The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-19 00:00:00

---.....—
litessv. Scholefield and Bright at Bir-
mingham.

BIRMINGHAM, Wednesday Night.
This evening Messrs. Bright and Scholefield paid
their annual visit to their constituents, and addressed
a densely crowded meeting in the Town-hall. Both
the hon. gentlemen met with an enthusiastic recep-
tion.

The MAYOR briefly opened the proceedings.
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD said it was not often that he
had had the honour of addressing them on the last
occasion of an expiring Parliament. It was impos-
sible for him to say what were the intentions of her
Majesty's Government. They might content them-
selves with the Budget and the usual odds and ends
of legislation. They might, on the other hand,
bring in, if not a great measure, at least some mea-
sure of reform, for the purpose of going to the
country with an election cry. He considered that
the Government had culpably neglected their pledges
in 1859, but he still felt for them a vague respect
for what they had previously done, and trusted that
they would at least endeavour to meet the exigencies
of the coming election. (Cheers.) He must admit
that the Government of Lord Derby boldly and sin-
cerely brought in a reform bill, dangerous as it was
in many respects, on which they staked their exis-
tence, whilst the present Government, in spite of
their loud professions, had abandoned their bill,
alleging the apathy of the people as their excuse.
He believed, however, that if Mr. Gladstone would
act up to the views which he had expressed last ses-
sion the people would at once rally round him in
spite of this alleged apathy, which some ascribed at
the time to the example of France and America.
He deprecated any measure of ingenious contri-
vances, and with this opinion he had always voted
for the bills of Mr. Locke King and Mr. Baines,
rough and ready as they were. What they wanted
was an extension of the franchise within the boroughs
and counties, and a more equal distribution of elec-
toral power, the transfer of Beata from insignificant
places to places of greater wealth and population—
and he would advise them to accept any measure
which met these two points, although in a less degree
than they might desire. He deprecated an extra-
vagant expenditure on the army and navy, but he
did not want a narrow expenditure, which required
ten times the outlay when an exigency arose. He
looked at the attitude of America, which was not
merely shown by popular demonstrations, but by
the despatches of Mr. Seward and the language of
persons in office. The Americans threatened to re-
peal the reciprocity treaty with Canada, in violation
of every sound principle of commercial policy. They
had also given notice to put an end to that excellent
arrangement (which he should like to see estab-
lished in principle in Europe) for the regulation of
the naval force on the American lakes. Looking,
therefore, at these things, whilst he desired economy
he was not prepared to abate one jot of what was
necessary for the security of the country. With re-
spect to intervention in foreign affairs, he was pre-
pared to lay down the rule that they ought not to
interfere in the internal affairs of other countries ;
but he would not advocate the principle that this
rule should be adhered to solely for commercial con-
siderations. There was another subject which he de-
sired to avoid discussing on the present occasion,
but in order that there might be no mistake, he must
reserve his discretion, if there should arise a neces-
sity for taking Parliamentary action on the question
of recognising the Southern States. (Cheers and
hisses.) In conclusion, he thanked the constituency
for the confidence in him which it had so long re-
posed, and which he hoped he should continue to
enjoy. (Cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT, who was greeted with several rounds
of enthusiastic cheering, said—When my colleague
and myself had the pleasure last year of meeting
you in this place, there was one subject which was
pressing upon the minds of all of us, and causing
no small disquietude. We were encompassed by ru-
mours of war ; a small state in the north of Europe
was surrounded by difficulties, mainly, I am afraid,
of its own creation, and yet was assailed with
what was considered almost a savage vindictive-
ness, by a powerful people comprising one
great empire and several kingdoms.'" We were
disposed to go into that contest, and to mingle in
the war, and my hon. colleague spoke in the most
emphatic language against the idea that we should
enter into a war first with Germany, and perhaps
afterw.ards with some other states in Europe on
behalf of Denmark ; and I said that any Government
in Europe that plunged us into war for the sake of
the integrity of Denmark, deserved not only the
condemnation, but the execration of the people.
(Cheers,) Although we took so decided a view, we
cannot conceal from ourselves that there was a cer-
tain restlessness in the public mind. The newspapers
in London, particularly those which are supposed to
represent the Government, were strongly urging the
country to war, and the papers which were supposed
to represent the Opposition were urging the Govern-
ment to pursue the same course, no doubt with the
kindly intention of embarrassing and destroying the
Ministry. (Cheers.) But we had to recollect that at
the head of the Government are two very ancient
statesmen— the Prime Minister and the head of the
Foreign-office—and remembering that about ten
years ago they were the Ministers mainly responsible
for the war with Russia, we could not but feel that
the danger which impended over us was not entirely
imaginary. How we escaped it we hardly yet know.
Some say the Queen was very much opposed to the
war, as doubtless she would be opposed to any war
which she believed could possibly be avoided ; for
that lam grateful to the Queen. (Cheers and
laughter.) It has been said that we owe peace to the
younger members of the Cabinet, chiefly to Mr.
Gladstone. (Cheers.) If that be true, I tender my
thanks to the majority of that Cabinet. (Cheers.)
Some say that the unusual speculative monetary en-
gagements and investments of last year made all the
moneyed interests of • the country look on the pro-
spect of war as something absolutely appalling and
ruinous. If that be so, I tender my thanks to the
moneyed interests of the country. (Cheers and
laughter.) During the session the question was in-
cessantly discussed, and the Government exhibited
its usual feebleness, and the Opposition its usual
folly. (Cheers and laughter.) If a question was
asked about the destination of the fleet, an
answer was given which might be read one way
or the other. If the Opposition were not in favour of
war, they showed an incessant attempt to drive the
Government to some act which would mske hostili-
ties inevitable. (Cheers.) Towards the end of the
session there was a long debate, and then the feeble-
ness of the Goveriunent and the folly of the Oppo-
sition were manifest, and the two sides of the house
had to make some ridiculous revelations of all the
policy that in past times they had appeared to hold.
(Cheers.) While the debate was going on I thought
of the opposition of the ancient statesmen to whom
I have referred. (Laughter.) They have in times
Past held and professed opinions which I consider
altogether unsound and pernicious to the nation.
In the year 1853, speaking on the subject of our
foreign relations at Greenock Lord J. Russell said,
"It is likewise • 2
to be considered, and I trust we shall
none of us forget it, that the country holds an im-
portant position among the nations of the world,
that not once, but
e
many times, she has stood for-
ward to resist aggressito maintain the indepen-
dence of weaker nations,' to preserve to the
family of nations that freedom, general
of govern-
ing themselves of which others' thathay power
e sought to deprive
them. I trust that character will
not
is more
a people which is now stronger in mabe abandoned by
n.s,
which
populous and wealthy than it has ever
former period. This, then, you will agree been at any
with me,
is not the period to abandon any of those d
wards the world—towards the whole of mankind
which which Great Britain has hitherto performed." N-1:1'
you seewhat Lord Russell at that day proposed forwu'
to do. You have heard that the hard-working man,
and every one who receives his wages at the end of
the week, was pledged by Lord Russell not to aban-
don any of the duties to the world. which Great
Britain had hitherto performed. We were to
defend all weaker nations, and to take care that
nobody was molested in any part of the globe.
I merely read this to show you what sort of
language was used by a Cabinet Minister only
12 years ago at a meeting of sensible Scotchmen ;
but if I were to take speeches of Lord Palmerston,