The Sun.
London, England, 1862-12-13 00:00:00

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THE SUN.
LONDON, SATURDAY, DEC. 13, 1862.

It will be remembered by many as in every sense
of the word the crowning incident of the magni-
ficent ceremonial of the Coronation of the present
Emperor of all the Russias—the Czar ALEXANDER
ll.—that of his crossing the threshold of the great
Cathedral at Moscow arrayed in his sumptuous
robes as imperator, wearing upon his head the
diadem of an autocrat—all the bells of the ancient
capital clanging, trumpets sounding, drums roll-
ing, cannon firing, while the multitude of people
gathered together there from all the ends of the
earth greeted the young Sovereign, then but
newly anointed, with one harmonious roar of ac-
clamations.

There were various descriptions of this spec-
tacle written at the time with a most
vivid and picturesque eloquence by those able
representatives of our own Press, who had been de-
spatched thither, for that express purpose, by the
chief London newspapers as their Special Cozre-
spondents. Brilliantly as each of these travelled
journalists acquitted themselves, it will hardly
bethought in any way invidious if amongst them
all one writer is here particularised as in all
respects facile prineeps :.meaning, it need hardly
be added, him whom wo were the first to designate
in these columns of The Sun (towards the close of
the Crimean War) " CAPTAIN PEN," that is to say,
of course, Dr. RUSSELL, the Times Correspondent!
Admirably well as Dr. RUSSELL acquitted himself
of his responsibilities in that peculiarly responsible
capacity in times of war (in the Crimean
' War, for example, during the war with
Russia, in India during the suppression of
the revolt of the Sepoys, and later yet,
upon the other side of the Atlantic during the
earlier part of this fratricidal contest between the
Federals and the Confederates, until, iu fact, the
pencil with which he wrote seemed, in the estima-
tion of the Northerns, from having been as lumi-
nous as a crayon of phosphorus to have turned into
nothing less burning than a stick of lunar caustic)

as Special Correspondent of the 7imes at Moscow,
upon the occasion of the Russian EMPEROR'S Coro •
nation, Captain PEN may fairly be said to have
written at his best. His description of the " crown •
ing" scene, as we have called it, the spectacle already
referred to as having marked the very close cf the
Coronation ceremony, was as startling and impres-
sive of its kind as any description he ever put to
paper. It brought to view as vividly almost as if
actually seen by the reader—the stately form of the
young Emperor ALEXANDER, standing there con-
spicuously upon the summit of a lofty flight of
steps, the jewels upon his diadem blazing in the
sunlight, his breast heaving, his nostrils delated,
his cheeks flushed with pride and exultation ! Alto-
gether the aspect of the young CZAR at that mo-
ment seemed to augur a reign of arrogance and of
domination suitable, as it might have appeared, to
the heir to the crown of the Emperor NICHOLAS I.
It has happily proved quite otherwise. The reign
of ALEXANDER 11, will constitute a noble
contrast in many ways to that of his haughty and
truly autocratic father and predecessor. It will be
ever remembered as the reign in which Serfdom
was abolished. As dating an enterprise—that
wholesale emancipation of the serfs—as any that a
Czar could ever have dreamt of attempting. It has
been attempted by the reigning Autocrat, and not
only attempted but accomplished. If but the policy
carried out during his reign in regard to the Rus-
sian Empire itself in its integrity, and in regard
also to its relations with the rest of the world, could
be applied in a spirit as generous and enlightened
to the Polish Provinces of that Empire in particular
—the name of ALEXANDER 11., the fair fame of ALEX-
ER 11., would be consecrated to the veneration of
posterity.
That, in truth, is the one damning blot
upon his escutcheon. If he be well advised, that
blot may y
our re gard a
turning yet be betimes erased. Apart from it—
the )
from Warsaw, in search
of some evidence of h
M
enobler and wiser internal
policy of the reignin
r in the opposite
—let us say towardtig EMPEROR of all the Rus-ias
direction, in search of some ewq oli y cogent evidence 1
of the nobler and wiser external
policy
of the
e
CZAR, let us say towards Paris—there are
trgnwlothindgications, at this moment, brought pointedly
before us of the sagacity which, under the reigning

ALEXANDER 11. has guided the councils of the Rus-

sian Government.
Yonder, at Moscow, the opportunity alluded
to is afforded to us by the occasion of the
interview between the AUTOCRAT and the
nobles of his Empire. Nearer to us, in the other
instances alluded to, it is brought to view by the
interview between the Emperor of the FRENCH
and the newly appointed Russian ambassador to his
Court—their ceremonious interview in the Palace
of the Tuileries. Such has been the enlightened
character of the external policy of Russia during
the reign of the Emperor ALEXANDER 11. that the
Emperor (NAPOLEON 111. could, but just now, re-
mark with troth :—" I congratulate myself upon
the friendly relations existing for six years between
the EMPEROR and my Government, and which
have the more chance of continuing, as they are
due to the mutual sympathies and real in-
terests of the two Empires. I have been
enabled to appreciate the straightforwardness of
heart of your SOVEREIGN, and have conoeived
for him a sincere friendship." On the other
hand such meanwhile has been the wisdom
of the firm, but at the same time the eminently
conciliatory internal policy of the Czar ALEXAN-
DER 11. that he himself could thus address his
nobles but the other day at Moscow, could thus
address them even within such very recent remem-
brance of his bold and almost audacious measure
of the Emancipation of the Serfs.
"It is particularly agreeable to me," quoth the CsAn to
his patricians, " to see you assembled in our ancient capi-
tal, which is doubly dear to me as it was my cradle. lam
satisfied to be able to repeat to you what I said to the nobles
of Novogorod on the day of the celebration of the thou-
sandth anniversary of the Russian Empire." The EMPE-
ROR then adding, "I am accustomed to place my confi-
dence in the sentiments of devotion of our nobility—an
unshaken devotion to the Throne and to the country, of
which it has so often given proof by its acts, especially at
periods of sad trials for our country, as was only recently the
case." And, finally, "I am sure, gentlemen," said his
MAJESTY, " that our nobility will continue to be the
most firm support of the throne, as it always has been
and ought to be. This is why I put my trust in you,
gentlemen, in your unanimity in aiding me in every thing
which tends to the welfare and power of our country. May
God aid us in this task, and may His blessing be with us I
And you, gentlemen, members of the nobility of Moscow,
know that I hold it a special honour to be one of you as
proprietor of this province. I thank you for your cordial
welcome, which I know how to appreciate."
If only the Emperor ALEXANDER 11. would
turn a glance of beneficence and 'generosity and
wisdom--kindred to those directed towards Rus-
sian Serfdom and European Diplomacy—upon his
unhappy Polish Subjects, a new era would indeed
be recognised as having been:opened by the Reign-
ing EMPEROR of all the Russias—a new epoch of ad-
vance and expansion in the general development
of Muscovite Civilisation.

Lord PALMERSTON, if he means to fight through
another session, will do well to attend to the moral of
the Southampton election. The political moral we
take to be, that Lord PALMERSTON'S home politics
are not worth fighting for. The battle was, it is
true, a battle between a railway company and a mail
company ; we quite admit that ; but whose fault
was it that what should have been a. political con-
test, degenerated into a squabble between two great
trading companies; and a mere battle for supre-
macy between them, since neither candidate was
advocating any particular scheme advantageous to
the town ? We reply Lord PALMERSTON'S. He
has given them nothing better to fight about. He
is indeed popular enough at Southampton. But a
short time before he had been received with all en-
thusiasm on his intentionally accidental visit. Yet, 1
when it came to an election, the question whether
a follower of Lord PatmEnsTort,or a London Alder-
man, who had gone over for the occasion to Lord
DERBY, should be elected, did not seem to weigh a
straw with the Southampton politicians. How can
we wonder at it. What could Mr. MANGLES pro-
mise in the name of his chief, that Mr. ROSE could
not have promised in the name of his ?
It is hardly conceivable that Toryism, as Toryism,
could have fought the battle with a more insigni-
ficant candidate. A London alderman is generally
nobody out of the Guildhall or the Mansion House,
though there are a few passable exceptions. A
London Lord Mayor, even, like a prophet, is
nothing in his own country, though Paris shop-
keepers think MILORD MAIRE to be almoet a vice-
roy ; and though we do not wish to speak disre-
spectfully of civic dignities, we suppose it is noto-
rious—if not, the speaking at Southampton made
it so—that Alderman ROSE is hardly up to par as
aldermen go. His best friends will doubtless ad-
vise him to adopt in the House of Commons the
policy by which, we are told on the highest autho-
rity, "even a fool is counted wise." Yet, with
such a man, a mere Tory counter—a mere lobby
member—Toryism triumphs in a borough of long
liberal reputation, and with an unquestionable
and large majority of Liberal electors even
now. The Liberal candidate was a man
of some' hat more standing indeed, still we
must confess that there was not enough in the man
to give him, personally, any overwhelming advan-
tage. It was pretty evenly, so far as politics were
concerned, a vote for PALMERSTON or a vote for
DERBY. We complain only that that difference
was wholly uninteresting to the electors.
An influential contemporary, angry that a
PALMERSTON man should be rejected, complains
that Mr. MANGLES offered the electors only some
political funks, some Effete Liberal cries, as he
terms them, when he ought to have displayed the
PALMERSTON foreign policy, and all the glories of
his magnificent war expenditure in time of peace.
We must differ from our contemporary. Poor Mr.
MANGLES, who justly reproached the ambitious
Alderman for political tergiversation, and for re-
versing, at Southampton, his political programme
at Newport, was himself but a questionably hearty
Liberal. The Ballot, Church Rate Abolition,
Extension of the Suffrage—ho did not mind
voting for all these if the Southampton
folk would send him to Parliament, and gave a
victory to the Railway over the P. 0. ; but
themwho p o
believed
one thing,edtha however,thecareda straw for any of
the electors were
quite sure,—if eyen Mr. MANGLES cared about
them, Lord PALMERSTON did not. And just this,
we have no doubt at all, lost the election. The
Italian cause is doubtless popular enough, but Lord
PALMERSTON is no more likely to get universal
suffrage for the Romans and the evacuation of the
city by its oppressors, than Lord DERBY. And, as
to America, it is quite certain that the Tories would
keep us out of complicatiots there as effectually as
the Whigs. Denmai lc again, Prussia, Austria,—
in regard to all these Governments what can or will
Lord PALMERSTON do for the better cause, more
than the Tories. Theoretically, indeed, the Liberals
are far ahead of the Tories in their foreign policy,
but the country sees nothing done.
But when inefficiency abroad is not compensated
by something like a vigorous Liberal policy at
home, what should rouse the Liberals to a party
contest. P They will naturally drop (Irwin to local
squabbles. Had the Liberal Lord the good luck to
have been the candidate of the P. 0., of course ho
would have got in ; so entirely, in the hands of a
non political Premier has the fire of party died
away. We have only to imagine such an absurdity

as Lord PALMERSON staking the existence of his
Cabinet on a substantial extension of the
suffrage, abolition of purchaseable boroughs, and
the ballot to make representation a reality, and we
may be pretty sure that the fire of Political zeal
would then burn to tinder all the wet blankets
which rival companies could attempt to throw
over it. So again, if Mr. MANGLES could have
Icome forward v,ith the avowal that Lord PAL-
MERSTUN had at last seen the folly and wrong
of a seventy millions taxation in time of peace,
and that he would reduce expenditure by five
millions, at least, this year, as an instalment to wards
a further reduction, and abolition of the income tax
the following year—will any one tell ns that the
aldermanic Tory neophyte would have had the
shadow of a chance. On the contrary, however,
the best bids yet have been from the Tories.
Mr. DISRAELI has offered a reduction of five mil-
lions. Lord PALMERSTON'S 'friends, on what
authority we know not, tell us that he will give
us in the next budget a reduction of only two
millions.

Lord PALMERSTON, by his known aversion to
reform of Parliament, and his fixed determination
to wring the largest conceivable amount of taxation
from the people, by his slipperiness, even on such
abominations as the Night Poaching Bill, and his
general policy of beating the more liberal part of
his own supporters by the aid of the Tories, has, as
we judge, completely paralysed the Liberal party.
They do not care to exert themselves for him. They
began to think that tie Whigs who duped them at
WILLIS'S Rooms want the teaching of the cold
shade of opposition ; at least, they will, till Liberal
leaders become Liberals, earft less about the political
views of candidates than their connection with local
matters. They will not fight for a Cabinet of
political eunuchs.

A singular case of imprisonment for refusal to
give evidence has just occurred in Glasgow. A
labouring man, named TERENCE -M‘GHEE, had
stolen two half-sovereigns from a letter which
was intrusted to him to post. He confessed
—but not in the confessional—the fact to his
priest, the Rev. P. NPLAITCRLIN ; the priest in-
duces him to make restitution, and writes for him a
letter, enclosing a one pound note, to the person
who should have received the two half-sovereigns.
The letter was anonymous, and the intention
of the priest, plainly, was, having convinced the
man of his sin, and probably inflicted some spiri-
tual penalty, to spare him the consequences of ex-
posure, and give him a better chance of entirely
regaining his character.: _ _ _

Independently of the priest, the only evidence of
the theft was a letter to the Dublin General Post-
office, to make inquiry as to the lost money; there
was no evidence to prove that the man to whom the
letter was sent had not received the looney said to
be lost. As the case stood, the priest alone, in virtue
of the confidential confession he received,could supply
the missing link, and that link he refused to furnish.
His reason was that in his official character, though
not in the confessional, and solely in consequence
of his bearing that character, he had received the
confession, and been instrumental in doing what
was right between the chief and his victim. It was
pointed out that the writing of the anonymous
letter for the accused man was going beyond any
privilege the law conceded to his office, and that the
man deserved the legal punishment for his crime.
The prisoner himself was willing to plead guilty
to save his priest. But the priest was firm. He
felt assured, he said, that he had done what was
right from beginning to end, though he acknow-
ledged he might have gone beyond the strict letter
of the law. He refused to make such answers as
would convict the man who had trusted him, and
was accordingly sentenced to imprisonment for
thirty daye.

Society generally will, we should think, respect
his refusal to answer, as they did that of the son of
Baron DE VIDIL in the case of his own father. If
the law be against the priest, and if we must confess
that the privilege of the clerical office might be
abused by a minister of religion, we must respect
the wish of a Christian minister to deal with a case
of this kind in a far better way than law possibly
eould do. If every thief had at his elbow a cleri-
cal adviser, who could convince him of his sin to the
extent of obtaining restitution, the profession which
is now so alarmingly rife would soon come to an
end. We are not in a position to affirm that
the justice who tried the case had any legal alter-
native to committing the priest, but we much re-
gret he had not. There does not appear to have been
a trace of religious persecution in the matter ; but
while the committal was avowedly made to
farther the ends of justice, it is very obvious
that its general result will be the other way.
The priest's evidence might have served to con-
vict and punish M‘GHEE, a very immaterial end of
justice; hut the whole proceeding will only make
clergymen more wary in furthering the highest ends
of justice—obtaining restitution for the injured,
and seeking the reformation of the offender. The
man who can be persuaded by a clergyman to refund
what has been stolen is not likely to steal again.

SUDDEN D EATII OF THE MAYOR OF PORTSMOUTH.

—We regret to announce the sudden demise of Mr. Thomas
Ellis Owen, mayor, alderman, and justice of the peace for
the borough of Portsmouth. About a fortnight ago Mr.
Owen had a serious attack of illness, but he so far recovered
as to be able to resume his public duties, and no
fears were entertained by his friends. On Monday last he
presided at a meeting of the borough council, and was able
to ride out on the two following days. The attack, however,
was renewed, and he died on Thursday afternoon,•at half•
past three o'clock, we believe from disease of the heart. Mr.
Owen was by profession an architect, and he also held a
lucrative appointment as surveyor under the government.

TIIE " BLOCKADE."—By the m ,ils received from
Nassau (Now Providence), last night we learn that two
rebel steamers from Charleston arrived at that port on the
20th inst. There were two other steamers in the port of
Charleston when these vessels left. It would thus seem
that the trade of Charleston is still very brisk. Prior to
the rebellion it would have been thought a very wonderful
thing to see four sea••going steamships in that harbour at
one time, and such a thing as four steamships, or one
steamship, engaged in foreign trade from Charleston would
have raised the commercial prospects of the city to the
highest pitch. The Nassau papers do not state what these
vessels were laden with; but it was undoubtedly cotton—
cotton probably shipped and sold on behalf of the Confede-
rate Government. Four steamer loads of that precious
staple at the present time will bring a very handsome re-
turn to that Government. It will enable them to purchase
two, three, or four " Alabamas" in England, or will pro-
cure from there all the military supplies the rebels may
need during the winter. It is now proved that anything
like an effective blockade of Charleston is hopeless.—New
York Times.

The " Messiah" will be given on Monday at
Exeter-hall by the National Choral Society with the follow-
ing strong cast:—Miss Banks, Miss Palmer, Mr. Sims
Reeves, Mr. Santley ; conductor, Mr. G. W. Martin. The
band and chorus of nearly 700 performers will have an extra
rehearsal this evening, and every effort is being made to
render this one of the finest performances of the "Messiah'
ever heard in Exeter-hall.

A NEW SWINDLING DODGE.—Before the Mayor
of Slit ffield on Monday last, a man named Charles Hunts-
man was charged on remand with obtaining £5O respec-
tively from Messrs. Fisher and Reynolds and Mr. George
Mather, the well-known London turf commission agents.
It appears that the prisoner sent to each of the bookmakers
mentioned a letter,
them to execute certain commissions on the Liverpool
enclosing a cheque for £5O, instructing
Autumn Cup. On the faith of the transaction being genuine
they invested the money as advised, and became liable for
the bets ; but on the cheques being presented they were
returned, marked "drawer not known." The prisoner
was remanded.
By an Imperial decree M. Edouard Foucaux has
been appointed professor of Sanserit language and literature
at the College of France.