The Sun.
London, England, 1862-09-11 00:00:00

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THE SUN.
LONDON, THURSDAY, SEPT. 11, 1862.

For the cool effrontery of his arguments, apropos
to Rome and the unification of Italy, commend us to
M. DE LA GURRRONNIERE! As for the second in-
stalment of his demi-semi-official revelations of the
Imperial policy through the columns of La France,
like lActo's baccanalian in the estimation of CAsslo,
" 'Tis a more excellent song than t'other!" One in
which this editorial chanticleer—representing, we
should have imagined (did he not distinctly tell us
otherwise), the Gallic Cock rather than the NAPO-
LEONIAN Eagle—does not,at any rate (whatever else
he may do), sing small. To hear M. DE LA GIIER•
RONNIERE reasoning about the Balance of Power
in Europe, one might suppose that it was an
admitted and recognized fact that the beam of that
Balance was held suspended from the grasp of his
Mejesty of the Tuileries. Italy, M. DE LA
GUERRONNIERE tells us, if consolidated into
one single Kingdom—including Rome, including
Venice, including the Quadrilateral—must, there is
no option whatever about it, must perforce make
compensation to France ! Again, says the impe-
rial set ibe—Germany, if consolidated into one em-
pire, must, again there is no particle of choice in
the matter left to her population, simply but abso-
lutely must make compensation to France ! There
Is no compulsion, says M. DE LA GUERRONNIERE,
addressing himself now to Italy, now Germany—
There is no compulsion whatever, but you must.
Italy, if united, will contain a people numbering
altogether, 30,000,000.
Germany, if united, will contain a people not
less in the aggregate, numerically, thin 40,000,000.
Therefore—by a necessity quite logical in the
eyes of M. DE LA GUERRONNIERE—Germany must
" compensate" France by ceding to the latter the
whole of the Rheni,h provinces.
Therefore—according to M. DE LA GUERRON-
NIERE'S argument Italy must " compensate"
France by ceding to her the island of Sardinia at
the very least.
It is well that we should know the worst at
once. Or hardly, perhaps, we should say, "know"
the worst, for the policy here revealed by the
Redacteur-en-Chef of La France has long and long
ago been matter of absolute notoriety. We will
say then with more exactitude in our mode of ex-
pressing it—It is well to have the whole truth, the
truth that we have long since known perfectly
well, fairly and frankly acknowledged. Of course,
should there be any serious outcry raised, M. DE
LA GUERRONNIERE anEcihEißat,
scnewspaper can
l
be readily—at the mp
good
dire.
But pleasure repudiated. Cela ca sans
But even then, if pro forma thus clearly re-
pudiated—there still in the imperial thoughts
will remain that great central motive power of the
foreign policy of his Government. Nothing can
touch it. And there it will continue intact, and
ready to be called into play at the very firet oppor-
tunity.

There is a passage in M, 1)E LA GUERRONNIERE'S
last instalment that is particularly deserving of
consideration, a passage in which the writer thus
sketches out the causes that, according to his view,
ought alone to be pursued by France in certain
stated contingencies. " Whatever," he says (not
hesitating to put forth this preposterous platitude),

Whatever may happen, Franca will always be
France; in presence of the empire of Germany, as
of the kingdom of Italy, she will always remain,
with her military virtues, her intellectual greatness,
her inexhaustible resources. But it is clear that
those powerful unities, in constituting themselves
so near to her, would alter all the conditions of her
history, of her alliances, of her policy in Europe,
and, to remain what she is and what she always has
been, she would necessarily have to adopt others.
\Via must go further, and acknowledge that so radi-
e'4l a modification of our relations with the Euro-
pean equilibrium would not allow the maintenance
of the territorial limits which the treaties of 1815
destroyed. With an Italian kingdom of 30,000,000