The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-06 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 6, 1865.

The Lord Chancellor last night made a statement
to the House of Lords, which was very well re-
ceived, and which was indeed distinguished for
moderation and temperance. Under the peculiarly
trying circumstances of the case it is to be ques-
tioned if he could have done better, and it is so far
a satisfaction that one in his high position has retired
with dignity and decorum. Out of respect to their
lordships he deemed it his duty to appear before
them and announce that he had tendered to Her
MAJESTY his resignation, which had been accepted.
He also said that the step which he then took he
should have taken some months back had
he followed the dictates of his own judg-
ment, and acted on his own views. It is
greatly to be regretted that the noble and learned
lord did not act according to his own wishes on this
subject ; it would have spared much annoyance, and
avoided the chief scandal of the affair. Indeed it
would have been better if the Lord Chancellor had
insisted on resigning, for he was the best judge, and
his voice should have been all-powerful in a matter
which so directly concerned himself, and occasioned
him so much annoyance and anxiety. In this pas-
sage the noble and learned lord gave utterance to an
expression of opinion which did him credit, and cor-
responded with the usual idea entertained of his
skill and discernment. "My lords, I believe that
the holder of the Great Seal ought never to be in the
position of an accused person, and such, unfortuately,
being the case, for my own part, I felt it due to the
great office that I hold that I should retire from it,
and meet any accusation in the character of a pri-
vate
person."
Lord PALMERSTON persisted in refusing to accept
the oft-proffered resignation of the noble and learned
lord, and his efforts have met with a decided failure
at last. Lord WESTBURY stated this in order that
the public might not think he had a clinging to
office, and much less that he had not been actuated
"by any baser or more unworthy motive."
The Chancellor also exhibited his good sense by
abstaining from making any comment upon the
decision of the House of Commons, except to express
a hope that, in course of time, a more favourable
opinion might be entertained of his conduct when
calmer thoughts prevailed. It would have been
quite useless and only marred the effect produced
by the calm tone in which this speech was made.
In recurring to the events which marked his tenure
of office, the Lord Chancellor was enabled to con-
gratulate himself, and with great justice, for the
measures which he had been instrumental in pass-
ing. These, he was able to predict from his know-
ledge and experience, would be of great benefit to
the country. " With these measures I hope
my name will be associated," said the noble
and learned lord, and there certainly seems
no reason to doubt that such will be the case. Lord
WESTBURY has laboured zealously in the cause of
Law Reform, and his services in that respect entitle
him to the gratitude of the community. The great
scheme of the formation of a digest of the whole
law which he has been unable to inaugurate he
bequeaths, already prepared, into the hands of his
successor. This is a great trophy for the retiring
Chancellor to refer to, and as neither the Parlia-
ment nor the public of this country are prone to
forget merits because demerits exist, there is no
fear that the tribute which is justly his due will be
withheld from Lord WESTBURY when his career
is analysed and his doings referred to here-
after. In some respects this reflection makes the
matter better, and in others worse. For the satis-
faction of his friends and family, it may be well
that a renown attaches to his name ; but also it is
a subject of regret that such high attainments
should not have been accompanied by more discre-
tion, and that one who so ably filled a high office
should not have displayed more moderation. Also,
that one intrusted with so much responsibility
should not have exhibited more scrupulous regard
to propriety in the filling up of appointments and
the awarding of pensions. These reflections will fill
the minds of many who to-day witness the noble
and learned lord in his high position for the last
time.

The experience of a general election does not
generally tend to raise our estimate of the standard
of political morality. Promises that are never in-
tended to be kept, pledges that are framed with a
view to subsequent evasion, are plentifully supplied
on the part of the electors, setting aside those
darker features of corruption and intimidation
which disgrace both constituents and candidates.
Every one is trying to defeat his rival, to eclipse his
neighbour, and the nearest approach to the political
excitement of former days is to be found in the tur-
moil of a general election. In honourable exception
to the general aspect of the political horizon at this
moment is the conduct of part of the electors for
Westminster, and of the candidate they have chosen
to represent them. The large metropolitan boroughs
are not usually very fortunate in their selection of
members, and it is not often that they succeed in
getting anything more than respectable mediocrity to
represent them. But in this instance they have a
prospective member who is doubly remark-
able, being distinguished alike for his great
literary and philosophical reputation, and for
the singular elevation and purity of his political
code. Unlike many high-minded theorists, who
either preserve their superiority by a total seclusion
from the world of active life, or else find it melt
very rapidly away in immediate contact with stern
realities, Mr. MILL carries his principles rigidly into
practice. The faults and deficiencies of our elec-
tion system have necessarily occupied much of his
attention as a writer on political economy and the
science of government, and he has not failed to
censure the false and mistaken method of canvass-
ing which has gained ground amongst us. The
errors and evils of election times have called forth
his criticism and his denunciations, and accordingly
when he was called upon himself to mix in the
struggle every one was curious to see how he would
himself conduct the warfare. There are, un-
doubtedly, difficulties attending Mr. MILL'S theory
as there are in the application of all high-minded
and uncompromising principles to ordinary routine,
but it is refreshing, in the midst of so much parti-
zanship and manoeuvring, to meet with such a case,
if it be exceptional. Mr. MILL pre-supposes not
only that all candidates are to be as
honourable and disinterested as himself, but
that all electors should be not only superior
to corruption, but have some political knowledge.
They must decide who can best represent their
interests and call on him to come forward,
but it is not always that they have either the
capacity of judging for themselves or that they have
so good a means of forming an estimate as Mr.
MILL has given them in his works. Still the prin-
ciple thus laid down is undoubtedly sound, and
must not be scoffed at as the dreaming theories of
a visionary or a recluse, but it must be accepted as
the dictum of one of the clearest and most logical