The Sun.
London, England, 1862-01-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVEasaiNG, JANUARY 3, 1862.

A MOST DESIRABLE BREAKFAST BEVERAGE.
F PPS'S COCOA,
-.1 (Commonly called Epps's Homoeopathic Cocoa).
The delicious aroma, grateful smoothness, and invigo-
rating power of this preparation have procured its genera]
adoption as a most desirable breakfast beverage.

...
Vb., Ib., and llb packets, at is. 6d. per lb., by Grocers.

AMERICA.

LIVERPOOL, JAN. 2.

The Royal Mail steamship Africa, Captain
Shannon, which left New York on the 20th, at
6 45 a.m., has arrived. Her advices have been
partially anticipated by express, via Holyhead.
The following vessels of war were in New York
harbour—Two French frigates, two ditto paddle
steamers, two English corvettes, and one ditto

gunboat.
The Cunard steamship America, with ad vices
from Queenstown to the Bth, passed Cape Race on
the night of the 18th, but refused to be boarded.
In the Senate, on the 19th, Mr. Willey (Union), of
Virginia, offered a resolution that the existing war
was forced upon the country by the States in rebel-
lion without provocation ; it was designed to de-
stroy the Union and Constitution, and their purpose
was to disavow and repudiate the fundamental
principles of a Republican Government. He pro-
ceeded to speak at some length on the resolution,
contending that the rebellion was perfectly unjustifi-
able. In no country was life more secure and civil
and religious liberty more perfect. The country had
been in unexampled prosperity, and especially was
the South favoured, and there consequently could
be no grievance to cause the rebellion, as a Virginian
Senator and slaveliolc erraa declared-that the South
always got what was demanded. He commended
the proclamation of those Generals who had declared
that it was not their intention to interfere with
legal institutions, and expressed his gratification
that the President in his Message had re-declared
fidelity to the Constitution. He declared that by
no effort of his should slavery be extended, though
he believed it necessary for the present that the
African race should be kept in bondage. He gave
a brief sketch of the rise of Secession, and declared
that it was the result of a long concerted conspiracy,
as avowed by the leaders of the rebellion. He
argued at some length against the doctrine of Seces-
sion, and contended that the real cause of Secession
was hostility to the Democratic principles of Repub-
lican Government. Without finishing, Mr. Willey
gave way to a motion for an executive Session.
The Senate adjourned to the 6th of January. A
Message was received from the President on foreign
relations, in which document no allusion was made
to the affair of the Trent, but the Gulf expedition
was gravely alluded to.
In the House of Representatives on the 19th a
bill was passed authorising the construction of 20
iron-clad gunboats.
The New York World of the 19th says—
" It would seem as if Lord Lyons might be ap-
prehensive that the demand he is required to make
would be more peremptory than a correct knowledge
of the facts would warrant. Why has he detained
the Africa ? Yesterday was her regular day, and
she is detained, by his direction, until to-day. He
would have received his despatches, brought by the
Europa, at 6 o'clock last evening, and the steamer
will have sailed before he can possibly expect a
reply from our Government. May we not safely
conjecture that it is a wise foresight on the part of
Lord Lyons to prevent the consequences of too hasty
action ? He knows perfectly what his Government
does not yet seem to understand, that Capt. Wilkes
intended the reverse of a discourtesy, and if he should
find the demands of his Government too peremptory
for the circumstances, he probably wishes to state
that opinion and await further instructions, issued
on fuller information, before shutting the door
against a diplomatic solution. If he believes that
a removal of the misapprehensions that exist in Eng,
land would immediately restore friendly relations,
such a course would reflect credit on his wisdom
and magnanimity. Knowing that Captain Wilkes
intended a courtesy, Lord Lyons probably will not
allow his Government to act as if Captain Wilkes
had intended an insult in not bringing in the Trent
for adjudication."
In another article the World says—

"Neither nation desires war. The interests of
each alike strongly urge against it. But neither
will submit to a supposed belligerent spirit on the
part of the other. Both are determined not to be
bullied ; and so each prepares to fight against its
grain, under the false notion that the other is
fixed upon having a fight. It is all wrong, and the
public journals which are infusing that feeling, and
inflaming the passion thereby engendered, involve
themselves in fearfurguilt. This malign influence
must be neutralized. Englishmen must be made to
realize the fact that in the taking of Mason and
Slidell no insult was intended to their flag ; and
that the whole course of action was dictated by a
considerate and courteous spirit. They should be
made to understand that if there was irregularity
in the exercise of an undoubted belligerent right, it
came, as was the fact, from a regard to their in-
terest, and not from any disposition on our part to
carry things with a high hand. Let that right
impression once be brought home to them, and the
danger of the case will vanish at once. All depends
upon England's conception of the animus which
governed the transaction. An unintentional affront
is no affront at all. We say, then, that the Ameri-
can press, which is everywhere regarded as the
exponent of American sentiment, should avoid all
exultation and defiance ; and be governed by the
same urbane spirit which we are all sure ruled
Commodore Wilkes in his noble act. If public
opinion here should express itself in that key,
opinion on the other side would soon right itself,
and the two Cabinets would be left free to bring the
whole matter to a speedy and satisfactory settle-
ment."

Alluding to the hostile feeling in Canada, the
same paper says :—" Whatever may betide us now,
we aro ultimately victorious, and Canada will do
well to remember it."

The New York Tames of the 19th says :
_ _ _ _

" In seizing Messrs. Mason and Slidell Captain
Wilkes either did or did not conform to the well-
established principles of international law. If the
act was not warranted by the code we shall make
the proper amends. If it was, we shall hold, with-
out objection, the prisoners. No cause for war
exists. No cause is desired on either side. Such
we understand to be the position of our Govern-
ment, by which we learn that no apprehen-
sions of a rupture of friendly relations exist.
It does not seek to disguise its opinions upon
this matter. It wants no war with England
on any pretext, and especially it wants none in such
a crisis as the present. It well understands the
secret of the zeal displayed in certain quarters in
its behalf in the emergency, and of the gratulations
of the rebels over the threatened rupture between it
and England. The prospect of such a war has en-
listed even Mr. Vallandigham and Mr. Cox ardently
in the support of Government in its vigorous prose-
cution. Not an instant's time is to be lost, accord-
ing to these gentlemen, in pitching in. In such a
war they see the safe deliverance of the rebellion.
But in all this they are doomed to speedy disap-
pointment. As soon as the two countries can make
up a statement of the case between them, all diffe-
rences wilt be speedily reconciled. While no appre-
hension need be felt in reference to any captious
action by our Government,we have equal confidence
that the despatches from the British Government
will be in a similar tone. The communications be-
tween the two will have little in common with the
ebullitions of popular feeling on either side. These
were caused by apprehension and alarm at the con-
sequences of war, not by any desire for one, which
is universally deprecated by the great majority
on both sides. We predict we shall get out of
thi4 en4roglio, into which wo were entangled

without any design of our own, as speedily as we
fell into it,"

The New York Shipping List, of the 18th, says:—

"The effusions of the British press generally are
very wild. In the absence of any, thing official,
however, there need be felt no apprehension of a
disruption of the friendly relations between the
two countries. The reports that the British Go-
vernment has determined to adhere to its own inter-
pretation of the law, and treat this ar; a case to be
settled only by an imperative demand, the demand
to he accompanied with an offensive menace, and
that the special messenger said to have been de-
spatched by the Europa is the bearer of England's
ultimatutn, appear to us to be too absurd for a mo-
ment's credence. If international law has been vio-
lated, it is assuredly a question to' be settled by
diplomatic discussion rather than by war, and we
doubt not it will be so adjudged by the British
Government. At all events, until it is definitely
settled to the contrary, we shall continue to ad-
here to the belief that neither the British or
American Government has the least desire to en-
gage in hostilities, and that, so long es there is no
intent on either hand to provoke a war, there can
be none. If the action of Captain Wilkes was a
violation of the law of nations, there is little doubt
that an apology will be offered. If it was not,
then, if the demand for an apology has really been
put forth by the British Government, it will doubt-
less be withdrawn. Both Governments are doubt-
less open to conviction ; in view of which, though
things may look rather squally for the moment, all
disputed points, in our opinion, may be settled by
diplomacy. The Royal ptcMareetion prohibiting
the shipment of articles Contraband of war is in
accordance with Queen Victoria's previous procla-
mation of neutrality."
The .New I ork, Journal of' Commerce concludes
au articles as follows :

"There is very little in all this to fight about. If
England claims the inviolability of her decks in
war as in peace, she will back out on a proposal to
make a treaty to that effect. If she asks an apology,
she cannot have it till she apologises for her Con-
sul's misdeed, and by so doing she will admit the
right of our deed. If she demands tho giving up
of Mason and Slidell, we will call our children to-
gether and consider the matter."
The New York, Herald, of the 17th, says
England cannot afford to go to war with us, for
the conflict, sooner or later, would involve the loss
of her West India Islands, of Canada, and the ad-
joining provinces, and, last and most fatal of all, the
loss of Ireland, her right arm in war, her granary
in peace. England cannot go to war with us, for
600,000,000 dols. worth of American stock is
owned by British subjects, which, in the event
of hostilities, would be confiscated ; and we now
call upon the companies not to take it off their
hands upon any terms. Let its forfeiture be held
over England as a weapon in terrorern. British
subjects have 200,000,000 dols. or 300,000,000 dole.
invested in shipping and other property in the
United States. All this property, together with
the stocks, would be seized, amounting to
900,000,000 dole. in all. Will England incur this
tremendous loss for a mere abstraction ? For the
purpose of intimidating us she issues a proclama-
tion prohibiting the expert of saltpetre, arms, or ,
ammunition. 'We have saltpetre in the Mammoth
Cave, in Kentucky, and other parts of the country,
which, if properly worked, will render us indepen-
dent of England ; and we can manufacture arms
and ammunition for ourselves. But in a more vital
point she is not equally independent of us. We
can place an embargo on all breadstuffs, and the
effect of that measure would be to starve her popu-
lation in three months, We can prevent her getting
a pound of cotton. All she can do in return is to
blockade Northern ports. But we will shut them
up against her ourselves, if she proceeds much fur-
ther in her hostile course. We can live indepen-
dent of her and all the world. We have a vast and
fertile country, with boundless resources, and all
that a nation needs within. We could prosper if
we had not a single ship, and every port were
closed. Our own internal trade and manufactures
would be ample to sustain a large mercantile class.
Not so England. She is an artificial nation, like
Venice of old, depending entirely upon her mari-
time commerce. Let that be struck down, and
where is she ? It is in our power to give it a death-
blow. We can spare from our merchant marine
6,000 ships for privateers. We can arm them and
send them over the ocean to 'E; weep her commerce
from the face of the deep. In her present circum-
stances, a few months of such warfare would ruin
her. The greatest injury she could inflict upon us
would be a little inconvenience—the deprivation of
a few luxuries by no means essential to the welfare
of a great nation. But the maritime prestige of
England once destroyed, and her commerce cut up in
every sea, she would sink immediately to the position
of a poor third or fourth-rate Power, destined soon,
perhaps, to become an appendage of France. What
happen again. Venice, so
mighty
years, and the greatest maritime
nation
ai
tsgi
oh happened
for o
fthe
1,300
world, once may
what is she now ? 'Where is
now the glory of Carthage and Tyre ? Spain
Portugal, and the Dutch Republic have in turn
ruled the waves. But they have lost the trident,
and England, which has succeeded to the empire
of the seas, sees her sway gradually transferred
to the Western World. Hence her jealousy of
the American Republic, and her desirr to split it
into powerless fragments, but a war with us would
hasten her downfall, and precipitate the fate she is
so anxious to avert. In the event of England, in
her folly, declaring war against the United States,
the annexation of the British North American pos-
sessions, to which Mr. Seward looked forward in
his speeches made before the present Administration
came into office, will inevitably follow. Between
Vermont and Minnesota we could pour 150,000
troops into Canada in a week, and overrun the pro-
vince in three weeks more, It would take a longer
time to capture the citadelof Quebec, but still time
would do the work. In this invasion we should be
aided by a largo portion of the inhabitants, two-
thirds of whom are in favour of annexation to the
United States."

MR. SEWARD UPON AMERICAN

INVES THEN TS.

Wa take tho following. letter, especially im-
portant at this moment of threatened confiscation,
from &ward's Works, vol. iii., p. 472 :

"Albany, Sept. IG, 1839.
" TO WILLIAM BROWN, ESQ., OF THE HOUSE OF BROWN

BROTHERS AND CO., LIVERPOOL.

" I think your suggestions concerning the hazard of con-
fiscation of investments, by foreigners, in American stocks
very important and useful. I beg you to consider me under
very special obligations for them. I can easily appreciate
the solicitude foreign capitalists feel on that subject,
although no person here dreams that our Government could
be guilty of so gross a violation of faith as to confiscate in
time of war money invested in our securities in time of
peace. It will give me great pleasure to use these valuable
suggestions in a manner which may be of service in increas-
ing our credit. I have noticed the decline of confidence in
American securities. Nothing can be more absurd ; but
what absurdity does not gain a temporal y influence in the
operations upon 'Change ?
" Can you add to my obligations by any further sugges-
tions which would be of service to me in presenting to the
public the grounds of American credit in Europe ?
I am, dear Sir, with the most sincere respect and
esteem, your friend and obedient servant,

" W. H. SEWARD."

The trade of Dublin has just been exempted
from some heavy imposts. The 2s. entry, and also the im-
posts on the trade of that port for the purposes of the Public
Safety Harbour at Kingstown, for the abolition of which
the Council of the Chamber of Commerce had laboured so
lcng, ceased on Tuesday, the council having, after extraor-
dinary exertions, induced the legislature to recognise the
injustice of those taxes upon the enterprise of our mer-
chants, and to decide upon their discontinuance. The dif-
ferential duties also ceased, by: which the Ballast-office
revenues will be decreased by £3,000 a year.

CAPTAIN W 1 LKES.

A writer in a contemporary says observe in
your paper au extract from a speech by Mr. White,
M.P. for Brighton, in which it is represented that
Captain Wilkes is the commander who many years
ago executed a midshipman for mutiny under cir-
cumstances which excited indignation. This is a
total mistake. The case referred to is evidently
that of the brig Somers, which attracted general
attention, and was discussed at length in both Eng-
lish and American newspapers in the year 1843.
The commander of that brig having, as he imagined,
discovered a mutinous conspiracy on board, and
believing that the vessel could not be brought into
port without danger to the lives of the faithful
officers and crew, sentenced and caused to be hung
on the high seas, on the Ist of December, 1842, two
seamen and a midshipman, Philip Spencer, son of
the then Secretary of the American Navy. I have
now before me the commander's defence when tried
for the act by a court-martial held at the Navy-yard
at Brooklyn. Some of the passages in it are very
singular. The commander of the Somers was, he
says, alone on the ocean. " The high seas," he pro-
ceeds, " furnished no learned jurists with whom to
consult. But he had with him a volume of Nature's
laws, written by the finger of God on the human
heart. In that volume he found that necessity
ordains its own controlling canons," &c. He was
acquitted by the court-martial, and in a sword of
honour was presented to him by a subscription of
his admiring countrymen ; but Fenimore Cooper
published in 1844 a pamphlet in strong reprobation
of his conduct, and I believe that in England public
(minion gepkrally condemned him. But this officer
was not Captain Wilkes, but Lieutenant Alextuider
Slidell Mackenzie, better known by the name of
Slidell, which name he bore till 1837, when he was
authorized to assume his mother's name of Macken-
zie by an Act of New York Legislature. He had
previously acquired no inconsiderable reputation as
an author by his " Year in Spain," which was re-
viewed by his friend Washington Irving in the
Quarterly Review, and re-published by Murray.
He died in 1848. As he was of a New York family,
and as Mr. Slidell, the Southern Commissioner
made prisoner by Captain Wilkes, is also of New
York origin, it is probable that they were related.
It is the similarity of names which has no doubt led
Mr. White, relying too confidently on an inaccurate
recollection, to make the statement which I wish to
correct. The name which is connected with the
affair of the Somers is not Wilkes, but Slidell.