The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-15 00:00:00

THE 14 SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, Vgl-31tUARY 15, 1868.

venament ought to be pit on Belgium to indite° het to place
this country in the same position as the most fatotirea na-

tion. (Hear, hear.)
Mt. NrBWDEGATE eatirely joined with the hon. mem-
ber for Bradford in urging upon the Ctdverument, that if

any Ginestion Wats pending between this and foreign nations
in relation to commercial treaties, or if there was any pros-

pect of such treaties being contracteditheprovisiOnS of ihObe
treaties should be most eat•eftillY siipeiViseei, and that they
should not be litirried so rapidly, as they were told by Lord

tiowley,in his despatch of last year, in regard to the French
treaty, that the official representative of this country in

France was unable to follow the details before the wholene-

goi iation was completed. Every detail of such a treaty should
be well weighed, not only in reference to one nr two interests
to be affected by it, but in reference to all the interests of
the country. It was only natural that he should take a dif-

ferent view of the operation of the French treaty from that
taken by the hon. gentlemen opposite. He scarcely could
have thought that this question would have arisen, or he
would have been prepared to lay before the house tales of the
suffering, distress, and ruin which had afflicted Coventry and
the surrounding districts during the last two years. The

wretched condition of the ribbon trade had elicited the bene-

volent consideration of her Majesty, and that of many hon.
members of that house. He sincerely thanked them for

their benevolence; but it was very sad to see a prosperous
trade struck down, and so many thousands of industrious
men living from year to year upon the charity of others.
(Hear, hear.) They saw a prospect of a large increase in
the rates in consequence of the exhaustion of the relief fund,
the effect of which would be to extend the distress that now
prevailed to classes hitherto comparatively exempted from
it. It was enough for him to say, that during several
months of last winter 22,000 persons were dependent for
assistance on the benevolence of the public as provided by

the relief fund. They had hoped that the pressure would
cease, but he regretted to say that during several months
this winter as many as 14,000 wore dependent upon the
relief fund, and they still remained dependent upon it ;
and this distress extended to the master manufac-
turers. From 50 to 80 manufacturers in Coveptry
and the district had been in the Gazette, and this enumera •
tion did not include cases of composition with creditors.
The number of houses in Coventry vacant was 2,000. The
sums withdrawn from deposits in savings banks within the
last two years was about £17,000. It would be needless to

go further in illustration of facts which were notorious
throughout the midland counties, Why did he allude to
these matters ? To pray the house not to inflict such an -

other blow as the treaty with France did on the trade of
Coventry and the district. It was perfectly true that the
trade of this country, as well as of France, Switaerland, and
the Rhine, might have been depressed by a change of
fashion, but what was the effect upon us ? He spoke as the
representative of those men to whom he had particularly
alluded. When the trade was slack on the Rhine, in France
and in Switzerland, and when the demand from the United
States was closed by the unhappy strife prevailing in that
once united republic, the whole of the supplies from France,
from the Rhines and from Switzerland, which could find a
market nowhere else, were thrust upon the market in Eng-
land. The quantity of ribbon imported into England in the
first 11 months of 1861 exceeded from 60 to 70 per cent. the
quantity imported in the same months of the two preceding
years. Take, again, the position of the watch and clock
trade, which was also carried on in Coventry. The same
circumstances in a great degree existed in regard to that
trade, and he was sure the house would agree with him,
when there was a prospect of further commercial treaties
being contracted between this and other countries, in urging
upon her Majesty's Government the importance of having
the commercial provisions of these treaties well considered,
so as to protect the trade of this country, whether in large
or small departments, from those grievous evils which af-
flicted the district which he had still the honour to repre-
sent. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. J. A. TURNER expressed the same feeling as the
hon.
member' for Bradford with regard to the cotton dis-
tricts of South Lancashire, which were now suffering great
distress, with a prospect of that distress being very much
increased before many months passed. The people in those
districts did not, however, wish to interfere in the lament-
able contest which was now going on between the Northern
and Southern States of America. (Hear) They wished that
those States would see the folly of their actions, settle their
quarrel, and tecome amiable to each other-once more ; or, if
they could not do that, separate as friends ; but they had
no desire for the interference of this country in affairs'WhiCh
were so distressing to South Lancashire and the cotton dis-
tricts. They thought that her Majesty's Government
should do all they could to alleviate that distress as much as
possible. They sufferednot only from a.want of cotton, but
from a want, of demand for their manufactures; and while
the Government were endeavouring to Stimulate the growth
of cotton in India a heavy duty was imposed in that country
upon British manufactured goods, which had the effect of.
excluding them from the Indian market. (Hear.) They had
a right to expect that, in negotiations with foreign powers
with whom we were on terms of amity, the executive Go-
vernment would see that justice was done to this country,
and that she was placed in as advantageous a position in
regard to commerce as other nations. (Hear, hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON—With regard to the question put
by my noble friend touching the slave trade on the coast of
Africa, the house well knows that measures for the suppres-
sion of the slave trade have occupied the most anxious and
continued attention of her Majesty's Government for a
great number of years past. My noble friend is probably
well aware that two missions have been sent at different
times to the King of Dahomey, for the purpose of endea-
vouring to persuade him to abandon the barbarous practice
of human sacrifices, and to assist us in suppressing the slave
trade. lam sorry to say that those missions were not at-
tended by success. Persons, however anxious they may be
for the attainment of a particular object, must recollect
what obstacles the passions and habits of mankind some-
times interpose to the accomplishment of the purpose they
have in view. This practice of human sacrifice has pre-
vailed extensively over the whole of that part of Africa;
and when you have got a barbarian like the King of
Dahomey for the time being, asking him to forego these
practices, to which he attaches a value as symbols of autho-
rity and power, and as conveying tokens of respect for
those who have gone before him, would be like asking the
pagan Romans to forego the murders they committed in the
amphitheatre, or asking the Spaniards of the present day to
forego those bull-fights which are disgusting to English
spectators, but afford great delight to the people of Spain.
Mr. Duncan was sent some years ago to the King of Daho-
mey. He remained some days at Dahomey, the capital, and
the account he gave of what he saw was something truly
disgusting. The palace was surrounded by an extensive wall
decorated with human skulls stuck upon spikes, as thickly
almost as they could be placed together. He was himself
compelled to be a witness of one of these human sacrifices.
A number of unhappy captives were brought out and being
placed in little things like canoes, were thrown over a para-
pet 40 or 50 feet high, and if that did not kill them they
Were immediately despatched by persons below. I doubt
very much whether any persuasion would induce the pre-
aent King of Dahomey, who seems, to be less imbued with
feelings 'of- humanity than his father, to abandon these
practils% At the sane time I can assure my noble friend and
the houie4.at no opportunity will be lost by her Majesty's
Governreent which is calculated to afford au openingfor ne-
gotiations with a view to accomplishing the desired object.
With regard' to the slave trade, I think it still more un-
likely that persuasion will induce him more than it has
other African chiefs to abandon that traffic. They have
only been induced to abandon the slave trade when they
have been convinced that it was more to their advantage
to carry on legitimate trade than the slave trade. The fact
is, that the chiefs derive more profit from the slave trade,
and the people from legitimate trade. The occupation of
Lagos has had a great effect in diminishing the slave trade
along that part of the coast of Africa. Arrangements have
been made with Porto Nuovo,and if we could only shut up the
opening byWariah, which is the only other opening through
which they can carry on the slave trade, I believe that we i
should be able to do very much to stop the slave trade on
that Fart of the coast. The slave trade is carried on there by
Spaniards, Portuguese, and Brazilians. Though Spain,
Portugal, and Brasil have, as Governments, entered into
treaties to put a stop to that trade, yet when a habit is
once engrained in a people it is difficult to eradicate it, and
there will be found renegades who will take advantage of
_thelaeatiecwhich the habits of the country give them to
carry on the Zeminitai, fraltd. —At the same time much
progress has been made, and my hon, friend is quite right
in saying that if the slave trade on the west coast of
Africa could be stopped, there are resources of legitimate
trade of infinite value, not only to that country but to every
country in Europe, and especially to England. Not long
ago my hon. friend Captain Foot went kern Lagos to Abeo-
kuta, and, describing his journey, he says there wasa great
zone in which the cotton plant grew spontaneously, but
there was no one to gather it', but evidently its quality was
of great value, and well calculated for manufacture. I can
assure my hon. friend that no exertions will be omitted, first
to eradicate the horrible practice of human sacrifice, and
next to stop the slave trade as far as possible. It is quite
true that, owing to the civil war in America, the Federal
Government has withdrawn the greater part of her cruisers
from the coast of Africa. I cannot, off hand, tell my noble
friend whether there still remain that number of guns which
the United States are bound by treaty to maintain on the
coast for the suppression of the slave trade; but it is quite
true that the Federal government has shown a most anxi-
ous desire to pat in force the laws against the slave trade.
The prosecutions which have recently taken place at New
York are a convincing plod of sincerity on their part. In
whatever way that unfortunate dispute should terminate, I
hope that the American government, whether two or one,
will concur in some arrangement with Great Britain by
which more effectual assistance may be given by the
American cruisers, to prevent the crime, which is a
capital offence by the laws of the United States.
(Hear, hear.) I hope my noble friend will believe that
we are anxious to carry into effect the views he has so
properly put. forth. With regard to the question started
by the hon. member for ,Bradford, I have the satisfac-
tion te inform him that negotiations are going on between
her Majesty's Government and the Belgian Government,
which are conducted in the moat amicable and friendly
spirit, and which I trust will terminate in a treaty that
will give to Great Britain the footing of the most favoured
nation, and unaccompanied by any condition, with regard
to the capitalisation of the Scheldt dues, England bore a

very prominent part in those negotiations that resulted in
the establishment of the independents of Belgium, and
therefore if the Belgian nation were to form an exception
to all national character, and to be inspired by a sense of
gratitude, which I am afraid is not to be expected from
collective bodies, they ought to be anxious to give to Eng-
land every adVantage, equal to or even superior to the ad-
ininteted td other eohntries4 But ottr great object
was—and we succeeded—to give to Belgium a national
representation, and a free constitution. Now, if you give
to a country a free constitution by which the passions and
the prejudices of the country are actively represented,
yor must lay your account and make tip your Mind to
endure the inconvenience which national and local pas-
sions and prejudices are sure to entail. That has been the
case not only in Belgium, but in Spain and Portugal, where,
chiefly through the interference of the British Governs:met)
representative institutions have been established. Now,
we in this country were a long time before we were taught
to believe that freedom of trade was for the advantage of all
parties concerned. We know how long the public mind was
under the impression that protection to native industry was a
benefit. Fortunately we are now entirely undeceived, but
Belgium has not as yet got so far in commerical education,
and the Belgian Government has to overcome great local pre-
judices. The Belgians do us the compliment of being much
more afraid of the competition of English industry than of
French; and therefore they were more easily led to extend
to France an indulgence which they were not disposed to
extend to England. I trust, however, that that is over, and
that we shall in all respects be put on the footing of the
most favoured nation. Then there is the question as to the
Scheldt dues. When the treaty wasspegotiated by which
the independence of Belgium was acinoVedged by the five
Powers, it is well known that Austria, Russia, and
Prussia most reluctantly agreed to that conclusion, and that
they clung step by step, and point by point, throughout
that long negotiation to everything that might be advan-
tageous to Holland, rather than to Belgium, and they made
a point that there should be levied a toll on all vessels pass-
ing through Dutch waters to Antwerp. There was a double
object in that—first, to assert the territorial rights of Hol-
land, and next, to put a check or restraint on the commer-
cial prospects of Belgium. That toll was to be levied at
Carlhuis by the Dutch authorities. It was afterwards
agreed by the Belgian and Dutch Governments that the
tolls should not be levied at Carlhuis, that the vessels
'should not be stopped coming up, but that there should bo
a commission at Antwerp to levy tolls on vessels coming up
the Scheldt. The Belgian Government, sensible after •
wards that this toll would operate as a discouragement to
vessels coming to Antwerp, procured a law to be passed in
the Belgian chamber, by which the Belgian Government
took upon itself the payment of that toll to the Dutch Go-
vernment, and from that time the vessels were free. That
was a vo untary thing on the part of Belgium, and the law
might be•revoked at any time by the Belgian chamber, and
in that event the vessels would have to pay their own tolls,
and the nations to whom those vessels belonged would suffer
the inconvenience, whatever that might be, of the payment
of those tolls. The Belgian Government, in 1851, made a
treaty by which they engaged for ten years to pay the tolls
on English vessels, and it will be a matter for negotiation
after the treaty of commerce is concluded to deal with that
question as between Belgium and Great Britain. But I can
assure my hon. friend that the Belgian Government have
acted throughout with the greatest desire to do all that fair-
ness and justice require towards Great Britain ; but as they
have a popular assembly, and as that popular assembly is
swayed, like all others, by ignorance, prejudice, and pas-
sion, they have had difficulties which might not be felt by
a Government of a more despotic constitution. It is said
that the,Foreign-office is not well constituted to represent
and Lto give effect to the commercial interests of the
country. Now, having had the honour for a great length
of time of being in that department, I think I may venture
to assure my hon. friend that he is mistaken in the sup-
position. It is quite true that in regard to information
bearing on the commercial interests of the country the
Foreign-office has recourse to the best authority—the Board
of Trade. And only see what would be the result of the
creation in the Foreign-office of a second department to ful•
fil the same duties as those now fulfilled by the Board of
Trade. But the Board of Trade was in constant communi-
cation with all the trading interests of the country. It is
the depository of a vast mass of information bearing on
those subjects; and if there was a trade department in the
Foreign-office merely to give the same information, the con-
sequence would be that there would be two del artments
doing the same duty. But the opinion of foreign nations is
not at all that which has been stated this evening. The
hon. gentleman thinks that the commercial interests of
this country are neglected by the Foreign-office ; but the
reproach cast upon us by continental nations is that our
negotiations are conducted only to further the commercial
interests of this country. They look upon England as a
selfish power, thinking only of trading advantages. And
now with regard to the Zollverein. It is quite true that
the duties of the Zollverein are very hearty. The feeling of
Germany has been that England was advocating the prin-
ciples of free trade for the purpose of ruining Germany—of
inundating Germany with British commodities. Foreign
nations have an idea that we give our commodities without
taking anything in exchange, that we overwhelm them with
presents. They forget that they can take nothing from us
without giving us something of equal value, and that the
consequence of admitting the products of this country to
supply the wants of their consumers is that they impose on
-.themselves the necessity of crea`ing commodities of some
kind or other by which they can pay forours, and therefore
their notion is most chimerical. I trust 'that -that fear is
now being dissipated. It is being dissipated gradualls , and
the French treaty will have a material effect in disabusing
their minds on this subject. My hon. friend has paid a
very deserved compliment to the member for Rochdale—l
may name him as commissioner on that occasion, not as a
member of this house—Mr. Cobden—(cheers)—for his in-
valuable services in the negotiation of that treaty. (Cheers.)
I am glad to take this opportunity of saying— I may say
almost in justification of her Majesty's Government—that
it is not our fault, but it arises from what I think the over-
strained and too refined delicacy of mind of Mr, Cobden that
he has not received for his services on that occasion some
signal mark of the favour of the Crown. (Cheers.) Honours
were offered to him, which he declined from motives which
do him high credit. Nevertheless that refusal is certainly
a matter of great regret to myself. (Hear.) I assure my
hon. friend that blindness or neglect of the commercial in-
terests of the country is not a fault that her Majesty's Go-
vernment have fallen into. My hon. friend the member
for Warwickshire lamented the fate of the Coventry ribbon
makers, and ascribed the distress which they have suffered
to the French treaty. I believe my hon. friend is mistaken
as to the cause of that distress. It arose, not from any
inundation of French ribbons, but from a change of fashion
in this country. The manufacturers of this country are not
in one respect, in the condition that is well described in a
well-known prologue—
" Hard is I heir fate who here by fortune placed
Must watch the wild vicissitudes of taste."
Well, it is the vicissitudes of taste that from time to time
lead to an increased demand, or a cessation of demand, for
particular manufactures. Ladies, who exercise so great a
sway in all human affairs—(laughter)—may, by changing
their style of dress, inflict distress on one set of manufac-
turers and give abundant occupation to others. The Co-
ventry ribbon makers are suffering from the absence of rib-
bons on ladies' dresses, while the steel manufacturers of
Sheffield are driving a flourishing trade in those implements
of destruction,—(laughter)—which, now form so important a
part of ladies' attire. (More laughter.) They have left off
the manufacture of things of one kind dangerous td human
life, and have taken to Making things which unfortunately,
though not in an equal degree, have been instrumental in
the loss of life in another 'way. (Hear, hear.) Therefore it
is not the French treaty that is the cause of distress in Co-
ventry, but it arises from the -laws of human nature, by
which those persons who manufacture articles of luxury,
have, as the exigency of the moment determines, greater
or less employment in the manufacture of one article than
another. I hope, sir, I have been able to answer the ques-
tion of my hon- friend, and I can assure him that the com-
mercial interests of the country have not been neglected by
her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.)
ELECTION LAW AMENDMENT BILL.
Mr. GRIFFITH asked the Secretary for the Home De-
partment whether he was willing to name a day on which
he could bring forward the Election Law Amendment Bill
sufficiently early to secure a full opportunity of passing
some bill on that subject thneigh both-houses during the
present session.
Sir G. GREY said, having;*egard to the exigencies of
public business, he was unable to name the precise day, but
he would take care it should be one sufficiently early to
allow the house to give the bill a full consideration.
TRANSPORT SHIPS.
Colonel DUNNE asked the Secretary to the Admiralty
whether troops had been sent to America in the vessels
, • .
Adelaide and Victoria, which were lately nearly lost ; and
moved an address for copy of any report made by the com-
mandant of the troops on board, the Admiralty agents at
Cork, and the captains of these vessels ; and further asked
if either or both of these captains had retired or been re-
moved from their command, and the reasons for such re-
moval; and also moved for any correspondence between
Major-General Lord Frederick Paulett and the 'War-office
as to the Adriatic troop ship conveying the Grenadier
Guards to America, or any correspondence on the same sub-
ject with any Government department. The gallant mem-
ber complained of the unfitness of the ships Victoria and
Adelaide, and expressed his opinion that having been
built for the Australian trade they were totally unfit for the
voyage to
North America.
Lord C. PAGET objected to producing confidential re-
ports, but was willing to give the official ones of the Admi-
ralty agents. Tho fact was that the Admiralty were well
acquainted with the qualities of both ships, having pre-
viously employed them for the transport of troops to China.
The Adelaide put back not because she was unseaworthy,
but simply
because she was so unfortunate as to lose the
lid of her cylinder. She was thoroughly refitted, and was
minutelyinspected during a heavy gale off the Eddystone,
before she was again sent to sea. The Victoria put back be-
cause it was thought that after the heavy weather she had
experienced she had not coals enough to enable her to make
the voyage in any reasonable time. Admirals Swart and
Paisley had both inspected and approved her fitness before
she was again despatched, and she was sent south about.,
I simply because as there was now no pressure for time, it

was not necessary b expose her to the ioebeigs of the
northern passage. Lord F. Paulett had complained of the
Cooking apparatus in the Adriatic, and of the stowage, but
that had nothing to do with the safety of the vessel. As to
the captains of the Victoria and Adelaide leaving, it was
true that they had done so, but one hdd left for private
reasons, wholly irrespective of the seaworthiness of the
Vessel, and the other had retired on account of ill health.
ilr. iIKA-T/IstCli. disapproved of any distinction being
made between confidential and official reports, and took that
opportunity of showing from an official document, in reply
to the noble lord at the head of the Government, that the
distress in Coventry bad been caused by the commercial
treaty With Prance. In 1860, before the treaty came into
operation, the import of French ribbons was'442,ooolbs. ; in
1861 it had run to 746,0001b5. krenth ribbons were im-
ported free, whilst the French charged a small citify on our
ribbons, retaining a power of increasing it.
Sir G. LEWIS objected to the production of Lord F.
Paulett's letter, as a confidential communication. If the
house insisted on its production, there would be an end to

such communications.
Col. DUNNE relied on the assertion of the Secretary to
the Admiralty as to ti:e official reports, but believed that no
officer would shrink from the ptiblication of the complaints
against the accommodation of transports 4
THE INDIAN ARMY.
Colonel SYK ES asked why 1,824 recruits, for the Bengal
Presidency alone, were sent out at the end of last year, the
fixed establishment of European troops of all arms for India,
namely 71,000 men, being at he time exceeded by 9,770 men;
and why the Queen's Bays, ordered home from India, were
stopped at Cawnpore on their mar ch to embark for England.
If 100,000 native troops were reduced, the saving would be
only a million, but if 30,000 European troops were sent out,
they would cost £3,300,000. While this dead weight was
kept upon the finances of India, the efforts of Mr. Laing

would be utterly futile.
Sir C. WOOD was very glad that the hon. and gallant
gentleman had asked him this question, because it enabled
him to refute the charge which had been made against the
home Government of having forced a greater number of
troops upon India than were required for the safety and
protection of her Majesty's Eastern dominions. He would
not go into the question of -what the military force of the

Indian Government ought to be ; but he would remind the
gallant member that an overgrown native army had com-

pelled a far greater expenditure than would represent the
capitalised £lO per head, which ho calculated was
the cost of a native soldier. The Indian Government,
with the entire concurrence of every man of sense both on
the spot and at home, had determined to replace the Sepoy
forces by a suitable number of Europeans, and thus to render
the country as safe as human contrivance could render it
against a recurrence of so great a calamity as the Sepoy
revolt. The charge against the home Government was that
they had thrown upon the finances of India a greater num-
ber of Queen's troops than ought to have been; and he
would content himself with replying that that charge was
wholly unfounded. The number of European soldiers which
the different Indian Governments estimated in the autumn
of 1860 would be required, was 92,000 ; but the home
Government considered that an excessive calculation,
and he (Sir Charles Wood) took upon himself mate-
rially to reduce it. The military members of the
Indian Council had reported about the same time that, in
their opinion, the establishment ought to be only 80,000
men. Of course he could not pretend to set his own autho-
rity in opposition to that of gentlemen so much better ac-
quainted with the subject than he could be, but he did
venture privately to suggest to Lord Canning that the
number might be reduced to 73,000 men. In the spring of
1861 the home Government had to consider what recruits
should be sent out; for the house were no doubt aware
that they were only sent once a year, in June or July, so
that they might arrive at the commencement of the cold
season ; the home Government had taken upon themselves
to reduce the establishments of the Queen's regiments from
1,000 to 850 men, and also to reduce the depots to the ex-
tent of nearly one half. Now, the casualties of Indian
regiments, including the men whose time had expired,
were on the average 10 per cent. per annum, and therefore
the home Government determined that where the actual
strength of a regiment did not exceed 15 per cent, of the
reduced establishment, they would not forward any re-
cruits on the next time for sending them. There were no
doubt some regiments where the excess of strength was
above the 15 per cent., but the Government thought it
would be better to let the number be gradually reduced by
casualties, than to put the Indian exchequer to the expense
of discharging the surplus men and sending them home.
After the number of recruits had been sent out in the
spring of 1861, the Indian Government forwarded a new
estimate, which was considerably below that which they
had previously sent home, and on which the number of
the recruits had been calculated in 1861. This new esti-
mate was for 73,577 men, or within 500 or so of the
number which he (Sir C. Wood) had suggested nearly a
year before. The yearly casualties, he had said, were
equal to 10 per cent., which, in 73,500 men, would be
7,300; and, therefore, to maintain an average strength the
least number that ought to have been sent out last-spring
was 3,650 ; instead of which, however, the Government had
only despatched 2,804, or 800 fewer than the minimum
number. (Hear.) The number of European soldiers on
the Ist of November was 73,286 ; and according to a subse-
quent report it was 74,015. He could not say whether that
included all the recruits, for 1,000 artillerymen had been
sent out after the rest, and might possibly not have arrived;
but even allowing for them, thq number was 2,000 below
the minimum required to keep up an average strength, on
the reduced establishment. The house would, the' erol
see how groundless was the assertion that the Indian army
had been exceeded by 9,030 men. (Hear.) Even assuming,
with,the gallant colonel, that the Indian establishment was
only IT i,OOO men—though he really did not know how the
hon...anember had arrived at it, the number of the recruits
who' had been sent. out was 750 fewer than it ought to have
beer; for five per cent. on 71,000 men would be 3,550, and
the home Government had only sent out 2,800. (Hear.)
He now came to the hon. and gallant gentleman's next
question, why the home Government had stopped a Queen's
regiment which the Indian Government had ordered to
return to England ? In 1858 the Indian Government
calculated what European force would be required in
their opinion to garrison the country, and in 1860 a
despatch came home, in which, after two years' delibera-
tion, they adhered to the estimate they had previously
formed. The force of cavalry which• they thought
Bengal alone ought to have was ten local regiments and
three Queen's, with an aggregate strength of 6,600 men.
The home government, however, thought that eight ,regi-
ments would be sufficient, and orders were given (ha re-
membered that Lord Clyde was rather alarmed at the re-
duction) that the force should consist of only 5,000, to be
afterwards brought down by the reduced establishments to
4,000. At that time there were in Bengal five local regi-
ments, which were directed to be made into th ee. There
were also two regiments in Madras, and one in Bombay.
The five Bengal regiments, however, proved to be not suffi-
cient to make into three, and one was ordered from Bombay,
so that there would have been eight regiments in Bengal,
two in Madras, and one in Bombay. The Bengal govern-
ment, however, said they would not have the regiment from
Bombay, and its establishment was thus reduced to seven
regiments. The Indian government authorised the forma-
tion of three regiments out of the local forces, and as soon
as they got them they said they would keep them and send
home one of the old English regiments. But the English
Government declined to sanction that proposal. The autho-
rities in India had power to make the reduction, and if they
declined to do to, it was not for want' of having sufficient
authority. At any rate the home Government were not
responsible for any extra charges occasioned by the conduct
of the government in India.
NATIONAL EDUCATION SYSTEM IN IREILAND.
Mr. HENNESSY called attention to the circumstance
of an advertisement having been issued 'by the Commis-
sioners of Nation Education in Ireland, asking for candi-
dates for a sub-inspectorship of schools, and stating that
only Roman Catholics need apply ; and protested against
it as an attempt to induce Roman Catholics to become
parties to the national system.
Sir R. PEEL said that it had been the practice in the
selection of inspectors that Protestants and Roman Catho-
lics were chosen alternately. He was not aware of the par •
titular circumstances of this case.
SUPPLY.

The house went into committee of supply pro forma;
and the chairman immediately reported progress, and the
house resumed. _ _

HIGHWAYS BILL.

Sir G. GREY moved the second reading of this bill.
Mr. BARROW said ho rose with some reluctance to move
that the bill be read a second time that day six months,
He looked upon the measure as a confiscation of the rights
of property lying beyond the limits of boroughs. Property
undoubtedly had its rights as well as its duties, and he
thought it vary unwise to take the management of high-
ways out of the hands of the councils, which had so long
managed them. He considered the bill uncalled for, and
unnecessary. It was remarkable that during tho many
years these bills had been before the house, scarcely a
single petition was presented in favour of the bill ; and no
public meeting had ever been held. On the other hand,
there had been numbers of protests against it. He under-
stood that the principle of the bill was to establish a
system of concentration and centralisation of parishes, and
to submit them to a central board. He confessed he
looked upon this extension of centralisation and bureau-
cracy with the greatest apprehension. The house was
not fairly called upon to vote for this bill, because it
was not supported, by the people of this country. In
a period of some 30 years, since the 4 and 5 Will. IV.,
parishes had been enabled to accumulate' themselves toge-
ther, and it was in their power to pay a district officer,
This power had been exerted in very few instances. He
himself knew of no single one ; and ho could not believe
that his countrymen were such fools as not to avail them-
selves of it if they found it beneficial. He asked them if any
necessity existed for this measure, and if so what ? It was a
curious argument to use in favour of this bill, to say that
the existing law was not put in force. If the magistrates
had been unwearied in attempting to administer the law,
and failure had taken place,in such a case it might be rea-
sonable to find fault with the state of things. According to
the present law the parishes elected their own officers, to
whom they deputed the duty of repairing the highways.
i They appointed their own surveyor for their own parish, to