The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-21 00:00:00

MB. CHARLES SUMMER ON TUE EDIAIV;
CIPAIION POLICY.

The following are the principal portions of the
speech of the Hon. Charles Sumner, senator of
Massachusetts, at the great war meeting lately held
at Boston :

" Thank God that I live to enjoy this day ! Thank
God that my eyes have not closed without seeing
this great salvation. The skies are brighter and the
air is purer, now that slavery has been handed over
to judgment. By the proclamation of the President
all persons held as slaves January 1, 1863, within
any state or designated part of a state, the people
whereof shall then be in rebellion against the
United States, shall be then, thenceforward and for
ever free; and the executive government cf the
United States, including the military and naval
authority thereof, will recognise and maintain the
freedom of such persons, and do no act or acts to
repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts
they may make for their actual freedom. But be-
yond these most effective words, which do not go
into operation before the new year, there are other
words of immediate operation, constituting a pre-
sent edict of emancipation. The President recites
the recent acts of Congress applicable to this ques-
tion, and calls upon all persons in the military or
naval service to observe, obey, and enforce them.
But these acts provide that all slaves of rebels tak-
ing refuge within the lines of our army, all slaves
captured from rebels or deserted by them, and all
slaves found within any place occupied by rebel
forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the
United States, shall not again be held as slaves;
and these acts further provide that no person in the
military or naval service shall, under any pretence
whatever, assume to decide on the validity of any
claim to a slave, or to surrender any such person
to his claimant, on pain of being dismissed from
the service ; so that by these acts now proclaimed
by the President, freedom is practically secured to
all who can find shelter within our lines, and I
the glorious flag of the Union wherever it floats,
becomes the flag of freedom. Thank God for what
has been already done, and let us all take heart as
we go forward to uphold this great edict, For my-
self, I accept the proclamation without note or com-
ment. It is enough for me that, in the exercise of
the war power, it strikes at the origin and main-
spring of this rebellion, for I have never concealed
the conviction that it mattered little where we struck
slavery, provided only that we struck sincerely and
in earnest. So is it all connected that the whole
must suffer with every part, and the words of the
poet will be verified, that " in striking tenth or ten-
thousandth, we strike the chain alike." On this most
interesting occasion, so proper for gratitude, it is
difficult to see anything but the cause; and yet, ap-
pearing before you on the invitation of a committee
of the commonwealth, I must not forget that I owe
this privilege to my public character as a senator of
Massachusetts. It is in this character that I have
been often invited before ; but now the invitation
has more than its accustomed significance, for at the
close of a long period of public services, it brings
me face to face with my constituents. In a different
condition of the country I could not deeline the op-
portunity which is afforded of reviewing the rela-
tions between us ; of showing, at least, how you
took me from a private station, all untried, and gave
me one of your highest trusts, and how this trust
was enhanced by the generosity with which you
sustained me against obloquy and vindictive assault,
especially by your unparalleled indulgence to me
throughout a protracted disability ; and perhaps,
might I be so bold, of presenting for your conside-
ration some sketch of what I have attempted, con-
scious that, if not always successful, I have been at
all times faithful to my convictions, and faithful
also to your interests, sparing nothing of time or
effort, and making up by industry for any lack of
ability, so that, during a service of more than 11
years, I have never once visited home while Con-
gress was in session, or been absent for a single
day, except when compelled by illness; and during
the session which has just closed, filled with most
laborious duties, I was not out of my seat, from
beginning to end, for a single hour. But this is not
the time for such a review. I have no heart for it,
while my country is in danger. And yet I shall
not lose the occasion to challenge the scrutiny of all,
even here in this commercial metropolis, where the
interests of business are sometimes placed above all
other interests. Frankly and fearlessly I make my
appeal. In all simplicity I ask you to consider
what I have done, as your servant, whether in the
Senate or out of the Senate, in matters of legisla-
tion or in matters of business. If there is any per-
son disposed to criticise or complain, let him be
heard. Let the whole record of my public acts be
opened, and let any of the numerous persons who
have come to me on business testify. I know too
well the strength of my case to shrink from any in-
quiry, even though stimulated by the animosity of
political warfare. But there are two accusations 1
often repeated, to which I reply on the spot, and I
do so with less hesitation because the topics are ger-
mane to this occasion. The first is that, from my
place in the senate I early proclaimed slavery to be
barbarism. Never shall the cause of freedom go by
default if I can help it; and I rejoice that, on that
occasion, in presence of the slaveholding conspira-
tors, vaunting the ennobling character of slavery, I
used no soft words. It is true that, in direct reply
to most offensive assumptions, I proclaimed slavery
barbarous in origin, barbarous in law, barbarous in
all its pretensions, barbarous in the instruments it
employs, barbarous in consequences, barbarous in
spirit, barbarous wherever it shows itself, while it
breeds barbarians and develops everywhere alike in
the individual, and in the society to which he be-
longs, the essential elements of barbarism. It is
true that on the same occasion I portrayed slavery
as founded in violence and sustained only by vio-
lence, and declared that such a wrong must, by a
sure law of compensation, blast the master as well
as the slave; blast the land on which they live; blast
the community of which they are a part; blast the
Government which does not forbid the outrage ; and
the longer it exists., and the more completely it pre-
vails, must, through its blasting influence, pene-
trate the whole social system. And was I not right ?
Since then the testimony has been overwhelming.
A committee of the senate has made a report, which
has been extensively circulated, on the barbarities
of this rebellion. You know the whole story to
which each day testifies. It is in some single in-
cident that you may see the low water-mark of
social life, and I know nothing in which the bar-
barism of slavery is more completely exhibited than
in the fate of our brave soldiers, dug up from hon-
ourable graves, where at last they had found rest,
that their bones might be carved into keepsakes, and
their skulls into drinking cups to gratify the malig-
nant hatred of slavemasters. The other accusation
is similar in character. It is said that I have too
often introduced the slavery question. At this
moment, seeing what slavery has done, I doubt if
yon will not rather say that I introduced it too sel-
dom. If; on this account, I had neglected any single
interest of my constituents; if I had been less
strenuous whenever the foreign relations, or manu-
factures, or commifelrce, or finances of the country,
were involved ;
all that coved
had failed to take my part in
concerns of Massachusetts, and
in all that is embracedindeeevdithlin the manifold duties ef a senator, then,
will
notm mix be open to con-
demnation. But you
regret that. your re-
presentative, who has been faithful in all other 1
things, has been always
constant and earnest against slavery, and that he announced
from the
beginning the magnitude of the
question, and our
duties with regard to it. Say what you will, the
slave is the humblest and grandest figure of our
times. What humility! what grandeur! both alike
illimitable. In his presence all other questions are
so petty, that for a public man to be wrong with
regard to him is to be wholly wrong. How, then,
did I err • The cause would have justified a better
pertinacity than J can boast. In the Senate of
Rome the eider Cato, convinced that peace was pos-
sible only by the destruction of Carthage, concluded
all his spz:Lches an every matter of debate by the
well-knewn words, "But, whatever you may think
of the question under consideration, this I know,
Carthage must be dQstroyed.I, I have never read
that the deteran senator was condemned for patriotic
ardour. With better reason far, I, too, might have
tried always, " This I know, slavery must be de-

stroyed"--D elendo est servitude. But while seek-
ing to limit and constrain slavery, I have never pro-
posed anything except in strict conformity with
the constitution, for I have always recsgnised the
constitution as my guide, which I was tound in all
respects to follow. Such are the,accusat ions to which
I now thus briefly reply. Now that we are all
united in the policy of emancipation, they become
of little consequence,—for even if I were once alone,
lam no longer so. I place myself with the loyal
multitudes of the North, firmly and sincerely by the
side of the President, where, indeed, I have ever
been. But it is said that all appeal to the slaves is
unconstitutional ; and it is openly assumed that
rebels who make war on the constitution are not,
like other public enemies, beyond its protection.
But why this peculiar tenderness whenever slavery
is in question ? Battalions may be shot down and
property may be taken without due process of law,
but slavery must not be touched. The ancient
Egyptians, when conquered, submitted easily to
the loss of life and property; but when a Roman
soldier happened to kill a cat in the streets, they
rose on him and tore him limb from limb, and the
excitement was so violent that the generals over-
looked the outrage for fear of insurrection. Slavery
is our sacred cat, which cannot be touched, with-
out fear of insurrection. Sir, I am tired and dis-
gusted at hearing the constitution perpetually in-
voked for slavery. According to certain persons,
the constitution is all for slavery and nothing for
freedom. lam happy to say that with me just the
reverse is the case. There are people who keep
apothecaries' scales, in which they nicely weigh
everything that is done for freedom. I have no
such scales where freedom is in question : nor do I
hesitate to say that in a case of freedom all such
nicety is unconstitutional. The constitution is not
mean, stingy, and pettifogging, but it is open-
handed, liberal, and just, inclining always in fa-
vour of freedom, and enabling the Government in
time of war not only to exercise any of the rights
of war, including the liberation of slaves, but
also to confer any largess or bounty—it may be of
money, or, better still, of freedom—for services
rendered. Ido not dwell now on the unan-
swerable argument by which John Quincy
Adams has placed this power beyond question.
Whatever may be the provisions of the consti-
tution for the protection of the citizen,
they are inapplicable to what is done against a
public enemy. The law of an Italian city prohi-
bited the letting of blood under penalty of death,
but this was held not to apply to the surgeon who
opened a vein to save the life of a citizen. In war
there is no constitutional limit to the activity of the
executive, except the emergency. The safety of the
people is the highest law. There is no blow which
the President can strike, there is nothing he can do
against the rebellion, which is not constitutional.
Only inaction can be unconstitutional. Search the
writers on the law of nations, and you will find an
appeal to the slaves justified. Search history,
whether in ancient or modern times, and you find
it justified by examples. In our revolution the ap-
peal was made by three different British comman-
ders—Lord Dunmore, Sir Henry Clinton, and Lord
Cornwallis. Ido not stop for details. That this
appeal was not unsuccessful was evident from the
language of Washington with regard to Dunmore,
of whom he said, "His strength will increase as a
snowball by rolling, and faster, if some expedient
cannot be hit upon to convince the slaves and ser-
vants of the impotency of his designs." Washington
thought that if Dunmore was not crushed before
spring he would be the most formidable enemy the
colonies had. That such an appeal would be proper
is admitted by Jefferson, while describing his own
individual losses from Cornwallis c—" He destroyed
all my growing crops and tobacco; he burned all
my barns, containing the same articles of last year.
Having first taken what corn he wanted, he used,
as was to be expected, all my stock of cattle, sheep,
and hogs, for the sustenance of his army, and car-
ried off all the horses capable of service. He carried
off also about 30 slaves. Had this been to give them
freedom, he would have done right. . . From
an estimate made at the time, on the best informa-
tion I could collect, I suppose the State of Virginia
lost under Lord Cornwallis's hands that year about
30,000 slaves."—(Letter to Dr. Gordon.) It would be
difficult to imagine testimony stronger. Here was a
sufferer justly indignant for himself and State; but
he does not doubt that an enemy would do right
in carrying off slaves to give them freedom. But
admitting that an appeal to slaves in support of the
Union is constitutional, and also according to the
examples of history, it is said that it will be un-
availing; for the slaves:will not hearken to it. Then
why not try ? It can do no harm, and it will at
least give us a good name. But if we are not be-
yond learning from the enemy, we shall see that
the generals most hated on our side, and like Adams
and Hancock in the revolution, specially excepted
from pardon, are Phelps and Hunter ; plainly be-
cause the ideas of these generals were more feared
than any battery or strategy. Of this be assured.
The opponents of an appeal to the slaves are not
anxious because it will fail. It is only because it
may be successful that they oppose it. They fear
that it will reach the slaves, rather than that it will
not reach them. But look at it candidly, and you
cannot deny that it must produce an effect. It is
idle to say that its influence will be bounded by
our jurisdiction. When the mill gates are lifted
all the water above, in its most distant sources,
hurries on its way ; and so will the slaves. Do
you ask how it would be known ? The slave tele-
graph is not as active as ours ; but it is hardly less
sure. It takes eight days for a despatch from For-
tress Monroe to the Gulf of Mexico. The glad
tidings of freedom will travel with the wind; with
the air ; with the light; and will gradually quicken
and inspire the whole mass. Secret societies,
already formed among the slaves, will be the
heralds. That Ido not speak without authority, I
ask you to listen to the words of John Adams, taken
from his diary, under date of September 24, 1775 :
—" The Georgia delegates gave a melancholy ac-
count of the States of Georgia and South Carolina.
They said if one thousand regular troops should
land in Georgia, and their commander should be
furnished with arms and clothes enough, and pro-
claim freedom to all the negroes who would join
his camp, twenty thousand would join it from the
two provinces in a fortnight. The negroes have a
wonderful art of communicating intelligence among
themselves. It will run several hundreds of miles
in the course of a week or fortnight."—(Writings
of John Adams, vol. 2, p. 420.) This is tes-
timony. The destructive avalanche of the Alps
is sometimes started by the winding of a horn,
and a structure so irrational as slavery will tremble
at a sound, From such au appeal two things must
ensue: first, the slaves will be encouraged in loyalty;
secondly, the masters will he discouraged in dis-
loyalty. Slave labour, which is the mainspring
and nursery of rebel supplies, without which the
rebellion must starve, will be disorganised, while a
panic spreads among slavemasters absent from their
homes. The most audacious rebels will lose their
audacity, and instead of hurrying onward to deal
parricidal blows at their country, will burry back-
ward to defend their own firesides. The rebellion
will lose its power. It will he hamstrung. That
such a panic would ensue is attested by the confes-
sion of the South Carolina delegation in the old
Continental Congress, as appears by its Secret
Journal, under date of 29th March, 1779, that this
state was " unable to make any effective efforts with
militia, by reason of the great proportion of citizens
necessary to remain at home to prevent insurrection
among the negroes, and to prevent the desertion of
them to the enemy." It is attested also by the con-
curring testimony of Southern men, in other days
—especially in those remarkable words of John
Randolph—that the fire-bell of Richmond does not
toll at midnight without the mother clasping her
infant to the breast, fearful that the slaves had
rpiiseetnii.rewdlt is attested also by the actual condition of
things hinenthJeohfannißurioarwnwoerndtse_red into Virginia, as
An' he
Harper's Fe
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fsriheghtrteele
words—
se
his nineteen men few
r:Yo
icplleOdltdhrVoiru•
through
In asserting the eftl actayhneandnY
through.
'Till
this. appeal I ground
myself on no visionmaar°: ofries or vain hopes, but
authenticthat history. To
on the nature of
doubt its efficacy is to doubdt man is man, with