The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, 140N90N, TUESDAY EVENTING, OCTOBER 21, 1862.

MR. CHARLES SUMNER ON IRE EMAN.
CIPATION POLICY.

The following are the principal portions of the
speeeh of the Hon. Charles Sumner, senator of
Massachusetts, at the great war meeting lately held
at Boston

" Thank God that I live to enjoy this day! Thank
God that my eyes have not closed without seeing
this great salvation. The skies are brighter and the
air is purer, now that slavery has been handed over
to judgment. By the proclamation of the President
all persons held as slaves January 1, 1863, within
any state or designated part of a state, the people
whereof shall then be in rebellion against the
United States, shall be then, thenceforward and for
_ _

ever free ; and the executive government of the
United States, including the military and naval
authority thereof, will recognise and maintain the
freedom of such persons, and do no act or acts to
repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts
they may make for their actual freedom. But be-

yond these most effective words, which do not go
into operation before the new year, there are other
words of immediate operation, constituting a pre-
sent edict of emancipation. The President recites
the recent acts of Congress applicable to this ques-
tion, and calls upon all persons in the military or
naval service to observe, obey, and enforce them.
But these acts provide that all slaves of rebels tak-
ing refuge within the lines of our army, all slaves
captured from rebels or deserted by them, and all
slaves found within any place occupied by rebel
forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the
United States, shall not again be held as slaves ;
and these acts further provide that no person in the
military or naval service shall, under any pretence
whatever, assume to decide on the validity of any
claim to a slave, or to surrender any such person
to his claimant, on pain of being dismissed from
the service ; so that by these acts now proclaimed
by the President, freedom is practically secured to
all who can find shelter within our lines, and
the glorious flag of the Union wherever it floats,
becomes the flag of freedom. Thank God for what
has been already done, and let us all take heart as
we go forward to uphold this great edict, For my-
self, I accept the proclamation without note or com-
ment. It is enough for me that, in the exercise of
the war power, it strikes at the origin and main-
pring of this rebellion, for I have never concealed
the conviction that it mattered little where we struck
slavery, provided only that we struck sincerely and
in earnest. So is it all connected that the whole
must suffer with every part, and the words of the
poet will be verified, that " in striking tenth or ten-
thousandth, we strike the chain alike." On this most
interesting occasion, so proper for gratitude, it is
difficult to see anything but the cause; and yet, ap-
pearing before you on the invitation of a committee
of the commonwealth, I must not forget that I owe
this privilege to my public character as a senator of
Massachusetts. It is in this character that I have
been often invited before ; but now the invitation
has more than its accustomed significance, for at the
close of a long period of public services, it brings
me face to face with my constituents. In a different
condition of the country I could not decline the op-
portunity which is afforded of reviewing the rela-
tions between us ; of showing, at least, how you
took me from a private station, all untried, and gave
me one of your highest trusts, and how this trust
was enhanced by the generosity with which you
sustained me against obloquy and vindictive assault,
especially by your unparalleled indulgence to me
throughout a protracted disability ; and perhaps,
might 1 be so bold, of presenting for your conside-
ration some sketch of what I have attempted, con-
scious that, if not always successful, I have been at
all times faithful to my convictions, and faithful
also to your interests, sparing nothing of time or
effort, and making up by industry for any lack of
ability, so that, daring a service of more than 11
years, I have never once visited home while Con-
gress was in session, or been absent for a single
day, except when compelled by illness; and during
the session which has just closed, filled with most
laborious duties, I was not out of my seat, from
beginning to end, for a single hour. But this is not
the time for such a review. I have no heart for it,
while my country is in danger. And yet I shall
not lose the occasion to challenge the scrutiny of all,
even here in this commercial metropolis, where the
interests of business are sometimes placed above all
other interests. Frankly and fearlessly I make my
appeal. In all simplicity I ask you to consider
what I have done, as your servant, whether in the
Senate or out of the Senate, in matters of legisla-
tion or in matters of business. If there is any per-
son disposed to criticise or complain, let him be

heard. Let the whole record of my public acts be
opened, and let any of the numerous persons who
have come to me on business testify. I know too
well the strength of my case to shrink from any in-
quiry, even though stimulated by the animosity of
political warfare. But there are two accusations
often repeated, to which I reply on the spot, and I
do so with less hesitation because the topics are ger-

mane to this occasion. The first is that, from my
place in the senate I early proclaimed slavery to be
barbarism. Never shall the cause of freedom go by
default if I can help it ; and I rejoice that, on that
occasion, in presence of the slaveholding conspira-
tors, vaunting the ennobling character of slavery, I
used no soft words. It is true that, in direct reply
to most offensive assumptions, I proclaimed slavery
barbarous in origin, barbarous in law, barbarous in
all its pretensions, barbarous in the instruments it
employs, barbarous in consequences, barbarous in
spirit, barbarous wherever it shows itself, while it
breeds barbarians and develops everywhere alike in
the individual, and in the society to which he be-
longs, the essential elements of barbarism. It is
true that on the same occasion I portrayed slavery
as founded in violence and sustained only by vio-
lence, and declared that such a wrong must, by a
sure law of compensation, blast the master as well
as the slave ; blast the land on which they live; blast

the community of which they are a part; blast the
Government which does not forbid the outrage ; and
the longer it exists, and the more completely it pre-
vails, must, through its blasting influence, pene-
trate the whole social system. And was I not right ?
Since then the testimony has been overwhelming.
A committee of the senate has made a report, which
has been extensively circulated, on the barbarities
of this rebellion. You know the whole story to

which each dey testifies. It is in some single in-
cident that you may see the low water-mark of
social life, and I know nothing in which the bar-
barism of slavery is more completely exhibited than
in the fate of our brave soldiers, dug up from hon-
ourable graves, where at last they had found rest,
that their bones might be carved into keepsakes, and
th •
elr skulls into drinking cups to gratify the malig-
nant hatred of slavemasters. The other accusation
is similar
_r, •
iin character. It is said that I have too
'men introduced the slavery question. At this
=meat, seeing
what slavery has done, I doubt if
you
dom.
T,,, account, I had neglected any single
strenuousinteres whenever
interest of
of constituents; if I had been less 1
commerce,
foreign relations, or menu-
factures, or
eier finances of the country,
were involved ;
if
had
failedl to take my part in
all that concerns the pee
in all that is embraced within the
Massachusetts, and
the manifold duties 1
cf a senator, then, indeedlwialt regret that your re-
presentative, be open to con-
clernnation. Bat you will
presentative, who has been
faithful
an d
in all other
,
things, has been always
constantearnest ,
against slavery, and that he announced
beginning the magnitude of the question from the
duties with regard to it. Say what you' aevilal ourthe
slave is the humblest and grandest figure ; °
times. What humility! what grandeur ! both alikeour
illimitable. In his presence al! other questions are
so petty, that for a public man to be wrong with
regard to him is to be wholly wrong. How, then,
[lid I err ? The cause would have justifitll a better
pertinacity than I can boast. In the Senate of
Rome the elder Cato, convinced that peace was pos-
sible only by the destruction of Carthage, concluded
all his speeches on every matter of debate by the
well-known words, "But, whatever you may think
of the question under consideration, this I know,
Carthage must be destroyed." I have never read
that the veteran senator was condemned for patriotic
.ardour. With better reason far, I, too,
triiitd always, " This I know, do-
might have
slavery must be

stroyed"—Delendo est servitude. But while seek—.
ing to limit and constrain slavery, I have mver pro-
posed anything except in strict confor ity with
the censtitUtion, for I have always recognised the
tonstitution as my guide, which I was bound in all
respects to follow. Such are thQaccusations to which
I now thus briefly reply. Now that we are all
united in the policy of emancipation, they become
of little consequence,—for even if I were once alone,
lam no longer so. I place myself with the loyal
multitudes of the North, firmly and sincerely by the
side of the President, where, indeed, I have ever
been. But it is said that all appeal to the slaves is
unconstitutional ; and it is openly assumed that
rebels who make war on the constitution are not,
like other public enemies, beyond its protection.
But why this peculiar tenderness whenever slavery
is in question ? Battalions may be shot down and
propertymay be taken without due
de process The n
ancient
Egyptians, but slavery must not be touched.
Egyptians, when conquered, submitted easily to
the loss of life and property ; but when a Roman
soldier happened to kill a cat in the streets, they
rose on him and tore him limb from limb, and the
excitement was so violent that the generals over-
looked the outrage for fear of insurrection. Slavery
is our sacred cat, which cannot be touched, with-
out fear of insurrection. Sir, I am tired and dis-
gusted at hearing the constitution perpetually in-
voked for slavery. According to certain persons,
the constitution is all for slavery and nothing for
freedom. lam happy to say that with me just the
reverse is the case. There are people who keep
apothecaries' scales, in which they nicely weigh
everything that is done for freedom. I have no
such scales where freedom is in question : nor do I
hesitate to say that in a case of freedom all such
nicety is unconstitutional. The constitution is not
mean, stingy, and pettifogging, but it is open-
handed, liberal, and just, inclining always in fa-
vour of freedom, and enabling the Government in
time of war not only to exercise any of the rights
of war, including the liberation of slaves, but
also to confer any largess or bounty—it may be of
money, or, better still, of freedom—for services
rendered. Ido not dwell now on the unan-
swerable argument by which John Quincy
Adams has placed this power beyond question.
Whatever may be the provisions of the consti-
tution for the protection of the citizen,

they are inapplicable to what is done against a
public enemy. The law of an Italian city prohi-
bited the letting of blood under penalty of death,
but this was held not to apply to the surgeon who
opened a vein to save the life of a citizen. In war
there is no constitutional limit to the activity of the
executive, except the emergency. The safety of the
people is the highest law. There is no blow which
the President can strike, there is nothing he can do
against the rebellion, which is not constitutional.
Only inaction can be unconstitutional. Search the
writers on the law of nations, and you will find an
appeal to the slaves justified. Search history,
whether in ancient or modern times, and you find
it justified by examples. In our revolution the ap-
peal was made by three different British comman-
ders—Lord Dunmore, Sir Henry Clinton, and Lord
Cornwallis. I do not stop for details. That this
appeal was not unsuccessful was evident from the
language of Washington with regard to Dunmore,
of whom he said, "His strength will increase as a
snowball by rolling, and faster, if some expedient
cannot be hit upon to convince the slaves and ser-
vants of the impotency of his designs." Washington
thought that if Dunmore was not crushed before
spring he would be the most formidable enemy the
colonies had. That such an appeal would be proper
is admitted by Jefferson, while describing his own
individual losses from Cornwallis :—" He destroyed
all my growing crops and tobacco; he burned all
my barns, containing the same articles of last year.
Having first taken what corn he wanted, he used,
as was to be expected, all my stock of cattle, sheep,
and hogs, for the sustenance of his army, and car-
ried off all the horses capable of service. He carried
off also about 30 slaves. Had this been to give them
freedom, he would have done right. . . From
an estimate made at the time, on the best informa-
tion I could collect, I suppose the State of Virginia
lost under Lord CornWallia's hands that year about
30,000 slaves."—(Letter to Dr. Gordon.) It would be
difficult to imagine testimony stronger. Here was a
sufferer justly indignant for himself and State ; but
he does not doubt that an enemy would do right
in carrying off slaves to give them freedom. But
admitting that an appeal to slaves in support of the
' Union is constitutional, and also according to the
examples of history, it is said that it will be un-
availing; for the slaves:will not hearken to it. Then
why not try ? It can do no harm, and it will at
least give us a good name. But if we are not be-
yond learning from the enemy, we shall see that
the generals most hated on our side, and like Adams
and Hancock in the revolution, specially excepted
from pardon, are Phelps and Hunter ; plainly be-
cause the ideas of these generals were more feared
than any battery or strategy. Of this be assured.
The opponents of an appeal to the slaves are not
anxious because it will fail. It is only because it
may be successful that they oppose it. They fear
that it will reach the slaves, rather than that it will
not reach them. But look at it candidly, and you
cannot deny that it must produce an effect. It is
idle to say that its influence will be bounded by
our jurisdiction. When the mill gates are lifted
all the water above, in its most distant sources,
hurries on its way ; and so will the slaves. Do
you ask how it would be known ? The slave tele-
graph is not as active as ours ; but it is hardly less
sure. It takes eight days for a despatch from For-
tress Monroe to the Gulf of Mexico. The glad
tidings of freedom will travel with the wind ; with
the air ; with the light ; and will gradually quicken
and inspire the whole mass. Secret societies,
already formed among the slaves, will be the
heralds. That I do not speak without authority, I
ask you to listen to the words of John Adams, taken
from his diary, under date of September 24, 1775 :
--.,1 The Georgia delegates gave a melancholy ac-
count of the States of Georgia and South Carolina.
They said if one thousand regular troops should
land in Georgia, and their commander should be
furnished with arms and clothes enough, and pro-
claim freedom to all the negroes who would join
his camp, twenty thousand would join it from the
two provinces in a fortnight. The negroes have a
wonderful art of communicating intelligence among
themselves. It will run several hundreds of miles
in the course of a week or fortnight."—(Writings
of John Adams, vol. 2, p. 420.) This is tes-
timony. The destructive avalanche of the Alps
is sometimes started by the winding of a horn,
and a structure so irrational as slavery will tremble
at a sound. From such an appeal two things must
ensue: first, the slaves will be encouraged in loyalty;
secondly, the masters will he discouraged in dis-
loyalty. Slave labour, which is the mainspring
and nursery of rebel supplies, without which the
rebellion must starve, will be disorganised, while a
panic spreads among slavemasters absent from their
homes. The most audacious rebels will lose their
audacity, and instead of hurrying
onward to deal
parricidal blows at their country, will hurry back-
ward to defend their own firesides. The rebellion
will lose its power. It will he hamstrung. That
such a panic would ensue is attested by the confes-
sion of the South Carolina delegation in the old
Continental Congress, as appears by
its Secret
Journal, under date of 29th March, 1779, that this
state was " unable to make any effective efforts with
militia, by reason of the great proportion of citizens
necessary to remain at home to prevent insurrection
among the negroes, and to prevent the desertion of
them to the enemy." It is attested also by the con-
curring testimony of Southern men, in other days
—especially in those remarkable words of John
Randolph—that the fire-bell of Richmond does not
toll at midnight without the mother clasping her
infant to the breast, fearful that the slaves had
risen. It is attested also by the actual condition of
thingspicturewd in henthJeohfanmßilrioawr nwoernats_
entered into Virginia, as
He captured Harper's Ferry
A-317,Thiithiel
fahtiegshturtieuennieettelecodn men so few,ltdliVroiurgghinnany
i o efficacy
nary theories or vain hopes, but
myselfl In asserting
n no the
vis
of this appeal I ground
on the nature of man and authentic
history. To
doubt its efficacy is to doubt that
map, is man, with

a constant desire for liberty as for life, and it is also
to doubt the unquestionable instances in our own
history where this desire has been displayed by
African slaves. That a government exposed to the
assaults of a merciless barbarian foe should so long
reject this irresistible alliance is among the ques-
tions which will excite the astonishment of future
ages. Do you-ask the reasons alleged against
this appeal ? They all resolve themselves into
objections of fact. The President by his proclama-
tion has already answered them practically; but I
shall take them up in detail. 1. The first objec-
tion, and most often repeated, is one which it is dif-
cult to treat with patience. We are told that such
an appeal will offend the border states, and that in
this moment of trial we must do as they tell us. It
is of course slavemasters who speak for the border
states ; and permit me to say such persons continu-
ing to swear by slavery are not competent wit-
nesses with regard to it. Believing in slavery,
wedded to slavery, they are as incompetent
to testify when it is in question as husband
and wife are incompetent to testify for each
other. Just in proportion as we have fol-
lowed them thus far we have been misled, and we
shall continue to be misled so long as we follow
them. Their influence has been perpetual paralysis.
Nobody can counsel safety at this moment who ad-
heres to slavery or who fails to see slavery as the
origin and mainspring of the rebellion. 16 is well
known that for a long time in England all the
efforts against slavery, led by Wilberforce and
Clarkson, were discountenanced and opposed by the
slavemaster in the distant islands. Be the propo-
sition what it might, whether to abridge, to miti-
gate, or ameliorate, there was always one steady
dissent. Put not your trust is slavemasters ; do
not harken to their promises; do not follow their
counsels. Such is the plain lesson of English his-
tory—of French history—of Dutch history—of
every history at this very moment ; and such also
is the positive caution of English statesmen. On
this point we have the concurring testimony of
three names, each of whom is an authority. It is
all embodied in a brief passage of a speech by Lord
Brougham :—" I entirely concur in the observation
of Mr. Burke, repeated and more happily expressed
by Mr. Canning, that the masters of slaves are
not to be trusted with making laws upon slavery;
that nothing they do is ever found effective
and that if by some miracle they but chance
to enact a wholesome resolution, it is always
found to want what Mr. Burke calls the exe-
cutory principle ; it fails to execute itself."
These are emphatic words ; and as often as I am
reminded of the opinions of slave-masters on our
present duties, when slavery is in question, I think
of them as a solemn warning, confirmed by all the
teachings of experience, early and late, in our own
country. 2. Another objection to this appeal is,
that officers in our army will fling down their arms.
Very well. Let the traitors fling down their arms
—the sooner the better. They are unworthy to
bear arms, and should be delivered up to the hiss -
ing and execration of mankind. But I will not
dishonour officers with the commission of the United
States by such an imputation on their loyalty or
common sense. As officers they must know their
duty too well, and as intelligent men they must
know that the slaves are calculated to be their best
and surest allies. 3. Another objection is that
slavery is a " side issue," which must not be touched
until the war is ended. But these wise objectors
forget that it is precisely in order to end the war
that slavery is to be touched, and that when they
oppose this effort they make a " side issue" in be-
half of slavery calculated to weaken the national
arm. 4. Another objection has its origin in pity,
that the rebels may be saved from a slave insurrec-
tion. God forbid that I should fail in any duty of
humanity, or tenderness even; but I know no prin-
ciple of war or of reason by which our rebels should
be saved from the natural consequences of their
own conduct. When they rose against a paternal
tiovernment they set the example of insurrection,
which has carried death to so many firesides. They
cannot complain if their slaves, with better reason
follow it. But this whole objection proceeds on a
mistaken idea of the African slave. The story of
St. Domingo, so often quoted against him, testifies
to his humanity. It was only when Napoleon, in
an evil hour, sought to enslave him, that those
scenes of blood occurred which exhibit less the
cruelty of the slave than the atrocious purposes of
the white man. The African is not cruel, vindic-
tive, or harsh, but gentle, forgiving, and kind. Such
is authentic history; nor does it appear, when the
slaves left their masters, on theappeal of the British
commanders, during our revolution, that they were-
guilty of any excess. It is true that labour was dis-
organised and that the whole community was weak-
ened ; and this is what we seek to accomplish in
our rebel states. 5. And yet one more objection is
sometimes advanced. It is said that an appeal to
the slaves will cause them to overflow into the
North, where they will compete with other labour.
This ill-considered and trivial objection subordi-
nates the suppression of the rebellion to a question
of labour, when to a candid observer it is clear that
no such question can arise. There is no danger of
any such overflow into the North. It is precisely
the pressure of slavery, and not the license of free-
dom, that now causes the overflow that occurs. If
slavery were removed the Africans would go back
instead of coming here. Such are the objection of
facts, so far as any exist within my knowledge. If
any other has been made, Ido not know it. I ask
you frankly, have I not answered them ? Without
the aid of the slaves this war cannot be ended suc-
cessfully. Their alliance is therefore a necessity.
In making this assertion I know well the responsi-
bility I assume, nor do I assume it lightly. But the
time has come when the truth must be told. Let
me be understood. War is proverbially uncertain,
and I will not doubt that fortune will again light
upon our arms. The force of the rebellion may be
broken even without an appeal to the slaves. But
I am sure that with the slaves our victory will be
more prompt, while without them it can never be
effectual completely to crush the rebellion. It is
not enough to beat armies. Rebel communities,
envenomed against the Union, must be reclaimed,
and a wide-spread region must be pacified. This
can be done only by the removal of the cause of all
this trouble, and the consequent assimilation of the
people, so that no man shall call another master.. If
slavery be regarded as a disease, it must be extir-
pated by knife and cautery, for only in this way can
the healthful operations of national life be restored.
If it be regarded as a motive, it must be expelled
from the system, that it may no longer exercise its
disturbing influence. But the war which we wage
is not merely for ourselves, it is for all mankind.
Slavery yet lingers in Beazil, and beneath the Spa-
nish flag in those two golden possessions, Cuba
and Porto Rico, but nowhere can it survive its
extinctionoorrvehie. here. r t et:h.
ni
es
endingwTal hol.
world
lr
delf
and
nrs edl
savinga,
vwleeertyc co
hnhteqehrueee for liberty
r
oppressedrwepeuobpleion
wgi t oes
shall save civilization. Man throughout his long
pilgrimage on earth has been compelled to suffer
much ; but slavery is the heaviest burden which he
has been called to bear ; it is the only burden which
our country has been called to bear. Let it drop,
and our happy country, with humanity in her train
all changed in raiment and in countenance like the
example
was
vain
Christian Pilgrim, will hurry upward to the celes-
stiimalpglyateb.emlufsethoufsfarour
slavery.l t has
to
proclaim
failed, it i s
our unparalleled prosperity, the comfort diffused
among a numerous people, resources without stint,
or even the education of our children ; the enemies
of the republic simply said, " There is slavery ;"
and our example became powerless. Bat let slavery
disappear, and this same example will be of irresis-
tibie might. Without firing a gun or writing a
despatch it will revolutionise the world. Therefore
the battle which we now fight belongs to the grand-
est events of history. It constitutes one of those
epochs from
hebattleswohfitchhe
guemsalta'tsy
wwhielludtahte.
emilit is onelionsof
Persia were driven back from Greece, or when the
Mohammedans, victors in Africa and Spain, were
E
arrested in France by Charles Martel, and Western
was saved to Christianity. In such a cause
nor-
mi
oed.
effort
Tc aon
dieb e
fortoo
countrygre a t ,noi
s faithpleasant can b
and honour-
able. ue
able. But all who die for country now, die also for
humanity. Wherever they lie, in bloody fields,
e tooh

they will be remembered as the heroes through
whom the republic was saved and civilisation esta-
blished for ever. But there are duties elsewhere
than in bloody conflict. Each of us, in his
place at home, by his best efforts, can do
something, not only to sustain the soldier
in the field, but also to sustain that
sublime edict which will be to the soldier
both sword and buckler, while it gives to the
conflict all the inspiration of a great idea. In this
hour of trial let none of us fail. Above all, let
none of us go over to the enemy, even should
his tents for a moment be pitched in Faneuil Hall ;
and do not forget that there can be but two parties
—the party of the country, with the President for
its head, and with emancipation for its glorious
watchword ; and the party of the rebellion, with
Jefferson Davis for its head, and no other watch-
word than slavery."
Mr. Sumner spoke about two hours, and was fre-
quently applauded, and subjected to occasional in-
terruptions from his opponents.
Upon the conclusion of his speech a loud call was
made for George Francis Train, who, with many of
his friends, was present.

Train took the platform, and, after refusing to
yield it, was carried off by the police, who were in
attendance.

7HE LIFEBOAT PROCESSION.

A complete ovation was given yesterday to the
lifeboat which was drawn, on her transporting
carriage through the principal streets of the metro-
polis to the river side. The lifeboat stood on its
carriage at the western entrance of the International
Exhibition all the morning, and was visited there
by a large number of persons- The boat was built
by Messrs. Forrest, of Limehouse, and the carriage
by Mr. J. Robinson, of Kentish-town. The boat
has a beautiful light and handsome appearance. Its
sides are painted a light blue, and its bottom and
keel white, and about four inches from the top of
bulwark is an oval rim or fender, a bright red, all
round the boat, to which are slung loops of rope to
assist in.saving life in case of shipwreck. On the
blue bows beneath, on the shield of an heraldic de-
vice, is written " National Life Boat Institution,"
while in the circle round the shield are the words,
" Supported by voluntary contributions." Each
side of the boat is fitted with five rowlocks, and one
on each side close to the rudder. There are ten oars
—half of them blue and half of them white—for
propelling the boat, and two long ones for use in
the stern rowlocks to assist in steering or otherwise
in the working of the boat. The stem and stern
are alike, with the exception of the gear for fixing
the rudder at the stern. The inside of the boat is
painted white. The head and stern are filled in
with large air cases, and air boxes run round the
sides of the boat under the side seats. Each seat
for the rowers is made to accommodate two men
rowing in a line, and there are raised slabs on the
seats, giving them their exact place for sitting.
Just inside, all round the boat, are lines with floats
to assist in saving life. From the deck leading to
the bottom of the boat are six large tubes fitted
with valves on the deck so as to let through the
water that may be shipped, but to let none up from
under. A neat, compact, prettily constructed brass
pump is fixed in the boat for emptying her in case of
leakage. Two masts and rigging are provided for
sailing. The carriage is a very important adjunct to
the lifeboat. It is a simple but admirable con-
trivance, consisting, in fact, of nothing more than a
long pair of beams, forming a groove to carry the
keel of the boat, the groove being fitted with large
rollers to enable the boat to be easily launched off
the carriage into the sea. This groove ar keelway
is of course set upon axletrees, the whole running
upon four strong heavy wheels and fitted with shafts
for two horses. The boat is fastened into the car-
riage in a simple, easy way for transit, and may be
run for miles along shore, or if necessary over coun-
try. The stern is next the shafts of the carriage,
and therefore when the boat arrives at its destina-
tion the horses and carriage are backed as far as
necessary into the sea, the boat unfastened from
the carriage, the carriage by a simple mechanical
contrivance is tilted, and the boat runs down the
rollers of the keelway into the sea; the men are al-
ready seated with their hands upon their oars, and
the moment she is launched ehe is away.
The procession was admirably conducted through-
out, under the able management of Captains May-
nard and Brown. It was headed by about 50 of
their men belonging to the Royal Naval Reserve,
with their colours and their admirable brass band.
The boat was drawn from the Royal Horticultural
Gardens t 3 the Kensington-road by some volun-
teers. Here four magnificent horses were attached
to the carriage. The procession then passed by
Hyde-park along Piccadilly, down St. James's-
street, Pall-Mall, and Charing-cross. Grand ova-
tions were made opposite Northumberland House,
the Admiralty, and the Board of Trade. The boat
then turned back and went up Regent-street, Port-
land•street, and the New-road to the City, thence
across to Shoreditch, and ultimately reached Lime-
house in safety. Everywhere large crowds of people
followed the procession. It was a pleasing trait in
the character of the men comprising the Royal Naval
Reserve force to respond so liberally to the call for
volunteers to accompany yesterday the procession.
They were thus ready to sacrifice a day's pay as
their mite to promote the objects of so great and
noble an institution, whose lifeboats have, within
the last two years and a half, rescued 740 sailors,
many of whom, probably, were either their relatives
or former mates.

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, Oct. 20.

The October adjourned quarter sessions of
the peace for the county of Middlesex com-
menced this morning at the Sessions-house,
Clerkenwell-green, before Mr. Bodkin, assistant-
judge, and a bench of magistrates. The calendar
contained the names of 93 prisoners committed for
trial.

The Assistant-Judge briefly addressed the grand
jury.
Edward M'Grath, 18, was indicted for stealing a
reticule containing the sum of £5 45., a silver pen-
cil case, and other articles, the property and moneys
of Jas. Gordon, from the person of Kate Gordon.
The prosecutrix said that she was the wife of
James Gordon, a clerk, and on the afternoon of the
10th of ,October, at about half-past three o'clock,
she was passing through Long acre, carrying a
reticule, with a double chain, on her arm. As
she was walking along she saw the prisoner stand-
ing by the side of the pavement, and on coming up
to him he struck her a violent blow on the right-
hand side, and at the same moment snatched the
reticule from her arm and ran away with it. She
chased him through several courts and alleys into
Drury-lane, but at length she lost sight of him.
She then went to the station-house in Bow-street,
and described the prisoner, which was entered in a
book. She afterwards saw the prisoner amongst se-
veral other persons in the station yard, and at once
identified him as the person who had robbed her.

Ackrell, 48 F, said that from the descrip-
tion given to the inspector by the prosecutrix, he
went in search of the prisoner, and on the 14th inst
be met with him in Clement's-lane. As soon as the
prisoner caught si,ht of him be took to his heels,
and after a long and intricate case he at last came
up with him, and captured him in Shire-lace. He
told him the charge, when he said he would go with
him. He took him to the station, and next morning
he placed him in the station-house yard with eight
other persons, and the prosecutrix being introduced
she immediately picked out the prisoner as the per-
son who had robbed her.

The prisoner strongly protested his innocence, and
said that when Ackrell made his appearance several
other persons ran away, and seeing them do so, he
ran also. This statement Ackrell positively denied,
and said the prisoner was the only person who had
done so.

The Assistant-Judge summed up, and the jury
immediately found the prisoner guilty.
Sergeant Cole, 23 C, said he had had the prisoner
in custody for picking pockets at a fire in Rupert-
street, Haymarket, and had since then seen him fre-
quently in the company of thieves. It was true he
had been at work at a greengrocer's shop in the
day, but he went out thieving at night. He was
charged before Mr. Knox, at Marlborough-street,
for stealing a bag from a carriage in Pall-mall, and
sentenced to be imprisoned and kept to hard labour
for three months.
Gordon, police-constable 28 C, said he had known
the prisoner for about three years, as having been
about Leicester-square with young prostitutes and
thieves. He knew he had been previously convicted.
About three weeks ago he met him in St. Martin's
lane.
Tho prisoner denied the statement of Gordon, as-

curing the Court that there was no truth in what
he said, but admitted that all that Sergeant Cole
had said was correct.

The Assistant-Judge said that when he read the 1
depositions he was of opinion that, if the ease was
made out, it would be the duty of the Court to pass
the most extreme sentence, which was 14 years'
penal servitude; for it was bad enough when a
female could not walk in the public streets without
being robbed in the middle of the day, but when
an assault was committed in addition it became a
matter of great aggravation. Taking all the cir-
cumstances, however, into consideration, the Court
would not exercise the power which it possessed,
but would sentence the prisoner to be kept in penal
servitude for five years.
As the prisoner was about being passed from the
dock to the staircase leading to the cells below, he
rushed towards the witness Gordon, raised his foot
and attempted to kick him, but the House of Deten-
tion officer, Keeley, seized him by the throat, and
just at the right moment prevented him from car-
rying into effect what would have been a serious,
if not a fatal, injury.
Henry Fowkes, 21, soldier, was indicted for steal-
ing a watch, value £B, the property of James Wil-
natt, from his person.
The prosecutor and a friend, beth medical stu-
dents, met with the prisoner and some other soldiers
on the night of the Ist of October, in the Haymarket,
and went with them and soma girls into a public-
house in the neighbourhood, where they had ale
and refreshments, remaining for a considerable time.
After leaving the house they went towards Rupert-
street, it being then nearly 2 o'clock in the morning,
when the prosecutor missed his watch. He accused
the prisoner of robbing him, and gave him into cus-
tody. He protested his innocence, and no watch was
found. The prosecutor and his friend, Mr. Herbert
Davies, both admitted they had been drinking, and
did not give a very clear account of the transactions
of the evening.
The Jury retired to consider their verdict, and
after an absence of two hours returned a verdict of
not guilty, upon which the prisoner was discharged.
The Assistant-Judge called up the prosecutor and
his friend, and told them that, under the circum-
stances, he did not feel justified in allowing their
expenses, the case having arisen from their own im-
proper conduct in the night, and especially, though
they had sworn to having seen the robbery com-
mitted, because the jury did not believe them.
John Spicer, 26, was convicted of stealing a titler
of sugar, value 145., the property of Charles Chris-
topher Grils.
Dunnaway, 129 11, proved that the prisoner was
a trainer of young thieves.
The Assistant-Judge sentenced him to be kept in
penal servitude for three years.
(Before Mr. Payne.)
John Kennedy, 18, was indicted for attempting
to steal a watch, the property of Thomas Shirley.
The prosecutor was in Hyde-park at the Garibaldi
meeting en Sunday the sth of October, and while
in a crowd he felt a tug at his watch. He looked
round and saw the prisoner with his watch in his
hand, bat it was still attached to the guard-chain.
He gave the prisoner into custody.
The Jury found the prisoner guilty, and two for-
mer convictions being proved against him,
Mr. Payne sentenced him to be imprisoned and
kept to hard labour for two years.