The Sun.
London, England, 1862-07-18 00:00:00

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THE SUN.
LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 18, 1862.

The last version of Mr. LINDSAY'S very important
motion for to-night is given as follows :—" That,
in the opinion of this House, the States which
have seceded from the Union of the republic of the
United States have so long maintained themselves
under a separate and established government, and
have given such proof of their .determination and
ability to support their independence, that the
propriety of offering mediation, with the view
,of
terminating hostilities between the contending
parties, is worthy of the serious and immediate
attention of her MAJESTY'S Government ; and that
this House will cordially support her MAJESTY in
any measures she may consider it expedient to
adopt, in concert with other Powers, to put an end
to the civil war in America." It will be seen that
the resolution now leaves the question open—what
sba.ll be the object of the mediation ? The differ-
ence in the new version of the motion is that it,
does not specify
worthy of "recognition" of the South as
at forcible consideration, and does not almost hint
intervention by the addition of an alter-
native "otherwise"
to mediation.

We have little doubt the reply of the Go-
vernment will be. To do nothing is not only the
easiest course, but may also be the best one ; and
such plenty of argument
may
be found on its favour,
that it is little likely Government would I
desert such well protected official entrenchments.
That we ought not to meddle With, the internal
strifes of other nations, is a doctrine England has
so long maintained that she would have it thrown
in her teeth at once were she to intervene by force,
and we think justly so. The mediation is reduced
diplomacy—to one in which we
therefore, to one of di
must not hint, a threat which
Nye are even to think
of following up by a war to enforce our views. All
is to be amiable, pacific, and benevolent. Is such
a mediation possible ?
It seems to us, we confess, impractica
• ble. Unless
the European Powers are prepared to unite to say
that this war shall cease, it will not cease. No
object can the mediators propose but that of separa-
tion into two Governments. The South will bear
of nothing less—the North will never consent to it
unless coerced by the courage and ability of the
South, or by an overwhelming combination of other
Powers. Now we hold, as we have before done,
that the moral right of France and England ie, re-
open the cotton trade on behalf of their starving
citizens is strong enough to override the technical
and artificial right of Americans to stop the trade
and'starve us. We should not feel the least
scruple on that ground ; but would mcdialion
on such a basis as recognition of the South, evun if
backed by all the Powers of Europe, be succesuful.
We believe that the insatiable
ambition of the
North, with its long-cherished " manifest destiny"
notions, would render it futile. Thus, look at it
.which way we will, there seems to us to be but one
point really needing decision that is, are we pre-
pared to reopen the Southern cotton trade by
force, should that be necessary. It We are not, we

may as well leave things as they are. The Yankees
would snap their fingers at even a unanimous re-
presentation of all the Five Great Powers of
Europe, and think themselves brave fellows for
doing it. We are by no means sure that they
would not declare war against them all with plea-
sure; their bitterness being really directed against
the mother country only.
We have, however, every reason to believe that
such madness would be of very short duration, and
the probability is that a universal European
acknowledgment of the claim of the South to in-
dependence would dispose all the cool-headed men
of the North to embrace the opportunity of with-
drawal from a struggle in which the North seems
so likely to be foiled. Let the resolution, there-
fore, be expressed as it may, the real question is
that of recognising the South, with all the conse-
quences likely to follow. A contemporary tells us
that we have an easy way out of our own great
difficulty. "If (he says) we were to put a differen-
tial duty of 6d. a pound on American cotton, and
help on our cotton industry, until India, thus
stimulated and guaranteed, had produced her
stores, that would be our ultimate possibi-
lity of loss." We might in this way spend
a few millions, and look quietly on while America
was retiring to jungle. We wonder that the one
insuperable objection did not occur to our contem-
porary. We have often wished we could give a
guarantee to India such as would call forth her best
efforts by laying a heavy duty on slave grown
cotton—but unless we could get all the manufac-
turing nations to do the same, should the civil war
subside and the American cotton trade be re-opened,
our neighbours would obtain their cotton on terms
which would enable them to distance us in any mar-
ket. They would obtain their supplies, indeed, all
the cheaper, in consequence of our refusal. As
things stand, hopeless as it would be to think of
bringing France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Spain
into a treaty to lay a ten years' heavy duty on slave
grown cotton, it would yet probably be for their
ultimate advantage as well as ours. They all want,
as well as we, to create varied sources of supply,
and not to be henceforth dependent, any more than
ourselves, on America alone. Were such a treaty
possible, and were it coupled with the exclusion of
the produce of American looms from overy European
and colonial market, we might leave the combatants
to fight out their quarrel with perfect indifference.

Again—Where are the Police ? A member of
Parliament is on his way from the House of Com-
mons to the Reform Club, when, at one o'clock on
Monday night, or more strictly speaking on Tues-
day morning, he is brutally struck down in one
of the most public places in all London or West-
minster. A very few years ago the terrors of
Burglary and Garrotting frightened the capital
from its propriety from Bow to Hammersmith, from
Highgate to Norwood. The West-end generally,
but more particularly the ill-starred neighbourhood
of Notting-hill, became for a while the scene of
these disgraceful outrages. Insomuch that towards
the close of the period still borne in painful remem-
brance by many as the time of the burglars and
garrotters, one of those preposterous pieces of ex-
travagance, the farces generically known as "Adelphi
Screamers," enabled all the unscathed Londoners,
who had survived the epoch of danger just then
coming to its close, to laugh at the recollection of
the panic it had not unnaturally given rise to in
many a suburban household. To laugh at the
remembrance of that panic as then and there de-
picted by two of the drollest of our low comedians,
in a fugitive piece, entitled " A Night at Notting.
hill." The burglars, then driving for a while
a roaring trade here in the metropolis, have
since that favoured period flitted away (after the
fashion of Mr. SYKES, when London became too hot
for him) to distances more or less remote in the pro-
vinces. Only occasionally obliging the inhabitants
of the capital every now and then at uncertain in-
tervals with their nocturnal attractions. As to the
garrotters, they unhappily have remained all along
rather more faithful to their principal scene of
action. Not but what several of the country towns
have had the honour of casual visits from some of
the more adventerous and nomadic professors of the
dreadful art. In the metropolis especially, however,
the system of garrotting has flourished all this long
while almost unremittingly. The police cases have,
it is true, demonstrated the fact varyingly—but with
the maintenance of a frightful average. Sometimes
for a very brief interval, indeed, the crime has
seemed to lapse out of view altogether; only to crop
up again, however, in more miserable abundance.
And between whiles, when there were apparently
no distinct cases of garrotting—not a doubt
but that many a prostrate man picked up by the
police towards the small hours in a state of insen-
sibility, owed his condition to the attentions of some
vanished garotter, rather than to those convivial
influences which induced Mr. BEN ALLEN to knock
double knocks at the gate of the Borough-market
under the mistaken idea that he was on his own
doorstep.

Flagrant, however,. though the conduct
of these ruffianly garrotters has but too often been
before now in various parts of the metropolis, end
at different times since their cruel system of rob-
bery by all but assassination, came into vogue—we
do not remember any instance that has yet been
related in which there has been manifested a more
audacious defiance of detection than in this very last
instance, in which the victim of the assault is a
member of Parliament. Mr. PILKINGTON'S
treatment by the garrotters has been de-
scribed both by Lord HENRY LENNOX
in the House of Commons and by Mr. PILKING-
TON himself out of it. Both accounts being
wonderfully minute and circumstantial. The noble
lord's account of the occurrence, as given viva voce
to the house last evening, ran as follows :—" On
Thursday morning last, at one o'clock," said Lord
HENRY LENNOX, " the hon. member for Blackburn,
•r
having been performing his duties at the house;
proceeded on foot to hii hotel. On reaching
Waterloo-place, near the Guards' Monument, he
was assaulted, but by whom he had no recol-
lection. The attack was so sadden that he
neither saw
feeling the blow. In a state of partial in-
sensibility he crawled to his hotel, when it
was found
that serious personal injuries had been
upon him,
*contusions on the head, and
suspicious sensation
c inflictedut; the
there
'" Ills jawbone had been much
a very
medical men too clearly the nature of the round the throat showed
the
gar-
rotting
instrument that had been
member of that House on his Way home through
one of the most crowded thoroughfares of the me-
tropolis."ro which particulars we would add that
r found to be minus
the hon. member wa,,his watch
arrival at home, his
when, upon his pockets came
of the t
to be examined. His own account ransac.
ti" is given by us in another part of our itnpres..
Eion, where the outrage is described at more length.
From all which it will manifest how daring was
r •
the assault made upon the Member for Blackburn,
whether regard be had to the time or to the place
selected for its perpetration. It is idle, of course,
to argue that nothing could have been done to
prevent the risk of such an occurrence. For the
case of Mr. P
- ILKINGTON is not, in itself, t3.3r any
means an exceptional case, beyond the mere