The Sun.
London, England, 1865-03-30 00:00:00

class exemptions has not met your favour, although
still deemed by me a valuable and important mea-
sure ; and the number of men exempted by a new
clause in the act just passed is believed to be quite
equal to that of those whose exemption is revoked.
A law of a few lines repealing all exemptions would
not only strengthen the forces in the field, but be
still more beneficial by abating the natural discon-
tent and jealousy created in the army by the exist-
ence of classes privileged by law to remain in places
of safety while their fellow-citizens are exposed in
the trenches and the field.
The measure most needed, however, at the present
time, for affording an effective increase to our mili-
tary strength, is a general militia law, such as the
constitution authorises Congress to pass, by grant-
ing to it power "to provide for organising, arming
and disciplining the militia, and for governing
such part of them as may be employed in the
service of the Confederate States," and the fur-
ther power "to provide for calling forth the
militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States,
suppress insurrections, and repel invasions." The ne-
cessity for the exercise of this power can never exist
if not in the circumstances which now surround us.
The security of the States against any encroachment
by the Confederate Government is amply provided
by the constitution, by reserving to the States re-
spectively the appointment of the officers, and the
authority of training the militia, according to the
discipline prescribed by Congress.
A law is needed to prescribe not only how and of
what persons the militia are to be organised, but to
provide the mode of calling them out. If instances
be required to show the necessity for such a general
law, it is sufficient to mention that in one case I have
been informed by the Governor of a State that the
law does not permit him to call out the militia from
one country for service in another ; so that a single
brigade of the enemy could traverse the State, and
devastate each country in turn without any power
on the part of the Executive to use the military for
effective defence ; while in another State the Execu-
tive refused to allow the militia " to be employed in
the service of the Confederate States" in the absence
of a law for that purpose.

I have heretofore, in a confidential message to the
two houses, stated the facts which induced me to
consider it necessary that the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus should be suspended. The conviction
of the necessity of this measure has become deeper
as the events of the struggle should be developed.
Congress has not concurred with me in opinion. It
is my duty to say that the time has arrived when the
suspension of the writ is not simply advisable and
expedient, but almost indispensable to the successful
conduct of the war. On Congress must rest the re-
sponsibility of declining to exercise a power con-
ferred by the constitution as a means of public safety
to be used in periods of national peril resulting from
foreign invasion. If our present circumstances were
not such as were contemplated when this power was
conferred, I confess myself at a loss to imagine any
contingency in which the laws of the constitution
will not remain a dead letter.

With the prompt adoption of the measures above
recommended, and the united and hearty co-opera-
tion of Congress and the people in the execution of
the laws and the defence of the country, we may
enter on the coming campaign with cheerful confi-
dence in the result. And who can doubt the con-
tinued existence of that spirit and fortitude of the
people, and of that constancy under reverses, which
alone are needed to render our triumph secure ?
What other resources remain available but the un-
dying, unconquerable resolve to be free ? It has
become certain beyond all doubt or question that we
must continue this struggle to a successful issue or
must make abject and unconditional submission to
such terms as it shall please the conqueror to impose
upon us after our surrender. If a possible doubt
could exist after the conference between our commis-
sioners and Mr. Lincoln, as recently reported to
you, it would be dispelled by a recent occurrence,
of which it is proper that you should be informed.
Congress will remember that in the conference
above referred to our commissioners were informed
that the Government of the United States would
not enter into any agreement or treaty whatever
with the Confederate States, nor with any single
State ; and the only possible mode of obtaining
peace was by laying down our arms, disbanding
our forces, and yielding unconditional obedience to
the laws of the United States, including those
passed for the confiscation of our property, and the
constitutional amendment for the abolition of
slavery. It will further be remembered that Mr.
Lincoln declared that the only terms on which hos-
tilities could cease were those stated in his Message
of Dec. last, in which we were informed that in the
event of our penitent submission he would temper
justice with mercy, and that the question whether
we would be governed as dependent territories or
permitted to have a representation in their Con-
gress was one on which he could promise nothing,
but which would be decided by their Congress
after our submission had been accepted.
It has not, however, been hitherto stated to you
that in the course of the conference at Fortress
Monroe a suggestion was made by one of our com-
missioners that the objection entertained by Mr.
Lincoln to treating with the Government of the
Confederacy or with any separate State might be
avoided by substituting for the usual mode of
negotiating through commissioners or other diplo-
matic agents the method sometimes employed of a
military convention, to be entered into by the com-
manding generals of the two belligerents. This, he
admitted, was a power possessed by him, though it
was not thought commensurate with all the ques-
tions involved. As he did not accept the suggestion
when made he was afterwards requested to recon-
sider his conclusion upon the subject of the suspen-
sion of hostilities, which he agreed to do, but said
that he had maturely considered of the plan, and had
determined that it could not be done.
Subsequently, however, an interview with Gene-
ral Longstreet was asked for by General Ord, com-
manding the enemy's Army of the James, during
which General Longstreet was informed by him
that there was a possibility of arriving at a satisfac-
tory adjustment of the present unhappy difficulties
by means of a military convention, and that if Gene-
ral Lee desired an interview on the subject it would
not be declined, provided General Lee had autho-
rity to act. This communication was supposed to
be the consequence of the suggestion above referred
to, and General Lee, according to instructions,wrote
to General Grant on the 2d of this month, propos-
ing to meet him for conference on the subject, and
stating that he was vested with the requisite autho-
rity. General Grant's reply stated that he had no
authority to accede to the proposed conference ;
that his powers extended only to making a conven-
tion on subjects purely of a military character, and
that General Ord could only have meant that an
interview would not be refused on any subject on
which he (General Grant) had the right to act.
It thus appears that neither with the Confederate
authorities of any State, nor through the command-
ing generals, will the government of the United
States treat or make any terms or agreement what-
ever for the cessation of hostilities. There remains,
then, for us no choice but to continue this contest
to a final issue ; for the people of the Confederacy
can be little known to him who supposes it possible
they would ever consent to purchase, at the cost of
degradation and slavery, permission to live in a
country garrisoned by their own negroes, and go-
verned by officers sent by the conqueror to tube
over them.

Having thus fully placed before you the informa-
tion requisite to enable you to judge of the state of
the country, the dangers to which we are exposed,
and the measures of legislation needed for averting
them, it remains for me but to invoke your attention
to the consideration of those means by which, above
all others, we may hope to escape the calamities
that would result from our failure. Prominent above
all others is the necessity for earnest and cordial co-
operation between all departments of Government,
State and Confederate, and all eminent citizens
throughout the Confederacy. To you especially,
as Senators and Representatives, do the people look
for encouragement and counsel. To your action—
not only in legislative halls, but in your homes—
will their eyes be turned for the example of what is
befitting men who by willing sacrifices on the altar
of freedom show that they were worthy to enjoy its