The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-22 00:00:00

_ .
head-quarters for Woolwich, for transfer to the ith
Brigade, which has recently arrived home Toro fa-
reign service. The detachment was specially se-
lected, and was composed of meu of upwards of 10
years' service, the whole of whom had derved in our
colonial possessions or in India.

THE VOTE OF TVANT OF CONFIDENCE.

There is no disguising it—it is just that, pure I
and simple, whatever the spirit of the leaders. It
is precisely such a vote as in Parliament—which,
under the theory of the British Constitution, is
sovereign—is always succeeded by the resignation
of the Ministry, from the Premier down. What
shall be its effect here ? Under our Constitution it
is the people who are sovereign. Surely their power
is as legitimate as that of the British Parliament,
and their vote of dissatisfaction ought to tell
potently in some shape. How ? Not by the re-
signation or removal of the President. Our con-
stitutional system contemplates nothing of the kind.
It prescribes fired periods of office. Though every
loyal State were to set itself in opposition to him,
the President, unless he should subject himself to
positive impeachment, would be, and ought to be,
none the less secure in his office to the last minute

of his four years' term. The adoption of a different
principle would introduce fatal disorder and confu

sion. Not, necessarily, by the resignation or re-
moval of the Cabinet. The Cabinet, doubtless, might
be better constituted ; but no such change, in itself,
would inspire confidence. Our Presidents, it is
well known, have greatly differed in respect to their
disposition to be influenced by Cabinet consultations
and decisions. Some were wont to submit im-
plicitly to the majority of their " constitutional

advisers;" while others, though they might con

suit, yet were very sure to follow their own inde-
pendent bent. It is understood that President
Lincoln belongs rather to this latter class. If that
be truly the case, the present Cabinet is, after all,
in no great degree responsible for the slowness and
inefficiency against which the people have protested
so emphatically; and a reorganization of the Cabinet
would do very little towards securing the remedy.
Where, then, must we look ? If we cannot have
another President for over two years to come, and
if a change in the heads of the various departments
would, at best, only reach minor evils, in what
other way is it possible for this vote of the

people to gain its object than through a change
in the spirit and purpose of President Lincoln

himself ? He alone has the remedy, and he
is bound by the most solemn obligations that can
rest upon a popular ruler to apply it. Whether he
changes his men or not, he must change his policy.
The people of the loyal states have as complete a
right to such a change as the British Parliament

had when it declared no further confidence in the

Aberdeen Ministry, which so wretchedly misma
naged the first stage of the Crimean war, Nay, they
have twice as good a right, for their patience has
been twice as sorely tried. Parliament endured 10
months, while our people have endured 20, In
saying that President Lincoln must change his spirit
and purpose, we of course recognise its difficulty.
No man can easily tame on a character that belongs
to him neither by nature nor by habit. The very
qualities which have made Abraham Lincoln so well
liked in private life—his trustful disposition, his
kindheartedness, his concern for fair play, his pla-
cidity of temper—in a manner unfit him for the stein
requirements of deadly war. Quick, sharp, sum-
mary dealings don't suit him at all. He is all the
while haunted with the fear of doing some injustice,
and is ever easy to accept explanations. The very
first necessity of war is extreme rigour, and yet
every impulse of our constitutional Commander-in-
Chief has been to get rid of it. His moral earnest-
ness no man doubts. There is not a purer patriot
in the land, and yet there is something beyond this
which we miss—the high, sacred vehemence, in-
spired by the consciousness of infinite interests at
stake, and infinite responsibilities. It would be a
signal blessing to the country could Old Abe's pa-
triotism, sterling as it is, be fired with something of
the old Jacksonian passion—something glowing,
thrilling, electric—that should be a stimulus not
only to every faculty of his own nature, but to that
of every man within the reach of his words. "Yet it
is useless to talk of this, for nature has denied to his
temperament all such susceptibility. But it is within
his power to brace up his will ; for if there is any-
thing in a man over which he has a control, it is
his will, It is just this which the people have
demanded of Mr. Lincoln, and he is bound to do it,
go against the grain though it may. We must
have a fixed, steadfast, immovable determination
that henceforth all men and all things shall bend
to the one sole object of making the speediest con-
quest of this rebellion. That determination is cer-
tainly within the power of Abraham Lincoln.
The people have demanded it, and it is his business
to acquire it and maintain it. There need be no
apprehension that the people will not treat this
change of spirit justly and liberally when it appears.
Once assured that the President will come up to the
inflexible resolve to make short work of the rebels
they would give him their unlimited trust. He
would at once acquire a moral power with them be-
fore which all of their predilections for this or that
General, or for this or that line of procedure, would
be as nothing. they would have no favourite, they
would not give up if deemed necessary, nor any
plan they would not forego. Knowing that the
right spirit ruled, they would be slow to mark
errors, and even hard reverses they would hear with
composure, secure of final triumph. President Lin-
coln, notwithstanding the want of confidence just
declared, has still but to will it to be master of the
situation. The people know his honesty. They
simply ask that his utmost capacities shall be
brought to bear to make an end of the indecision,
and procrastination, and general feebleness which,
from the beginning thus far, have marked military
operations, for which he is ultimately responsible.
Let him boldly and thoroughly act up to this just
responsibility. The people have enjoined that.
They seek nothing more ; they will take nothing
less.-IVeto York limes.