The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-05 00:00:00

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I and upon their neglect of that sununons, by en-
deavouring to eject them by force.
The eagerness of Omer Pasha and his troops is
a matter of notoriety, and it is to be expected that
he will act with promptitude and vigour upon re-
ceipt of his orders.
While thus pace is threatened on the Danube,
from Olmutz less formidable intelligence is re-
ceived, and, indeed, had that meeting of Sove-
reigns taken place one month earlier, there appears
some reason to believe that the measures there
concerted might have led to a peaceful issue. The
Emperor of Russia repents, it is said, but we fear
too late, the publication of the famous " Exami-
nation," which affected to consider the Vienna
Note as tantamount to that originally demanded
by Prince Menschikeff—because the Czar, by what-
ever moved, is in a better frame of mind, according
to the latest accounts, and is disposed to make
considerable and most important concessions. This
change comes late in the day ; and if active hos-
tilities have, as we may fear, been commenced on
the Danube, it is to be doubted whether the humour
which allows of concession will last ; and if it
vanish, all chances of peace are lost for the present.
Should warlike action, however, experience delay
in its march, it is now affirmed that, thanks to the
concessions the Emperor is willing to make, the
Conference of Vienna has discovered a method of
equitable and conclusive arrangement.
If there be war, however protracted and disas-
trous in its course, the result must be—for we will
not suppose defeat, where such powers as England
and France are acting together—the preservation
of the independence and integrity of the Ottoman
Empire, which will be maintained intact so long
as the Western Powers are true to their interests
and their obligations.
The efforts of ill-judged ambition must yield
sooner or later to the force of justice and the de-
termination of a nation, not so weak as they have
been esteemed, when supported by at least the two
greatest Powers of Europe. The passage of the
Dardanelles by the whole of the combined squad-
rons will have given to the Sultan and his subjects
good proof that their allies are in earnest.

(From the Daily News.)
It is desirable that there should be no mistake
with respect to the exact nature of the news of a
projected declaration of war at Constantinople,
which we published yesterday. The different
statements which have been put in circulation on
this head are derived from sources which have
nothing else in common but their conveyance by
electric telegraph from Vienna. The information
received at the Foreign-office, and at some of the
Foreign Embassies, is simply that the Great Coun-
cil of the Ottoman Empire has resolved to advise
the Sultan to declare war against Russia. Other
information—promulgated ostensibly on the autho-
rity of some unofficial telegraphic message—goes to
affirm that the Sultan had actually signed a decla-
ration of war. This latter account is liable to sus-
picion from difficulties as to the time for conveying
it from Constantinople to Trieste ; from the fact
that there has been of late a regular manufactory
of alarming and exaggerated rumours at Trieste ;
and also from its having been published along with
some reports of actual hostilities which could not
possibly have been brought by the same route, yet
were so printed as to have the appearance of resting
on the same authority. The only intelligence,
therefore, that at present appears to be entitled to
any credence is, that the Great Council had recom-
mended a declaration of war.
This restricted version of the story appears liable
to no other doubt than arises from the obscurity
which uniformly, if not necessarily, attaches to the
curt phraseology of the electric telegraph. A day
or two must probab,.y elapse before the detailed
explanation is brought by a human messenger, who,
if he move more tardily than the electric spark,
can at least carry more bulky and more explicit mes-
sages. That even the official version of the story
increases the probability of a warlike solution of the
Eastern difficulties there is no doubt ; but in this
there is no cause for panic. This contingency,
however deprecated, has all along been contem-
plated as possible, and should it come will be met
without any flutter of the national pulse. The agi-
tation of the public securities yesterday is no index
of the national feeling ; for the funds are prover-
bially as nervous and vaponrish as a fine lady.-
The Ministers at present in town have been as-
sembled to deliberate on this news. The meeting
can scarcely have been a very pleasant one. No
English Minister likes to look the contingency of
war closely and directly in the face. In the first
place, the responsibility is in reality onerousenough
to weigh upon the spirits of anyman. In the second
place John Bull, however enthusiastic he may be at
the outset of a popular war, is very apt to get tired
of it when the bills come to be paid. or any tempo-
rary reverses occur, and to blame Ministers for do-
ing what he entirely sanctioned. But worse than
either of these considerations some, at least, of the
Ministers present must have felt painfully that to
their own half-hearted, undecided policy was wholly
and solely owing the possibility of all their fine-
spun negotiations ending in a war. We explained
yesterday how the lowered tone of Russia and the
professed readiness of Austria to act once more in
concert with the Western Powers, was owing en-
tirely to the conviction which the failure of Count
Brentano's wind-raising mission had flashed upon
the Emperor and Czar of the impossibility of re-
plenishing their exhausted treasures. Had those
two Powers been sooner put to the push, they
would sooner have discovered that they cannot
well afford to go to war. In that case their re-
treat before a determined expression of will by
France amid England would have been unqualified.
Now, the vanity of Russia at least has been brought
into play. Its retreat will be too obvious for its
proud stomach. There will be a haggling, and it
may be a brief local war on the Danube to save ap-
pearances ; for a pampered despot does not for a
moment weigh the sufferings and bereavements of
other men in the balance against his own wayward
will.

As Radetzky said, however, " the battle will be
brief " (der Kampf wird kurtz sein). The battle,
indeed, to which he referred is not yet fought out,
and his declaration was premature. But any war
in which Russia may, to save appearances, engage
with the Porte, and its allies, must be brief on ac-
count of the condition of the Russian treasury. We
urge this not as a reason why France and England
should stand true to their engagements with Tur-
key. We do not even lay so much stress as
some do upon the treaty-engagements which bind
these powers to support Turkey ; except in. so far
as the observance of treaty stipulations is indispen-
sable to the existence of a system of international
law, as opposed to a state of international anarchy.
We rest the obligation of England and France to
support the independence and integrity of the Otto-
man empire against Russian aggression, upon its
being necessary to the defence of civilisation, impe-
rilled by a threatened irruption of barbarism.
There are two causes which ought to be sacred in
the eyes of every European of this age. The first
and holiest is the individual liberty of the citizen,
guarded and regulated by constitutional laws. The
second is national independence as necessary to pro-
tect parliamentary government where it exists, or
to promote its development where it has yet to be
called into being. The enemies of the one are the
enemies of the other. The ultimate object of the
Bourbons, when they trampled down the national
independence of Spain, of the Hapsburgs when they
trode out the spark of national independence
and
institutions d
Naples, was to sweep from the earth principles
in
institutions the mere existence of which might
spire emulation in their own subjects: The object
of the House of Romanzow in attacking Turkey is
ay
at any
to gain a vantage ground, whence it Europe.
time march to assail constitutional states
%
In England we are called upon to
of individual
support Turkey
both by our devotion to the
liberty and national indepetanhtdetehnlaceb; ea in France they
are called upon by at least
latter consideration.
The European civilisation,
d of which the
French and English nations stand, is threatened
by Russia.
Our English Ministers are, of course, likely to
a.. re
persist in their taciturnityregards the course
they intend to pursue. It is of no use repeating
the reasons that render this inconsistent with the
frank understanding which ought to exist between
a free people and its Government. A day of reck-
oning will come at last. If the policy of Ministers
shall then appear to have been worthy of the na-
tion, their reticence will doubtless be forgotten and
forgiven. But if their silence shall prove to have
been a cover to a policy which they must have
known would outrage national feelings, the retri-
bution will be increased tenfold.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
The problem is at last solved. The knot is at
length cut. The die is now cast. The day of
doubt is past. Suspense has been succeeded by
certainty. War has been proclaimed. There are
limits to the forbearance of nations, as well as of
individuals. Turkey has been patient. She has
borne much ; few nations, even of those making
the greatest pretensions to philosophy, would have

[y.
place among the nations of Europ been had.
Patience ceases to be a virtue after it h tried
for a certain length of time, and to a certain ex-
tent. Then it degenerates into a loss of all Self-
respect. It becomes pusillanimiti, and sinks the
nation exhibiting it to the lowest point in the esti-
mation of all whose good opinion is worth pos-
sessing.
Longer forbearance on the part of Turkey would
have been discreditable to her character, and sub-
versive of her position among the nations of, the
world. The time had arrived when it was fitting
that resentment should take the place of patience.
Turkey has acted as her best friends would have
wished her, in boldly telling the Czar to his face
that she would submit to his insolence no longer,
but would meet him on the battle-field, to resent
the insults he had offered to her, and to attempt at
least to visit him with righteous retribution for the
wrongs which she had received at his hands.
Those who are in the habit of reading this jour-
nal will be prepared for the intelligence which has
just reached this country from Constantinople.
We have not only, day after day, affirmed that
the Sultan would not recede a single inch from the
ground which he had taken up, but that the com-
mencement of actual hostilities might be expected
at any hour. The meeting of from 100 to 120 of
the magnates of Turkey, who unanimously coun-
selled the immediate declaration of war, was a pro-
ceeding which merely gave duo formality to a course
of action which the Divan had before determined
to adopt.
The great question now is—To what extent are
France and England prepared to support Turkey?
France, we presume, will do in the matter precisely
what England does. What, then, will England
do ? Before answering the question, it may be
right to remind our readers that while we have
never ceased to say that we have no faith in the
imbecile Russia-ridden Aberdeen, nor in the sec-
tion of the Cabinet who share his views, wo have,
within the last ten days, inclined to the belief that
Lords Palmerston, Clarendon, and Russell have
very nearly, if not quite, worked up their determi-
nation to the sticking point, and that they will in-
sist on England acting, in the crisis which has oc-
curred; in a manner worthy of her character.
The Morning _Herald, for whose zealous and able
co-operation with us on the Turkish question we
feel the greatest gratitude, is afraid that our
confi-
dence in these noble lords is misplaced. Our con-
temporarysays :—" We observe that one of our
contemporaries, the Morning Advertiser with whom
we have all along agreed upon the merits,or rather
demerits, of the Eastern question, has taken it into
his head that the Government of England is at
last going to act an honest and straightforward part
in this hitherto disgraceful business. We confess
we are of a totally different opinion upon this
matter, and cannot help thinking that the ' last
stage ' will be, if possible, ' worse than the first.'
Upon what data the Morning Advertiser grounds
its supposition that Lord Clarendon will at last act
boldly and honourably, we really cannot discover.
We look back in vain through the history of the
noble lord's life for any precedent, and finding
nothing but a long tissue of mystification and mis-
representation in everything in which he has ever
taken a part, we must reluctantly conclude that
similar characteristics will mark his career as long
as the British public is content to tolerate him in
an cfficial capacity."
The data on which we ground our opinion—only
a modified one, be it remembered—in favour of
Lord Clarendon are, first, the assurance given by
Lord Palmerston at Perth, that if he be backed by
the country, he will, in this crisis, act with that
energy which the honour of England, the interests
of Turkey, and the well-being of Europe demand ;
and, secondly, that the Noble Lord is well known
to have written of late some bold dispatches to St.
Petersburgh, in which the Czar has been explicitly
told that in certain contingencies, entirely depen-
dent on his own conduct, England, acting in con-
junction with France, will not hesitate at any
course, however extreme, which may be necessary
to check his ambition, repel his aggression on an
unoffending neighbour, and chastise his insolence.
The Morning Herald goes on to show, that the
modified confidence which the Morning Advertiser
has of late felt a disposition to repose in Lords
Pahnerston and Russell, is also misplaced. Our
contemporary will remember, that we grounded
this confidence in a very great measure on the in-
tense and universal feeling in favour of Turkey,
which now possesses the public mind. How they
would act, did no such public feeling exist, is
another matter. We are inclined to think that
they may prove the men for the occasion, if they
are drilled and driven up to the mark by public
opinion, ekpressed at such great ghtherings of the
people as took place on Monday in Leicester and
Hanley. Let a sense of their duty be only thus
whipped into them, and they will, we believe,
perform it.

- As, on the other hand, for Lord Aberdeen, no-
thing can be made of him. He is incorrigible. He
will neither lead nor drive. He is the friend, and,
in effect, the Minister of the Czar. Nothing will
induce him to do aught that is really adverse to the
Russian interest. We therefore give him up to the
Herald, and have not a word to say in the way of
objection to its portraiture of the " travelled
Thane," when it thus expresses itself :—" The no-
minal Premier, of course, must be included in the

same category, and from him nothing can be ex-
pected, except that he should continue to practise
the same genuflexions to autocracy which Byron
described as being too much the tendency of English
statesmen as long as 30 years gone by
What, shall reviving thraldom again be
The patched-up image of enlightened days?
Shall we who struck the lion down—shall we
Pay the wolf homage, proffering lowly gaze
And servile knees to thrones?'
" The picture is true to this hour, and always
will be so as long as we commit our destinies to
men who have no spirit of public honour or
generosity."

•
kviduranee she has done. In addition to
injury of the gravest kind, she has daily-
jetted to fresh acts of insult. At length
mulation becatne so great that she could
o longer. She would have been unworthy
•f• ••• rvrt na.firma Lam_____