The Sun.
London, England, 1862-03-26 00:00:00

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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—YESTERDAY.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack
at five o'clock.

THE REVISED CODE.

Petitions against the Revised Code were presented by
Lord Cranworth, the Earl of Derby, Lord Kingsdown, the
Bishop of Worcester, Viscount Dungannon, the Marquis of
Bat'n, the Earl of Devon, Lord Redesdale, Lord Calthorpe,
an d several other peers.

-EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN AND CHIL.DREN
BILL.
This bill was read a first time.
SIR JOHN SOANE'S MUSEUM BILL.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM moved the second read-
ing of this WY which was to enable the trustees of the
museum to some of its treasures to the Commissioners
of the Exhibition of 1862.
Lord OVERSTONE said he thought this bill required
seriolla attention. In the approaching summer, when a
gTeAt number of foreigners were expected to visit this
cAuntry, he thought that it was highly objectionable that
the interesting museums and galleries of the metropolis
should be denuded of their great attractions. He thought
that instead of such being done, it would be of the
highest importance that the various attractions should be
arranged in the highest order, and therefore he was of
opinion that some further explanation was necessary before
the present bill was agreed to. The same demand as
that which they were now considering had been
made to the, trustees of the National Gallery, but after full
considerafAon the authorities thought it would be incon-
sistent comply with the request. Re did object to the
second reading of the bill, but he thought the subject should
not, be hastily disposed of.

Earl GRei.NVILLE agreed that it would not be desir-
able to denude our public galleries, but he did not think
that because the National Gallery had refused to lend some
of its pictures, the trustees of Sir John Soave's museum
should be precluded from lending some of its treasures to
the coming exhibition, as last year not more than 2,000
persons visited the establishment.
The bill was then read a second time.
POLAND.
The Earl of CARNARVON rose to call the attention of
their lordships to the present state of Poland, and also for
the purpose of inquiring of her Majesty's Government
whet:nor Prince Gortschakoff's circular letter of the 20th of
March had been communicated to them. The noble lord com-
menced his observations by alluding to the difficulties of the
subject which he was about to bring under the atten-
tion of the house, and he thought that cold indeed was the
heart of that person who did not feel a sympathy for Po-
land, whose sons had borne up under every difficulty, as
nothing had ever sunken their courage or devotion to their
country. It wee said in one of the petitions presented that
evening that -England had looked with indifference on the
partitions PA Poland. That was false as a matter of history.
Englanee never did look upon those partitions with indiffer-
ence, out had frequently protested against them, and had
Pro,cested against the revocation of the constitution. We
tad never acquiesced by deed or word in the revocation of
the constitution. The first, second, and third partitions of
Poland were effected on the pretext that Poland had be-
come a dangerous neighbour. Even now we heard it said
that Poland was dangerous to her neighbours, and that
was alleged in order to justify the revocation of her consti-
tution. The extraordinary fatality had happened to her that
whilst in her early days she was the source of trouble and
constant anxiety to her neighbours, so since ahe had been
destroyed and incorporated with other countries she had
become a still greater source of anxiety, not only to her
neighbours but to Europe. England was directly con-
cerned in the qneetion of Poland. She was interested in
preserving the balance of power which at present existed
among the various states of Europe, and he ventured to say
that the incorporation of Poland with other countries was a
source of as great mischief to Europe generally as to Russia.
It was a mischief to Europe in this way—that country which
was designed as a restraint against the aggression of Russia
on Europa; Was no more. Russia by seizing Poland had
crossed 'the German frontier, and held an attitude some-
thnes threatening to Austria. It was a painful task to dwell
upren these matters, but he trusted their lordships would
think he had said nothing which would give offence to
Russia. As far as he had studied the question he did not
believe that the Polish nation was at the present time ripe
for entire independence, but he thought that they had so
far disciplined themse:ves through great calamities and
great trials as to entitle them to some extension of
constitutional liberty. He would be an imprudent man
who predicted the restoration of the Polish kingdom as an
impossibility, but looking at recent events in Europe
there was no well-grounded reason for believing that such a
ntingency would arise at present. At the same time
these who, with the best intentions, but the worst judg-
ment, had held different language, and encouraged the
Polish people in illusory dreams, had done poor service to
the cause they desired to advocate. Equally for Poland and
Russia he regretted the continuance of the present doplor-
ablo state of things. (Hear.) iHe regretted the language in
which Russia and her policy had been stigmatised, as she
did not deserve it. It was no light thing for the Emperor
of that kingdom to have undertaken the task of emanci-
pating the serfs, nor was it any light thing that the nobles
and the great proprietary classes had co-operated in carry-
ing out that measure. For many years past it had been the
practice for the nobles of Russia to meet occasionally in
assembly for conference, and the Emperor had now gone so
far as to consult these assemblies, and place before them
matters of the highest national importance for the purpose
of obtaining their advice. Looking at all these things it
was evident that a more liberal view prevailed in Russia
than informer years, and he could not believe that this libe-
rality on the part of the Government would be confined to
Russia, but that it would be extended to Poland. He had a
right to assume that this policy would be lasting ; for, look•
lug back, they saw that three successive rulers, the Emperor
Alexander, the Emperor Nicholas, and the present Em-
peror, had promised to give a constitution to Poland. Those
three emperors had, in succession, acknowledged their duty
to that people, and pledged their honour, and taken the oath
of fidelity, not only as Emperors of Russia, but as Kings of
Poland. There 'Are, no doubt, classes in Russiaunfavourable
to Polish liberty ; but it would be an injustice to the present
ruler of 'chat country to say that he was indifferent to the
voice, of truth, or that the benevolence which he had
shown in the emancipation of the serfs would not be ex-
itended to his subjects in Poland, a course dictated not only
by generosity, but by every principle of sound policy.
Earl RUSSELL—I must do the noble earl the justice to
say that he has spoken on this painful subject not onlywith
great ability but with great prudence. (Hear.) I rejoice to
observe the measured and terapeeate manner in which he
has spoken of the government of Poland. But, however
the noble lord may be at liberty to speak, I feel that one
who bolds the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Af-
fairs is more restricted than anyooe else in giving an opinion
on such a subject. (Hear, hear.) Any member of this or of
the other House of Parliament, any organ of public opinion
in the press, may avow sentiments with regard to the go-
vernment of Poland, may point out what may be deemed
oppressive in that, sy,,tem, and may protest against the mea-
sures of Russia more miler than one in my position. Your
lordships must remember that any official language which
is used cannot fail to be futile and undignified, unless, on
the one hand, it be such as is likely to be received as satis-
factory and agreeable by the Court of Russia, or unless, on I
the other hand, it be maintained by material assistance to
the Poles. (Hear.) I have therefore been very cautious in
the official language which I have employed on this sub-
ject. As the noble earl justly says, Poland has from her
first partition always met with sympathy in this country,
yet at the same time no English Government or Prime Mi-
nister has at any time held out the prospect of material as •
sistance to the Poles. A ter the last partition, in 1791, Pitt
spoke of it in terms of abhorrence nearly as strong as those
which were used by Fox, but neither he nor any other Mini-
ster thought it was the duty of this country to interfere save
by an expression of opinion. It is therefore in the same
spirit that I shall make some observations which occur to
me on the speech of the noble earl. It has been justly said
by the noble earl that this is a matter which occupied a
prominent place in the deliberations of the Congress of
Yienna—not sc much, indeed,during the regular conferences
Ile in conversations and correspondence between the Minis-
ters of the different States. That was a period, we all know,
'when the interests of peoples were not so much regarded as
those of the great sovereigns of Austria, Russia, and
p"l'sia, whose armies had produced such an effect in Eu-
7Pe bY their predominant strength. Lord Castlereagh
'might the battle in the interests of Poland with as much
energy Poesible ; but as the noble earl justly says, what-
ever', effort% 1,
Et could make and whatever success he might
have
expected
from Elba. Th
were interrupted by the return of Napoleon
.
arrangementse of 1815 therefore were in
this respect very h„, '
jerfeet. The noble earl justly says that
by the Treaty el
Poland was united to Russia by
constitution. Ent tbelinaei.e
It was united by conet but
fallacy in that expression.
Alexander
no part of those conces
omens made by the Emperor
to Poland were enu-
merated or sanctioned by the
Congress of Vienna, and
not be h
therefore they
could
obli te lief greys
to he within the
terms of European Zeldin. (near') In lend t
the
la
Polesn d 180232
a vast insurrection occurred
indn Peeenri,
a.
urretion. tile claims of
-n-'llee• Their resietance
deavoured to obtain their
was overcome ; the Russian
b takmasinsprevailea, and the Em-
peror of Russia held that 3'
I representation, toga
lieu_
Em-
the Poles to nationa°nal
and to those privileges which ar,
the Emperor Alearme hoe
promised were altogether forfeited. My noble friender (Lord
Palmerston) contended, and
with, as I think, sound and
superior arguments, against that. preposit ion. Those Papers
were produced last year in Parliament, and Parliament has
bad an opportunity of seeing with holy pinch ability and with
how much perseverance my noble friend
att.-niptell to im-
press upon the Russian Government the e trictity of the ob-
ligations which Russia had undertaken. 'flint
was not pushed any further, and the 'constitution of theh controversy
Tiro
Emperor Alexander was not given to the Poles.
con-
stitution intended by the Emperor Nicholas was, I
bc
leve,
never enjoyed by. Poland. But at the commencement of the
reign of the present Emperor a change took place affecting
B essia—one of the greatest changes perhaps which has oc-
currod in modern times, I mean the change mule by the
rea_peror with regard to serfdom in the dominions subject