The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-21 00:00:00

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THE SUN.
LONDON, TUESDAY, OCT. 21, 1862.

The King of PRUSSIA has created for himself a
petty stage on which he might utter his monologue
to the nation. A party of absolutists approached
his MAJESTY by Right Divine, to tell him humbly
the true sentiments of the Prussian people, "so
grievously misrepresented by the Chamber of De-
puties." By what right they claimed to speak for
the nation is not apparent, seeing they were sent as
a deputation by a " Conservative Society"—an
avowedly party body. This seemed not to occur
to them any more than to him of Right Divine, as
as any qualification of their claim. They were
" indignant" that the persons, whom the electors, in
the teeth of the immense Beanreancratic power of
Prussia, had chosen to act and speak for them, should
represent their voice as that of the people. And
especially were they indignant that they should
declare that they had the "exclusive right to re-
gulate the Budget." This claim, so far as we have
seen the accounts of their proceedings, was not
made by the Deputies—not at least in a
sense different from what is the case in all
constitutional countries. The Deputies admitted
the right of the Crown to demand supplies—they
asserted their right to accede to the demand to the
extent to which they thought the country would
approve their doing so—they admitted again the
right of the Upper House to reject any budget sent
up by the Lower House, as a whole, whether the
budget were the original ministerial one, or a bud-
getmodified by the Lower House—they admitted,
therefore, the full constitutional share of the Crown
and the Upper House in regard the budget, and
their real delinquency in the eyes of the deputa-
tion and thelc3sG, if the former had stated it truth-
fully, was, that they would not allow the Crown
the " exclusive right to regulate the budget." The
animus of the deputation peeped out, however,
pretty plainly at the close when they said
Never would they suffer the centre of gravity
of the Government to be fixed
intheChaGmobveerrnof.
Deputies ; they did not want parliamentary
ment, but a royal Government:,

Of course this is just what the
To
Upstartth .
bitter
ihntfetteyeeurrapwaalari
tnsett,
party in Prussia really want.
mor-
tification they have a Parliament,
to nullify it. They are the very counterparts,
and at this time of day too, of Lord
STRAFFORD and his 4` Thorough." Happily, how-
ever, there is every reason to believe that hey
have not one msn the ability of the English Earl
among
r-i
amorg them; and it!.. with all his high talent, he
shipwrecked the ca ase of absolutism in England,
ve may hope that I.'eehler abilities will shipwreck
the same cause in P russia. If Prussians be not such
sturdy frEemen as oar forefathers, in their battle
with STUART tyranny, neither has the Prussian
monarch such nobl es at his service, as were the
Cavaliers of our CH. LIMES.
The KING, as mi ight be expected, was in high
feather—he was tha o.kful for snail mercies. A little
deputation was a gt rat comfort when the whole re-
presentation of the pktion was against him. But his

speech will be no comfort to the country. It is
pretty► plainly a drawing of the sword. He just
reiterated all the common places to which we are
well used here, also, on behalf of an extravagantly
large army. " What," be said, " can avail all pre-
sent wealth, all the development of industry—what
can avail all the good things that GOD has given
us, if there is no means of protecting them when
they are threatened ? Seldom has any enterprise
been attacked as that task has been which I began
with a view to the protection and the prosperity of
my country. It is true I was obliged to ask for it
sacrifices on the part of my people, but I am fully
convinced that those sacrifices were not excessive,
as the financial statement demonstrates."
All this reads very much like what Lord PAL-
MERSTON and his Secretary for War tell us when
they want to make us patient under seventy mil-
lions a year for an army and navy which cannot
induce the EMPEROR to leave Rome. But what
follows is what Queen VICTORIA, by their advice,

would never say, not even if the House of Commons
should cut down the army and navy by one-half.
Referring to their demand for a "Royal" as con-
trasted with a " Parliamentary" Government, he
said—" As you have remarked, it is not the trans-
formation of the army which forms the point of
attack properly speaking; but themark is elsewhere.
The intentions, at first disguised, have become partly
unmasked." In other words, says his MAJESTY,
these representatives, who decline to sanction the
amount of military expenditure I propose, aim to
dethrone me. He went on to assert that he " was
determined to yield nothing more of the rights
which had been transmitted to him," though what
he had yielded it is not very easy to see. He varied
his phraseology, however, by speaking of the
" Constitutional rights" of the Crown ; yet it is
hard to comprehend in what respect the deputies
have trenched on these at all. On the question of
question of the amount of supplies and the number
of soldiers the KING and his Chamber differ—whose
opinion then should prevail ? A Constitutional
Crown is surely pledged to accept only what the
people will give.
It will be seen that this obstinate Monarch is
improving at once the opportunity of the dismissal
of his Chambers to assail the press. Not fewer
than five papers are mentioned as having been seized
or stopped in the Post-office. Herr BISMARK and
his master, are imitating, in their way, M. PER-
SIGNY and his master. The man who was to unite
half the German States under the Prussian sceptre,
is doing all he can to make them think their own
petty despots no worse than he. We should be in
no way surprised if Austrian Statesmen should take
the hint—for they are able enough—and when
they see that disgust with the Prussian Monarch
has reached the boiling point, that they should
initiate a really liberal policy which should cause
all the Liberal party in Germany to desire rather
the Protectorate of Austria than that of Prussia.
The Prussians must, however, be men. They are
loyal to their KING. They must teach their KING
to be loyal to them.

Some wonderfully interesting statistics have re-
cently been collected and published in connection
with the history of New South Wales. They mark
in a very vivid manner the importance of the colony.
And they indicate more plainly than any written
descriptions could possibly do, the extraordinary
speed, the steady advance and that a perpetually
increasing advance in its general development. In
the cultivation of the soil. In the multiplication
of the live stock. In the surprising growth of the
number of the population. In the unmistakeable in-
dication of the general prosperity. In regard to all
these particulars the statistics we are referring to
are replete with really invaluable, because at once
most reliable and most encouraging, information.
Not a man amongst us who cherishes any interest
whatever in respect to the prosperity of the nation
at large, whether at home or abroad, in its foreign
policy or in its colonial possessions—but must
conn with lively satisfaction facts and figures in-
dicative in so very remarkable a manner that
the British Empire is witnessing now in
this later half of the nineteenth century
the very reverse of what M. LEDRU ROLLIN dis-
gracefully exulted over (disgracefully seeing that
whilst he wrote thus, he was an exile, sheltered
under the aegis of our authority), as in his own
phrase, in the pitiable title of his ungrateful book,
La Decadence d'Angleterre. If there were any wish
seriously entertained by any one to recognise within
a very brief compass and with a very small amount
of trouble, proof positive of the reality of the fact
we are referring to, the fact totally discredited by
these depredators of our power and of our consti-
tutional form of Government, that proof positive
might. be witnessed by any visitor to the
Great International Exhibition, down at South
Kensington, who took the trouble to look, from
this point of view, at one half of the collection of
works of art and industry there displayed. Mean-
ing the contents of the eastern division of
Captain FOWXES'S monster and monstrous
edifice, the products of the skill, or of the
industry of Great Britain and her dependencies.
The metallic and carbonacious treasures drawn
from the depths of the earth by those British
Cyclops—our miners! The evidence of the amazing
and, squandered over our
variety of the fauna and
vast and scattered dominion—brought hither to our
shores by vessels sailing over almost every division
of that mighty element, over which an Englishman
is supposed to have some mysterious and impre-
scriptible authority, over which, during many centu-
ries at least, he has exercised an almost undisputed
supremacy—a supremacy never yet disputed with
impunity. In every imaginable way the fact of the
wealth, and of the increasing wealth, of the power,
and that that power, too, long visibly being enhanced
—of the prosperity, and of the truth that it is a
prosperity that is ever visibly and widely ex-
tending—all these things are rendered substan-
tially visible to every thinking observer who
traverses the eastern division of the huge build-
ing now comprising under its roof-beams the
marvellous collection of the works of art and in-
dustry, making up the astounding whole of our
last great International Exhibition.
As directly corroborating the story thus told by
one section of our own collection there, of our
British collection, the statistics we have already
here spoken of possess a very peculiar, and impor-
tant, and timely interest for us all. A few of these
statistics, the pick amongst them, we will here con-
tent ourselves with giving—as tending to throw a
flood of light upon the actual condition of things at
our antipodes. Upon the state of affairs latterly,
that is to say, in our noble colony of New South
Wales.

New South Wales would be especially deserving
of note among all our sixty colonial dependencies
—if for nothing else, for the circumstance that
it is admittedly the greatest of all our pas-
toral colonies. In that sense it is our
antarctic Arcadia! The dimensions of the colony
are first of all, of course, worthy of being taken
into consideration—the whole urea of it being com-
puted at 323,437 square miles,
or 207,000,000 acres!
Otherwise to express it---four times as large as
England getter, or three times the
size
Wales and Scotland regarded
of
England and
a nd together,
as one kingdom. According to the last Australian

census (that of 1861) this gave as many as 575
acres of lind as the proportion to each individual.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER ROLLESTON, the Registrar of
New South Wales, and Mr. SEDGIVICK COWPER,
the Secretary to the New South Wales Exhibition
Commissioners, are our authorities (certainly reli-
able authorities) for the facts upon which we are
now commenting. We learn through their agency
that " The population on the 7th April, 1861, was
350,860 souls (198,488 males, and 152,372 females),
exclusive of the military and aboriginal inhabit-
ants. The subsequent increase by births and by
immgration would probably bring the numbers
at the end of that year up to 360,000—about
205,000 males, and 155,000 females, the pro-
portion being about 75 females to every 100
males." It is very curious to note that
the capital of the Colony, that is to say, its world-
famous metropolis, Sydney, actually contains within
it more than one quarter of the entire population.
Sydney being inhabited by but very little short of
100,000 souls—to be precise, just 93,686. As for
the occupations of the inhabitants, not of Sydney
alone, but of the whole mass of the population, we
find them thus ingeniously classified :,,—;" 1. Govern-
ment, professional, and trading classes, males,
13,345 ; females, 2,293 ; 15,638, or 4.46 per cent.
2. Manufacturing and labouring classes, males,
31,501; or 8.98 per cent. 3. Gold-mining, males,
20,365; or 5.80 per cent. 4. Pastoral and agricul-
tural classes, males 46,916 ; females, 7,084 ; 54,000,
or 15.39 per cent. 5. Personal offices, domestic ser-
vants, &c., males, 13,683; females, 14,490 ; 28,173, or
8.03 per cent. 6. Miscellaneous, including women
and children, both at home and at school, males,
72,678; females, 128,505 ; 201,183, or 57.34 per sent."
Already we have accorded here to this colony of
New South Wales its right to a distinctive pre-
eminence, among all our sixty colonial possessions,
as the pastoral colony of the British Empire. Re-
membering that, "In 1796, the whole of the live
stock in the colony, exclusive of goats and pigs,
was 57 horses, 227 cattle, and 1,531 sheep," it is
something surprising to be told now that, " from
this stock have sprung the vast flocks and herds
which were feeding on the natural grasses of Aus-
tralia at the end of 1860, as exhibited in the follow-
ing table" :

Sheep. Cattle. Horses.
New South Wales 6,119,163 2,408,686 251,497
Victoria 5,794,127 683,634 69,288
Queensland
South Australia
Tasmania 1,700,930 83,366 21,034

General totals .. 19,888,381 3,886,641 314,722

The quantity of wool exported from the colony
in 1860 was so immense that it amounted in
weight to 12,809,362 lbs., and in value, £1,123,699.
At the close of that same year, on the 31st of De-
cember, 1860, the public debt of the colony
amounted to no more than £3,830,230 in all,
or at the rate of merely £ll an individual !
Skilled artizans can earn there, in New South
Wales, readily enough from Bs. to 10s. a day—farm
labourers and shepherds from £3O to £4O a year
wages, with board and lodging. During several
successive years bread has ranged from sd. to
6d. the 21b. loaf being at this time down to
3-1 d! Potatoes being down to Bs. the hundred
weight, and meat to 3d., or even as low as 10.
per pound ! Millions of acres, we are row re-
minded, are there to be purchased, at the choice
of the bidder, at the uniform rate of £1 sterling
per acre. Rents have dropped, of late, as much
as 60 per cent. Altogether, musing over these
statistics, one marvels that the tide of emigration
does not set more strongly in the direction of that
hapyy, fruitful, lightly taxed colony of ours, which
we are again disposed to regard seriously, and
not merely by a complimentary phrase, as our
Southern Arcadia.

According to the EMPEROR and his new Foreign
Secretary, all is to go on in its old course. No new
policy is launched, disturbing the waters of either
the Seine or the Tiber. The dock-gates have
opened, and another vessel belonging to the same
service, with the same destination and the usual
freight, has taken the place of the old one, and
been calmly warped out to start for a fresh voyage
—that is all. To be sure, that all is a great all
relatively. So much had been going on which
seemed to promise that the EMPEROR was coming
to his senses, and beginning to be influenced by
the generous sentiment s shown by Frenchmen gene-
rally after the atrocious affair of Aspromonte, that
better things were expected. It was thought that
the EMPEROR was becoming as ashamed as his sub-
jects are, that France should be made the gaoler of
the Romans, and the prop of a miserable puling
and cursing ecclesiastical despot—it was hoped that
the miserable RATTAZZI scheme, having disgraced
all the actors, from the EMPEROR, who ordered all,
to the men who shot the hero to prevent his lead-
ing Italian youths to Rome, the EMPEROR was
about to act with common justice and honour, and to
fix a term for the withdrawal of the POPE'S French
keepers ; and it is rather the contrast of persistency
in evil, with the previously excited hopes, than the
inauguration of any new evil, which has excited the
public mind.
In his circular, which has appeared to-day, M.
DROUYN DE L'HuYs, like his master in bis dis-
missal letter to M. THOTIVENEL, lays stress on his
intention to abide by the old policy. Through all
phases of the question during the last thirteen
years the EMPEROR has aimed, says the Foreign
Secretary, to conciliate all interests concerned—
which aim might have been all very well if the
interests of the POPE'S temporal despotism and
Italian liberty admitted of reconciliation. This is
termed by the Secretary "a high and impartial
policy." Both these it certainly is. It is a high-
handed disregard of all international rights and the
acknowledged duty of non intervention. And it is
really " impartial" as between the Italians and the
petty despot whom the EMPEROR protects, since he
cares not a straw for either. He wrongs the
Italians and the Romans, and patron'ses the Holy
oppressor of the Italian capital for the perfectly im-
partial reason that he thinks it for the honour of
the Empire to exhibit the POPE in a French cage.
The EMPEROR'S Secretary says—" The Roman
question touches upon the highest interests of reli-
gion and of politics, and engenders on every part
of the globe scruples moat deserving of respect.'
The politics of the case are obvious enough—the
glory of the second empire—for to both Emperors
wrong-doing with a high hand has been a favourite
glory. As to the religion of the business, we may
be allowed to smile at the oddity of the association
between religion and a BONAPARTE. We may
suppose, however, that his sentimental Empress
taught him that word " after her return from the
bull-fight." To all sound-minded persons "on every
point of the globe" religion and injustice—reli-
gion, and the head of their religion being the poli-
tical slaveholder of subjects held in slavery for
him by foreign slave-drivers—are not very com-
patible ideas.
with Thereall isth
ione
darkin
gratifying
considerationacpapal conneeted
Imperial l d
ria
viliany—
that it is doing after all a great work for Italy.
The Papal cut-throats sent into the Southern pro-
' vinces are indeed a fearful evil, but like other
evils they work an undesigned good. The POPE
and EMPEROR will never through them restore the