The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY

_
we could— wish it success, but whether we wish it
success or not, we believe it will be done. The con-
sideration for England, therefore, is what ought
she to do, as a nation, in regard to the nation which
Mr. GLADSTONE says is already made. Ought we
to recognise it at once ; ought we, like President
LINCOLN, to promise recognition within ninety
days ; or ought we to leave the two belligerents to
go on till they have wearied themselves of the war.
We must reply that, as an anti-slavery nation,
we cannot recognise, unconditionally, a Common-
wealth based on the indefinite extension of the
Divine institution of slavery. All our antecedents
are against embracing a confederation of slavery
extensionists. Of men, too, who will as certainly
reopen the African Slave-trade when once they
have obtained the power to do so, as they now pro-
claim the will of Omnipotence to be, the bondage
of the African to the white man. On the ground
of humanity to the white men, who perish in
thousands on the murderous battle-field, we might
be glad to recognise the South, if so doing would
hasten the termination of the war ; but humanity
to the black man has its claims on Eng-
land also ; and, when the cause of bat-
tle is to enslave him in greater num-
bers, over a wider area, and for a
political eternity, England ought to hesitate.
Tell us, we should say to the South, what you
want us to recognise. Is it your right to devise
your own plans for the emancipation of your human
property, or is it to curse the earth with creating
' fresh sovereign States on the infernal system of
I negro slavery ?

No question of this kind does the authorised
agent of the South, Mr. MASON, advert to in his
letter to the Stockport committee, which appeared in
The Sun yesterday. He appealed to international
law as justifying acknowledgment of the nation.
ality of the South under the circumstances. They
had existed politically for more than 18 months ;
they had proved, in arms, their power to sustain
their independence, and therefore no just cause of
offence would be given by acknowledging them as
a nation. The advantage would be that it would
" dispel all illusion on the subject in the United
States." At present the holding back of Europe is
taken as an indication of its belief that the North
may yet conquer the South, or that there may be
a restoration of the unbroken Union. Recogni-
tion would also be a proof that in the judgment
of Europe the rebellion had terminated in the
creation of an independent power ; and the result
of this would be that the war would no longer
be carried on for so hopeless an object as at pre-
sent, at so enormous a sacrifice.
All this we in England would cordially
approve, but for the one consideration, that the
South is fighting to establish a nation of tyrants.
The cause of the North we know to be defective—
it is, however, a cause in which England herself
has often fought, the cause of empire, the
cause of ambition. We can understand it,
and also feel that, in the same position, we, rightly
or wrongly, should have been likely to do the same
thing. But we do not understand fighting for
slavery. If the North is not fighting against negro
slavery, it is, at least, now fighting for a policy
which will entail its extinction. It is becoming
more and more apparent to the North that it must
give up supporting slavery even in independent
States, or give up all hope of conquest. It is in
this light we read Mr. LINCOLN'S manifesto of the
22d. Throughout it is tainted with the evident
wish to get back the South with slavery. It offers,
as indeed Mr. LINCOLN has done from the begin-
ning, immunity from slavery as the purchase price
of repentance and loyalty to the Union. But Mr.
LINCOLN never offers permission to extend slavery.
That was the permission refused by him and his
party, and on which the ballot went. And its de-
cision not to permit the extension of slavery was
the one point on which the South bade farewell to
the North.
If our Government therefore discusses the ques-
tion of Southern recognition, it must ask itself on
what terms it will concede it. It is now obvious
that militarily, the South may become a vast power
in the North of America. It will, it is true, not be
near our Northern possessions, but Cuba and
Jamaica will always be coveted, and the whole of
intertropical America could present no resistance to
its overbearing temper and power. It would soon
hate England, as the leader in the opposition to its
hateful helotism, and would be ready enough to join
the ever jealous Yankees, should war unfortunately
ever arise. Of course in the day of its weakness it
uses plausible language, and may have but moderate
views, but how can we trust it. The South, inde-
pendent, would be the same government which,
when it controlled the Union, insulted England and
bullied her out of everything not worth fighting
for. The North might and did follow—but it was
men placed in office by the South who have gained
America a reputation for vulgarity, low cunning,
and insolence, ❑nparalleled in the history of inter-
national intercourse.
While, therefore, we believe that the South will
be a nation, while we think it likely that recogni-
tion might, for it is by no means certain, hasten
the termination of the war, we cannot think it
would be creditable to us to recognise an indefinite
South. A South between the Mississippi and the
Atlantic, between the Gulf of Mexico and the
Border States ; with entire exclusion of its
" damning crime" from all other territory, ought
to be the least which the North and England should
accept. To this the South will certainly never
consent, and therefore we wculd leave it, for the
present, to its fate. We should gladly recognise
the South, if the South would but first recognise
the rights of four millions of the twelve millions of
which it boasts.

THE QUEEN IN GERMANY.

COBURG, OCT. 3.

The Queen, accompanied by the Prince of W ales, Princess
Helena, Princess Louise, Princess Leopold, and Princess
Beatrice, left Rheinhardtsbrunn at 2 o'clock this day, and
arrived at Coburg at 6 o'clock.

Her Majesty was received at the station at Coburg by the
Crown Prince and Princess of Prussia, who accompanied
her Majesty to the Palace, where the Duchess of Coburg
received her.

The Crown Princess, with the Prince William, Princess
Chailotte, and Prince Albert Henry of Prursia, had come
from Rheinhardtsbrunn to Gotha early in the day.
Her Majesty is as well as can be expected under the
trying emotions of revisiting for the first time the birth-
place of the Prince. Her Majesty has taken daily
walks and drives, with the members of her family, in the
neighbourhood of Rheinhardtsbrunn, but is unequal to much
exertion.

The inhabitants of the neighbourhood have shown the
greatest respect for her Majesty's feelings by refraining
upon all occasions from intruding upon her privacy.
The Queen's departure was delayed for two days by a
sli,ht accident which occurred to Prince Leopold, and which
proved more difficult to cure than was at first expected.
His Royal Highness is now quite recoyered, and bore the
journey
s been for some days upon a tour
Prince
on foot in the Hartz Mountains, is expected to return to-
morrow to Coburg.
rema
ly well.
Arthur,rkab

The Earl and Countess Ashburnham, and Ladies
Ashburnham, have arrived at Ashburnham House from a
tour of visits.
The Earl and Countess of Yarborough have re-
turned to Brocklesby Park from Convaruore, Ireland.
The Earl and Countess of Carnarvon arrived yes-
terday at Gedling Lodge, Notts, the Earl of Chesterfield's
a ooatijisgb-übroyx;tt Hatfieldfromv House,isitingthe Herts.
and Marchioness
of s
ILord and Lady Forester are entertaining a select
circle at Why Flak, Shropshire.

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