The Sun.
London, England, 1865-08-30 00:00:00

are eager to confiscate all property, to deprive the
whites on one pretext or another of all political
rights and to hand them over to the negro, to whom
a vote at present can have very few attractions.
If this extreme section had their way they would
soon either kindle a fresh war by driving the
Southern people to extremities or they would
crush them down under a martial law which
could not possibly be maintained over such
immense territories, and so vast a popula-
tion. Happily the PRESIDENT refuses to be dic-
tated to by these extreme Radicals, as they are
called in the States, and has hitherto, with one
or two exceptions, shown more moderation than
could have been expected of him, and he has
reaped the reward by rapidly rising in European
reputation. At first his antecedents, and his un-
fortunate display at his inauguration as Vice-
President,• combined with his repeated diatribes
about the guilt of treason, excited considerable
uneasiness among the English well-wishers of
America and the Americans. Lookers -on see
most of the game, and Englishmen who have
watched the fluctuations of the war with the in-
tensest interest, are perfectly convinced that the
life and vigour of the Southern States cannot
have been so suddenly trodden out, and that the
policy which would seek to impoverish and de-
grade the people will only serve to keep alive
the smouldering fire. The accession of the Vice-
President to the supreme power was therefore
looked upon with some misgivings, and the arbi-
trary proceedings at Richmond, coupled with the
cruel severity with which the ex-President of the
Southern States was treated, tended to increase
the feeling. Whether the responsibilities of power
brought calmer reflection and more enlarged views,
or whether the opiniOn of Europe has weighed with
President JOHNSON, it is certain that he has discou-
raged the extreme views of the Radicals, and has
preferred to ally himself and his party rather with
the Democrats than with the rival section. The
power of the Republicans and Democrats has con-
siderably strengthened Mr. JOHNSON'S position, and
will leave him free to carry out his own notions of
Southern policy. The task of reconstruction is
difficult enough in any shape, without the added
perplexity of the weakness occasioned by divisions
in the North itself. The South, exhausted by the
natural reaction after its prolonged struggle, is just
now in a condition favourable to pacific efforts,
and it will be a thousand pities if the fanaticism of
the Radicals puts unnecessary obstacles in the way.
Mr. JOHNSON'S scheme is as fair as could be ex-
pected, with one or two exceptions. He has ap-
pointed a Provincial Governor in every Southern
State, with the duty of assembling a State Conven-
tion to recognise the State, and to make such
alterations in its constitution as will bring it in
harmony with the existing laws of Washington.
The abolition of slavery and the re-entrance into the
Union are the two great points insisted upon, and
these no one can quarrel with. The great drawback
is the confiscation clause, which virtually takes
all Southern property over the value of $20,000 out
of the hands of it owners. It has not as yet been
pushed forward with any great rapidity, but it has
gicen rise to a feeling of great insecurity among the
Southern owners of property, and it has done much
to increase the unpopularity of the central authority.
It is most unwise and impolitic, as well as a harsh
and unjust clause, since it is absurd to measure a
man's loyalty in inverse ratio to his property. Be-
cause he has lands or factories above a certain
value he is disloyal, but if his goods do not
quite come up to the specified amount he
may be trusted to keep -what belongs to him. The
feeling against this confiscation system is so strong
that Mr. SLIDELL'S property in Louisiana was sold
at an eighth of its value, from the unwillingness of
people to buy confiscated estates. Two of the Pro-
visional Governors have recently addressed the
people of the States under their charge, Florida and
Texas. Governor MARNIN of Florida spoke frankly
and boldly. He reminded the people of Florida
that on the outbreak of the war the Confederates
had confiscated the property of Union men, and
showed that the reverse of fortune had now con-
fiscated the property of the Southerners. They
were, he said, a conquered people, and at the mercy
of Government, but he assured them of its clemency.
The black man could never, he said, be enslaved
again, and he exhorted them to give him a fair
chance, to teach and encourage him. Governor
MARVIN was no stranger to his hearers, being one
of the oldest citizens of Florida, and deeply interested
in the welfare of his State. His words are, there-
fore, likely to weigh with the people. Governor
HAMILTON, of Texas, was more downright and less
conciliatory in tone, but still he boldly urged the
duty of the white man towards the negro. Unfor-
tunately the Northerners have nearly as much to
learn as the Southerners in this respect. We can only
hope that both sides may profit by the mistakes and
misfortunes of the past in their conduct for the
future.

The Exhibition of Working Men are among the
most prominent features of our present time, and it
is, indeed, difficult to overrate their importance, or
magnify their influence. At Birmingham, on last
Monday, the Industrial Exhibition of Working
Men for Birmingham and the Midland Counties
was inaugurated. The scene at Bingley Hall was
a very impressive one, and general satisfaction
appeared to prevail. Lord LYTTELTON delivered
the inaugural address, and he did so very successfully.
The noble lord rightly appreciated the real use of
such undertaking as the one before them, by de-
claring that they purported to increase the
voluntary and intelligent intercourse between the
different classes of society. This is, in fact, why
these affairs ought to be encouraged, and why con-
stant support should be afforded to them by all who
are of ability and influence. Lord LYTTELTON also
adverted to the great change for the better which
had taken place of late in the intercourse between
classes. DANIEL DEFOE wrote, one hundred
and fifty years ago, concerning this matter, and
said that although the rich knew something of the
doings of the poor, still, on the whole, their suf-
ferings and their views were, so to speak, carried on
by themselves. In recent times a remarkable book
was
published,
thblainshedo;esztotl,eedd ‘
t' h The
theeT rich and poorwoNations were,andin
as little known to each other as if they were a
separate and distinct nation, though living within
the borders of England. The noble lord observed, in
respect to these writings, that they would not be
found so appropriate and characteristic as descrip-
tions of these days. It may be questioned, indeed,
if the twenty years that have elapsed since Mr.
DISRAELI penned his work have not wrought greater
changes than the long period which passed between
the sayings of DEFOE and the publication of "Sybil."
Doubtless, the spread of education has had a great
deal to do with the happy results of which these
exhibitions are a striking proof and a worthy testi-
monial.

There was also considerable force in what Lord
LYTTELTON said regarding the mingling of classes,
and especially that the working classes themselves
desired it. The desire which each evince to know
something of each other is shown by the literature
of the day. The works of fiction most prized by
the lower classes are those which d:tail the doings