The Sun.
London, England, 1865-03-24 00:00:00

Wag-es at the Post-Office.

The following memorandam was on Wednesday
issued from the circulation department of the Gene-
ral Post-office :

" Upon the recommendation of the Postmaster-
General, the Lords of the Treasury have now sanc-
tioned, as a permanent arrangement, the following
wages for the minor establishment of the Post-office:
—lBO sorters, with wages rising by is. a week, from
40s. to 50s. a week ; 400 sorters, with wages rising
by Is. a week, from 235. to 38s. a week ; 100
stampers, with wages rising by Is. a week, from 28s.
to 355. a week ; 200 stampers, with wages rising by
is. a week, from 21s. to 275. a week ; 330 letter
carriers, with wages rising by is. a week, from 265.
to 30s. a week ; 670 letter carriers, with wages
rising by Is. a week, from 20s. to 255. a week ; and
100 supplementary letter carriers with wages of 18s.
a week.

" In communicating this decision to the men it is
necessary to remind them that, though their wages
alone, looking to the general rates of wages, might
be considered to remunerate them sufficiently, the
benefit of their wages is by no means confined to
their bare wages, and that this is especially so in
the case of the letter carriers. To all pensions are
granted on their retirement from age or sickness.
All have a fair chance of rising to the several
fromho
utdhaeys uepvpelreym eynet
aarr
oclnassfu. Allpayh.have a
classes above them, the entire establishment being
ll
gt ehtdthe
have medical advice and medicines gratis, and
whenfr eo
re rt nu
medical officer reports it to be ne-
cessary that they should absent themselves
from duty, they still receive two-thirds of
their wages, and all have assistance in
the insurance of their lives to the extent of
one-fifth of the premium. Beyond this the letter
carriers are supplied with uniform clothing, the
money value of which is equal to at least is. 6d. a
week, and they receive from the public in gra-
tuities at Christmas a sum which, if divided equally
and spread over the whole year, would produce on
an average ss. a week to each man. The places,
therefore, of the regular letter carriers-1,000 iu
number—are worth upon an average from 265. Gd.
to 365. Gd. a week, apart from the other advantages,
In comparing too, these wages of the minor esta-
blishment with the wages of artisans, it must be
borne in mind that they go on continuously through-
out the whole year, and that the work in the Post-
office is not liable to fluctuations which necessitate
frequent change of abode.—By command of the
Postmaster-General,
" W. BOKENIIAM, Controller."

"And then he drew a dial frem his poke,
And looking on it with lack lustre eye,
Says very wisely, ' It is ten o'clock :
Thus wo may see,' quoth he, ' how the world wags."'

SHAKSAARE
Benson's Pocket Dials are artistic, accurate time
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7,8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23
24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, and 35 guineas in
gold eases; and at 2,3, 4,5, 6,7, 8,9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15,
16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, and 25 guineas in silver
cases. A descriptive pamphlet post free for two stamps.
-J. W. Benson, Ludgate-hill, watch and clock maker to
H.R.11. the Prince of Wales.

The annual meeting of the Southampton Sailor's
Home was held a short time ago, on which occasion
it was unanimously resolved to present an address to
Admiral W. H. Hall, C. 8., F.R.S., in token of the important
services which he had rendered to Sailor's Homes a—me
of their originators. Subsequently, the gallant Admiral
was entertained at a banquet on board the steamship
Poonab, when the presentation of the address took place,
and when he was highly complimented by the Mayor of
Southampton and several other gentlemen on the great
services he had rendered his country in China, and subse-
quently in the Baltic during the Russian war.

LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 24, 1865.

Earl RUSSELL, in his remarks last night in the
House of Lords concerning our relations with the
United States, displayed that hesitation of manner
and that fear of giving offence which very often go
far to create the evils that are apprehended. It is
really too bad that year after year the Foreign
Secretary of this country should persist in following
so mean-spirited a course, and in taking so false an
estimate of our position. It must exercise a de-
leterious influence upon the condition of affairs
abroad, and altogether lower the tone of our foreign
policy. Last night the noble lord laid upon the
table of the house a communication from Mr.
ADAMS, which contained the formal notice of the
Federal Government concerning the termination of
the Reciprocity Treaty between the United States
and Canada. [lad a more determined course been
pursued from the outset it is not likely that things
would have come to such a pass, or at all events
the Government at Washington would not have
acted so hastily, and with so little moderation and
respect towards us. However, Earl RUSSELL gives
all blame, if there be any, to the people of this
country, and seems to infer that it is all the fault
of those who have expressed opinions over here
that any differences should have arisen between us
and the States on the other side of the Atlantic.
Can anything be more absurd than this argument.
The noble lord virtually assumes that nothing is to
be done or said that may offend the Americans,
whatever they may do or say. It is quite impossible
that this in terrorem system can be carried on, and
it will defeat its own purpose in the end, if carried
too far. It is impossible to peruse the passages in
the noble lord's speech which refer to the Confede-
rate States, without recognising the fact that,
although bound by the law of nations to recognise
them as belligerents, he really regrets the necessity
of having had to do so. If not, why does he so
often return to the subject, and endeavour to ex-
plain away the false impressions which should never
have arisen. Surely it is quite unnecessary at the
present time for Earl RUSSELL to make any expla-
nation regarding the Alabama, and the alleged
supineness" displayed by this Government respect-
ing it. It is also too late in the day to attempt to
explain away the course pursued by the Government
in respect to the rams at Birkenhead. As for say-
ing that the honour and interests of England were
not concerned in this question, but that it was a
private consideration, where no injustice had been
done—in the first place, great injustice was done
to private hands, and afterwards the honour and
interests of England must always be concerned
when the rights and privileges of her subjects are
interfered with. It seems strange that Earl Rus-
SELL says nothing of the armaments with which the
Federals have have been so liberally supplied by
the manufacturers of this country, and nothing of
the recruits which are constantly swelling the

ranks of the armies towards which we profess such
a profound neutrality. Earl RUSSELL'S speech is
altogether unsatisfactory when we consider the im-
portant interests which it referred to ; and it is not
likely to allay the indignation felt here and ex-
pressed in some parts of America. The noble lord
declares that the United States are justified in giv-
ing notice of the termination of the convention with
respect to the armament of the lakes. Even with
respect to the Reciprocity Treaty he finds excuses ;
and indeed it would be difficult to say what the
Washington Government could do or say, and what
the Congress might not approve of, which he would
not be dexterous enough to account for in a satis-
factory way, or give a plausible turn to. The eulogy
passed upon Lord LYONS by the noble Earl was
well deserved, and will meet with the concurrence
of all who have observed the prudence displayed
by our Minister at Washington in trying circum-
stances.

The debate of last evening upon the defences of
Canada will be read with the greatest interest, not
only in this country, but in the American provinces,
and the result will be as satisfactory to English-
men as it will be gratifying to the colonists. The
remarkable feeling of unanimity which was dis-
played by the majority of the speakers, and which
the faint attempt at opposition only served to ren-
der more conspicuous by submitting the motion to
the test of a discussion, will, of itself, give fresh
strength and courage to the colonists. It will
sho w them that whatever a few politicians may urge
as to the extravagance or folly of retaining such
outlying portions of our Empire under our own
protection their views are altogether exceptional,
and the sentiments of the great body of English-
men of all ranks are fully in accordance with the
action of the Home Government. The question at
issue is one which every man can readily under-
stand. It needs no extended acquaintance with the
principles of political economy, no knowledge of
the intricacies of state craft, or the subtleties of
diplomacy. It is a plain question which addresses
itself directly to the common sense and right
feeling of every man who has sufficient reason and
education to give an opinion. It has been sometimes
debated whether or no colonies give strength to a
nation, though when we look at the table of our
exports and imports and see how largely our
colonies figure among the consumers of our articles
of trade and manufacture, we can hardly hesitate
to acknowledge that they are an important source
of commercial wealth. The immense increase of
our commerce is principally due to the vast increase
of our possessions, for it is a well known fact that
colonies always deal principally with the mother
country. If there are two opinions as to the ad-
vantages of retaining-our dependencies, there is now
at least but one as to the folly and injustice of the
course pursued by GEORGE 111. and Lord NORTH in
attempting to enforce their subjection, and that
blunder is hardly likely to be repeated by any
English statesman at the present day. But it has
never before been said that a great and powerful
country did well to cast off a colony before that
colony was self-dependent, to be the first to say to
a young and struggling colony, " You must stand
alone, and if you prove unable to defend yourself,
we will take no further responsibility. We will
not regard your territories as under our charge,
nor your population as fellow-subjects. Rather
han incur a certain expense and a possible risk, we
prefer that you should be absorbed by some other
power, more inclined to take the trouble of defend-
ing you."

The debate of last evening, we are happy to say,
was more worthy of Englishmen, and the general
tenour of the speeches was such as to reflect
credit on our House of Commons. Mr. LowE took,
indeed, what Lord PALMERSTON happily called " a
very low ground ;" and Mr. BRIGHT, as usual, in-
dulged in some theories which had nothing to re-
commend them but their novelty ; but the
main part of the speakers showed not
only sound common sense, but a considerable
knowledge of the subject. Lord BURY, who
has a personal acquaintance with the colony,
strongly supported the proposal of the Government,
and declared his conviction that the Canadians
would do everything in their power to defend them,
selves. Mr. HALIBURTON'S opinion was of even
more value, since, as he told the House, he had seen
sixty winters in Canada before he settled in this
country, and he very positively asserted that a pro-
longed winter campaign in Canada was a simple im-
possibility. But argument and illustration alike
failed to convince Mr. LowE. He resolutely main-
tained that he at St. Stephen's knew more about
Canadian winters than a man who had seen sixty of
them, and wishing perhaps to acquire distinction
by eccentricity. The impossibility of defending
Canada is his great argument. Englishmen,
who are not fond of admitting impossi-
bilities, will be surprised at this argument,
but perhaps still more surprised at the schedule of
their duties which the right hon. gentleman pre-
sents to them. We are bound, he thinks, to tell the
Canadians that we are willing to defend her to the
utmost of our power, but that we do not think we
are able to defend her, and that, if she thinks it bet-
ter to stand alone or to join the American States,
she is free to do so. The " forty years' peace"
which so marvellously increased our population and
our resources, has certainly diminished our military
skill and spirit, if the England of 1805 and 1815
confesses herself unable to assist a brave and united
people to defend themselves against a nation in-
ferior to England in number if larger in extent, when
that nation would come to the war with exhausted
finances, and a population already reduced by four
years of a tremendous war ! The American giant
which Mr. Lowe thinks this " small country" so
unable to face will soon be in the enviable position
of deciding what to do with his enormous debt. Mr.
DISRAELI, in the course of an address -which was
worthy of his reputation and his ability, briefly
touched on this dilemma. Either, he said, the
Americans must keep faith with the national cre-
ditor, in which case they will be oppressed by taxes,
or they will repudiate their debts, in which case
sacrifice their credit. The "giant," too,
they will
with his " strong nerves" and " bloody hands," is
obliged to reinforce his armies from the despised
small country. But Mr. LOWE, as we have seen,
quietly puts aside acknowledged facts, and reiterates
again and again that we cannot defend Canada.

Why not ? Can we defend Australia ? Can
we defend Ireland ? Can we defend the Channel ?
Perhaps Mr. LOWE thinks not, and would advise us,
in case of a threatened invasion4to make an immedi-
ate surrender. Certainly we are improving. A
few months ago it was impossible for England to
risk offending forty millions of Germans, now it
would be certain destruction for our troops to face
the Americans. If there could ever have been any
doubt of the courage and military ability of our
Anglo-Saxon kindred, the experience of the last
four years must have totally dispelled it, but it is
by no means a consequence of our admission of
their soldierly qualities, that we should cry quarter
before a blow is struck. America, with all her
armies, will scarcely match Napoleon's veterans
led mismbyhisnaa
rsll
~als, and even by himself, and if
the all country
emerged triumphantly from a
direct encounter with one of the greatest generals in
=lent or modern history she need scarcely be aver-

whelmed by the terrors of GRANT, SHERMAN, or
BUTLER. Mr. DISRAELI very pointedly observed that
Mr. LOWE argued in the same spirit as the Whigs of
50 years ago, who opposed the Peninsula, war on the
ground that no one could stand before NAPOLEON.
The right hon. gentleman justly said that the high-
spirited population of Canada would most likely,
under the pressure of excitement and patriotism,
bring into the field 200,000 fighting men, which a
proper system of fortification would render eq&va-
lent to 300,000. The crude and' extravagant
theories of the right hon. member for Calne were
easily confronted by the leader of the Opposition.
Does the right hon. gentleman mean to say, asked
Mr. DISRAELI, that an extensive frontier cannot be
defended, because if so, he contradicts all the esta-
blished rules of military science. The words
of the member for Bucks, regarding the future
of Canada, expressed finely the sentiments
of this country. " The provinces of British
North America," he said, " have the means of
sustaining not only millions but tens of millions,
and why should we doom them to absorption by
another State. Canada has her own future. It has
all the elements which make a nation. It has at
this moment a strong development of nationality
and a feeling of attachment to us of whichwe ought
to be proud, and it is our duty to consider whether
we will not cherish the connection, whether we are
bound by honour and interest to do so, and that
aided by us the provinces have the means of
establishing their independence of any foreign foe.
And," concluded the right hon. gentleman, " with
the full conviction on our part that these provinces
can ultimately become an independent country, we
shall find in that circumstance not a source of
mortification but a source of pride."
Not less worthy of an English statesman were
the words of Lord PAL3IERSTON, who may
safely be trusted on an occasion like the present
to represent the honour and dignity of the country.
With his usual good sense he drew up an apt illus-
tration from the war now raging in America, and
pointed out how the Confederates had for years
protected important positions which even yet re-
sisted all the power brought against them. " Look
at Richmond," exclaimed the noble lord," is Rich-
mond taken ? What are its defences ? Why
chiefly earthworks, with a force behind them."
The mere occupation of a country is no conquest so
long as its fortresses remain unreduced. If Canada
has an extended frontier, so have other countries,
so have we ourselves, and we might as well say we
could not defend our coasts without lining the whole
of them with defensive works. As for the fancied
security which Canada would derive from inde-
pendence, are there no motives, asked Lord
PAL3IERSTON, that would lead a stronger neigh-
bour to pick a quarrel with a smaller State ?
But as Lord PALMERSTON justly said, "This is
not a Canadian question ; it is not a local question :
it is an Imperial question. It is a question which
affects the position and character, the honour,
the interests of this great country," and it is
in this spirit that the House of Commons
have dealt with it. The colonists will see that in
relying on the protection of the mother country they
have leant on no broken reed, but that the sympa-
thies, the resources, and the material assistance of
the first country in the world will be promptly
proffered in their cause.

As time progresses it is evident that the Prussians
are becoming more and more involved in doubts
and difficulties. The Minister of War has made a
speech in which he clearly showed that affairs were
approaching a crisis ; he said that if the Committee
succeeded in carrying their propositions there would
be a proof given that the Chamber intended to
extend its own power, and not to respect the rights
of the Crown, which would inevitably be circum-
scribed by the adoption of such a course. This is
coming to plain speaking at all events, and it shows
how correct has been the opinion of those who have
all along declared that the policy of Herr BISMARCK
must before long occasion another domestic crisis,
now that the foreign tumult has partially. subsided.
But the Minister of War went further and
made some astounding revelations, which must
have amazed his hearers, and will doubtless cause
much surprise to all who read them. He said that
they had been advised to resign, but that they re-
mained in power from a sense of duty, and not
from any ambitious motives. How very conve-
nient is the aspect which duty sometimes assumes
in the eyes of some people, and how aptly its dic-
tates concur with the ideas of the Ministers them-
selves. The Minister says that they do not stop in
from " ambition," and certainly they are not gaining
much credit from their tenure of power ; but they, of
course, will please themselves, and put in duty and
such like reasons to suit their purposes. As for
dissolution, the Chambers are told that there will be
no good gained from that step, but at the same
time a hint is given of such a step being taken if
any contumacy is exhibited. Therefore they are
exhorted to co-operate with the Government. It is
really a farce to call the Chambers together at all,
for the members are not allowed to give any opinion
that weighs at all with the authorities, and if they
venture to assert their rights and claim their privi-
leges, they are forthwith told that the " question at
issue is no longer one of rights but of existence, and
they must make their choice." This is a melan-
choly state of things to witness in a country from
which so much was once expected, and which pro-
mised to set an example of constitutionalism to the
other nations of Europe which were devoid of that
blessing.