The Sun.
London, England, 1862-09-05 00:00:00

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THE SUN.
LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPT. 5, 1862.

Justice is at last being done to GARIBALDI, even
by those who have been for a long while past
clamouring against him as nothing but a Madman !
Now that he lies, slowly recovering from his
wounds, a prisoner at Varignano, in the Gulf of
Spezzia, even those most indignant with him since
the commencement of his last most unfortunate en-
terprise are ready at length. to acknowledge the
perfect consistency of his career. This, we our-
selves have at least the credit of having done
throughout. We have never for an instant faltered
in our recognition of the noble uniformity of this
great man's life as a Champion, sword in hand, of
the grand and unique cause of Italian Indepen-
dence. The unselfishness of his whole course in
advocating this majestic cause, in fighting for it at
every possible, and also, alas, that it should have
to be added, impossible opportunity—can no more
be seriously called in question than the heroism of
the man himself—a heroism that has long since
been recognised as something matchless. That the
Fallen Adventurer can ever be arraigned at the bar
as a Traitor by the Ministers of King VICTOR EM-
MANUEL, appears to be, every day, more incredible.
Talk, as the Government of Turin may affect to
do, of subjecting GARIBALDI to the ordeal of a
Public Trial as a criminal offender against the
laws, we do not for one instant believe that any
such insane and disgraceful proceeding on their
part is really intended. Any course, we are satis-
fied, will be preferred to so great a scandal—in
itself, too, so heinous an act of ingratitude. If
GARIBALDI is now a captive at Spezzia—he is none
the less still the Hero of Calatafimi. If he is now
called the defeated of Aspronionte—he is none
the less truly, for all after times, the Liberator of
the Two Sicilies. If he landed the other day at
Melito only to march to disaster, and to have his
standards lowered before the 1,800 followers of a
simple colonel of Bersaglieri—he is yet remembered,
and will ever be remembered, to have landed but
two years previously at Marsala, to begin there that
miraculous campaign of 1860, which swept 25,000
of the royal troops of FRANCIS 11. from the Island
of Sicily at the approach of a mere handful of the
Hero's red-shirts, before the glint of the sword
borne by the right hand of GARIBALDI, before the
terrible utterance of his mere name! If he failed in
Calabria—he triumphed gloriously on the Volturno.
Among the most memorable achievements of this
half of the nineteenth century will always be
counted the exploits of this extraordinary Soldier
of the People. His Defence of Rome in 1849—his
achievements in 1859 between the borders of the
Italian lakes and the spurs of the Carpathian moun-
tains—his conquest the year afterwards of the Two
Sicilies.—his passage through the island, his en-
trance into Naples—his voluntary resignation of
the Dictatorship of that liberated kingdom, when
he handed it over free and entire to his
chosen sovereign VICTOR EMMANUEL—GARIBALDI
himself retiring empty-handed (tthe very
clothes he had on worn out, patched, and
threadbare) from the toils of his marvellous
campaigning—all these things will live in the
remembrance and the wondering admiration of
posterity. And it certainly is not a man like this
who can be lightly tried—as a Criminal, by those
Italians whom he, more than any other, has con-
trived to liberate—as a Traitor, by that Sovereign
whom he, more than any other individual, has
crowned King of Italy, King of the Italians !
Failing, as GARIBALDI has done in his last rash
and mistaken enterprise—Exile (at any rate for the
time being) is surely the only suitable Fate that
ought to be allowed to him. A Voluntary Exile is
the natural sequel to a Fall like that of the other
day upon the heights of Aspromonte. Would it not
best 0
befit the dignity and the magnanimity of the
King
f ITALY, if he were to allow the Hero i
of Italy to
take his departure for a time from
the peninsula
on board some vessel bound
either for
England or for America? If this
were but done to" days
it would save Italy from
a Disgrace, and GARIBALDI from a Pang. So
satisfied are we that sooner or later this eourse
must be adopted, that
we look upon it as already
virtually accomplished. And regarding it thus
by anticipation as a thing assured, we
cannot but feel satisfied, also, that Italy herself
must before long be extricated from her difficulties
—lndirectly through this apparently abortive en-
tertir6
'---e of GARlBALDl—tholigh
h
t
agencies than GARIBALDI.
Then, with Italythforesee
from
meamthte
Alpsof btyortohugh other
the Adriatic,
with Italy set apart for the Italians, who
will be
the true Victor it)
the world's estimation ? The
Hero of Italy may b, f.' away then in the midst of
the scenes of his earlier
exploits, in the far
''
west,
'in the other hemisphere—the 4. v-
-ing of ITALY may
be hailed as such by the accordant voices
of
25,000,000 Italians, he may have a
loyal and a
-out his
de-
voted Parliament clustered se th-
c—
" Yet greater joy MARCELLUS exiled feels
Than CJESAR with a Senate at his heels I"

A day's later news from the seat of war can
hardly be expected to bring news of the battle
which seems to be at hand in Virginia, but it in.
forms us of the advance of the Confederates in
the Border States. This, indeed, seems to be
now the great object of the war. That the whole
South can be reconquered, so as to be subjected
to the North, is beginning to be thought doubtful
by the North itself. But, should the issue of the
war be separation, which side shall hold Missouri,
Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia, to say nothing

of Maryland or little Delaware? Already in pos-
session of the two last, the North made a vigorous
effort this spring to secure the other great border
States. They fought fiercely and well for them.
Their gunboats were everywhere their strength.
'They opened the way to victories, and saved the
Federal arms when hard pressed ; and the rivers,
on which, for commercial reasons, the towns had
been placed, facilitated their capture. By the
termination of spring, with the exception of the
eastern part of Tennessee, the great border states,
West of Virginia, appeared to be entirely in
Federal hands.

Accounts are somewhat conflicting as to the
battles in these States; but it seems plain that
the mere fact, that the Confederates are raising their
heads there again at all, is in their favour. In the
early part of the year they lost every battle and
every stronghold. They at least, now, so harass
the Union troops that the latter are frequently de-
feated. By the Scotia, just arrived, we learn that
the Federals have sustained a defeat in Tennessee,
which compelled them to fall back on its capital.
The mention of this incident seems to make clear
the interpretation of the otherwise somewhat con-
tradictory telegrams. In the important State of
Missouri also we find the Confederate Generals
somehow got back again. And though the Union
General ROSENCRANTZ is stated to have double the
number of men, the result of the battles soon
to be fought there, will be the only safe
test of the truth or falsity of the Federal
accounts. All attempts of the Federals to establish
themselves in Arkansas, the next State to Missouri
southwards, have quite failed ; and though the
number of slaves in Missouri itself is small, it seems
as if it woald be no easy task to retain it for the
Union. On the whole, JEFFERSON DAVIS is en-
titled to adopt the language which our readers
probably notice, yesterday, and, though without
boasting, to speak of their armies as not having
faltered in the trials to which they have been ex-
posed, as having foiled the enemy, and as affording
a reasonable hope of their final success. We only
wonder, indeed, for DAVIS is an American, at the
moderation of his language.

Both parties are, however, bracing themselves
for yet another severe contest. At last the North
seems likely to get a new army. It will be, in-
deed, at an enormous cost. The 300,000 volun-
teers, whom the fears of conscription have
driven to enlist—what with the Government
bounty, the bounties offered by the several states,
and the subscriptions of individuals,—are computed
to have received, on an average, not less than £5O
each as bounty ! This will make the cost of the
whole levy amount to fifteen millions sterling for
enlisting bounty alone ! Such an army ought to
achieve something, if its services are to be measured
by its cost. But will they be ? Will these mercena-
ries be better than so many conscripts ? We know
no reason why they should be. Men who have
waited for such enormous bribes, and waited like
the prudent voters at our contested elections, till
the fear of losing all, alone induced them to act, can
hardly be the most patriotic of soldiers. The PRE-
SIDENT, however, resolved to have the conscription
in addition, so that he will ultimately have six
hundred thousand additional men with which to
renew the contest in the late autumn and spring.
Mr. DAVIS, on his side, appears not to shrink
from meeting these imposing levies. He has found
the South competent to hold at bay the first
700,000, and he does not appear to dread meeting
the new army. We do not know why he should.
We all thought, at first, that the North must crush
the South by the overwhelming greater means at
its disposal, and by an army which appeared to be
intended to proclaim that all resistance was hope-
less. We expected to see the South almost swal-
lowed np b 3 its more populous and wealthy
neighbour. The result has so falsified all anti-
cipations, both in the Northern States and in this
country, that the expectation is now all the other
way. We look upon the South as capable of de-
fence, and even of victory, under the greatest diffi-
culties. It will create no surprise now to find that,
in another campaign, the South has both vindicated
its independence and pushed the North unusually
hard. It may indeed be exhausted ; the difficulty of
manufacturing its awn military stores, having never
been accustomed to do it, and of providing itself
with almost all those necessaries of civilised exist-
ence which it had always procured from the
North, may at last press so severely, that general
discouragement may compel them to give in. Yet
all we can learn appears to show the opposite spirit.
To be a poor man for one's country is only second to
dying for it. Vanity will boaat of threadbare
coats, mended gowns, and cobbled shoes. To be
clothed in what must have come via New York
will, unless it be supposed to be smuggled through
the blockade, be looked on rather as a dishonour
than otherwise.

But the real strength of the South and the weak-
ness of the North is the agreement of both on the
slave question. On this point, indeed, Mr. DAVIS
shows his fear by his unmeasured language. No-
thing evidently terrifies him so much as the thought
of having to face negro regiments. He well knows
that if they were created, the South might as well
give in at once. Hence the description of the em-
ployment of coloured men by the Nortb, as soldiers,
as a crime, to be met by measures of retaliation, such
as shooting or selling the privates and hanging
their officers ! He needs fear but little, however, on
that score. The North hates the negro race too much
to be indebted to it for success. The few gene-
rals and governors who take the other view
have been unable to contend with the tide. There
will not only be no negro regiments, but even the
two Governors of States where coloured men are
citizens, and who have, therefore, declared their
intention to treat them as such in balloting for the
Militia, will find these coloured recruits returned
as not exigible. In fact, the ungenerous aversion
of the North to the African race will prove, we
fully believe, the cause of its defeat. A telegram,
indeed, to-day reports Mr. LINCOLN as declaring
himself so "emphatically for Unions—that he
would retain or destroy slavery, wholly, or in part,
if Union could be obtained by either means." But
Mr. LINCOLN will never think it necessary. He
will always be afraid of making reunion With
slavery impossible. His object all along has
been to restore the Constitution as it
was—that is, as a Slavery Constitution. He
has always impressed on the Border States,
as well as on the South generally, that his policy
was to reconstruct a great slave republic, in which
its Federal Government should give every reason-
ableguarantee for non-interference with slavery.
The
only
point on which he differed from the South
'
has been, that he would not allow the introduction
new states, so that all increase of the
of slavery in
Republic
nice shouldfih s
for be the increase of liberty not of
slavery: And to the
present time he sticks to this
ea
• t Give him his main point—
ert
no extension of the area of slavery, and he
would almost be willing to let the original seven
states form an insignificant
republic by themselves.
This, however, is not what the South wants. It
desires to
curse soil, yet free, with its loathsome in-
stitution, and
In this sense of the struggle.
slaver is at the bottom
The North want free --the
soil for its emigrants
to carry the Border States with it.