The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-20 00:00:00

DEMAPK 4:ND GERMAN Y.

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memorandum, which were both presented to M. de
Hall at the same time, namely, Aug. 27.
In the note addressed to M. de Guaade, Danish
envoy at Berlin, M. de Hall, after having pointed
to the appendix for a true explanation of the nigo-
ciations of 1851 and 1852, asks what it is that the
Prussian note requires of the King of Denmark.
Nothing less than that he should abolish the exist-
ing constitution, and give a new one such as Ger-
many should dictate. And this not only for Hol-
stein and Lauenburg, where the sovereignty of
the King is limited by the Diet of the Confe-
deration (and even here eta Diet extended its
r....a.--7 1.,..-I no ..aarria him_
than he agreed to, when of his own free will he en-
tered this "international confederation of sovereign
princes"), but also for the kingdom and Schleswig,
that have no connection whatever with Germany.
Bot when and where has Denmark then renounced
its rights as an independent state, and where and
when has Germany acquired the right to prevent
the enjoyment of civil order in the Danish mon-
archy ?

In 1823 the Prussian government itself declared
that "the Confederation was excluded from inter-
fering in the government of Schleswig, as this
duchy does not form one of the confederate states
(Bundelslande), and is therefore beyond the influ-
ence of the Diet." Dropping for a moment the ques-
tion of rights of interference, we ask what sort of
arrangement it is to which the note of August 22
wishes to force us. The experience of other coun-
tries show us that it is often difficult enough for a
Government to get a budget voted by an assembly
that represents the whole state. Who can, then,
believe in the possibility of a constitution, accord-
ing to which the means necessary for conducting
the government of the state could only be procured
by the corresponding votes and resolutions of four
mutually independent assemblies, of which each re-
presents a separate province. The first result of
such an arrangement for any state, but doubly for
the Danish monarchy under the present circum-
stances, would be anarchy, and the last unavoidable
consequence would be dissolution.
is M. de Hall next shows that the suppositions on
which the "declaration of the King's intentions"
in 1851-52 was based have proved fallacious.
Instead of accepting a common constitution,
'` the correctness of which, according to the laws
of the Confederation," has been acknowledged
by th@ Diet, the Holstein Estates have formally
declared that " the independence of the separate
provinces which form parts of the Danish monarchy
will not admit of the organisation of a representa-
tion in common ;" and the Estates have thus before-
hand condemned every attempt to rejoin the parts
that have been torn from each other. Instead of
trying to show that t)e Prussian Government has
far exceeded its competence, M. de Hall will only
ask if it is not the acknowledged and common goal
of all, the different German governments to create
of the confederation one greater and stronger unity.
There may be different ideas as to the way and the
means by which to reach this end ; but the closer
the tie is drawn between the German States the
more impossible it will be that any of these
should remain in close and cordial constitu-
tional connection with a State that enjoys a
constitutional life altogether independent of
'Germany. This acknowledgment will prove
that we have no hostile feelings towards Germany,
but on the contrary take an unprejudiced view of the
real state of things and the historical development.
In consequence of the altered state of affairs the
Danish Government would have been justified in fol-
lowing the path shown it by the Austrian note of
Dec. 26, 1851, namely, to describe to the Confede-
ration the reasons that could induce it to follow an-
other course in order to gain the end, But the Danish
Government tried as long as possible to retain Hol- ,
stein's constitutional connection with the rest of the
monarchy, and even after the abolition thereof, in
conformity with the decrees of the Diet, the hope
was retained that it might be re-established at some
future period.
New decrees of the Diet are now before us.
This time they claim that every bill laid before
the Rigsraad should also.be laid before the Estates
of Holstein and Lauenburg, and that no law
regarding common affairs, specially in financial mat-
ters, must be put in force without the sanction of the
Estates.

A new path is hereby opened by which to reach
ui
a final arrangement, not chosen by the Danish Go-
seot i Diet.
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that it has not been allowed to
continue in the course, by which it intended to effect
a closer connection between the different parts of
the monarchy, the Danish Government, yielding to
croemreosnen affairstatiofor n
together
with the
necessity, declares itself ready to comply with this
demand, at the same time trying to secure this new
arrangement a better fate than the former, by de-
siring to know Germany's wishes regarding such a
co-operation of the Estates with the Rigsraad before
letting it come into force.
The Danish Government could understand that
there might be objections to specialities of the new
arrangement, and declares itself ready to meet the
wishes of the Prussian Government, and to give the
German Duchies all that the German Confederation
with right or reason, might demand. This only the
Danish Government must insist upon, as it is its
undeniable duty to do, that the autonomy of Hol-
stein must not bring the dependence of the Danish
monarchy with it.
The note to the Danish envoy at Vienna, General
de Bulow, is held in a tone of the utmost good-will
towards the Austrian Government, and ends thus:
—" Although the Danish Government thus is unable
to follow advice which has been given it, it is fully
convinced that this advice has sprung from the bene-
volent interest which the Austrian Government has
always proved it felt for the integrity and happy
development of the Danish monarchy. And just
this interest gives me the Lope that Count Rechberg
will appreciate the significance of my above state-
ments, which undoubtedly will be put in a
still clearer light by comparison with similar rela-
tions elsewhere, than my short observations are
able to?'

The memorandum that follows as an appendix to
both notes contains a very long and very clear de-
scription of the negotiations in 1851-52, and proves
clearly, by the Prussian and Austrian documents of
that time, especially the Austrian dispatch of Dec.
26, 1851, that what are now called the promises and
obligations of the King of Denmark, at that .time
were called, " his Majesty the King declares I
intention to," &c. The memorandum concludes
t his

thus
" When the result of this inquiry into the nego-
tiations of 1851-52 is compared with the demands
of both the German powers, the conclusions are
" 1. The common constitution was, in conformity
v'rith an intention declared. to both powers in 1851-52,
'established by Royal command (exercise of the
'loyal free power) in the same way for all parts of