The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-21 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL' S—TllCusaaY.
For an off day the room this afternoon was numerously
:attended. Among those present were many influential
-members who evidently had some other object in view than
killing time, which, as the day drew on, became manifest,
the transactions upon the principal spring events and the
Derby being speculated upon with great spirit. The de-
monstration appeared to infuse some heart into the backers,
who hitherto have been in reserve, and we trust that from
this point we may date the commencement of the active
business of the turf for the season 1862.
The LINCOLNSHIRE HANDICAP claims priority. Subur-
ban, who appears to have recovered his buoyancy, was stip-
-ported with much spirit, both in the city in the morning
and here. Bto 1 was accepted about Shropsh!re, and simi-
lar odds were taken by the supporters of Ducat. Ariadne,
" the deserted," occaaionally was asked after, but 100 to 8,
we imagine, was her highest price.
The LIVERPOOL STEEPLECHASE presented no new feature
beyond the extreme confidence reposed in the Dane, who
appears from recent advices in much greater respect, not-
withstanding the unwavering support given by the French
division to their representatives. Thomastown, the " Irish
]ion," retained his position, and was repeatedly backed at
15 to 1 to money.
The NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STA.X.ES.—This important
race has but just made its appearance in the market, and
but little or nothing has been transacted likely to throw any
light on the result. Panique, about whom 20 to 1 was taken
in well-informed quarters to upwards of 100, was made a
prominent favourite ; and, at the same odds, Schism found
support, Wildman, Gouvieux, and West End were the
only others we heard mentioned, and were backed at 25 to
1 each.

The Two THOUSA.ND GUINEAS-3 to 1 was offered
freely about Old Calabar, but did not meet with a reply;
but we imagine half a point more would have met with
ready acceptors. The Marquis appears to retain his
equivocal reputation, as well as situation-8 to 1 being
offered, and, subsequently, rather than lose a customer, 100
to 12 was betted; 100 tq 8 each was betted several times
about Wingrave and Alvediston; and 50 even that Old
Calabar is not one of the first three.
The DERBY.—OId Calabar was backed at 8 to 1 to 100,
and Lord Stamford's slashing son of Orlando and Vivan-
diere was also in great demand, 20 to 1 being repeatedly
noted down to win some thousands. Wingravo received
the support of an old friend, who readily accommodated all
comers at 25 to 1. The Typee colt did not to us appear to
look quite so blooming, 1,000 to 30 being repeatedly offered,
but not as readily taken; but at last, we believe, 28 to 1 was
the best price that could be procured about him. Caterer,
about whom so many reports have gone forth, met with a
friend bold enough to do battle on his behalf and accept 30
to 1 about him, with an offer to go on. Melek came again,
and was introduced by a friend of the owner accepting
5,000 to 150 about him, which price we doubt could be
obtainable at the close of the room. Hubert advanced some
points upon his last quotation,:and bids fair to see a much
shorter price. Master Fenton was the only other animal
mentioned, and a few ponies were invested at 40 to 1.

LINCOLN HANDICAP.
6 to 1 agat Suburban (taken)
Bto I agst Shropshire (taken and offered)
Bto 1 agat Ducat (taken and offered)
100 to 8 agst Ariadne (taken)
LIVERPOOL STEEPLECHASE.
7 to 1 agat The Dane (taken)
Bto 1 agst Huntsman (taken freely)
15,t0 1 agst Thoinastown. (taken)
NORTHAMPTON STARES*
20 to 1 agst Panique (taken)
20 to 1 agst Schism (taken)
26 to 1 agst West End (taken)
25 to 1 agst Gouvieux (taken)
25 to 1 agst Wildman (taken)
TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS.
3to 1 agst Old Calabar (offered)
9to 1 agst The Marquis (offered)
100 to 8 agst Wingrave (taken and offered)
100 to 8 agst Alvediston (taken and offered)
THE DERBY.
Bto 1 agst Old Calabar (taken and offered)
20 to 1 agst Ensign (taken)
25 to 1 agst Wingrave (taken)
28 to 1 agst Typee colt (taken)
30 to 1 agst Caterer (taken and offered)
33 to 1 agst Hubert (taken)
33 to 1 agst Malek (taken)
40 to 1 agst Master Fenton (taken)

DONCASTER SPRING MEETING.
THIIRSDAY, MARCH 13.
Acceptances for the Doncaster Spring Handicap. St.

Leger Course.
Age at lb
Petra .. 6 8 12
The Monk.. .. 5 8 9
Bevis 6 8 4
Zodiac .. .. 4 8 3
UpF erhand .. 5 8 2
Little Dick .. 5 7 8
Jacob (late Boni-
face) .. 5 7 8
Br h by Voltigeur,
out of Rosebud.. 5 7 8
Conundrum .. 4 7 6
Dorking .. .. 4 7 3
Acceptances for the Great N(
Ago st lb
Huntsman .. ) a 11 5
IVee Nell .. a 11 2
Jealousy .. .. a 11 0
The Dane .. .. 6 10 9
Johnny .. alO 4
Tumbler .. .. a 10 0
Comet .. a 9 13
Duhallow a 9 13
Red Robin.. .. a 9 13
Northern. Light .. 5 9 12
Tippler a 9 11
Glautias .. a 9 11
Sutherland .. 5 9 11

A et
Tolurno ge lb
.. 3 7 2
Ducat .. .. 4 7 0
Benjamin .. 3 6 10
Dusk .. .. 3 6 10
Huby .. 3 6 10
Mayflower .. 3 6 9
Arcadia .. 3 6 8
Wild Duck (late
Satemella) .. 3 6 6
Bannerdale .. 3 6 3
Watchfire .. 3 6 3

nth of England Steeplechase.
Age st lb
Nosegay 6 9 7

Black Rose (h.b)., a 9 6
Romeo .. .. a 9 6
Corona .. 5 9 5
Canteen .. .. 6 9 4
Harry .. .. 6 9 4
Birdbolt 6 9 4
Mutineer .. 6 9 3
Chester .. .. a 9 0
Sunflower .. 9 0
Fanny .. a 9 0
Joey Grimaldi .. a 9 0
Nelly .. 6 9 0

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF COM TIONS-YESTERDAY.
GLOUCESTER CITY 'WRIT.
Mr. H. BERKELEY moved that a writ issue for the city
of Gloucester.

Sir G. GREY said it was not the inten i' h of Govern-
ment to oppose the issue of a writ for Gloucester, nor that
which was to be moped that evening for the borough of
Wakefield. But he must express his dissent from the opi-
nions of his hon. friend who had advocated so strenuously
the claims of Gloucester ; he must express his dissent from

the opinion that that constituency had been unjustly treated
by this house, and he thought the house would hardly feel
that that was the case, having heard the terms, which he

should be sorry to repeat, in which his hon. friend had cha-
racterised the conduct of at least a third of the constituency.
He must say also that he could not agreed with him in that
sharp lino of demarcation which his hon. friend drew be-
tween the 400 corrupt electors, a 3 he termed them, and

hose who he asserted were perfectly pure. He believed
;hat where extensive corruption was found to prevail in any

borough—and no one could deny it was extensive where it
was admitted by the advocate himself that at least a third
was so corrupt as represented by his hon. friend—it was not
found that what were termed the respectable pi-Hon of the

constituency were really determined to use their utmost
effort to repress it. They might abstain from offering or
receiving bribes, but he believed that where corruption
existed to so great an extent it would be f wad not to have
been greatly discountenanced by those who had not them-
selves been directly corrupted. (Hear.) He was anxious
also to state that the course the Government took on this
oc3asion was not dictated byan opinion that these boroughs
had been adequately punished for the gross corruption
proved to have prevailed in them at the general election in

859. He must repeat what he had said before on several

occasions, that if they were determined to place an effec-
tive check on bribery, the strict rule which had hitherto
prevailed with regard to disfranchisement ought to be
relaxed, and that where extensive corruption was

round to exist disfranchisement ought to be resorted

:o more frequently—(hear, hear)—accompanied by the
transfer of the franchise to some place more fitted to eaer•

cise it. He agreed with his hon. friend that the elective
franchise was highly to be valued, and that it was much
to the interest of a thriving city like Gloucester to be
represented in Parliament, but he must again assert that

whatever might be the rights of a constituency to return
members to Parliament, those rights might be forfeited by

an abuse of them, (Hear, hear.) There might be cases in
which the house would not go entirely to disfranchisement,

owing to the number of electors who had not participation
in the corruptirn that had prevailed among the other por-
tions of the constituency. That case was considered by the

committee on the Corrupt Practices Amendment Act, who
reported to the house as one of their resolutions the follow-
ing :—" That if after the presentation of a report to Par-

liament by a committee of inquiry into corrupt practices at
an election for any county, city, or borough, that extensive
bribery has prevailed in such place, the House of Com-
mons should resolve that no writ ought to issue for the election
of a member for such place for a period of five years, and in

that case no writ should issue for the election of a member
for such place for the expiration of five years, provided that
such regulation shall not in any way affect the right of
Parliament either to disfranchise such place, or to suspend

or take awry the right of voting of all or any of the voters
thereof." That resolution was intended to apply to those
cases in which, though corruption had prevailed, still it was
not so extensive as to justify disfranchisement.and in which
it was thought desirable, not by the authority of this house
merely, but by the united authority of the legislature, that
the writ should be suspended for a sufficient time to allow
considerable changes to take place in the constituency. A

provision founded on that resolution would be inserted in a
bill which he hoped shortly to introduce to amend the Cor-
rupt Practices Prevention Act. He shared in the opinion
that had been expressed, that there was a serious objection
to the suspension of writs for a protracted period by the
mere authority of that house, without reference to any
pending or proposed legislative measure. For a time it

was right that the writ should be suspended when corrupt
practices had existed, in order to afford ample opportu-
nity for any member of that house to take the sense of Par-
liament on a measure in reference t 3 the constituency

where such practices had prevailed. After the time thai

had elapsed since the report in 1859 with regard to these
two boroughs, he thought there would be great difficulty

either in disfranchising them, or in including them in the
provisto • ns of the bill which he hoped would shortly be in-
troduced. Under these circumstances, the Government

--
did not feel it their duty any further to oppose the issue of

these writs, but they trusted that, if the house should agree
to the motion of his hon. friend, and to the motion of the
hon. gentleman opposite, it would be with a desire, in all
future cases, not to allow constituencies where such prac-

flees had been allowed to escape without severe measures
being taken, but that if unhappily any such cases should
again come before the house, Parliament would be pre-
pared to proceed against those constituencies either by an
absolute disfranchisement, or by the suspension of the writ
to return members to Parliament for a time sufficiently long
not only to mark the disapproval of Parliament, but also to
allow a considerable change to take pls.o is tho nonatituanoy.

Mr. DISK ELI said he did not think Government
could consistently take any other course than that which
they had taken on this subject, but he thought they must

agree that the suspension of a writ by one branch of the
legislature was a very arbitrary and unconstitutional pro-
ceeding which ought not to be had recourse to, except under
peculiar circumstances, and with a more precise conception

of what the policy of the house was ultimately to lead to

than had been the case in these instances. Let him inform
the members of the house what had taken place with re-
gard to the boroughs, and also with regard to Wakefield.
He thought it was in 1859 that parliamentary committees
of inquiry reported against both these boroughs, and a
motion was made for the suspension of the writs. As that
motion was made contemplating the issue of a royal com-
mission to inquire into the circumstances of each case, the
object of suspension was obvious. The year 1860 arrived,
and the then Secretary of State laid on the table of the
house the report of these two royal commissions, and said
that it was the intention of Government that no motion
should be made for a new writ for either of these boroughs
unless a week's notice should be given. Shortly after that
another member of the Government gave the house some
clearer conception of what was the policy which the Govern-
ment intended to recommend, and it was that this notice of
one week should be given, in order that Government might
have an opportunity of recommending that the writ should
really be suspended for a period of not less than five nor
more than ton years, and the house, with that policy before
them, consented to the suspension of the writ. But the
whole of the session of 1860, which was of unusual length,
\passed, and no steps w, re taken to legislate on the subject
of the suspension of these writs. In 1861 a hon. gentleman
brcught this question before the house, and a motion was
made for the issue of the writ, certainly in one, if not in
b)th cases. What was then done ? Why, the Government
opposed the issue of the writs, and said the Corrupt Prac-
t ce3 Bill, which was then about to be introduced would
contain a provision by which the evil might be met. But
in 1861 the Government decl,ned to introduce a measure for
the amendment of the Corru,,t Practices Prevention Act.
They said it was open to any member to make any proposi-
tion which would involve the suspension of the two writs
for five or ten years, but nobody did it. The consequence
was that this arbitrary and unconstitutional suspension of
the writ continued for another year. He did not under-
stand that the right hon. gentleman had given any intima-
tion of his intention to introduce a measure to deal with
these questions; but he (Mr. Disraeli) did think it was time
the house arrived at some distinct rule to guide them in
future. There were, he considered, two cases which they
might legitimately and constitationally suspend a writ. The
one was where a committee of the house had reported ad-
versely to the borough. They might properly then suspend
the writ, in order to enable a Royal Commission to be
issued. The other case was where a commission had in its
turn reported against the constituency ; and then the writ
might also be constitutionally suspended, provided that they
were prepared to legislate. If, however, Parliament was
not prepared to legislate the suspension of the writ was
clearly arbitrary and unconstitutional. N•r were the evils
of adopting such a step under such circumstances inconsi-
derable. He assumed that the suspension of a writ was a
remedial measurerather than a retributive one ; and they all
knew that a period of great excitement was more likely to
foster corrupt practices than a time of greater tranquillity.
But what had been the effect of suspending these writs ?

The boroughs of Gloucester and Wakefield had ever since
been kept in a state of chronic electioneering. The result of
the course the house had adopted had thus been to stimu-
late and encourage that mood of the public mind which was
most favourable to the corruption they wished to put down.
(Hear.) He really thought, therefore, that the house should
come to some clear understanding for the future ; and al-
though he could not conceive that there would be any op-
position to the motion for issuing these writs, which.per-
haps ought to have been issued before—he hoped that if un-
happily similar instances were ever brought before Parlia-
ment those who led the house would not advise it as they
had done with regard to these particular cases, but would
either consent to the issuing of the writs, or be prepared to
propose some remedy. (Hear.)
Mr. Sergeant PIGOTT observed that when a similar mo-
tion was proposed last year he had moved to negative it,
and he had done so because he thought that if ever there
quite agreed
Was a case ripe for Parliamentary interference, and when a
gentletia
constituency ought to be deprived of the precious privilege
thean'members, it was that of these boroughs. He
with what had just fallen from the right hon.
house to deal that it would not be constitutional to nega-
tive.motion, unless it was the intention of the
the Government
e fancied
the question finally and specifically.
iteild that a promise had been held out by
Last year h
which they were abaotutthey would so deal with it in a bill
been brought in. ne
was
introduce, but which h • d not yet
would be in the natureaosrt one of those who thought it
with these boroughs. It was
facto legislation to deal
bu,aslitrue that the offence had
quite a
teisetatuicrniwngasmacelfmeeav
already been committed;
rlcouldiam ednnotuuttbtootx,.pftrheayteni
supposett
was perfectly within the province 07:p
those from' again exercising the privilege of r
bars who had abused it. It was
that by doing so they would be visiting the
persons upon the entire community, because it