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LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 21, 1865.

-.--

Mr. JOHN STUART MILL'S letter affords matter

for consideration, and it appears at an appropriate
season, when there is nothing particular going on in
the political world, There is much to engage atten-
tion in the remarks made in this letter, and although
much is exaggerated we find also some valuable
hints made and some wise suggestions given. No
one who is at all acquainted with the works of the
writer of this communication would expect that any
composition of his would be otherwise than well
drawn up ; but the political theorist and the more
practical worker of every-day existence will also
find food for contemplation in the widely-extended
and discursive themes here chosen for discussion.
It had been resolved to adopt Mr. MILL as a candi-
date for the next Westminster election. No doubt
the publication of this letter will enhance the pro-
spect of his success, and certainly 'Westminster will
stand a fair chance of being worthily represented
by so able a man and accomplished a scholar. Mr,
MILL very truly states that if the electors generally
choose their members on acconnt of their " fitness
for the trust," without personal solicitation or ex-
pense, it will be a great point gained, and must
forward the interests of the community. This is
very true, for there is ample evidence to show that
in the excitement of a contested election many get
so confused that they really do not understand
what principles they are upholding, and what
their candidates will do when they are called
upon to put profession into practice. Mr.
MILL, at all events, sets the example of straight-
forwardness, and comes forward long before
the time, to express, fully and fairly, what are
his opinions on most of the subjects that come
prominently before the public. He says, frankly,
that whether his avowals tend to injure him, or to
further his cause with the electors, he is equally
bound to put them forward. He begins by stat-
ing his views in respect to the franchise, and in
this respect he goes to great extremes, and is not
likely to acquire anything like a general support.
Indeed, # must be apparent to many that serious
objections lie in the way of his proposals being
carried out in their entirety. Too much, in this
respect, is far worse than too little, because pro-
gressive policy can always be adopted at a short
notice, while retrograde movements are impossible
in our constitution, and the evils introduced by
vehement changes cannot therefore be remedied.
The present state of things in America bears ample
testimony to the evils that may result from too
much license being granted to those who are pre-
cluded, by unavoidable circumstances, from being
fair, judges of public questions. The chief advan-
tages of our mixed constitution would be seriously
impaired, if not materially injured, by the adoption
of Mr. MILL'S views in this wafter. He asserts his
wish to go far beyond either Mr. LOCKE KING'S or
Mr. BAINES'S proposal in the cause of Reform. , I
would open the suffrage to all grown persons, both
men and women, who can read, write, and perform
a sum in the rule of three, and who have not,
within some small number of years, received parish
This is certainly going far , enough to suit
the most exorbitant demands made by the wildest
enthusiast for levelling doctrines ; but it will be seen
that Mr. MILL contradicts himself as he proceeds,
for he intimates that he does not desire that any one
class, even though it be the most numerous, should
Swamp the other. No arrangements can prevent
this taking place were the sweeping prepositions

relief.

enunciated in the passage above quoted put into
erect. As for giving the labouring classes a " clear
half of the national representation" it is going a
get d^,....;1-too far. Perhaps, however, if Mr. AWL
came to argue these matters, and enter into details

in the comprehensive way in which only a debate
can furnish, he might acknowledge his mistakes and
correct some Of his extravagant tendencies. With
respect to " taxation," his views are, on the whole,
very fair, and some of his statements are
perfectly correct. He says that direct taxa-
tion could not possibly raise so large
a revenue as ours. The necessaries of life should
be exempt, but not the business, and, as he justly
states, even working men should be called upon to
contribute their share to such imposts.
We cordially agree, also, with Mr. MILL'S senti-
timents on foreign policy. He holds that every
civilised country should settle its affairs in its own
way internally, but his principle should not be ap-
plied to those States which are already interfered
with by foreign Powers. Thus while he did not think
it expedient to go to war for Poland or Denmark,
he would not have considered it to have been- a vio-
lation of international duty to have done so. If
these principles were put into practice great advan-
tages would accrue to many nations which now suffer
great injuries from the uncertain course pursued by
our Government, who one day seem on the point
of rendering them special service, and the next de-
sert them utterly in the time of their greatest need.
The Poles and the Danes would have been much
more independent had they been certain from the
outset what attitude England would assume, in-
stead of going backwards and forwards with the
shifting details of the successive items of intelli-
gence. Religious disabilities are totally repudiated
in this letter, and in this the writer is on a par with
the extended and elevated convictions of the age,
and declares himfelf in conformity with those views
which have received a universal share of popular
1 favour. It is inconsistent with the opinions previ-
ously expressed by , Mr. MILL that he should
declare himself against the Ballot. He says
that he was once a supporter of it, but
that he has since seen objections to it.
As for his notion that farmers and shopkeepers may
protect themselves against all abuse of power by
combination, it is a very impracticable one, and
will be found quite untenable on consideration, be-
cause their interests are divided ones, and they natu-
rally compete one against the other. Mr. MILL'S
views on retrenchment will be found very good.
He deplores the great waste that so often occurs
now, but he does not advocate the principle of
disarmament, which he wisely declares to be inex-
pedient "in the face of the great military despo-
tisms of Europe." These Powers, he sapiently adds,
would be glad to pick a quarrel with us without the
chance of success, for the purpose of reviving
national antipathies, because they think that
our freedom, " through its influence on the minds of
of their own subjects, is the greatest danger as well
as reproach to them." Purchase in the army is
justly condemned, but it is appropriately stated that
there is a worse evil, which is " jobbery and favour-
itism "

Flogging, Mr. MILL also states, with
great justice, is deserving of censures, and should
be abolished, except in extreme cases of " crimes of
brutality." Some remarks worthy of notice on
the subject of strikes conclude this letter, which,
taken as a whole, reflect great credit on the writer,
and presents an exposition of political views that,
with some modifications, bid fair to answer the
chief requirements of the day. At all events, .the
electors will do well to consider them attentively
before they make up their minds to reject a candi-
date who has already considerably distinguished
himself, and deserved so well of his countrymen.

Few appeals can be made to our sympathies that
are more powerful, or better founded, than those on
behalf of those who are prematurely afflicted. From
whatever cause the misfortune springs which inca-
pacitates them from taking their share in the
ordinary duties and pleasures of life, they have an
especial, claim upon us, since no efforts nor en-
durance on their own part can avail to mitigate
their affliction, and the punishment of permanent
disablement is surely heavy enough for any previous
offence or omission. But while our hospitals and
asylums for incurables are deserving of all support
and encouragement, there is one among our cha-
ritable institutions which most imperatively
demands assistance, since its object is not
only to lighten the burden of despair, but
to give hopes and means of permanent improve-
ment to those who, without its aid, would be com-
pletely cut off from their fellow-creatures. We
refer to those institutions which devote themselves
to the education and training of those who, from no
fault of their own, but from natural physical defi-
ciencies, are deprived of the full use of their facul-
ties. To the honour of our humanity, we have
many such among us. We have asylums for the
idiot and imbecile, in which the mental cloud can
be lightened, and those who are incapable of receiv-
ing an ordinary education can be given a moral
training, and taught to employ the faculties that
remain to them. Most extraordinary effects have
often been produced by the kind and judicious I

teaching of those unfortunates. Some of them
have excelled in drawing and designing, in
architecture and mechanics, and other employments
needing taste and ingenuity. Many of them have
been raised from a state of hopeless indigence and
dependence to earn their own livelihood, and the
light of religious truth has been let in on many a
darkened soul. All these blessings have followed
from the efforts of the good and great founder of
the Earlswood Asylum, and the efforts on behalf of
those whose affliction, though grievous in itself, does
not impair their mental or moral faculties, have
resulted in a vast improvement in the condition of
the blind. Means of conveying instruction to them
have been furnished, and they have been enabled to
learn trades, and often to support themselves in
comfort instead of being dependent on casual alms
or sinking into the degraded state of street
beggars. But there is a kindred affliction, which,
though at first sight less severe, is in reality much
more formidable, and for which, in spite of the
hopeless appearance of the task, good men have
wearied themselves to find means of alleviation.
How well they have succeeded in their benevolent
task may be gathered from the report* now before
us, which gives a most interesting record of what

has been done and is now doing for the benefit o:

the deaf and dumb. It only remains for the public
to second these efforts more liberally than they
have hitherto done, and the utility of the association
is so very great and practical that its operations
only require to be more widely known to insure
general support. The comparative indifference
which has hitherto been shown to this institution

by the benevolent has probably had its source in

misunderstanding or underrating the extent of the

misfortune which it attempts to relieve.

If a

grown-up person were asked which of his senses he

would rather be deprived of, he would undoubtedly
prefer the loss of hearing to the loss of sight ; but
when the affliction dates frail the birth its conse-
quences are very different. The educated deaf man
can find a perpetual solace in books; his mind is cul-
tivated, and he can derive pleasures from reflection,
from observation, and can devise for himself many
plans of amusement or exertion. But the child
born deaf, if left to itself, is Lttle better

* "Association in Aid of the Deaf and Dumb." Report
for than year 1863-4. Street Brothers, 11, Serie-street,