The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-29 00:00:00

WORSHIP OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND,

The Marquis of WESTMEATH called the attention of
the house to this subject, and brought before their lord-
ships the information promised in the debate which had
recently taken place, by the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop
of London, respectinginfractions of the authorised worship
of the Church of England, which were particularly men-
tioned as having been practised in the Church of St. Alban,
Holborn, as well as in other churches, and the solemn oath
alleged to have been taken by the Rev. J. Going, incum-
bent of St. Paul's, Lorrimer-square, and his curate in a
pastoral address issued by. him respecting confession, and
called the seal of confession. He said at the request of
the Bishop of London he consented to postpone his
motion.
The Bishop of LONDON said that he trusted the noble
lord would postpone the motion until after Whitsuntide.
The Marquis of WESTMEATH assented.
COMPANIES WORKMENS' EDUCATION BILL.
On the report of the amendments being brought up,
Earl GRANVILLE moved the omission of clause (No.
1), to the effect that children educated in the schools which
would be established under this bill should be so educated,
in conformity with the doctrines of the Established Church.
The Archbishop of YORK strongly objected to the
amendment in question. He considered that if the altera-
tion were agreed to it would destroy the value of the bill.
After some remarks from the Earl of CARNARVON and
Earl GREY, their lordships divided—

Contents 53
Non-contents
Majority —ls
The first clause accordingly stan is part of the bill.
The report as amended was then agreed to.
DIVISIONS IN THE HOUSE,

The Duke of RICHMOND called attention to the man-
ner in which divisions were taken in the house; which he
contended was unsatisfactory, and necessitated the intro-
duction of a standing order which would fix the time be-
tween the question being put by the Lord Chancellor
and the members voting to two minutes, instead of leaving
the time as at present undetermined.
(LEFT SITTING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS—This EVENING.
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS. -

The following bills were read a third time and passed : --
Aberdeenshire Roads ; Busby Railway ; Croesor and Port-
madoc Railway; Highbridge Markets and Gas ; Hoy-
lake Railway ; Lancashire Union Railway ; London
and North Western Railway (additional powers, Wales);
London, Chatham, and Dover, and London and South
Western Railway Companies; Manchester and Milford
Railway, Midland Railway (New Lines, &c.) ; School for
the Indigent Blind Act Amendment ; and Sevenoaks,
Maidstone, and Tunbridge Railway.
MIDDLESEX INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS BILL.
Mr. C. FOSTER moved that the order of the 11th of
May, that the report from the select committee on the
Middlesex Industrial Schools Bill be read, and that the bill
be discharged.
Mr. P. HENNESSY strenuously objected to such a
course. The bill was now in the hands of the house, and
contended that it was within the province of the promoters
of the measure—the Middlesex justices—to withdraw the
bill. He opposed the motion for the withdrawal, and said
that in the event of the bill being retained, he should move
its third reading on Thursday next.
Mr. BARING thought the bill contained some exceed-
ingly useful clauses, and thatit was desirable that it should
receive the further consideration of the house.
The motion for
TthHeE CAPE COLONY withdrawal of the bill was negatived.

Mr. WARNER asked the Secretary of State for the
colonies whether it was true, as stated in newspapers, that
the Governor of the Cape. Colony was pursuing a policy in
regard to the Caffres of which the responsibility has not
been assumed by the colonial Legislature ; and whether,
in the event of war arising, it would not be difficult under
these circumstances to enforce upon the representative Go-
vernment of the colony its obligation to bear the whole
burden of internal defence ?

Mr. CARDWELL said he proposed that the policy re-
ferred to was that which the governor had thought fit to
adopt with respect to the quietly disposed natives. He did
not think that it was a policy likely to lead to war, but
quite the reverse. The governor in such matters always
acted on his own responsibility. The defence of the colony

up to the present time had always rested on this country
and for the present it would continue to do so.
-------

THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENTS.
Sir E. GROGAN asked the Secretary of State for the
Colonies if any, and what, steps had been taken by the
Government, since the report of the select committee was
presented to that house, for opening up the Red River dis-
tricts and the valley of the Saskatchevan to settlement
under the Crown, and putting an end .to
the exclusive privileges heretofore claimed by the
Hudson's Bay Company in these districts; and if
the claim of ownership, put forward by the Hudson's
Bay Company in the territory lying between Canada and
British America, being about two-thirds of our possessions
on that continent, was admitted by the Government as well
founded ?

Mr. CARDWELL' said it had been the desire of the
Secretary for the Colonies for years past to obtain the
settlement of the question, and various proposals had been
made to Canada. It was to be hoped that Canada might
be induced to undertake the settlement of the colony,
especially as the law officers of the Crown had given it as
their opinion that the rights of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany were such as could not be resisted.
CONSTABULARY FORCE (IRELAND) AMEND-
MENT ACT BILL

On the motion for going into committee on this bill,
Mr. 0. GORE moved that the measure be referred to a
select committee.
Mr. BRADY seconded the proposition.
Lord J. BROWN did not think a select committee of the
house a good tribunal to inquire into this measure. Ho
thought the executive Government was best fitted to deter-
mine the exact number of constables to be appointed to
each county.
Sir R. PEEL hoped the house would allow him to pro-
ceed with the bill, because no practical good could result
from sending the bill to a select committee. He had made
an alteration in the measure which would enable the Lord-
Lieutenant to increase the parliamentaryquota, of constables
in any county that he might think necessary. He had been
asked what the object of the bill was. The object of the
measure was to prevent a repitition of certain proceed-
ings which took place in Belfast last year, which were
a disgrace to the whole country. (Hear, hear.) It was
of the utmost importance the bill should bill should pass.
(Hear, hear.) If July should come upon them without this
be e
fbeingound the
quite
law
w
and there would, be a repetition of those scandalous and
disgraceful orgie that produced such lamentable results last
mwoeasuldurincompetentths land,
to preserve the peace,
the 165 policemen
year.

Sir H. CAIRNS thought it highly injudicious on the
part of the right hon. baronet to open up a debateable
subject, and he hoped no person would express his opinion,
He denied that the persons who waited on the Government
last year from Belfast with the intention of getting the
police superseded and martial law proclaimed were the
" authorities " of the town. He had no desire to impede
the measure; on the contrary, if certain amendments,
which he thought the bill required, were agreed to, he
should give the right hon. baronet his cordial support in
passing it through the house: -
Mr. 0. GORE said as it seemed to be the desire of the
house to proceed with the consideration of the bill, he
would withdraw his motion for referring the bill to a
select committee.

The motion was then, by leave, withdrawn, and the
house went into committee on the bill.
(LEFT SITTING.)

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE—This Day.

CITY BETTING—THIS DAY.
THE DERBY.
4to 1 agst Breadalhane (taken freely)
sto 1 agst Gladiateur (taken)
9to 1 agst Archimedes (taken and offered)
9to 1 agst Wild Charley (offered—take 10 to 1)
10 to 1 agst Christmas Carol (taken)
12 to 1 agst Oppressor (offered)
100 to 8 agst Longdown (offered)
25 to 1 agst Brahma (taken)
30 to 1 agst Broomielaw (offered)
50 to 1 agst Zambesi (offered)
66 to 1 agst Olmar (offered)
1000 to 10 agst King Charming (taken)
1000 to 10 agst Richmond (taken)
1000 to 10 agst Roderick Random (offered)
100 to 40 agst Wild Charley 1,2, or 3 (taken)

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.—This Day.

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
NEW YORK, May 16.

The capture of Mr. Jefferson Davis must be re-
garded as a serious misfortune to the Northern
people. His escape to Europe was the solution of
the difficulty which above all others the Government
ought to have prayed for, if it had not covertly en-
deavoured to facilitate. Even his escape across the
Mississippi into Texas would have been less of a
calamity to the North than his trial and execution
for the crime of failure in an attempt, which only
required success to elevate him into the position of
one of the world's heroes. The manner in which the
" sensation" journals gloat over his capture creates
a feeling of horror, such as that which came over the
hearts of most men when they heard of the assassi-
nation of Mr. Lincoln. Though there is not a par-
ticle of evidence, and probably never will be, except
that suggested to or extorted from the lips of per-
jured villains, to connect him in the remotest man-
ner with the murder, his complicity with the assas-
sins is assumed, and every base and vile epithet is
hurled against him by men who would have licked
his boots had he been successful in founding a
Southern nationality, if by so doing they could have
secured his favour or received the promise of a place.
An immediate trial before the military commission
now sitting at Washington to unravel the tangled
skein of Booth's conspiracy is suggested by the most
violent as the speediest means of deciding his fate,
and the best mode of degrading him to the level of a
common felon. Others, with equal vindictiveness, but
with more sense of the dignities and proprieties of the
case, recommend his trial on the charge of treason be-
fore the Supreme Court—a trial which is certain to
end in his conviction, and in which conviction is
equally certain to be followed by sentence of death.
It begins to be conceded by all moderate men, friends
as well as opponents of the Administration, that Mr.
Johnson was misled by false information, placed
before him by an over-zealous, passionate, and too
credulous public functionary, when he issued his
proclamation against Mr. Davis and the five
Southern refugees in Canada; and to be apparent as
the trial proceeds that there is no valid evidence
against them individually or collectively. Mr. John-
son, with a promptitude that does him credit, when
he saw for the first time how all but unanimous
public opinion was in denouncing the secrecy observed
by the military tribunal in the trial of Harrold, Mrs.
Surratt, and their accomplices, gave orders that the
reporters for the public press should be admitted.
He has done much to set himself right with the
country, and to throw the disgrace of unconstitu-
tional and illegal action upon the violent men whom
he found in office. Were he to go a step further, re-
call his ill-judged proclamation, direct Mr. Davis to
be tried in open court before a jury for the treason
which, by the fact of his failure, that unhappy gen-
tleman has undoubtedly committed ; and, after sen-
tence of death duly pronounced and recorded against
him, magnanimously exercise his prerogative of
pardon, or commute the sentence into banishment
for life from the North American continent, Presi-
dent Johnson might not only rescue his Govern-
ment and his country from a great and fruitful
peril, but surround his " plebeian" name—and as
he is proud of being a " plebeian" there ought to
be no offence in the word—with a halo of true glory
and mercy, which any patrician or aristocrat in
the world might envy.

It must be said, however, that for the great mis-
fortune that has befallen him Mr. Jefferson Davis
is himself greatly to blaine. Mrs. Davis and her
children, if they had been left at Richmond, or
even at Danville, would have been safe from harm.
'Though a few military amateurs have rendered them-
selves notorious by their petty tyranny towards
ladies, the Northern people as a rule are noted for
a deference to the fair sex. No one would have in-
jured a hair of Mrs. Davis's head ; no one would
have thought even of directing an opprobrious
epithet against her; no one would have subjected
her to contumely or insult, or thought of her other-
wise than with respectful sympathy in her great mis-
fortune, if she had been left behind. But Mr. Davis
not only retarded his own movements by permitting
her to follow him in his darkening fortunes, but
wasted precious days at Dan%ille and other places
instead of flying as fast as circumstances would per-
mit towards the Mississippi. Had he succeeded in
crossing the river he might have saved his life, and
negotiated terms. of surrender as favourable as those
accorded to Generals Lee, Joseph Johnston, and
Richard Taylor. The fatal error of indecision seems
to have been inherent in his character. He could not
make up his mind to abandon Richmond, when he
might have done so, not only without detriment but
with advantage to the cause. He could not make
up his mind to drill and arm, on the promise of free-
dom, 150,000 or 200,000 slaves, though he might by
so doing have secured the independence of the Con-
federacy. Both of these measures were personally
disagreeable to his pride, and he trifled with them
until it was too late, and ended by sacrificing the
great cause intrusted to his keeping. Unless it be
for his wife and family, Mr. Davis has now nothing
to live for, and may even court the doom with which
he is threatened by his enemies. As the murder of
Mr. Lincoln in his hour of triumph, when his work
seemed almost done, has liftedhim for all time above
the crowd of common men and enshrined his memory
in the world's history as the representative as well as
the martyr of a nation, so the judicial murder of Mr.
Davis on the charge of treason will, if inflicted by
the North, elevate him also to a place in the rever-
ence and affection of the South, which it is not for
the present interest or the future peace of the North
that any man living or dead should occupy.
The trial of the conspirators does not excite so
much curiosity as was anticipated, and far more sen-
sation has been created by the wordy war between
the Court and the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, the
Senator from Maryland, who consented to act as
counsel for Mrs. Surratt—mother of one of the sus-
pected, but not yet arrested criminals—than by any
details of the plot as yet elicited. It was attempted
by General Harris to deter Mr. Reverdy Johnson
from acting as counsel by a very unwarranted and
unwarrantable imputation upon his loyalty to the Go-
vernment, in which imputation he was supported in
an offensive tone and manner by General Hunter,
the President of the Court. Mr. Johnson, like a
practised debdter, both at the Bar and the Senate,
foiledhis assailants most dexterously and completely
on the point of fact, and took the opportunity to
rebuke the military gentlemen for their arrogance,
by the statement that had it not been for his vener-
able years and cooled passions, it might not have
been so safe as it then was to assail his honour by
false charges which his whole life and character were
sufficient to refute. This was perhaps a mistake, a
want of taste on the part of Mr. Johnson, but if it
were, what is to be said of the retort of General
Hunter, who angrily declared that "he hoped the
day had passed when freemen from the North were
to be bullied and insulted by the humbug chivalry
of the South?" As the insults came from the Court
upon Mr. Johnson, and as " the chivalry of the
South" were in no degree implicated in the question
at issue, Which was one of his personal honour and
veracity, the Military Court sacrificed more of its
dignity in the encounter than the fearless counsel
whom it Bought to intimidate. The evidence up to
this date implicates all the persons in custody, and
the son of Mrs. Surratt,
who
fact to oisnot yet arrested, but
had not elicited a
inculpate Mr. Jeffer-
son Davis in any knowledge of the crime, or to
fasten any reasonable suspicion upon Messrs.
Thompson, Clay, Cleary, Sanders, and Tucker. A
man named Weichman deposed that he heard Sur-
ratt, whose mother indubitably knew of and aided
tIA diabolical conspiracy of Booth, say that he had
been in Canada, and had afterwards gone to Rich-
mond. Upon this slim foundation the prosecution
based its charge against Mr. Davis ; or if it has any-
thing further in reserve it has yet to produce it. Mr.
Reverdy Johnson asked the witness if he ever heard
Surratt say or saw him do anything which induced
to think that Surratt's purpose was to assassi-
nate Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Seward, or anybody else?
The question was objected to by the Court, and
was not allowed to be pressed.
The still continued excitement with regard to the
filibustering expedition to Mexico, which has such
extraordinary charms for all the rowdyism of the
North not used up and exhausted in this awful car-

nage of the last four years, has caused more than
usual interest to be taken in the formal speech
which M. de Montholon, the new French Ambas-
sador, made to Mr. Johnson, on presentation of
his credentials, and in the speech not quite so for-
mal in which the President replied. M. de Montho-
lon took occasion to say " that immense interests,
which every day developed themselves more fully,
will draw together more fully the noble and ancient
alliance of France and the United States." The Pre-
sident, with an eye to the vindication of the Monroe
doctrine--one of the main planks of the platform
on which he may have to take his stand when he
aspires to re-election—replied that "Your (M. de
Montholon's) intimacy with the head of the French
Government, which was the result of well-known
antecedents, cannot fail to impart, perhaps, univer-
sal confidence to your representations in respect to
his Majesty's purpose and policy with respect to
the United States." This "perhaps" was not very
diplomatic, but exceedingly significant. Nor was
the next sentence less suggestive of the idea that the
President was not quite satisfied in his own mind
that mischief might not grow out of the presence of
the Emperor Maximilian, supported by French
bayonets, in Mexico. " The people of this coun-
try," said Mr. Johnson, " have a traditional
regard for France, which was originally so
deeply planted, and has been so universally and
warmly cherished that it must continue to flourish
and expand, unless it should be checked by events
most uncommon, not to be anticipated by ordinary
foresight:" These " events most uncommon" are
understood by the President's friends to prefigure an
irrepressible immigration of Americans into Mexico,
and hint at the complications which might ensue if
the Federal Government had neither the power nor
the inclination to interfere with or direct it. Gen.
Ortega, the envoy of the ex-President Juarez, re-
mains in this city, but conducts himself so much less
ostentatiously than he did at first, and pursues
whatever may be his objects with so much more
prudence, as to make it probable that he has re-
ceived hints from high quarters not to compromise
the Government.

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

CAMBRIDGESHIRE.

At Cambridge Mr. W. D. Christie has announced
himself as a Liberal candidate, and has issued a
somewhat lengthy address. Mr. Christie sat for
Weymouth from 1842 to 1847, and since 1848 has
been employed in various parts of the world in dip-
lomatic service. He had charge for a considerable
time of the British Legation in Switzerland, and
served as Minister for three years in the River Plate.
In 1859 he was appointed Minister in Brazil, and
continued to occupy that position until 1863. Mr.
Christie states that he is opposed to all civil disabi-
lities and distinctions founded on religious opinions.
He thinks there is great room for improvement in the
election of members of the House of Commons. He
would warmly support a measure of Parliamentary
reform providing for a lateral extension of the fran-
chise and the introduction of the working classes.
Mr. Christie adds—
" I have good faith in our Premier, Lord Palmerston, as
a director of our foreign policy, and a great admiration for
his character. His age, long career of great service, and
noble English qualities entitle him to the proud respect of
all his countrymen."

As has been already stated in The Sun, the present
Conservative sitting members will again offer them-
selves. As regards the county no definite announce-
ment has yet been made ; the present representa-
tives.will probably not be disturbed, although the
Hon. E. T. Yorke, one of the sitting members, is
not in a satisfactory state of health.

DORCHESTER.

Col. N. Sturt has issued the following address:—

" Permit me to assure you that the fact that I have hitherto
issued no address, but have allowed another candidate to
anticipate me in soliciting your suffrage; is attributable
neither to disrespect nor to an insufficient appreciation of
the responsibility which you have thrice done me the hon-
our to commit to my hands. lam not without hope that
your past experience has led you to withdraw none of your
esteem and confidence from me, and, while yielding to no
man in my desire to subserve your interests, I have na-
turally shrunk from intruding upon you with any prema-
ture utterance at a moment when even the date of the ap-
proaching dissolution is a matter of speculation. It has
seemed to me that at a time when grave party differences
have well nigh ceased to exist I should best reflect your
opinions by abstaining from violent partisanship. While
clinging with tenacity to the traditional and time honoured
doctrines of the great Conservative party, I have deemed it
my duty to accord to Lord Palmerston's Government upon
several occasions during the past and previous sessions, an
honest and independent support. Few measures during
the last few years have appeared to me more deserving of
consideration than the Union Chargeability Bill. Believ-
ing as I do that the interests of the upper are inseparably
intertwined with the interests of the lower classes, it has
seemed to me that injustice to the labouring man is con-
spiracy against the rich. In the interest of both I have
given to the Union Chargeability Bill an emphaticsupport.
My experience of foreign politics since I last appealed as a
candidate for your suffrages has taught me to view- with
increasing admiration and affection the well tempered liberty
we have the happiness to enjoy. Manhood suffrage and arro-
gant vaunts of freedom have not preserved to the Americans
even the semblance of liberty, nor do I observe • that
despotism in France, however wisely conducted, has during
the last seven years taken any steps in the direction of in-
creasing liberty to the subject. Our wise, temperate, and
grateful enjoyment of the blessings we have will in my
judgment best be evidenced by caution in undertaking
measures which cannot but be tentative in pursuit of im-
provement. It has been my earnest desire to advance the
local interests of my constituents whereinsoever they have
been brought under my notice. With an increased sense
of the responsibility which it entails, I solicit at your
hands a renewal of the trust which you have already thrice
confided to me. If it be your pleasure to dismiss me from
my stewardship, I shall retain only a grateful recollection
that for nine years you have permitted me to bo your
steward.
"London, May 27."