The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-29 00:00:00

The South after Restoration.

The great political revolution the South has boon pass-
ing through the last four years will be followed, undoubt-
edly, by a greater ono in the social, industrial, and material
condition of that section of the country. The tide of
enterprise and emigration, from the North and from
Europe, only waits a full restoration of peace and politica
privileges to flow with a steady and constantly increasing
volume. It has set in already from the North, and it will
soon swell by additions, both from here and from the Old
World, when political demagogues and sectional fanatics
cease to obstruct the progress of that rich portion of the
United States.

Not only is the climate of the Southern latitudes more
genial, and more attractive and enjoyable, but the soil is
more prolific, and there is a greater variety of productions.
Who, then, would not change the sterile rocks of New
England or the cold climate of the North for the rich and
sunny South, as soon as peace and harmony shall be
restored ? The institution of slavery and the sectional
conflicts it created, which had a tendency to make people
of the same race alien to each other, are things of the past.
The cause is removed, and the effect will soon cease to
exist. Tho very war which has produced this change,
and for the time excited bitter animosities, will within a
short time make the people of the two sections more
friendly than they ever were. They have learned to
respect the bravery and high qualities of each other. Each
fought for a political object, not for antipathy of race; one
for separate existence, in order to preserve, as they be-
lieved, their domestic institution of slavery; the other for
union and to avoid present and future disintegration. The
former with their institution have succumbed, and the
latter have triumphed in the grandest and most decisive
war. The defeated accept the arbitrament, and, the cause
for which the war was made being removed, they desire to
forgot the past, and to identify themselves with the grand
destiny of this reunited country. This is evident from their
declarations and conduct, as well as from a common-sense
view of their interests. For these reasons the Southern
people are inviting and will welcome Northern immigra-
tion and enterprise. Both see that their interests aro iden-
tical ; and, from necessity, interested motives, and identity
of institution and race, they will work together hereafter
in developing the immense natural resources of that section
of a common country.
Tho idea of making another St. Domingo or Jamaica
of the magnificent territory of the South—of giving the
negro possession of and control over that fairest portion
of the American content, as our Jacobin republicans would,
is the most insane and impossible ono that ever entered
into the mind of man. The negro, however, will become
a useful element, though a subordinate one, in this great
work of development and progress. His labour will be
made available and be rewarded, throughout the whole
South, where the race is now scattered.

Within the area of the Southern States nearly all the
productions necessary for the subsistence of man, or that
enter into commerce, are found. The best flour comes from
the wheat fields of Virginia and other parts of the South.
It is the best and greatest tobacco growing region in the
world. The Gulf Stream and a suitable soil make it the
only country where the long staple cotton can be grown.
Corn will grow luxuriantly and yield abundantly, with
little labour, and in many places by scratching the earth.
The sugar cane rises and swells to an enormous size, full of
juice, from the teeming soil of Louisiana ; and where is
there any rico found like that of South Carolina and
Georgia? Look, too, at the grazing lands, the fine stock,
and the wool of the South. How valuable, too, are the
forests of oak, of pine and other timber which our ship-
builders appreciate so much. The mountains are full of
the finest iron, coal, copper, and gold. Fruits of every
description grow abundantly. Nowhere, perhaps, do the
peach, melon, grape, pear, and pineapple thrive butter or
with as little trouble. In the far South they have even
the orange and banana. The late Governor Hammond of
South Carolina, and other gentlemen of that State and
Georgia, who a few years ago began to turn their atten-
tion to the culture of the grape, succeeded in making very
fine wine. In fact the productions of the South are so
varied and valuable that we cannot enumerate them all
within the limits of this article.

Here, then, to this rich and prolific country, nearly
half as large as Europe, will emigration from the North
and the Old World finds its way. The field is most invit-
ing, and no longer obstructed by slavery or a hostile and
jealous population.—New York Herald.

Tlio Pacific Railroad.

Our British readers (says the New York Iron Age), who
have lived all their lives within the narrow limits of that
small but powerful island, can have little idea of the im-
mense extent of the United States, and the vast distances
that aro now traversed by the railroads of the country.

From John O'Groat's House in Scotland to the Land's
End, in Cornwall, is the extreme length which it would
be possible to have a railway in the British Islands. Such
(if there were a continuous line) would extend about six
hundred miles.

But here wo have in process of construction a railroad
which will extend from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean,
a distance of near three thousand miles, and enable the
traveller, arriving at New York, to proceed direct and with-
out stopping to Sacramento or San Francisco, on the
Pacific coast.

Already has railroad communication been oponed for
near fifteen hundred miles westward from Now York, and
the line necessary to connect this point with the Pacific
shore is in rapid process of construction.

The United States Government has afforded the most
liberal encouragement in the donation of money and of
land for the completion of this groat work, and wo aro
happy to be enabled to announce that already from Sacra-
mento (one of its western termini) in California eastward,
more than a hundred miles have been completed, and west-
ward, from Omaha city, in Nebraska territory, the work
is going forward energetically, the condition of the charter
requiring that the western end be constructed at the rate
of at least fifty miles a year, and the eastern at the rate
of at least a hundred miles a year, but the great probabi-
lity is that it will be proceeded with much more rapidity
than this.

This gigantic work, when completed, will produce effects
not only on the development of the resources of the
United States, but on the industry and commerce of the
world, which it is now impossible to compute. It Will
open up to easy access the groat North-western Terri-
tories, with their vast fields of gold. and silver, and
other valuable minerals, and this will induce hundreds of
thousands of hardy minors to go in quest of certain for-
tune in that land of unfathomable wealth. And the same
cause that makes it easy for men to go will also make it
easy to send food for their support, and this will cause a
great demand fur the bread and meat that are raised in the
Western States. The mining population, which is already
accumulating in the territories of Idaho, and Montana and
Colorado,. and Nevada will be greatly increased by the
facilities of transportation afforded by the opening of the
Pacific Railroad, and this population will have to be sup-
ported by supplies from the nearest of the Western States.
Thus the farmers of Minnesota, and lowa, and Missouri,
and Kansas will derive the most substantial advantages,
and the further West theagriculturist goes the better price
he will get for his produce.
The effect of this pitsperity'on the miner and the farmer
must, 'of course, be beneficial to the manufacturer, who
will have an increased demand for goods to be supplied
to this great and thriving population, and a new field is
therefore opened to the industry of the mechanic. Nor is
it only in its effect on the industry of the United States
that the opening of the Pacific Railroad will Welt. It will
have a most powerful influence on the commerce of the
world.

Tho Halfway House between Eastern Asia and Western
Europe, the United States will intercept the commerce of
China and Japan, and become a great emporium of East
India trade. A mighty commercial interest will grow on
the Pacific seaboard, and through the powerful agency of
this railroad the rich products of tho East will bo scat-
tered through all the United States.
This brief outline may give some idea to our British
readers of the magnitude of this great work and the
stupendous results it is destined to accomplish.. Detu-
mined upon by the Government of the United States, and
actually commenced while the country was engaged in the
late struggle for its existence, it is not likely, now that
peace is solidly established, that the efforts which were
then made will now bo abandoned or relaxed. The indica-
tions are, so great is the manifest necessity of the work,
and so certain the profits to bo derived from it, that it
will be pressed forward with great rapidity.

A BOY COMMITTED FOR MANSLAUGHTER.—Uri
Saturday, a boy, John Pleasant, 11 years of ago, charged
with tho manslaughter of Thomas Fenwick, in a little
house at Southwick, was brought up on remand before the
Sunderland magistrates. The coroner's inquiry terminated
with a verdict that deceased died from a blow of a stone
thrown by Pleasant, but without malicious intent. The
magistrates, however, committed the boy for trial on the
charge of manslaughter.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

-0.----_

TimEs•—A standing army is a necessity to an esta-
blished Government. This is a doctrine which has
now acquired, it may be said, a catholic character,
having been accepted by all nations, having received
overwhelming proof by recent events, and being only
disputed by political enthusiasts. But then comes
the question of degree. If the army could grow out
of the nation by a sort of natural process and in
fitting proportion, like the hand or the arm, to which
it is often compared, then we should only have to
accept a general doctrine and leave the rest to the
laws of development. But, unfortunately, the
development in this case is apt to assume the most
preposterous proportions ; and the army is apt to
become a huge wen, which exhausts the body with-
out rendering any adequate services in return. So
there continually arises the further and only practi-
cal question--whether an army of a given size is an
absolute necessity or not. That question does, or
does not, admit of a consideration. If it be simply
asked whether the army is necessary to the present
position, the present designs, the present difficulties,
and the whole policy and temper of the hour, then
it is impossible to say what army may not be justly
considered necessary. There are situations for
which nothing less than an armament en masse will
be sufficient. If everything is to be done by force,
if the nation will abate nothing of its claims or its
pride, if the Government is to be conducted in a
high-handed manner, with an utter disregard 'of
moderate counsels, Statecraft, and common sense;
then by all means plunder and degrade half a nation
in order to arm the rest and sustain a continual
menace against the peace of the world. But
the alleged necessity depends entirely on the policy
to be maintained. There are modes of bearing
in private life which make it a necessity to carry
daggers and revolvers, or to fortify your house, or
to go nightly rounds with an army of watchmen
and keepers. But if the object is to be considered,
as well as the scale of the defence, then the inquiry
into the necessity of a large army admits of being
carried very far. Nay, it may start with a strong
presumption in its favour. It is a strong presump-
tion against an army if it is beyond a certain ratio
to the population or the revenue. Its necessity
must then be justified by special and extraordinary
circumstances. Nor is it enough just to point them
out, as if the fact closed the inquiry. It might be
true that a man had valid reasons for thinking his
life or his property in danger ; but that would not
justify him in parading a whole armoury of wea-
pons, in putting everybody to inconvenience about
him, or in neglecting all his public and social duties.
Perhaps he might meet the danger another way.
Perhaps he might fare quite as well if he ignored 4
alt )gether. The argument of necessity is supposed
to b most unanswerable, but is at the same time
most absurd, when it is urged in favour of two ar-
maments alleged to be required by one another.
The expenditure of Austria is yearly running further
away from the means of ultimate payment ; and
Italy, hard by, is running into bankruptcy. They
both maintain:armies whose maintenance can only
be defended by the fear of invasion or internal dis-
turbances. The Austrian empire has to hold to-
gether the many incongruous elements that compose
its political unity, and in one of them it secs a pos-
session all but falling out of its grasp into the lap of
a hated rival. It has several immense provinces, still
haunted by the traditions of independence, and one
with a strong affinity to a neighbour. If ever a
standing army might be excused, this, we are told, is
a case. Italy, on the other hand, had to complete a
union, still partial, to create a common loyalty, and
to educate a nation into obedience and order. Under
ordinary circumstances and by common rules she
would disband half her immense army and restore
some hundred and fifty thousand men to the occupa-
tions of peace. But, besides what she professes to fear
from Austria, she does not venture to dismiss the
men, who must carry arms either for or against her
Government. At present there is not the occupation
for these men. They would have nothing to betake
themselves to. They can fight and that is all. They
arc like the old Highlanders—good soldiers, or bri-
gands. They extort their pay, and rob the State by
compelling it to accept their services. This policy
is favoured by the geographical features of the
country, and by its ancient and unaltered variety
of races. Local feeling still excuses the man who
defends a spot or a pass against the more distant
and almost foreign Italian. Such is the strongest
plea for an overgrown army. But if this amounts
to a necessity, it is also a necessity that Italy should
educate twice as many soldiers as she ought to re-
quire upon the common scale ; it is necessary that
she should spend every year twelve million pounds
sterling more than she can raise by the severest
finance ; it is also necessary that in a very few
years she should find herself without money, without
credit, without the means of retaining in her service
several hundred thousand men who will have learnt
by that time that they are necessary to her existence
and that they are the actual masters of Italy. It
cannot be necessary that any should ruin itself and
fling itself down an abyss with open eyes. Neither
can it be necessary that any nation should maintain
an army which it cannot possibly pay. Nothing
whatever can be necessary which leads to speedy ruin.
Necessity cannot mean more than the law of self-
preservation' and neither Austria nor Italy will con-
sult thislaw by destroying their credit and plunging
themselves into hopeless embarrassments. With the
prudent and honourable, necessity means nothing
more than duty. In both the States before us there
is a great work to be done, and there are immense
difficulties to be overcome, but that is not to be done
by mere force or by an immense army, gratifying
as it may be to the pride or to the self-will of the
ruler. It is remarkable, indeed, how disastrous
standing armies have proved to Austria, and how
little they have had to do with the fortunes of Italy.
The whole history of Austria is a history of huge
armies and great defeats. As to Italy, its late union
under the Sardinian dynasty was brought about not
by standing armies but in spite of them, and in utter
defiance of them. It was the people themselves who
received Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel, and the
army found itself powerless in the presence of a
united nation and unarmed invaders. The present
necessity cannot be really greater than that which
was successfully met, one may say, without a wea-
pon. The Italian Government cannot really have
more to fear from its own soldiers than from those
of the Bourbons. There is, indeed, a necessity, but
it is the necessity that an active, restless, and proud
population should be employed for their own lasting
good and their country's. Something must be done
with that immense superfluous host, now kept to-
gether, it is grandly said, to teach them they are
citizens of Italy, and to make them jealous for its
greatness. As Englishmen, we shall be accused of
not appreciating such rhetorical appeals, but if 3,000
years of progress and glory have left the Italians
still in a condition to require this teaching the les-
son will not now be learnt in a day. What re-
mains, and what no argument can affect, is the fact
of two larger armies than either Austria or Italy
can support, retained because from one cause or
other it is said it would be dangerous to disband
them. Every day these overgrown masses are kept
together they add to theweight of that burden which
is paralysing enterprise and destroying civil life.
An armed body of multitudinous proportions de-
mands food and pay. It is fed and paid at the ex-
pense of industry, and by a continual drain on those
savings which are the fund of returning enterprise.
The coming age is robbed of its heritage and saddled
with a huge debt. The repayment of that debt may
prove a sorer trial both to Austrian and to Italian
unity than any they have yet been exposed to.
Who contracts it ? For whose advantage ? Who
has pledged the word, and who has reaped the be-
nefit ? These are questions that one day will be
asked from many different provinces and meet with
very different replies.
POST.—The circular note which has been ad-
dressed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Madrid
to the various representatives of the Spanish Go-
vernment at foreign courts is said not to be reas-
suring in its tone. With the text of the note we
are not as yet made acquainted, but, if its substance
is accurately stated in the telegram which we pub-
lished yesterday, it would certainly seem that we
were precipitate in assuming that the remonstrances
of the French and English Governments would have
the effect of inducing Spain to reconsider the policy
which she has thought proper to pursue towards
the Republic of Chili. The conduct of Admiral
Pareja was so unprecedented that we were willing
to believe that it was unauthorised by the Spanish
Government, and that the latter would lose no time
in declaring that their representative had exceeded
his instructions. The story of the origin and pro-
gress of the quarrel between Chili and Spain is, it
is true, rather obscure, but we were justified in ex-
pressing our astonishment when, without a single
note of warning, we were told that hostilities had
commenced between the two Powers. According
to the strict code of international law, one State
may, whenever it pleases, declare war against
another ; but, according to the usage of civilised
nations, so extreme a course is never resorted to
until every means of securing a pacific solution has
been tried without avail. • It is with States as it is
with individuals—redress for alleged grievances
should be sought by friendly representation before
violent measures are adopted. That negotiations
took place between Spain and Chili a few months
since, with a view to the adjustment of existing
differences, we are aware, but we also had reason
to suppose that they had been brought to a satis-
factory issue. The Spanish Minister at Santiago
in May last had declared himself satisfied with the
explanations given by the Milan Government, and
the other members of the diplomatic body in that
city considered themselves in a position to assure
their respective Governments that the quarrel be-

tween Spain and the Republic had been definitively
terminated. When, however, Senor Tavira, the
Spanish Envoy, had communicated to the Ministry
at Madrid the arrangethent which he had effected,
the latter pronounced themselves dissatisfied, repu-
diated' the acts of their ambassador, and proceeded,
as every one in Europe supposed, to resume the ne-
gotiations at the point at which they had been thus
unsatisfactorily broken off. Another Envoy was
sent, the person selected on the latter occasion being
an admiral, who proceeded to Valparaiso with a not
insignificant fleet. This circumstance, however, did
not excite alarm. The differences were not of a.
serious character, and the fact that the negotiations
of Senor Tavira had been so nearly successful led
persons not unnaturally to imagine that those of
Admiral Pareja would not prove unavailing. The
assumption that the Spanish Admiral would nego-
tiate at all, however, proved to be entirely errone-
ous. From the approbation accorded to Admiral.
Pareja by his superiors it now appears that it was
never their intention that he should go to Chili in
the character of a diplomatist. What the Spanish
Government wanted was, not reparation for-alleged
insults to their flag, but purely and simply war. This
is manifest from the conduct pursued by the Admi-
ral on his arrival at Valparaiso, coupled with the sub-
sequent ratification of that conduct by the Govern-
ment at Madrid. Admiral Pareja did not, on arriv-
ing in Chilian waters, open negotiations with the
Government by declaring the nature and extent of the
satisfaction which he required, but he peremptorily
demanded that the Chilians should, in the first in-
stance, salute the Spanish flag. When this was done,
but not before, he would declare the nature of the
reparation which would be required and accepted by
his Government. The Foreign Secretary at Madrid
is reported to have stated in his circular note that
the reception given by the Chilian Government in
the first overture made by Spain in the course of
last summer was such as to preclude the possibility
of further negotiations ; but surely it would have
been worth while at least to have stated the nature
of the satisfaction which was demanded before hav-
ing recourse to measures which must entail injury
not only on the supposed offenders, but on others
who it •is conceded are strangers to the dispute. If,
as the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs states,
further negotiations were rendered hopeless by the
reception given in May last to the representations
of Senor Tavira, surely it was the duty of the
Spanish Government to have given notice of their
intention to declare war against Chili at the time
they despatched Admiral Pareja to Valparaiso,
and thus afford to neutral States the opportunity
for making preparations for the suspension of their
trade with the Republic. That Spain intends to
prosecute the war with vigour seems manifest from
the instructions which have been given to the cap-
tains of their vessels of war. Anticipating the pos-
sibility of cruisers sailing under the Chilian flag being
equipped and manned in neutral ports, their naval
officers are instructed to treat as pirates all vessels
not officered and manned byChilian citizens, or sail-
ing under a commission not directly derived from
the President of Chili. If the object of the Spanish
Government is to visit with the penalties of piracy
all persons found on board vessels of the Alabama
class, we need not say that they will introduce a
new and disagreeable feature into naval warfare as
carried on between civilised States. The Chilians
are entitled to buy ships just as they are entitled to
buy other munitions of war, and they may, by the
laws of war, put those ships in commission when on
the high seas. It is probable that the instructions to
which we refer amount only to an empty threat, and
are not intended to be acted upon. If, however, the
Spanish Admiral should understandhis Government
au serleux, the Chilians would unquestionably have
recourse to reprisals. That such instructions, how-
ever, have been given would seem to show that
something more than a blockade enters into the
programme of the hostilities resolved upon. It
seems to be assumed that English or French inter-
vention will not exceed the limits of quiet complaint.
Every one now takes it for granted that, henceforth,
no State will trouble itself about the quarrels of
others. France and England allowed Denmark to
be despoiled : it is therefore reasonable to conclude
that they will not interpose to prevent Chili being
bullied. The Spanish Government should, however,
recollect that we are considered a nation of shop-
keepers, and, as such, may be driven to protect our
trade against wanton and unnecessary injury.