The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-25 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 25, 1865.

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The aspect of the war in America, the prospects
of peace, and the means by which that desirable end

may be attained are prominent topics in European
circles, and we may certainly suppose, even without
direct intimation of the fact, that it is a constant
subject of consideration among the Americans
themselves. Whether we are to accept the ad-
vances made by the North as altogether sincere
may very fairly be questioned. It has been sug-
gested that the recent " semi-official" peace mission
to Richmond was in reality less the result of a
fervent anxiety for peace, than a deep-laid political
move on the part of the North. " The difference be-
tween the Republican and Democratic factions in
Congress place the Government, it is said, in a
position of some difficulty with respect to the
measure now under consideration with respect to
the wholesale abolition of slavery. It is a some-
what singular time to bring forward such a pro-
posal when the South themselves are weighing a
similar project in the balance. Probably it is done
with the idea of taking the wind out of the enemy's
sails, for we have but too good reason to doubt the
sincerity of the Emancipation mania of the North,
although of course a party exists who is really in
earnest on the matter. Whatever the motive, a
project for the abolition of slavery throughout the
whole extent of the United States is now before
Congress/ and the party in power have good reason
to doubt whether they will be able to carry it. It
has therefore been suggested that the mission
of Mr. BLAIR and his son to Richmond
has something to do with this political
dilemma, so that the declaration that the
South no longer regard slavery as a sine qua
non may stimulate their Northern neighbours to be
the first in emancipating the slave. It has also been
thought that the Washington Government is anxious
to get an unmistakeable expression of opinion from
Richmond as to the maintenance of Southern
•inde-
pendence, so as to quicken the flagging energies of
the party in the North who are not very zealous in
the prosecution of the war. There is something
rather singular
about the whole aspect of the affair.
If the Federal emissaries really speak the sentiments
of W ashington,,h__Yare they not duly qualifiedempowered to treat with the
and
Richmond Cabinet. If
they go merely as private
individuals where is the
use of suffering so Quixotic an undertaking
to.have
even the rumoured importance of
a political mis-
sion ? It is noticeable that Mr. BLAIR •
LS accom-
panied by his son, which may suggest that the
younger member of the " mission," being a fa-
vourite of President LINCOLN'S, may have been en-
trusted with some private hints to communicate to
DAvls ; so that, if convenient, the elder BLAIR, the
recognised ambassador, may disown what the
younger member of the embassy had thought fit to

say. Whether this elaborate scheme was pre-planned

or no, it is certain that this expedition has not
found much favour in the South. It is amusing to
notice how it is spoken of in the Southern press.
The Richmond papers are generally adverse to the

idea. One goes so far as to declare that
" the BLAIRS deserve hanging ; " another
warns the Government not .to fraternise
with spies, and says they should not be admitted
through the lines. The Northern press, if less in-
dignant, is scarcely more hopeful. The Times is
opposed to the mission, and declares that no pos-
sible good can result from it, since, it adds sensibly
enough, to treat with DAVIS for peace would be to
recognise the nationality of the South. But, in
truth, the North have been compelled, in countless
ways, to recognise that nationality already, how-
ever reluctant they may be to admit it in words.
Under the pretence of withholding the official re-
cognition, however, they have evaded any open
dealings with the Southern authorities. Mr. BLAIR,
it is said, is only sent to ascertain whether " a true
peace" is obtainable. President DAvis has declared
unmistakeably enough, long ago, that Southern in-
dependence is the only possible basis of a true peace,
and all the Confederate organs have echoed the
same strain. The Federals can, therefore, scarcely
suppose that in the present relative position of the
opposing forces the South will surrender the one
great object of the long and weary struggle, an ob-
ject unshrinkingly maintained through good and
evil fortune, in -spite of every disheartening and dis-
couraging influence. It must be remembered, too,
that the sincerity and fortitude of the South has
been put to a far more severe test than that of the
North, notwithstanding the financial embarrass-
ments of the latter. They have borne the whole
brunt of the war in the invasion of their States,
the desolation of their fertile fields,the wreck and ruin
of many happy homes. They have been nominally
shut out from all communication with the nations of
of Europe, their commerce has been paralysed, their
ports blockaded, their whole social position
thoroughly disorganised and convulsed. The
troubles and sufferings of the war have not been
confined to that poorer class who are so often made
to bear the burden of their superiors' pugnacity
and patriotism. Nor, indeed, have they been, re-
stricted to any one class alone. They have fallen
heavily on the rich planters and their families, many
of whom have lost friends, and home, and property,
and all that made life dear, in the terrible havoc.
Men of wealth and station have willingly forsaken
their cosy and luiuriou.s homes for the trench, the
camp, and the battlefield—worse still, for the risk of
the military hospital or the Northern prison. The
fervour and unanimity of the Southern people in
the national cause is one of the most remarkable
facts in modern history, and proves either that the
supremacy of the North must have been very gall-
ing, or that they have separate and individual in-
terests and feelings which are quite irreconcileable
with those of the North. What the Federals do
not seem to perceive, but what has long been appa-
rent to impartial eyes, is the increasing enmity of
the South against the North ; the ever-growing
barrier which separates the two peoples which the
cruelty and recklessness of the North is constantly
increasing. In any case the evils of civil war are
great and oppressive, and it would probably
be long, under the most favourable circum-
stances, before a hearty reconciliation would take
place between the peoples, but the Northerners
seem to have exerted all their ingenuity to make
their rule, or their triumph, or whatever temporary
advantage Fortune might send them, as bitter and
as hateful to the Confederates as possible; and cer-
tainly the intensity of the Southern feeling—a
feeling which tolerates the suggestion of again
becoming a British dependency rather than remain-
ing as the vassal of the North—would seem to
indicate that they have done so with very great
success. The Washington Cabinet cannot really
credit that Davis would listen to any terms of
peace that were not based upon the independence of
the South, and therefore we may reasonably look
with some suspicion on the pacific expedition of
the BLAIRS Pere et fils.

Mr. DUNLOP appears to appreciate the truth of
the adage " Better late than never ;" and certainly
his constitutents have no right to complain that he
has given them a niggardly exposition of his views
or a limited account of his acts and thoughts. His
speech flows on, in his lucid and logical strain, to
a great length, and it embraces most of the topics
of importance which the past and approaching ses-
sions have seen or are likely to see. Of course, the
everlasting subject of Schleswig-Holstein engaged
the attention of the hon. member, and on this ques-
tion he discoursed at some length. The result of all
his discussions and reflections, as usual, came to the
same conclusion. He voted in favour of the Govern-
ment when the vote of censure was proposed. Cer-
tainly the Ministers were not so foolhardy as many
supposed them to be in daring to fly their fate, for
it almost seems as if a fatality attended the decision
of members on the Liberal side of the House
when any important crisis arrives. However
strongly they may have opposed such a policy, or
differed from such a plan, they are sure to be found
swelling the ranks of the majority when the momen-
tous epoch arrives. This is a great mistake to
commit, because it entirely obliterates the chance of
a suitable warning being given there to those states-
men who have offended against the good sense of
the country, and afterwards to those who are in-
clined to follow in their steps. Mr. DUNLOP, how-
ever, is quite capable of appreciating the errors and
short-comings of the Ministry, and he truly declared
that had Earl RUSSELL answered the question he
put to him some time back a better understanding
might have been arrived at between us and Den-
mark, and that hapless country would not now have
to deplore its mistakes and mischances. It can do
no good now for us to comment upon all this ; but
yet it seems a sort of satisfaction to do so, and to
consider how, if the like emergency should arise
again, we may improve the opportunity instead of
abusing it. It is some relief to find that Mr.
DUNLOP does not share the mania prevalent in so
many quarters of deprecating all wars but those
which are occasioned by our material interests.
Really it is time that some public men should come
forward and put an end to this mischievous propen-
sity. The maintenance of f constitutional freedom
poin
rtunrocepethais
than many
declaredy chlaeimrestowbheichof
commorpeel us
im-
portance
peace. If, said Mr. DL'lsrLop, this principle of
non-intervention had been generally carried out,
very different results would have taken place in
the annals of history. " Scotland would havebecome a province of France, and, in all
pro-
bability, England too, and the Reformation and
civil liberty would have been crushed in both
conntries." Another point upon which Mr.
DUNLOP expressed himself with frankness was that
of Reform ; he declared in the most deliberate man-
ner that he did not expect this subject to be settled
in this Parliament. It was originally elected, he
admitted, for the purpose of extending the franchise,
but it did not carry out its purport. How true is
this definition of the then motive power of action
and ruling spirit of statesmen in certain quarters.
th
eseciltilvhesees g
tw:htiho:r
of Reform was only used to accom-
, plish sucha union in the Liberal ranks as should
enable
em
toptaurocrene.,,outitthweoTulodri
es,
dimandowsette
deliver a plainer or more
Pr
iu
ecissde toone
statement
offacts
than this, and greatwho acs
credit so
fearlessly states his opizions
'la 1414 s r whom they