The Sun.
London, England, 1853-07-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 18, 1 853

bates would be treated by the Government mea-
sure, which is to be brought forward next session.
Last came the Simony Law Amendment Bill,
which stood for a second reading. The question
which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the
Member for Kidderminster was anxious to
bring under the consideration of the House
was undoubtedly one of very considerable
importance. A great abuse—one that brought
scandal on the Church, and led to very loud and
general complaints—was aimed at. The sale of
patronage, under any circumstances, is a crying
grievance. The right of appointing a pastor to a
Christian congregation should not be made a
matter of barter or sale. A more sacred trust
could not be confided to any individual ; and it
is truly deplorable when we witness the delibe-
rate violation of that trust by its being turned
into a means of obtaining money for the patron,
or providing for an unworthy or unqualified per-
son, who had no claims to such a situation save
the possession of money by himself or friends ;
and the readiness to invest that money in acquir-
ing " a cure of souls in a good sporting county,
where the duty was single, the population small,
and the parsonage-house roomy and comfortable."
What could be more disgusting than to find that
infirmity, and decreptitude, and ill health were
the only qualifications looked for by a patron,
who had omitted to dispose of the next presenta-
tion previous to the death of the last incumbent ?
Such a system cannot be defended, because it is
"an aged vice, a grey iniquity." Means should
be taken to remove the reproach from the Na-
tional Church ; and Mr. PHILLIMORE is entitled to
much credit for having directed the public attention
to the subject. Under present circumstances,
however, it could not possibly be carried through
its various stages during the present session, and
therefore the noble Lord who took charge of its
progress during the accidental absence of Mr.
PIIII:LIMORE, exercised a wise discretion in not
pressing it on to a division against the opposition
which it received. It, or some analogous mea-
sure, will, however, again be brought forward; and
we trust that the blot may eventually be erased
from the escutcheon of the Church of England.

lea to such injurious results has mainly arisen
from the unfounded belief that their peculiar
views were acceptable to a large proportion of the
people of England, and to the certainty that the
Prime Minister of Queen VICTORIA largely par-
ticipated therein. To the timid and vacillating
policy of the " excellent ABERDEEN," which pre-
vented a bold and manly remonstrance in the
first instance, when the threatened attack on the
integrity of the Turkish dominions, and the inde-
pendence of the Ottoman Government wasintimated,
may be attributed the partial execution of these
insolent menaces. If the Western Powers had
promptly repudiated the " engagements" alluded
to in the NESSELRODE Circular, " not to compli-
cate the difficulties of the situation by assuming
an attitude, or prematurely taking steps, which,
on the one hand, would have the effect of encour-
ing the Porte in a course of opposition, and, on
the other, might involve them further than they
then were in a question relating to the honour
and dignity of the EMPEROR." We should not
have had to prove the inaccuracy of the reasoning,
the absurdity of the argument, which attempts to
show that the presence of the combined fleets of
England and France not in the Bosphorus or
within sight of the Turkish capital—not even in
the Dardanelles, but in a sea open to the navies
of the entire world—was not an unjustifiable
entry upon " the waters and harbours of the
Ottoman empire," "a threatening demonstration,"
or " a maritime occupation," that authorised or
afforded any reasons for " re-establishing the
equilibrium of the respective positions by a mili-
tary occupation" on the part of Russia. The
CZAR, manifestly does not and cannot comprehend
the reasons for our extraordinary forbearance. He
has no feeling in common with those that avoided
all recriminatory language, and submitted
patiently to his impudent assumptions and
bullying bluster. He ascribed to timidity,
whether correctly or otherwise, the injudicious
course pursued by English diplomatists, in obe-
dience to the instructions of the Joint-stock Ad-
ministration, in which Lord PALMERSTON did not
hold the seals of the Foreign-office.
It is not enough to be prepared for war—it is
not enough that our forces by sea and land are
thoroughly organised, and capable of defending
our rights and those of our allies, when hostilities
have been forced upon us. No. Something
more is required for the maintenance of tran-
quillity. We must be ready for war as well
as being Fully prepared for it. We must be
prompt to lift the gauge of battle when insolently
flung down before us. If the notion gets abroad
that we will permit any advantage to be gained
by offering a cams belli which is disregarded—
that more will be conceded in consequence of a
minatory aspect—farewell to the hope of permanent
peace. The CZA.R is too well aware of the step
he has achieved—the strength of the position
which he has taken to be easily induced to relin-
quish it, or if he should do so, for the time being,
not to be on the look-out for the most trivial pre-
text for again taking possession of the Principali-
ties. Nothing but action—decisive and deter-
mined action--can avert the most serious evils.
The NESSELRODE Circular has more than justi-
fied it, if any doubt could have previously existed
on the subject, and that the English Government
is bound to display, if it would maintain the con-
fidence and respect of the English people.

We rejoice most heartily that the bill for the
removal of professorial tests in the Scotch Univer-
sities has passed a second reading. It is high time
that these mischievous implements of bigotry
should be wrested from the hands that use them
merely to deprive Universities of the noblest in-
tellectual life which might otherwise animate them.
The bill, as it is to pass, is, indeed, but a compro-
mise, and the teachers of mathematics, chemistry,
mechanics, and so forth, are to pledge themselves
not to imperil the Assembly's Catechism by their
problems and experiments ! Well, be it so. The
professors, if doing their duty to their pupils
and their sciences, will assuredly have other
things to think about ; and if the Presbyterian
D.Ds. think it worth while to furnish the profes-
sors of science with such dust to shake off their
feet against the timid bigotry of ecclesiastics,
why, it is never worth the professors' while
to object. For ourselves, we hold all similar
declarations, whether required of Roman Catholic
Members of Parliament, of municipal town coun-
cillors, or of non-Presbyterian Scotch professors,
very cheap. They convict of cowardice, or of dis-
trust of the merits of their own cause, the party
which enforces them, while they never do and
never can bind, to any practical purpose, the party
who takes them.

Although the annual general Massacre of the
Innocents has not yet commenced in good earnest,
an alarming predisposition to private Parliamen-
tary infanticide is beginning to be manifested by
Hon. Gentlemen, and we are bound to say that
her Majesty's Ministers are by no means inclined
to oppose the progress of the disease. Several
promising legislative bantlings have already been
brought to a premature end : some nipped in the
bud, before they had acquired a large portion of
the affections of their putative parents ; others
colusigniul to the limbo of a select committee ;
while others were cut off after they had attained
a fair position, having passed triumphantly
through the dangers and trials of the second read-
ing, and the " affirmation of the principle" by a
fair majority or majorities of the House of Com-
mons. When a bill has reached this " en-
gaging" stage when the watchful care of
its Parliamentary parent or sponsor , has
safely guided it through the various shoals
and quicksands that beset its early youth, it
requires more than Spartan fortitude to witness
its cruel fate. Nothing but a confident hope of
its reappearance under more favourable auspices
can reconcile the afflicted parent to its withdrawal

Still this test-protected liberty of teaching
science was not enough for Sir ROBERT INGLIS.
His Episcopalian co-religionists, it appears, had
stretched their consciences to sign the confession
of a Church which anathematises bishops, there-
fore Sir ROBERT thought the chairs were open to
those sound in his own pliable faith ; but some
worthy Presbyterians, not of the Scotch Establish-
ment, could not consent to sign themselves Esta-
blishment-men. These men, therefore, though
agreeing with the Church of Scotland, probably in
everything but the question of patronage (chiefly
a secular matter), Sir ROBERT desires to exclude
from office. In a word, the English Episcopalian,
though anathematised by the creeds of the Scotch
Church, stands up to fight the battle, which Scot-
tish members decline, for the remnant of the
Scotch Establishment against the Free Church of
the majority. This is the sum of the whole oppo-
sition.

Poor GOLDSMITH remarked that it was " im-
possible to argue with JOHNSON, for if his pistol
missed fire he knocked you down with the butt
end of it." We may truly say of Sir ROBERT
et hoc genus Mlle, that there is no arguing with
him, for if reasons fail he knocks you down
with an oath. Not a profane one, oh,
no ! but, in this case, with a royal one ; it

or rejection.
At the morning sitting of Wednesday, four
youthful victims were surrendered to the sacrifi-
cial knife. First in importance, as in order, was
the County Rates and Expenditure Bill; the prin-
ciple of which had been frequently considered,
and repeatedly affirmed by the Representatives
of the people. The Right Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Manchester had long exerted himself
zealously, energetically, and efficiently in pro-
moting its progress. No private Member could
have done more to nsure the success of a mea-
sure which had not been openly taken under the
aegis of Ministerial protection. Mr. MILNER
GIBSON had every reason to anticipate that his
proposal would have received the Royal Assent
even during the present session. The lassitude and
fatigue engendered by the morning and evening
sittings, and the double work thus imposed on the
labourers at the Legislative treadmill, however,
defeated for the time being his reasonable expec-
tations. He had, however, the satisfaction of ob-
taining a pledge from the Home Secretary that, in
the beginning of next session, her MAJESTY'S Go-
vernment " would propose to Parliament a mea-
sure founded on the principle of popular represen-
tation as regarded the administration of the affairs
of counties." Although, therefore, the Right
Hon. Gentleman must have experienced a feeling
of disappointment at witnessing once more the
temporary withdrawal of a proposition for which
he had struggled so gallantly during many years,
he may console himself with the hope that before
the termination of another session he will see it,
or something very analogous, enrolled among the
statute laws of the land. We will add with Mr.
SCULLY the earnest hope that it may be made
general in its application, and that Ireland may
be included within its operation.
Next in order, but under very different cir-
cumstances, comes the Seamens' Savings Banks
Bill, which had unaccountably survived the ordeal
of a second reading, and stood for committee.
Its parents had, however, ruthlessly deserted
their helpless offspring. One of its sponsors alone
appeared, who candidly confessed that, although
he had allowed his name to be put on the back
of the bill, "ho was not acquainted with its
details." The Honourable and Gallant Officer
also made as brief a statement as to the nature of
the agreeable position in which he was placed,
saying
iLhathehe "had no authority to withdraw
he was not in h:dno authority to go on, and
position to go on." Under such
circumstances we need scarcely say that the bill
was speedily consigned to the " Tomb of the
with no
Capulets," hope of a resuscitation--a
result the less to be regretted, as it appeared that
it was totally uncalled for, an Act, being already
in existence which carried out its object. The
time and labour bestowed on the bill was, there-
fore, wholly superfluous--a useless waste of the
public time.

appearing to him, no doubt, a royal road to his
desired goal. By the QUEEN'S oath he charges
us to desist from admitting intellectual light into
universities except through " subscription" win-
dows. He takes up the London Gazette of June
20, 1837, and proves that Queen VICTORIA sub-
scribed the Oath of Security for the Church of
Scotland against Episcopalian, interference.
Oaths should be "an end of all strife ;" but Sir
ROBERT, and the few survivors of his school, con-
trive to make them the most strife-enkindling
inventions in the world. They did so in the con-
troversy on Roman Catholic Emancipation ; they
do so when any portion of Church lucre is in
danger, or when, as in this instance, brains are
likely to overpower bigotry. One thing is obvious
to all, that the appeal to oaths, like the ap-
peal to " vested interests," is never made unless
the cause is in itself defenceless ; when common
sense, reason, the wants of society, the changes of
circumstances, and all the considerations that in-
fluence disinterested and sound-minded men are
irresistible, then the fanatic or the conservator of
abuses conjures up the ghost of an oath to deter
No instance probably can be produced of a
cause intrinsically good being defended in either
Houses of Parliament by the appeal to an oath.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS, however, is not the man
who has a right to watch over the safe-keeping of
others' oaths. Sir WILLIAM HAMILTON has ap-
pealed to him ever since 1835 to see to his own
oaths. He has shown him " that those pro-
ceeding to a degree (and Sir ROBERT is a gra-
duate of Oxford) without fulfilling all indispen-
sable conditions, are declared perjured by statute,
and no graduate now fulfils even the most impor-
tant of these."* He has called on him, by every
consideration of honour and religion, to put an
end to the flagrant and gross perjury of which the
heads of houses are distinctly, and not merely
constructively, guilty, by their own statutes. The
argumentum ad hominem proves nothing, it is
true, for or against the general question ; but it is
overwhelming against Sir ROBERT INGLIS. He,
of all men, cannot maintain the inviolability of
oaths, even when their sense and application is
clear. He is a graduate in virtue of what his
own university statutes declare to be perjury.
He zesists—and the heads of houses, who are
in a worse moral plight than lie, do the
same—all interference of the Legislature to
modify the statutes and oaths which convict
him. Either, therefore, such official oaths may
be broken openly without guilt, and Queen
VICTORIA need not trouble herself about a for-
mality, or Sir ROBERT INGLIS and the heads of
the Oxford Houses are chargeable with a crime
which they would shudder to think of. We
leave Sir ROBERT to choose his alternative, only
adding that we think Queen VICTORIA will be
promoting the true interests of the Scotch Church
by assenting to this Bill ; and we only hopo that
it may speedily be presented to her for signature.
We trust that a majority of 106 to 17 in its
favour is conclusive of its fate in both Houses.

you.

Next came the Probate of Wills and Grant of
Administration Bill. This had been introduced
by the Honourable Gentleman the Member for
Sheffield, with the view of removing one very
serious grievance connected with the testamentary
jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Courts, viz., that
which, under certain circumstances, rendered ne-
cessary a useless increase of expense, by multiply-
ing the probates of the same will, if there were
bona notabilia in different provinces. So that
instances have occurred where it became necessary
to take out probates from the Prerogative Courts
of York and Canterbury, and also in Scotland and
Ireland. Mr. HADFIELD very properly felt desir-
ous of abating this nuisance, in favour of which
irlkietarainesssin,galendargument could be advanced. He
See "Discussions on University Reform," &c.
as, however, obliged to succumb to the general -
frcal
Lore
1)4141 zt;nttilhaitmjleelfcv.:lllolpQrfornt L *
texotnagraans. 1852. Especially pages 530, 450, and con-
__

It is hardly worth while to enter upon the
general question of Tests in Universities just now;
but surely the time is come for their entire aboli-
tion in regard to literary professors in every
department, in English as well as Scotch Univer-
sities ; and to youth and laymen in every case. It
is quite enough that those who enter the Univer-
sities to take office in the Church, should at a
proper age sign its Articles, or some Articles of
reasonable length and simplicity; but after the

Report of the late Commission, and in the rapidly
advancing state of public opinion, the hour is
plainly at hand when it will not be endured that
National Universities shall refuse their education,
or their educational honours, to all whose con-
sciences scruple subscription to Formularies, whose
meaning the ablest sons of the Church dispute, or,
indeed, to any Formularies at all. Even Oxford
must become, in the secular and real sense, an
Anglican University.

LATEST FOREIGN NEWS.

FRANCE.

IMPORTANT CIRCULAR DISPATCH.

M. Drouyn de l'lluys has lost no time in re-
plying to the second note of Count de Nesselrode.
This morning's Moniteur contains the Minister's
answer, dated only the 15th. The promptitude of
the publication in this instance is accounted for by
the breach of etiquette committed by the Russian
Government in giving a diplomatic circular to the
Petersburgh Journal before it had been dispatched
to the parties for whose instruction it was intended.
Having accomplished this act of retaliation, the
French Minister, with moderation but with perfect
firmness, proceeds to convict the Russian Minister
of having misled the other powers, by an admis-
sion that the Sultan had satisfied the demands
made by Prince Menschikoff, and of then raising a
fresh question. He next convicts him of misrepre-
sentation of matters of fact regarding the pretended
provocation to pass the Pruth, by the anchorage of
the fleet in Besika Bay. In fine, he makes the
Russian Government cut a sorry figure, as will be
seen by the following translation of this well-
written state paper, in the shape of a circular to
the diplomatic agents of the French Government
at the various Courts of Europe.

" Paris, July 15, 1853.

"Monsieur,—The new dispatch of Coiint de Nesse:

rode, which the Journal de St. Petersburgh published
the day after it had been sent to all the Russian lega-
tions, has produced an impression upon the Emperor's
Government which his Imperial Majesty has ordered me
to convey to you without circumlocution ( detour).
"We cannot but deplore seeing Russia at the very
moment when the efforts of all the cabinets to bring

about a satisfactory solution of existing difficulties, bear
such striking testimony to their moderation, assume
an attitude which renders the success of their negotia-
ations more uncertain, and imposes upon some among
them the duty of repudiating a responsibility which it
would be vain to attempt to fasten upon their policy.
" Ido not desire, sir, to return to an exhausted dis-
cussion ; but since Count de Nesseirode continues to
allege, in support of the pretensions of St. Petersburgh,
the offence said to have been committed by the Porte in
not regarding the promises made to the Russian Lega-
tion at the period of the first settlement of the Holy
Pl.tces in 1852, lam forced to repeat that the firmans
issued by the Sultan after Prince Menschikoff's mission
took away all foundation for this single grievance, and
that, if any Government be authorised to prefer legiti-
mate complaints, it is not the Government of his Ma-
jesty the Emperor Nicholas.
" In fact, on the 10th of May last, Count de Nessel-
rode, who had just then received dispatches from the
Russian ambassador at Constantidople, congratulated
himself with General de Castelbajac upon a result which
he regarded as a happy termination of the affair of the
Holy Places. M. Kisselef, in Paris, made a similar
declaration, and the agents of the Cabinet at Petersburgh
everywhere used the same language. The demands
subsequently made by Prince Menschikoff, when the
principal object of his mission was attained, and when
his return was already announced, were not therefore
in any way connected with those which he had prevailed
upon the Porte to accept, and it was really a new ques-
tion,
,a more grave difficulty that arose at Constanti-
nople, at the very moment when Europe, an instant
alarmed, was invited by Russia herself to be completely
reassured.
" Taken, in some sort, by surprise, by demands which
they had no grounds for suspecting, the representatives
of France, Austria, Great Britain, and Prussia, at Con-
stantinople, loyally employed their efforts to hinder a
rupture, the consequences of which might be so fatal.
They did not advise the Porte to make any resistance of
such a nature as to expose itself to more serious dangers,
and, unanimously agreeing that the demands of Russia
touched the liberty of action and sovereignty of the Sul-
tan too nearly to allow them to offer an opinion, they
left to the Ministers of his Highness alone the responsi-
bility of the course to be taken. There was, therefore,
on their part, no pressure of any kind, no interference
whatever; and if the Ottoman Government, left to itself,
would not subscribe to the conditions that were desired
to be imposed upon it, the reason must assuredly have
been that it considered those conditions entirely incom-
patible with its independence and dignity.
" It was at such a conjuncture, sir, that Prince Mens-
chikoff quitted Constantinople, breaking off all diploma-
tic relations with the Porte, and that it devolved upon
the Powers bound by their traditions and their interests
to maintain the integrity of Turkey, to trace out for
themselves a line of conduct.
" His Imperial Majesty's Government, in accord with
that of her Britannic Majesty, thought the situation too
menacing not to be narrowly watched, and the French
and English squadrons speedily received orders to anchor
in Besika Bay, where they arrived in the middle of the
month of June.
"This measure, one entirely of precaution, had no
character of hostility towards Russia. It was impera-
tively called for by the gravity of the circumstances, and
amply justified by the preparations for war which for
several months past had been making in Bessarabia and
the harbour of Sebastopol.
" The motive for the rupture between the Cabinet of
St. Petersburgh and the Porte had, so to speak, disap-
peared. The question which might have been raised on
the sudden at Constantinople was that of the very ex-
istence of the Ottoman empire, and his Imperial
Majesty's Government will never admit such vast in-
terests to be mooted ("se trouver en jeu") without in-
stantly claiming that share of influence and action which
properly belongs to its power and its rank in the world.
To the presence of a Russian army upon the land fron-
tier of Turkey, the French Government had the right
and the duty to reply by the presence of its naval forces
at Besika, in a bay freely open to the ships of all nations,
and situated within those limits which treaties prohibit
the passing in time of peace.
" For the rest, the Russian Government was soon
about to take upon itself to explain the necessity for the
movement of the two squadrons. For on the 31st of
May, when it was impossible to know at St. Peters-
burgh, where the news only arrived on the 17th of June,
the resolution that might be adopted by France and
England; Count Nesselrode sent to the Porte, in the
form of a letter to Reschid Pacha, a final ultimatum,
with a brief delay, and which contained a very clearly
expressed threat of an approaching occupation of the
Danubian Principalities.
" When this decison had been come to with a solem-
nity which no longer permitted a Government jealous of
its dignity to modify it ; when, by a circular dated June
11, his Majesty the Emperor Nicholas caused his resolu-
tion to be announced to Europe as if to render its execu-
tion more irrevocable, our squadron was yet at Salamis,
and that of England had not left the port of Malta.
"This simple comparison of dates suffices, sir, to show
from what quarter proceeded that initiative now sought
to be denied, while the responsibility of it is thrown
upon France and England ; it is also sufficient to prove
that between the communication made to Paris and
London of the proposition made directly to Constanti-
nople by Count Nesselrode, and the rejection of that ul-
timatum, time was materially wanting for the Govern-
ments of his Imperial Majesty and her Britannic Ma-
jesty to exercise their influence at Constantinople one
way or the other. No, sir, I say it with all the force
of conviction, the French Government in this grave de-
bate has nothing to reproach itself with ; it repudiates
from the depths of its conscience no less than before Eu-
rope the responsibility imputed to it, and strong in its
moderation appeals in its turn to the judgment of the
cabinet. Setting aside the so different objects of the two
demonstrations, there was perhaps a sort of analogy be-
tween the respective situations when the Russian army
was on the left bank of the Pruth and the English and
French fleets cast their anchors atßesika. The analogy has
disappeared since the passage of the river, which forms the
limits of the Russian and the Ottoman empires. Count
Nesseirode seems to admit this when he supposes the
squadron to be already within sight of Constantinople
itself, and represents the military position taken up by
the Russian troops on the banks of the Danube, as a
compensation for what he calls our maritime occupa-

" The English and French forces do not by their
presence outside the Dardanelles infringe existing
treaties. The occupation of Wallachia and Moldavia, on
the contrary, constitutes a manifest violation of these
very treaties. That of Adrianople, which determines
the condition of the Russian protectorate, implicitly
states the case in which that power was to be permitted
to interfere in the principalities ; it was in ease their
privileges should be disregarded by the Turks.
" In 1848, when these provinces were occupied by
the Russians, they were a prey to a revolutionary agita-
tion, which equally threatened their own security, that
of their sovereign, and that of the protecting power.
The convention of Balta-Liman established that, if

similar events should recur within a period of seven
years, Russia and Turkey would jointly take measures
to restore order. .
" Are the privileges of Wallachia and Moldavia me-
naced I Have revolutionary troubles broken out in
their territories ? The facts themselves answer that at
present no cause has arisen fur the application either of
the treaty of Adrianople or the convention of Balla-
Liman. By what right did the Russian troops pass the
Pruth if not by the right of war ?—a war, I admit, the
true name of which they will not pronounce, but a war
derived from a new principle fraught with disastrous
consequences, which one is astonished to see practised
for the first time by a power so eminently conservative
of European order as Russia—a principle leading to
nothing less than the oppression in time of peace of
weak States by their powerful neighbours.
"The general interest of the world is opposed to the
admission of such a doctrine, and the Porte in particular
has the incontestable right to see an act of war in the
invasion of two provinces which, whatever may be their
special organisation, form an integral part of her empire.
Neither the Porte, therefore, nor the powers that might
come to her aid, would violate the treaty of July 13,
1841, if she were to declare the straits of the Dardanelles
and Bosphorus open to the French and English squa-
drons. The opinion of his Imperial Majesty's Govern-
ment is formal upon this point ; and although it does
not think this opinion excludes the attempt to find an
efficacious means of conciliation between Russia and
Turkey, I have requested General de Castelbajac to
make known to Count de Nesselrode the way in which
we view the subject, and to communicate this dispatch
to him. I also authorise you to transmit a copy to
M—.

Accept, sir, the assurance of my high consideration.
" DROUYN-DE-L11.13Y5."

A letter received from Vienna, by a Paris mer
cantile home of miuence3 repregenta as almost

certain the acceptance by Russia of the last proposi-
tion of the intervening Powers.
The announcement on Friday of a rise in the
price of bread of five centimes occasioned a sort of
agitation in the Rue Rambuteau, in the neighbour-
hood of the markets, which the police succeeded in
quelling before it grew to anything formidable. The
price, 40 centimes the kilogramme, first quality,
makes the Paris loaf dearer by about 30 per cent.
than it is in London ; this, with the enormous ad-
vance in the rent of apartments, would soon cause
discontent, only that, happily, the harvest prospects,
despite the unfavourable aspect of the weather,
are good, and building speculation having become
almost a mania, there will be houses enough before
a year, to meet the wants of the population. The
reports of the prefects confirm the promising ap-
pearance of the crops. A rumour of a second
attempt on the Emperor was current yesterday,
but it seemed to be without ground. The trial
which is to take place on Wednesday of parties im-
plicated in what is called the commune revolution-
naire, has nothing to do with the late attempt at
the Opera Comique. Indeed, it is said, and gene-
rally believed, that the persons arrested with arms
upon them on the night in question have been all
packed off to Cayenne by virtue of an existing de-
cree,
which gives the Government power of sum-
mary
transportation of recognised members of
secret societies.

A favourable reaction took place an Saturday at
the Bourse, business generally being active, and a
rise of about per Cent. in nearly every description
of stock having occurred at its termination, the pre-
cise amounts being 55c. in the Three per Cents. for
cash, and the Three and Four-and-a-Half per Cents.
for the account, and 20c. in the Four-and-a-Half
per Cents. for cash. In the Bank of France shares
there was an improvement of sf. The final quota-
tions were :-For money : Three per Cents., 77f. 45c. ;
Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 102 f. 10c. For the
end of the month-Three per Cents., 77f. 35c.;
Four-and-a-half per Cents., 102 f. sc. • Bank Stock,
2660 f. An advance of sf. occurred in Mortgage Bank
shares, which closed at 665 f. ; and there was a
similar rise in those of the Societe Mobiliere, which
were last quoted at 760 f. The railway market was
active, with a general improvement in prices. Paris
and Orleans shares rose 20f. ; Paris and Lyons,
12f. 50c. ; Paris and Strasbourg, 7f. 50c. ; Nor-
therns, 6f. 25c. ; whilst the remaining lines ad-
vanced from 3f. to sf. each. Closing prices :-Nor-
them, 860 f. ; Paris and Orleans, I,llof. ; Paris
and Strasbourg, 910 f. ; Paris and Lyons 910 f. ;
Paris and Rouen, 1,055 f. ; Lyons to the Mediter-
ranean, 730 f. ; Western of France, 725 f. ; Rouen
and Havre, 495 f.; Bordeaux and Cette, 618f.'75c. ;
Caen and Cherbourg, 610 f.