The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-22 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON, SATURDAY 14WENINCI, NOVEMBER 22, 1862.

by preaching the

justifying the proclamation, but . . .
e 'wing the civil
necessity of an army
-.l,,osition as
powers. Perhaps it is as likely a mi., .
Inver-
any that want of zeal is the cause was but .
implicitly oi. ,
fectly compensated by his military abilities, or I;..18
desire, under the circumstances, for military glory.
The Southern Generals are enthusiasts for slavery.
M'CLELLAN was chiefly concerned not to hurt it.
Undoubtedly it were more desirable that every
Federal General should be a terror to slaveholders,
as such, as well as to the armies which those slaves

are now toiling to sustain.
We shall be watching with much interest, now,
the results of two important publio events in
America—the triumph of the pro-slavery Conser-
vatives, and the dismissal of M'CLELLAN. The
General has two military accusations to ex-
plain, the direct disobedience to orders, and the
" marching but six miles a day when Harper's
Ferry was in danger." He will doubtless have
plausible, perhaps satisfactory reasons, to assign
for each. What will the Democrats do ? Will
they make a martyr of their general, and parade
his grievances as the best means of attack on
the Government P This would be incompatible
with their own professions of desire to carry on
the war with greater vigour. At present we are
rather disposed to hope that the PRESIDENT will
have the sense to checkmate them in their own way.
The Northern Democrats have been obliged to de-
clare themselves as earnest in the war as the Re-
publicans. They would not have done this had
they not seen that the vast majority in the North
demanded it. The PRESIDENT, therefore, during
the year, in which all things will be in his own
Lands and those of his Republican COngress, will
probably do his utmost to make the war more effi-
cient than ever. He will probably do another thing ;
he will endeavour to make the conservative, that is
the slavery policy, impracticable, should these
precious Conservatives obtain real power. If
they will take office, let it be, he will
say, to find that the Republicans have
all but annihilated the Great Diana of the Con-
servatives, and of the South,—slavery. Mr. LIN-
COLN is, we believe, a sincere patriot ; he knows
now, if he did not fully appreciate it before, that
slavery and the Union are lastingly incompatible.
He must see, that if the Democrats are to follow
him, they are not unlikely to make peace with the
South and slavery. Indeed the Southerns tell the
Northern Democrats that they do not mean to re-
enter the Union in any case. The South well
knows that it could never silence the conscience
of the North on the crime of slavery, that it
would soon be in a hopeless minority, and
that the only thing left for Southern politicians
is to have a slave empire to themselves.
Mr. LINCOLN, therefore, has a year to work
in without hindrance—he has the Democrats
pledged to vigorous war efforts—be has the South
renouncing for ever union with the Northern D-
emocrats, by whom they formerly ruled the Union
---he has, therefore, all opportunity for working
his own policy more efficiently than ever. Ad he
will have to give up will be the extreme measures
which all his best friends here regretted--especially
his detestable imprisonments on suspicion merely,
and without any kind of legal investigation or trial.
His setting aside the Habeas Corpus Act has pro-
bably done more than anything else to precipitate
the fall of the Republican party. What thousands
must have given vent at the ballot box to indigna-
tion with the silence imposed on them. Well for
him if he opens the doors of his illegal prisons at
once.

The particulars of the late Revolution in Greece
have at length come within the range of our
knowledge. Accurate information has been ob-
tained of the origin, rise, and progress of the re-
-1 cent movement. The steady and continuous
development of the popular antipathy towards the
royal system—inaugurated thirty years ago, on the
induction of a Bavarian Prince in the person of
King OTHO to the then newly established sove-
reignty of Greece—was a matter long since of
absolutely flagrant notoriety. It was an estrange-
ment between KING and People that had already
been signalized by more than one insurrectionary
disturbance—some of these emeutes being of a really
formidable character. In 1843, in point of fact, the
constitutional struggle appeared to have reached its
climax. Then it was that the Bavarian entourage of
the Court of Athens was summarily got rid of ! Then
the foreign favourites were eliminated at once from
the offices of the Court and from the still more im-
portant offices of the Administration. The Greeks
insisting for once upon the recognition of their rights,
were left fora while more freely to themselves. The
SOVEREIGN and his Royal Consort—one with his
Bavarian, the other with her Russian proclivities,
one looking to Munich, the other to St. Petersburg
for inspiration, both estranged, at heart, from the
cause of a thorough-going Greek independence—
OTHO and AMELIA were left there, it is true, safe
and sound in their Hellenic Palace, the crowning
ornaments, and the nominal guarantees of a liberal
and enlightened Constitution. But even after 1843
had witnessed the accomplishment of that partial
transformation of things (for the better, as it was
hoped)—even then the secret source of estrange-
ment between King and People was left uneradi-
cated. His illusion in regard to what soon came to
be known, almost in derision, certainly in dis-
gust, as the grande idee perpetually induced
King OTHO to strive, upon every possible
and impossible opportunity, to draw back,
more and more closely, those reins of the
Government, which, according to his view, and
more especially according to the view of his Queen-
wife, appeared to have become unnecessarily
slackened. Against that endeavour—(surely it
is not surprising under the circumstances that it
should be so) tl
__lei e was all the while conti-
tinually spreading and intensifying among the
Greek population of_ all ranks and classes a covert
but a most unmistakeable and inerradicable feeling
of rebellion. . For—all the while—the educated
classes in Greece were numbering up ! " The
Greeks"
(that is, those of nowadays), it has been
recently and very justly remarked by one who
writes there in the midst of them from his own
keen observation
dent of our chief morning
Greeks are justly proud of
the
thecontemporary),
taedmvSpecialapno
advance
ea Cr
theyyo )r , r e , s,
hp
Theaovn e-
made in education—scarcely a village which has
not its schools, and scarcely a provincial town
without a lyceum or a gymnasium. Most of these
institutions, above all the higher ones, are due to
the munificence and patriotism of the Greeks
abroad, who, having acquired wealth, rarely forget
to bestow a portion of it on Greece, which even
those who come from the Turkish provinces recog-
nise as their common country. Such is the
craving for education that not only the sons of
tradespeople, but often those of simple country-
and even the Univer-
perhaps, return
sfoitlyk,, frequcut
although the
th
elyceums,
afterwards,
to the callings of their parents. With the taste
of politicians; and
for politics which the Greeks have, the higher
schools are so many nurseries
and to the free intercourse and mixture
of all
even after school is left, owing to the outdoor life
classes, the influence of these early
among the young men. All this tends more and
more to develope in the new generation of the
towns s ideas is kept up
mottling not unlike the character of the