The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-18 00:00:00

is that larger, that threefold gratitude—to a glorious
legislature, to a great people, even (we say it with
reverence) to Divine Providence itself—
to be manifested here in England by
brutal bludgeoning? Looking far and near around
us, to Hyde Park, to Bradford, to Birkenhead and
elsewhere, it is impossible not to recognize some-
thing wearing the appearance of a monstrous farce
in this tardy manifestation of gratitude through
the medium of speeches and resolutions and money,
and eventually, of Course (as the result of all)
of a monument in honour of O'CONNELL, as the
author of Catholic Emancipation. Gratitude for
that act of Catholic Emancipation being, at the
very same time, otherwise expressed here in England
by some among that dead O'CoNNELL's compatriots
by—there is no other phrase for it than the one we
have already used—brutal bludgeoning !

Yonder in Ireland the cry is " Gratitude to O'CoN -
NELL." A gratitude to be manifested in the substan-
tial form of a great national monument. And, for'
what ? For his triumph in helping to bring about
under the aid of Heaven the concession by the
British Legislature in the midst of the
generous exultation of the English people
of that glorious act of Catholic Eman-
cipation ! Yet, while to this end that cry
of gratitude to O'CONNELL is being rever-
berated throughout Ireland—the cry, happily not
of all, but at any rate of many of O'CONNELL'S
compatriots in England, is of a flagrantly different
character. Not—in the name of the Prophet, Figs !
But—yet more of an anticlimax—because so essen-
tially brutal and outrageous. In the name of Reli-
gion Sticks and Brickbats ! "In the name"—
these grateful countrymen of O'CONNELL seem
to be yelling—" In the name of His Holiness
—Bludgeons !" While incidents such as those al-
luded to, are transpiring here in England—it does
appear to be the most monstrous farce and mockery,
this otherwise intrinsically noble movement set on
foot in Ireland, for the attestation of the gratitude of
her people to the great man who was mainly instru-
mental in bestowing upon his compatriots
and co-religionists the blessings of their political
emancipation. Either ono thing or the other.
Either let there be an end, for once and for all, to
these brutal scenes of rioting and bludgeoning (in
the outraged name of religion !) or let us have no
more of these efforts among Irishmen to attest their
gratitude to the memory of O'CONNELL, as the author
of Catholic emancipation. Gratitude! And for
Catholic Emancipation ! Could O'CONNELL him-
self behold how it is that certain of his compatriots
are just now availing themselves of it, of their
Emancipation, in what manner it is they are mani-
festing their appreciation of it here in England—
in the midst of the English People—he would
assuredly almost repent him of his suc-
cess ! He would, at any rate be desirous
at the very least, that some more appro-
priate time should have been selected in which
to set on foot amongst his compatriots and his
co-religionists the scheme of a testimonial evi-
dencing their gratitude to him in his historical
character as—the Irish Liberator.

A week's later news from America—and, though
nothing decisive, yet much suggestive enough.
The rival armies in the West are in motion again.
We are carried back once more to Corinth in
ississippi, to find an army of 40,000 men attacking
a Federal army of numbers not reported. Perhaps,
as the time for the rising of the waters and the
easy employment of Federal gunboats approaches,
the Confederates wished to anticipate that advan-
tage. On the 3d, therefore, we find them under
Generals PRICE and DORN attacking ROSENCRANTZ
and fighting a battle of two days, in which the
Federals, who are our reporters, claim the victory.
We have had no proof that any of the regular
generals, with the exception of POPE, send home
false and boastful reports. Soldiers do not do
this, But all we get, the official reports at least,
are first manipulated by the Secretary for War ;
and to him we attribute the colouring and exeg-
ration, and often falsification of the despatches. It
is with the reserve, compelled by these circum-
stances, that all the past Federal accounts of battles
must be received. So far as we may believe what
we hear,though the Federals have suffered severely,
in officers especially, as they did at Antietam Creek,
the Confederates have yet been routed with great
slaughter, the loss of two batteries, and of seven
hundred prisoners.
From Kentucky and Virginia the accounts are
obscure. We read, from Southern sources, of the
probability of a great battle, to be offered by the
Confederates, prior to a second invasion of Mary-
land ; yet Southern papers also tell us of the Fede-
rals preparing to advance again to Richmond, by
Fredericksburg, while we are also told of a kind of
counter advance of the Confederates over the Rap.
pahannock, in the direction of Manassas. Till we
see further accounts we confess ourselves to have no
conception whatever of what each side are purpos-
isg. We strongly suspect that neither party
knows what the other is aiming at.
One thing is gratifying. The Southerns appear
to be really alarmed by the proclamation of General
LINCOLN. We had almost supposed they would
laugh at it. It seems, however, they are too
frightened to laugh, and their rage looks as if it
were real. If so, the PRESIDENT must feel that
he has hit the right nail at last. The Southern
Congress is proposing all kinds of savage retaliat-
ing measures. Ali officers, commissioned and non-
commissioned, whom they capture they will keep to
hard labour till the war is over, or the proclamation
withdrawn; Federal officers who discipline negroes
for fighting are to be hanged if captured ; on
the other hand, rewards are to be offered to
negroes for killing open enemies, and any citizen
may drive from the State or kill, with impu-
nity, any one found aiding and abetting in
carrying out Mr. LINCOLN'S proclamation, A
minority of the Judicial Committee of the Southern
Congress, which recommends these truly Southern
expedients, recommends also a war of extermina-
tion against all invaders. Notwithstanding the
ferocity of slaveholders, we can hardly think they
would make gravely propositions like these, if they
could rely on the attachment of their slaves, Mr

LINCOLN says not one word to encourage slaves, to
injure their masters—the worst effect of his pro.

clamation would be that the dues would obtain
their freedom whenever they could rely on the pro-

tection of Federal arms ; while the Southerns have
persistently maintained till now that the slaves love
involuntary servitude and its sweet rewards too

well to leave it. W© rather think the South dreads

a negro stampede, certainly not a negro insurrec•

tion, and that this is the only explanation of their

savage proposals of retaliation.

Mr. LINCOLN does not, however, find the North
quite Unanimous. General M'CLELLAN has been

obliged to read his troops a lecture on the duty of
military obedience to the civil
power, and to re-
mind his brother democrats of very elementary
truths, Which' in the license of discussion they
seemed likely to forget. He must have seen some
danger of injurious dissension, when he
had, in a
general order, to tell his officers and soldiers that—
' The fundamental rule of Republican Government
is that armed forces are raised only to sustain the
civil authorities, and are to be held in strict sub-
ordiflatiOn to thew. The cumumicli by officers aid;