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THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 1, 1862.

PUBLICATIONS.

MR. G. W. P. BENTIN CK, MP., ON

for what unfortunately most men fight with the most zeal—
they are fighting for dollars. (Hear.) Their position now is
exactly the converse, in my humble opinion, of what their po-
sition was in the days of what was called the American rebel-
lion, when they were themselves fighting to evade the taxes
imposed by the mother country. They were thus described
in those days by one of the greatest poets in this country—a
man equally remarkable for his talents as a poet and for the
extreme liberality of his opinions. He:went over toAmerica
fully impressed, as many others have been, with the perfec-
tion of American institutions ; he remained there a few
months, and he described them in these four shirt lines :
" Those vaunting demagogues, who nobly rose
From England's debtors to be England's foes;
Who could their monarch in their purse forget,
And break allegiance but to cancel debt."
(Laughter and cheers.) That was the opinion of an ultra-
Liberal poet a good many years ago ; and therefore you will
not wonder, perhaps, that people less liberal may not think
very highly of their position at present. But what is the
relative position of the North and of the South ? Why, the
Northerners owe their very existence to a successful rebel-
lion. But for the results of that successful rebellion, they
would have been like any other colony of this country, sub-
ject to the Government of England, subject to the taxation
of England, and virtually subjects of England, as I am
happy to think we all are. Ido not envy their separation;
but if the North—if the United States of America—were
justified, as doubtless they conceive that they were, in the
act of rebellion which successfully separated them from the
dominion of this country—l woliki ask, in the name of com-
mon sense and reason, upon wh'Et ground can the Northern
States object to the Southerners following precisely the
example'which they themselves had set not seventy years
ago ? (Hear, hear.) What is the meaning of Federal in-
stitutions ? What is the meaning of Republicanism ? Ism
not, I confess, p irtial to that description of government. I am
an Englishman, and therefore, 1 hope, I have other feelings
and other views. But what is its meaning, if it has a
meaning? Why, it means in plain English, this,—if you
take it as a question of States, it means that every State is
at liberty, whenever the time arrives that it is no longer
convenient to be a member of the federation of which it
has hitherto formed part, to take its own line and set up for
itself. Ipm inclined to think that Republicanism means
even more—that every individual who has the means and
power has a perfect right to set up for himself. (Laughter.)
I know no limit to it. I confess I know no limit to the
length of the tether which ought to be given to those who
uphold republican institutions, and, therefore, I am at a
loss to understand upon what grounds the North can have
any cause of complaint against the South ern States for
exercising a right which is admitted and almost inculcated
both by Federal arrangements and republican institutions.
(Hear.) But why is it that wherever one goes, in all parts
of England, one always finds—thoroughly as I believe the
institution of slavery is detested in this country—every man
sympathising strongly with the Southerners, and wishing
them all success ? (Cheers.) I do not beg the question, but
all I can say is, that as far as my experience goes, in the
length and breadth of the land where I have travelled, I
never yet have met the man who has not at once said, " My
wishes are with the Southerners." Why is that ? I think
there is more than one reason for it. In the first place the
good sense of Englishmen has shown them that the ques-
tion.of slavery must be entirely eliminated from the discus-
sion; that it is altogether a thing apart, and that it is mere
hypocrisy and fraud to try to introduce it. There is no re-
ference to the question whatever in considering the relative
position of the North and the South, or the relative position
of this country with reference to those two belligerents.
Then why is it that we sympathise with the South, as I
venture to think, from the way in which you have received
my remarks, you agree with me that we all do ? We do so
for these reasons. First, they have fought—to do them
justice—with a degree of gallantry almost unexampled, un-
der circumstances of the utmost difficulty, under every de-
scription of privation ; they have fought like heroes for
their homes, their wives, and children. (Cheers.) That
alone is enough to enlist the sympathies of Englishmen,
and I trust in God the time will never come when it
will not enlist their sympathies. But there is a still
stronger feeling. The turn of events has resolved into
this—Englishmen love liberty, and the Southerner is
fighting not only for his life, but for that which is dearer
than life—his liberty. (Hear, hear.) He is fighting for
his home, for his liberty ; he is fighting against one of the
most grinding, one of the most galling, one of the most irri-
tating attempts to establish tyrannical government that
ever disgraced the history of the world. (Cheers.) I venture
to think that that in itself is a sufficient ground for what I
believe is the universal sympathy, with one or two excep-
tions, which is felt on the present occasion towards the men
at the South. This frightful struggle has been going on for
nearly two years ; and I would ask whether it is possible in
history to find records of such attempts at the establishment
of an undivided tyranny as are to be found in the history
of the last two months of the Northern States ; or whether
we have not had sufficient proof that of all tyrannies, the
most odious and the most galling is the tyranny of a de-
mocracy. (Hear, hear.) I for one loathe all tyrannies ; but
if am bound to undergo the greatest amount of suffering
morally that any man can be called upon to endure, namely,
that of writhing under a tyranny, at least defend me from a
tyranny of a democracy. But there are exceptions to every-
thing ; and men have been found in this country whose
business, I might almost say whose trade, it has been to
praise American institutions. lam happy to think that,
for the honour and the credit of old England, the number
of those men is very few; and I believe those attempts
have been chiefly confined to democrats working for their
own selfish purposes, and to hired spouters who are deputed
to speak in the name of some so-called "association," and
who are afterwards remunerated for their services for speak-
ing by handing a begging-box round the country, and by
attempting to dignify that begging-box by the appellation
of a testimonial. There was an association of this kind a
good many years ago—l am not going into the merits or de-
merits of the views which they held—but they practised this
system most successfully. They endeavoured to persuade the
labouring population of the agricultural districts that the
best thing for them was to depreciate the price of the pro-
duce of their labour ; and they endeavoured to persuade the
people of England that they were struggling to obtain cheap
food for the people,when their one great object was to obtain
cheap labour for themselves. (Hear.) Those are by-gone
days, but a new association has been shadowed forth lately,
and the professed object of this association, coming under
very similar auspices, is to persude the people of England
that the best turn they can do themselves is to set to work
at once to destroy those means by which they have hitherto
maintained that maritime superiority which for centuries
past has constituted the pride and the security of this cram-
try. I have no doubt that when the proper time comes the
begging-box will again make its appearance—(laughter).
and that we shall have appeals made in the name of the
country for these disinterested patriots ; but I have so much
faith in the good sense and the honesty of EnglisLmen,that
I believe these stipendiary patriots will be met as they de-
serve, and that all the wretched compound of trash and trea-
son which they have poured forth will meet with the con-
tempt which it deserves. (Cheers) But, gentlemen,there
is one comfort--that the praise of Northern institutions is
confined to that class of men to whom I have ventured to
advert. It is a distasteful subject, and happily there are few
of them ; but I am glad I may venture to think that you
agree with me in my appreciation of them. But at all events
there is no doubt that the great mass of Englishmen loathe
tyranny in all shapes, but they loathe more especially the
description of tyranny which has been practised on the in-
habitants of the Northern States during the last two years,
by what is called a Republican Government. And if that
alone were not sufficient to explain the strong feeling in.favour
of the South which exists in this country, there is a ten-fold
stronger reason for it, and that is, in the downright barba-
rism and brutality—l use strong words, but I contend that
they are justified by the circumstances, and am prepared
to abide by them—which has characterised those who have
had the conduct of affairs in the Northern States. I have
already adverted to the proclamation which was lately
issued as a tardy and lame attempt to induce the people of
this country to believe that this is an "abolition" war, be-
cause, after all, all their legislation and all their acts have
reference to us and our opinion of them ; they think of no-
thing else. The only idea they have is what is said of them
in England, and they have not heard much that will please
them, I should think, for some time past. (Laughter.)
That proclamation really was a piece of clap-trap, in the
first place to catch the people of England. Look at its
real meaning and its real bearing. The object of it was to
encourage and arm the blacks, to infuriate those unfortunate
to
and misguided people, to put arms into their hands, aw.
generate, merely for purposes of aggression upon ment u
they cannot defeat in fair fight, one of the moat horrible
that ever
massacres of old men and women and children
disgraced the annals of the world. Thattingtrhe
proclama-
tion which has made such a sensation
disgust every honest
weeks; and that is enough in itself to
But there is
man with the author of such. a document.anything
upon record
worse than that. I ask you, is there any
the astfev
cer-
tain General Butler—(hear,
hear)—upon
that the inhabitants
which can be compared to the barbaritiesnpoo
habitants of New Orleans.
the
lifeeduced to the old men, the
practisedd efen cbeyl eas s:in
of that unfortunate town
Surelyare reduced
in the 19th century, and in
women, and children.
is ightest right to call itself a civi-
lised
nhnatachtaasf
brutality
ltiht
ye
a country that claims
positiont of old men, women, and children
lised nation, the some claim to sympathy and toler-
ance have established
tto
n cold blood,
this barbarian
prepared to advocate and to practise
thßeuret
which
effectnhcec
bent
he
least,
en upon
hasthi
against defenceless women, and he has followed that up by
.4.Q• in every possible way, the butchery of the-
if
not to
kindness. But
evinriteas by the blacks. This has been done i
and in open defiance of all humanity and of all civilisation;
and I say that so long as such acts are performed and are
vowed by the Government of the Northern states, they

AMERICAN AFI AIRS.

_,i.

NOTICE.
SECOND EDITTON OF LES
AMISE /CABLES, by VICTOR HUGO, AUTHORISED
ENGLISH TRANSLATION, is now ready. Complete in 3
vols., price 31s. Eid.
Hurst and Blackett, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

KING'S LYNN, OCT. 31.
The annual meeting of the Marshland Agricultural Asso-
ciation was held last evening, at Terrington St. Clenient's,
near this town. The chair was occupied by Mr. G. W. P.
Bentinck. M.P. for West Norfolk, the hon. gentleman being
supported by several of the leading inhabitants of the
district.

After the usual loyal and patriotic toasts,
Mr. R. PITCHER proposed the " County Members."
(Cheers.)

Mr. BENTINCK, M.P., in acknowledging the compliment,
alluded to the rule by which party politics were excluded
from discussion at the meetings of the society, and then pro-
ceeded to observe--But there axe questions which interest,
and which I may say are convulsing the whole world, upon
which it would be disrespectful to those whom I have the
honour of addressing if I should be silent upon the present
occasion ; and perhaps the most prominent of those ques-
tions is, that most marvellous and most melancholy state
of things which exists on the other side of the Atlantic.
(Hear.) There is nothing, probably, in history which can
be compared, in point either of the marvellous or of the
horrible with what is going on in that country, which for-
merly used to be called the United States of America. How
far they at present deserve that designation I leave it to you
to decide. The interest felt in this country upon the sub-
ject is immensely increased by the deep stake which we our-
selves have in the solution of the question, and in the wide-
felt misery now prevailing in various parts of the country
from the existing condiqo of things in the United States ;
but there is one view of the question upon which I would
venture to express a very decided opinion, and to which
I would venture to call your most especial attention.
Whenever any question has been raised in public meet-
ings or elsewhere upon the state of things on the other
side of the Atlantic, the attempt has been made to in-
troduce into the discussion the elements of the merits or
the demerits of the institution of slavery. Now, I beg
to begin by stating, as far as my individual opinion may
be of interest in the matter, that no man in the kingdom
loathes more sincerely than Ido that institution. I believe
it to be barbarous; I believe it to be anti-Christian ; I be-
lieve it to be everything that is detestable ; but I for one am
not prepared to be blinded by my feelings—or if you choose
to call them st, my prejudices—against the institution of
slavery, into looking at events in America through what I
contend is a thoroughly false medium. I contend that the
question of slavery has nothing whatever to do either with
the feud which is now going on between the Northern and
the Southern States, nor has, nor ought it to have, any-
thing to do with the light in which that feud ought to be
regarded by the people of this country ; and I will tell you
why I hold that opinion. In the first place, let us take the
conduct of the United States themselves with reference to
the question of slavery. What has been the conduct of the
Northern States ? Premising that they are now upholding
what they call the standard of the abolition of slavery, what
has been their conduct ? Why, in the first place, they have
invariably upheld and maintained up to the outbreak ofthe
present civil war the institution of slavery; and they have
gone further; they have declared that the black man is
unfit to exist within the precincts of civilisation. They
deny him the rights of a human being, and yet these men
now arrogate to themselves the title of Abolitionists. 'Why,
there never was a ranker, a grosser, or more monstrous
farce than their attempting so to designate themselves. So
long as slavery was, profitable to them, they were perfectly
prepared to support it ; the moment they saw a pecuniary
advantage in declaiming against slavery, they began to de-
claim against it, and that is the' abolition" feeling in the
Northern States of America. But they have gone further.
They have issued within the last few weeks—almost within
the last few days—a proclamation, not against the institu-
tion of slavery, but inciting the slaves in the South to acts
of murder and arson, which at once describes the feeling
with which they originally looked upon the institution of
slavery, viz., as one which was only to be dealt with for
political or for profitable objects ; and they have at the
same time shown that they are utterly divested of the com-
mon feelings of humanity. (Hear, hear.) Let any man
for a moment figure to himself what would be the effect in
the Southern States if the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln on
the subject of slavery were acted upon. Why, it would lead
to a wholesale massacre of human beings, black and white,
so extensive and so horrible, that I will undertake to say
there is nothing in the history of the known world which
could be compared to it. And yet these are the men who
now turn round and ask for the sympathy of Englishmen
in their newly-assumed character of the abolitionists of
slavery I But, gentlemen, lam afraid there is a still darker
side to this picture. I may be right or I may be wrong,
but at all risks it has been my habit, not only here, but
elsewhere, to say what I think—(cheers)—and to take the
chance of what anybody else may have to say in reply.
Now I, for one—and I say it with grief and deep regret—
am bound to assert that even our own beloved country does
not come out scot-free in point of reputation upon Ihe ques-
tion of slavery. I only advert to this because the attempt
is being constantly made to enlist the sympathies of Eng jl
-
lishmen on behalf of the. Northern States of America upon
the plea that they are sincere Abolitionists, which I think
I have succeeded in proving that they are not. But Igo
further, and I say that this country is not in a posision to
take that high line. I say it with deep regret, but I chal-
lenge contradiction when I assert that this country is not
in a position to take up the high line of saying that at all
costs and at all risks we will stand out for the abolition of
slavery. What has been the conduct of this country? It
is perfectly true that many years ago we spent £20,000,000
for the purpose of emancipating our West India slaves.
The spirit in which that was done was admirable ; and no
man probably within the four seas of Britain will be found
to dispute the good intentions of those who promoted and
who carried that measure. The manner in which it was
carried out was melancholy, for the result of it was that
you spent £20,000,000 for the simple purpose of deteriorat-
ing the position of the slave whom you meant to benefit.
But that is another question. The point to which I want
to come is this—some years subsequent to that a contro-
versy arose in this country upon the merits of which
I am not now about to enter, but which must be extremely
familiar to those whom I have now the honour of address-
ing—the controversy of Free Ti ads and Protection. Among
the points fought and argued with reference to that question,
a motion was made in the House of Commons calling upon
the Parliament of England, after they had sanctioned the
outlay of £20,000,000 for the abolition of slavery in the
West Indies, further to evince their detestation of that in-
stitution by putting a duty on slave-grown sugar, as opposed
to sugar the produce of free labour. That was a clear and
distinct issue raised-." Will you, or will you not, confirm
the verdict which you have given by the expenditure of
£20,000,000, by patting upon sugar the produce of slave
labour a differential duty which shall give in the markets a
preponderance in favour of sugar produced by the labour of
free men ?" Well, what was the answer of the House of
Commons ? They said, " No, we think we have a higher
duty to perform ; we will not do anything even for the pur-
pose of putting a stop to the institution of slavery, which
shall militate against the great principles of free trade." I
am not going to enter into the merits or demerits of that
financial measure, but I ask, " Are we, after such a deci-
sion given by the Parliament of this country, and with the
consent of this country, to put ourselves forward, and to
say that we are champions of the abolition of that institu-
tion ?" Why, the thing is simply absurd. But what was
the sequel to that ? We went on, up to two years ago—
the Manchester millowner, the country generally, Great
Britain and Ireland united—accepting without hesitation
and without remorse slave-grown or slave-produced cotton,
as long as it was profitable, and as long as it was conve-
nient to work that cotton, and it could be done beneficially ;
but the very moment the supply of cotton failed, up rose
all those gentlemen in arms and said—" Oh, we must sup-
port the North, because we cannot submit to this fright-
ful atrocity, this enslaving of our fellow-men, and we must
support the North, who are the honest Abolitionists of
that system." Why did it never occur to these gentle-
men before, that all this cotton was produced by slave-
labour? As long as they could benefit by it and they filled
their pockets by the produce of slave-labour, their mouths
were shut ; but the moment their pockets were shut their
mouths wero open—(laughter)—and we have heard nothing
ever since but the shouts and cries and cheers of Abolitionist
meetings, in order to explain that we Englishmen are all
brutes if we do not unite in the cry for the abolition of sla-
very. Well, we all join in that cry; but I can say this,
that I would have voted, if I had been in Parliament then,
against that very vote which preferred slave-grown sugar to
interfering with the principle of free trade; and I would
now give my vote against it most cordially and most
honestly, because I was never an assenting party to it as
long as I could put money in my pocket by the transaction.
But that is not the case with those who are most open-
mouthed in this matter. What I come to, then, is this—in
the name of common sense and reason, before we begin to
discuss the question of the feud on the other side of the
Atlantic, let us drop the question of slavery, and as English-
men, let us be thankful if nobody revives it, for it is a down-
right mockery to introduce that question into the discussion.
(Hear, hear.) Having told you frankly my own feelings as
one detesting sia;Fery; and asked you' to put thai question
aside altogether ; and having, I think, given You fair rea-
sons for that request, let us for a moment, since thiE; war is
convulsing and exciting the whole world, consider what was
the design of this marvellous war—for marvellous it is for
its magnitude and its results. There is a very distinguished
statesman, who now holds the portfolio for foreign affairs,
who on a former occasion, in talking of the feud between the
Northern and the Southern States, described their position
in those words—that the North was fighting for empire, and
the South for independence. I quite accept the latter asser-
tion, but I deny that the North is fighting for empire. The
men of the North are fighting for what most men fight, and

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