The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-29 00:00:00

• able separation. It is evident that at that time,
whatever may be his opinions now, th general
hoped more from the first course of procedure than
from any other; and that if the first wer ineffectual
he preferred the last to the second or the third.
The second could have done little mi c hief beyond
exciting rancour, and would infallibly have led to
the third. And as regards the third, he was of opi-
nion that a young and able general, with an army
of 300,000 disciplined men, might conquer the
South in two or three years, though at a cost far
disproportionate to the gain, leaving as the result
of the war, besides a debt of 250,000,000 dole and the
misery, " 15 devastated provinces, not to be brought
into harmony with their conquerors, but to be held
for generations by heavy garrisons, at an expense
quadruple the net duties or taxes which it would
be possible to extort from them—followed by a
Protector or an Emperor." General Scott erred
somewhat in his calculation of the means. The
young and able general has not appeared. Three
hundred thousand men have perished or been dis-
abled in 20 months. A million of men are required

to supply their places and carry on their work, and
the debt has long ago overtopped the modest esti-
mate of 250,000,000 dols. But the conquest of the
' South, if ultimately it were to be effected in three
years, or in 20, would be accompanied with every
other result of which the general, with the mystical
lore of the sunset of his life, foresaw the shadows
at that early period of the contest. A forcible Union
is absurd and impracticable. " Extermination," or
the holding of the South as a dependency, as France
holds Algiers, or Austria Venetia, are the only
possible results. The Northern Jacobins, however,
do not see it. They cry " Union or Extermination,"
as the French cried " Fraternity or Death," with-
out pausing to reflect that if the war lasts much
longer and the passions become much more excited,
the least pleasant horn of the dilemma may be re-
served for themselves.

The Abolitionists and ultra-Republicans are be-
ginning to express their dissatisfaction with the
President's proclamation for confiscating the slaves
of " rebels." They refuse to look upon it as a decree
of emancipation. They accepted it as a step in the
right direction, and no more; and urge that the
time has already come to take a second and more
effectual step, to the end which they have all along
proposed to themselves—emancipation, complete,
unconditional—and without compensation. Mr.
Lloyd Garrison has already denounced it as a half
measure, settling nothing and satisfying nobody.
Mr. Ward Beecher has fulminated his disapproval.
Mr. Wendell Phillips has not said a word publicly,
but is asserted to be preparing such an onslaught
as people expect from a man so mercilessly logical,
so severely consistent, and so unpractically philoso-
phical. The Rev. Dr. Cheever, who ranks as high
as these gentlemen among the apostles of Aboli-
tionism, has commenced the pulpit crusade. On
Sunday evening he sounded a war-note of defiance
from the Church of the Puritans, to gather together
the more timid politicians who are content to follow
the slow and cautious movements of the President,
and to embattle them in a solid phalanx to oppose
any further trifling with the subject. The church
was so crowded that there was scarcely standing
room in the aisles and galleries. Taking for his
text the disobedience of Saul in refusing to slay the
Amalekites until they were utterly consumed, the
reverend politician drew a picture of the parallel
disobedience of Mr. Lincoln in refusing to free the
slaves, irrespective of the loyalty or the treason of
their owners, and denounced to him the same
punishment which had been meted out to Saul—
"that he should be rejected of the Lord from
being King in Israel." The " slaves," he said,
"who were the parties principally interested, were
not all consulted in the matter, but were kicked
about like a foot ball to serve the purposes of