The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-08 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 8, 1865.

Notwithstanding the ingenuity with which the
diicussion on Mr. BAINES'S motion was postponed
sine die, the Government has thought it more
prudent to make a gracious concession. It has not
availed itself of the opportunity for delay, but has
consented to the debate being continued this very
evening. It will be remembered that, during the
very animated discussion which preceded the
Speaker's decision on Wednesday evening, it was
suggested that Monday evening should be fixed for
the. resumption of the debate— -a suggestion that was
received with very little favour by the occu-
pints of the Treasury Bench. Mr. BAINES
hims,:lf expressed his readiness to accept that or
arty other evening, but the difficulties which Sir G.
G!ZEY and Mr. GLADSTONE perceived in the way
wore so great that they could not allow the decision
to be made. Whether the very unfavourable im-
pression created in the House by the shuffling
policy of the Government had its effect, or whether
the shrewd and keen-sighted leader of the Minis-
terial forces perceived and corrected the mistakes
which his subordinates had fallen into, it is at any
rate certain that the triumph so hardly gained has
not been profited by, and the day might as well
have been fixed at first without any equivoca-
tion. We have yet to learn whether the Lord
Advocate is to represent the opinions of the Govern-
ment, or whether the same desire to conciliate the
electors, which prompted the concession of the dis-
puted point of the adjournment, will open the lips
of some more prominent Minister on the subject.
The country has, indeed, a right to expect a frank
exposition of Ministerial policy on this important
topic. Year by year the grievances of our non-elec-
tors grow more prominent—year by year their re-
dress is postponed, shuffled off, talked of, and for-
gotten. The inconsistencies and inaccuracies of
our present system of representation are too glaring
to be altogether overlooked by the most preju-
diced or the most superficial observer, but
there is never wanting an excuse for the delay of
real Reform. It is evident to the most careless
calculation that the state of things which was
adapted to the population and the property of thirty
years since cannot be suited to the requirements of
to-day. Between 1835 and 1865 there have been
wonderful changes, an increase not only of the
wealth, but of the intelligence and education, the
moral and mental possessions of the country, be-
yond all precedent. The classes that were com-
paratively insignificant from their scarcity of num-
bers have now risen into prominence ; those who
tre in reality their allies and partners in trade,
whose prosperity is identical with their own. If the
men do not yet fully understand this similarity of
interests, neither do the masters ; and if we are to
wait for the extension of the franchise until each
side has enlarged its views on the rights of labour
and capital, lookers on might suggest that the em-
ployers as well as the employed should be excluded.
The sweeping assertions which we so commonly
hear as to the terrible effects which would follow
any increase of the number of electors are really no-
thing but empty words, to support which the de-
claimers haVe actually no evidence whatever. One
Would think from the denunciations made against
any change of the franchise, that it was pro-
Posed to recruit the Parliament itself, and
not the electors merely, from the lower
classes, that the six pound householders were to fur-
nish not merely a proportion of voters, but of legis-
lators ; not a portion of the constituents, but the
members themselves. Yet Mr. LOWE considers that
the division of those mystical four pounds is the only
plank between us and absolute anarchy. If the ex-
:eluded class is half as influential as these objectors
pretend, where is the right or the justice of depriv-
ing them of all voice whatever in political matters ?
If so large a body really has a grievance to complain
of, it is neither right nor politic to give them grounds
.for disaffection and discontent. If anything would
make our sober English artisans disgusted with
.the existing re:gime, it would be the pertina-
city with which they are excluded from that
*which is felt to be their right. Such was not the
*principle on which our Parliamentary representa-
tion was originally based, and such narrow and
arbitrary distinctions as are now insisted on were
never contemplated by the large-minded and
• patriotic framers of our constitution. The working
classes of Englishmen, a large proportion of whom
caret indeed, included already in the election lists
without auy fear of falling heavens, have given so