The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-12 00:00:00

PIER AND HARBOUR ORDERS CONFIRMATION

BILL.
This bill was read a second time.
PILOTAGE ORDER CONFIRMATION ACT.
This bill was read a second time.
LOCOMOTIVES ON ROADS BILL.

This bill as amended was considered, and several new
clauses were added.

THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL.

Mr. DARBY GRIFFITH obtained leave to bring in a
bill to enable the Postmaster-General to sit in the House of
Commons.

The house adjourned at twenty minutes past twelve
o'clock.

Naval and Military Intelligence.

VALETTA, May 6.—The Tyrian, gunboat, left Malta on
the 3d inst. for Tunis, to relieve the Surprise 4, Commander
G. Tryon, which will proceed to Gibraltar, to take the
place of the Racoon, 22, Capt. Count Gleichen, ordered to
England. It is expected that the Surprise will soon proceed
to England, that vessel having been 3 years and 11 months
in commission. The Cossack, 20, Capt. W. R. Rolland, left
on the same day for Tripoli, conveying thither Consul--
General nay and his family. Intelligence of the death of
President Lincoln having been received here the flags on all
the public buildings and foreign Consulates were yesterday
displayed half-mast, which sign of mourning will continue
to be shown for three days.

The Duke of Somerset, as First Lord of the Admiralty,
held a levee yesterday afternoon at the Admiralty, White-
hall. There were present Admiral Sir J. Scott, Rear-Ad-
miral Hall, Capt. G. A. C. Brookes, Capt. J. Clark Soady,
Capt. E. D. 0. D. A. Aplin, Capt. N. Salmon, Col. G. Lam-
brick, R.M., Commander W. H. Anderson, Commander A.
P. H. Helby, Commander L. Brine, Commander G. Stanley
Bosanquet, Commander Corry, Lieut.-Col. H. G. Mitford,
R.M., Lieut. G. Stratton, Lieut. the Hon. R. Hare, Lieut.
W. F. Lee, and Lieut. A. Rodney Blane,
Her Majesty's ship Lizard, Lieut.-Commander Challis,
having undergone considerable repairs and alterations, is
now ready for service, and is expected shortly to proceedto
the coast of Scotland for the protection of the fisheries.

The Bth company of Royal Engineers, numbering 103
non-commissioned officers and men, has proceeded from
head-quarters, Chatham, to the Government rifle range at
Milton, for the purpose of going through the annual course
of musketry instruction, prior to leaving Chatham for
Woolwich to relieve the 9th company, which is under
orders to embark for Canada, to be employed in the con-
struction of the defences on the frontier of that country.

Yesterday detachments of time-expired men and conva-
lescent troops belonging to the 19th, 35th, 77th, and 80th
Regiments, who landed at Portsmouth from the troopship
Middlesex, from Calcutta, arrived at Chatham and joined
their respective depots at that garrison. A few insane
soldiers who came home with the troops were sent to the
lunatic hospital at Fort Pitt, Rochester.
The following appointments were made yesterday at the
Admiralty :—Capt. J. E. Commerell, to the Royal Adelaide,
additional, for service in the Scorpion ; Lieut. Spencer R.
Hemstey, to the Duke of Wellington ; Henry Y. Slader,
Master, additional, to the Cumberland, for the Challenger;
E. C. Smyth, Master, additional, to the Indus, for the
Scorpion ; Augustus J. Burniston, Master, to the
Terrible ; F.Townsend, Master, additional, to the Cumber-
land, for the Scout ; and W. S. R. Gow, Master's-assistant,
to the Sphinx.

The undermentioned gentlemen have been appointed to
naval cadetships :—John F. J. Ryan and Archibald J. Far-
quharson.

Manchester Chamber of Commerce.

At a quarterly meeting of the chamber, held yesterday,
Mr. M. Ross, the president, in the chair,
Mr. THOMAS WRIGLEY complained of the terms of a re-
solution arrived at by the board of directors, expressing
objection to " the proposal of the papermakers to obtain,
by any means, direct or indirect, a protective duty on their
manufactures." The papermakers did not ask for any pro-
tection, direct or indirect, on their manufacture. The paper
trade was more autient than the cotton trade, and more
useful (oh, and laughter), for we could do without cottcn,
and it would be difficult to do without paper; but it was a
singular thing that he had never been able to obtain a full
and calm discussion of the case of the papermakers in this
chamber. Three or four years ago, when, at the request of
another member of the chamber, he attended a meeting for
the purpose of giving explanations, a member of the board
asked him, " Do you, Mr. Wrigley, tell us that the Germans
can make paper cheaper and send it into this country cheaper
than the English papermaker can ?" His reply was, ,4
Un-
doubtedly the Germans can." He was then told it was no
use going on with the discussion—"that answer was con-
clusive as to the propriety of admitting foreign paper into
this country." Previous to 1860 the paper trade was sub-
ject to au excise duty of lid. per lb., but the import duty
was 2-id. per lb. The reason of that difference was to be
found in the peculiar situation of the trade with regard to
the material employed. The manufacture of paper was
based upon a refuse. While the raw material of every
other trade was producible at the will of the producer, in
' accordance with his interest, because he could make a
profit on it; on the other hand, the papermaker's material
was produced contrary to the will of the producer, against
his interest, and he was therefore constantly trying
to lessen the quantity. No price the papermakers could
offer would ever induce the producer to give them a pound
more. No reduction in the price that might happen would
cause the producer to give them a pound less. For many
years past the consumption had exceeded the supply of ma-
terial. After making up all the cotton and linen waste and
rags in the country, the papermakers could get no more,
except by going abroad for rags. But they were met with
either a prohibition or an export duty in almost every coun-
try of Europe. Adam Smith said an export duty was ex-
actly the same in its effect as an import duty ; the buyer of
the article paid for it ; and an idea would be conveyed of
the bur len upon the paper trade by the fact that the duties
ranged from £5 to £9 a ton. Taking the lowest duty—:£s,
that was 33 per cent. on a rag worth £l5 a ton, or 50 per
cent. on a rag worth £lO a ton in the continental country
where it was purchased. It took to li- tons of rags to
make a ton of paper: and of the cost of paper 50 per cent.
was for the material ; therefore, by using a material upon
which there was a 50 per cent. tax, our paper was made at
25 per cent. more cost than the German, Belgian, Dutch,
or Austrian manufacturer was obliged to pay. True,the tax
was only paid on some 10,000 tons, while we imported
some 25,000 tons a year ; but it was very clearly under-
stood during the Corn Law discussion that "the price of
the deficiency determines the price of the whole ;" that an
import tax upon the corn spread itself over the whole pro-
duction of corn within the country; so that £1 levied at
the port became £1 levied on every quarter of corn through-
out the kingdom. (Hear, hear.) In the same year £5 levied
an the rag coming from abroad was levied upon every ton
of rags of the same quality in this country. It was to
remedy this evil that in times past a differential duty was
placed on the import of foreign paper. To show that this
and no other was the object of the duty he read quotations
from the Parliamentary papers bearing, upon the reduction
of the duty from 3d. to 20. in 1853, when Mr. Gladstone,
being Chancellor of the Exchequer, employed Mr. John
Wood, then chairman of the Board of Excise, and the
late Mr. James Wilson, Secretary to the Treasury, upon
a review of the whole of the Customs' duties. There were
two different kinds of protection. One was protection
against robbery, as was given by a policeman in the street;
and another was the protection that enabled a man to pos-
sess himself of something that he took from the public.
The protection of the farmer was a wrong protection, be-
cause he gave nothing for it; he taxed the public for his
own benefit, but that was not like the papermakers' protec-
tion previous to 1860, for when ld. per lb. was levied on all
foreign paper, he paid more than an equivalent for it in the
export duty on his material, and he not only paid it to
foreigners, but to the very manufacturers of cotton waste
in the mills of Lancashire, who thus received the full
benefit of this "protection." The papermakers wanted only
fair play—the same description of free trade that was en-
joyed by cotton spinners, woollen and silk manufacturers,
and other manufacturers in this country. It might be sup-
posed that the difference of value between this country and
foreign countries would in time be equalised; but the fact
was that if the paper trade to-day were cut down to one
half what it is, and one pound of material did not come from
abroad, the trade would labour under precisely the same
difficulty as now, for it would be working a material facti-
tiously enhanced in value to the extent of the duties levied
abroad, for the simple reason that our ports were opened
for the export of the material, and America was a much
larger buyer of rags than this country. As long as this
state of things existed the price of material in England
must be just the price that the American paid for it abroad.
Thus, there was no gleam of hope in the prospect, how-
ever remote, so long as these three elements existed, of
free export of material from this country, export duty
leVied upon foreign rags, and free import of paper into this
country. It was sheer nonsense to suppose that any sub-
stitute for rags could be obtained; we were obtaining
quantities of other material that would supplement them,
but nothing could be better. material than rags, and rags
were the cheapest, because made without cost to anybody.
In consequence of the ports being open the English and
foreign markets were chained together, so that they were
like two cisterns connectedby apipe—whatever affected the
level of the one affected the level of the other in the same
degree. The price of our rags might be lowered by the
importation of other materials, but then the price of rags
abroad would fall precisely in the same degree, and the
British papermaker would stand in just the same relation
to his foreign competitor. To give an idea of the enor-
mous increase of importations of paper he quoted the num-
ber of cwts. imported in 1859 (before the alteration of the
law), 14,164 cwt..; in 1860, 40,160 cwt.; in 1861, 89,247
cwt.; in 1862, 186,761 cwt. ; in 1863, 192,683 cwt. ; in 1801,
242,400 cwt. After some further remarks from Mr. Wrig-
ley, relative to the proposals to be brought before Parlia-
ment this session, but with the particulars of which he said
he would not trouble the Chamber,

Mr. }lcon 'MASON replied to the arguments of Mr. Wrig-
ley; and
There being no motion before the meeting, the subject
dropped.

HEALTH OF LONDON,

(From the Registrar-General's Weekly Return.)

In the week that ended on Saturday, May 6, the
births in London and ten other large towns of the
United Kingdom were 4,044, the deaths 2,626.
The annual rate of mortality in the week in those
11 towns was 24 per 1,000 persons living less than
the rate that prevailed in the previous week. Hull
appears for the first time.
In London the births of 1,006 boys, and 1,068
gill, in all 2,074 children, were registered in the
week. In the corresponding weeks of ten years
1855-64 the average number, corrected for increase
of population, was 2,024.
The deaths in London in the same period were
1,236. The average number for the eighteenth
week in ten years (corrected) is 1,317. The deaths
in the present return are less by 81 than the esti-
mated number.

215 deaths occurred from zymotic diseases ; of
these 19 were caused by smallpox, 9 by measles, 24
by scarlatina, 4 by diphtheria, 55 by whooping
cough, and 43 by typhus. There is a general de-
cline of zymotic disease.
A carman, aged 56 years, died at St. Thomas's
Hospital from injuries caused by a cart passing over
him. The son of a carman, aged 6 years, died at 2,
Underwood-street, Shoreditch, from tetanus super-
vening on injury to his face caused by falling from
a wagonette.
The rate of mortality last week was 21 per 1,000
in London, 27 in Edinburgh, and 25 in Dublin ;
34 in Liverpool, 28 in Manchester, 21 in Salford,
23 in Birmingham, 27 in Leeds, 20 in Bristol, 21
in Hull, and 30 in Glasgow. The rate in Vienna
was 42 per 1,000 during the week ending the 22d
ult., when the temperature was 4 deg. Fahrenheit
lower than in the same week in London, where the
rate was 26 per 1,000.
In Liverpool the births were 381, the deaths 306 ;
in Manchester the births 244, the deaths 190 ; in
Salford the births 72, the deaths 44 ; in Birming-
ham the births 225, the deaths 145 ; in Leeds the
births 183, the deaths 118 ; in Bristol the births
112, the deaths 62 ; in Hull the births 79, the
deaths 42 ; in Edinburgh the births 118, the deaths
89 ; in Glasgow, the births 378, the deaths 243 ;
and in Dublin the births 178, the deaths 151. There
were 447 deaths in Vienna during the week ending
the 22d ult.

At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean
height of the barometer in the week was 29.760 in.
The barometrical reading increased from 29.53 in. on
Friday to 29.90 in. at the end of the week. The
mean temperature of the air in the week was 54.1
deg., which is 3.5 deg. above the average of the
same week in 50 years (as determined by Mr.
Glaisher). The highest day temperature was 74
deg., on Friday. The lowest night temperature
was 314 deg., on Monday. The entire range of
temperature in the week was therefore 42.6 deg.
The mean of the highest temperatures of the waters
of the Thames was 58.7 deg. ; that of the lowest
was 57.3 deg. The difference between the mean
dew point temperature and air temperature was
9.8 deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air
was 70, complete saturation being represented by
100. The general direction of the wind was S.W.
There is a marked improvement in the London
waters since their analysis has been resumed. In
100.0001 b. of water the solid matter was 33.791 b. in
February, 32161 b. in March, and 28.891 b. in April;
the decrease in organic and other volatile matter
was most striking ; it was 2.721 b., 2.261 b., and
1.421 b. in the three months. The oxidizable matter
in April was only the half of what it was in
February.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

-o ----

TIMES.—A dramatic death has been the lot of the
actor who murdered President Lincoln. A. fate too
like a soldier's has ended the career of one whose
deed has made every soldier on both sides indignant
or ashamed. The details which we receive from
several sources of the death of this man and the cap-
ture of his accomplice form one of the most interest-
ing narratives of the war. The act of assassination
was in itself full of horrible audacity, and the sequel
is in keeping with it. When the murderer leaped
from the box on to the stage, a height of nine or ten
feet, he broke his leg. He is described as having
keen bent double with the shock of his fall, but he
had the energy to rise up and shout out the motto
of Virginia as the defence of his crime. Still the
leap probably proved fatal to him. With that disre-
gard of pain which is of ten shown in the first mo-
ments of a wound by men under the influence of
strong excitement he was able with his broken leg
to rush across the stage, overturn those who were in
his way, mount a horse, and gallop off. But in a
short time the hurt disabled him. He was obliged
to have, the leg set, and for the few days that he had
to live must have been in great pain and nearly dis-
abled. All the resources of the Washington Govern-
ment were employed to find him. His refuge was at
first unknown. Whether he remained hidden in
Washington or its suburbs, or was lurking in Mary-
land, or had contrived to cross the Potomac, and
had pushed into the interior of Virginia with the in-
tention of escaping southward, could only be guessed.
Those conversant with the political state of the
country seem, however, to have formed a shrewd
judgment as to the place of his concealment.
In the low lands of Maryland which lie to the
east and south of Washington, between the
Potomac and Chesapeake Bay, exists a popula-
tion which is said to be strongly Confederate
in feeling, They are not very numerous ; they
cannot be very rich; their country is swampy and
unhealthy, but such an asylum as they had they were
suspected of being willing to offer to. John Wilkes
Booth. In this region, accordingly, the United States
cavalry and police made a strict search. They were
furnished with that potent instrument of detection,
a photograph of the criminal, and for ten days they
pursued him incessantly. A little army was em-
ployed in the service, and at last success rewarded
the exertions of Colonel Baker, to whom had been
committed the task of discovering the assassin. The
details of the capture will be found in our columns
to-day. Booth, it was discovered, had really secreted
himself in the peninsula, but finding doubtless that
hot pursuit was made after him, he had crossed the
river into Virginia, at a place called Port Royal.
He was followed, and on the night of Tuesday, the
25th April, a party arrived at the house of an old
man named Garrett, who it proved had harboured
the fugitives. The old man and his son were forced
by threats to reveal their place of concealment, which
was a neighbouring barn. Then followed a singular
scene. For more than an hour did the pursuers
parley with the assassin. The correspondents of the
New York papers tell the story with little variation,
and there can be no doubt that it is in the main cor-
rect. Booth preserved his bravado to the last, and
is reported to have asked the soldiers to retire to a
distance, so that there might be a fair fight between
them. His companion was less obstinate, and soon
gave himself up. Booth in the end was shot by a
certain Sergeant Corbett, a man of English descent.
Such is the end of a man whose name will be noto-
rious in the annals of crime. There was a reckless-
ness in the deed, and a want of personal interest in
its result, which might at first lead one to suppose
that the perpetrator was mad. To shoot his victim
in a public theatre, to jump on the stage where he
might be recognised by a large part of the audience,
and then to ride off like the hero in a romance, is
hardly consistent with the sober and calculating
criminality of the present day. Yet there cannot
be a doubt that his plan had the assent of two or
three other conspirators, and it probably might
have been carried yet further if some other of the
chief persons connected with the Government had
appeared at the theatre. It is not madness, but
fierce, uncontrollable passions, the indulgence of
bitter animosities, and perhaps an uneasy and crav-
ing vanity, which prompt men to these deeds. The
accomplices of Booth bear, probably in character, a
sort of general resemblance to him. When the
scheme for murdering the members of the Washing-
ton Government was propounded, there was, no
doubt, a knot of men who it was thought might be
safely intrusted with the secret. As the planners of
the Gunpowder Treason found their men, so did
Booth, or whoever started the idea of assassinating
the President, find his. There are minds in which
every dispute suggests ideas of retaliation and re-
venge. Among the Secessionist population of Vir-
ginia there are to be found, no doubt, many men
whom the conflicts of four years have exasperated
into ungovernable ferocity. That two or three of
these should be prevailed upon to compass their ends
by murder can excite no surprise ; but the more we
examine this matter the more reason do we find for
believing that it was the act of a few desperadoes,
and that no body of men in the South were cognisant
of the intention or have approved the deed. Mr.
Stanton has asserted that the plot was known and
approved at Richmond, but this has produced an
indignant disclaimer from General Edwin G. Lee,
of the Confederate service, who declares, from his
own knowledge of the Richmond Government, that
they would have seen with abhorrence any attempt

to advance their came by such means. A conver-
sation with General Robert Lee, the Confederate
Commander-in-Chief, is also reported, and in it
the General is made to say that the crime was de-
plorable and execrable, and that if the purpose to
commit it had been known in the South it would
have met with universal condemnation. These de-
clarations are sufficient to satisfy all reasonable men.
A few sympathisers with the South may have been
ready to screen the murderer when his crime was irre-
vocable, but it is incredible that an act which it might
be known would excite the indignation of the world,
and make the North more steadfast in determination
than ever, would have received the assent of any
portion of the authorities, high or low, at Richmond.
Nothing now remains but to bring to trial the sup-
posed accomplices who have been seized. Booth is
beyond the reach of human justice. His body, cut
in pieces according to some, sewed up in a blanket
according to others, has been disposed of so that no
part of it, and no portion of the clothes upon it,
shall be found. There will be nothing for sympathy
to cherish or speculation to make gain by. There is
an end of him, and the American public will at least
have the satisfaction that he has ceased to live, even
though he has not died the death of a traitor and
assassin. The supposed assailant of the Sewards is,
however, in' custody, and the accomplice who was
taken with Booth is also to be dealt with. Their
crimes are so great that if they be found guilty they
will doubtless suffer the full penalty of the law. No
one on either side of the ocean will plead for them.
We can only hope that whatever is to be done may
be done quickly, so that the horrible event thus
avenged may as soon as possible pass away from the
conversation and thoughts of men.

HERALD.—Finis Secessim. The surrender of Gen.
Johnston seals the confession of helpless exhaustion
virtually recorded by the capitulation of the army of
Virginia. Resistance might possibly be prolonged
for a considerable time in the vast territory beyond
the Mississippi, where there still exists a Confederate
army, and where the State of Texas, and great part
of Louisiana and Arkansas, still maintain an inde-
pendence unshaken by any efforts of the Federal
armies. But the eastern part of the Confederacy is
conquered; the enemy is at liberty to concentrate
his naval and military strength upon the western
region ; and resistance there could only exasperate
him to more cruel severities against the people of the
conquered States, and aggravate the final misery of
the Texans themselves. Guerilla warfare would be
yet more fruitless for good, and would entail still
worse sufferings on the defenceless population sub-
ject to the military despotism of the North.
The South is crushed, and all that her wisest
leaders and noblest patriots can do is to with-
draw themselves from the rage of a vindic-
tive conqueror ; and spare their fatherland the
bitter grief and crowning humiliation of seeing her
best and bravest citizens mount the scaffold, to atone
with their lives for the crime of having loved her too
well and served her too loyally. General Johnston
and his officers, like those of Lee's army, are
exempted by the terms of their capitulation from
Federal vengeance; though, remembering the fre-
quent violations of national faith which characterised
New England during the War of Independence, and
the savage menaces of Johnson and Butler, they
will do well not to trust implicity to the obligation
of treaties. President Davis and his Cabinet, with
the rest of the civil officers of the Southern Govern-
ment—that is to say, with every eminent citizen in
the South who has not actually served in the field
and been included in the military conventions—are
at the disposal of the victors should they be taken ;
and we may be assured that no mercy will be shown
to those who may fall into Andrew Johnson's hands.
We earnestly trust that the President and his ad-
visers will escape, and all who value the honour of
the North must echo our wish. To speak of the
struggle of the Southern States as a rebellion is
simply childish and petulant, but to designate the
heads of the Confederate Government as the chiefs
of a rebellion evinces a spirit of unscrupulous and
sanguinary malignity. Whatever secession might
have been—whether it were legal or illegal—the
statesmen of the Confederacy are not responsible for
it. It was the act of the people at large ; it was
formally ratified by the regular authorities of the
States, who had the power of life and death, and
every ordinary attribute of sovereign power ; and
to whom, according to the theory universally held
in the Jnited States up to 1861, every citizen
owed allegiance. The same law which, in
England, relieves from the penalty of treason all
who obey a king de facto, and which is founded
upon the simplest principles of justice, completely
absolves the Southern leaders. Moreover, if
secession had been treason, it was consummated
before Mr. Davis, at least, had anything to do
with it. His State of Mississippi had left the
Union before he resigned his seat in the Senate at
Washington ; and the severance was completed
before he was elected President of the Confederacy.
His execution would be simply a political murder ;
and a murder more wicked, cruel, and cowardly
than that of Abraham Lincoln, inasmuch as
it would be the act not of one desperate fanatic, but
of a national Government. It would fix upon every
citizen of the Northern States, and especially on
the President and his advisers, a guilt in every re-
spect corresponding to that of John Wilkes Booth.
Those, therefore, who do not wish that history
should 'stigmatise the Americans as a nation of
murderers must pray for the escape of Jefferson
Davis. The action of the Federal Government will
speedily give conclusive proof that the Southern
States are not defeated rebels, but a conquered
nation. The defeat of a rebellion replaces matters,
legally, in statu quo ; nor is there in the United
States any power which could alter the status. It is
the pleasure of certain organs to affect an ignorance
of which they are hardly capable, and to say that
the Confederate States forfeited their constitutional
rights by renouncing the Union. But if they were
rebels then their secession was legally a nullity. They
have, in that case, never really been out of the
Union, and have, therefore, always retained the
rights which they refused to exercise. True, under a
Sovereign Government the Sovereign may punish
treason by confiscating the rights of the traitors ;
but the Federal Government is not, and never was,
sovereign over the States. It never had any
authority beyond the bounds of the special functions
delegated to it by the States. It has, and can have,
no power not expressly granted to it by the consti-
tution ; and the constitution contains no provision
by which a State can forfeit any privilege belong-
ing to it, or by which the Federal Government can
inflict any punishment upon a State. Nor was the
omission of such provisions accidental. The States
intended to reserve their separate sovereign charac-
ter ; and, therefore, were careful to grant no legal
power of control, coercion, or punishment, to the
Federal Government. Neither Congress nor the
President has any legal power to interfere in
the internal concerns of a State, to deprive its
citizens of their franchise, or to take away from
it an inch of territory, or an item of political
privilege. If a State could forfeit its privileges, and
subject itself to penalties, there must be some Court
which has power to pass sentence on it ; and the
most frantic Federalist will not dare to assert that
any such Court exists. No one who has read the
constitution call conceive of the possibility of such
a Court. If, therefore, the Southerners were rebels,
the terms offered by Sherman and repudiated by
Andrew Johnson would be the only terms that could
be imposed. The State Government must resume
their place in the Union, and their powers and
functions under the constitution. It is only by mi-
litary force that they can be deprived of these
powers ; and military force cannot be applied to
subdued rebels, who are amenable only to the law
of the land. To alter one jot or one tittle of the
law, or the rights of any Southern State, the South
must be considered a conquered country ; and to
treat it as a conquered country is to admit that
secession was a valid act, that the Seceding States
passed out of the Union, and, therefore, that their
• citizens, from Jefferson Davis down to the private
soldier or Treasury clerk, are not rebels, but con-
quered enemies. President Johnson is recorded to
have said, several months ago, " Show me a man
who talks of the constitution of the United States,
and I will show you a traitor." He at least under-
stood that the South could not be conquered con-
stitutionally ; that under the constitution there
could be no confiscation, no emancipation, no
" punishment of traitors," no reconstruction of
State Government ; that to admit the South to
submit to the constitution was to forfeit all the
objects for which his party were contending.
He is determined, then, to deal with the Con-
federate States as a conquered country ; and, as
we have shown, to do this is to entitle every
Southerner to be considered a foreign enemy,
and to make the execution of any single Southerner,
on a charge of treason, simple, absolute,
execrable murder. But he is not the man to shrink
from murder, if he may commit it under judicial
forms ; and for the purposes of national vengeance
the theory of conquest is certainly the most avail-
able. Practically, if not avowedly, the South will
meet the fate of a conquered country. She will
receive such institutions as the conqueror pleases.
He must establish a military despotism if he would
hold the country at all. And he may do this in two
ways. He may appoint military governors with
full powers, as over territories not entitled to rank
as States. Or he may veil his tyranny under re-
publican forms, excluding from the franchise every
citizen of Southern principles, and placing the go-
vernment of each State in the hands of a little band
of Southern renegades, Yankee immigrants, and
emancipated negroes. There can he little doubt
that he will choose the latter course. It is the less
flagrantly violent and despotic, though the more
impudently illegal, inasmuch as the Federal autho-
rity has no power to disfranchise or enfranchise any

inhabitant of any State for state purposes. It gives
an immense advantage to the dominant party at
the North ; for the new " States" will be at the
service of that party, and their electoral votes and
seats in Congress will be at the disposal of the
President. Anything more miserable than the fate
of the Southerners under this rule it is imposeible to
conceive. A foreign tyrant is restrained by some
sense of shame and decency—a military governor
will have some regard for soldierly honour, and
some fear of provoking vengeance by excessive
tyranny. But a colluvies of renegades and rowdies
like that which has been installed as the legal con-
stituency of Louisiana and Tennessee has no shame
and no self-respect—it is even more bitter in its
hatred and more cruel in its vengeance than the
worst of foreign despots. The appointment of
Brownlow as Governor of Tennessee, which he owes
to his famous imprecation of " Greek fire for the
masses and hell fire for the leaders" of his country-
men, indicates the policy of the Federal Govern-
ment ; and every Southern State may expect
.to
find a Brownlow or a Butler installed in authority
over it, its men and women subject to his pleasure,
its Legislature filled with the vilest of his creature+,
and its seats in the Federal Capitol filled by men or
whom the least hateful to Southern feeling will be
some two or three freed negroes, thrust in there to.
prove the loyalty of the electors to Abolition and
New England. The only consolation of the suf-
ferers must be that by such agency as this the con-
quered South will be employed to rivet the chain!
of Federal despotism upon her conquerors, and
that, in crushing out the national life and indepen-
dence of her neighbours, the North has sealed the
doom of her own liberties.

The Attempted Murder in Whitecross-street

THE DYING WOMAN'S DEPOSITION.
In the course of the afternoon, it having been intimated
by Mr. Eccles, the house-surgeon of St. Bartholomew's
Hospital, that the unfortunate woman who was nearly
murdered by her husband, and whose case was fully re"
ported yesterday, had become insensible, Mr. D'Eyncourt
was applied to at the Clerkenwell Police-court by inePec"
tor Maskell, of the G division, for an order to take the prt"
soner Edward Bankes to the hospital, for the purpose ei
taking the dying woman's deposition.
The Lord Mayor, accompanied by Mr. Martin, the chief
clerk at the Guildhall, attended at the hospital, and the un-
fortunate woman, who appeared very ill, and who it was
stated is not expected to survive, having been sworn, de'
posed:—
"My name is Ellen Bankes, and I am the wife of Ed-
ward Bankes, a bricklayer, residing at 86, Upper White-
cross-street. I have been married 19 years. I think it was
on Tuesday night that I was brought here. My husband,
on that night, went to bed, and after a short time he care°
down and wanted me to go to bed, but I would not do so.
I do not recollect being struck, but I have been told by my
brother that my husband struck me. He had been veil
nasty with me all that day, and had frequently insulted me
and used bad language towards me. There was no
one
else in the room but me and my husband, Ido not knoW
how I got the blows, but I know I did not injure myself.
I was sober, and so was my husband. He has often 1":"
used me before, and he has given me four or five black
eyes. On one occasion he struck me on the elbow witli
a hammer. He has threatened to cut my throat With
A
a razor three or four times. I believe my finger was injured
when I put up my hands to prevent the blows on my bee
My hand is cut and bruised. I was not injured before
became insensible. I believe I was sitting at the time
was struck. My husband was standing in front of me flea':
the fireplace. I was told that 1 was struck wth a piece 0'
the tongs, and I believe it was with that I was struck.
..„.116
has several times taken up a razor to cut my throat. Se
has been 'a great brute to me. lam 87 years of age, and
believe that I am dying."
The prisoner said he did not wish to ask his wife all
questions. He must have been insensible when he oust'
mitted such a wicked and foolish act.
The Lord Mayor remanded the prisoner to the !lease
of Detention, and he was conveyed there by Inspector
Maskell.