The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-07 00:00:00

RIPON.

Sir Charles Wood is now fairly before the electors of this
borough. On Wednesday he addressed a large meeting of
the electors and non-electors, and met with a very cheering
reception. Having stated that the canvass in his favourat

Halifax was not at;thorized by him, as he had resolved to
stand for Ripon only, he reviewed and defended the past
conduct of the Government. As to the extension of the
franchise, he said that was a question which at least had
been before the public in various shapes for some time. In
the last 12 or 13 years four Reform Bills had been intro-
duced by Government, and separate measures had been
proposed by individual members. He did not think it
worth while to discuss the latter, for the plain and simple
reason that it was impossible upon a subject of that im-
portance that any measure could be brought to a suc-
cessful issue which was not introduced upon the responsi-
bility and supported by the authority of Government.
(Hear, hear.) Of these four measures, three lowered the
franchise, and combined with that various other mea-
sures for introducing classes of electors who were now
excluded from it. One did not do so ; that was the bill
introduced by Lord Derby's Government, which the House
of Commons rejected ; and they equally refused to enter-
tain any of the series. In the last case there was no divi-
sion, but nobody who was in the house of Commons could

mistake the almost universal sense of that assembly, that
they were not prepared to go on with the bills for that pur-
pose. The one which was rejected did not go far enough ;
the others, he believed, went too far. The Ilduste of Com-
mons refused to entertain them, and that opinion was
clearly backed up by the country. The three elections we
had had during the pendency of this question showed, he
thought, indisputably, that to whatever cause it might be
owing, the country at large was not prepared to support an
extensive Reform Bill. (Hear.) He did not think that was
any reason why there should be no Reform Bill at all.
(Cheers.) There was one great defect in the original Reform
Bill, valuable and good as it was—that it excluded from the
exercise of the franchise large numbers, sometimes in the
shape of householders of a lower value, sometimes in the
shape of freemen, among whom were to be found consider-
able numbers of the working classes. He did not think it
was right that the working classes should be excluded from
the franchise. (Hear, hear.) He was one of those who
wera not afraid of them ; he had great faith in his fellow-
countrymen. He thought it would bo desirable, for the
benefit of the country, that the principle of the Reform
Bill of 1830 should be reconsidered as speedily as possible,
and that a fair proportion of the working classes should be
admitted to the suffrage. (Hear, hear.) That was one of
the objects he had in view ; but at the same time provi-
sions were made for introducing classes not householders,
but equally entitled by wealth, education, and intelligence
to be admitted. It was notorious that there was a large
body of men possessed of all these qualifications who did
not happen to be householders, and why men of consider-
able income, of good education, and great intelligence
should be excluded from voting merely because they did
not lice in £lO houses no reason could be given.
Measures, as he had said, had been framed for the purpose
of giving these parties a vote, but there were many diffi-
culties in bringing them into practical execution. Upon
this question he knew they had been reproached by ardent
reformers for not having persevered with the bill they had
introduced; but the reason was plain. A great power which
had arisen in this country of late, commonly called public
opinion, was against Reform. It was utterly impossible and
absurd to suppose that any measure could be carried in
Parliament against which the deliberate public opinion of
the country was expressed. He did not mean any tem-
porary opinion ; but in this case the question had been
ventilated before the country for some time, and he thought
public opinion was abundantly expressed against any
sweeping measure. Depend upon it, that if public opinion
said the measure should be carried, it would be carried ;
and if a measure were introduced into Parliament which
public opinion demanded, depend upon it the public would
get it—neither more nor less (hear, hear), but to strive and
struggle against that general expression of the country was
like throwing their caps against the wind. It would be
impossible to carry such a measure, and it would be un-
satisfactory if it were carried.

In answer to a question regarding his opinions on the
game law, Sir Charles Wood said he thought the present
law was a very good one. (Hisses and groans.) He did
not see why, if he liked, he should not preserve game on
his own estate. (Hear, hear, and hisses.)
Mr. JOHNSON asked whether Sir Charles Wood would
vote for an extension of the franchise ?

Sir CHARLES WOOD—I have told you that already.
Mr. JouNsoN---How far will you go ?
Sir CHARLES WOOD—That will depend upon the full
consideration to be given to any measure when it is pro-
posed. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Greenwood, the other Liberal candidate, who offers
himself for re-election, also addressed the meeting, and he,
as well as Sir Charles, was well received, and the speech of
each candidate was followed by three hearty cheers.

SHEFFIELD.
A new candidate to oppose Mr. Roebuck has been found
in the person of Mr. T. Campbell Foster, barrister. He
addressed a meeting of electors ani non-electors in the
Council-hall on Tuesday night, and was requested to ad-
dress a meeting in the open air last night. He declared
against the ballot.

Mr. ROEBUCK was present at a meeting of his supporters
on Tuesday, and ho alluded to Mr. Foster. He said
the question is between Mr. Hadfield and myself and
a Mr. Foster. Mr. Hadfield and myself have been many
years the representatives of this town, and I think we
have represented the opinions of a large majority of the
people here. (Hear, hear.) We have invariably supported
everything in favour of Liberal government, of the im-
portance of education, of the liberation of trade, and of the
purity of morals. I want to know who Mr. Foster is.
_ _

It will be said, no doubt, that Mr. Foster possesses greater
intellectual endowments than belong to either Mr. Had-
field or myself. Nobody will be more ready to bow to that
decision than myself ; but still I have an answer to that.
There are on my side sixteen years of very profound and
active service on your behalf, and on the part of my col-
league, Mr. Hadfield, thirteen years. (Hear, hear.) I
want to know what we have done to forfeit the confidence
of the people of Sheffield. (Hoar, hear.) No doubt, there
are gentlemen connected with the law, as I am, who consi-
der that to stand for Sheffield is an honour—and so it is.
If Mr. Foster makes a good fight, I have no doubt some
will say, who happen to have a job at the Sessions
Court, " Thatis the matt for mo and for my work ;" but
that is not my view of a representative of this great country.
What I purpose is to lay before you my whole life—(hear)
—and that has been a life spent in the service of my coun-
try. (Cheers.) It has been a life devoted to the advancing
of great opinions, withoutregard to whether those opinions
were favoured by the great masses or not. (Cheers.) I have
the gratification to know that I have lived to see opinions
which I advocated when there wore but two or three to
support me now in the ascendant. (Hear.) I say these are
services which the people of England will not forget—
(hear)—and I am emboldened so to believe of the people of
Sheffield. (Cheers.) And I must say that my feeling to-
wards Mr. Foster for interfering in this election is that of
supreme contempt. (Cheers.) Ido not believe that he will
get one man of staid mind and of established reputation to
support him.