The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-29 00:00:00

New York is fairly aroused by the war news to
take unprecedented interest in its own local selec-
tions for governors and other State officers on the
4th of November next. Doubts begin to be felt for
the success of the Democratic " ticket" on that oc-
casion. New York city has hitherto supported by
a large majority of votes the Democratic and pre-
slavery party ; but New York State has always
yielded a powerful majority to the Republican side.
Could the question of peace or war—Conservatism
or Abolitionism—be settled by the votes of the city
alone, it is highly,probable that the terms of a com-
promise with the South would be speedily agreed
upon and carried into effect; but the rural districts
are as keen against the South, and as strongly in
favour of abolition and a war of extermination, as
the New England States. It is feared by some of
his own party that if Governor Seymour goes to
the poll he will be defeated by a large majority of
the State. Such a defeat would adminster so mighty
a dose of encouragement to the " Jacobins," not
only in New York, but throughout the North and
West, and impel the President so powerfully
to the Abolitionist side, that timid members of the
party—who do not, however, appear to be the most
numerous—urge that it would be better for Mr.
Seymour to withdraw his pretensions before the
day of polling, and leave his opponents to walk
over the course. If this policy were adopted, the
doom of the Democratic party would be sealed. It
would commit political suicide, and its leaders
would find themselves ere many weeks in Fort La-
fayette, and perhaps ere many months at the footof
the gallows or the guillotine. The cry of blood has
been raised. They will not escape their doom by
cowardly surrender. Their only course is to comport
themselves like courageous and conscientious citi-
zens at the polls, as General M'Clellan, who belongs
to their party, incidentally recommends in his order
of the day to his army. If they fell there they will
at least fall with dignity—which cannot be said of
them if they withdraw without a struggle, and
leave the Revolutionists undisputed masters of the
position. It is held out as a bait to Mr. Seymour,
if he will withdraw, that he will be placed in nomi-
nation for the Presidency as successor to Mr. Lin-
coln, and receive the undivided support of his party.
But, in times of civil commotion, two years are a
long period to look forward to; and Mr. Seymour
may share the fate of Denton, and Mr. Wendell
Phillips that of Robespierre, before a reaction comes
when a Bonaparte shall be possible to establish a
despotism on the ruins of the Republic.
Judging from the tone and temper of the speakers,
and the vociferous enthusiasm of the great meeting
of the party which was held last night at the Cooper
Institute, it would appear as if the discouragement
in the party were confined to a few members, who
have money and fear to lose it; and as if the bulk of
the Democrats were determined to bate no jot of
heart or hope in the attempt to clog the chariot
wheels of revolution, and dismount the drivers. Mr.
Seymour spoke well and earnestly, and Mr. John
Van Buren, son of the late ex-President Martin Van
Buren, seemed to carry the hearts of the crowded
assemblage along with him, as he proposed a truce
and a general convention of all the States of the
Union—South as well as North, to debate the points
at issue, and the terms of a reunion. "I will not
believe," said the speaker, "that the South have
utterly forgotten the glorious and precious history
of our past career. I will not believe that they are
willing to relinquish their share in our common
heritage of fame. I will not believe that they will
consent to see this great model Republic, starting
in its career and challenging the admiration of the
world, strangled in its infancy. I believe the South
would come into a convention, that we might agree
to live under the Constitution as it is. If they
would not consent, then I know that I am in favour
of so amending the Constitution as to let them go;
saying to them, in the language of the gallant
General Scott, Wayward sisters, go in peace !'"
This was bold speaking for New York, and a bid
for gratuitous lodgings in Fort Lafayette. It re-
mains to be seen whether the government will con-
sider the language to be treasonable, or will dare
to interfere with Mr. Van Buren or any of the other
speakers, laying itself thereby under the grievous
imputation of attempting to interfere with the free-
dom of election—a freedom to which the Northern
Americans still cling with the ancient pertinacity,
as the last and mcst precious part of their inherit-
ance. It is most probable that Mr. Van Buren's
name will be marked with a black cross in the books
of the Provost-Marshal, in case he should be caught
tripping hereafter, and that until after the election.
But whatever the Government may do, or the
Northern people may think, all who are not Ameri-
catni, and who look upon the question without pas-
Sion. or Prejudice, will confess that Mr. Van Buren's
proposal offers a solution of the difficulty, which the
nation would be
wise to accept. But there is no
hope of
e. such
a result, unless from the action of
The
p
Euro
theA.irbtohlitionists are so relentless for the
triumph of
to
naeory, and the N-irth Americans
more desirous of being the
cinitigzeennesroalf :rneietunotii'eeh
smaller and
Republic without
liberty than of
vii:tned divided Republic with
liberty, that they will
not be dictated by superionnt:: no terms that shall
But the most important
bf feature t r're of this important
meeting was the reading
Buren of a
letter from General Scott, addressed an
to Mr. Seward
noton the 3d of March, 1861. Mr. Van Buren did
state by what means the letter came into his pos
sion, and admitted that he had no authority from
General Scott for making it public. General Scott
at course of
that time thought the President's
action was limited to one of four courses of pro.
cedure—first, a compromise under the terms of the
Crittenden Resolution; second, a collection of cus.
s outside th pors of
toms duties on foreign
goodt
the commean d, for a
which the Government had los
blockade of such ports; third, a conquest of the
South by invading armies; fourth, consent to peace-

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