The Sun.
London, England, 1853-07-11 00:00:00

THE TURKISH QEr.E'STIOIV.

(From the Times.o

The short explanations given in the House of .Com-
mons on Friday, with reference tot ;he postponement of
Mr. Layard's motion, and especially the language of
Lord Palmerston on that and on the preceding evening,
have at least had the effect of shone ing that, although
this discussion is deferred, the Gov, 3rnment rely with
perfect confidence upon the suppor t of the House of
Commons and the country in the press mit critical position
of affairs abroad, and that the Union ,of France and Eng-
land on this question is of the most > strict and confiden-
tial character. Indeed, the French ( labinet has pledged
itself by the strongest assurances to this country, and
also by M. Drouyn de Lhuys' very able answer to the
Russian circular, to pursue one line of policy and conduct
with the Queen's Government—a line olpolicy which may
be described as equally remarkable for the moderation
and forbearance shown in every stage of this negotiation,
and for determination not to submit to the conditions
which Russia affects to dictate not to Turkey only, but
to the world. There is, in fact, one incontestable
advantage in the cautious and conciliatory line of policy
which the British Government has pursued—that it
now receives assurances of confidence and support from
those members of the Legislature who would have been
most eager to oppose the semblance of a rash or unpro-
voked war. When even Mr. Bright and Mr. Hume
express their belief that, with Lord Aberdeen at the
head of the Cabinet, everything will be clone which the
utmost temper and sagacity can suggest to avoid war,
without sacrificing the honour and interests of the na-
tion, it may fairly be inferred that the case is one to
command, in the last resort, the maanimous concurrence
of the British Parliament, except, indeed, of that irra-
tional or factious portion of it who contend that, in or-
der to avoid war, we ought to have plunged much
earlier into it.
The question as it now stands may be summed up in
very brief terms. If the Emperor of Russia is desirous
of escaping from the position in which he has placed his
own empire, the East, and the other nations of Europe,
he can do so, even after all that has happened, without
difficulty and without dishonour. The British and
French Governments had already intimated that, even
after he had executed his threat of occupying the Princi-
palities, they did not regard that invasion as an imme-
diate casus belli, but should seize that opportunity to
make a final attempt at negotiation. We believe they
have acted on this principle. About the middle of last
week, and immediately after the receipt of the intel-
ligence that the Russians had crossed the Pruth, a
proposition was adopted by the British Government,
to which we presume that France has given her
assent, containing such an amount of concession as the
Porte may, in the judgment of its allies, be advised to
make, and as the Russian Government may, if it think
fit, accept. Without entering more particularly into
the nature of this suggestion, we may observe that it
has repeatedly been said that nothing could prevent the
Porte from making a collective declaration to all the
Powers as to the rights of its Christian subjects, and
that the Porte would also be ready to renew by a fresh
engagement, though not to extend, the rights already
claimed by Russia under existing treaties. On somo
such terms a fresh negotiation may perhaps be opened,
and, if Russia accede to them, little doubt need be en-
tertained of its prompt success. Supposing that this
proposition is now on its way to St. Petersburg, a week
or ten days may elapse before the acceptance or rejection
of it can be known here.

Beyond this fact, which we believe that we have cor-
rectly stated, anything else must be conjectural and
speculative ; for one man is almost as well qualified as
another to draw an inference from what is already
known as to the future course of the Emperor Nicholas.
Of these elements of the question the manifesto of the
26th of June is by far the most significant and important,
for it is difficult to measure or to exaggerate the influence
of such an appeal addressed to a nation and a church
like those of the Russian empire. The existence of such
a document, and the use of such inflammatory langusga
by a Cabinet and a Sovereign usually very sparing
of all that may kindle popular excitement, can only
be accounted for by one of two suppositions.
Either the Emperor Nicholas is convinced that there
already exists in Russia a party willing to obey the
signal for a holy war, and animated by a degree of fer-
vour and of enthusiasm which it would be unsafe for
the Imperial Government to resist, or else he is himself
impelled by some combination of fanaticism and ambi-
tion to call such a party into being, and to slip it on its
prey, regardless of all consequences to the empire and
to the world. Both these alternatives are unfavourable
to peace, for, in the former case, the Emperor is the
instrument of a national force, to which he thinks it ex-
pedient to bend, even at the sacrifice of his personal
pledges and his public alliances, because he cannot
control it, or, in the second case, that national force is
a power created by his will and wielded by his bands,
which he has already directed to this especial object,
and which, therefore, he probably will not relinquish or
repress. For these reasons we cannot look with very
sanguine confidence to the acceptance of the propositions
recommended to the Emperor by the Western States of
Europe, and, whatever may be the precise nature of
that proposal, we are confident that it will not contain
that recognition of that unlimited protectorate of the
Greek Church for which the Emperor, both in the pro-
posed Scud and in his more recent manifesto, has
contended.

Under these circumstances, and supposing that this
dispute is not speedily settled on the terms " sug-
gested, it is not easy to forsee what the policy of Russia
will be. Her object will be to protract as much as pos-
sible the present suspense ; to exhaust the resources of
Turkey by keeping her in a state of alarm and military
preparation far beyond her means ; to reach, if pos-
sible, that season of the year when the allied fleets of
France and England can no longer hold their
anchorage off Tenedos, and when the Baltic is alto-
gether inaccessible ; and, finally, to occupy the
Principalities in such strength during the next
autumn and winter that she may be enabled
to advance beyond the Danube with irresistible
power in the spring. Russia declares she has at present
no intention of carrrying war beyond the Principalities.
We should believe her, even if she were bent upon war,
because if she could make good her position she would
have gained, without firing a shot, all the advantages she
could anticipate from the first campaign ; and, in the posi-
tion which the other Powers have assumed in this dispute,
our fleets would be condemned to watch, perhaps for
months, the course of events over which we could have
no control. Such a state of things would become in-
jurious to our commerce and inconsistent with every in-
terest we have at stake in this question. The paramount
duty of England and France is, if possible, to bring this
matter to an immediate end.

(From the Morning Post.)
_ _

" The Austrians have entered Bosnia." Such is the
important news which we receive by telegraph from
Vienna. _ _

This event, which we expected—for we announced
the preparations for it on Thursday last—is the most
ominous that has occurred since the Emperor of Russia
published his manifesto to the nation.
Of three things, one. Either Austria enters the north-
western provinces of the Ottoman Empire with a secret
understanding with Russia, that the two despotic Powers
shall despoil Turkey of the dominion and independence
guaranteed to her by the Great Powers in 1841. Such
a resolve would be fatal to the peace of Europe.
Or, Austria enters the provinces in order to preserve
their peace, and hinder any disturbances between Chris-
tians and Turks, whose religious feelings are at this
moment so strongly worked upon. This would be an
excuse, but not a justification.
Or, Austria enters the Turkish territory in order to
secure for herself, in the event of the partition of the
European Empire of Turkey,
.Bosnia and Servia, lest
they fall into the hands of Russia, whom she cau hardly
allow to appropriate more than the lion's share.
The last hypothesisis, we think, most likely to be
correct ; but, in whatever way the fact of the new inva-
sion is regarded, it cannot but be seen that it adds
greatly to the dangerous and difficult complications of
the present crisis.
At Constantinople much alarm exists, and it was
feared there that the Russian fleet was on its way
to the Bosphorus. As we have received no intel-
ligence confirmatory of this, it is to be hoped, as it
is most probable, that rumour was, in this in-
stance, mistaken. The fact of some portion of the
Russian armament having left Sebastopol, , possibly
for the mouths of the Danube, is likely to have given rise
to some such report as that which produced so much
excitement at Constantinople, and induced the Sultan to
inquire of the Ambassadors of England and France
whether, in the event of a Russian fleet appearing before
the Bosphorus, the English and French fleets would
pass the Dardanelles. To this, .of course, the reply was
as prompt as the action would be if the event antici-
pated should unfortunately occur.
The new aggression upon the territory of the Porte
will, we should imagine, cause the Sultan to request
the immediate presence of his allies at his capital ; for
we can hardly believe that whilst the Russian eagle is
planted at Jassy and Bucharest, and the Austrian stan-
dard waves over Bosnia and Servia, the combined fleets
will any longer remain on neutral shores. It is time
that the protecting flags of England and France should
float over the Bosphorus, firmly forbidding spuiiation,
and freely offering peace.

THE FREE LIBRARY AT HAMTSTEAD.—AtIa.st monthly
meeting, on the 7th inst., at Chalk Farm, Mr. E. Land
in the chair, on the motion of H. D. Griffiths, seconded
by Mr. James Newman, the following resolution was
agreed to, viz., " That a vote of thanks be given to
for his kind offer of a fourth
Richard Oastler, Esq.,
volume of his ' Christian Home of Native Industry,' for
the Free Library of Hampstead, and that the same be
accepted for the honour of truth." This library pro-
gresses most favourably—books still come in " without
money and without price," some even new from the
publishers—yet what other part of this metropolis is
arousing itself for such treasures of knowledge ? Verily
apathy and ignorance walk hand in hand ! We merely
talk, of knowledge in England !—on the Continent they
enjoy it.
SOUTH WALES EXTENSION RAILWAY.—The opening
of the South Wales from Carmarthen will mainly depend
upon the completion of the bridge at that town, and, as
that structure will be finished in about six weeks, it is
thought that the line for traffic will be ready in two
months. It is quite decided that the line will be opened
upon a single line of rails, which is now laid down in
many places, and to within a short distance of the town
of Haverford-west. The station at that town, with the
approaches are progressing rapidly. The cutting at
Shoalshook i s pushed on night and day, and it will
shortly be ready for the permanent rails, which may be
safely calculated to be laid down during the whole
length iti about six weeks' time.