The Sun.
London, England, 1865-12-30 00:00:00

VIE SUN, LONDO/N, SATURDAY- EVENING, DECEMBER 30, 1865,

Testimonial to the Hon. George Denman.

(From the Tiverton Gazette.)
On Thursday afternoon the Liberal electors of
Tiverton presented their late representative, the
Hon. G. Denman, with a handsome service of plate.
During the six years preceding the late dissolution
of Parliament Mr. Denman was the colleague of
Lord Palmerston ; but at the general election there
was a disagreement amongst the Liberals of this
borough, and the consequence was that the Tories
succeeded by a majority of three in returning Mr.
Walrond. A few days after the election a meeting
of the Liberals was held, at which their differences

were adjusted; and it was resolved to present Mr.
Denman with a testimonial in recognition of his
past services, and also as a proof that on a future
occasion his old supporters would again rally round
him. The death of Lord Palmerston having left a
vacancy in the representation, the hon. gentleman
was at once invited to stand, and the Liberal party
now express the greatest confidence in his return.

The ceremony of presentation took place in the

Townhall at one o'clock, the place being crowded.

Amongst those present were J. H. Amory, Esq,,
chairman, president of the Tiverton Liberal Asso-
ciation ; Mr. W. Kinglake, M.P., Sergeant- King-
lake, Mr. Morrison, M.P., Mr. Barclay, M.P., Mr.
Acland, M.P., J. Tyrell, Esq., Recorder of Tiver-
ton, Mrs Denman Mrs. Amory, Mr. Rowe (late
mayor), and several ladies.
The testimonial, which consisted of a handsome.
candelabrum, salvers, &c., was supplied by Messrs.
Sharland and Co., Tiverton.
The CHAIRMAN said that although he had fre-
quently attended meetings in this town, yet he had
never been present at such a demonstration as this
one. He felt considerable difficulty in properly
discharging his duty. The testimonial was a proof
of their sympathy with the case of their late repre-
sentative as it stood. Some time since Mr. Den-
man was beaten at the last election by a " nose,"
but perhaps the result of the election would be a
little wholesoine discipline—(hear)=—and certainly
it would do them good in the future. Respecting
this testimonial they had never asked for a single
penny, and the roll list contained the names of
1,400 persons who gave freely and willingly. (Ap-
lause.) Nothing could have been more gratifying
t 1 -1 the fact that contributions were given by par-
t: irho were non-electors, and in a comparatively
hnUle position. As the seat was lost by an " ac-
cident," so he fully•believed that it would be re-
gained, and that Mr. Denman would again be their
representative. He (the chairman) emphatically
denied that this was a pocket borough. This was
due to the absurd cries which were got up by their
opponents. (Hear, hear.) The chairman then
formally made the presentation, at the same time
handing Mr. Denman a roll list of names amidst
repeated cheering.
The Hon. GEORGE DENMAN, who upon rising was
received with loud cheers, thanked the electors and
non-electors most sincerely for the valuable present
which they had made him. He could assure them
that when he had the honour of representing them
he tried faithfully to discharge his public duties,
and it was the consciousness of this that made him
the more fully appreciate the testimonial. He did
not for a moment wish to find fault with those who
voted against him on the last occasion, because
every man had an undoubted right to use his
pslitical rights as he thought best, but he did
think it was fair that he should ask them that they
should not condemn him on grounds which were
false and absurd. One cause of complaint against
him was that he had been in the borough, and that
he had shaken hands with A and not with B. (A
laugh.) • Well, there were such objections as these
urged against him. It was also said that he ought
to have visited them once a year. Now, he would
not say that it was not a good custom for a member
to meet his constituents at such intervals, but he
was peculiarly placed in this borough during the
life of Lord Palmerston. The electors were content
that Lord Palmerston should not have to do this,
and therefore it would not have been proper for him
(Mr. Denman) to have come down, and conse-
quently to have put the Premier to the trouble of
appearing also, and that at a time when he might
be engaged in important State affairs. (Hear, hear.)
He was sure that those present would say that he
had always striven to give a patient hearing to any-
tiling which the electors might wish to inform him
of.

No man in the borough could say there was
any such neglect. To Lord Palmerston's Govern-
ment he gave as independent a support as any mem-
ber who sat in the House of Commons. Generally
his views were in accordance st ith those of Lord
Palmerston's Government. Referring to the Re-
form Bill, which had on its back the names of Lord
Palmerston, Lord Russell, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and Sir Geo. C. Lewis, Mr. Denman
said that he supported it. lie thought it went un-
necessarily into the disfranchisement of boroughs,
but so far as the £6 franchise went there could be
no doubt that Lord Palmerston and the whole of
his Government had pledged themselves to it, and
that they meant to carry it if they could. (Cheers.)
How came it, that there was such a daring attempt
on the part of the Conservatives to say that Lord
Palmerston was a Conservative in their sense of the
word? It was to the credit of the late Prime Minis-
ter that he had succeeded in carrying so many great
and important measures, and it ought not to belaid
to his charge that in a hostile House of Commons
he has not carried the Reform Bill. There was
Mr. Gladstone, one of the greatest ministers
-which this country has ever had—(cheers)—
and with his assistance and that of the great
Mr. Cobden, and in spite of all opposition
which had been manifested against it, the
Government of Lord Palmerston bad carried the
commercial treaty with France. This, with many
other important measures, had amply justified Lord
Palmerston for the course which he had taken in
carrying on the Government without attempting to
carry a Reform Bill at the expense of postponing all
other measures of advantage and reform. But the
time was now come when there was no doubt that
the question must be settled one way or the other.
(Hear, hear.) He believed that the opponents of
Reform had not fairly dealt with it. Ile regarded
the main clause of the Reform, Bill which was
brought in by Lord Palmerston's Government as a
safe and good one, and that it would have strength-
ened the basis of the constitution if it had been
passed. Of course, there were many very impor-
tant questions which would have to be considered in
a Reform Bill, particularly that very large number
of persons who were lodgers. (Hear, hear.) An
important question was, what should be the test for
the franchise ? Some persons said that it ought to
be an educational one. But he saw grave objec-
tions to that now. Why the test to be by public
examination—was it to be in Latin, French, Greek,
German ? Would they exclude politics and history ?
Or should it be in reading or writing ? If it were
the latter, they would included begging-letter
-writers and many thieves. The test must be some-
thing more. He did not believe that the working
classes would combine together for class interests.
any more than any other class. He certainly did
not think that a mere acreage or population testwas
the best. It mattered less to what legal portions of
the country they should give the franchise than it
did who were the men they should entrust with
votes, and how a large class of people should enjoy
the suffrage. Altogether, the Reform Bill of 1860
was a good, fair bill, and he trusted that Lord Rus-
sell would adhere to his views unless he could
show sufficient reasons for having modified or
changed them. In conclusion, Mr. Denman said
be hoped this expression of his views would prove
that he was not an extreme man.
The proceedings terminated with some formal
votes of thanks.

In the eveninea public dinner was held in the
Athenaeum, over 300 persons being present. Mr.
Amory, presided, and among those present were :
Mr. T. D. Acland, M.P. ; Mr. J. D. Coleridge,
M.P., Mr. Sergeant Kinglake, M.P., Mr. Barclay,
M.P., Mr. Morrison, M.P., Mr. W. Kinglake,
M.P., and the Hon. G. Denman.
The usual loyal and patriotic toasts having been
drunk and responded to, " the Health of Mr. Den-
man" was warmly proposed and received. In re-
sponding, the hon. gentleman said he had been
charged with seeking to again enter Parliament

merely for selfish ends, and for his own aggrandise-
ment, but this he emphatically denied. (Cheers.)
-His earnest desire would be, as it always had been,
to do his duty as their representative if they again

sent him to the House of Commons ; but he freely
confessed, and he should be open to the charge of

hypocrisy if he did not do so, that in course of time

he did hope to obtain a seat on that Bench which

his father, and the father of his excellent friend on

his right (Mr. Coleridge) had so much adorned.
(Cheers.) But he did not believe that possessing a

seat in Parliament was a very great advantage to-

wards the attainment of this object, and if they looked
at the last three promotions to the Bench they would
see that those who were thus promoted were not
members of Parliament, or that they occupied seats
on the Tory and not on the Liberal benches. Mr.
Denman concluded by proposing . " The Health of
Colonel Acland, the Liberal Member for North
Devon," whom no man could long know without
being aware that he was a man of the highest
possible character, one who was blessed with great
talents, and animated with a thorough determination
to do his duty, and one whom Devonshire might
well be'proud of having among its Parliamentary
representatives. (Cheers.)
The toast was cordially received.
Mr. ACLAND responded. He had great pleasure
in adding his testimony te the common principles
held by those friends who were gathered around
them on this occasion. He believed they should in
the new Parliament enter on the discussion of ques-
tions more important than any which occupied
the British Legislature for some time. It
was not for him to presume to prophesy what mea-
sures would be introduced by the Governmentwhom
they now had at the head of affairs, but he did not
believe the time was come, or was even near at hand,
when the two great parties in the House of Com-
mons would be united, and a national party formed,
under the leadership of some one—he would not say
who. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Such dreams
had been, floating through men's minds, and he
would not say that such a dream bad not at one
time floated through his own mind ; but, since he
had been returned as the Liberal member for North
Devon, he had had great pleasure in standing side
by side with the old members of that party, and in
acting with that Government of which their late re-
presentative was the chief. And all he could say
was, that he found it a great advantage to act with
a party, and he felt himself a freer man since he be-
came a party man. (Loud applause.) He repeated
that he did not in any way anticipate the realisation
of those Utopian ideas which some seemed to enter-
tain that all the moderate men would unite to pass
safe and convenient measures, and that there would
be little or no difference of opinion among parties.
Under the mild sway of thelate head of the Liberal
party, and the confidence reposed in him by the
Opposition, such a state of things might perhaps
have been possible, but he did not believe it was
possible now. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) What
was the party link which bound them together,
holding as they did different views on many impor-
tant questions ? He thought an answer might be
found in the basis of Liberalism, as stated by Mr.
Gladstone when he went down with his son to
Chester. Mr. Gladstone there stated that the basis
of Liberalism was " trust in the people qualified by
prudence," and he did not think there were many
Liberals who would find fault -with that definition.
(Hear, hear.) Mr. Gladstone also told the opposite
party what was the basis of their principle, namely,
" mistrust of the. people people qualified by fear," and
the Tories did not seem to like the hon. gentle-
man's epigrammatic enunciation of their prin-
ciples. (Laughter and cheers.) He (Mr. Acland)
could not presume to utter any such pregnant
words as these, but he would take Mr. Gladstone's
first definition, and found' another on it by saying
that they (the Liberals) were prepared to trust the
people—(cries of " Bravo")—and they called on the
people to allow them to transact the business of the
country with ordinary prudence ; and herein they
differed from their opponents, for while the Liberals
I trusted the people the Tories called on the people to
trust them. (Laughter.) The Tories told them
'that they meant exactly the same as the Liberals,
and that if they were in power they would pass
better measures than the Liberal party had passed
during the last 30 years. Now, the Liberals trusted
the people, and they should see whether the people
would trust the Tories. (Applause.) Having now
come to that understanding, he was anxious td 'in-
terchange a few ideas with some present on this
occasion, because, though he had had but little ex-
perience, he might in one respect be better able to
form an opinion than some who had been professing
Liberal principles for six years, and who had found
many obstacles to prevent those principles being
carried into effect. While in private life he had had
the advantage of living with practical men, and he
had not been wholly unobservant of political ques-
tions, and he wished here to say a few words in
answer to the arguments of those who were their
opponents to all plans for the reconstruction of the
franchise by which members were elected. In
grappling with these arguments they found that the
grounds which their opponents took was to offer to
the Liberals the choice of alternatives. They asked
whether the Liberals wanted Reform for practical
purposes, because practical legislation could not, be
obtained as Parliament was at.present constituted.
" If that be the principle," said the. Tories, " tell
us what legislation you want. The legislation of
he last 30 years has been satisfactory, but you want
:0 introduce something dangerous. Why can't you
.eave well alone, and be satisfied with things as they

are?" And in support of their arginnent they ad-
-duce a sentence in one of Mr. Gladstone's speeches
on the abstract principle of rights, and by this mis-
construction argued that what he proposes would
demolish and subvert all those institutions which they
-all held dear. Now, he (Mr. Acland) was not
going to bandy logic with them; but he did not
admit either of these consequences, for they did not
follow as a matter of course, as the Tories professed
to think. The fact that good measures had been
propounded in the House- of Commons during-the
last thirty years was no reason that any further
Reform should prove " something dangerous." -He
would answer this objection by a quotation from
the speech of a statesman who made three attempts
in the House of Commons to introduce a Reform
measure. On the third occasion William Pitt—for
that was the statesman to whom he alludedin
stating his opinions on this question, said the Legis-
lature of England ought to be " an assembly freely
elected, between whom and the mass of the people
there was the closest union and most perfect sym-
pathy." And, then, appealing to history in sup-
port of his argument, he said he ' considered it one
of the most indisputable, doctrines of antiquity that
the state of the representation was to be changed
with a change of circumstances." (Hear, hear.) He
would give the Tories the benefit of these opinions
of the illustrious leader, and, taking these opinions I
as a guide on the broad principle, he said the people
of this country were entitled to call for an extension
of the franchise. (Loud cheers.) Looking at the
state of England at the present time, could they
say that the nature of the union between the House
of Commons as it now stood and the mass of the
people was one of the " closest union and most per-
fect sympathy ?" (" No, no.") He was not con-
sidering whether the House of Commons was trusted
by the people, or whether the House of Commons
was trusting the people, nor was he now considering
whether the legislation was good or bad. The ques-
tion was whether it was expedient, on the broadest
grounds of political expediency, to admit a larger
number of men to take part in the Government of
the country than there were at the present time.
(Cheers, and "Yes, yes.") Well, then, he
thought he might say that the landed property of
the country was well represented—that it had its
fair share in returning members to the House ; and
the great manufactures of commerce had, he con-
sidered, also a fair representation. So far, then,
these interests were fully represented ; but he would
ask whether labour and education had its fair share
in the representation of the country? (No, no.)
He was not prepared to discuss with his friend Mr.
Denman the question of the educational franchise,
but he would merely express his general opinion
that there were many who, by intelligence and in-
dependent exertions, were entitled to take part in
the representation of the country, who were at pre-
sent excluded. It never entered into his head to

suppose that it would ever be propounded as a plan

for an educational test that 0 overnment should

appoint a lot of barristers Who should be judges of
the eligibility of a voter on an educational franchise

—but he should like to see the system of giving
votes on the plan on which. it was at present work-
ing in the two great English Universities and the

Universities of Dublin carried out in its fullest

extent. And then the working man should have a
fair and real share in the representation of the
country—not such a representation as would

swamp other interests, but that share which would

make its own interest heard. He was no advocate
for the £lO franchise, and he did not believe that a

fair unform standard would be obtained by merely
drawing a line and making the franchise £2 to £4
lower. He knew it was said that all fancy fran-
chises, as they were called, were un-English, and

that it was not in accordance with the principles of
the Reform Bill of 1832, but he would ask whether
everything was un-English which was not founded

on the Reform Bill of 1832 ? He could not see

why, and neither did he believe that they should
adhere solely to the old course, and, though he

had voted for Mr. Baines's /6 Franchise Bill, he

did not consider that the basis of a new Reform

Bill should be confined solely to an extension of the
money franchise. The question was now being
considered by the responsible advisers of the Crown,

who were engaged in ascertaining facts in order to
judge what effect different measures would have

on the Constitution of the country. It would

be for the House of Commons- to judge of
their work and their duty, to exercise a calm
judgment in dealing with the question. (Hear,

hear.) Again, reverting to the subject of "fancy
franchises," the hon. gentleman defended those ear-

nest Reformers who had propounded such systems
for the extension of the franchise from the charge

that they were mere crotchets—and, in continua-
tion said he hada hobby of his own which he wished
to lay before them. Wilberforce once said if a man
had got a hobby it should have a feed of corn and
be passed on—(laughter)—and he would ask them
to give his hobby a feed of corn, and pass it on if
it did not suit them. (Renewed laughter.) Now,

his hobby was this—that the real test of a working
man's fitness for public life was shown in his own

life of forethought and self-control. He should like
to see such a test established, and his suggestion
was that while they considered the value of a man's

residence they should also consider the claims of
those who made provision to take his old age off
the poor rates by some sound system of life assur-
ance or benefit clubs, so that they might winnow

the drunkard and profligate from the prudent and
self-denying man. He should also like to see those
who were intrusted by their fellow-men with the
management and government of trade unions and
other benefit societies admitted to the privileges of

the franchise. (Hear.) These would probably be
called crotchets, but he was persuaded that by some
such course deserving men would be admitted within
the pale of the Constitution who did not reside in a
£lO or even a £6 house, and they would thereby
avoid all risk of swamping thepresent constituency,
which would be the consequence of adopting no
principle of division. In conclusion, Mr. Acland
said he would not pledge himself to support any
particular mode of Reform, and, adverting to the
question of education, said much had been done for
the improvement of the middle strata of society ;
but much yet remained to be accomplished. He was
glad that the upper and working classes were feel-
ing an interest in the matter, were making greater
efforts, and becoming alive to the parental respon-
sibility which attached to them. Mr. Acland, in
eulogistic terms, then proposed " The Health of
Mr. Coleridge, the Liberal Member for the City of
Exeter," a toast which was received with the most
enthusiastic applause.

Mr. COI,ERIDGE, who was loudly cheered on rising to re-
spond, said—Deeply interesting as this meeting must be
personally to all who, like me, hold Mr. Denman in warm
and affectionate regard, it is, I believe, of wider and deeper
signification as a gathering of Western Liberals on the eve
of the opening of a new Liberal Parliament, under a new
Liberal Prime Minister. (Hear.) And well I know that the
only right I have to stand here and engage your attention
for a moment, and to expect so totally undeserved an
honour, is that I was selected by the great capital of this
county as a Liberal to represent Liberal ideas, to speak, if
ever I dare speak in Parliamenti Liberal sentiments. I
agree, too, that the position of the great Liberal party, to
which we all belong, seems to be excellent, and it always I
will be if that party fulfil honourably its mission, and does
its best to satisfy the reasonable expectations of those large
masses of the people which are waiting, in no spirit of dis-
loyal or turbulent agitation, but with long-cherished hopes,
and, as I believe, with well-grounded confidence. (Hear,
hear.) At the head of the party stands the Liberal Admi-
nistration—its great leaders pledged as men of honour to
advance the popular element of the Constitution ; and no
one of its members, I hope and believe, inclined for an in-
stant to falter or draw back when the standard of the leader
moves onward. (Hear, hear.) To them it is that is intrusted
the difficult, but most interesting, task of framing a prac-
tical measure which shall fulfil the hopes of the Liberal
party, and satisfy the reasonable desires of the people. I
agree with Mr. Acland that it would be in the highest de-
gree indiscreet for us to pledge ourselves to this or that
detail, or to this or that scheme or proposition, when I sup-
pose we all of us earnestly desire to stand by the Govern-
ment, and to support, if possible, the measure which they
are about to produce, and as to the details of which, never-
theless, we are at present wholly in the dark. (Hear.) For
myself Ido not indulge in the luxury of riding a hobby.
(Loud laughter.) I can say lam under no temptation to
be imprudent ; for I do not pretend to have a scheme,
and Ido not wish, even, I had got one. One or two
things, I suppose, I may venture to say without any charge
of imprudence ; and one is this—no one, I imagine, would
refuse to admit that under the present system of represen-
tation certain portions are unjust, and that it contains cer-
tain anomalies. (Hear, hear.) Now, I think it should be
the duty of the Liberal Government, in any measure that
is put forward, to redress that injustice, and to get rid of
those anomalies. (Hear.) I have heard it said that English-
men are so eminently practical that they will defend an
anomaly as such. (Laughter.) It is no argument with them
to say that the thing is untheorotical and unphilosophical.
They will defend it the more because it is so. (Laughter.)
Now I do not think that; and, if it were true, I should claim
the liberty of being on that subject un-English. I can per-
fectly understand 'that it may not at times be at all worth
While to disturb the working of a groat practical system,
which, upon the whole, is working well, to redress a small
anomaly which does harm to a very few ; but, at the same
time, I cannot understand why, when you are disturbing
a great practical system, you should not take the oppor-
tunity of redressing admitted injustices, 'and putting an
end to admitted anomalies; and the people who should
refuse to do so are both lazy and unwise. (Hear, hear, and
applause.) Like Mr. Acland, lam not afraid of names ;
I am not afraid of a thing because it is called a " fancy
franchise ;" I should wish to consider every proposition
brought forward by a practical man, especially when recom-
mended by the judicious care as well as high legal ability
which Mr. Denman is sure to have devoted to the
subject (hear, hear)—whether it is an educational fran-
chise, or a taxed franchise, or what not, if supported
by sound argument, and there is something practical
and sensible in the plan. I am ready to consider the
_question- -calmly, kindly,, and with a desire to assent to
any sueh.proposition. I cannot see why the franchise exer-
cised fOr centuries by the Universities, or the £5O farmers'
franchise, ihvented by LordChandos, are not fancy fran-
chises.- At atte:vehts, the ratter certainly deserves the name
of "fancy;" for, ,as far as I know, its independent exercise
is perfectly:a matter of imagination. (Laughter.) This
is a matter which all should consider, for it seems to be
excessively, important for the welfare of the country that
all classes of 'people should be directly represented in Par-
liament. (Hear, hear.) Ido not say equally, but I say
directly, substantially represented. (Applause.) Ido not
think that it can be so, that it is the case now ; for:I do not
believe, to say the truth, that the classes which are not re-
presentedizaalrd ffo do, in point of fact, get heard by those who have
legislated for so many centuries. Measures are brought for-
ward
au rgdetd
to h
kindlythose and
excluded honestly,
classes, w e
but
fullyho s u
hb ej
otit eve,is
noton bree--
g frome a
emlrepoeidnt of view of the unrepresented classes
ya for ffected
this. by
At these
presenteseme I d
asuro notes.
who are practically There
bexpect
that all classes can be equally represented. No man would
desire to wrest the power of a country out of the hands of
the governing classes, who, upon the whole, have repre-
sented well the interests of the country; nor will he wish
to destroy the vast and overwhelming interest at present
possessed by the owners of landed property. It is so very
great and overwhelming that measures supposed to be in-
consistent to a maintenance of its exict integrity cannot
get heard, but are at once cast aside and branded as dan-
gerous—revolutionary. That appears to me to be unfair,
and lam sure it is unsafe besides. 'There ought to be, in
lay opinion, within the wide pale of the English Constitu-
tion free room for the discussion of all deliberate political
views entertained by any considerable number of decent
people, and I think that is the only why in which you can
come to something like a direct representation of those
large masses of the people who stand ‘outside the Consti-
tution to their own loss and to the Constitution's peril.
(Cheers.) However crude and incomplete this mere out-
line which I have laid before you is, I hope I shall never
forget, I hope none will be Wiely to forget, that these

are matters to be decided by the whole party ;
that we belong to that party, that unity is
strength, that discipline is necessary to success, that
individual preferences must be sacrificed, and individual
hopes foregone for universal advantage and general bene-
fit. (Applause.) It will be enough for us to have lent
the smallest aid to break down one single link of the chain
which still weighs us down to some extent from the posses-
sion of our full freedom of opinion, and to have enlarged,
even in the smallest measure, the rights and privileges of
the great and magnanimous people of this island. (Loud
cheers.)
" The Healths of the Liberal members for Plymouth"
were drunk.

Mr. MonnisoN responded—He argued that it would be
in the highest sense detrimental to the interests of this, or
any, nation that they should be governed by a Tory or
retrogressive party.

Mr. DENMAN gave " The Healths of Sergeant Kinglake,
M.P. for Rochester, and Mr. Barclay, M.P. for Taunton,"
who were old personal friends of his.
Sergeant KINGLAXE made an able speech in responding.
Thehon. gentleman said he believed the cause of theLiboral
defeat on the last occasion was a spirit of over confidence ;
and he therefore impressed on them the importance of energy
and unity if they wished to succeed in the future. He had
not unbounded faith that a Reform Bill was going to be car-
ried this year, but on the question of reform he could not
refrain from expressing his hearty concurrence in many of
the views expressed by Mr. Acland. He thought they
should first get a good vertical or radical basis for a Reform
Bill, and they could then easily attach a few "fancy fran-
chises."
Mr. BARCLAY also responded.

After a few other toasts had been drunk, the meeting
separated.

General Grant's Report•

General Grant has addressed to Mr. Secretary Stanton
a report which is equivalent to a complete history of the
Civil War in its latest period. In this country we get no
such elaborate descriptions of events as American Com-
manders are in the habit- of compiling. Our Generals ad-
dress themselves to the War-office in despatches which
may be published at a future time, and ultimately, perhaps,
reduced to the form of hiatory, but in the United States
both military and naval commanders describe, explain, and
justify their own operations in Reports which take the
shape of connected and amusing narratives. In the
present instance the interest concentrated in the document
before us is extraordinary. General Grant was Com-
mander-in-Chief of all the Armies of the United States
during the last and decisive year of the war. We have
been accustomed to regard him merely as Commander of
the Army of the Potomac because he selected Virginia as
the scene of, his personal exertions, but the fact is that
the Army of Virginia was actually under the command
of Meade, just as the Army of Tennessee was under the
command of Sherman, while Grant himself not only dic-
tated the plan of the campaign, but exorcised a direct
supervision over all the armies at once. What renders
this Report, too, the most remarkable is that it explains a
new, and, as the event proved, a successful system of
tactics devised for the occasion. When Grant assumed
the chief command the Federal forces were making little
progress, nor could anybody anticipate a speedy termina-
tion of the war; but the new Commander adopted a new
method of warfare, and the result was that in twelve
months' time the war was at an end. What this method
was, on what principle it was based, and how it was carried
into execution is very intelligibly told.

At an " early period of the rebellion " General Grant
had divined the secret of Southern strength and Northern
weakness. The Federals were three to one, at least, in
numbers, and immeasurably superior in material re-
sources, and yet the Confederates maintained their ground
and defended their territories against all attacks. This,
says Grant, was because the strength of the North was
never exerted on a good system or with sufficient resolu-
tion. The Southern Generals held a position like the out-
line of a fan, extending from east to west, and covering
the country behind them. By means of the railroads in-
tersecting the interior they could bring up their forces to
any point of the circumference, and so long as it was ne-
cessary for them to be strong at one point only they
could always contrive to be stronger at that point than
their adversaries. The first and most indispensable step,
therefore, was to deprive them of this favorable condi-
tion by attacking at a variety of points at once, so as to
retain every Southern army in its own position, and pre-
vent it from reinforcing another. Hitherto the two main
armies of the Federals, one in Tennessee and the other in
Virginia, had been acting, as the General expresses it,
" like a balky team." When one was pulling the other
was backing, and so the able Generals of the Confederacy
could shift or concentrate or relieve their forces in such a
way as either to economise their strength or employ it
to the greatest advantage. i
If Lee was hard pressed, he could be reinforced by '
Beauregard ; if Johnston was in difficulty he could be
supported from Richm(lnd or Petersburg. Attack on both
sides at once and these tactics would be inpracticable.
But, besides all this, General Grant took a harder
and more terrible view of affairs. Man for man the
Southerners were the l6est troops, partly, perhaps, from
natural aptitudes, but mainly, no doubt, from the great
military ability of their commanders. On a fair field,
and in any one battle, the Federals could not pretend to
reckon confidently on winning, but there was one thing
on which they could reckon, and that was on killing a
certain number of Confederates. Of course, they must
suffer equal or even greater losses, but that they could
well afford. If every baffle cost the South a certain pro-
portion of men, a given number of battles must destroy
the Southern Power even if no battle was a decisive vic-
tory. So Grant determined not only to fight, but to fight
on, without stint or stay, come what might. Hard knocks
and incessant blows constituted his strategy and tactics.
If he were to fare as M'Clellan and Hooker had fared, he
would not do as M'Clellan and Hooker had done. He
opened the new campaign resolved to go on fighting
whether he won or lost, and, as he himself says, "to
hammer continuously against the armed force of the
enemy and his resources until by mere attrition, if in
no other way, there should be nothing left to bim but sub-
mission." The literal execution of this policy is expressed
in every lino of the report. While recounting the events
of the Virginian campaign the General represents one en-
gagement as virtually a failure in these words :—" It was
the only general attack made from the Rapidan to the
James which did not infict upon the enemy losses to com-
pensate for our ownlosses. I would not be understood as
saying that all previous attacks resulted in victories to our
arms, or accomplished as much as I had hoped from them,
but they inflicted upon the enemy severe losses, which
tended in the end to the overthrow of the rebellion." How

much these tactics cost the North we need not say. It is

said that Grant winces to this hour whenever the figures
" 150,000," as representing his losses in Virginia, are held
up before his eyes, and there is a passage in his report
which reads very like a deprecation of censure. "Whether
my views," says he, " might have been better in concep-
tion and execution is for the people who mourn the loss of
friends fallen, and who have to pay the pecuniary cost, to
say. All I can say is that what I have done has been
done to the best of my ability, and in what I conceived to
be the best interests of the whole country."
As far as plans can be justified by events, that justifi-
cation belongs certainly to Grant. His system was sue-
cesssful where every other system had failed. His
campaign brought the war tc, an end, whereas every former
campaign had left the contest pretty nearly as it stood
before. It must be understood, too, that wherever military
science appears more conspicuous than brute force, that
merit is Grant's also. The scheme of Sherman's campaign
was dictated by Grant, as were others less important and
less unfortunate. The grand principle of the whole
system was co-operation. Besides the two great armies
of the East and West which, on this occasion, were to pull
well together, Grant set half-a-dozen other armies in
motion, to distract, occupy, and punish the enemy at all
points together. The orders originally given to Sherman
were that ho ohould advance steadily and through all
obstacles to Atlanta, an important railroad centre in the
North of Georgia, that he should occupy that town, and
then, by striking some town on the east coast, and holding
the line of communication, cut the Confederacy in two at

that point, as had already been done on the line of the
Mississippi. On this understanding Sherman moved from
Chattanooga, just as Grant advanced upon Richmomd, with
what results is well known. As to Grant himself, with
Meade's army under his immediate command, he admits
us into the secret of his calculations. He intended to'do
his utmost by dint of blows to destroy Lee's army north of
Richmond, but he hardly hoped to succeed. All he reckoned
upon was weakening his enemy by battle after battle, and
he tells us distinctly that in anticipation of the failure
which he evidently considered probable, he had resolved
from the first to transfer his army to the south of the
James River, and had acquainted both Butler and Meade
with this resolution. This was what occurred. Not all
the sanguinary fighting in Virginia sufficed against the
skill of the Confederate commander and the valour of his
troops, and Grant ultimately found himself south of the
James River with an inaccessible enemy still in his front.
As for Butler, General Grant says that he got his force in
such a position that for the purpose of any co-operation
against Richmond it was about as available "as if it had
been in a bottle strongly corked." in the end, however—
that is to say, in the eleventh month of the campaign—
the new tactics bore their fruit. Some of the co-operating
armies had failed, but others had succeeded beyond ex-
pectation. Banks as well as Butler had been unsuccessful,
and so had ,Sigel, and so had Rosecrans, but Sherman,
after a most memorable march, found himself able not only
to go from Atlanta to Savannah, but to sweep northwards
with his victorious army to the assistance of Grant himself.
At the same time, as the final scene drew near, other ex-
peditions had proceeded according to Grant's orders.
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is not the first conqueror who has adpted the principle,
though he was the first to apply it to the resources of a
whole people instead of the divisions of , a single army.
He is entitled therefore, to the credit, which complete suc-
cess confers ; and, indeed, terrible though the cost was, it
may well be questioned whether an indefinite prolongation
of the war would :not have cost both parties still more.—
Times.

General Grant's report on the conduct of the war during
the last year, in which he was Commander-in-Chief, is a
very remarka,blo document— lucid, simple, strong. It is
clear from it that General Grant did really, and not in
name merely, direct the operations of all the armies, during
the final year of battle. For example, when in December,
1864, General Thomas delayed his attack on Hood's army
before Nashville beyond the time contemplated in General
Grant's instructions, he actually left his own command at
Richmond to proceed biNashville to put things in motion,
when be was arrested in Washington by the news of
General Thomas's successful attack, and returned,. well
satisfied, to his own more immediate care. It is clear That
every great operation of that, year was directly ordered by
the Commander-in-Chief over 'that enormous extent of
territory. His report is as generous to his subordinates
as it is terse and lucid. He speaks with high praise of
many, but with actual censure of none—though censure
is implied in his narrative of their mistakes. Perhaps the
severest implied censure is passed on General Butler for
his blunders, both at Bermuda Hundred, after his first ap-
pearance on the James River, and again at Fort Fisher.
He speaks of his position in the former case as "com-
pletely shut off from all further operations against Rich-
mond, as if it had been in a bottle strongly corked." He
awards explicitly equal respect to the fighting qualities of
the Western and Eastern troops, and pays the greatest com-
pliment to the courage and generalship of the enemy,
"whose manhood, however mistaken the cause, drew
forth" such deeds of valor. The simplicity, clearness, and
directness of General Grant's style reminds one strongly of
that of Caesar's Gallic Wan—Spectator.