The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-24 00:00:00

rHE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 24, 186.

vance of education and intelligence, becomes fit to
exercise it without risk to the community, I can see
neither the necessity nor the wisdom of attempting
any such innovations in our long-established method
of voting. Another innovation, to which lam less
unfavourably inclined, was proposed in a former
bill of Lord John Russell's, who suggested a plan
by which the minority of a constituency, if suffi-
ciently large, might secure the return of, it might
be, one representative, while the majority elected
two. At present the minority of the country at
large is considered to be represented by those mem-
bers who are elected by the constituencies in which
the majority hold the opinions which are in a mino-
rity over the whole nation ; but I own, I think, that
advantages of some value would result from this ob-
ject being attained through the proportionate repre-
sentation of particular constituencies. At the same
time, I should be quite contented with some such
measure of reform as was proposed by Government
at the beginning of this Parliament, and portions of
which have been repeatedly introduced since, by my
friends Mr. Locke King and Mr. Baines. I have
cordially voted for these measures more than once in
the course of the present Parliament, and I shall be
glad to have an opportunity of voting for them once
more before we are dissolved. Besides reform,
another and a yearly recurring question of interest
will come before us—that of economy or extravagant
expenditure. Till very recently, I had ventured to
indulge the hope that some considerable reduction
in our annual expenditure would have been effected
next session. The idea that we required to keep up,
in time of [peace, as large -an expenditure on our
army and navy as during the Crimean war seemed
too monstrous to be permanently maintained, and
the circumstance that the French Government had
announced their intention of considerably reducing
their military establishment, a purpose about appa-
rently to be adopted by that of Russia also, seemed
calculated to sweep away any remains of the insane
panic which visited us some years ago as to the im-
minence of the French invasion, so as to warrant
our bringing our army and navy somewhat nearer
to the standard of a peace establishment. But from
recent paragraphs in the Government papers, it
would appear that any such hopes of retrenchment
are unfounded, and we are still threatened with the
continuance of the same extravagant outlay which
has characterised our Government for some years
past, chiefly, I presume, in building new vessels of
war, and manufacturing new descriptions of arms in
place of those which have failed to realise the ex-
pectation entertained of them, and possibly destined
from want of sufficient previous experience and of
skill to be again superseded; in future years, by a
like lavish and comparatively useless expenditure.
I think, however, in reference to this continued ex-
travagance on the part of the Government, that Mr.
Cobden, in a late speech of his, did injustice to one
member of the Cabinet, Mr. Gladstone, when, while
justly lauding him as the most eminent financial
Minister, not leaving even William Pitt out of view,
we have ever had, he talked of him as the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer under whom the expenditure
of this country had reached the highest point
of extravagance, as if he had the absolute con-
trol over that expenditure and was responsible
for it. Now, a Chancellor of the Exchequer,
unless indeed he be as Pitt was, Prime Minis-
ter also, has no - such absolute control.
The estimates are, of course, prepared by the
several departments, each for their own department,
and it is the Government, and not the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, who alone can cut down the amount
demanded. The Chancellor may indeed remonstrate;
but unless he feels warranted to resign in case his
remonstrances are unattended to, and take, on him-
self the responsibility of the consequences to which
that resignation may lead, he must accept the esti-
mates as settled by Government, and frame the
scheme for raising the necessary revenue in the way
least burdensome to the country, or propose the re-
ductions he may be permitted to make in the form
most likely to stimulate trade and advance the pro-
sperity of the country. Now, in these, his proper
functions, Mr. Gladstone is admitted to be unrival-
led ; and I believe he is the most earnest and ardent
economist not only in the Cabinet, but in the House
of Commons itself, and that, not from a spirit of
mere parsimony, but because he knows so well what
a glorious use he could make of a power to take off
taxes, and promoting the general prosperity of the
empire. But for the accomplishment of this object
he has not only to struggle with his own colleagues,
among whom are the heads of the several depart-
ments, each naturally anxious to secure as large an
amount as possible for his own department, but with
the House of Commons also. In the first place, the
Opposition in a house so nearly balanced look to the
possibility or probability of their being able, any day,
to change places with the Ministry, and so they can
never let out of view the bearing of any proposed
reduction on themselves, if they were in office.
An Opposition which must look to the lapse of
years before they can hope to be in power may deem
it well worth their while to gain credit with the
country by becoming the champions of economy ;
but an Opposition, daily anticipating their return
to power, view all motions for reduction nearly in
the same light as if they were themselves already
in office, and so they almost uniformly support the
Ministry in resisting such motions. Then, all the
representatives of localities interested in Government
expenditure, or seeking to divert some portion of the
public money in their own direction, as for the erec-
tion of docks, forts, and harbours of refuge, the
establishment of packet services, or the like, have a
great leaning towards a liberal outlay ; and finally,
since large classes of the public have tasted the
sweets of Government expenditure, in the way of
education, police, and other grants, economy is not
nearly so popular, either in the house or out of it as
it formerly was. The difficulty, too, is heightened
by the manner in which the estimates are discussed
in Committee of Supply. These are proposed, not in
large slump sums for each great branch of the pub-
lic service, but in an infinite number of items, some
of them of very small amount. Now, though it is
important that the house and the country shall see
the details of which the total expenditure of a depart-
ment is made up, the taking of the vote by such items
gives the officials of the department a great advan-
tage in the discussion, as the objecting member can
never be expected to be so familiar with the details
as the official is, and he is liable to have his mouth
shut by some statement to which his own knowledge
does not enable him, on the instant, to give the pro-
per reply. Then the comparatively small amount
of the sum actually in question in any one of the
votes makes it impossible to create such interest in a
motion for its being reduced or omitted, so as to
secure the constant attendance which is essential, if
anything is to be carried ; while the regulations
of the house as to going into Committee of Supply
are such as to make it quite impossible to know,
with anything approaching to certainty, when the
house will actually go into committee, or when
any particular vote will come on, and every pro-
posal calculated to do away with that uncertainty
has always been resisted by the leaders on both
sides of the house. The inevitable consequence
is, that members, seeing that they may possibly have
to hang on for several nights for any vote in which
they are interested, without its being brought for-
ward, and that after en success attains so little,
hiar
cannot be brgug end in sufficient numbers
even to give 11 chance success. The passing of
the estimates through committee has consequently
become little better than a form. A mere handful
of members generally are present, • one or two of
whom seek a cheap notoriety by frequent but useless
criticisms on small items, which is rather satisfactory
to the Government than otherwise, as having the
appearance of passing their estimates through a real
ordeal, while, in truth, it is nothing but a mockery.
Occasionally, indeed, some member who has made
himself master of a particular branch of expenditure,
makes a telling exposure of its extravagance, and
benefits certainly results from this, not, however, in
the way of getting any vote negatived, but by mak-
ing an impression on the country, and so leadingthe
department, in their next year's estimate, to make
some modification which may enable them to escape
being again so held up to public censure and odium.
Otherwise, and in the way of directly checking the
estimates proposed by Government, these commit-
tees of supply are of no practical use ; and if any
itturmeueisibeto be effected by the
done in a formwhieh;
aredousucteioofncoofmmexp:jan,di:

from the amount involved, will excite sufficient in-
terest to secure a full attendance, and which, by
being brought forward in the Housg itself, will afford
a certainty of its coming on at the time expected.
Nor is there any reasonable objection to the House
deciding the amount of expenditure which ought to
be sanctioned for any of the great departments, or
for the whole empire, in the slump rather than in
minute detail. On the contrary, parties who
might well be Fizzled to tell why some petty item
should be one or two hundred pounds less or
more than is proposed, may be perfectly able to
decide, and to decide rightly, and on suffi-
cient grounds, the maximum sum which should
be allowed for any department, or with which the
whole administration of the country might be car-
ried on ; and I feel convinced that till our leading
men who are in favour of reduced expenditure shall
try the question in some such wholesale way as this,
the House of Commons will effect as little saving in
time to come as they have done in years past. As
matters stand, therefore, our only hope is in pos-
sessing a finance minister, who, from his knowledge
of the immense good he could accomplish by means
of a reduction of expenditure, is, I believe, much
more earnest in his desire to effect a saving, than
many of those whose position allows them to make
a parade of their small, though apparently assiduous
efforts to secure some reduction in a few petty items
of the estimates. (Applause.) The success of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer's recent measures in
increasing the prosperity of the country, and so
keeping up the revenue, notwithstanding reduction
of taxation, will enable him, even without diminished
expenditure, to take off next session about as large
an amount of taxation as that from which he re-
lieved the country last year ; but I feel perfectly
confident that such an amount of reduction in the
expenditure might easily be made without at all
impairing the efficiency of any of the services of the
country, as would enable him to double the relief
to the country, and of course correspondingly to
promote its trade and prosperity. To accomplish
this, however, he would require the cordial backing
of the country, and I would fain trust that, on a
new election, that will not be withheld. In addition
to these standing subjects, we shall probably have
before us very important questions in regard to the
Established Church both in England and inlreland.
On these I might say a great deal, but the interest
in them is not, to you, so immediate as to warrant
me in detaining you at present. There may also
be before us, though of that I cannot be yet certain, a
question much more nearly touching ourselves, and of
great practical importance, I mean that of the system
of education in Scotland ; but my position excludes
me from now entering on any discussion upon it, and
I have besides often had occasion to state to you
my opinions regarding it. You are probably aware
that the great body of teachers in Scotland strongly
remonstrated last year against the extension to this
country of the provisions of the Reserved Code, and
pressed the Scottish members to unite in endeavour-
ing to save them from it, at all events without an
inquiry similar to that which had taken place in
England. The members from Scotland generally
concurred in the propriety of such an inquiry, but
we thought it should not be limited to the narrow
question about the Revised Code, and we considered
that any such inquiry should extend to the whole
subject of education in Scotland. We accordingly
asked an interview with the Lord President of
the Council for the purpose of urging on the Go-
vernment the propriety of issuing a Royal Commis-
sion on this important matter. Nearly the whole
body of Scotch members, of both sides of the house,
attended on this occasion. They did me the honour
to select to state our united views, and I was
cordially supported by several others of the members
present who spoke to the same effect as I had done ;
and the result was that, on the Lord President
laying the matter before the Cabinet, it was agreed
to issue such a Commission, and it was ac-
cordingly issued about the end of last autumn.
The Commission has taken a great deal of evidence,
and is in the way of obtaining much important
statistical information ; but; being myself a member
of that Commision, I cannot say more than that
the subject is undergoing a careful and candid con-
sideration, the results:of which may, I trust, be
beneficial to the country. There is another subject
of importance to Scotland now also undergoing the
investigation of a Royal Commission, in regard to
which I am not under the same restraint as in refer-
ence to that of education—namely, the law of hypo-
thee. I do not wish to exclude myself from any
enlightenment which that investigation may afford,
and I trust that I am not so obstinate in my opi-
nions as to refuse to alter them, on a more thorough
inquiry, but having long ago formed an opinion un-
favourable to our law on that matter, I feel no
obligation to withhold it, because a commission has
recently been appointed to report on it, reserving
always to myself to give effect to any change which
the evidence led may produce on my views ; though
I must frankly own, that so far as the evidence has
I yet been published, it has not convinced me that I
have been wrong in the judgment I had formed. As
to one part of that law, there must be very few in-
deed, if any, who will stand up for it—l mean the
rule which permits a landlord who knows that his
tenant has not been able to pay his rent, to leave
him, without notice to the public, to retain the posi-
tion of credit which the possession of the farm gives
him, and the full management of that farm, and yet,
when the tenant may have sold to a bona fide pur-
chaser part of the produce, authorises the landlord
to get it back, or to compel the purchaser to pay for
the second time to him the price he has already paid
in good faith to the tenant. That such an iniquity
should have been allowed to be established at all is
very wonderful, but that it should have held its
ground in a commercial country till the present day
is still more marvellous. But there is a great deal
more in the law of hypothec which is objectionable,
though not so monstrous as this. In the event of
the tenant's bankruptcy, the landlord has a pre-
ference over the produce of the farm for his rent,
in competition with the other creditors of the
tenant, which generally secures to him payment in
full, although the other creditors may get only a few
shillings or a few pence per pound on the debts
owing to them. Now, I own that I can see no
principle of justice on which such a preference can
rest. It might, perhaps, have been, with some plausi-
bility, defended, at a time when our farms were held
in steelbow, as it was called—that is, when the
stocking and everything required by the tenant, in
working the farm, even to the seed corn, was pro-
vided by the landlord. In this state of matters
it might have been pleaded that the landlord was
truly the cultivator, and that the so-called tenant
was substantially a manager for him, and conse-
quently that the crop and produce of the farm were
truly the property of the landlord, and not of this
manager under him, so that in exercising his right
of hypothec or lien, he was only retaining his own
property till his claims were satisfied. But now that
the landlord merely hires out his land for a rent, he
is simply a creditor of the tenant for that rent; and
why he should be a preferable creditor I have never,
looking to the justice of the case and any legal prin-
ciple involved, been able to see. Even without such
preference, the landlord is in a more favorable posi-
tion than other creditors. He has better means of
ascertaining the true state of his tenant's circum-
stances ; and in his lease, with its clause of registra-
tion, he has always prepared execution, ready to put
in force the legal compulsitors for effecting payment
or attacking the tenant's property, while other cre-
ditors must first constitute their claims, and in any
race of diligence are likely to be behind the landlord.
In this way he has, without hypothec, a great ad-
vantage over the seed merchant or the manure seller,
or the tradesmen who supply, or repair farm imple-
ments, all of whom may have been led on to trust
the tenant by the landlord's delay to enforce his
claims, and the absence of any means to certify
them that the rent is in arrear. As between, there-
fore, the landlord and the other creditors, I can see
no ground on which the former should be en-
titled to a preference over the latter. But it is said
that if no valid plea can be set up in the mere
interest of the landlord, it is still for the public
interest that the preference should be maintained,
just as it was contended, at the time of the Corn-
law repeal discussion, that though the landed in-
terest could not justly demand protection in order
to keep up the price of:corn, it was for the interest
of the public that the nation Ahould not be left de-

pendent, in the event of war, on foreign countries
for our supply of food. In the same way here, it is
said that, irrespective of the effect of the law of
hypothec in keeping up the rents of lauds through
enlarging the class of competitors, by enabling the
landlord to dispense with the possession of such an
amount of capital as would otherwise be required,

it produces beneficial results in enabling industrious
and trustworthy men of enterprise and energy_
to take farms which they could not otherwise from
want of capital offer for, who afterwards thrive and
become prosperous, and also in enabling landlords
to be more indulgent to a struggling tenant, who
thus gets over a temporary state of difficulty which
otherwise would have crushed him, and to go on
prosperously to the end of his lease. Now, I am
always, I own, a little suspicious of the plea of
public benefit when used to buttress up some special
advantage enjoyed by a particular class—though I
have no doubt that many young men have got on
in this way, just as if some such artificial security,
as a substitute for capital, were provided in some
mercantile lines, many clever young men would
also get on in those who at present cannot start for
want of capital—yet such casual results, however
gratifying though they may be individually, afford
Ino justification to a factitious derangement of the
natural order of things, for the purpose of giving
people without capital an advantage over those who
have it; nor, in the long run and on the whole, can
we expect any true and permanent public benefit to
result from such factitious derangements. Then,
as to the indulgence afforded to deserving tenants
under temporary difficulties, no restraint would
be put on any such indulgence by doing away with
the law of hypothec, and good landlords would
doubtless continue to show indulgence to all tenants
in whom they had confidence. But the question
is not whether they should or should not grant such
indulgence, but whether they should be entitled to
grant it, at the risk and expense of other people,
without incurring any risk themselves ; and I con-
fess I attach no great value to that sort of easy
kindliness which puts off the painful scene of roup-
ing out a tenant, while no scruple is felt in exposing
to the risk of serious loss the families of the poor
tradesmen who, in consequence, get it may be 6d.
in the pound on their debts, instead of ten or fifteen
shillings. On the whole, as at present advised, I
should be prepared to sweep away this privilege of
landlords, leaving them their right of sequestration,
and to other creditors that of pari passu ranking,
using their diligence within a certain limited time
after the publication of such sequestration. I shall
not on this occasion trouble you any further with
public questions, but I am anxious to say a few
words to you on a matter personal to myself, though
having a bearing also on the constituency of the
burgh. The approaching session will doubtless be
the last of this Parliament, and before I can meet
you again there will in all likelihood have been a
dissolution. In this position I felt that it was my
my duty to inform you now, whether at the new
election I should again offer myself for the honour
of being once more returned by you, should I still
be so happy as to retain your confidence, and that I
ought not to leave you uncertain as to the course
I was to take, till the eve of such election. Now, you
are aware that, for some time past, I have had a
great longing to retire into private life. I have not
indeed ceased to appreciate as highly as ever the
distinction of being your member, nor has my
strong attachment to you or my warm interest in
the welfare of the town in the slightest degree
diminished ; but I am growing old, and, though
blessed on the whole with good health, the infirmi-
ties of age are gradually increasing with increasing
years. I am now within a year or two of the ordinary
allotted time of human life, and it seemed to me not
unmeet that I should devote more of the time which
might yet be spared me to attention to my family
and to my private affairs than I have been able of
late to do, and to disengage myself from matters
which so much tend to withdraw the mind from

thoughts of the grave to the verge of which I am
coming so near. I felt, also, that I was no longer
able to perform the duties of my office as Iwas wont.
My bodily powers are not equal to the fatigue I wil-
lingly for years underwent, while the increasing size
and trade of our town, in whose flourishing state I
so heartily rejoice, requires more work on the part
of its member than formerly ; and I was conscious
that I had lost much of the mental energy and
courage which is so essential to the due performance
of the general functions of a member of the House
of Commons. In these circumstances I have been

for some time anxiously considering what course I
should follow on the occasion of a dissolution, and a
few months ago, I frankly acknowledge to you,
nearly made up my mind then to retire. I could
not, however, look forward without great pain to
the prospect of a severance of that tie so dear to me,
which has connected us without interruption since
you first elected me ; and to parting from a consti-
tuency such as, I venture to say, no other member
can boast, for kindness, indulgent forbearance, gene-
rous abstinence from everything that might embarrass
me, trusting confidence, and a personal attachment
on the part of so many of its members, which has
ever been most grateful to me, and which I so
heartily reciprocate. I was also strongly remon-
strated with from various quarters. Views of duty,
d'fferent from those I had formed, were urged upon
me, and although these were founded on opinions
of a power of usefulness on my part of which I was
unconscious, I could not feel warranted in entirely
disregarding them, and I have been pressed with
many, other considerations which altogether have
driven me from my original purpose, and led me to
the resolution I now communicate to you, of once
more soliciting the honour of being privileged to
represent you in Parliament. (Applause.) I have,
however, thought it right to give you timeous warn-
ing of my inability to undertalce the same amount
of labour I have in former years expended on my
duties, so that when the election comes on you may
have had full time and opportunity of well consi-
dering what I can give you, and whether that will
suit what you require. If, notwithstanding my
decay in strength and capacity of service, you shall
then be still willing to take me as I am, I shall con-
tinue to do what I can ; and whatever else I may
fail in, I feel confident that in this I shall not fail—
devotion to your service—exclusive regard to the
welfare of my country, and gratitude to my con-
stituents who have stood by me so steadily, and
whom I love so well. (Loud applause.)
Councillor JAMES MORTON, seconded by Mr. W.
MARTIN, moved a vote of confidence in Mr. Dun-
lop, which was carried by acclamation.
Bailie GRAY moved a vote of thanks to Provost
Grieve for presiding, after which the meeting sepa-
rated.

THE BLACKHEATH TUNNEL ACCIDENT.—One of
tho principal sufferers by the late accident at the Blackheath
Tunnel, on the North Kent Railway, Mr. Edward Mayers,
of the War-office, whose injuries, consisting of a fracture of
the left leg and severe contusions on the ankle, &c., have
confined him for five weeks to a bed in Charing-cross Hos-
pital, has so far advanced towards recovery, under the care
of the skilful surgeons attached to that institution, as to
have been removed on Saturday last to his residence at
Nimes.

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and a great benefit conferred on the present and succeeding
generations.

BREAKFAST BEVERAGE.--HOMCeOpathiC practitioners,
and the medical profession generally, recommend cocoa
as being the most healthful of all beverages. When the doc-
trine of homoeopathy was first introduced into this country,
there were to be obt fined no preparations of cocoa either at-
tractive to the taste or acceptable to the stomach ; the nut
was either supplied is the crude state, or so unskilfully
manufactured as to obtain little notice. J. Epps, of London,
Homoeopathic Chemist, was induced in the year 18:311 to turn
his attention to this subject, and at length succeeded, with
the assistance of elaborate machinery, in being the first
to produce an article pure in its composition, and so refined
by the perfect tz ituration it receives in the process it passes
through, as to be most acceptable to the delicate stomach.
For general use Eppa's Cocoa is distinguished as an invigo-
rating, grateful breakfast beverage, possessing a most deli-
cious aroma. Dr. Hassall, in his work, "Food and its
Adulterations," says —"Cocoa contains a great variety of im-
portant nutritive principles—every ingredient necessary to
the growth and sustenance of the body." &gain: "As a
nutritive, cocoa stands very much higher than either coffee
or tea." Directions—Two teaspoonfuls of the powder in a
breakfast cup, filled up with boiling water or milk. Secured
in tin-lined Ob., ilb., and 11b. labelled packets, and sold by
all grocers, confectioners, and chemists.—[Ann.]