The Sun.
London, England, 1865-12-22 00:00:00

Speech of bir. Edwin James.

(From the New York Times.)
The outpouring of the labouring masses at the Cooper
Institute last evening was among the grandest gatherings
that ever assembled within the walls of that building. The
vast assemblage filled the large hall of the Institute in
every part, and thousands were compelled to go away un-
able to obtain an entrance. The inside of the building was
profusely decorated with American flags and streamers.
On the platform were many gentlemen who have taken an
interest in all movements that had for their object the
amelioration of the condition of the labouring classes.
Among them we noticed the Hon. Judge C. P. Daly, Ed-
win James, Esq., John Dunphy, Esq., and Dr. J. H.
Robinson.

Several illuminated banners were on the stage, bearing
appropriate inscriptions. Among them were the follow-
ing :—" Eight hours a day the motto of labour." "Free-
men no slaves." " The interests of labour and capital are
inseparable." "Eight hours for work, eight hours for re-
creation, and eight hours for rest." The Musical Protec-
tive Union furnished, free of charge, 100 pieces of music,
whose executions of operatic and national airs added
greatly to the interest of the occasion.
After some introductory remarks, the CHAIRMAN said—
But there are orators here who discuss this topic more
ably and at length. I have now the honour to introduce
to you an earnest friend of the working men, both in Eng-
land and in this country—Edwin James, Esq. '

Mr. Eiawn; JAMES, who, on rising, was enthusiastically
cheered, said—Fellow-workmen, I have more than once re-
ceived the honour of an invitation to attend a meeting of the
workmen of New York, and 1 have more than once given
my reasons for declining that honour. I thought here, as I
did in England, that it was better to leave this great move-
ment to be inaugurated and carried out by yourselves—and,
moreover, I was fearful that in this country, where politics
are so rife, if any extraneous influence was brought to bear
on the side of the working man, politicians might possibly
turn the objects and position of this mighty organisation to
their own base purposes. (Cheers.) But ou this occasion
I acceded to the request to be present and to give you the
benefit of my humble opinions and co-operation, because
others whom I know were to be present, and because I felt
I could not do wrong in following their example. Gentle-
men, I have felt that if politics find a place for a single
moment in this organisation, its whole moral effect will be
shattered; continue your cordial union and manly co-opera-
tion undisturbed by the state of the political atmosphere of
this country. It has fallen to my lot in the Elglish House
of Commons, where I was elected to represent over 100,000
working men of the metropolis, to do battle for the rights
of the working man against what the capitalists then and
now erroneously believe to be their interests. And of all
the " representatives of the people"—you will not, I hope,
gentlemen, think me guilty of self-laudation—there were
few of us who were on the side of the working man. The
power and the interests of capital were chiefly represented
in that house. Now, gentlemen, I see around me here
specimens of what is called the labour market, and it is
bringing its labour, not in competition with or antagonism
to capital, for, as I have just noticed bn an illumination in
this hall, "Capital and labour are inseparable." Labour
of itself is in some sort capital. The might that slumbers
in the workman's arm is his capital. (Cheers.) The rich
man's riches, whether they wero bequeathed to him, earned
by him, or stolen by him, is simply hoarded labour. Now,
what is the labour market ? It is an unseen but all-pervad-
ing reality ; the corn market, the hay market, the meat
market - these you can see ; but the labour market you
cannot see, although it is the most mighty market of the
world. And who are the men who labour in this market ?
The workman in the factory, the artist in his studio, the
lawyer in his office, the judge on the bench, all these are
contributors to the great labour market. What, then, is the
grand motive power to sustain these workers ? Capital ;
and in our bargain with capital all we ask is that that com-
past shall be founded on principles of equity and justice.
(Loud cheering.) We are not here in antagonism to capital;
if we were, you will pardon me for saying that I should not
be among you; we are simply here to see and insist that the
r.ba gain between capital and labour shall be just; and that
t shall be founded upon such principles as will allow of
the two great interests marching together in the cause of
industrial progress and the civilisation of the world. (Ap-
plause.) Capital has its duties ; labour has its rights ; and
our great object in meeting here and in carrying on the or-
ganisation is to exact our rights and call capital to a perform-
ance of its duties. (Applause.) Gentlemen, this great move-
ment, the power of which is now beginning to be felt, is, in
this country at least, of comparatively recent origin. In
England labour has been engaged for years in a struggle
against capital, and capital has never lent a helping hand
to labour in the hour of necessity ; it has intrenched itself,
as it wero, behind a barrier of corporate irresponsibility,
and it is this barrier which we have laboured to destroy.
(Applause.) Mr. James then proceeded to refer to the late
visit of the English capitalists to this country, speaking
jocularly of the fact that they brought " Xenophons and
Livys in their train to chronicle their doings, a lawyer (for
fear of being outwitted by a Philadelphia practitioner), and
even a doctor." The inhabitants of the United States
welcomed them, and were pleased to see them, and he
for one did not regret their visit. He had enjoyed the
honour and pleasure of Sir Morton Peto's friendship, and
had done battle with him on the floor of the House of Com-
mons for the rights of the workman. " I congratulate the
country and themselves," said Mr. James, "on their visit
and on their investment of money in America, for it was
what we lawyers would call a recognisance to bind the two
countries in an amity which would tend to the peace, hap-
piness, and civilisation of the world. (Applause.) But why
such a flourish of trumpets from their cortege? One would
think they came upon some high philanthropic mission,
instead of a mission—and a very natural one too—to make
four or five per cent. for their money here when they only
get three per cent. athome. (Laughter.) They came repre-
senting capital to employ labour, and we should see that
the bargain between the two great interests is just. But
they should come in their true character, and with the
amount of importance justly duo to that character. Ono
might not unreasonably have supposed, from the fuss they
made here, that they came as commissioners to pay this
country the large sum duo to it for depredations. I will not
say by the connivance or collusion, but I do say through
the scandalous apathy and negligence, of the British Go-
vernment. (Tremendous cheering, again and again re-
newed.) To show you how important and mysterious they
made themselves, I may mention that an Irish friend of
mine, of a very sanguine temperament, said, ' Good luck to
'em ; shure and haven't they come over to build a railway
to take us Faynians to Canady ?' " (Immense laughter and
cheering.) The speaker then referred to the great contrast
between the capital and labour in England, and predicted
that the same contrast would be kept up here unless de-
stroyed by some influence, between the shoddy aristocracy
and labour. Every republic, as it grows, must neces-
sarily have an aristocracy—an aristocracy of rank, an
aristocracy of wealth, or an aristocracy of talent and
education ; but of all these the most corrupt was the
aristocracy of mere wealth. In support of his view of the
relations of capital p/hd labour in England, Mr. James read
a paragraph froth the London Observer (the semi-official
organ of the Government), in which the state of the Lan-
cashire operatives was described as alarming. Referring
to one of the resolutions of the organisation passed at
Albany, Mr. James said he differed entirely from it on
the question of legislation. Tho labour interest must not
rely on legislation ; but rather on manly co-operation and
the inherent dignity of labour itself. In England all
attempts to legislate in favour of the workmen had been
failures, and it was more likely to be the case here, where
adjoining States might take diametrically opposite views
of the case. If they relied on legislation, it would ulti-
mately resolve itself into a question of " lobbying," and
in the end the workmen would have the worse of it.
(Applause.) He had bean told in England that there was
danger in the movement; that labour sought to injure
capital, and to compass the ruin of those who had em-
barked their wealth in mighty undertakings. This he
emphatically denied, and in disproof of the assertion,
he cited the cases of the English operatives, two years
ago, when not a single case of larceny occurred, and of
the French revolution in 1848, when the French workmen
themselves were the first, although agitating for au abridg-
ment of the hours of labour, to quiet the popular disturb-
ance. In conclusion, Mr. James said—You are now
struggling for an abridgment of the hours of labour to
eight ; that is practically nine, for you must reckon the
time consumed in going to and coming from labour.
(Applause.) At all events, you and I are hop as advo-
cates of some abridgment. (Cheers.) We desire that the
workmen should have time for intellectual culture ; time
to become sentient beings—a being rendered responsible
for his acts by education to God and to his conscience.
We only ask a just bargain between capital and labour, so
that eeah shall enjoy a share of that leisure and happiness
which God apportioned to us all. (Loud cheering.)