The Sun.
London, England, 1862-03-18 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEn

HOUSE OF LORDS—YESTERDAY.
The LORD CIIINCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

THE REVISED CODE.
Lord BELPER presented petitions from Derbyshire
against the Revised Code.
The Marquis of NORMANBY presented similar peti•.
tions from Birmingham.
The Earl of DERBY presented petitions to a similar
efferot.

Lord REDESDALE presented numerous petitions from
Warwickshire and Gloucestershire.

THE NEAPOLITAN PROCLAMATION.

The Marquis of NOILMANBY rose to move an address
for copies or extracts of any despatches from Sir James
Hudson, her Majesty's Minister at Turin, relating to Go-
vernment prosecutions of the press during the last twc
years ; also copies or extracts of any despatches from
Sir James Hudson, or from Mr. Bonham, her
Majesty's Consul at Naples, reporting the issue of cer-
tain proclamations or orders from Generals Cialdini and
Vorelli, from Commandants Galateri, Narbone, De
Vergili, Faieno, and others, whereby the population of
vi rious portions of the Neapolitan territory were last year
subjected to arbitrary military execution without any form
of process and without any previous declaration of a state
of siege ; and also copies er extracts of any despatches from
Sir J. Hudson, calling the attention of her Majesty's Go-
vernment to statements of fact as to the condition of Southern

Italy made by Neapolitan deputies in the Parliament of
Turin, and reported in the official records of that assembly.
The noble lord said he must refer to the statement made by
the noble earl when he (the Marquis of Normanby) a few
evenings ago was compelled to postpone his motion. The
noble earl on that occasion did not feel inclined to accept
entirely that which he had stated with respect to the pro-
clamation, and had implied that the document had been
fabricated in the Italian newspaper in which it first appeared.
That statement of the noble lord had not been withdrawn,
although it had been in some measure destroyed, and he
considered that had the document appeared in an English
newspaper, the noble earl he felt satisfied would not have
made such a charge. The Italian newspaper in question
was a most respectable one, and not at all likely to act as
the noble earl had supposed. The noble earl had on other
occasions stated that the King of Piedmont had never in-
stituted prosecutions against Conservative journals, but
had allowed them every liberty to state their opinion with-
out the slightest importance, but from information that
had come into his possession he found that the King
or his Government had instituted no less than
six press prosecutions, the punishment inflicted in
each case being fine or imprisonment. He must also object
to another statement of the noble earl, in which he said
there was no civil war in Naples, but that it was confined
entirely to the Papal frontier. Now the papers that were
continually arriving in this country from Italy plainly
showed that that was not the case. News had even arrived
that very morning of the taking forcible possession of a
town, while the national guard of which remained passive.
The result of the policy pursued in Parma, Modena, Tus-
cany, Bologna, and the Neapolitan provinces had been
famine and military murder, the taxes had been increased,
desertion was frequent, and discontent universal. Italy
would, he believed, be yet independent and prosperous, but
that would not take place until the impostures of the last
three years had been exposed.
Earl RUSSELL said he was sorry to trouble their lord-
ships again on this sulject of the proclamation issued by
Fantoni, but the statements made by his noble friend re-
quired some further explanation. The noble marquis had
taken a course not very convenient, of referring to reports
made of a speech delivered by him (the noble earl) in that
house, and of criticising those statements. With regard to
that debate, it arose, as his noble friend stated, out of a
question from the noble earl opposite (Derby), acting as
deputy for the noble marquis, whose inquiry was not con-
fined to the genuine character of the proclamation, but who
spoke in terms of indignation of the Government for sanc-
tioning the proclamation. His noble friend had said that
his (Earl Russell's) motives in his reply were twofold.
The Marquis of NORMANBY--That was the impression
they were intended to create.

Earl RUSSELL—Then the house knew the impressions
he intended to create better than he did himself. His object
was certainly not twofold. He simply endeavoured to ac-
count for the proclamation, of which he had not received
information, by the supposition that it could not be genuine.
His noble friend said that he had charged the proprietors
or editors of newspapers with forgery. He did not know at
this time what words he exactly used, but he did not mean 1
to charge those gentlemen with forgery ; but he supposed
it was very possible that that proclamation had been taken I
by them as not a genuine one, and published as if it were.
He still adhered to that view. The Italian gentleman, the
friend of the Lord Privy Seal, to whom the noble marquis
alluded, referred, not to this proclamation, because he
left Turin before it was issued, but to some incidents of a
similar character which had happened some weeks previ-
ously. Ist,,w it appeared that the Government of Turin
knew nothing whatever of the proclamation, nor did the
Commander-in-Chief at Naples ; and yet that Government
was to be blamed and held up to Europe as unworthy of
respect on account of sanctioning that proclamation. He
had since received a despatch from her Majesty's consul
at Naples, and he would ;Tad it. It was written by Mr.
Bonham and not by the Minister, and therefore it might be
the more readily received with confidence by noble lords
opposite. Mr. Bonham said,—" Naples, March 6. My Lord
—I have the honour to report to your lordship that having
seen in the Times of the 26th February a report of a conver-
sation in the House of Lords relative to a proclamation
issued in these provinces, of which I had not previously
heard, I called on Gen. La Marmora to ask some informa-
tion about it. His Excellency told me that the first he heard
of it was an inquiry by telegraph from Turin respecting a
proclamation said to have been issued by a Gen. Fantoni,
there being no general of that name in the service. He at
once proceeded, however, to investigate the matter, and
found that a Major Fantoni, commanding a battalion, had
in effect drawn up such a proclamation, and had it printed
in Lucera. Having then submitted it to the general com-
manding the district, that offieer at once disapproved and
disavowed it. It was set aside, and not acted on in any way.
Some person, however, having obtained a copy, sent it, it
would appear, to the Journal Armenia at Turin, in which
it was published. His Excellency added that he had com-
municated all this by telegraph to Turin some days ago,
and doubtless your lordship has been already informed of
the circumstance by her Majesty's en voy at Turin. I, how-
ever, write to state to your lordship that this proclamation
was not published in the official or any other journal in
these provinces until just now, that its publication in the
Armenia having attracted attention in England, it has been
copied into the journal called the Tapolo d' Italia." Now,
that was the proclamation which the noble marquis stated
was circulated in all the public journals in Italy, and was
taken as a genuine act of the Government sitting at Turin.
That was the proclamation on which a grave charge was
founded against the Government of Italy. He (the noble
earl) entirely acquitted the Armenia of having invented that
document, and of having been imposed upon by some one
who did ; but he asked their lordships whether, considering
the circumstances,there did not appear just suspicion that the
editors of the Armenia must have known something of the
proclamation. Was it not probable that they were per-
fectly aware, from the persons who sent it them, that the
act of a major commanding a battalion was not approved of
by the general of the district, and had not received any
official sanction? So much for the history of this proclama-
tion;
m ue
t k ando
w thathe thoughtneineither
nt
ehre
herno Majesty's
b Ie e r l hi
minister
predecessor a
at
n Turinoffi e
nor our consul at Naples was to blame for not transmitting
this proclamation, or abstaining from asking for any instruc-
tion the subject. His noble friend had gone on to ask
several questions about other statements of his (Earl
Russell's) with respect the press. Now what he stated on
that subject passed between Count Cavour and himself in a
conversation when they met at Nice. He supposed that as
prosecutions of the press had not taken place there might be
greater laxity. His noble friend's question related to matters
which took place two years subsequently, in 1859. He knew
well that after the battle of Solferino, when there was a
question of signing the treaty of Villafranca, Count Cavonr
retired from office, and was not responsible for what took
place. He did not think that the English Government was
responsible (hear, hear), but it was with the Italian Go-
vernment themselves, and with regard to that subject her
Majesty's representative at Turin said most justly that as
all the prosecutions of the press were conducted according
to the judicial form, that as the judges at Turin were ap-
pointed for life or during good behaviour, and that as there
was an appeal to a higher court in case of a conviction, he
did not consider it his duty to report to her Majesty's
Government all the prosecutions of the press or the judg-
ments or sentences recorded. In that opinion he (the
noble earl) thought our minister was perfectly correct.
But with regard to other subjects he was afraid that il?
and his noble friend were at variance. His noble friend
spoke of the prosecutions of the press and of thfe
harsh Naples
measures that had been resorted to, and speak—g °
he said not only legal but illegal measures hadrabneestnretalernk.
That might be the case, but he (Earl Russell) t d
upon that observation that freshpapers camedontweovoerrythareye.
This and the publication of the Armen
b l
changean had taken
aneapdat
place.'
friend,lace .
more papers at Turin showed that a
pseormconuatldhibsene
Hwehernemite
wmabserimedppoesrsfibecletl
pro-
secuted, because no man was allowed m hohse days to say
anything at all in blame of the Minister of
.t e day or of the
most simple and harm-
Government of the day, eveninthe
ythwateallgil
less manner. (Hear.) He remembered when that very mo-
derate paper the Journal des Debats was not allowed in the
dominion of the Xing of Sardinia for fear it might induce
great liberty of thought. That was the main and broad dif-
ference between Italy of past days and the Italy of the pre-
sent. Formerly not a word that any lover of freedom spoke
pe
establishment
that tended
tn
od
fe da thob
et he
ae l
improvement
could be published, and no man could venture to print any
opinion
in
any
Ytontehwes
Tahtelifealcatwnsew was that while there was a great deal of vio-
lence no doubt on the side of these who were in favour of
what had taken place in Italy, there was at the same time
great liberty, or he should rather say great license, on the
part of those who entertained opinions upon the other side,
and who were obviously working for the restoration of the

old state of things in Italy. (Hear.) His noble friend said
that, notwithstanding the withdrawal of this proclamation,
four women had been put to death for having too much
bread in their possession. He had inquired into the truth of
statement, and the only answer he got from her Majesty's
Minister at Turin was that be could not find that any mem-
ber of the Italian Government had heard anything about it.
The noble lord said that he (Earl Russell) had denied that
there was a civil war raging in the south of Italy. He cer-
tainly did deny it. He admitted that there were bands
of 20, 30, or 40 declaring their wish for the restoration of
the old dynasty; but these men acted as brigands, they
did not assemble as an army, they held no great town, and
they possessed no great fortress. They merely dis-
turbed and destroyed. (Hear, hear.) They did all they
could to prevent regular government from being carried on,
but they did it by the same means that the brigands of old
times had employed to create disturbances in the country.
(Hear, hear.) Every one knew that the Government of
Naples had been so bad—though it was an object of his
noble friend's worship—(laughter)—had been so bad in fer-
nier times that brigandage was at all times prevalent ; the
administration of justice so defective that men escaped by
bribes from just punishment; and all the country so demo-
ralised that it was difficult for any new Government to re-
store order in less than a generation. With respect to the
present state of the southern province, he would refer to the
following communicat on from Mr. Bonham, dated Naples,
March 17, 1862 :" My Lord,—l have the honour to inform
your lordship that the vice-consul at Brindisi reports the
reappearance of brigands in that neighbourhood. Bands of
marauders are also spoken of as having made their appear-
ance in other districts. I asked General La Marmora yes-
terday what truth there was in these reports. His excel-
lency stated that bands had appeared in some places, but in
small numbers. He added, ' Brigandage in this country is
an affair of old date, and it is useless to flatter ourselves
that it can be suppressed all at once. Until we improve our
internal communication by the constructing of railroads and
of common roads, and have en efficient and properly
organised force of carbineers in the country, we cannot hope
wholly to eradicate it ; but these brigands are mere marau-
ders,and not in any way formidable or important as to num-
bers.' His excellency also stated that there had been as yet
no disembarkation of adventurers from abroad." That was
the statement of Gen. La Marmora, a man whom everyone
must respect, and who was known to many officers in her
Majesty's service, for he commanded the Piedmontese con-
tingent in the Crimean war. He (Earl Russell) believed
that his statement was perfectly correct, and he believed
also that General La Marmora was a man incapable of autho-
rising unnecessary cruelty. (Hear, hear.) But their lord-
ships knew that of the army that entered Naples under
Garibaldi many joined the service of the King of Italy who
were not brought up to regular military employment; they
shared the passions prevailing in Southern Italy, and their
lordships knew from what occurred in 1799 and 1810 how
violent those passions were on both sides. The noble lord
said that cruelties had been committed, and he was afraid
there was too much truth in the re-enactment of the old
story of cruelty on the one side as well as the other. They
knew that when Murat, who had been acknowledged King
of Naples by every power in Europe, landed on the coast of
Naples, not 24 hours elapsed before he was shot for being in
arms against the Government; and was it to be wondered at
that these brigands, who were in arms against the existing
Government, had been treated with as much severity asMurat
suffered. But with respect to these things, and with respect
to the treatment of the press, the Government of Great
Britain was not the Government which was to answer for
the irregular putting down of brigandage, or for the man-
ner in which general liberty was dispensed. (Hear.) It
was obvious to all men that with regard to all those liber-
ties which we respected, with regard to religious liberty for
instance, the former government of Italy neverallowed any
professions of opinion, or any form of public worship which.
was not in conformity with the State religion. The noble
lord knew perfectly well that while the noble lord and he
were together in Tuscany, the Italians were not allowed to
meet for public worship in religions other than that of the
State ; and that was the mildest form of government in
tI toanl y.
and He
ien (Elforamr
aRt
euns stehl la) had t
,ait
hbeertegnht otlhd e by
ywltaliansnot
molested
LT not going to mass, they were not allowed to meet for
the purpose of worship according to their own forms.
They all knew that whether at Tuscany, Florence, or else-
where, persons were now allowed to entertain their own re-
ligious convictions, and to meet with persons of the same
convictions for the purpose of public worship. (Hear.) They
all knew, with regard to the press, that there was great
liberty, and they knew also that there was Parliamentary
representation and a constitutional Government. All
these things in the gross were the broad lines of distinc-
tion between the former government of Italy and the
present; and here it was that he and his noble friend
differed. His noble friend regretted all that had passed in
the last three years, and sighed for the days when no reli-
gious liberty existed, when the press was oppressed, when
there was no constitutional government, and no representa-
ion of the people. (Cries of " No, no," from the Conserva-
tive benches.) If all that had happened in the last three
tyears were to be done away with, and the kingdom of the Two
Sicilies, which existed four or five years ago, the Grand
Duchy of Tuscany, and the Duchy of Modena were to be
restored—if those happy times were to come, did his noble
friend indulge in the delusion that the restored governments
would act upon the principle that the present King of Italy
had proclaimed, that they would venture to oall Parliament
together, that they would allow people to speak as much
against the Government as the Italians now did, or that they
would allow such freedom of expression by ,the newspapers
as the Armenia was able now to adopt P If the noble lord
believed this would be the case he was very much deceived
!abed. It was very well known that the late King, who
was a shrewd man in a worldly sense, always said, in answer
to the remonstrances of the English and French representa.
Lives as to the system of government carried on in Naples,
" Your notions of government are quite incompatible with
my rule in Naples. I know how to govern my own country,
let them leave me alone and I will maintain my thron a
against all who assail it; but I know that if I adopt your
notions I shall not be able to maintain my throne." To the
day of his death he maintained his authority unimpaired,
and no doubt if restored to the throne of Naples, the son
would, with filial piety, imitate the example of his father.
The question was as between whether Italy should have
such a government as that which now existed, or such an
one as existed five years ago. He was ready to admit there
had been great disorders and great severities practised, and
that the party in power had in certain cases behaved
with great unfairness to those who were under them,
but the great question was one of liberty on the one
hand, and of tyranny and bigotry on the other.
That was the distinction between the two Governments, and.
whatever his noble friend might say, and whatever autho-
rities he might bring forward, he (Earl Russell) should re-
tain his conviction, and should put up an opposition prayer
to that of the noble lord, and hope that the old form of go-
vernment might never be restored. (Cheers.) With regard
to the papers for which his noble friend asked, the Govern-
ment had no despatches from Sir J. Hudson with regard to
Government prosecutions, nor had Sir J. Hudson or Mr.
Bonham made any allusion to the statements of the noble
earl. They had from time to time transmitted newspapers
centaining the debates in the Italian Parliament, and he
(Earl Russell) had read some of the speeches, in which
members declared, and no doubt with great truth, that
during the first months of the new kingdom affairs had
been very much mismanaged at Naples, and that many
errors had been committed. Those members exercised the
right of criticism ; they criticised, as men should do in a free
Parliament, the conduct of the Government, and if many
of their strictures were just,he trusted that they would pro-
duce amendment. (Hear.) With regard to General La
Marmora, he trusted that he might be able, with 50,000 men
under his command, to reduce Naples to order. (Cheers.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY observed that those who
were upon the Conservative side of the house stood in what
he must call a very unfair position, because ever since the
Italian struggle began, no pains had been spared by the
party which supported the cause of the King of Italy in
falsely accusing them of being the enemies of liberty.ltalrifTrerfi
e
they noble
certainly friend, tto
.seariotddeml
(Hear.) It had been in vain that he himseiltfhfotheu
v
months took continued trouble,nadetuinngderwthe greatestinstructions
earnest°margneh as any of their anxiety, under the Govern
reorganisation of Italy, whose
daiectya
taken
nmp
place
ahcaet whichhad
been
a t lastG ob
o e successful,ths bof the house. True, indeed,
nletawhthestyihocmihsbelievedpthat theeaprr'esent state of
estfahteis
credit for
hour,for anthdeapfotelricthtehgreat and
lord-
ships upon the oppeeiteei
y Ife
thoevyehrnad-
they adopted a different
aiimportantn ed , b u but eeventsve
accom-
plished, he claimed
earl then ado ted. (H
would not have been what it now was. If they had
100,000 men at least would have been alive
wbNmbeehaeeeonpnulstealsuept in their graves, and the northern provinces of
Italy would, he felt certain, with the approbation of a con-
gress of European powers, have obtained constitutional go-
vernment, without the shedding of a drop of blood. (Hear.)
But they failed ; and Austria, whom they wished to sup-
port in her lawful oc,cupation of those territories which she
held by treaty, must alone blame herself for the failure of
their policy. Nothing could bo more false than to charge
him, as he had often been charged by almost the whole
press of this country, with unfair Austrian partialities;
for he defied any one who took the trouble to read
the book ha laid upon their lordships' table two
years ago, to find one single word in any one of the
despatches contained therein that showed unfair par-
tiality upon the one side or the other. He had reaped
the fruits of his impartiality, for he had been blamed both
by Italy and Austria, as the noble earl opposite had been
blamed for his impartiality in the conduct of American
affairs both by the North and the South. (Hear, hear.)said
out of doors, for he was accustomed to see misrere
He did not, however, find fault with what had beensenta_
rpi and
deeply regretted tions for party purposes ; but he was
tn their
whohad
been, and who could not, if they
telhinoguseknoweourveeBpernerfectly well
btoeeasense
ethinatthfae
lordships' hotutesed,
truth that tshatattetthat
thatat Ghoi -8
noble friend behind
what the policy of the Conserevya
knew exactly what had passed—who
spoke their own eon-
to constitutional liberty in
there wereminmetnoe
vv
ei cr
nt nesn, ts t
ha
at ed witb ehe n a
enpyp
ot e
cf
Italy. He was sochrryagtaio
nileasrt the Piedmontese Government,
hen (thethEelikarnleotboivlfinrae introduced rather
had made
the question as to the authenticity of the
wanhenindhigenaskantedspee

Fenton', proclamation. His noble friend did not on that
occasi make any attack upon the Piedmontese Govern -
-men' except in the hypothetical sense of the proclamation
hating been issued by the Government. The noble earl
eimply asked for information, and where was he to get that
information but from her Majesty's Government ? (Hear,
hear.) He also had asked for information in very moderate
iangrtage. But how was he met ? The Duke of Argyle
jumped up—(laughter)—and treated him as a person. v"'no
was attacking the Government, who Was asking an imper-
t' ant question, or who was making a still more imper-
tinent assumption. The noble duke said to him
very much what used to be said to them at
school, " Ask no questions," Their lordships knew the end
of the adage. (Laughter.) And the noble duke supported
the truth of the adage by immediately giving their lord-
s'uips a piece of false information himself—(renewed
laughter)—for he stated that there was no truth in the pro-
clamation, that it had never been written, and, in fact, that
be had been told on good authority that there was not a
-word of it true. He regretted very much the spirit which
noble lords opposite exhibited, for he was sure that the
conduct of the Opposition during the whole of the session
should teach the Government not to take every observation
that fell from them as spoken in a party spirit. The noble
earl had just said, that the English Government could not
:be condemned for any acts of cruelty that took place in
Italy, whether sanctioned or not by the Piedmontese Go-
vernment. In that he perfectly agreed; but from the be-
ginning of their taking office they so far identified them-
:selves wit'u the prosperity of Italy that they had given all
their moral support to the union of the Italian states, and
had gone further, and approved of a descent of Garibaldi,
first upon Sicily, and subsequently in a much more ques-
tie,nable attack upon Naples. Therefore the English Go-
vernment were so far identified with what had passed in
Italy, that if events occurred such as would bring disgrace
upon the cause they supported they were entitled to bring
the weight of their advice and counsel to bear upon the
Government of Italy. Although he perfectly agreed with.
the noble earl's policy of non-interference in Italy, he
'thought an opportunity of promoting the good of Italy had
been lost when the Government did not agree to the French
preposition for preventing Garibaldi frOM coming into Na-
ples. It should be remembered that in the early days of
'ltalian agitation unity was not mentioned. It was merely
the dream of a set of pedants, who took the map of Italy
and arranged the kingdems as if they were planning it on a
dinner-table. That was the way in which the idea first
began, and with its introduction the Italians grasped the
shadow and for a long time postponed the substance of
liberty. It appeared to him that a kingdom might be
formed out of the northern provinces, because the people
were identical in race ; but the noble earl might depend
upon it—and he (Lord Malmesbury) spoke on the best in-
'formation—that the Piedmontese were as much hated in
Naples as ever the Austrians had been hated in Piedmont
'Mike the ancient Bretons in Brittany, the motto of the
Neapolitans was, " Potius mori, quam foodari." He could.
not help asking the noble earl whether he was not mis-
taken in the flout ishing account he had given of the way in
which political prisoners were prosecuted and treated in
the new kingdom of Italy. He had received an account
from a gentleman who had just returned from that country
of what was taking place, and he would, with their lord-
ships' permission, read it to the house. His correspondent
maid that after the letters of Messrs. Gladstone and Edwin
James—he apologised for coupling the two names—he had
been anxious to see how matters were arranged in the prisons
under the present regime, and he believed no one in England
had any idea of what was going on in the prisons. He had
-gene down to see a friend who was confined in the prison of
Santa Maria Apparente, and he found there:the Comte di
(ristan, who had been five months confined for political
,offences. The young man was so highly thought of by
his captors that a general's commission had been offered
to him, but he had refused it and had now been five
inronths in prison, where he could not get a trial, nor even
a sight of the documents which were to be used by the
prosecution. He (Lord Malmesbury) had risen for the pur-
pose principally of making this statement,which he had, he
could assure the noble earl, from the very best authority.
Ile entreated the noble earl, if he was anxious for; the
liberty of Italy, to show that he had no sympathy with atro-
cities such as he had described.
Lord WODEHOUSE did not wonder that the noble earl
should feel sensitive with respect to the comments which
had been made upon his foreign policy. On the Ministerial
side of the house, however, there was no disposition to tic •
V34:303 him of any partiality. Both Governments had, so far
as mere non-intervention went, pursued the same policy to-
wards Italy ; and the difference between their lines of con-
duct was this, that the present Government gave to the
Italians the amount of their moral support which the Go-
vernment of the noble earl (Lord Derby's Government) had
not done. He fully endorsed all that had been said of the strict
impartiality of Lord Derby's Government, but with respect
to the noble marquis that was not the case, for he every fort-
night brought down to the house an amount of details raked
together from everyquarter—a complete 011 a Podrida of the
faults and failings of free Government, and it was remark-
able that until lately the Opposition had carefully avoided
identifying itself with his views. The noble earl had said
that it always has been his desire to see a free Government
in Italy, and he drew a distinction between union and con-
federation, but he overlooked the fact that, connected with
the classical association which clung around Rome, was
that of a united Italy.
The Marquis of CLANRICARE, referring to the assas-
aination of Colonel Aviti at Parana, a circumstance men-
tioned by the Marquis of Normanby in his general charge
of cruelty against the Piedmontese authorities, denied that
it was committed either directly or indirectly by the Italian
Government, but was the barbarous act of an infuriated
mob.

The Marquis of NORMANBY having briefly replied,
the motion was agreed to in regard to any papers in the
possession of her Majesty's Government,
After which their lordships adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTEIIDAY.
The SPEAKER took the chair at four, o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The Caledonian Railway (Deviation, &c.) Bill
'a as read a third time and passed. The following
bills were considered and ordered for third reading :
Great Northern Railway (No. 1) Bill, not amended—Great
'Western Railway (Additional Powers) Bill—London and
Blackwall Railway Bill—Much Wenlock and Severn Junc-
tion Railway Bill—Tranmere Improvement Bill (changed
from Traumere Local Board).

PETITIONS.
Several petitions were presented against the Revised
Cille of Education, in favour of an alteration in the Inter-
national Maritime Law, in favour of a reduction of the duty
on fire insurances, against theopening of publie-houses on
Sundays, in favour of an amendment in the Irish poor
law, Sce.
THE MURDER OF MR. FRAYTER.
In reply to Sir H. WILLOUGHBY,

Sir G. GREY said that the judge who tried the unfor-
tunate man who committed the murder in question, was of
opinion from his eccentric conduct during the trial, that he
-was insane, and communicated this impression to him (Sir
G. Grey). He directed an inquiry to be instituted, and
from the certificates of four medical men, who
visited tho prisoner in Newcastle Gaol, there
could be no doubt of his insanity. He had
accordingly written to the visiting justices of the gaol,
calling their attention to the facts, and reminding them
that they were bound to see that the prisoner did not in-
jure himself or other persons while he was in gaol.
PUBLIC INCOME AND EXPENDITURE.

Sir S. NORTHCOTE asked the Secretary to the Trea-
sury whether, in the return No. 402, of session 1861, re-
lating to public income and expenditure, the public expen-
diture in each year was stated at the amount estimated im-
mediately after the close of the year, or at the amount
r.scerbtined by actual audited accounts ?
Mr. F. PEEL was understood to say that the accounts
were not made up in either of the ways alluded to by the
hon. member.

ARREST OF OFFICERS OF THE UNITED
STATES AT TANGIER.

Mr. GRIFFITH asked the Under Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs whether the Lieutenant of the Sumter,
andt ex-consul of the United States at Cadiz, who were
ested on landing from the 'Ville de Malaga steamer
by,the Un?ted States Consul at Tangier, were taken
by
theharbour, and embarked as prisoners
017
the United States frigate the Inn;
whether the
this prote,clin,loarisii Government did not protest against
States Consult and only yielded to the threat of the United
it was the pi,nhi at he would strike his flag; and, whether
jurisdiction. withu of
her Majesty's Government that the
treaties, Eeropeanweohich, by the existing capitulations or
men in Mahoroeka neosails were invested over their country-
men
cognizance atam,..tries, empowers them to take judi-
other country ; and:i;tl7,pelitical offences committed in any
would take means toio:tee
whether the British Government
Government, from such inft,„_4l' faithful ally, the Moorish
Mr. LAYARD corrected Mme
of its independence ?
been betrayed on a former eccasie errors into which be had
information received from Lord chi consequence of mis-
authorities at Madrid had been ccautZl3,- Ho said the
trustt d that the gentlemen in questionll:4o 41'4 with, and he
ILLEGITIMATE CHIL DREN xn tube released
Sir E. GROGAN askei 4he Chief Secretary for or Ireland
if he intended to bring forward a bill, during the pre
session, for making the reputed fathers of illegitimate
che?lt
dren in Ireland responsible for tho maintenance of „ll'
children ?
?ir R. FEEL said he had given notice for to-morrow al
a 1.;,-,tion for leave to bring in a bill on the subject.
CITY 13ENEFICES.
Viscount ENFIELD asked the Secretary of State for
the flame Department whether the previsions of the Union
of the City Benefices Act, passed in the session of 1860,
had yet been put into operation; and, if not, inquired the
reasons for such delay ?
Sir G. GREY said ho could give no specific information
on the subject, with which Government had no power at
present to interfere.
THE BOARD OF INLAND REVENUE AND
.
BANKEI:S' CLERKS.
b
Ifqt,ARLI moved toof her Majesty's
inquire
OriZiattl deciaion any-change- had taken place in Ow
"" ) of the Board of Inland Revenue,