The Sun.
London, England, 1862-04-25 00:00:00

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situdes of the war the Southern
should send an embassy to Washin
say, " Very well, we are ready to la
arms on one condition; we are ready to renew the
compact and ready to make it perpetual ; we are
ready to attach to it every secularity and guarantee
that you can imagine for holding as fast, but upon
this one condition,--that you shall assure us that
there shall be no interference with our domestic in •

STAMPED ....fid.

stitutions ;"—ah, gentlemen, we have heard of the
fear that that application—if it were made—would
receive a very favourable reply. (Cheers.) I think
it was we 2.! st,'lted by my noble colleague, Lord Rus-
sell, that this was a "a struggle on the one side for
supremacy, and on .
the other for independence."
(Cheers.) Now, I cannnt ht:lt sympattnze with those
who arc making the struggle 5,:r supremacy. It is
painful to surrender a great, an imcosiug, and mag-
nificent national unity. We, the Engi:sh people, in
other times have felt that pain. (Herr, jr.)O We
know what it was. Old George 111. upon the r.`lro3e,
whether you approve his policy in all things or lint,
had all the feelings of an Englishman—was a true
Englishman in heart and sentiment. He felt n'k;
heart rent in twain by tile laceration of the empire•
when the American Colonies were parted from us.
But the experience we have had in our own national
history gives us in some degree the means of judg• -
ing of the prospects of this American struggle better
than those which are possessed by the Americana
themselves. We have found that after the pain of
that severance was over we came at length to recog-
nize it as a good, and we are thankful that the
American Colonies were parted from us,
because we think that we could not have governed
them for their own advantage as they have been
enabled to govern themselves. (Hear, hear.) some
persons may say that the Northern State, are a
great deal stronger than the Southern, and there.
fore they must win. Nov, 14;n gland was in former
times a great deal ..,trui.E,—r th in Scotland, but
Englishmen as well as Scotchmen now know that
when it was the object of England to establish by
force her supremacy over Scotland the Scotch prove'
themselves to be what are called " very ugly cus-
tomers"—(laughter)--and at length it was not the
exercise of force; but a sense of policy and prudence
on both sides, dictated in the main by natural cir-
cumstances, which led to the union of the two king-
doms. But the position taken by the Northern
States is this: " We won't let you go ;" while the
position taken by the Southern States is, " We are
determined to go." (Hear, and a laugh.) Well, gen-
tlemen, you are men of business, and I ask you if
one of you has got a partner, and that partner wants
to separate from you, whether in the long run it
is not very difficult to hold him. (Laughter and
cheers.) But, supposing that you were able to hold
that partner, supposing you could contrive some
indenture of partnership by which he should abdi-
cate his free will and tie himself to you like a el:1)-
tive at the chariot wheel of a victor, ho still retain-
ing an alienated heart, no common interest in the
business, having a desire to trip you up and
embarrass you, why, I say, you would not hold that
partner if you could. (Cheers.) The Northern States
of Ameriea have undertaken a military enterprise
of enormous difficulty. It is but fair, I think, that
we should record our sense of the vast and gigantic
energies which they have unfolded in its prosecution..
They have had certain successes in the field. But
here again I fall back on our English experience.
Revert to the annals of the War of Independence
between the American colonies and this country,
and see where were the successes in the field. It
was not for want of such successes that we did not.
conquer those colonies. It was because we found
that when we had been successful in the field we
were no nearer our object than before. (Cheers.) It
is not the question—whezt you are endeavouring to
conquer a country—whether you can break up its
embattled armies and drive them off the plain where
they contended with you in fight. The question is
this, and this alone—whether the heart of that:
country is set upon separation ? (Cheers.) If it is
not set upon separation it may be cong uered ; but,
if it is set upon separation, and if the blood of
Washington and of the men of Virginia of la.s day
still runs in the veins of those who inhabit the
Southern Statcs,then it is almost impossible that the
military object should be effected; and, even if it
were, the civil and political difficulties remaining-
would render that military success itself a curse
and a misery to those who had achieved it.
(Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, we in this country arc-
in the habit of plain speaking ; and, considering the
nearness and intimacy of our relations with all
those who inhabit the North American continent,,
it is well, I think, that we should test our minds in
regard to the sentiments with which we view what
you have well described as this " deplorable strug-
gle." May the Almighty disposer of all hearts
bring that struggle quickly to an end ! For the
sake of ourselves—for the sake, above all, of the
Americans themselves—may that struggle quickly
reach its termination ! (Cheers.) May that take
place, not which we wish or may prefer, but which
is for the peace, the happlmess, and the welfare of
the inhabitants of that countrT, be they white or bo
they black! (Hear, Lear.) Be: gentlemen, we
also see the painful effects of this struggle upon
ourselves—it is impossible to deny them---and not
upon ourselves alone, but upon the other countries
of Europe likewise. France is suffering, Belgium
is suffering, every country that has a cotton manu-
facture is suffering—grievously, more grievously in
proportion to the numbers employed than in this
kingdom, because in those countries there is not
the sense of independence, there is a greater dispo-
sition to lean on the Government for help than hap-
pily prevails among ourselves. But when we are
told by any organ of American opinion that Europe
or that England has behaved unhandsomely
by America, I feel the utmost confidence
that the final verdict of history will be this :
That there never was an occasion in which the
civilized nations in the world generally bore, and
were content to bear, so much real misery resulting
from a civil and municipal quarrel in another State
without interference as there had been on the pre-
sent occasion. (Cheers.) If we look at the pain
that is brought upon us, it is a grevious thought.
In another point of view it is a remarkable testis
mony to the real progress of civilising and peaceful
ideas among the nations of the world. It is in
homage to what is called an abstract principle that
all this misery has been borne;—it has sprung from
a sense of the danger and mischief of interference
in the intestine quarrels of other countries. And
the deference that has been paid to that principle of
international policy by England and by all the
nations of Europe is, I say, among the
features that determine the character of history as
applicable to the nineteenth ceuturY• (Cheers.)

William Pitt," and "The Merrimac and the Moni-
tor," also form topics of discussion.

Poems, chiefly translated from the German, by
John Shapland Stock. Longman and Co.
Few countries have a literature richer in lyric
poetry than that of Germany, notwithstanding its
comparatively modern growth—and two names
alone would
oeldsufficeGth
eto. re33nydecronitfinimiog his selection,
those of
Schiller
then, almost wholly to the poems of these great
writers, Mr. Stock has acted wisely, inasmuch as
quality should especially characterise a work of this
kind; and, for strength and sweetness, suggestive-
ness and finish, together with a wild imaginative
power, many of their poems, if not unique, are at
least unsurpassed. Among our own poets Coleridge
is p-rhape the one who approximated the most
closely to some of their most peculiar character-
istics, but he missed their completeness. Neither
Goethe nor Schiller could. have left " Christabel"
unfinished. What they saw they saw clearly.
They had a true Greek hatred of fragments. Their
minor poems are perfect as exquisitely sculptured
gems, and their merit in an artistic sense cannot
soiubgi
oh!
wow. t o renderdfor l
be too strongly brought before the English public.
We welcome, then, Mr. Stock's volume, not merely
on account of its motive, but from its intrinsic
merit. "The translator," as he observes in the
preface, " of verse into verse has no small difficulty
to struggle with in giving, as he is bound to do, the
sense of the original, exactly and perfectly. He
ofd ogarnaosthpios-
woi for n
at lanyie y
ant line-waxy,
sad o
to, and subtract nothing from, the meaning.
Moreover, he says, But L'..‘c tzaz.Or.tor of lyric
verse has yet another duty to perform. He ought
to preserve accurately the metre of the original
poem. For a great lyric poet as certainly discerns
and selects the metre most suited to his subject as
he does the thoughts and words; and if rendered
in any other form a great portion of the spirit of
the original is sure to evaporate." It is clear, then,
that he has had a full sense of the difficulties and
responsibilities of his undertaking, and we feel
bound to say that if unable in every case to act up
to it, he has upon the whole acquitted himself most
creditably ; and as the original is in each case
printed side by side with the translation, compari-
son is easy. Among the poems given are Schiller's
" Knight Toggenburg " and " King of Poly-
crates," Goethe's "Erl King," "Bride of Corinth,"
and "The God and the Bayadere." There is also
an excellent version of Burger's "Lenora," and the
volume concludes with two poems from the Italian,
the one from Boccacio's prose tale " Pasquino
and Simona " the other of Manzoni's fine ode on
the death oiNapoleon, called " The Fifth of May."
It is handsomely got up, and those commencing
the study of German literature will find it pecu-
liarly valuable.

American Disunion. By Charles Edward Raw-

line, jun. Hardwicke c Piccadilly.
This volume eonsists of a reply to Mr. James
Spence upon the question, "Is Secession a Consitu-
tional Right," discussed in his recent work, " The
American Union." It is, therefore, controversial in
nature, and the question involved is whether the
Southerners are patriots or rebels. To solve this
point Mr. Rawlins examines carefully the articles
of confederation and the Constitution of the Unit•
ed
States, bringing forward a number of authori▪ ties
in support of his views, and deciding emphatically
against the South. Whatever may be the correct.
ness of his opinions, they are at least clearly stated'
and we commend it to the attention of those who
have read Mr. Spence's work.

The North of England Magazine (April).—The
opening article treats of "National Prosperity and
Progress." A tale called " Out of Darkness into
Light," is commenced. Several poems are given,
and the writer of " North and South" believes
" that the future destinies of our country will be
principally moulded by the north of England."

Ballot, By W. H. C. Nation. Effingham Wilson.
—Having read the Rev. Sydney Smith's essay
against vote by Ballot, and differing strongly
with the opinions expressed in it, Mr. Nation took
up his pen to refute them, and has published his
convictions in the form of a sixpenny pamphlet.
We cannot discuss the efficiency of the Ballot sys-
tem here, but refer our readers to its practical ope-
ration in France, America, and Australia.

THE EMBANKMENT OF THE THAMES.--mA parlia.
mentary return shows the estimated cost of carrying into
effect the provisions of the Thames Embankment Bill, in-
cluding
compensations expense ;tions and all other their cost is
stated to be £1,600,000. Tho cost of the approaches to the
embankment is estimated at £BO,OOO ; that of the streets be-
tween the embankment and the Mansion-house, including
.11pAe
InLs ay iAo ny andAe otherlDE xTs. expenses,
n
coinrailway a t£soo, 000. s
every
year might be distinguished by its special accidents. 1861
was the year of the Clayton-tunnel and Kentish-torn col-
lisions, in which 38 passengers lost their lives and 493 were
injured. In that year 284 persons were killed on railways
in the United Kingdom, and 883 injured; of passengers
79 were killed and 789 injured. Forty-six of these pas-
sengers lost their lives from causes wholly beyond their
own control, 38 by the two most calamitous collisions be-
tween trains, 4 by trains getting off the rails, and 4 by
breakage of axles, wheels, &c., or by their getting out of
order. It ought to be a warning that 18 passengers were
killed last year through golfing out of, or attempting to
get into, trains in motion. Seventeen persons were
killed while crossing at level crossings. Fifty •one tres-
passers lost their lives, and 128 servants of companies or
contractors. A passenger was killed at a station by leaning
against a carriage to speak to another passenger, and fail-
ing in consequence of the train moving on. In the last five
years passengers have been killed by railway accidents,
132 e 253
flsh2ern from causes beyond their own control. 2,659
passengers have been injured,
also from causes beyond their
own control ; but the passengers must have been 750 mil-
lion in number, perhaps more.
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