The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-13 00:00:00

now as strong in that state as in any one of the
always loyal states. It committed Missouri to the
pretended new Confederacy. Missouri is now ac-
tive and eornest among the loyal star= s. It placed
Kentucky in an attitude of neutrality. But Ken-
tucky is to-day firm, resolute, and een self-devoted
to the Union. In other regions here disloyalty
was more general, such as Eastern Virginia, Ten-
nessee, and Louisiana, and North Carolina, acquies-
cence under the Federal authorities has promptly
followed their appearance there, and the preli-
minary steps are taken for the restoration of
the laws of the Union. It is a simple fact that
loyalty reappears everywhere just so fast as the
successes of the government are deemed sufficient to
afford a guaranty for reliance upon its protection.
The dis-Unionists, even in their strongest holds, are
not a people, but only a faction, surpassing the
loyal in numbers, and silencing them by terrors and
severities in many places ; but, nevertheless, too
few and feeble to prevent the return of any district
or any state to the Union, in the presence and under
the protection of the Federal authorities.
The President asks foreign nations to consider
that we are only at the end of one year now, and
yet the whole effective mass of the insurrectionary
region has been brought into the field by conscrip-
tion. The credit of the revolution is dead before
the first dollar has been raised by taxation to sup-
port it, and the territory which must bear taxation
is at once reduced to the narrowest limits, and is ex-
hausted of its wealth and supplies.
The power of a losing faction under any circum-
stances must continually grow less. But that of
the dis-Unionists is abating under the operation of
a cause peculiar to themselves, which it is now my
duty to bring forward—l mean the practice of Afri-
can slavery.
lam aware that in regard to this point I am
opening a subject which was early interdicted in
this correspondence. The reason for the interdic-
tion and the reason for a departure from it are,
however, equally obvious. It was properly left out
of view, so long as it might be reasonably hoped
that by the practice of magnanimity this Govern-
ment might cover that weakness of the insurgents
without encouraging them to persevere in their trea-
sonable conspiracy against the Union. They have
protracted the war a year notwithstanding this for-
bearance of the Government, and yet they persist
in invoking foreign arms to end a domestic strife,
while they have forced slavery into such prominence
that it cannot be overlooked.
The region where the insurrection still remains
flagrant embraces all or parts of several states,
with a white population of 4,500,000, and a negro
population of 3,500,000, chiefly slaves. It is thus
seen to be a War between two parties of the white
race, not only in the presence,but in the very midst,
of the enslaved negro race.
It is notorious—we could not conceal the fact if
we would—that the dispute bet ween them arose
out of questions in which the negro race have a
deep and lasting interest, and that their sympathies,
wishes, and interests naturally, necessarily, in-
evitably, fall on the side of the Union. Such a civil
war between two parties of the white race, in such
a place and under such circumstances, could not be
expected to continue long before the negro race
would begin to manifest some sensibility and some
excitement. We have arrived at that stage already.
Everywhere the American general receives his most
useful and reliable information from the negro, who
hails his coming as a harbinger of freedom. Where-
ever the national army advances into the insurrec-

tionary region, African bondsmen, eseaping from
their insurrectionary masters, come out to meet it,
and to offer their service and labour in whatever
capacity they may be desired. So many of these
bondsmen have, even without the invitation, and
often against the opposition of the Federal military
and naval authorities, made their way from bondage
among the insurgents to freedom among the loyalists,
that the Government finds itself occupied with the
consideration of measures to provide them with
domiciles at home or abroad. Not less than 100
such escape every day ; and as the army advances,
the number increases. If the war should continue
indefinitely, every slave will become not only a free
man, but an absentee. If the insurgents shall
resist their escape, how could they hope to prevent
the civil war they have inangurated from degene-
rating into a servile war? True, a servile popu-
lation, especially onesolong enslaved as the Africans
in the insurrectionary states, require time and trial
before they can organise a servile war; but if the
war continues indefinitely, a servile war is only a
question of time. The problem, then, is, whether
the strife shall be left to go on to that point. The
Government, animated by a just regard for the
general welfare, including that of the insurrec-
tionary states, adopts a policy designed at
once to save the Union and rescue society
from that fearful catastrophe, while it con-
sults the ultimate peaceful relief of the nation
from slavery. It cannot be necessary to prove
to any enlightened statesman that the labour of the
African in the insurrectionary region is at present
indispensable as a resource of the insurgents for
continuing the war, not is it now necessary to show
that this same labour is the basis of the whole in •
dustrial system existing in that region. The war
is thus seen to be producing already a disorganisa-
tion of the industrial system of the insurrectionary
states, and tending to a subversion of even their social
system. Let it next be considered that the European
systems of industry are largely based upon the Afri-
can slave labour of the insurrectionary states em-
ployed in the production of cotton, tobacco, and rice
and on the free labour of the other states employed
in producing cereals, out of which combined pro-
ductions arises the demand for European produc-
tions, materials, and fabrics. The disorganisation
of industry, which is already revealing itself in the
states, cannot but impair their
insurrectionary
ability to prosecute the war, and at the same time
result indirectly in greater distress in Europe.
On the other hand this disorganisation operates
far less injuriously at present to the Federal Go-

vernment and to the loyal States. Every African
labourer who escapes from his service is not only
lost to the support of the insurrection, but he brings
an accession to the productive labour of the loyal

States, and to that extent increases their ability to

continue the contest in which they are reluctantly
engaged. The failure of foreign importation as

heretofore in return for the exportation of Southern

stamples stimulates the manufacturing industry of
the loyal States. Immigration is accelerated by an
activity in these States resulting from extended
manufacture and the prosecution of the war. Thus

has the phenomenon appeared, disappointing so
many prophecies in Europe, that the war impo-
verishes and exhausts only the insurrection and

not the Union. I shall not contend that these effects

would be perpetual. I know there is a reckoning
for every nation that has the misfortune to be in-

volved in war, and I do not expect for the United
lt States any exemption from that inexorable law;
bat it is enough for my present purpose that the
Penalties
are neither more severe nor more immi-
nentthan the loyal states can endure, while bring-
ing this unhappy contest to its desired conclusion.
Let us now
11
gose that any one or more European
states should
right or expedient to inter-
vene the United States to accept
vene by force to
okbrit
thsacvereignty. What other
a compromise of
serizto render inevitable, and
effect could it produce
even hurry on that
structive of all European is mar so completely de-
which this government so stusdLQ;usly strives to
ts in this country,
avoid? I know that the danger
tion attempting such a policy, if
it haty, foreign na-
has passed, as I am happy in knowin;rtehaisted,
foreign government has ever threatened sii,, at no
inter-
vention, while several magnanimous goverment:
have repudiated all unfriendly designs. I h%,,,,, pat
forward that hypothesis only by way of preface to a
question not less significant, namely, what must be
the effect of such a policy abroad as will encourage
the insurgents with hopes of an intervention which
is never to occur? Is not that effect visible in the
obstinacy of the insurgents in their destruction of
the cotton and tobacco already cultivated, and liable
to be brought into commerce by the return of peace,
and in their studied neglect of planting the seed of
their staples, and turning so much of the African
labour as they arc able to save into the production
of supplies of provisions and forage, to enable them
to continue the war?

The effect will be farther developed, as time goes