The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-11 00:00:00

THE AMERICAN BLOCKADE.

The Earl of MALMESBURY—I have given notice to
the noble earl that I would put a question to him respect-
ing the papers which he proposed the other night to lay
upon the table. In asking whether among those papers we
shall find any accounts from the admiral on the station, or
from our consuls at the various ports in America, as to the
exact state of the blockade of the Southern ports, the noble
earl may be sure I am not asking in any spirit of cavil at
the policy which he has pursued, and I am glad to add my
humble tribute of a2probation, and to say, what my noble
friend behind me said the other night, that I think the
noble earl has carried out that policy with great judgment,
and has fully maintained the honour and dignity of this
country. I am the more anxious not to be misunderstood
upon this point, because, in the strangest manner, my noble
friend near me (Earl Derby) has been misunderstood and
misrepresented by the leading journal, both to. day and on
a previous day; and although my noble friend gave that
journal an opportunity of retracing its steps by explaining
what he meant in his speech the other night as to the ques-
tion of the blockade of American ports, yet this morning
there is an article warning the public against the advice
given by my noble friend upon that occasion. My noble
friend never used a single expression that could be con-
strued into a desire to press upon the public mind the de-
sirability of breaking the blockade. (Hear.) Nor would I
do so, for it would be inconsistent with what I conceive to be
true policy to say one word to induce the Government to
take that course one moment before they thought that it
should be taken. It must be a question of time and judg-
ment with the Government, and therefore I wish to repeat
that no person on this side of the house are pressing the
Government to pursue any other line of conduct than that
which they seem now to be pursuing. But I wish to know
what are the real facts, and what is exactly the state of the
blockade. Possibly there may be a great deal of exaggera-
tion in the statements we hear, but I have been told—for I
have not the honour of knowing the gentleman—that Mr.
Mason, who, as we are all aware, has recently come over
here to represent the Southern States, openly declares that
uo less than 600 or 700 ships have broken the blockade and
passed in and out of the Southern ports. It is desirable
therefore that Parliament and the country should be pro •
porgy prepared to form some judgment upon the matter. As
I said, it is a question of time and judgment for the Govern-
ment, knowing the facts, when they shall feel called upon
to vindicate international law. I am aware that under the
particular circumstances of the case, and seeing what events
might soon follow, perhaps putting an end to the struggle
altogether, it would be impolitic to hasten our steps with
regard to the blockade, bat still we should know the real
facts. It is evidently impossible, after a certain time,
when the opinions of all the great Powers of Europe has
been strongly pronounced, speaking of the blockade as not
legal according to international law, and after the state-
ment of Mr. Mason, if true—it will be impossible for the
whole world to continue to suffer the inconvenienee which
the present state of things exposes them to. I would ask
the noble earl whether among the papers we shall have an
exact account of the state of the blackade as given by the
admiral and our consuls. Now, a great deal has been said
about the Declaration of 1856. I am sorry that Lord
Clarendon is not present, as I do not like to speak upon a
subject of this nature in the absence of the person who I
believe originated the Declaration, but it may be remera •
tiered that at the time I expressed my opinion as to the
policy of that Declaration. I think, too, that if we were to
look back to the debates of that period we should find that
the noble rarl, now Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
in some degree at least coincided with me. I did not
believe that any article of that Declaration would be carried
cut when a great war takes place. I warned the country
that although it was extremely creditable to the Christian
feeling and philanthropy of the noble earl who originated
that Declaration, yet we could not rely upon its being ad-
hered to in time of war. I did not think you could lay
down that strict rule of blockades, and now we find that it
is a wise policy not to enforce that part of the Declaration.
Neither do I believe you carry out the declaration as far as
rt. relates to privateers. I do not think that a great mari-
timetl,Me country should be bound by such a declaration ; but
at all events I am certain that in al great sr ar circumstances
would be too strong for
pan adherenceg to it.
France were
Supposing that
the two great
at war, and the eventse owers of England ancl.
happen again, that the which have before occurred were to
portion of the French English fleets destroyed the greater
in their ports, warcould it and blockaded the re-
mainderbren,ghtutido
bay,it be believed that that war-
like people, being
to the law of self-pro:ervatien would not have recourse
imarandad opt other means to
drive away the hostile fleets their coasts? The only
means would be to issue letters of marque all over the
world, to prey upon our commerce and
compel
angealiuns to with-
draw our ships to protect our trade.
Ihow far we can rely upon the principle of arbit;awtieon ionw
eluded in the Declaration of 1856. We know that in 1859 we
tried that principle—to prevent war by intermediation. I

had the honour to be in office at that time, in the Govern-
ment of my noble friend, and I know that principle was con-
stantly appealed to by the great, rowers, but httmatt pas-
sions Were too kid.* and Austrians and Italians Were too
angrY to iihten to mediators. I mention these things because
I think it is well to bear them in mind at the present time,
Before I sit down I will take this opportunity of asking the
noble earl another question, of which I hate given him
notice—vit, whether he hag rebeiteli tth infoituation re-
specting the aOataihation at lisa of an BngliSh gentleman
named Dr. MTaithy, Who appears to hai'e bed:l stabbed in
his own house by an Italian hortbri the iniirticier iiiak7ng
his escapa throtigh the alleged gross negligence and indif-
ferente of the police authorities.

Earl RUSSELL—In the first plabb, I flatted Say that her
Majesty's doi7eitinefit are fully sensible of the support
which was given them by the noble earl opposite, who spoke
on the first night of the session in regard to the conduct they
have pursued iii relatiott to the United States, It certainly
elects great additional weight to the course taken by
this country when all political parties agree in supporting
the line adopted by the Government—(he ir, hear)—and the
British nation must derive great confidence from a know-
ledge of that fact. Nothing could he more fair end etthata
than the course followed on Th ursday night by the noble earl.
As to this question of the blockade, it is as the noble earl says,
one of very great importance and I will not presume to enter
at this moment into so grave a discussion. I gave orders
early in the contest that Admiral Milne should furnish her
Majesty's Government with every information in his power,
and I also sent to our consuls at the different ports with a
view to obtain every information from them. When the
blockade was first mentioned to me by Mr. Adams, I stated
to him the difficulty which the United States' Government
would experience in maintaining a blockade over 3,000
miles of coast. Mr. Adams's reply was, that there were but
seven ports which could admit large vessels, and that there-
fore the difficulty vas not tea great as it at first sight ap-
peared. With respect to the allegation that a very large
number of vessels have eluded the blockade, I asked Mr.
Mason myself what was the tonnage of those vessels to
which reference was made, and to that question he was un-
able to give me an answer. But the noble earl will see that
that is a matter of very great importance, because those
seven ports are connected by numerous creeks with other
and minor ports, and small vessels run in and out of those
creeks, carrying small cargoes. Before the meeting of Par-
liament I desired that various papers should be collected
together. That has now been d•ne, the papers have been
printed, and they will very shortly be delivered to your
lordships by her Majesty's command. Without, then,
pronouncing any judgment on this question, I must
repeat that it is one of the utmost importance.
(Hear, hear.) On the one hand, if we said that any-
thing that was called .a blockade, however ineffective,
should be held to be a legal blockade—or, on the other
hand, if we were to incur the danger of a dispute with the
United States without having the clearest and strongest
ground fcr it—in either case a great evil would be produced.
I therefore trust that your lordships will reserve your judg-
ment until you see all the evidence. (Hear, hear.) The
noble earl has asked me a question with respect to the dread-
ful milder which took place at Pisa. The British residents
in Tuscany have made a representation as to the negl.gence
of the authorities and the inadequacy of the means of de-
tecting and punishing crime in Pisa. That representation
was sent to Turin, to the Prime Minister, Baron Ricasoli,
who promised to take it into consideration, with a view to
devising such measures as may render the police more effec-
tive in that district. With respect to the arrest of the as-
sassin and bringing him to justice, the report made by the
Consul is, that the first proceedings have been more speedy
than is usual in that country. Bul it appears that these
porters are generally a very ill-disciplined and violent class
of men, that crime is rife among them, and that the
British residents in Florence have complained of the great
want of some regular tariff of charges by which disputes
might be prevented. This has been represented to the
authorities, and I trust that a better state of things will
before long be established in Pisa.
Earl GRANVILLE,—The other day the noble earl op-
posite (the Earl of Derby), referring to the declaration
adopted at the Conference of Paris in 1856 in relation to the
inviolability of enemy 's goods in neutral ships, said that that
declaration, although it had not been embodied in a treaty,
was still morally and honourably binding on all the Govern..
ments which had agreed to it. Now, that view of the mat-
ter is entirely the view which is taken by her Majesty's Go-
vernment; and I stated the other evening that in the event
of war that declaration would be fully binding on those
Powers which had assented to it, Now, the noble earl who
spoke last but one on this subject has expressed not only
his disapprobation of the declaration, but, what is a very dif-
ferent thing, his conviction that in the case of war her Ma-
jesty's Government would be induced to disregard its obliga-
tory nature. Now, I think that such a belief going forth
as the opinion of one of your lordships who has occupied
the position of Foreign Secretary in this country may ha‘ 6
such an injurious effect on the minds of foreign Powers that
I put it to the noble earl himself whether he will not now
modify what may have been the hasty expression which
escaped him.
The Earl of MALMESBUItY—What I intended to say
was, that supposing a great country like England or
France, after a desperate war, were driven to the last extre-
mity, I do not believe that either a warlike people like the
French, or a nation of the same spirit as our own, would be
restrained by the paper declaration made at Paris in 1856;
that the law of self-preservation would overrule all other
feelings, and that the nation would take any step which
they thought proper for saving themselves and the country
from the extreme danger and desperate condition in which
they might be placed.
_ _

Earl GRANVILLE—I was sorry to hear such observa-
tions from the noble earl, and I sincerely hope and trust
that this country will never be reduced to such an ex-
tremity as will lead her to disregard any obligation which
is morally and honourably binding upon her. (Hear, hear.)
Earl RUSSELL—I certainly have expressed the opinion
that I did not quite approve the declaration made at Paris,
but, at the same time, I said that once it had been entered
into it ought to be respected.
The discussion then dropped.
MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE CONSORT.

The Earl of DERBY—Is the noble earl opposite pre-
pared to give an answer to the question which I put to him
on Friday, as to whether the Government have come to ary
decision upon the course to be pursued with reference to the
proposed memorial to the late Prince Consort?

Earl GRANVILLE-4 have only to state that her Ma
jesty's Government gave no particular sanction to the pro-
posed memorial to the late Prince Consort, the project hav-
ing originated in the universal and spontaneous feeling
throughout the country that such a memorial should be
raised. The money for the purpose having been volun-
tarily contributed, the Government certainly would not now
be able to take any share in controlling the wishes of the
subscribers, and it would be quite out of their province so
to interfere. At the same time, many members of the Go-
vernment have individually given their sanction and con-
currence to the proceeding. I have myself been in com-
munication with the Lord Mayor on the subject, and he
authorised me to say that the Memorial Committee are
fully resolved, as soon as the sum of money which appears
to be sufficient for carrying out their object has been raised
—which is likely to be the case very silently—to request
her Majesty to state in what form most agreeable to
her own feelings the money so subscribed can be best a:,-
propriated ; and, although I have no authority for saying
it, I have reason to believe that if this application be made
to her Majesty she will not shr;nk from giving her views
on the subject. (Hear, hear.)
Their lordships then adjourned.