The Sun.
London, England, 1862-03-24 00:00:00

flashed to us from Milan in respect to the GARI-
BALDI Banquet, there is one which relates, in a few
apt words, what was said at that banquet, in his
principal speech by General GARIBALDI—in refer-

ence, not however to the Italians, lut to other

European races, among the rest the Hungarians.

" He recalled," the telegram informs us,

" the num-

ber.of foreign martyrs for Italian freedom, and said
that it was the duty of Italy to be grateful to the
Hungarians, Poles, and other peoples." And then

the telegram adds that the gallant leader of the
Hungarian Phalanx in the little patriot army of
the Garibaldians to wit—General TURR," also made
a speech, in which he spoke of Italy, whose battles
were those of humanity." Now, likewise, in
connection with these incidents at the Milan
banquet to GARIBALDI, there comes flashing to us,
just about the same time through the metallic fibre
of the telegraphic cable, this very significant an-
nouncement :—" The Allianza publishes the pro-
gramme agreed upon between KoSSuTH, KLAPKA,
and TURR in reference to Hungary. The principal
points in this programme being—the establishment
of a constitutional kingdom with the exclusion of
the Hapsburg dynasty ; the civil equality of all the
inhabitants of Hungary, and an offensive and de-
fensive alliance between Hungary, Servia, Groatia,
and Roumelia." And, further, we note in the number
of Galignani but just come to hand, that " The Tri-
buno of Turin states that KOSSUTH, KLAPSA,MIROS-
LAwsRI, HAUG, and other chiefs of the Democratic
party of Europe, now at Turin, have had several
long interviews with General GARIBALDI." These
interviews of course having immediately preceded
the hastening on of GARIBALDI:from Turin to Milan,
and the outburst of the impassioned demonstra-
tion at the latter city, particularly at the grand
banquet just alluded to. Now, front incidents like
these, occurring as they do about the same time, any
one, as:the phrase is,with half an eye, can recognise
pretty clearly what is meant. And when the
watchwords greeting GARIBALDI's appearance in
Milan are, significantly enough, the names simply of
Rome ! and Venice ! everyone can perceive at a
glance which way things are tending now for the
Italian people—in spite of the French EMPEROR,
in spite of the new Minister nominated by him, in
defiance of every obstacle, visible and invisible,
—at the simple appearance, not at the bidding,
not at the dictate, but at the simple appear-
ance of General GARIBALDI ! And when the
names of Venice! and Rome ! greet the Patriot
Soldier of Italy, in the midst of these impassioned
demonstrations of the Milanese, it is not observable
in any way that GARIBALDI repressed for one
moment the ardour of his hosts—he, in another
sense, a host in himself, and they his impetuous and
devoted followers ! On the contrary, by his every
word and look the Italian Liberator indicates that
the Milanese, in articulating these two names,
are merely giving utterance to the thoughts upper.
most in his own heart !

It is observed now again, however, by those
cynical depreciators of the Italian movement,
who have accorded to it from the first but
a sort of left-handed sympathy, that in talk-
ing for an instant seriously just now of the
completion without further delay of the
Unification of Italy, GARIBALDI is talking of little
better than of a crack-brained and a just simply
impossible enterprise. Does it not occur to any
one upon the instant, however, that when the
Times comments in this way upon what, according
to them, ought to be regarded merely as the insane
folly of GARIBALDI thus turning his attention for one
moment seriously towards either Rome or Venice
—that the same depreciatory, almost derisive re-
marks, were made, not so very long ago, about the
exploits then meditated by the same great Adven-
turer in respect to the liberation, first of all of Sicily
and the Sicilians, afterwards of Naples and the
Neapolitans? Yet we all know pretty well how
that enterprise was carried out—GARIBALDI chival-
rously and audaciously setting everything, his
life, his reputation, the darling hopes and
aspirations of all Italy, boldly and frankly, in
spite of all these sneers of depreciation, upon the
hazard of a die! Again, when our contemporary
refers to the facility with which GARIBALDI'S
Defence of Rome was closed—(notwithstanding pro-
digies of valour performed by the great Italian
Soldier)—and this simply by means of " a very
moderate French army"—there seems to be a curi-
ous forgetfulness of the " time" which really elapsed
during which the serried ranks of Republican
France, under the banners of OuDINOT, were vainly
hammering at the gates of Rome : while GARIBALDI
remained there at bay, until, by the sheer lapse of
" time" his position became at length desperate. Of
this at any rate we may rest perfectly well satis-
fied, namely, that in what he is now saying and
doing GARIBALDI knows perfectly well what he is
about. He is evidently conscious among
other things
not
things
not unworthy of being held seriously just now in his
consideration, he is quite manifestly conscious of
the immense advantage it would be to the cause of
Italy, if (as is now imminently possible), there
should spring forth simultaneously with the next,
and we may be tolerably certain the final, rising of
the Italians—a magnificent " diversion" becomes
visible in the shape of a new Revolution of the
Hungarians. The one simple truth just now in
regard to Italy is this—that her Wheel of Fortune,
not so very long since rolling on smoothly and
majestically to the great Goal of her Unifi-
cation, has by this time gradually got
hampered and rigorously bound by the tortuous
policy of the French EMPEROR, a policy, at length
there woven, in its intricate involutions, into a
very Gordian Knot. That Gordian Knot of the
Italian policy of NAPOLEON 111., the skilled mani-
pulation of it by CA*OUR and RICASOLI successively
failed to untie. The time has at length arrived
when GARIBALDI, and others with him, not un-
naturally deem it possible that a well-timed sweep
of his daring sword may sever it !

The English friends of the South, and enemies
of " Abolition," are endeavouring to lessen to the
utmost the signification of the startling Message
of President LINCOLN. It is indeed easy enough
on this side the water to prove that his sugges-
tion " will not work." Possibly it will not. It
may not even be accepted by Congress. The
Border States, some or all of them, may be slow
to accept it ; yet, after all, it will remain a unique
fact in American history, It is now irrevocably
recorded that an American President has proposed
the abolition of slavery. Not indeed by force—
not in violation of the " sovereign rights" of the
States—but nevertheless, to use his own phrase,
ha has "initiated" emancipation.

We have but to look back just a year ago, to re-
member Mr. LINCOLN'S inauguration, to recal the
e°lllPr"liees then proposed in Congress, and his own
strong lettninze t°
some concessions which might
avert anything like civil war, in order to see how all
7aggested then, what ho sug-
gests now, the North
He would have
North-West would have
denounced him as an
abolitionist.and have
broken with his own supporters,
brought down on his head a hurricane
as well as Southern wrath. But ay of Northern
ex has elapsed
a
and we find the elect of the North
Pr°P- 6sing both
to it and to the Border States to liberate, by that
co-operation, the slaves of the latter I. He is do ing