The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 5, 1862.

that potentate whom all Italy has so much rea-
son (instance Nice ! instance Savoy !) to regard
with such an overwhelming sense of gratitude !
—the civil and military authorities of the Italian
Government thus pushed southwards, are closing,
to all appearance, rapidly and surely round
GARIBALDI—as though it were a contracting circle of
fire about a scorpion ! It is a desperate game alto-
gether. And one, the signal for which—it certainly
must be admitted—GARIBALDI was the first to
sound. True, that he did so. But—admitting
that—must we not also add, under how much provo-
cation. Whatever that provocation, nevertheless,
it is lamentable that the signal should have been
given as GARIBALDI has now given it. For the,
immediate result of a collision between the con-
fronting forces threatens to be in every way
most
perillons. Here—NAPOLEON, with a firm foothold
in the very centre of Italy, and with all the armed
prideand glory of France at his back to support him
if needful! Here—GARIBALDI, the most daring and
heroic Patriot living strong in his individual
honesty, and in the love, almost the idolatry, of
25,000,000 Italians.

The letters and papers which have been received
bythe if they do not add any material
factsforwarded by telegraph, give us some
interesting information on the state of public feel-
to Europa,
those
feel-
ing in the North. They show that while the PRE-
swENT is determined to carry on the war with
vigour the people by no means evince the spirit
which they did a year ago. The PRESIDENT tries
a little shifting of the principal actors in the scene,
bringing to Virginia the principal Federal general
from the West. HALLECK is commander-in-chief,
and he, with POPE and BURNSIDE from North
Carolina, were holding a council of war at Wash-
ington, though in war one competent head is better
than those of fifty in council. POPE is beginning
in his command in Western Virginia with vigorous
words and deeds too, and means to show poor, dull
M'CLELLAN what a little youthful dash can do.
Whether he can show him how to take Richmond
is yet to be seen.
But though the PRESIDENT shows no symptom
of flinching, the people do. When the Europa
lett, the anniversary Bull's Run, the 21st of
July, had just passed, and the feeling produced
by the reverse at Richmond is quite a contrast
to that of last year. Then the youth and middle
age too of the North were ready to enlist every-
where. No doubt was entertained after the first
great disaster, that it was but for the mighty
North to arise in its majesty, and the South
would quail, and if not, be crushed at once.
Very different is the feeling generated by the
second disaster. Distrust of Northern generalship
—fear that that of the South is really superior
—a compulsory perception of the fact that
the Southerns can fight not only with dashing, but
with persistent bravery for seven days together—
the hesitation of the Border States, and. their de-
termination to maintain that real link of Union
with the South, slavery—the vastness of the road-
less territory on which they can make no impres-
sion—and the demonstrated unanimity and revived
courage of the South—all this is telling on a com-
munity which sees daily waggon loads of sick and
wounded brought home to tell sad stories or to die,
which sees its gold purchased at 20 per cent. pre-
mium for foreigners, and which knows that the
tax-gatherer is now about to make his unaccus-
tomed calls.

Above all, is the different spirit of the PRESIDENT
and his people seen in the slow progress of the en-
listment. We gather from the correspondence
that special reasons are telling against it with all
the classes which furnished previously the greater
number of recruits. The native Americans find all
their patriot aspirations disappointed. The corrup-
tion of public men at home, and the obstinacy of
the South, are what they had not looked for. Tbey
believe in the integrity of the PRESIDENT, though
many doubt his capacity, but they think little of either
the integrity or the capacity of those under him.
Hence they hold back. The Irish have furnished a
very large portion of the recruits. They have been
a very different set from Major O'REILLvs' heroes
of Spoleto, for they have been amongst the bravest
of the brave in the Northern armies. But the
Irishman hates and is jealous of the negro as a
competitor in the labour market: he likes slavery
because it keeps the slaves in the South, and the
employment of the negroes in the camps, actually
offends him. However, the most telling fact with
him is, that he may get half a dollar a day in the
camp, but can earn a dollar and a half in the safer
employment of reaping corn. So, though from no
love of peace, he beats his bayonet into a reaping
hook. The Germans also, who have hitherto
enlisted in considerable numbers, furnished nume-
rous soldiers to the army—a great part of them
having been already drilled before their emigration
to the States, they were ready made soldiers, Their
grievance seems to be that of gaining no pro
motion. Though conscious of military superiority,
they see alt the posts in the army bestowed on the
"native American." Thus, in addition to the gene-
ral causes of backwardness to enlisting, there are
many special causes to hinder its success. We
should not therefore be surprised if, unexpectedly
almost to themselves, the Northerns begin to flag
in this now obviously useless war. Nothing but
an immense levy can give any chance of success;
this they must know, but at present there is no
appearance of such a levy being raised.

" Look at France" is the common taunt with
which the enemies of free voting and extended suf-
frages greet the advocacy of these popular rights.
Well, look at France, we also rejoin, if you wish,
for a specimen of the blessings of—" Influence." In
France, we are told, that the ballot and universal
suffrage work in favour of a despotism the most
absolute France has ever seen, In France, we re-
ply, they do not work, but are worked, by
a power which seized on the 2d of Decem-
ber, through that aristocratic institution, a
standing army, on all the physical force
and machinery of the State The master of sixty
legions is, not merely in the general sense, but in
the sense of individually managing and controlling,
master, not only of every prefect, but of every
mayor in France; and the master openly uses his
servants in the management of his nominal elec-
tions—Penalty of not submitting to be used, in-
stant dismisisal!

Here is an instance of this a day or two more
than a week old. The Mayor of Merville, in the
department of Nord, received from the prefect of
the department instructions to " direct universal
suffrage" against M. PLICHON, the present deputy
poli-
tical .c.)! the department. M. VERHAEGHE had been
MaYor uninterruptedly of the place for thirty-two
Yea'rs; and was an
and with that Ofe
intimate friend of M. PLICHON,
and ptobabi
recentlirand
Y agreed with the deputy in his
opinions,
For so long, he tells us, he was
honoured Witt the
• confidence of his fellow citizens,
Govern-
ments since 1830 he various successive Govern-
bi--a:ll:lle:rated by the hand of the
EMPEROR for
faithful services—re-
elected only very
their
of the Council
of the Arrondisenient by t
and supported to the last incZelntunous suffrages,
by the unvary-
majority of the Municipal Council,
Yet, with all

these claims to the respect and consideration of any
to comply with the man-
date t
ouse Government,
h ifso re
exertions
refusingertio ns
to unseat his friend, he
was first called upon for his resignation ; and
having refused to resign,
with
eitwh
was
srodpisemr
dismissed.
.es

He felt, therefore, called upon to state to his
fellow-citizens the facts of his abrupt dismissal, in
order to prevent malevolent suppositions and inju-
rious suspicions. This he did in a letter, in which
he gives the following account of the transaction :
" Called upon a year ago to direct, in future elec-
tions, universal suffrage against M. PLICHON, our
present Deputy to the Legislative Corps, I informed
the authorities that I never would be false to the
dictates of my heart ; but that I should remain
neutral in the contest, and confine myself to the
pure and simple distribution of the voting tickets
in favour of the Government candidate, who, by the
way, is to the present moment completely unknown
to us; but that I could not belie my intimate con-
victions, and act and speak publicly against the
man who for thirty years past has been my per-
sonal friend."

One would have thought that neutrality would
have been all that even the Government of the
Second Empire would have asked of any returning
officer, but it seems that the temptations of power
are as irresistible in political slave owners as in
those of the Southern States of America. Happily
in this case the slave can refuse to remain in the
master's service; that liberty is worth something;
it is at least open to him to quit his position, and to
tell every one why he does so. M. VERHAEGHE,
with prudence, or with truth, it is impossible in
England to say which, throws the blame of the whole
affair on the subordinates, and professes his fidelity
to the supreme authority. Adverting to the conso-
lation afforded him by the flattering conduct of the
whole population since his dismissal, he adds—
" And I have, too, the right to proclaim my devoted-
ness to the Empire, and to deplore the blindness of
those who, thinking that they serve it, raise up
against it a crowd of enemies in the very places
where the public mind was contented, and when
all hearts blessed the august hand which has given
to France order, glory, and peace." Possibly the
dismissed Mayor is a sincere Bonapartist, if not,
we must regret that he could condescend to such
adulation. We mention it to show how determined
the Toryism of France must be to have its way
at:elections ; since the Mayor of thirty-two years
standing, whom neutrality would not excuse, was
either a sincere friend of the Empire, or what the
Empire perhaps values quite as mach, one quite
ready to black the Imperial shoes.
It hardly needs be added that to compare really
free voting, under a largely extended suffrage, with
what is called free voting in France, is a simple ab-
surdity. The only wonder is that the ballot effects
there what it does. That it should be unavailing
against the influence which the innumerable
Government servants in every petty town of
France are compelled to use against popu-
lar candidates is not surprising. Every offi•
cial's retention of his post, and his hope of keeping
his friends and family in other posts, or of procuring
them, depends on his unscrupulous zeal for the
Government candidate. In the country the electors
are grossly ignorant and superstitious, and the
working classes view Louis NAPOLEON rather as
an arch-socialist than anything else, and are favour.
able to a ruler who undertakes to employ and feed
them. And yet, with all these influences to work
with, the ballot-box cannot be made to lie, or the
people compelled to vote against their convictions.
They do get in a minority of very able men, whose
ability alone compels the attention, and often mo-
difies the conduct, of the Government_ We believe
it to be a fact which no sophistry can evade, that
notwithstanding every prefect and every mayor
who does not endeavour to thrust the Government
candidate down the throats of the people will be
unceremoniously dismissed, yet to the ballot-box
is due the whole of the talent or genius to be found
in the Corps legislatif of France. Higher praise
it could hardly earn.

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