The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-15 00:00:00

STATE OF TRADE

MANCHESTER, Nov.ll.—Themarket for shipping
yarns is again quieter, and to make sales lower prices
would have to be taken. This market closes tamely,
with little disposition for business. In home trade
yarns the report is a very dull and flat market, with
irregular prices. Quotations at a decline on Friday;
in some cases at nearly Id. per lb. below the rates
of Friday. An impression appears to be gaining
ground among manufacturers and other buyers of
yarn that the rate at which cotton is coming for-
ward on the southern seaboard of the United States
of America must ultimately force down the value of
cotton here, and hence their reticence in buying
yarns at present high rates. They are disposed gene-
rally to operate with much caution, and are only
purchasing for the most pressing wants of the hour.
It must be confessed that they have been slow in
arriving at this conclusion, otherwise the recent suc-
cessful speculative movements in cotton at Liverpool
would not have forced the raw material up to the
prices which have been attained within the last six
or eight weeks. For cloth buyers have not come
forward with any greater freedom -since Tuesday
last. Indian merchants especially havebeen holding
aloof from the market. Therehas really been no:new
feature to notice since that day, and the amount of
business has been but small. Sellers and holders of
cloth, as a rule, haveshown great willingness to meet
any demand there was, but we have no quotable
change in prices. We can hardly report them really
lower in tone. To-day there has been a decidedly
flat feeling, and we close with a very limited busi-
ness indeed.

LEEDS, 14th.—There is nothing of importance to
note in the • woollen cloth trade since Saturday.
There has been a moderate attendance of buyers in
the cloth-halls this morning, and a fair selection of
goods was made, including a sprinkling of heavy
fabrics, with ordinary broadcloths, and dfair amount
of tweeds and meltons. Good all-wool black cloths
keep their places, and the supply of such goodsis not
much, if at all, in advance of. the demand. _ In black
unions there is scarcely so much doing as there was a
month ago, nor in low goods generally, the export
trade being less active than we lately had to report.
The country clothiers and manufacturers keep well
employed, many being engaged on orders for spring
fabrics, and others preparing their own stocks for
that season. The wool and cloth markets are alike
steady as to price.

NOTTINGIIAM, 14th.—There was a very small at-
tendance on 'Change to-day, and the demand for
lace yarns was quiet. Prices without material
change. In hosiery yarns and silks there was not
so much alteration. In brown nets, there was
hardly anything done, and prices were stationary.
ROCHDALE, 13th.--A moderately good attendance
at to-day's market has not resulted in so favourable
a manner to the manufacturers and holders of heavy
stocks as was hoped for. The fact of the demand
for this market's goods being so feeble at this, which
is customarily a brisk time of the year, is only to
be accounted for by the extraordinary high prices
asked in all branches. During the week, however,
some of the warehouses have had a fair run of busi-
ness both in plain and fancy goods. Manufacturers
are not so busy as they could wish. It is antici-
pated that when severer weather becomes constant a
much stronger demand will arise, but the great
drawback will be the export trade, which has really
been insignificant at a time when it ought to have
been flourishing. The sale of Yorkshire goods is
improved a little, but the business doing is by no
means to an average extent. Only a limited inquiry
for wool, but prices have undergone no alteration.

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

--o-.

TI3IES.—It is stated that Mr. Seward has pre-
pared, and submitted to his colleagues, a reply to
Lord Russell's despatch of August 30, on the sub-
ject of the Alabama claims. Now, it happens by a
curious coincidence, illustrating the difficulty of
conducting a controversy across the Atlantic, that
just when Mr. Seward was inditing this despatch to
enlighten Lord Russell, Lord Russell was inditing
another " to clear up some misconceptions" of Mr.
Adams. The former appears to have been read to
the Cabinet at Washington on the 2d of this month ;
the latter is dated on the 3d of this month, and
appeared in our columns last Monday. It is a
supplement to the correspondence already published,
and although it raises no fresh issue, it certainly
adds materially to the strength of our own case. Of
the two main grievances alleged by Mr. Adams, the
premature recognition of the South and the futility
of the means employed by our Government to pre-
vent illegal equipments, the fonner had been effec-
tually negatived in the previous discussion. There
was no escape from the argument that a declaration
of blockade is an assertion of belligerent rights at sea,
and entitles the party blockaded to the character of
a naval belligerent. On the second point, however,
Lord Russell's advantage was by no means so deci-
sive, and there were several telling retorts in Mr.
Adams's last letter, of September 18. To these
Lord Russell naturally addresses himself in the re-
joinder now before us, to which is appended a
valuable memorandum, showing. in detail, how each
supposed infraction of the Foreign Enlistment Act
was dealt with by her Majesty's Government. The
only precedent of any great value adduced on either
side was that of the famous Portuguese claims on
the United States. The conduct of France during
the W ar of Independence =not really throw much
light on the question, being in some respects far
more hostile to Great Britain than was consistent
with neutrality ; while in others it perhaps fell short
of justice to America. The Portuguese claims, on
the contrary, besides being more recent, are also
precisely analogous in the essential conditions to
those which Mr. Adams snakes on behalf of his
Government. This, in fact, is admitted on both
sides, but Mr. Adams contends, we think vainly,
that what America now demands is equivalent
to what she then conceded. His position seems
to be this : —That the United States " at once
recognised the validity of the remonstrances of
Portugal," by first enforcing its existing laws, and
next increasing their stringency. He allows that
the laws, thus amended, failed to check wrongful
outfits, and that further remonstrances were met
by a disavowal of all responsibility on the part of
the Executive, but he does not perceive the damag-
ing effect of these admissions. Lord Russell hence
takes occasion to press home the parallel still more
closely. He points out that the principle which
the Portuguese Minister sought to establish was
identical with that which Mr. Adams sought to
establish, viz., the responsibility of a neutral Power
for the acts of its subjects committed out of its
jurisdiction and beyond its control. This principle
was most explicitly and strenuously repudiated by
the United States, so that it must be modified or
varied in some way to justify the present claims
of the United States. But can it be modified or
varied ? Only by limiting the allegation of respon-
sibility to acts committed within the jurisdiction
and control of the neutral State. To this extent it
was accepted by the United States, and is accepted
by ourselves; and with the very same reservation.
We hold, as they held, that our national liability is
discharged when our Legislature has enacted proper
laws against illegal enlistments and equipments, and
our Government has used due diligence in prosecut-
ing offenders under them. If, by reason of delay
in procuring evidence, or its inadequacy to warrant
a conviction, the efforts of the Government should
prove unavailing, we deny that an indemnity can
be claimed from the nation, and so did the United
States under the like circumstances. It is quite
true that, after the first representations of the
Portuguese Minister, they introduced new clauses
into their Foreign Enlistment Act, but it is equally
true that the new clauses proved whollyinefficacious,
and that the complaints of Portugal, instead of
diminishing, increased in frequency. We have only
to examine these clauses, as they are quoted by
Lord Russell, to show how useless they would have
been in the case of the Alabama. One of them re-
quires bonds to be given by the owner " of every
armed ship or vessel sailing out of the ports of the
United States, belonging wholly or in part to citi-
zens thereof," to cruise against any. Power in amity
with the United States. Assuming that proof of
this last fact could have been given, was the Alabama
"an armed ship" as she lay in the Mersey, and could
it have been shown that she belonged wholly or in
part to British subjects—at least if there had been
any motive for effecting a transfer to foreigners ?
Another section inserted by Congress in 1818
enables the collect-Ors of customs to detain "any
vessel manifestly built for warlike purposes . .
of which the cargo shall principally consist of
arms and munitions of war, when circumstances
shall render it probable thati it is designed for
warlike purposes, until the President's decision
shall be taken or bonds given by the owners. Here,
again, the very element of uncertainty which
made it impossible to obtain the condemnation of
the Alexandra is imported by the words " mani-
festly built," &c., while
the provision with re-
spect to 'the cargo affords a fresh loophole to evasion.
Moreover, no power beyond that of extractingbonds
is conferred on the Executive Government, and this

power can only avail where funds are not forth-
coming. Lord Russell, therefore, has a fair right
to challenge the assumption that an assimilation of
our Foreign Enlistment Act to the American would
have prevented the damnum which actually ensued
to the United States. Yet if it would not, there was
no injuria by the confession of Mr. Adams himself,
for this is literally the only exception that he can
take to Lord Russell's adoption of the American
doctrine. If we descend from principles to facts,
remembering how numerous and active were the
Confederate agents in this country, we shall rather
wonder that such repeated attempts were so rarely
successful. We often speak of the Alabama and
her consorts, but we must not forget that in one
essential particular the Alabama stands alone.
She was probably the only vessel ultimately con-
verted into a Confederate cruiser which it would
have been possible to detain under our own or
under the American Foreign Enlistment Act. The
memorandum, to which we have referred, gives a
complete list of all the vessels in respect of which
Mr. Adams lodged complaints. They are 19 in all,
and among them are several names of which few
of our own readers will have heard before. Out of
these 19, only five ever hoisted the Confederate
ensign at all—viz., the Florida, the Alabama, the
Georgia, the Rappahannock, and the Shenandoah.
The Florida, though she escaped from British waters,
was seized at Nassau, and after a formal trial ac-
quitted, nor did she issue forth as a commissioned
cruiser till she had received her armament at
Mobile, whence she ran the blockade through the
negligence of a Federal officer, commanding the
Oneida. The Georgia " sailed before any informa-
tion of her character had reached her Majesty's
Government, and was, in fact, taking in her arma-
ment in French waters on the very day on which
Mr. Adams's representation was dated." The Rappa-
hannock had reached Calais two days before Mr.
Adams's note was received, having put to sea in an
unfinished state, and never became available for ser-
vice. The Shenandoah, being a regular merchant
vessel in the East India trade, never fell under sus-
picion till she was reported by our Con-
sul at Teneriffe to have shipped her arma-
ment off Madeira. The circumstances attending
the outfit of the Alabama are well 'mown, and
in this instance, if in any, lathes might be
imputed to our Government ; yet even in this,
notwithstanding Sir J. Harding's untimely illness,
but five days elapsed- before the opinion of the law
officers was obtained, and the vessel, 'after all, was
manned and equipped off the Azores, and first re-
cognised as a ship of war in a French port at Mar-
tinique. An embargo was laid on the Alexandra,
the two steam rams, and the Canton, and the three
latter were thosewrested from the hands of the Con-
federates. The Alexandra escaped condemnation in
our Courts, but was detained under seizure by those
of Nassau until the end of the war. All the rest
either proved to be mere blockade-runners, or
otherwise cleared themselves of the charge against
them. In the meantime, steps were taken more
than once by our Government to guard beforehand
against possible breaches of our neutrality, as, for
example, by anticipating the sale of Captain
Osborn's vessels on their return from China. It is
right that these should be stated, although not
strictly relevant tothe question in dispute between
England and America, because they reduce the
whole subject of that dispute to its true propor-
tions. At the same time, we observe with much
pleasure the prospect of an amicable agreement
on one point at least opened by the latter part of
Lord Russell's letter. It is no doubt " worth
consideration" whether a more effectual Foreign'
Enlistment Act might not be framed by the
two Governments in concert, and whether a joint
Commission, if it should be appointed, should not be
empowered to propose one. It is satisfactory, more-
over, to know that Lord Russell's suggestion of such
a Commission has been understood at Washington
to exclude the Alabama claims. Of course, any-
thing that Mr. Cushing may have to urge on this
behalf will be received with due respect, but we are
disposed to put more confidence in the effects of time
than in the influence of his mission. The truth is

that neither people has any wish to quarrel with the
other. We have reason to believe that public senti-
ment in America is as pacific as it is in this country,
and to hope that no unworthy distrust of each
other's motives will embitter a difference between

two great nations about a matter of pounds,
shillings, and pence.
POST.—The outrage committed in one of the
most crowded thoroughfares of the city of Dublin
seems to show that the Fenian Brotherhood are not
ashamed to employ assn nation as a means to
forward their views. The attempt to shoot two
police inspectors who have done no more than
their simple duty in arresting the redoubtable
leader of the Fenian movement was as cowardly,
base, and unprovoked an act as can possibly be
imagined. The intent of the assassins was most
deadly, for both shots took effect, and the com-
paratively accidental circumstance of the force of
the bullets being spent prevented the crime being
completely successful. The last outrage alone was
wanting to bring Fenianism and its promoters into
abhorrence as well as contempt. Until now we
might have laughed at its absurdity, and, for the
credit of human nature, have disbelieved the report
that the proposed insurrection was to be inaugu-
rated with indiscriminate carnage and bloodshed.
But the conviction is now forced upon our minds.
that the strange stories told by the informers are not
without foundation. No wonder is it that we seek
in vain in the ranks of the conspirators for men of
education and intelligence or social position. It is
now clear why the mania seized upon none but the
least educated, the most reckless, and consequently
the least formidable members of the Irish commu-

nity. If journeymen tailors, shop boys, ;;;Ii;Ore;-
sional agitators are the ringleaders of the conspiracy
which is to sever Ireland from the United Kingdom,
to what class, one is involuntarily driven to inquire,
must belong the quarter of a million of men who, we
are assured, are ready at a moment's warning to spring
to arms and effect the desired revolution ? But not
the least singular feature of the present seditious
movement in Ireland is, that up to the present the
authorities have failed to discover any arms. The un-
happy members of the Fenian Brotherhood who are
now awaiting their trial for high treason know to
their cost that the Government have for some time
past been kept well informed as to their designs
and movements ; and they would hardly pretend to
say that if any depots of arms or ammunition existed
in the United Kingdom the Government do not pos-
sess the necessary clue to their discovery. Assum-
ing, therefore, for the sake of argument, that the
disaffected Irish are as numerous as is alleged, even
the most sanguine of Ireland's pretended liberators
must unwillingly confess that the physical means
which are generally regarded as indispensable for the
overthrow of an established Government are in the
present instance wanting. Without arms, and with-
out the means of procuring them, it is certainly diffi-
cult to imagine that a people, even as credulous and
enthusiastic as the Irish proverbially are, could seri-
ously meditate an attack upon the Government of
one of the first naval and military Powers in the
world ; and, to' do them common justice, the Irish
people meditate nothing of the kind. The con-
spiracy, now that its ramifications have been traced,

foundis to begin and (for all practical purposes at
least) to end with a particular section of Irish-bred
Yankees. It has been suggested that at the height
of the civil war, and when the secession of the
South-Western States from that portion of the
Republic which still claimed to represent the Union
seemed only too probable, Fenianisin was broached
by the acute Northerners with the view of divert-
ing the growing discontent of the Irish section of

the community-into a different channel. Whether,
however, this was so or not, there are always to be
found in every communitymen too idle to earn their
bread by honest means, and the restlessness of whose
disposition naturally prompts them to attack that
social order which presents an invincible barrier to
the exercise of personal qualities which only find in
anarchy a congenial field for their operation, and
these men became the eager proselytes of the new
doctrine—that Ireland, which withered under a
monarchy, would flourish under a republic. But
beyond the circle of these men the contagion does
not seem to have spread, or, if it has spread, it has
not produced any ill effects which will not disappear
under judicious treatment. If the " centres" of
Fenianism are as numerous as is asserted, and if the
peasantry in any large numbers have been led to be-
lieve that their deliverance from the Saxon yoke was
at hand, and that, by the aid of an American fleet,
Ireland would for the first time in the history of the
world become an independent State, and her people
a united nation, the events of the past few
weeks must have gone far to disabuse them of their
error. The Irish are credulous and sanguine, but
folly has never been reckoned one of their short-
comings.

There are occasions on which nations act

in obedience to the wild impulse of despair, when
the promptings of reason are disregarded, and,
when driven to bay by their oppressors, their only
thought is to overwhelm their foes together with
themselves in one common ruin. When Poland rose

in insurrection, two years and a half ago, it was in
the highest degree improbable that her attempt to
shake off the Russian yoke would be crowned with
success; but the rashness of the act was justified
by the provocation whiclrgave rise to it. But the
Irish would have no such excuse for rebellion to the

English Crown. However glowing may be the
colours in which the apostles of Fenianism may paint
the future republic, the picture must submit to a
comparison with that presented by the actual state
of things in Ireland. The Irish know that poli-
tically their status is the same as that of their

so-called oppressors„ and at each returning Par-
liamentary election they are reminded, in the
most striking manner, that they possess an

equal voice with their English fellow-countrymen
in the government of the United Kingdom. If the
chances of revolt seemed reasonable, some pretext
for rebellion might probably be found in the un-
favourable contrast which Ireland presents to Eng-
land in respect to commercial prosperity ; but when
insurrection is hopeless, only a nation of maniacs
could be found to light up a civil war with the view
of contributing thereby to the material prosperity of
their country. Amongst the good effects which
have flowed from the energetic action of the Govern-
ment must be accounted the opportunity which has
been afforded to the Irish of judging of the true
sentiments of those who represent the American
Government and the American people. This, the
latest fiasco of Irish sedition, has been received by
the American nation with the most supreme indif-
ference. The vast absurdity of a nation still reel-
ing under the shock of a most disastrous civil war
sending its fleets and armies across the Atlantic,
with no other object than that of making Ireland
an independent republic, is too gross and transparent
to call for demonstration ; and yet it is on the as-
sumption that America would, contrary to her tra-
ditionary policy, intermeddle in European affairs,
and constitute herself the champion of oppressed
nationalities in the eastern hemisphere, that the
entire superstructure of a successful insurrection in
Ireland is founded. If alarmists told us that Canada
was to be invaded by the United States, or that an
American army was on the point of crossing the
Rio Grande with the intention of subverting the
recently established empire of Mexico, they would
at least be able to assign motives for the movements
which they apprehended. And it must be admitted
that apprehensions, whether well or ill founded, are
now entertained by the Canadians of a descent on
their frontier by a Fenian army. But we may be
pardoned for doubting whether the Fenian Brother..
hood across the Atlantic will ever be in a position to
proceed to such extremities, whilst we feel confident
that the American Government will use every means
to prevent their territory being made the basis of I
operations of an army of filibusters.

American Travellers and American Artists

in Europe.

According to all reports, the continent of Europe
is just now flooded with American tourists. As a general
rule, the American visits the continent to get rid of his
money ; the Englishman to save it. It is quite certain at
least, that the former, on his European travels, is recog-
nized as a man who has money to spend ; and, firmly
convinced of tho essential truthfulness of this notion, we
propose to draw from our own observation and experience
while " abroad," a suggestion to our countrymen in behalf
of that noble land of ladies and gentlemen who, under
more or less of pecuniary difficulties, are always to be
found engaged in the study and practice of art in the
schools and galleries of the Old World.
It is ono of the constitutional necessities of most
Americans to carry into their very pleasures the " high-
pressure" progressiveness which crowns their business
enterprises with such wonderful success. Your genuine
Yankee not only works by steam, but he plays like light
ning, and rests with forty-horse power. Consequently—
ravelling though he may be with wife, an indefinite
number of children, nurse and baby, a Saratoga allotment
of baggage, and a courier—it is his highest pride to make
" the grand tour" in three months ; his only anxiety lest
somebody, on his return, may allude to something he has
omitted to see. The rushing from object to object, with-
out pausing upon any long enough to bring back with
him a more definite remembrance than one might have of
the monumental designs of a cemetery which he has passed
on the railway, he is little inclined to push his researches
beyond the prescribed track of the conventional sight-
seer. Rather my, he seldom thinks of doing so ; and it is
because the travelling American is proverbially not
stingy, but generous to a fault ; because he grapples to
his own countrymen with hooks of steel ; and because ho
needs only a hint to send him with swift foot and open
hand, and sympathetic heart, to the side of American
genius struggling on distant shores, that we write this
article. We ask him to find out in Paris, in Munich, in
Florence, in Rome, the studios of our artists, and visit
them.. If he is able to give them orders, never could his
superfluity be so well and so safely bestowed ; it will cer-
tainly fall on worthy objects, certainly yield a satisfactory
return. If, like so many of the best lovers of art, he can
only enjoy with fruitless longing, let him carry, then, that
generous but discriminating appreciation, which to the
true artist, notwithstanding his clamorous necessities, is
often more grateful than the ostentatious patronage of the
tasteless millionaire. Nor is the intelligent traveller of limited
means entirely powerless to extend material aid to the
young artist. Wealthy mon, desirous of decorating their
dwellings with pictures and statues, frequently have re-
course to the judgment of those, whose very devction to
the unremunerative paths of study has at once fitted them
to enjoy, mil forbidden them to possess these works of art.
Let such a man see the beautiful productions of American
talent with which those foreign ateliers abound, then talk
them up ; take his rich friend by the a►m and point them
out to him; explain to him their beauties, and persuade
him to invest some of the loose cash which is rapidly dis-
appearing for French laces, Genoese filagree and Neapoli-
tan coral, in what will not only feed his soul and the souls
of all his friends, but alleviate the trials of toiling talent,
and reflect a future glory on his native land.
In Florence, for instance, the most superficial tourist
will not need to be urged to find ourtlmious countryman
Hiram Powers, because ho is one of the established cele-
brities of that city of the arts, whom the travellers of all
nations seek out, and whom one might as well pass over
?he Duomo and the Campanile as omit to see. And truly,
apart from the world-renowned creations of his plastic
hand, an interview with the veteran sculptor cannot fail
to refresh the lover of American institutions and American
customs, like a cup of water administered to a thirsty soul
in a weary land. Mr. Powers has now been absent from
his native country nearly thirty years, bu the affections
of his heart, tho sentiments of his brain, the language of
his lips, are all as freshly American as though he had
issued but yesterday from the green hills of Vermont ; and
the flashing of his beautiful eye from under his grey brows,
as with the good old dialect of Now England he denounced
the insidious Northern betrayer of Republican principles,
is a sight to see.
Then there is Hart, another veteran, the only man who
le.e rendered Henry Clay into breathing stone—himself a
Kentuckian, but sound on every question pertaining to
human liberty. The old gentleman will prattle to you
with the innocence of a child and the wisdom of a sage"
on all that belongs to the art which he so thoroughly un-
derstands, and upon many things besides. In his atelier
you will find an unfinished statue of " Triumph of Beauty
over Love," consisting of a nude female, who holds high
above her head the last arrow (which had fallen innocuous
at her feet) of a Cupid, who pleads earnestly at her side
for its restoration. The exquisite lines of the principal
figure, and the lofty virtue which blends with the seraphic
sweetness of her face, combined 'to form a work of the
highest type of art, ideal beauty,' and moral truth united.
The only wonder is that a man who could model such a
figure should have postponed the execution of it to so late
a period in life ; but the truth is, we have here the culmi-
nation of the labor and study of a life.
Among those not so well known to fame is Jackson, a
sculptor whom Boston originated and New York adopted ;
a man "chock-full" of genius, and who needs only to get
his works before the public eye to rise at once to reputa-
tion and fortune. At his rooms may be seen his exquisite
statuette of the Culprit Fay, and a plaster cast of a sort of
typical pieta Eve, with the body of the newly murdered
Abel laying across her lap. The mingled wonder and
despair of the First Mother at seeing the power of the
mysterious enemy of her race thus suddenly developed in
the lifeless form of her beloved son is finely depicted.
Somebody ought to commission Mr. Jackson to put this
noble design into marble. There is in existence, some-
where, a speaking bust of Dr. Lyman Beecher, by this
artist, which has been purchased by some liberal gentle-
men of New York, to be presented to the eloquent Brook-
lyn representative of the name. Mr. Jackson was sent to
Italy by the Kane Monument Association, for the purpose
of executing a statue of the celebrated navigator ; kit the-
subsequent dissolution of that society at the commence-
ment of the war must have subjected him to considerable
embarrassment.

Young Mead, the Vermont sculptor, unites artistic
ability with a knack at " getting on," which belongs to
the Yankee rather than to the. artist, will show you his
exquisite figure of Echo, the group of the Soldier's Story
9f the Battle to the little girl upon his knee, and many
other beautiful things. He is now busy upon a magnifi-
cent work, commemorative of the War of the Union.

Among the painters at Florence, our young countrymen,
Gould, Gipner
and Craig, take unquestioned rank as
thoroughly instructed, and every way accomplished work-
men ; capable of furnishing original pictures, or conscien-
tious copies of the master-pieces of the Florentine gal-
leries, to the thorough satisfaction of the most fastidious
amateur.

In Rome, Story's studio will challenge the attention of
the tourist--and Miss Hosmer's—for these have acquired a
European, especially an English reputation. The colossal
statue of Saul, with the evil spirit upon him, which is the
most recent considerable work of the former, seemed, in
our eyes, almost worthy to rank with the David of Michael
Angelo. The Cleopatra on which his fame is founded
was to us but a fine animal. The Cleopatra of history—
certainly the Cleopatra of Shakespeare—that rare Egyptian
whom "age could not wither, nor custom stale her infinite
variety"—did not appear 'in the marble. Miss Homer's
last and best work is a Sleeping Fawn, whom a mischievous
urchin-fawn is slyly tying to a tree.
Mosher's collection furnishes a rare feast to the lover of
sculpture. His "Prodigal Son" is a theme for tears to any
one who has been a father or a son, and that includes al-
most everybody. The " Wept of Wish-ton-Wish," the
"Jephtha's Daughter," and the " Pocahontas," are well
known; and the artist is now engaged upon an "Il Pen-
serosa," which promises to surpass all that have gone
before.

The last work of Rogers (the artist of the bronze door
of the Capitol) is certainly his master-piece. It is a figure
of Isaac upon the sacrificial pile. The moment selected is

when the interfering angel calls to Abraham : "Lay not
thy hand upon the lad," and the lovely expression of
mingled joy and confidence (born, not of previous despair,
but of sweet resignation) which beams from the upturned
face of the beautiful boy, is somewhat akin to that of the
"Praying Samuel," which has long been enshrined in the
popular heart, but it is more pregnant with thought and
with pathos than that. The accessories, too, are admirably
wrought. The wood on which the figure kneels—an ex-
pert might estimate its value by the cord.
Among the female sculptors who will most remind the
traveller of the antique, in simple beauty of conception
and correctness of modelling, is Miss Stebbins, whose
Columbus is a noble figure. To these add Miss Foley,
whose cameos and medallions aro admirable even in Italy ;
and Miss Freeman, a young lady of exquisite taste and rare
promise every way. All these, and not a few others, are
proteg6s in some sort of that excellent lady, Charlotte
Cushman, who always has a wide place in house or heart
for the young aspirant of her own sex, who essays with
trembling foot the thorny paths of incipient effort.
Among the painters of Rome, Terry is familiar to
Americans, both for the attractions of his easel and the
elegant hospitalities of his refined home. One of his latest
works is a subject from the Revelations—the " One like
unto the Son of Man, sitting among the Seven Golden
Candlesticks." In it he has displayed an accuracy of
drawing and a management of light which reminds us of
the best of the German school, added to the warmth and
glow of color which characterises the Italian.—New York
Times.

New Zealand's Accounts with the Some

Government.

We have been favoured with a copy of a memorandum
issued by the New Zealand Ministers on 12th August last
and signed by Mr. Weld. It is issued as an answer to a
paragraph that occurs in Gen. Cameron's memorandum of
July 26, in which he observes —" That the colony appears
to have experienced no difficulty in raising funds to romate
the seat of Government from Auckland to Wellington ; to
purchase Government houses, residences for Ministers ; in-
creasing the number of Ministers, and augmenting their
salaries ; paying largo sums as compensation to Taranaki
settlers ; and entering into a costly new postal service to
England, in addition to the existing one."
These remarks being made in connection with a claim o
the Imperial Commissariat upon the Colonial Government,
the Ministry have adopted the remarks as personal charges,
and in this memorandum state-
1. That the removal of the seat of Government had been
determined upon before their advent fo office, and that all
charges for same were not of their incurring. 2. That the
addition of another Minister was occasioned by the increase
of work. 3. They deny having increased salaries. 4. The
claims of the Taranaki settlers were allowed in 1862, and
have boon recently paid, not in cash, but in Colonial de-
bentures. 5. That the new postal contract was not of their
making.

Gen. Cameron having also expressed his opinion that
the Colonial Government were indebted to the Imperial Go-
vernment to the extent of £lOO,OOO (over and above a re-
mittance sent home of half a million), a Dr. and Cr. account
is appended to the memorandum, by which it appears that
the Imperial Government is debited by the colony with an
" admitted error" of £85,891 10s. 4d., by remittances on
account of troops, £107,169 is. Id., and by proportion of
transport service on the Waikato, £BO,OOO, making a total
of £273,060 lls. sd. The Imperial Government is credited
with a sum of £776,466 14s. 7d., which is made up of various
items, the chief of which are charges for troops employed
in New Zealand (amounting. to £298,958 Bs. 4d.), and for
rations, &c., issued to the colonial forces (£161,122 11s.
3d.); the rest of the Imperial claim is made up of accounts
delivered from May 17, 1861, to Nov. 4, 1862; including
the "admitted error" of £85,891 10s. 4d. This statement
leaves a balance due to the Imperial authorities of £503,406
3s. 2d., of which £500,000 was remitted in March last in
Colonial Debentures and accepted by the Home Govern-
ment, so that, should the rest of the figures in the state-
ment be correct, the Colonial Government is only in debt
to the extent of £3,406 3s. 2d.

This statement is of importance, as it shows to what
purpose the half-million loan has been applied, and clearly
demonstrates that New Zealand, notwithstanding the great
disadvantages with which she has lately had to contend, is
perfectly able to discharge her liabilities, and before long
will doubtless show a substantial balance on the "right"
side. It is also of importance, as it must assure all bond-
holders that their security is perfectly good, and may be
considered as a first-class investment. Every year this
vast and splendid country is increasing in wealth as its re-
ources aro being developed.—New Zealand Examiner.

COUNTRY MARKETS,

BRISTOL-TUESDAY.

The market was thinly attended to-day, and the stock
of foreign wheat of all descriptions was exceedingly small.
The stock of barley is nearly exhausted. Oats are also
scarce—in fact, our warehouses will in the course of ten
days or a fortnight bo comparatively empty.