The Sun.
London, England, 1865-03-17 00:00:00

EXECUTION AT DI7RHAIL

D ITRITA3f, Thursday.

Matthew Atkinson was this day executed for
the murder of his wife at a place called Winlaton,
in the county of Durham, on the 18th September
last.

At the trial on the 14th inst. he was found guilty,
and when asked what he had to urge why sentence
should not be passed, said that he had led a most
unhappy life, and that during the past year he had
fetched his wife no less than seven times from
another man's house. He was drunk at the time
of the occurrence, and although several of the
neighbours knew he was beating her, and heard her
screams of murder" continue for upwards of an
hour, they did not attempt to interfere, from his
known character for brutality and ruffianism. Some
hours after he called some neighbours into the room
and said, " I have done for her now." After
sentence he said, addressing the judge, " Thank
you, my lord, I am prepared to die at any
time."

His conduct since his condemnation has been
orderly and quiet. He appeared resigned to his
fate, and felt remorse for the deed he had per-
petrated.
At five minutes past eight this morning
the prisoner, precisely five
by the usual officials, ap-
peared upon the scaffold, Askern being the execu-
tioner. When all the paraphernalia which is ne-
cessary for carrying out the execution had been
crowd with
anaroauPiPidallianrgose the
adjusted, the bolt was 'withdrawn, when the rope
sound.
ythefrbemodyfifleell
Ibmromkee
loudest cheers at this untoward
diaantdel
event. The unfor-
tunate man was removed within the
prison until a
fresh rope could be obtained. At 25 minutes past
8 o'clock Askern again
appeared upon the scaffold
with a fresh rope, and on facing the multitude be-
neath was greeted -'tl wi la perfect storm of hisses.
A few moments after
Atkinson, again mounted the scaffold. The latter
stepped on the drop firm and collected, although
blood-red mark round the neck testified to the
severity of the terrible tug which it had experienced
by the breaking of the rope. Askern, who seemed
determined that no new mishap should occur, spent
a great deal of time in adjusting the new rope and
pulling the noose tight, an operation which drew
forth from the mob fresh hisses. The dying
struggles of the unfortunate man were horrible,
and frightful to witness, and they lasted some mi-
nutes, owing to the thickness of the new rope.
During the whole of this shocking spectacle the
efforts of the police were almost entirely powerless
to restrain the popular indignation.

LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 17, 1865.

The expected battle between Gn_,kYr and LEE had
not occurred when the Nova Scotian sailed, and the
military news which she brings us is conflicting and

uncertain. From its general tone, however, we
gather that the course of war has been favourable
to the South, and we must remember that the mili-
tary intelligence now reaches us almost exclusively
from Northern sources, the Richmond papers being
still prohibited from publishing any information re-
specting the movements of the forces in the Caro-
linas. The latest Confederate accounts report that
SHERMAN was moving towards Cheraw, and that
SCHOFIELD was advancing from Wilmington to meet
him, but he had been checked by BRAGG ten miles
from the city. The correspondent of a New York
journal mentions rumours of an encounter between
SHERMAN and JOHNSTON, with indecisive results ;
but this is uncertain. JOHNSTON'S forces are said to
be larger than those of his enemy, and it is there-
fore supposed that he will make an opportunity to
attack him. The Richmond papers anticipate that
GRANT will speedily make a movement, which is not
improbable, thongh he may be waiting in hopes
that SHERMAN will succeed in effecting a junction
with him. The next mail will probably let us know
how far the rumoured defeats of SHERMAN and
SCHOFIELD are authentic, but it is quite clear that
the Federals have, at least, gained no advantage in
the Carolinas.

The Message of the PRESIDENT is, of course, one
of the most interesting points of the Nova Scotian's
news. It is extremely brief, being in this respect, at
least, in striking contrast to most other addresses
of the kind, and it is remarkable for the
absence of all rejoicing over the recent triumphs of
the Federal arms and of all confident anticipa-
tions of immediate success. We hear no more of
the " 90 days"—we have no declamations as to the
splendid results of Northern courage, Northern
patriotism, and Northern gold. In short, we miss
all to which we have been hitherto accustomed in
the addresses of Federal leaders. ABRAHAM LIN-
COLN, on the day of his re-appearance as President
—an honour so rarely conferred on American states-
men, that it has only been attached to the most
eminent names in the brief but eventful history of
that country—with the ports of the enemy which
had so long defied his arms in his possession, with
the Federal flag floating over Charleston, with
Wilmington captured, and the evacuation of Rich-
mond not improbable, addresses the people of the
North in a tone solemn, melancholy, and even
humble. The preparations for the grand public
rejoicings in New York were being actively made,
but the exultation of the multitude finds no echo in
the PRESIDENT'S speech. The very rejoicings are
themselves postponed from the day of inauguration
on the plea of unfavourable weather, which may
possibly have been a genuine reason ; but Mr.
LINCOLN, at least, finds no subject for congratula-
tion in the aspect of public affaim. His speech
deals largely in religious phrases and Scripture
(potations designed possibly to conciliate the
extreme New England
party. Reverting
to the origin of the war, Mr. LINCOLN
does not pretend to deny that the maintenance of
the Union was the primary cause of dissension. He
does not, indeed, deny that to the North the war is
mainly due. At his first election, he says, both
parties dreaded war, and one endeavoured
pre-
serve the Union peaceably, and the other to dis-
solve it by negotiation. " Both, parties deprecated
war, but one of them would make war rather than
let it perish, and war came." The slave question,
he says, lent a peculiar interest, and the object of
the insurgents in rending the Union was " to
strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest," i

Neither party anticipated the magnitude of the con-
flict, nor that its cause might cease even before the
conflict itself should cease, and the PRESIDENT goes
on so far as to express his conviction
that the American slavery has been one of those
national offences for which the providence of Got)
provides judgments. But whether or not the
irresistible course of events has carried this convic-
tion home to the mind of the PRESIDENT at this
moment, it is impossible to believe that his course
throughout the struggle has been inspired by a
genuine abhorrence of slavery. The famous eman-
cipation proclamation which, while denouncing the
wickedness of slavery, left the slaves of loyal sub-
jects still in chains, was a very fair specimen of the
abolition sentiments of the PRESIDENT, which ex-
tended just as far and no further than his
military
and political successes. Certainly the tenour of his
policy since he has assumed the reins of power
has been very different from that of his present
speech, which might have been uttered by some
grave and earnest Puritan deeply convinced of the
national sin and folly in cherishing the monster
evil.

The PRESIDENT gives no hopes to his hearers of
an immediate conclusion of the war, no prospect of
either the subjection or surrender of their enemies.
Can it be that the rumours of SHERMAN'S and
SCHOFIELD'S reverses were actually based on
truth, and that such truth had reached the PRESI-
DENT through official channels ? The reports went
so far as to hint at the capture of SHERMAN and his
Staff, though this was immediately contradicted,
but no one can read the latter portion of the PRE-
SIDENT'S Message, so strongly contrasting with the
usual tone of Northern self-gratulation, so
opposed to the popular feeling, so out of place with
the rejoicings of the hour, and the actual position
of the Federal arms, without marvelling it was not
some painful secret, known to the speaker. but un-
known to the crowd which dictated these melancholy
words. It might be his wish to prepare the people
for the intelligence of unexpected reverses, to show
them that he himself had no intention of abandon-
ing the struggle. At any rate the character and tone
of the address is so remarkable that they can
scarcely fail to attract notice.

Meanwhile, slavery appears to be slowly but
surely on the wane, and the reverses of the South
have had the beneficial effect of carrying conviction
to the recalcitrants. The Virginian Senators in
the Confederate Congress have been instructed by
the Legislature of their State to advocate the
arming of the negroes—a most important step
gained. It is believed that this will lead to the
immediate reconsideration of the measure, and we
hope to its passing without delay. At an enthusi-
astic war meeting in Mobile the Government was
urged to place 100,000 negro troops in the field—
another evidence of the growing popular conviction.
A Bill has, moreover, passed the Confederate House
of Representatives authorising the arming of
negroes, tendered by owners, and empowering the
President to call upon each State when expedient for
a quota of 300,000 troops irrespective of colour. All
this promises well, and the tone of the Southern
press, in criticising Governor BROWN'S speech, shows
that the Confederate people have awoke to the fact
that they have to choose between the maintenance
of slavery and the preservation of their independence,
and have made the choice which befits a great and
gallant nation. General LEE'S letter, of which we
have now the full text, is manly and straightfor-
ward, and must, we should think, carry conviction
to every candid mind. All things promise well
for this great end, which, we trust, will be reached
before long.

Viscount A3IBERLET seems determined to begin
his political career in good time, although perhaps
some captious persons may say that he has com-
menced it at too early a period. At all events he
might with c9nsiderable propriety have considered
the circumstances of his position a little, and not
been in too much haste to commit himself to
opinions for the sake of gaining popularity that he
afterwards found it inconvenient to maintain. In
this respect he has followed the example of Mr.
GLADSTONE in his celebrated Reform Speech, and
still more celebrated preface, but this brilliant
statesman is a dangerous model for a young and
inexperienced politician to take, for it will require
much dexterity to succeed in so meteor-like a
course, and in such fitful undertakings as
those of the right hon. gentleman. Lord Am-
BERLEY bears a name of great renown and
historical associations in the cause of Reform,
but he must take heed to his ways, for he seems to
be rather reckless just now in his vicarious orations.
He may not possess the ability which makes a man
distinguished per se, and which infallibly arrests
attention and commands regard, but he is so situated
that his words will receive a notice of which intrin-
sically they may not be worth, and therefore it is to
be regretted that his zeal has not been tempered
with a little more discretion, and consistency has
not been a more marked feature in his discourses.
At any rate, the noble lord spake very fairly con-
cerning a subject in which he has a personal interest,
that of the continuance of the present Ministry in
office. It would be well if his frankness were more
emulated by some of his friends ; and, whatever be
the issue of the present endeavour, or the general
opinions entertained of his lordship's political tenets,
one cannot but admire the straightforwardness of his
assertion that " there are questions of greater
urgency than that of the continuance of a Govern-
ment in office, and we have had abundant experience
that very liberal measures may be passed under a
Conservative Ministry." In his criticism on foreign
affairs, the noble lord had truly remarked that it
was in this particular that the greatest difference
existed between parties ; and, certainly, since the
present Governmentanam thans enough,
ogh,ffitc there h
engage
at
ten
more as
has been
enough,
in this respect. As the noble lord briefly and
effectively summed it up in his speech, we have had
a revolution in Italy, a revolution in Greece, an in-
surrection in Poland, a war between Germany and
Denmark, and a war in the United States. It is
seldom in the history of a Ministry that so many
and such important events occur ; but it is sad
to reflect upon that in the chief matters
referred to our Government has not been
distinguished for dexterous management, or suc-
cessful results. Lord AMBEELEY, in his defence of
the Government, went over a great deal of old
ground, and declared that England
could not have
undertaken a crusade against Russia on behalf of
Poland. It will be a positive relief when the
practice is over for our public speakers
to dictate
after this fashion upon the inability of this country
to attack another single-handed. It is well known
by this time that criticisms are not very favourable
to our reputation or conducive to our profit, and it
is holding out a premiuth for wrong and injustice
to declare continually that whatever happens we
can do nothing, however indignant we may feel.
As for Germany and Denmark, another glaring
instance of great talk and little performance, Lord
AIIBERLEY said that " there was a great deal of
blind sympathy in this
not that yie should defend the conduct of
the Germans
in the matter. It is to be
hoped not, but at the same time it cannot be
denied that 048 is a
very suitable style to adopt in

discussing this disgraceful affair. It is well for
Lord AMBERLEY'S popularity that he did not give
utterance to auch sentiments last year‘when there
was so much excitement respecting Denmark, and
he does himself very little honour now in attempting
to patch up the cause of cruel and tyrannical op-
pressors, such as the German Powers have shown
themselves. With respect to the reform part of his
speech Lord AMBERLEY made a series of blunders
which must have done him incalculable injury, both
in the place to which he went as a candidate, and
also in the opinion of those who judge of the affair
at a distance. No one can respect the political
shuffle; the most exclusive and bigoted preserver
of old abuses, and the most ranting and complete
leveller of class distinctions may each win
for himself respect and admiration from friends and
foes, provided he be consistent and fearless in the
exposition of his views. Lord AMBERLEY has not
chosen this better part of straightforwardness, but
appears inclined to veer about as suits the tactics of
the hour. There is something not in accordance
with the spirit which should actuate a young man
entering on political life in the manner in which
Lord AMBERLEY expressed his opinions on the elec-
tive franchise. . He would not commit himself on
Wednesday evening to promise a support to Mr.
BAINEs' measure, and tried to get out of the neces-
sity of .it by the quibble that some persons who
could afford to live in £lO houses chose to live in
£6 ones, and, therefore, there. was not much
necessity for it. The meeting did not approve
of this extraordinary way of settling political
problems, and passed a resolution to the
effect that .no candidate would be entitled to the
Liberal electors who did not go so far as to support
the borough franchise. Lord AMBERLEY'S hesi-
tation was simply ridiculous; he admitted that the
Chairman had a perfect right to call upon him for a
definite statement of his views, and " I heartily
wish myself I were able to give it," added his lord-
ship. Nor is it certain that Lord AMBERLEY ought
to have made up his mind on this subject before he
went down to Leeds, or that if it required so much
time to do so, he decided too hastily at last, for on
the next evening he agreed to do giat which he
refused on the Wednesday. This course of pro-
ceeding is not the manner in which the rising gene-
ration can hope to win true respect, and attain
any renown that is worthy of the name. It is
a sort of clap-trap arrangement which de-
feats its own ends, and in the long run
covers its advocate with ridicule and reproach. It
may be asked by some why Lord AMBERLEY should
have hesitated after this fashion and not gone boldly
up to the mark which his Leeds admirers expected
and desired him to do, but in this vacillation we
find him to be the true son of his father. The days
' are long past when " languid 'TOMMY grew to glo-
rious JOHN" in the cause of Reform, and for vigor-
ous action he has substituted an ingenious, do-
nothing course, accompanied with fair-sounding
phraseology. In his remarks about the Ballot Lord
AMBERLEY proved himself a worthy descendant of
the statesman who induced his brother to talk about
the introduction of the Ballot, and couple his name
with it in a meaning manner on the eve of the City
of London k lection. Of all the shilly-shallying
and manoeuvring orations- that have been
made on this disputed point, perhaps Lord
AMBERLEY may bear the palm, or at all
events successfully compete with them. It is really
sad to find one unshackled by any claims and un-
fettered by any political following thus compromise
himself at the outset of his public life by such un-
worthy expedients and thorough time-serving. • He
said he did not think that the friends of the ballot
had quite proved their case, and he should like to be
more fully persuaded of the efficacy of its adoption
before he gave in his adhesion to the measure. At
the same time he carefully abstained from pro-
nouncing on the principle of the thing. It may be
fairly considered that, whether or not he comes into
Parliament, Lord AMBERLEY has made a decided
failure of his visit to Leeds, and may expect to
share the fate of those who become unpopular by
sacrificing too much th the letter and not the spirit
of popularity, whose true disciples should ever act
on the principle of the adage—" I could not love
thee half so much, loved I not honour more." The
lukewarm supporters of a cause are often its
greatest enemies in the long run, and, like the
candid friend, may be regarded as the most ruinous
appendages that evil fortune can send.

BANK OF FRANCE.

PARIS, MARCH 16.

The following is the return of the Bank of France
for the week ending to-day, together with the cor-
responding figures of the previous account :