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London, England, 1862-11-01 00:00:00

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THE SUN.
LONDON, SATURDAY, NOV. 1, 1862.

The Persia brings us more information of poli•

tical than of military fighting ; though, as
.is too

often the ease, military appointments, and

therefore military measures and successes are

influenced by political considerations. The

right man for the right place is interpreted in
America, with the qualification, if he be right poli-
tically. We do not affirm that such considerations

are forgotten in England, rarely indeed however,

we imagine, in the exigencies of actual service. A
Radical NAPIER could be as safely sent to suppress
a Chartist insurrection, and could serve as willingly
under the Tory Lord ELLENBOROTIGII in India, as
the veriest old Tory General in the army. We

have no doubt that such is also the spirit of trained

soldiers in America. M'CLELLAN, being a Demo-
crat, is unpopular with the dominant or republican
party—being in a position to achieve for himself a
high position, if successful, he is viewed with
jealousy by the Secretary for War, as a probably
dangerous rival in a contest for the Presidency, and
therefore we find meetings of Republicans de-
manding the recalling of M'CLELAN, and Mr.
STANTON threatening to withdraw from the Cabinet
if IVPCLELLAN be not removed. Worse, indeed,
than this—the charge against Mr. STANTON has
never been disproved that he intentionally withheld
reinforcements from M'CLELLAN, and certainly hin-
dered M'DowELL from co-operating with him when
the former was before Richmond.
At the present moment the State elections are in
progress, and the conflict is very warm and very
important. The PRESIDENT was elected solely in
consequence of a split in the great Democratic
party, which the Convention at Charleston for se-
lecting a candidate, rendered incurable. Will being
in opposition re-unite the party ? If it does, they
will run the Republicans very hard, and, perhaps,
beat them. And if they beat them at these State
elections, they will beat them also at the elections
for Congress, at least this is the usual and natural
result. The consequence would be, not as here, the
resignation of the Ministry, much less of the PRE-
SIDENT—for the Administration of America is, to a
great extent, independent of Congress, and its mem-
bers do not sit in it—the consequence would be
that Congress would not pass the measures recom-
mended by Mr. LINCOLN. The recent emancipa-
tion Proclamation, as it is often called, though it
little deserves that name, is necessarily a condi-
tional measure. Congress must give Mr. LINCOLN
the requisite powers, though, if he wanted them
without its sanction, he would probably, regard-
ing it as a military measure, assume that
it fell within his ,province, as Commander-in-
Chief of the army. His proposals are, however, to
be laid before Congress, and on its assent will
doubtless depend their being carried out or not.
The present political battle is, therefore, serious
indeed.
It is to decide the question whether the
North will abolish slavery, so far as the Northern
States undoaga.t it, where the States remain in rebel-
lion
the Union. The Democratic party
fight for''s the
Union as it was," the Republican
party tae as their motto, " The Union at any cost."
The Democratic ,
been doing his beet'e hitherto
for what Mr. LINCOLN has
to attain. He has re-
solutely, till this last
*Lore set his face against all
proposals to convert forcibly the Slave States into
Free States. He has shown
great fear of the black
population being left free o
he hands of the
American people, ample room as
there is to employ
them profitably as free labourers;
leris:
:: thdeonfessedly
be was coerced by his party to
Imitable
proclamation which proposes to reward •
loyal
penitent slaveholding States with the blessing and
boon of continued slavery, and to punish Er and
disloyal
States with the curse of emancipation. Yet even this
milk and water proclamation was fat too much for
the Democratic or pro-slavery party; many also
among the Republicans are either opposed to it or
doubtful of its policy, and probably if party were
completely ignored, Mr. liNCOL N would find him-
self in a decided minority. It is hardly likely
however, that this will be the case. vrhat We anti-
cipate is that the general feeling will be to support
the responsible PRESIDENT. To this will be
added
exasperation with Southern successes, and a deter-
mination to avenge t item in the only way now open

to the North, that of laying its hand on the guilty
cause of Southern rebellion.

For the present probably the North will have so
much to do in attending to its elections that it will
half forget military matters. If this result in leav-
ing the' generals more unfettered, so much the
better; but there will probably be danger of the
cabinet also neglecting its war duties in attention to
elections. Whether this at all accounts for M'CLEL
LAN's complaining that he is unable to advance be-
cause his troops are in want of shoes and other
necessaries," we cannot tell. We only note the
concurrence of the two things, and suggest that the
concurrence is probably not fortuitous. Perhaps
the South will not, however, permit this inactivity.
LEE and STONEWALL JACKSON may think it good
policy to be active militarily, while the North is
busy politically. Or, they may take just the other
view, and think it wiser not to do anything
which should irritate the North into a
unanimous support of the PRESIDENT'S policy. We
shall not know yet for some weeks how this great
political battle, on which so much of the conduct of
the war hinges, will bo decided. And with such
an impulsive and versatile people, to hazard any
opinion on the result would be absurd. How nearly
parties are balanced may be seen in the statement
that even in Pennsylvania, where the South has re-
cently taken such liberties with public property,
although many counties have voted, the result is yet
uncertain.

Our readers will see that the hotly Protectionist
member for West Norfolk has been to visit the
Marshland deluge, and at an agricultural meeting
near Lynn let forth a deluge of his oratory on the
assembled farmers,:respecting America,North,South,
slavery, abolition, but above all, Democracy. It is
amusing to see the Protectionist telling his audience,
incapable of contradicting him, that abolition of
slavery in the West Indies deteriorated the condi-
tion of the slave ! Was there no one to set against
his ignorance the knowledge of the Governor of
Jamaica, who in a recent despatch tells us that as
regards the improvement of the negro, emancipa-
tion has been a complete success, beyond all that
its most ardent advocates could have expected ?
The same genius imforms that we abolished protec-
tion on sugar, and equalised the duties that we
might get the advantage of slave grown sugar.
Does he not know that we found it impossible to
exclude slave grown sugar ? that if we would not
take it direct, it came to us indirectly, and that its
origin could not be proved. It was the abolition of the
protection which galled Mr. BENTINCK and the
glorious fifty,—those immortalised as the cannon
balls which could be neither forged, nor melted, nor
even used to mend roads. The Synth, Mr. BEN-
TINCK says, are fighting for liberty. Indeed !
Then it must be the liberty to flog, work, buy, sell,
and breed for sale, four millions of their fellow-
creatures at their absolnte will and pleasure. The
North, it is too true, has not yet been fighting
against slavery, but it is equally true that the
South is fighting for'the power to treat negroes like
cattle, and for nothing else. Had there been no
slavery the " sectional" election could never have
taken place. Had there been no slavery the oligarchy
who were beaten at the ballot-box would not
have existed. Mr. BENTINCK ought to know well
that oligarchy, not democracy, is responsible for this
war. The slaveholders are the Tories of America.
The mean whites are their serfs, while the blacks
are their slaves_ We strongly suspect that Mr.
BENTINCK, Mr. BERESFORD HOPE, and all their
Tory friends, are quite aware of this ; and what
they really desire is to recognise the Toryism of
America, black as its cause is, as the victors over
democratic freedom.

Murder upon murder The sailor's wife at Glas-
gow, JESSIE M'LACIILAN (found guilty and sen-
tenced to death for the brutal murder of her friend),
has only just been respited—when the London
sweep, SAMUEL GARDNER (found guilty and sen.
tenced to death for the brutal murder of his wife),
is strongly recommended to mercy. There is surely
something maudlin and morbid in this strange and
startling sympathy for criminals of the most atro-
cious character, now perpetually tending to inter-
rupt the course of justice. In each of these instances
the inquiry has been most calm, searching, and
deliberate. In each instance the guilt has been
brought home quite plainly to the accused—so
plainly that the jury have had no alternative but
distinctly to deliver in a verdict of Guilty, the judge
thereupon pronouncing sentence of death, and doing
so with the most emphatic expression of his coinci-
dence with the opinions of the jurymen, and with the
most positive declaration of his own absolute convic-
tion that the sentence of death was deserved. Yet,
in spite of Trial, of Verdict, of Doom—in defiance
of fact and reason—an unwholesome sympathy
has been evinced of late for the wretched creature,
in each instance convicted and condemned. We
hesitate in no way to write thus frankly in re-
gard to the guilt brought home to JESSIE
APLACHLAN and SAMUEL GARDNER, because we
take it for granted now, under the peculiar
circumstances attendant upon each case, that
neither JESSIE NPLACIILAN nor SAMUEL
GARDNER will die the death by the hands
of the common hangman. Astounding though
the double respite of the former undoubt-
edly appears to us—in the face of the evidence
brought forward against her, of the verdict pro-
nounced by the jury, and of the sentence deli-
vered in such unwonted terms by the judge be-
fore whom the miserable woman was tried—in-
comprehensible though the recommendation of the
sweep GARDNER to mercy, accompanying the very
verdict declaratory of his guilt, cannot also but
appear to us—there can be little doubt now that
both SAMUEL GARDNER and JESSIE M`LACII-
LAN will escape from having to pay the
extreme penalty of the law. Both of these
convicted murderers have protested in the most
positive and explicit manner—they still, to this
moment, protest in the most positive and explicit
manner—their innocence. Each of the two accuses
another of the crimes for which they have been
themselves respectively found guilty and sentenced!
SAMUEL GARDNER endeavours to fix the crime of
the murder of his unfortunate wife upon his own
adulterous paramour, ELIZABETII HUMBLER.
While JESSIE APLACHLAN distinctly charges an
old man eighty-seven years of age, Mr. JOHN
FLEMING, the father of her former master, with
the cruel and inhuman murder of her intimate
friend, JESSIE ikITHERSON. The latter acct.('
sation, it will be remembered, was made in a very
elaborate and also in a very unusual manner im-
mediately before the close of this cause celebre at
Glasgow. Directly after JESSIE ll'Lammax had
been found guilty by the jury, directly before the
judge pronounced sentence of death upon her in

consequence of that verdict, thee counselnof
for the prisoner read aloud, by permission
the Court, a long and carefully prepared
paper written by the prisoner—a paper written by
her during theprogress of the trial, that is, of course,
upon the occasion of her nightly return to her cell ;
a paper in which, aided by the facts brought to
light during the trial, JEssiE APLACHLAN told
an entirely new story of the whole transaction.
The argument of the defence been,throughout the
trial had
that she, the
accused, knew
nothing whatever about the crime which had been