The Sun.
London, England, 1862-07-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENI

BILLINGSGATE F ISH IN G COMPANY
(Limited).
Capital, £50,000, in 10,000 shares of £5 each.
Deposit, on application, 10s. per share—on allotment, £2los.

per share.
BANKERS—The Imperial Bank, Lothbury.
This Company is formed for fusing the interests of Smack
Owners of the Thames into a joint-stock enterprise.
Fifty vessels —whose owners enter the company—will be
purchased, and the leading smack owner will take the
management. As many thousand tons of ice are consumed
in packing the fish, the directors are in treaty for the pur-
chase or a small island—including the house property thereon
—off the coast of Denmark, where ice can be prepared cheaper
than in England, and stored in icehouses for the use of the
vessels, and for sale to the public. This island has a harbour
large enough for sheltering vessels drawing twelve feet of
water, and there is abundance of cod fish, lobsters, and oysters
around it. If the collection of offal for manure will pay, the
Company will also collect it at their depot.
For form of application for shares apply to the Secretary,
(pro tem.), L. Olrick, 27, Leadenhall-street.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T

HOUSE OF LORDS—YESTERDAY.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The following bills were read a third time and passed :
Corbet's Estate West Cheshire Railway Eastern
Counties Railway (Epping lines)—and West Shropshire
mineral Railway.
COLONIAL FORTIFICATIONS.

The Earl of CARNARVON drew the attention of their
lordships to certain charges connected with Colonial
fortifications and defence, with the object of moving for
copies of correspondence between her Majesty's Govern-
ment and the Governor-General of Canada in refarenceto the
Militia Bill proposed and passed in the Canadian Parliament.
The noble earl having referred to the civil colonial expen-
diture which in the last year amounted to £937,000, pro-
ceeded to notice the circumstances connected with the
annexation of Lagos which, he said, took place in
defiance of the remonstrances of the native chiefs. The
sum expended for civil service in the colonies
bore no parallel to the sums required for colonial fortifica-
tions ; and in looking over the Army Estimates he found
that money was to be taken for strengthening and improv-
ing Malta, Gibraltar, Bermuda, the lonian Islands, the
Mauritius, Jamaica, St. Helena, Newfoundland, Nova
Scotia, and New Brunswick. With respect to the two
first mentioned places, it was absolutely necessary that they
should be kept in the most efficient state, yet that was far
from being their present condition, notwithstanding the
money that had been laid out upon them. With respect to
Bermuda, it was principally of importance as a lookout station
for the American coast, and he should be glad if that idea
could be carried out, but without great improvements, he
was afraid its present condition rendered it far from useful. It
was well known that the Mauritius required at least a gar-
rison of 4,000 or 5,000 men for its security, and he should
like to know whether, in the event if a war
should unfortunately arise, the Government would be able
to allow so large a force to remain isolated at the Mauritius.
Already £140,000 had been expended on the place, about
£15,000 was in process of being laid out, and he supposed
before the plans were completed about £50,000 more would
be required.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE denied that there had been
any increase of late in imperial expenditure for colonial pur-
poses of any kind, and expressed his regret at the course
taken by the Canadian Parliament with respect to the militia.
the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH concurred in this opi-
nion of the noble duke's, and observed that, however the
war in America might terminate, he believed that Canada
would be attacked by the United States.
_ _ _

Some observations from the Earl of Powis and Lord
STRATFORD DE REDCLTFFE brought the discussion to a
close, and the motion was agreed to.
The Merchant Shipping Act Amendment Bill, the Sum-
mary Jurisdiction (Ireland) Bill, the Election for Counties
(Ireland) Bill, the Copyright Works of Art Bill, and the
Gunpowder Act Amendment Bill, were severally read a
third time and passed.
The Parochial Buildings (Scotland) Bill was read a
second time.
Their lordships then adjourned.

appeared that the latter had at length complied with the
gallant officer's desire to be placed on the half-pay list.
The motion for the adjournment of the house was then
withdrawn.

On the order for going into committee of supply,
Mr. LINDSAY moved, that in the opinion of this house
the states which have seceded from the Union of the Re-
public of the United States have so long maintained them-
selves under a separate and established government, and
have given such proof of their determination and ability to
support their independence, that the propriety of offering
mediation, with the view of terminating hostilities between
the contending parties, is worthy of the serious and imme-
diate attention of her Majesty's Government. The hon.
member argued that it was for the interest of this country,
both politically and commercially, that the Northern and
Southern States should be separated. Politically, it would
be for our advantage that the growing power of the United
States should be checked ; and commercially so, because
the Southern Confederacy were ready to adopt a free-trade
policy, and to enter into relations with us for a mutual ex-
change of produce and manufnctures. He believed that
the Emperor of the French was quite prepared to offer his
mediation ; and in was unaccountable that, up to this mo-
ment, her Majesty's Government had taken no steps to
interfere. One thing was clear. It was, that the South
could not be conquered. It was still more clear that it could

not be brought back into the Union. He held, therefore, that
the time had arrived when the South ought to be received
into the family of nations.

Mr. TAYLOR contended that the present was not an
opportune moment for raising this discussion, and observed
that as Providence fought on the side of strong battalions,
it was not likely that the 20,000,000 of the North would
consent the 3,000,000 of the South, en-
cumbered 4,000,000 of slaves. He believed that dis-
cussion would add to the irritation and bitterness
th b
withe
downo
onlyo by

which were already felt in the United States towards this
country, and which were to a certain extent justified by the
language used by an influential portion of the press of Eng-
land. He objected to Mr. Lindsay's motion that the word
" mediation" really meant the recognition of the South,and
that intervention was nothing more than a longer word for
war with the United States. The recognition of the South
would in short be a blot upon the anti-slavery flag of this
country.
___
__ . _

Lord V. TEMPEST believed that the re-establishment
of the American Union would do more to perpetuate slavery
than any other measure that could be adopted; and that
separation would be the surest means of getting rid of the
"peculiar institution" as it is termed.
Mr. W. FORSTER, considering that the motion, as
well as the speeches by which it had been supported, was
not likely to stay the war, but rather to aggravate and pro-
long the conflict, and probably drag this country into it,
met the question with an unqualified negative. He trusted,
therefore, that Government, Parliament, and the country
would maintain the policy of entire non-intervention. The
motion suggested an offer of mediation ; but what was the
sort of mediation it meant ? If friendly mediation were the
only thing it aimed at in the present state of the relations
between America and this country, the less that was pub-
licly said about it here the better. The bone of contention
was this. The men of the South were fighting to make
themselves an independent nation, and the Federalists were
fighting to prevent them and to preserve the Union. How,
then, was peace possible ? Either by the South on some condi-
tionof returning to the Union, or the North allowing them to
quit it. In this position of things any Government that
stepped in between two such powerful foes, both sanguine
of success, and neither willing to submit to dictation, should
carefully avoid expressing any opinion upon the question in
dispute. Nevertheless, although the motion expressed an
opinion in favour of the South, and was accompanied with
a threat to the North, the hon. mover expected the latter
to listen to an offer of mediation. Surely it would be in
vain to entertain the hope, and it was going the very worst
possible way to effect such an object. He thanked the Go-
vernment for having preserved the country, under great
temptation and some provocation, from a very heavy re-
sponsibility—a responsibility that could only be avoided by
perseverance in the policy of non-intervention.
Mr. WHITESIDE granted that the question before the
house was a delicate and difficult one, but it did not there-
fore follow that the House of Commons was not to express
an opinion upon it. He argued that the motion turned
upon matters of fact, and that considering the incompati-
bility of temper and opposition of interests, desires, and
passions between the North and the South, it was not only
not surprising that there was secession now but that there
had not been secession long ago. If the cause of quarrel
were so deeply rooted, what chance was there of the North
and South becoming reconciled ? The facts asserted in the
resolution were, that the States which had seceded from the
American Republic had so long maintained themselves
under a separate and established Government, and given
such proof of their determination and ability to support
their independence, that the propriety of offering me-
diation with the view of terminating hostilities between the
contending parties was worthy of the serious and imme-
diate attention of the Government. He understood, then,
that mediation with a view to recognition, was the policy
put forward in the resolution, and that policy could
only be founded upon a belief in the facts therein
stated. These facts were undisputed and indisputable,
and he contended from historical precedent, fortified
by the opinions of the most eminent jurists, that the recog-
nition of a state in the position of the Southern Confederacy
was perfectly compatible with neutrality, and that no power
had ever asserted that doctrine more earnestly and empha-
tically than the United States themselves.
Mr. GREG 011 Y reminded the house of Earl Russell's
prophecy that thewar would be ended by separation in three
months, and regretted that the noble lord had not taken the
advice of the Premier, that public men should only pro-
phesy after the event. He attributed the prophecy to the
promises of Mr. Thurlow Weed. The North had always
promised to crush the rebellion in 90 days. While they
supposed that thee was a Union party in the South they
might hope to do so. But no one now believed in the
existence of such a party, and the war was now on the
Northern part raeely a war of vengeance. Humanity, on
behalf of our own people, as well as on behalf of the South,
demanded our utmost efforts to check the war. He gave
some important facts, showing the activity with which the
North had prosecuted the slave trade, and affirmed that
public opinion ix the South was strongly adverse to that
trade on groundsboth of humanity and of personal interest
and political expeliency. The reconstruction of the Union,
therefore, would tend to the confirmation of slavery. He
believed that if this country acted in conjunction with other
powers in offerins mediation, nothing would be heard of
war with the United States, and he was satisfied that if
some such course was not adopted the present conflict would
last for an indefixite period,
Mr. S. FITZGERALD moved the adjournment of the
debate.

Lord PALMERSTON did not think that postponement
would be attendel with any beneficial result, and added the
expression of his regret that Mr. Lindsay should have
thought it to be Hs duty to bring the subject under discus-
sion in the existing state of circumstances. There was not
a man in the country who did not desire that the conflict
should terminate, but he doubted if that object could be
promoted by a debate such as they had had that night. He
hoped the house would not agree to the motion, but leave
the matter to be dealt with by the Government, content as
the country was with the manner in which it had hitherto
been conducted. He did not dispute that, if England
thought right to do so, it would be perfectly justified in
acknowledging the independence of the Southern States,
provided only that that independence had been firmly and
permanently established ; he admitted also that the fact of
such acknowledgment would be no just cause of war on
the part of the Northern States as against this country.
But up to the present moment, whatever opinion might be
entertained of the spirit and determination of the South to
fight to the very last for the assertion of their independence.
practically the contest had not yet assumed such a charac-
ter as would justify the assumption that the independence
was permanently settled. He knew well the extent to
which our own population was suffering from the continu-
ance of the civil war; but any attempt to put an end to it
by violent interference would only produce still greater evil
and suffering. The Government would be too happy, if any
opportuaity presented itself that afforded a reasonable pro-
spect of any effort of theirs leading to the re-establishment
of peace ; but he thought the house had better leave them
to judge of the occasions as they arose and the opportunities
as they presented themselvee.
Mr. S. FITZGERALD said that this country would
be failing in its duty to its own Population if it did not
come forward and by means of peaceful mediation en•
deavour to put an end to this odious contest. The motion
meant that the Government should, in concert with our
allies, express to the United States their conviction that it
was impossible there could be any other issue to the war
than the separation of the North from the South, and
that they should enforce that conviction not by arms
but by the weight of reason and argument, and
then offer their mediation with a view to effecting
an amicable arrangement of the quarrel. If such
an offer were made to the United States in a
friendly and respectable tone, he was sure it would
produce great and useful results. He so entirely
agreed with the motion of Mr. Lindsay that, if the hon.
member went to a division he should
give him his support.
Mr. HOPWOOD appealed to the Government in the
name of justice and humanity to take action in the
matter..
Mr. LINDSAY then expressed himself satisfied with tho
discussion o far as it had gone, and amid loud cries of
}a
" No," consented to withdraw
motion.
The motion was withdrawn accordingly, and the hour®
went into committee of supply pro forma.
The Parochial Assessments Bill and Charity Commis-
sioners Jurisdiction Bill were respectively read a third time
and passed.
Other bills were also forwarded a stage, after which the
house adjourned,