Some juries wish to hear such memoranda,
and some object, and I came prepared for both contingen-
cies. At the end of my memorandum I have stated my
conclusions as to the cause of the accident..
The Coronor —We shall be glad to hear them.
Capt. Tyler then read the following portion of his report,
embodying his conclusions as to the causes of the accident :
" The different circumstances which have contributed to
porduce this collision may be thus stated :-1. A load was
attached to the ballast engine heavier than it could, after
being stopped at Charlton, take through the Charlton
tunnel ; and this ought not to have been done, if only on
account of the risk incurred of inconvenience and delay of
the heavy passenger traffic of the company. 2. The station
master at Charlton sent a message, Train waiting 'to
Blackheath, independently of the signalman, and by thus
interfering with the train signals, though with the good
intention of avoiding-the chance of unnecessary delay, he
was the means of causing the mistake which led to the col-
lision. 3. The Blackheath signal, who was compara-
tively inexperienced, and who was put out and confused by
the verbal message Train waiting,' at Charlton, committed
the fatal error of signalling the up-line clear to Charlton,
in spite of the record which was plainly before him on his
instrument of an up-train being already between Charlton
and Blackheath. The railway company had done .what they
could in this case to provide for the public safety by esta-
blishing a good system of train signals, intended to pre-
vent more than one engine or train being upon either line of
rails between Charlton and Blackheath at the same time.
But there remained the defect,:which I have had occasion to
point out in other cases on the North Kent Railway, of the
signalmen being unprovided with speaking instruments in
addition to Tyer's train instruments. It is, no doubt, de-
sirable after a certain period has elapsed that a signalman
working under that system should have the means of ascer-
taining from the next telegraph box whether a train has been
delayed in its progress for an extraordinary length of time,
or whether the signalman in that box, as may occasionally
happen, has forgotten or been unable to give Line clear' as
it passed him. But it is better that this should be done in a
recognised manner ; that the train about which the inquiry
is made should be specified, and that a clear statement should
be given in reply as to the passage of that particular train
before another is allowed to follow it. The danger of
allowing any other sort of interference with the train sig-
nals is illustrated by the mistake made by Jones on this
occasion. If on the one hand he had been let alone, and had
wouldit
arottto Charlton
ecn
oho
ttahroel courseftrohand,
untilhh
etahvhee a
received no verbal message from the clerk at Blackheath,
n
odbcabeclulaerrsntepdtrratooviin.hdhiemaddwto giveiptah Line
If, s sa
endd beenhim.
able to use a speaking- instrument, and received a message
upon it, from the signalman at Charlton, Has the ballast
train passed Blackheath ?' in place of receiving a verbal

message from a porter, it is impossible that either he him-
self, or even a less experienced man, should have replied
otherwise than Ballast train has passed,' unless
it had really done so. While, therefore, the speaking in-
struments under the control of the station masters, from
being worked independently of the signalman at Charlton
and from interfering with the signalman at Blackheath,
may be said actually to have caused this accident, it is evi-
dent the same speaking instrument if placed in the tele-
graph boxes and worked under proper regulations by the
signalmen themselves to each other, would, by affording a
safer means of asking for and obtaining the required infor-
mation, have prevented its occurrence."
The Coroner—Assuming that the guard of the ballast
train when it came to a standstill did not go back to warn
the following train, should you say that it was his duty to
have done so ?

Capt. Tyler—l have considered that point in my report,
and the conclusion I have come to is, that if the guard went
to the tail of the train and asked the breaksman to put on
his break and give him a light, it was preparatory to un-
coupling the train and sending half of it out of the tunnel.
Then the question arises whether the train had been stand-
ing long enough for the breaksman to go back and protect
his train.

The Coroner—You alp of opinion that the coming away
from Charlton was the act of the signalman Jones in sig-
nalling " Line clear ?"
Captain Tyler—There was a double process—telegraph-
ing the line clear, and then telegraphing for the passenger
train to come on. The passenger train could not come on
until it had received permission from Blackheath.
Mr. Woollett—The guard said distinctly that the mo-
ment the signal, " Line clear," was made the train started

at once.
The Coroner—We certainly have not had anything
brought out about a second signal.
Capt. Tyler—lf you examine the signalmen at Charlton
and Angerstein you will see that that is so. I have called
attention frequently to the necessity of having speaking in-
struments, particularly in a report on an accident at the
Commercial Docks in 1861.
To Mr. Freeland—l think Tyler's system of signalling a
very excellent one—one of the best ; but in my opinion it
ought to be accompanied with speaking instruments. I know
that there is a difference of opinion among railway men on
the subject.
To the Coroner—l don't consider from 7in the morning
to 6 in the evening unusually excessive hours for a signal-
man. I wish there were no signalmen employed longer.
I have had to report on cases where they have been em-
ployed 25 hours, and in one case 37. It was not with re-
ference to this company. I don't think the message from
Charlton, " Train waiting," was suffic!ently explicit ; it
ought to have been, " Has the ballast train passed ?"
To the Jury—The want of air-shafts had nothing to do
with the accident. On the contrary, the tunnel would have
been more liable to get wet, and the accident was in some
degree attributable to the wet state of the tunnel, which
impeded the progress of the train.
The jury retired to a private room, and after remaining in
consultation with the Coroner for some time,
The Coroner announced that they had decided to adjourn
the inquiry until that day fortnight, in consequence of
the inability of the breaksman of the ballast train, who was
still confined in the hospital, to appear before them. Their
intention was then to hear his evidence, if he was able to
appear before them, and if not to go down to Woolwich
Hospital to hear his evidence there. They would then be
able to call Jones and hear his statement, if he thought fit
to make any, and the case would be complete.
The jury was then adjourned until Thursday, the 26th
inst.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The Australian colonies seem destined to be a
sort of convex mirror, in which we may contemplate on a
reduced scale the institutions under which we live, placed
under circumstances which can hardly occur under the
quieter and more stable condition of political life in
these islands. Ministries rise and fall, elections succeed to
elections with a sort of tropical rankness and luxuriance of
growth and destruction of which we in these temperate and
frigid islands can form but little idea. The accounts which
have reached us from Victoria and New South Wales have
in them both much to interest not only the practical politi-
cian, but the speculator on representative government, its
incidents, its clangers, and its Lt.dvantages ; and no time can
be better spent than in carefully considering and maturely
weighing the incidents passing in this little theatre which
our own colonists have been good enough to get up for our
instruction. Happily for us, the Australian colonies are
what is called a good deal more advanced than ourselves ;
they have the privilege, as Mr. Bright has often told us, of
possessing institutions of which the mother country has not
yet been thought worthy, such as universal suffrage and
vote by ballot ; and it is pleasant to see at other expense
than our own the full development of the modern panaceas
for all the evils that Governments have been heirs to from
the days of Athenian even to the days of American demo-
cracy. Of course the first thing that we hear of the two
great Australian colonies is that the one has just passed
through, or rather is just recovering from, the pangs of a
general election, while the other is in the midst of it. How
many of these periodical clearings of the political atmos-
phere there have been since the establishment of self-go-
vernment in Australia we do not profess to remember, but
it seems to us that these colonies are always either in a

general election, going to have a general election, or just
out of a general election. The general election in Victoria
has had results very unusual to such proceedings. It has,
to the astonishment of everybody, greatly strengthened the
Government. Every member of the Ministry has been
re-elected, and only one member of the Ministry that pre-
ceded them. Of seventy-eight members of Assembly
forty new men have been returned, and this after the
Government has been fifteen months in power-.-a period
in Australian eyes, we conclude, something like equal to
the length of the Administration of Lord Liverpool. The
colonists themselves are astonished at this phenomenon :
one paper calls it a revolution, and if an entire change of
practice be worthy of the name a revolution it certainly is.
Of course the whole ingenuity of the colony is set to work
to explain a phenomenon so strange and so startling. How
can it be that a Ministry which has lasted 15 months can
again meet Parliament with a fair probability of renewed
political power? A sudden cessation of the ebb and flow
of the sea could hardly be more startling to the eyes of a
natural philosopher than this inroad upon the established
seesaw of party. The favourite solution is arrived at by
the aid of a principle which has already created and solved
so many difficulties in European politics. The last Ministry
was almost exclusively Irish ; during the long period of 20
months for which it held office none but Irish appoint-
ments were made ; and the present Ministry is the fruit of
an alliance between English and Scotch to recapture the
spoils which the natives of the sister island had so dexter-
ously carried away. People thought, whether rightly or
not, that for these 20 months something more than justice
had been dealt out to Ireland, and they acted on the laud-
able determination of doing justice to themselves. The star
of Erin has paled for a while before this ominous combina-
tion, but it .is the happy destiny of Australian politicians
that their adversity is as brief as their prosperity is uncer-
tain, and nobody can say, notwithstanding the present un-
favourable appearances, how soon the star of Erin may be

again in the ascendant, and her sons enter into the posses-
sion of those spoils of which the Saxon has for a time de-
prived them. We may observe here a little anticipation of
the practice of America, and an opinion, probably well
founded, that the rise and fall of governments has more to
do with the good things which they have to give away
than with the measures which they introduce and the prin-
ciples which they advocate. Another important feature in
this election is that in it, for the first time, as far as we
know, in any British community, the fair sex have
been admitted to the exercise of the franchise. We
are sorry that this concession does not appear
to be due to the gallantry of our Australian colo-
nists, but to a mistake which 'they made in adopting for
Parliamentary elections the roll for municipal elections, in
which women are permitted to vote. The women seem to
have availed themselves in considerable numbers of the
privilege, however obtained. Custom had not yet taught
them that slight regard for the electoral franchise which
seems almost inseparable with us from the creation of a
large constituency. It is recorded that the women voted
at least as wisely as the men ; that they generally voted
for the best educated candidate ; that they showed con-
tempt for the secrecy of the ballot ; and that, espousing the
cause which they took up with a heartiness and devotion
incidental to the female character, they generally gave
plumpers for the candidate of their choice. In a franchise
so low as that enjoyed by the Australian colonies we can
easily believe that this new element, especially as the
female votes were given in respect of property, would be a
marked improvement. It will be very curious to see
whether this innovation, thus accidentally introduced, is
allowed to continue, or whether the colonists will persevere
in the course upon which they have stumbled. In the
latter case it would seem hardly to be possible to leave
matters as they are, or to prevent a much larger infusion
of the female element into the constituency. Another
symptom of the inevitable results of democratic govern-
ment is the prevalence both in New South Wales and Vic-
toria of Protectionist opinions. Why Assemblies practi-
cally representing working men, and working men only,
should uniformly show so strong a disposition towards the
establishment of heavy indirect taxes, which must be paid
mainly by their constituents, it is very difficult in the
abstract to say ; but so obviously is the spirit of Protec-
tion a concomitant of universal suffrage in America, in
Canada, and in Australia, and so impossible was it found
to obtain any efficient assistance from the masses towards
the promotion of the Free-trade movement in this country,
that the connexion may be fairly said to be established by
a very efficient process of induction. In Victoria the
Protectionists seem to have little union among themselves,
and not to be likely, for the present, at least, to exercise
much influence over financial legislation. They exist as
a party, but that is all. But in New South Wales the
case is very different. There they are in. the
middle of a contested election. The Ministry, which has
strong Protectionist leanings, and the Premier of which is
an avowed Protectionist of the most ultra views, has been
beaten by the Opposition. It claimed a dissolution, and
the country is in the midst of the consequent election. The
finances are in great disorder, and the colonial Treasurer

has not yet made known his intended taxes. The struggle

is not unlike that in 1852 in this country, Protection being

really at the bottom of the quarrel, a principle by some
manfully avowed, and by others uncandidly concealed.
There is a strong feeling in the colony in favour of Protec-
tion, owing, we are told, to three causes—to a narrow local
sentiment, to great ignorance on the subject, and to the

prevalent predominance of the artisans. The sentiment is
said to be strongest in the towns and in the capital ; the
country settlers despair of a duty on flour, and are compa-
ratively lukewarm on the subject. It is evidently the lead-
ing topic of the day. Of course, we cannot predict what is
likely to be the result of this contest ; but it occurs to us as
—supposing the Protectionists are victorious, and pass
measures injurious to British commerce and avowedly at
variance with the commercial policy of the Empire—what
steps the Home Government are prepared to take on the

question ? So long as our colonists tell us that they must
impose heavy duties for the purposes of revenue, and show
—as, under the institutions under which they have the
happiness to live, it is very easy for them to do—that they
have a large deficit to fill up, it is extremely difficult for us
to interfere with such legislation. But once let the flag of

Protection be unfurled, once let it be admitted or once let
it be proved that the object of legislation is not primarily
the collection of revenue, but is rather the exclusion from

a portion of her Majesty's dominions of the commodities
created by the labour of the inhabitants of another portion,
and a question is raised which it will become the Imperial
Parliament and the advisers of the Crown very carefully and
maturely to consider. The question of Protection is not

one local to the British isles ; it is Imperial, and co-exten-
sive with the limits of that Empire of which we have learnt
to consider freedom of commerce as the principal stay and

support. It is a policy embodied in many treaties and
sanctioned by innumerable Acts of Parliament, and it cer-
tainly appears to us that those whose duty it is to watch

over not merely English but Imperial interests will ill dis-
charge that duty if they allow our dependencies a licence
which we have solemnly renounced for ourselves and for
all those communities over which we are able to exercise a
legitimate influence.
HERALD.—Suicidal as the financial policy of the Wash-
ington Government has been throughout the present war,
its climax, perhaps, was not reached prior to the proposed
abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty now existing between

the United States and the British North American col°•

nies. This seems to be the opinion, at all events, of the
most influential men belonging to that ancient French set-
tlement, the good town of Detroit, than whom no better
judges can be found in the whole breadth of Federal ter-
ritory. Situated on Lake St. Clair, and closely connected
by river communication with the largest lakes of Erie and
Huron, Detroit, from its highest buildings, commands also
a view of the Canadian shore. If the rise of this city was
in the first instance owing to its importance as a military

post, its subsequent growth may be ascribed to an exten
sive and constantly increasing trade with the British de-
pendencies. Whatever, therefore, to others may be the
consequences of hasty interference with old-established
commercial relations, to Detroit, such a charge of system
must be fraught with inevitable disaster. We are not,
then, surprised that the moment that the dissolution of the
treaty was announced the Board of Trade in this town de-
legated to some of its members the task of making a care-
ful and minute inquiry into the merits of the whole ques-
tion. We have now before us the report of the committee
appointed for the purpose, an able and valuable document,
which demonstrates incontestably the benefits accruing to
the United States from the Reciprocity Treaty. It is more
satisfactory that they do not look at the matter at all from
a British point of view, but regard it simply on the side of
utilitarianism. The report, to which we call attention,
though it has its positive argument, is mainly of a contro-
versial character. Its positive reasoning may soon be dis-
missed, based as it is upon statistics which prove them
selves. The committee show that the treaty has done
more for the trade os the United States than it has for
that of the British colonies. From Juno 30, 1821, to June
30, 1863, the exports to Canada and the other British Ame-
rican provinces reached the value of $422,443,981, whilst
the imports were worth only $260,327,900, there being in
favour of the United States a balance of $162,116,081. But
the chief object of the report is to point out the injustice
and impolicy of the opposition raised against the treaty.
Singling out some seven or eight principal objections, it
answers them in detail. We cannot do better than avail
ourselves of the committee's labours, not, however, always
following the order in which their remarks are given.
Amongst the objections which have been offered to the
working of the Reciprocity Treaty, the first place is natu-
rally to be assigned to those which arrogate to themselves
dimensions of national importance. It is alleged that neither
Canada, nor Great Britain, has any sympathy with the
United States in their attempt to subdue the South. The
committee treat this difficulty in manly and lofty language.
The imperial authority and commercial interests of a coun-
try, say they in substance, should not be confounded. If a
state is injured nationally, let it avenge itself nationally,
but do not let it mix up such insults and their consequences
with questions of trade and commerce affecting the well-
being of 70,000,000 of people, for they conclude axiomati-
cally, " commercial treaties and quarrels should stand or
fall on their own merits." Another complaint, springing
from a cognate jealousy, that the treaty encourages the car-
rying trade of rivals through a foreign country, is discussed
upon practical grounds by the report. It is shown that,
what with the inadequacy of the means of transport and
their heavy cost, the mercantile and farming interests must
suffer materially, were an attempt made to convey the pro-
duce of the North-West solely through Federal territory.
With what has gone before we may class the objection that
the fisheries have not turned out so valuable as might have
been expected. True, but the treaty had the inestimable
advantage of settling amicably the disputes which might
have arisen between the United States and Great Bri-
tain upon the subject. The object, indeed, of the
Washington Government in getting the Reciprocity Treaty
was threefold—the regulation of these very.fisheries, the
opening of the common waters in the new world more freely,
and the removal of duties upon certain enumerated articles
of commerce, all of which results have been attained for
many years. We pass to a more selfish class of objections.
It is urged that since the treaty has been in operation the
Legislature of Canada has from time to time imposed
heavier duties upon the productions of the United States,
and that consequently there has been a decrease in the de-
mand for such articles. Upon this the committee offer
some just and pertinent remarks. In estimating a system
of taxation adopted by a foreign country we have only a
right to consider whether the taxes spring from hostile in-
tention or fiom sheer necessity. Now it is evident that the
Canadian imposts arise entirely from the latter cause, and
also that they do not touch a single article named in the
treaty. We, cannot, therefore blame Canada a whit more
than the United States, the Government of which has
levied increased taxes to a far greater extent. But, say
tha objectors to the treaty, our lumber interests suffer from
competition with Canadian lumber merchants, and our coal
from a similar competition with that of Nova Scotia. The
answer upon the part of the committee is very bold and
explicit. But for this competition the consumer would be
entirely at the mercy of the great capitalists, who are taking
up tin pineries of the West, and of the coal masters. Sup-
posing that most of the lands on which these pineries are
pass into the hands of these powerful owpers, what will bo
the price of lumber, and whence can it be got, to build and
improve cities and villages ? The report expresses its re-
gret that Nova Scotia does not export twenty times more
coal than she does to the Federal cities upon the Atlantic
seabord, and dismisses the subject with the following sig-
nificant words :—" The interest of the manufacturer, the
wants of the poor, and the requirements of our vast steam
marine demand cheap fuel and no monopoly in either coal
or lumber. Upon the disputed question of breadstuffs, the
report shows that the United States have been largely beno-
fitted instead of being injured by the importation of Cana-
dian grains. Statistics prove that in 1863 there were
imported into Detroit 300,000 bushels of Canadian
white wheat, upon which Americans received for labour,
freight, insurance, elevating charges, .and commission, no
less a sum than $108,295 25c., and that the public revenue
would gain also in this transaction $3,880. To the objec-
tion made by the opponents of the treaty, that all this
wheat would have come in at a 20 per cent. ad valorem
duty, and that therefore both the profits and duty might
have been gained, this sensible reply is given—"We would
not have received a single bushel of wheat with a2O per
cent. duty, because the amount of the tax would have paid
the freight, Sm., from the point from which the grain started
in Canada to Montreal, where it would have been sold for
a larger sum than at Detroit." There is but one other ob-
jection of importance mentioned by the committee, and
that touches very closely the delicate question of American
avarice. The commission merchants complain that con-
sumers who used to purchase at Detroit, now buy their
flour at Toronto. This, says the report, is your own fault.
If you would sell at a fair rate, instead of at an advance of
from one to two dollars per barrel above other markets, you
would not drive the trade elsewhere. But the committee
adopt less confined reasoning when they show the folly of
attempting to escape competition by make-shift legislation.
Sooner or later different countries must compete with one
another in foreign markets, it matters little whether it is at
Boston or Liverpool. The report concludes with a warm
recommendation of a renewal of the treaty for 25 years,
with some modifications into which we have not space to
enter. From the impartial summary of the Detroit com-
mittee it is clear that English writers have been guilty of
no selfishness when they have urged the advantages of the
Reciprocity Treaty, advantages falling most to the side of
the United States. Whether the report will convince the
Cabinet of Washington may reasonably be doubted. The
Detrait merchants complain of the ignorance of their
countrymen ; they make still more bitter complaints of
their apathy and shortsightedness in matters concerning
their real interests. One of Sherman's raids will be re-
garded by the Federal Government as more interesting
than the destruction of Detroit, a town that was so sure a
source of national wealth that so far back as 1852 its saw-
mills turned out about 10,000,000 feet of lumber every year.
President Lincoln will perhaps have his joke upon the
subject. Nero was fiddling whilst Rome was on fire.

MR. MILNER GIBSON'S VISIT TO LANCASHIRE.—
The President of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce has
received a note from Mr. Milner Gibson, in reply to an
in-
vitation forwarded to him, to the effect that the few days
he will spend in Lancashire this month are so pre-occupied
that he will not be able to attend the annual meeting of the
Chamber. He hopes, however, at some future time to at-
tend a meeting of the Chamber.

Ironmasters' Quarterly Meeting.

BIRMINGHAM, Thursday Evening.

The principal meeting of the ironmasters of this district
was held in the Town-hall here this afternoon, and the at-
tendance was large, but, as at Wolverhampton on Wednes-
day, there was scarcely any business done ; the receipt of
the telegram announcing that the Bank rate had been re-
duced to 51per cent. did not contribute in the slightest de- ‘.
gree to stimulate the trade, not the least animation having
been exhibited from the commencement to the close of the
meeting. The large consumers were steadfast in their de-
termination not to buy, and spoke confidently of the oppor-
tunties offered to them to place orders at from 7s. 6d. to
108. per ton below the trade price ; undoubtedly, this re-
ferred to the second class makers, the producers of
" marked" iron evincing no disposition to accept lower
prices than those recognised by the trade: The nature of
the inquiries by the merchants indicated that there are
orders in that quarter to be given out, and some few were
accepted at low prices ; but business was slack throughout,
and with such influences operating against the trade as
those set forth in our report of the Wolverhampton meet-
ing, it is not likely that there will be any immediate resto-
ration in healthy action, but if the difference with the men
is amicably adjusted, it will be much facilitated.
The transactions in pig-iron were moderate. A good
staple article, hot blast, was quoted at 3/. 10s. to 3/. 15s. per
ton. It would be easy enough to quote the prices at which
sales were said to have been effected, but, as those who are
familiar with the circumstances of the trade are well aware,
this would be a most unreliable mirror as to the general
price.

COUNTRY MARKETS