The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY

IMPE RIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS--YESTERDAY.
The LORD CiIA.NCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.
THE NEW EDUCATIONAL CODE.
Lord BELPER presented several petitions against the
new educational minute.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

On the motion of Lord REDESDALE, the following
bills were read a second time :—The Aberystwith and
Welch Coast Railway—Abingdon Railway (Capital)—
Bristol Water—British Plate Glass Company—Dover Re-
clamation—East London Water—Enniskillen and Bundoran
itailway—Falmouth Water—Great Southern and Western
and Limerick and Castleconnel Railways Hadfield
Chase (Level)—lnverness and Aberdeen Junction, and
Inverness and Ross-shire Railways Kent Water—
Leeds New GPs—Leeds Water—Londonderry and Cole-
raine Railway Newry and Armagh Railway
North British Insurance—Reading and Reading Union
Gas—Redditch Railway—Shard Bridge—Tyne General
Ferry—Ulster and Banbridge and Lisburn and Belfast
Rallway—United Kingdom Electric Telegraph Company
—Waterford and Limarick and Limerick and Ennis Rail-
way—Windermere District Gas—and Woolwich, Plum-
stead, acd Charlton Gas.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY.
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following bills were read a second time :—Barton-
upon-Trent Railways, Cardiff Borough and Llandaff and
Canton Markets, Edintuxgh Roads and Streets, Liverpool
Corporation Water, Metropolis Gas, and Nottingham
Water.

SAINT GILES-IN-THE-FIELDS DISUSED
BURIAL GROUND BILL.
On the motion for the second reading of this bill,
Mr. H. LEWIS moved as an amendment that it bo
read a second time that day six months. He contended
that the bill would interfere moat unjustly with the vested
interests of those persons who had purchased the right of
burial in the ground in question, and would hurt the reli-
gious feelings of persons who had relatives interred in it.
The promoters of the bill had ample notice of the present
amendment to the motion, and yet they had not intro-
duced any alteration in the bill to meet the objections that
were entertained. The effect of the bill would be to benefit
the rector of St. Giles• in-the-Fields at the expense of
the parishioners, and ho called on the house not to allow it
to proceed further.
Mr. COX seconded the amendment.
Mr. MASSEY said that the hon. member was quite in
error in respect to the bill, which contained an express pro-
vision prohibiting the rector from interfering with the old
burial ground, except to keep it in repair. The bill related
only to the unconsecrated portion of the ground, so far as
the rectory of the pariah was concerned. About six years
ago a private act of Parliament was passed, which enabled
the trustees of the parish to purchase ground
for burial purposes, and they were empowered to appro-
priate any portion of land not required for such an object
to building purposes. By that act certain rights were also
reserved to the pariah of St. Pancras, and compensation was
given to persons possessing private claims on the burial
ground, which was provided for by the present bill. In
fact, the only question to be considered was what
was to be done with the unconsecrated ground.
Clergymen had sustained much injustice by not
receiving any compensation for the loss of burial fees,
which they bore in dignified silence, although in some cases
they were in a state of actual penury. The effect of the
bill would be to give an income a £2OO a year to the rec-
tor of the parish, which would be reduced by £5O a year by
his having to keep the burial ground in repair, and he would
also have other obligations imposed on him under the pro-
visions of the bill.

Lord FERMOY contended that the rector of St. Giles
had no ground of complaint as he had not entered on his
living until 1857, and then took it subject to its liabilities.
He denied that there was any clause ia. the bill to compel
the rector to keep the burial ground in repair. He might
sweep away the graves altogether, or sell the ground, pro-
vided he surrounded it with a wall. He supported the
amendment and. appealed to Irish members, many of whose
countrymen were interred in St. Giles-in-the-Fields, to
oppose one bill.
!dr. DEEDES supported the bill.
After a few words from Mr. Cox against and from Mr.
iiinnaird in favour of the bill, the house divided—
For the second reading .. 142
Against it
Majority in favour of the second reading —lO3
ADMIRALTY AND WAR OFFICE.

Sir S. NORTHCOTE moved an address for a return of
the number of temporary, copying, or extra clerks employed
in any of the Departments of the Admiralty or in the War
Office, end of the sums paid for their services in each of the
last five years ; showing also any sums that may have been
paid by those offices for copying or other work done out of
the offipx and paid for by the job.
MAYNOOTH.

- Mr. WHALLEY asked for a return of the number of
persons who had completed their education at the Royal
College of Maynooth (Ireland) from the year 1845 to the
year 1861 inclusive; specifying their names, and, so far tts
was known to the authorities of the college, their des-
tination on leaving the college, the position now
occupied by them in the Roman Catholic Church,
and the place of their ministry ; also stating
whether any, and, if any, which of the three
Roman Catholic archbishops and the 24 bishops whose
names have appeared in the newspapers attached to
a pastoral letter, dated Dublin, Feast of St. Mark, 1861,
annexing to their signatures certain territorial titles, were
educated at Maynooth College, or are now officially con-
nected therewith as visitors, trustees, or otherwise.—The
return was ordered.
THE REVISED CODE.

Mr. WALPOLE gave notice that he would bring for-
wai the subject of the appropriation of the money granted
by the house for educational purposes, and move certainre-
solutions in reference thereto.
BRI FISH COLUMBIA.

Mr. CAIRD asked the Under Secretary of State for the
Colonies, whether he could confirm the reports which had
recently appeared regarding gold discoveries in British Co-
lumbia, and if he would lay upon the table any information
regarding that colony and its gold fields : Whether it was
the intention of Government to establish a regular postal
communication with British Columbia : And that any re-
cent information regarding the Australian gold fields be
laid upon the table.
Mr. C. FORTESCUE said that his right hon. friend
the Chancellor of the Exchequer would answer the second
question. With regard to the first question, very interest-
ing communications which had been received by the
Government would be laid on the table. The Governor
of British Columbia had reported most favourably
as to the gold-fields in that colony, but the great
difficulty to be contended with was the want of communi-
cation with the gold fields. However the governor was
applying all the money he could spare towards that ob-
ject. With respect to Australia the offi.9ial reports re-
ceived, which would be laid on the table, represented that
the yield of gold would in ail probability not only be as
prolific but as permanent as that of any other mineral.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, as
regarded postal communication with British Columbia, he
supposed it referred to a communication with San Fran•
cisco. He did not think that any satisfactory ground had
been made out for calling on the people of this country to
pay for such a communication, but he was glad to learn
hat a firm in the colony had adopted means for establish-
ing such communication.
' SALARIES, PENSIONS, &c.

Mr. WIIITE asked the Secretary to the Treasury, when
the return relating to salartes, pensions, &c. agreed to by
the house on the Ist of March last, would be laid upon the
table.

Ili'. F. PEEL said there had been some unavoidable
delay in procuring all the returns, but he hopel they would
be ready by the middle of next month.
~,,,TIia.MES EMBANKMENT COMMISSION.
-I"NNAIRD asked the First Commissioner of
Works if he would lay upon the table of the house a copy of
all earecBPondence between the Treasury, the Office of
Works and Bnildin and the Office of Woods, in reference
to the report of the Thames Embankment Commissioners,
and any bill to be 101111(10 or introduced on such report ?
Mr. COWPER said that he was not prepared to produce
the correspondence, which was departmental and referred
to a bill not before the Louse. lie did not think it would
be worth the cost of printing the same,
for the printing of
the house already amounted to £24,000 a-yettr.
COURTS IN IRELAND.
In reply to Mr. SeuLLy,
Sir
G. GREY said that there had been no official corn-
Inunication on the subject. The Lord Chancellor of Ire-
land had expressed his willingness to sit on the commis-
pion,i but it was thought that t would be better to follow
the course pursued in England, and exclude the Lord
Chancellor of Ireland from that commission,
TAXING OFFICERS IN IRELAND.

In reply to Mr. SCULLY,
Sir R. PEEL said it was the intention to retain for the
present a permanent Taxing Officer, but in the event of
future vacancy to inquire into the subject.
BASTARDY IN IRELAND.
Sir F. lIEYG Al E asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland
whether he intended to introduce a bill this session upon
the subject of bastardy in Ireland.
Sir R. PEEL said it was intended to bring in
to that of
a bill to
assimilate the law on the subject in Ireland
England.

WAYS AND MEANS.
On the bringing up of the report of ways and means,
of the EXCIIEQUER, i
The CHANCELLOR in reply
to Sir IL, -WILLOUGHBY, said he did not propose to make
ny financial statement until the close of the financial year,
which would be in about six weeks.
GLOUCESTER CITY WRIT.
Mr. 11. BERKELEY, in a very humorous speech
moved the following, and contended that Gloucester had
been dealt hardly with, considering the stolid indifference
displayed by the house to other boroughs equally corrupt :

" That Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant to the Clerk of the

Crown to make out a new writ for the electing of two citi-

zens to serve in this present Parliament for tr e city of
Gloucester, in the room of Philip Win. Price and Chas. J.
Monk, esquires, whose election has been determined to be

void."

Sir G. GREY said it was not the intoiktion of Govern-
ment to oppose the issue of a Writ for Uloaccster, nor that
which was to be moved that evening for the borcugh of
Wakefield. nut he must express his dissent froth the opi-

Mom of his hon. friend who ha,d advocated so strenuously
the claims of Gloucester; he must express his dissent from

he opinion that that constituency had been u.njustly treated

by this house, and he thought the house would hardly feel
that that was the case, having heard the terms, which he

should be sorry to repeat, in which his hon. friend had cha-

racterised the conduct of at least a third of the constituency.

He must say also that he could not agreed with him in that
sharp line of demarcation which his hon. friend drew be-
tween the 400 corrupt electors, ai he termed them, and
those who he asserted were perfectly pure. He believed
that where extensive corruption was found to prevail in any
borough—and no one could deny it was extensive where it
was admitted by the advocate himself that at least a third
was so corrupt as represented by his hon. friend—it was not
found that what were termed the respectable pDrtion of the

constituency won) really determined to time their utmost
effort to repress it. They might abstain from offering or
receiving bribes, but he believed that where corruption
existed to Bo great an extent it would be fuund not to have
been greatly discountenanced by those who had not them-
selves been directly corrupted. (Hear.) He was anxious
also to state that the course the Government took on this
oc zasion. was not dictated by an opinion that these boroughs
had been adequately punished for the gross corruption
proved to have prevailed in them at the general election in
1559. He must repeat what ho had said before on several

occasions, that if they were determined to place an effec-
tive check on bribery, the strict rule which had hitherto
prevailed with regard to disfranchisement ought to be
relaxed, and that where extensive corruption was
found to exist disfranchisement ought to be resorted

to more frequently—(hear, hear)—accompanied by the
transfer of the franchise to some place more fitted to exer-
cise it. Ile agreed with his hon. friend that the elective
franchise was highly to be valued, and that it was much
to the interest of a thriving city like Gloucester to be
represented in Parliament, but he must again assert that
whatever might be the rights of a constituency to return
members to Parliament, those rights might be forfeited by
an abuse of them. (Hear, hear.) There might be cases in
which the house would not go entirely to disfranchisement,

owing to the number of electors who had not participation
in the corruption that had prevailed among the other por-
tions of the constituency. That case was considered by the
committee on the Corrupt Practices Amendment Act, who
reported to the house as one of their resolutions the follow-
ing :—" That if after the presentation of a report to Par-
liament by a committee of inquiry into corrupt practices at

an election for any county, city, or borough, that extensive
bribery has prevailed in such place, the House of Com-
mons should resolve that no writ ought to issue for the election
of a member for such place for a period of five years, and in

that case no writ should issue for the election of a member
for such place for the expiration of five years, provided that
such regulation shall not in any way affect the right of
Parliament either to disfranchise such place, or to suspend

or take away the right of voting.of all or any of the voters
thereof." That resolution was intended to apply to those
cases in which, though corruption had prevailed, still it was
not so extensive as to justify disfranchisement,and in which
it was thought desirable, not by the authority of this house
merely, but by the united authority of the legislature, that
the writ should be suspended for a sufficient time to allow
considerable changes to take place in the constituency. A
provision founded on that resolution would be inserted in a
bill which he hoped shortly to introduce to amend the Cor-
rupt Practices Prevention Act. He shared in the opinion
that had been expressed, that there was a serious objection
to the suspension of writs for a protracted period by the
mere authority of that house, without reference to any
pending or proposed legislative measure. For a time it
was right that the writ should be suspended when corrupt
practices had existed, in order to afford ample opportu-

nity for any member of that house to take the sense of Par-
liament on a measure in reference to the constituency
where such practices had prevailed. After the time that
had elapsed since the report in 1859 with regard to these
two boroughs, he thought there would be great difficulty
either in disfranchising them, or in including them in the
provisions of the bill which he hoped would shortly be in-
troduced. Under these circumstances, the Government
did not feel it their duty any further to oppose the issue of
these writs, but they trusted that, if the house should agree
to the motion of his hon. friend, and to the motion of the
hon. gentleman opposite, it would be with a desire, in all
future cases, not to allow constituencies where such prac-

tices had been allowed to escape without severe measures
being taken, but that if unhappily any such cases should
again come before the house, Parliament would be pre-
pared to proceed against those constituencies either by an
absolute disfranchisement, or by the suspension of the writ
to return members to Parliament for a time sufficiently long
not only to mark the disapproval of Parliament, but also to
allow a considerable change to take place in the constituency.
Mr. DISRAELI said he did not think Government
could consistently take any other course than that which
they had taken on this subject, but he thought they must
agree that the suspension of a writ by one branch of the
legislature was a very arbitrary and unconstitutional pro-
ceeding which ought not to be had recourse to, except under
peculiar circumstances, and with a more precise conception
of what the policy of the house was ultimately to lead to
than had been the case in these instances. Let him inform
the members of the house what had taken place with re-

gard to the boroughs, and also with regard to Wakefield.
He thought it was in 1859 that parliamentary committees
of inquiry reported against both these boroughs, and a
motion was made for the suspension of the writs. As that
motion was made contemplating the issue of a royal com-

mission to inquire into the circumstances of each case, the
object of suspension was obvious. The year 1860 arrived,
and the then Secretary of State laid on the table of the
house the report of these two royal commissions, and said

that it was the intention of Government that no motion
should be made for a new writ for either of these boroughs
unless a week's notice should be given. Shortly after that
another member of the Government gave the house some
clearer conception of what was the policy which the Govern-
ment intended to recommend, and it was that this notice of
one week should be given, in order that Government might
have an opportunity of recommending that the writ should
really be suspended for a period of not less than five nor
more than ten years, and the house, with that policy before
them, consented to the suspension of the writ. But the
whole of the session of 1860, which was of unusual length,
passed,e f
the
suspensiona nd n
no stepset
these re
writs.t e
In
n to legislate
1861
a hon,
oo on the
gentleman
brought this question before the house, and a motion was
made for the issue of the writ, certainly in one, not in
b )th cases. What was then done ? Why, the Government
opposed the issue of the writs, and said the Corrupt Prac-
t ces Bill, which was then about to be introduced, would
' contain a provision by which the evil might be met. But
in 1861 the Government dc clined to introduce a measure for
the amendment of the Corrto Practices Prevention Act.
They said it was open to any member to make any proposi-
tion which would involve the suspension of the two writs
for five or ten years, but nobody did it. The consequence
was that this arbitrary and unconstitutional suspension of
the writ continued for another year. He did not under-
stand that the right hon. gentleman had given any intima-
tion of his intention to introduce a measure to deal. with
these questions; but he (Mr. Disraeli) did think it was time
the house arrived at some distinct rule to guide them in
future. There were, he considered, two cases which they
might legitimately and constitutionally suspend a writ. The
one was where a committee of the house had reported ad-
versely to the borough. They might proparly then suspend
tho Writ, in order to enable. a Royal Commission to be
issued. The other case was where a commission had in its
turn reported against the constituency ; and then the writ I
might also be constitutionally suspended, provided that they
were prepared to legislate. If, however, Parliament was
not prepared to legislate the suspension of the writ was
clearly arbitrary and unconstitutional. Nor were the evils
of adopting such a step under such circumstances inconsi-
derable. He assumed that the suspension of a writ was a
remedial measure rather than a retributive one ; and they all
know that a period of great excitement was more likely to
foster corrupt practices than a time of greater tranquillity.
But what had been the effect of suspending these writs ?
The boroughs of Gloucester and Wakefield had ever since
been kept in a state of chronic electioneering. The result of
the course the house had adopted had thus been to stimu-
late and encourage that mood of the public mind which was
most favourable to the corruption they wished to put down.
(Hear.) Ho really thought, therefore, that the house should
come to some clear understanding for the future ; and al-
though he could not conceive that there would be any op-
position to the motion for issuing these writs, which per-
haps ought to have been issued before—he hoped that if un-
happily similar instances were ever brought before Parlia-
ment those who led the house would not advise it as they
had done with regard to these particular cases, but would
either consent to the issuing of the writs, or be prepared to
propose some remedy. (Hear.)
Mr, Sergeant PIGOTT observed that when a similar mo-
tion was proposed last year he had moved to negative it,
and he had done so because he thought that if ever there
was a case ripe for Parliamentary interference, and when a
constituency ought to be deprived of the precious privilege
ofecting members, it was that of these boroughs. He
quitei
with
agreed
thatwit it
hwt
wouldhatha notjustdb
falleneconstitutional
from the right hon.
gentleman,
they
a promise had
then of
in tintention
oto nega-
tive the present motion, unless it was the
house to dealthe question finally and specifically.
Last year he fancied th
the Government that
which they were about toeY: would so deal with it in a bill
been held out by
was not
but which h d not yet
been brought in. He
ez on© of those who thought it
would be in the nature of Psost
truefactothat the offence had
legislation to deal
noone
with these boroughs. It wa
already been committed; but
could
edotubt that it
was perfectly within the province of Parliament prevent
those from again exercising the privilege of nt?
returning mom.
bers who had abused it. It was quite a mistake to suppose
that by doing so they would be visiting the guilt of a few
persons upon the entire community, because it was clear

that if all parties had nbt bonchrryl in the PraCticei corn-
plained of, they cotild nUt have been indulged in ; and it
was a principle known to the la* to make a hundred re-
sponsible for the damage done in any riot that might take
place within its l)oiindatibs. lie had ikon in hopes that the
Government would at the earliest period this session place
a bill upon the table anticipating this motion; and rescuing
the house froth anY difficulty on the stiblect: It would
certainly ndt be Constitutional to go on postponing thewrit
from time to time in the mere hope that something might
hereafter by some possibility be done to aitord a remedy;
and he shbitici nOt therefore oppose the present motion.

The delay would not, however, be barleii, if Parliament
should be led by it to determine, that in fiittfe kiuch bases

should bb eXpeaitiolislY and vigorously dealt with ; that not,
only should the constituency be dealt with, but that per-
sons reported against for offer'ng as well as for taking
bribes should be punished. (Hear.) He was thoroughly
convinced, from the experience ha had had at the bar before

committees of the houu, and also imptn the royal tomthis-
sion at 'Wakefield, that if the la* Were put in force against
persons offering bribes, the number of such offences would
be greatly diminished, and the thing would be done much
more carefully than it was at present. (Loud laughter and
cheers.) He should recommend that the list of persons
repotted against in any case for offering bribes should be

at once handed to the Attorney• General, in order that he
might see whether there was any chance of sustaining a

prosecution against them. With regard to the boroughs,
there were of course different degrees of criminality. In

some cases they should be visited with disfranchisement,

and in others with a suspension of the writ ; but, in one
way or the other, they ought all to be dealt with when a

royal commission had reported against them. (Hear.)
Mr. BENTINCK agreed with his right hon. friend and
with the hon, and learned gentleman, that it was not expe-
dient to leave questions of this kind to be dealt with ac-
cording to the mere caprice of the House of Commons. It
appeared to him that the right hon. gentleman (Sir G. Grey)
had very nearly approached the true remedy of the evil,
when he hinted that the seats should in every case be taken
from corrupt constituencies and transferred to others ; but
he did not agree with him that the number of eleetoi a in any
particular case was any reason why a different course should

be resorted to.
Sir G. GREY said he had referred to cases where there
were a large number of electors who were not compromised
by the corrupt practices complained of.
Mr. BENTINCK reminded the right hon. gentleman
that he had himself said there could not be extensive corrup-

tion without the entire community being implicated in it;
and therefore the distinction he had drawn between a large
number of voters and a large number of innocent voters was

perfectly immaterial. But he (Mr. Bentinck) could not
help pointing out that Parliament had dealt with small
boroughs in a way that it would not venture to adopt
towards large ones. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman (Mr.
Berkeley) said the conduct of the house towards Gloucester
bad been both unjust and unconstitutional. He (Mr. Ben-
tinck) entirely agreed with that, for he believed that if the
house had acted towards Gloucester in a just and constitu-
tional manner it would have disfranchised it long ago.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The house ought to be ex-
tremely obliged to the hon. gentleman for hie extreme can-
dour ; for ho had told them that a large liberal constituency
in which he was interested had resorted to every possible
illegal act. He stated, it was true, that there were
1,200 electors who were perfectly honest, nay, he
said they were perfectly " enamelled." Now, they all
knew that enamel was often used to conceal imperfections,
and he was afraid that that was the case at Gloucester.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He stated, also, that forty
borough constituencies wore quite as bad; but he (Mr. Ben-
thick) believed that if they searched the archives of the
house they would find a much larger number than 40 had
been convicted of bribery within the last few years. He only
hoped the hon. gentleman would bear in mind the facts he
had stated the next time he was disposed to advocate amea-
sure for lowering the suffrage. (Cheers.)
Mr. NORRIS hoped that some member of the Govern-
ment would explain to the house how it was more unconsti-
tutional this year than it was last year to suspend these writs?
If there was no limit to the power of the house in that re-
spect, he hoped they would exercise it to the utmost in the
case of guilty Gloucester. (Hear.) If the corruption com-
plained of had been confined either to the householders or
to the freemen, there might have been some pretext for the
present motion ; but it had been reported by the commis-
sioners that bribery had become so settled a practice in
Gloucester that in 1852, when the three candidates agreed
to try the experiment of an election without it, the voters
stigmatised that resolution as a conspiracy to rob them of
their rights. The number of persons reported against by
name was 28 per cent. of the gross constituency ; but if they
included all that were guilty he had no doubt they would
amount to 36 or 37 per cent., and they comprised persons
of every class, from an alderman of the borough down to the
lowest class of freemen. He considered that it was quite un-
worthy of the government to allow the writ to issue. (Cheers.)
The motion was then put. There were a few cries of
"No," but the writ was ordered without a division.
WAKEFIELD WRIT.

Major EDWARDS, amidst some marks of impatience,
moved that the writ also issue for the borough of Wakefield.
After a few words from Mr. HADFIELD, which were ren-
dered inaudible by cries of "Agreed, agreed,"
The motion was agreed to.
REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS AND DEATHS
(IRELAND).

Sir R. PEEL moved leave to bring in a bill for the re-
gistration of births and deaths in Ireland.
THE AMERICAN BLOCKADE.

The O'DONOGHUE moved an address for return of the
number of British vessels, with the names, as far as can be
ascertained, of their captains and owners respectively, that
have succeeded, within the past six months, in running the
blockade of the Southern ports of America. Similar return
as to the British vessels that have been captured or de-
stroyed in th?, attempt to break the blockade. And return
of the number and description of British vessels, if any,
that have put into the port of Nassau, New Providence,
and other colonial ports, laden with articles contraband of
war, and with supplies for the Confederate States, and that
have been permitted to refit and supply themselves with
stores by the authorities in those places, in contravention
of the Queen's proclamation, and of the neutrality which it
is the expressed desire of her Majesty's Government to up-
hold. He hoped her Majesty's Government would not re-
fuse the returns for which he asked. Unless these returns
were produced, it would be impossible to discuss the ques-
tions which were likely to arise on the unfortunate condi-
tion of affairs in America, whereas their production would
go a long way to enable them to form an equitable opinion
on many important points, such as the efficiency or non-
efficiency of the blockade, the nationality of the different
vessels that ran the blockade, and as to whether her Ma-
jesty's Government had faithfully endeavoured to carry
out that policy of neutrality to which they were
pledged by the terms of the Queen's proclamation,
and by their own declarations on many occasions. An
hcn. member had given notice of his intention to move
a resolution to the effect that the blockade was a mere paper
blockade. If that resolution passed, it would be tantamount
to a war with America ; but in the consideration of that
motion it was indispensable that the fullest information, and
from the most reliable sources, should be in possession of 1
the house. No doubt vessels had run the blockade, but the
distress existing in Lancashire and Lyons showed that it
was not a paper blockade, and that vessels had left the
Southern ports arose from the fact that the Federal Govern-
ment were not able to effect a physical impossibility, namely,
the hermetical sealing of the ports along 3,000 miles of
coast. The returns he asked for referred to British vessels,
and for this reason, that from general rumour and state-
ments in the newspapers it would appear that British ves-
sels only had attempted to run the blockade. It was noto-
rious that many persons in this country were anxious that
the South should be recognised, and that British vessels
had left this country and the port of Nassau with munitions
of war for the Confederates in defiance of law and of her
Majesty's proclamation. The attention of her Majesty's
Government had been called to these facts, and they had
not interfered to prevent their recurrence. Ho trusted that
no objection would be made to laying on the table of the
house the return for which he moved.
Mr. LAYARD said he regretted being unable to give the
returns required by the hon. member. He did not think it
would be convenient to the la, use that he should then enter
into a discussion of the question as to the blockade. Notice
had already been given that the subject would be brought
before the house in a few days, and probably to-morrow,
but certainly on Monday or Tuesday, papers relating to the
blockade would be laid on the table. He declined to give
the returns moved for for two reasons—first, because the
Government had not got the information; and next, they
would not feel justified in giving it if they had, He (Mr.
Layard) was quite certain that the hon. member was ono of
the last persons who would wish that the Government
should furnish a list of wrong-doers and violators of the
law of nations. The papers that would be laid on the table
of the house would no doubt be deemed sufficient by the
hon. gentleman.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that the hon mem-
ber had totally misconceived the matter of law to which he
had referred. His motion implied, and he had stated in his
speech, that owners of British merchant vessels which had
run the blockade with articles contraband of war had been
guilty of illegal acts, and had acted in violation of her Ma-
jesty's proclamation, yet that the Government had not in-
terfered. He had also suggested that the authorities at the
port of Nassau were seriously to blame for having permitted
ships to take on board articles contraband of war, which,he
seemed to think, her Majesty's proclamation had made
illegal, and which, therefore, they could not be permitted to
carry without a violation of neutrality. In all these re-
spects the hon. gentleman had totally misconceived the
power of the Government and of the law. Except so far
as her Majesty's Government had power by law to control
the acts of British subjects they could not interfere.
The only law which would warrant an interference in any
such case was the Foreign Enlistment Act, the whole scope
of which was shortly expressed in its title : " An Act to
prevent the enlistment and engagement of her Majesty's
subjects to serve in any foreign service, and the fitting out
and equipping
in her. Majesty's dominions vessels for war-
like purposes without permission of the Government." That
act did not apply to vessels carrying articles contraband•of
war from this country to any port, whether under blockade
or not, and the Government of this country or of the colonial

possegsions bead not PoWbi th interfere to prevent it. It was
perfectly true that in the tiueen's proelaination literb Wad
contained a general warning at the end addressed to all the
Queen's subjects, that they do not either in Violation of their
duty to the t.ueen as subjects ef a neutral sovereign; or in
violation and contravention of the law of nations in that
behalf, do various things, one of which was to carry articles
con' raband of war and the proclamation stated that if they
did they would int& the penalties provided by the law of
nations, which -were the seizure, and total eoniisdation of
the vessels and Of the bargees; They were also by the law of
nations depriVed of the right of 16oking to the Government
of their own country for protection. The hon. and learned
gentleman then quoted the opinions of eminent American
jurists for the ptirpose of proving that their view of the
power of Government to interfere, and of the law of nations
being the only law operative in such cases as those referred
to, was identical with that which he had stated. He
thought the house would see that the Government at home
and in the Colonies had taken the only course possible to
take consistently with the law of the land of the recognised
custom of nations, and more especially the law of nations
as recognised in the United States.
The O'DONOGHUE withdrew the motion.
Mr. LINDSAY asked the tinder Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs whether any British ships had been seined
and destroyed in attempting to run the blockade, and if so
under what circumstances ?
Mr. L AYARD said that if any such had been seized and
destroyed it would appear by the papers which he would
lay upon the table of the house.
MAYNOOTH COLLEGE.
Mr. WHALLEY moved for a return of the number of
persons who had completed their education at the Royal
College of Maynooth (Ireland), from the year 1815 to the
year 1861 inclusive ; specifying their names, and, so far as
was known to the authorities of the college, their desti •
nation on leaving the college, the position now occupied by
them in the Roman catholic church, and the place of their
ministry; also stating whether any, and, if any, which of
the three Roman Catholic archbishops and the twenty-four
bishops were educated at Maynooth College, or are now
officially connected therewith as visitors, trustees, or

otherwise.
The return was ordered.
PROCEDURE IN COUNTY COURTS AMEND-
MENT ACT.
Mr. WM AHON obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend
the procedure in the county courts.
The bill was brought in and read a first time.
The house adjourned at half-past 8 o'clock.

PAIRS ON THE MARRIAGE AFFINITY BILL.
Ayes. Noes.
Mr. T. Mills Mr. Nicol
1 ‘1
‘ '1
‘HA 1111
orrrr n..: Hussey
ai VivianebtmzYwi l
il li am Mr. R. Ormsby Gore
Mr. Bernard
Sir Charles Mordaunt
Sir A. Hood •
Mr. Hodgkinson Mr. Mure
Sir J. Johnstone Sir James Fergusson
Mr. Greenwood
Mr. Glyn, jun. Colonel Bathurst
Mr. Beale Colonel Packe
Lord Enfield Mr. Ducane
Hon. W. Monson Mr. Dawson
____

Mr,Thi•istO;v----- Mr. Torrens
Mr. Dillwyn Sir E. Kerrison
Colonel Smyth Mr. Dawson Darner .
Mr. Roupell Mr. A. Baring
Mr. R. W. Crawford Mr. Richardson
Baron L. de Rothschild Hon. J. Cole
Captain .I.6rvis Mr. Cobbold
Mr. R. Davey Mr. Kekewich
Baron M. de Rothschild Hon. R. C. Hill
Mr. Tite Lord H. Thynne
Mr. Coningham Lord Stanhope
Sir J. Ramsden. Colonel Bernard
Mr. Horsman Lord Ingestre

TILE CHINESE REBEL ter.

The following is an extract from a private letter,
dated Tang-chow, November 8, 1861:
" You may, perhaps, have seen by the papers
that a large body of rebels, which has long been
ravaging the Shantung province, lately made a
descent upon this district. For about a week before
they showed themselves at Yentai we could plainly
see the flames and smoke from the burning villages,
which always mark the tract of these wretches
but almost up to the moment of their arrival in our
immediate neighbourhood foreigners have enter-
tained little aprrehension of their attempting to
attack or plunder this town. One evening, how-
ever, just as I was finishing dinner, an old Chinese
came running in to tell me that the rebels were
rapidly approaching, and were already within five
or six miles of our settlement. lat once hurried
off to the Consulate, where I found Mr. Morrison
just preparing to set out for the purpose of bring-
ing in a missionary and two ladies, who were liv-
ing in a village which lies between us and the place
where the rebels then were, at a distance of about
three miles from Yentai. Before starting Mr. Mor-
rison requested me to take a boat and go as quickly
as I could to her Majesty's gunboat Insolent, which
was then anchored near an island about five miles
out at sea, in order that I might induce the com-
mander to bring her over as soon as possible, and
render what assistance he could to the town.
After a long pull in the dark I at length reached
the gunboat, at about 12 p.m., roused up the
lieutenant in command, told him what I had
to say, took a glass of whisky and water,
and turned in. Next morning, at an early hour,
we steamed over to the mainland and took up our
position so as to command the road by which the
rebels must pass before they could enter the town.
Soon after we dropped anchor the Consul came off
and told us he had reached the village where the
missionary and ladies were some time before the
arrival of the rebels, but that it bad takep him so
long to convince them that they were in any danger
that he had only just got them off in time to save
their lives. So near a thing was it that the mis-
sionary, who remained behind a short time after
the others had left, in order to bring off some of his
goods, was attacked by two of the ruffians, and did
not get away until he had shot the mule on which
one of them rode and wounded the other. As it
appeared probable that Chinamen might come off
to communicate with our vessel it was determined

hat I should remain on board as interpreter un

the next day, On the following morning, before I
had finished dressing, I heard some one cry out
that the rebels were in sight, and on going on deck
I discovered a great number of foot and horsemen,
bearing flrgs and banners, ranged along the hills
which overlook the town to the west. In a short
time about 50 horsemen, gaily dressed in red and

yellow, came galloping down into the villages which
lie between Yentai and the high ground. When-
ever we could catch sight of these gentlemenwe fired
shot or shell at them, but as they moved about
quickly, and in small parties, we did little or no
execution. At length, however, we Fucceeded in send-

ing them all scampering off to their companions, and
soon afterwards the whole body marched away to the
south and disappeared. Unfortunately, the Insolent
being out of repair, had none but very small
guns on board, otherwise we should have been able
to give a good account of some hundreds of the
enemy. On my return to my house, after leaving
the gunboat, I found that my boy had endeavoured

to strike terror into the hearts of the invaders by

hoisting on the top of a tall bamboo in the middle
of my yard a large piece of calico, on which he had
copied the direction off one of my trunks. He was,
of course, quite ignorant of the meaning of what he
had written, but he seemed to think that the flag
woul I be very efficacious in preserving my house in
case of an attack. During the panic I had at one
time as many as 40 refugees in my house, and as
tile rebels approached thousands of men, women,
and children from the surrounding country came

pouring into Yentai for protection, and not without
cause, for these Northern rebels are perfect fiends,
who make a hell upon earth whereyer they go.
When they come to a place which offers no resis-
tance they kill all the old people, ugly young women,
and little children, and, after collecting their plun-
der, carry away all the others ; but when they come
to a place which does not readily submit they put
every living creature to death. They tie ropes
round the necks of some of their victims and drag
them about till they aro dead, and suspend others
by their thumbs and roast them alive, or hack them
to pieces. Sights horrible beyond description might
be seen a short time ago by any one who would
take the trouble to go a mile or two from this place.
It is asserted that the rebels declare it is their
humane feelings
which induce them to kill the
old people, for it would be needless cruelty, they
argue, to allow them to live and grieve over the
lost property which it has been their painful duty
to destroy or carry off. They are now a good way
off, and I do not think it likely we shall see any
more of them until next spring, when it is not im-
probable they may again sweep the country for
Plunder. Two American missionaries who were in-
fatuated enough to go out from Yentai to meet them
and argue with them on the wickedness of their
conduct, were caught by them and murdered at a
place about 30 miles from this. Both these gentle-
men leave widows behinds them. Their bodies
were recovered and brought home.