The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-14 00:00:00

MEDIATION IN AMERICA,

The following is the full test of the despatch of
the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, addressed
to the Ambassadors of France at London and St.
Petersburg. We translate it from the Illoniteur

" Paris, Oct. 30, 1862.

" Sir,—Europe watches with a painful interest the
struggle which has been raging for more than a year upon
the American continent. The hostilities have provoked
sacrifices and efforts certainly of a natnre to inspire the
highest idea of the perseverance and energy of the two
populations ; but this spectacle, which does so much honour
to their courage, is only given at the price of numberless
calamities and at a prodigious effusion of blood. To these
results of a civil war, which from the very first assumed
vast proportions, there is still to be added the apprehension
of a servile war, which would be the culminating point of
so many irreparable disasters.
" The sufferings of a nation towards which we have
always professed a sincere friendship would have sufficed
to excite the sincere solicitude of the Emperor, even had we
ourselves not suffered by the counter-blow of these events.

" Under the influence of the intimate relations which the
extension of intercourse has multiplied between the various
regions of the globe, Europe itself has suffered from the
consequences of a crisis which dried up one of the most
fruitful sources of the public wealth, and which became for
the great centres of labour the cause of the most sad trials.
" As you are aware, air, when the conflict commenced we
held it our duty to observe the most strict neutrality, in
concert with the other maritime Powers, and the Washing-
ton Cabinet has repeatedly acknowledged the honourable
manner in which we adhered to that line of conduct. Tho
sentiments which dictated it to us have undergone no
change. But the benevolent character of that neutrality,
instead of imposing upon the Powers an attitude which
might resemble indifference, ought lather to make them of
service to the two parties, by helping them out of a position
which seems to have no issue.

" From the commencement of the war an armed force
was set on foot by the belligerents, which, since then, has
almost constantly been kept up, and, after so much blood-
shed they are now in that respect nearly in the same posi-
tion. Nothing authorizes the presumption that more deci-
sive military operations will shortly occur. According to
the last news received in Europe, the two armies, on the
contrary, were in a condition that would not allow either
party to hope within a brief delay for any decided advan-
tage to turn the balance and accelerate the conclusion of
peace.

" All these circumstances taken together point to the
opportunity of an armistice ; to which, moreover,under pre-
sent circumstances, no strategical objection can be made.
The favourable disposition towards peace which are begin-
ning to manifest themselves in the North as well as in the
South might, on the other band, second the steps that
might be made to recommend the idea of a truce.
" The Emperor has, therefore, thought that the occasion
has presented itself of offering to the belligerents the• sup-
port of the good offices of the maritime Powers, and his
Majesty has charged me to make the proposition to the
Government of her Britannic Majesty, as well as to the
Court of Russia. The three Cabinets would exert their
influence at Washington, as well as with the Confederate
States, to obtain an armistice for six months, during which
every act of war, direct or indirect, should provisionally
cease on sea as well as on land, and it might be, if necessary,
ulteriorly prolonged.
" These overtures, I need not say, Sir, would not imply
on our part any judgment on the origin or issue of the
struggle, nor any pressure upon the negotiations which
might, it is to be hoped, ensue in favour of an armistice.
Our task would consist solely in smoothing down obstacles,
and in interfering only in the measure determined upon by
the two parties. We should not, in fact, believe ourselves
called upon to decide but to prepare the solution of the diffi-
culties which hitherto have opposed a reconciliation between
the belligerent parties.
Would not, moreover, an agreement between the three
Courts respond sufficiently to their intentions ? Would it
not give to their step the character of evident impartiality ?
Acting in concert they would combine the conditions best
suited to inspire confidence; the Government of th 3 Em-
peror by the constant tradition of French policy towards
the United States; England by the community of race;
Russia by the marks of friendship she has never ceased to
show to the Washington Cabinet.

gg Should the event nit justify the hope of the three
Powers, and should the ardour of the struggle overrule the
wisdom of their councils, this attempt would not be the
less honourable for them. They would have fulfilled a duty
of humanity, more especially indicated in a war in which
excited passions render all direct attempts at negotiation
more difficult. It is the mission which international law
assigns to neutrals, at the same time that it prescribes to
them a strict impartiality, t.nd they c -uld never make a
nobler use of their influence than by endeavouring to put
an end to a struggle which causes so much suffering, and
compromises such great interests throughout the whole
world.

" Finally, even without immediate results, these over-
tures would not be entirely useles., for they might encourage
public opinion to views of conciliation, and thus contribute
to hasten the moment when the return of peace might be-
come possible,

" I request you, sir, in the name of his Majesty, to sub-
mit these considerations to Lord Russell (or to Prince
Gortschakoff), begging him to state the views of the Go-
vernment of her Britannic Majesty (or of the Court of
Russia).
"You will also state that I have written in similar terms
to the representative of the Emperor at St. Petersburg (or
London),-1 am, &c.,

" DAOuTki P LIMICS'"