The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-04 00:00:00

the house to obtain an expression of Ministerial
yiews. They were contented to allow themselves
to be represented by the Lord Advocate, and were
perhaps not very sorry when the eagerness of the
house to here a little of Mr. OSBORN'S plain speak-
ing on the subject induced that gentleman to re-
sume his seat without speaking. But there was
little need for any one to trouble themselves to
oppose the bill after the speech of Mr. LOWE, who
exhausted all the stereotyped arguments,• and
marshalled all the familiar warnings, with which,
during a good many generations, every
forward step has been opposed. First, he assures
us that the working men have only to drink less
beer and to procure more decent habitations to ob-
tain the franchise under the existing law, and that
it is a very good thing to hold out such an induce-
ment ; and then, that if the working men were per-
mitted to vote we should be " set adrift on the
ocean of democracy without rudder or compass."
If this is to be the result of working men obtaining
the franchise, why should we encourage them to
make an effort to it? But Mr. LOWE has some
excuse for looking with alarm on the body of Eng-
lish working men, seeing that the best idea he can
form of their opinions is derived from a Chartist peti-
tion presented twenty-three years ago ! If Mr. LOWE
considers this to be a fair sample of the moderate,
straightforward, and sensible views generally taken
of public affairs by Englishmen of the lower ranks,
we can only assure him he is very much mistaken.
The extreme views of the Chartists never represented
the general sense of men who, in common with
those above them, have an interest in the stabi-
lity of the existing order of things in the maintenance
of law, of order, and of property. The fact of a man
paying £4 a year less for his house than his neigh-
bour does, does not naturally incline him to refuse
to pay taxes, to object to machinery, to large
estates, and the other existing arrangements '
which Mr. LOWE expects to see overthrown
when Mr. BAINES'S fatal Bill becomes law. There
is more difference between the position and interests
of the -man who pays £4OO rent and the man who
pays £4O in town than there is between the £lO
and £6 householders in the counties one would
thnink, but at that last decade Mr. LOWE pauses
and thinks that if we once lower the barrier anarchy
and confusion will rush in, and the ruin of the
country" will inevitably ensue. Happily, England
and Englishmen have survived a good many such
foretold " ruins." We had plenty of such Cassan-
dras in 1830-32, but somehow or other life and
property have not grown much less secure
since then, neither has the rich man grown
poorer, though the poor man has indis-
putably grown richer in moral and mental
wealth. Even supposing Mr. LowE's petition to
represent fairly the working classes of 1842, does he
suppose that they have made no progress since then ?
Perhaps there have never been years in which such
wonderful strides have been made in general know-
ledge and intelligence by the body of the people, and
especially in the increase of sympathy between
classes, the absence of that bitterness with which
the poor at one time regarded the rich and the
diffusion of political knowledge. In every question
of really national importance, whether foreign or
domestic, which passes beyond the mere surface
politicians and touches the great heart of the nation,
do we not find Englishmen of all ranks singularly
unanimous, or if there is a division, it is of parties,
not of classes. Thus in the American question, one
part of the public sides with the North and the
other with the South; butwe clo not findthe working
men taking absolutely one side in opposition to all
other ranks. The difference of education and employ-
ment does not alter character, and happily the lead-
ing characteristics of Englishmen are the same in all
classes. They are especially distinguished in all ranks
by sound sense, and by their attachment to old insti-
tutions, neither of which qualities are conducive to
Mr. LowEs's poltical Reign of Terror. Mr. OSBORN'S
pertinent speech entirely demolished his elaborate
arguments, and his declaration that the Liberals
were playing the part of the dog in the manger
with reform was too happy to be forgotten. The
truth was very plainly told by the member for Lis-
keard, and was less palatable to the so-called
Liberals of the Treasury Benches than to the public
out of doors. The conduct of the Government was
most unworthy, but it will not serve to protect
them from the reproaches of the genuine Liberals
at the next general election.

Many will be disappointed to find that the vexed
question of the North Staffordshire iron trade is not
yet finally disposed of, but angry feelings are still
rankling in the minds of the disputants, and it seems
almost impossible to come to a settlement of any
kind. The cause of this is the perversity exhibited
on one side and the obstinacy on the other. At any
rate, the last accounts are most unsatisfactory, and
tend to dishearten those who have been entertain-
ing sanguine views of the matter and expecting a
happy issue to the sad affair. According to the
statements made it appears that the masters are in
fault now, and refuse to accede to the terms men-
tioned and supposed to be on the point of fulfilment.
It- was proposed that the " puddlers" on strike
should resume work at ten shillings a ton, but to
this the masters now refuse to agree, because they
say that it is necessary to determine the " future
relative positions of master and man." This is
absurd in argument, as well as wrong in principle ;
because, in matters of trade like this, it cannot be
said that the employed are in the position of ser-
vants, bound to obey the dictates of those who
engage them. On the contrary, they are indepen-
dent members of society, and have their own inte-
rests to consider as much as the others have theirs,
and the claims of their families are, of course, para-
mount to the influence that their employers exer-
cise directly or indirectly upon them. At a general
meeting of the puddlers, which was numerously
attended, it was resolved that their offer should
remain open until the end of the week ; but that
if the masters still refused to accede to their
proposals, they would remain on strike
until the sum originally demanded was
agreed to, namely, 10s. 6d. per ton. As it is, they
are willing to resume work at the lower figure ; but
if driven to desperation by the obduracy of the
masters, there is no saying how or where the matter
will end. Already most ominous signs are apparent,
and evidence is not wanting to show that similar
consequences will inevitably follow upon the disas-
trous decision of the masters. One of the iron-
masters has gone to Belgium with a view of obtain-
ing the services-of the Belgian puddlers in lieu of
his own who are on strike. This is a most mis-
taken notion, and cannot possibly answer the ens
proposed. Nothing is more likely than that these
foreign workmen when brought over may in their
turn demand higher wages than those first agreed
upon, and if so no one can pity either side in their
disappointment or failure. The same tactics are
being employed on the other side, and emigration
is resorted to by the men. A batch of emigrants
from North Staffordshire will sail for New Zealand
next week, it is said. Only seventy-two members
of the union have resumed work out of eight hun-
dred, which sufficiently explains the state of matters
in significance and importance. It is deplorable to
witness such conduct as that at present displayed in
North Staffordshire, and the injuries resulting from
the dispute affect alike the masters and men, and,