The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-01 00:00:00

Second Edition, Now Ready, in 2 vols., 215.,

FEMALE LIFE IN PRISON,
By A PRISON MATRON.
" The authoress writes throughout with good" sense,
good taste, and good feeling. The phenomena of female
prison life which she describes are mast curious, and we
consi ier her book to be as authentic as it is new in the form
and details of its information."—Times.
Hurst and Blackett, 13. Great Marlborough-street.

Now ready, in 2 vols. crown Bvo., price 24e., with Portrait
and Graphic Illustrations,
isCHRISTOPHER NORTH:"
A MEMOIR OF JOHN WILSON,

Late Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of
Edinburgh.
Compiled from Family Papers and other sources, by his
Daughter, Mrs. GORDON.

"This glorious book has come to make a sunshine in the
shady place of a season which is already making its dreari-
ness and bleakness felt.—Daily Review, October 124.
" From his infancy to the hour of his death be displayed a
force of character, a vigour of intellect, and a rectitude of
conduct deserving of admiration, and every portion of his
life has been worthily recorded by his daughter. "—Observer,
October 26.

"The authoress has related its details with so much feel-
ing`and pathos, that, as a true expression of natural affection,
to praise it would be impertinent."—Times, October 27.
Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas. London: Hamil-
ton, Adams, and Co. ; and all Booksellers.

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ROYAL NATIONAL LIFE-BOAT
INSTITUTION
(Incorporated by Royal Charter).
PATRONESS—Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen.
PRESIDENT—Vice-Admiral his Grace the Duke of Northum-
berland, K.G., F.R.S.
CHArnmAx—Thos. Baring, Esq., M.P.,F.R.5.,V.P.
DEPIITY.CHAIRMAN—Thomas Chapman, Esq., F.R.S., V.P.
APPEAL.
The Committee of Management have to state that, since
the beginning of the year 1860, the Royal National Lifeboat
Institution has incurred expenses amounting to £27,260 on
various Lifeboat Establishments on the Coasts of England,
Scotland, and Ireland.
During the same period the Lifeboats of the Institution.
have teen instrumental in rescuing the Crews of the follow-
ing Vessels :
Barque Vermont, of Halifax, U.S. ..
Schooner William Keith, of Carnarvon
Brig Flying Fish, of Whitby
Smack Elizabeth Ann, of Lyme Regit;
Steam Dred: e, at Newhaven ..
Schooner A . au iral Hood, of Rochester ..
Schooner Susan and Isabella, of Dundee ..
Schooner Rose, of Lynn •• •• ••
Brig Prodroma, of Stockton ..
Brig Eliza, of Middlesborough ..
Brigantine Freia, of Konigsberg ..
Brigantine Diana, of Fredrikshamn • •
Brig Gloucester, of South Shields
Brig Lovely Nelly, of Seaham ••
Brigantine Nugget, of Bideford ..
Schooner Prospect, of Berwick
Schooner Ann Mitchell, of Montrose
Schooner Jane Roper, of Ulverstone • •
Brig Pallas, of Shields•
Ship Ann Mitchell, of Glasgow .. ••
Smack John Bulg, of Yarmouth ..
Schooner Catherine, of Newry 1.• ••
Barque Niagara, of Shields • • • • •
A Barge of Teignmouth •• •• ••
Brig George and James, of London
Brig Zephyr, of Whitby •• •I
Coble Honour, of Cullercoats • • ••
Schooner Eliza, of North Shields .. •
Barque Oberon, of Liverpool • • •
Brigantine Nancy, of Teignmouth•
Smack Wonder, of Teignmouth . • •
Brig Scotia, of Sunderland • . • • •
Sloop Three Brothers, of Goole • • •
Sloop Charlotte, of Woodbridge • •
Brig Ann, of Blyth • • • • • • •
Spanish Barque Primera de Torreviega (saved ves-
sel and one of the crew) • • • • • • • •
Sloop Hope, of Dublin e• •• •• ••
Schooner Druid, of Aberystwyth .. .. 5
(Schooner Hurrell, of Penzance (saved vessel and
crew) •• •• •• •• •• •• •• 4
Brig Anne, of Plymouth (saved vessel and crew) 8
Schooner Betsy, of Peterhead (saved vessel and
crew) • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 6
Smack Merrion Lass, of Aberystwyth (saved yes-
and crew) .. • • • • • • • • • • 3
Schooner Fly, of Whitby (saved vessel and crew) 4
Sloop Thomas and Jane, of St. Ives
Tithing-boats of Witttburn
Brig Arethusa, of Blyth
Schooner Dewi Wyn, of Portmadoo
Flat Cymraes, of Beaumaris
Schooner William, of Morecambe ..
Smack Gipsy, of Newry • • • •
Schooner Diargaret Anne, of Preston
Brig New Draper, of Whitehaven
Schooner William, of Liverpool ..
Lugger Nimrod, of Castletown
Brig Providence, of Shields •• • .
Brig Mayflower, of Newcastle
Schooner Village Maid, of Fleetwood
Barque Guyana, of Glasgow
Brig Roman Empress, of Shields, -
Brig San Spirid,one, of Galaxide •..
Schooner Voador du Vouga, of Vienna
French Brig La Jenne Marie Therese
Barque Perseverance, of Scarborough
Schooner Elizabeth, of Bridgewater
Ship Danube, of Belfast ••
Schooner Hortensia, of Hanover ..
Schooner Oregon, of Stonehaven • •
Brig St. Michel, of Marano _ • •
Schooner Epimachus, of Amsterdam
Barque Druid, of Sunderland
Schooner Bellona, of Red Bay.. • •
Brig Pioneer, of Carnarvon .•
Schooner Princess Alice, of Ipswich .. 5
Brig Minerva, of Workington
Schooner Elizabeth and Hannah, of Newburgh .. 6
Brig Sisters, of W hitby .. 9
Brigantine Matilda, of Stockholm .. .. 4
Brig Jane, of North Shields ..
Brig Trial, of Poole ..
Schooner Liberty, of' Dublin .. . .. • •
Schooner Sylphiden, of Nakskov (saved vessel and
crew)
Barque Frederick, of Dublin ..
Barge Peace, of London .. ••
Lugger Saucy Lass, of Lowestoft ..
Smack Adventure, of Harwich.. .•
Pilot cutter Whim. of Lowestoft ..
Barque Undaunted, of Aberdeen
_•
•• • •
Wrecked boat on Blackwater Bank, on the Irish
coast .. • • • •
Schooner Skylark, of Folkestone . • • •
Brig Lively, of Clay, Norfolk • • • •
Schooner Rook, of Liverpool • • • •
Barque Robert Watson, of Sunderland ..
Schooner Auchincruive, of Grangemouth ..
Schooner Friends, of Lynn ••
Schooner Eliza Anne, of Dublin •
Brig Content, of Sunderland • •
Smack Ellen Owens, of Cardigan ..
Barque Cedarine, of Bermuda • •
Smack Frodsham, of' Liverpool ..
Sloop William, of Liverpool ..-.
Sloop Elizabeth, of Teignmouth
Portuguese Barque Cruz V. ..
Ship Annie E. Hooper, of Baltimore;U.S... .. 18
barque Henry Everest, of Rochester 4
Total .. 762
the4sseBaansdreowthaerrdLs
tifoet-bhoeactreswersv,!)f services the
Lifeboats.th Institutionlt
has
has
also granted rewards amounting to £572 for saving 5C2
voted
dr
xz
shipwrecked persons, by shore-boats and other means,
mak
ta‘o yearslofl,3o
and a half.2personss
saved from a watery grave during
i fort nh gTe
The
a total
ot
tv
the 73
Silver Lice-boats Medals,
o t
at
uh
de
Society, and other means, since its formation, is 12,690;
whichnumber
Umsberevir services 82 lives
G saved b
Gold Medals, 713
tlol6n,OChOasinalcsaoshexhpaevnedebd zo
eenp,3lood ionnreLwliaerflbso.
atTs,heLliines-tbiotuat-
Transporting-cari loges, and Boat-houses.
The public cannot but sympathise with the vigorous efforts
now being made by this Institution to save the lives of Ship-
wrecked Crews. Their help was never more needed than at
the present time, when, through the extraordinary exertions
the Society has made within the past few years, it has now
One Hundred and Twenty-three Life-boats under its man-
agement, for the maintenance of which, in a state of thorough
efficiency, a large permanent annual income is absolutely
needed, if its humane mission is to be perpetuated.
The Committee gratefully acknowledge the following Con-
tributions:—

.. 16
.. 2
.. 5
.. 3
.. 9
.. 6
.. 5

.. 7
.. 6
- 7
.. 7

.. 6
.. 1
.. 6
.. 3
.. 9

.. 6
.. 4
.. 4
.. 8

.. 4
.. 19

.. 2
.. 8
.. 6
.. 5
.. 4
.. 17

.. 5
.. 9

.. 10

.. .. 11
.. .. 10

.. 6

.. 5
.. 6
.. 4

•• .. 5
.. .. 5

.. 5
"134

.. .. 2
.. .. 6

£ s. d
_____.
Her Majesty the Queen
.. annual 50 0 0
i .•
annual 1 1 0
Cotton, Sir St. Vincent, Bart.. ..
Clerk, Colonel, R.A. •• • • • • 25 0 0
don.•
10 0 0
Coutts and Co., Messrs., Bankers .. .. annual
10 10 0
A Lady at ~eith, per W. G. Slate,'Esq.. don. 100 0 0
don.
Erle, Lord Chief Justice • •
Panshawe, Vice-Admiral Sir A., K.C.B. .. 2d don. 25 0 0
Harvey, Rev. G. G. and Mrs. • • • • don. 30 0
Lambton, Messrs. W. H. & Co., Bankers .. don. 21 0 0
Lanesborough, the Earl of .. . • ..
Legacy of the late Wm. Lupton, Esq., of annual 5 0 0
Salford..
•• •• •• •• •• 100 0 0
Moore, Rev. G. B .
Martin, Sir Henry, 8....,.**. •
• .. .. 7th don. 10 0 0
Robartes, T. J. Agar, Esq , .. .. animal 50 0
don.• 15 15 0
M.P.
Stirling, Col. Sir Anthony., K.C.B. .. ..ual 2 Trench, Lady Helena . •• .. don. 30 0 0
0 0
Donations and Annual Subscriptions will
be thankfully re-
ceived by the Bankers of the Institution, Messrs. Willis,
Co., 59, Strand ; Messrs. Berries, Farquhar, and Co., 16,
Percival, and Co., 76, Lombard-street; Messrs. Coutts and
St.
James's-street, London ;by al the Bankers in the United
brntahti
etustieconre,tla47j,orth.
Sohn-street,
tL,
AewdiesiphEi!
thienOgdfficeni o; fanthde
tonal
don, W.C.

just fe e b 1
MAZZINI AND GAR
Mazzini's course there has :::: ---Duringthe whole of
sufficient
his professed patriotism,
late smoulderinbgeivnegry IBALDI.-- •
more or less sympathy—of
this sympathy
sup-
posed materialistic, mechanical,
to show that our
not altogether destroyed our faculty' and selfish tendencies ha'l
power of sympathy. Every
year, of sentiment and our
grown more weary of mazzinva however, the world has
manreuvres, followed by failures,
hisunreason—his incessant
his vagueness of thought, and big pretentious addresses,
and when it appeared that ho could samenesso of sentiment;
nationality for Italy under the form of
constitutional
freedom and
mon-
archy, it was no wonder that England fell
except in regard to the one hold of compassion, away
from him)
principle and habit of hospitality. when the and the
libe-
rator arose, the whole heart of England "
wenteonuine
and adored him. Garibaldi was known to us
by
deeds,ut to him
by successful deeds, and reason warranted ow ,_ and
Ono 4 Wok. nomage.—

KING'S LYNN, OCT. 31.
The annual meeting of the Marshland Agricultural Asso-
ciation was held last evening, at Terrington St. Clement's,
near this town. The chair was occupied by Mr. G. N. P.
Bentinck. M.P. for West Norfolk, the hon. gentleman being
supported by several of the leading inhabitants of the
district.
After the usual loyal and patriotic toasts,
Mr. R. PITCHER proposed the " County Members."
(Cheers.)

Mr. BENTINCS., M.P., in acknowledging the compliment,
alluded to the rule by which party politics were excluded
from discussion at the meetings of the society, and then pro-
ceeded to observe--But there are questions which interest,
and which I may say are convulsing the whole world, upon
which it would 12e disrespectful to those whom I have the
honour of addresising if I should be silent upon the present
occasion; and perhaps the most prominent of those ques-
tions is, that most marvellous and most melancholy state
of things which exists on the other side of the Atlantic.
(Hear.) There is nothing, probably, in history which can
be compared, in point either of the marvellous or of the
horrible with what is going on •in that country, which for-
merly used to be called the -United States of America. How
far they at present deserve that designation I leave it to you
to decide. The interest felt in. this country upon the sub-
ject is immensely increased by the deep stake which we our-
selves have in thesolution of the question, and in the wide-
felt misery now prevailing in various parts of the country
from the existing condition of things in the United States;
but there is one View of thequistion upon which I would
venture to express a very decicled opinion, and to which
I would venture to call your most, especial attention.
Whenever any-question has . "raised in public meet-
ings or elsewhere upon the: :things on tin Mier
side of the, Atantic, the atte 4, I-7 heen made-to ice=
troduce into the discussion the elements of the merits or
the demerits of the institution of slavery. Now, I beg
to begin by stating, as far as my individual opinion may
be of interest in the matter, that no man in the kingdom
loathes more sincerely than Ido that institution. I believe
it to be barbarous; I believe it to be anti-Christian; I be-
lieve it to be everything that is detestable; but I for one am
not prepared to be Minded by my feelings—or if you choose
to call them so, mj, prejudices—against the institution of
slavery, into lookirg at events in America through what I
contend is a thoroughly false medium. I contend that the
question of slavery has nothing whatever to do either with
the feud which is now going on between the Northern and
the Southern States, nor has, nor ought it to have, any-
thing to do with tin light in which that feud ought to be
' regarded by the people of this country; and I will tell you
why I hold that opinion. In the first place, let us take the
conduct of the United States themselves with reference to
the question of sla'ry. What has been the conduct of the
Northern States? Premising that they are now upholding
what they call the standard of the abolition of slavery, what
has been their condict ? Why, in the first place, they have
invariably upheld and maintained up to the outbreak of the
present civil war thi institution of slavery ; and they have
gone further; they have declared that the black man is
unfit to exist within the precincts of civilisation. They
deny him the rights of a human being, and yet these men
now arrogate to themselves the title of Abolitionists. Why,
there never was a nnker, a grosser, or more monstrous
farce than their attempting so to designate themselves. So
long as slavery was profitable to them, they were perfectly
prepared to support it ; the moment they saw a pecuniary
advantage in declaiming against slavery, they began to de-
claim against it, and that is the' abolition" feeling in the
Northern States of America. But they have gone further.
They have issued within the last few weeks—almost within
the last few days--a proclamation, not against the institu-
tion of slavery, but inciting the slaves in the South to acts
of murder and arson, which at once describes the feeling
with which they originally looked upon the institution of
slavery, viz., as one which was only to be dealt with for
political or for profitable objects; and they have at the
same time shown that they are utterly divested of the com-
mon feelings of humanity. (Hear, hear.) Let any man
for a moment figure to himself what would be the effect in
the Southern States if the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln on
the subject of slavery were sated upon. Why, it would lead
to a wholesale massacre of human beings, black and white,
so extensive and so horrible, that I will undertake to say
there is nothing in the history of the known world which

could be compared to it. And yet these are the men who
now turn round and ask for the sympathy of Englishmen
in their newly-assumed character of the abolitionists of
slavery 1 But, gentlemen, lam afraid there is a still darker
side to this picture. I may be right or I may be wrong,
but at all risks it has been my habit, not only here, but
elsewhere, to say what I think--(cheers)—and to take the
chance of what anybody else may have to stay in reply.
Now I, for one—and I say it with grief and deep regret—
am bound to assert that even our own beloved country does
not come out scot-free in point of reputation upon the ques-
tion of slavery. I only advert to this because the attempt
is being constantly made to enlist the sympathies of Eng-
lishmen on behalf of the Northern States of America upon
the plea that they are sincere Abolitionists, which I think
I have succeeded in proving that they are not. But I go
further, and I say that this country is not in a position to
take that high, line.
I sa it with deep regret; but I chef.;
lenge contradiction when I assert that this country is not
spent £20,000,000
in a position to take up the high line of saying that at all
y '
costs and at all risks we will stand out for the abolition of
slavery. What has been the conduct of this country? It
is perfectly true that many years ago we
for the purpose of emancipating our West India slaves.
The spirit in which that was done was admirable ; and no
man probably within the four seas of Britain will be found
to dispute the good intentions of those who promoted and
who carried that measure. The manner in which it was
carried out was melancholy, for the result of it was that
you spent £20,000,000 for the simple
purpose of deteriorat-
ing the position of the slave whom you meant to benefit.
But that is another question. The point to which I want
to come is this—some years subsequent to that a contro-
versy arose in this country upon the merits of which
I am not now about to enter, but which must be extremely
familiar to those whom I have now the honour of address-
ing—the controversy of Free Tt ade and Protection. Among
the points fought and argued with reference to that question,
a motion was made in the House of Commons calling upon
the Parliament of England, after they had sanctioned the
outlay
of £20,000,000 for the abolition of slavery in the
West Indies, further to evince their detestation of that in-
stitution by putting a duty on slave-grown sugar, as opposed
to sugar the produce of free labour. That was a clear and
distinct issue raised—" Will you, or will yeti not, confirm
the verdict which you have given
by the 'expenditure of
£20,000,000, by patting upon sugar the produce of slave
labour a differential duty which shall give in the markets a
preponderance in favour of sugar produced by the labour of
free men f" Well, what was the answer of the House of
Commons P They said, " No, we think we have a higher
duty to perform ; we will not do anything even for the pur-
pose of putting a stop to the institution of slavery, which
shall militate against the great principles of free trade." I
am not going to enter into the merits or demerits of that
financial measure, but I ask, " Are we, after such a deci-
sion given by the Parliament of this country, and with the
consent of this country, to put ourselves forward, and to
say that we are champions of the abolition of that institu-
tion ?" Why, the thing is simply absurd. But what was
the sequel to that ? We went on, up to two years ago—
the Manchester millowner, the country generally, Great
Britain and Ireland united—accepting without hesitation
and without remorse slave-grown or slave-produced cotton,
as long as it was profitable, and as long as it was conve-
nient to work that cotton, and it could be done beneficially ;
but the very moment the supply of cotton failed, up rose
all those gentlemen in arms and said—" Oh, we must sup-
port the North, because we cannot submit to this fright-
ful atrocity, this enslaving of our fellow-men, and we must
support the North, who are the honest Abolitionists of
that system." Why did it never occur to these gentle-
men before, that all this cotton was produced by slave-
labour? As long as they could benefit by it and they filled
their pockets by the produce of slave-labour, their mouths
were shut ; but the moment their pockets were shut their
mouths were open—(laughter)—and we have heard nothing
ever since but the shouts and cries and cheers of Abolitionist
meetings, in order to explain that we Englishmen are all
brutes if we do not unite in the cry for the abolition of sla-
very. Well, we all join in that cry; but I can say this,
that I would have voted, if I had been in Parliament then,
against that very vote which preferred slave-grown sugar to
interfering with the principle of free trade; and I would
now give my vote against it most cordially and most
honestly, because I was never an assenting party to it as
long as I could put money in my pocket by the transaction.
But that is not the case with those who are most open-
mouthed in this matter. What I come to, then, is this—in
the name of common sense and reason, before we begin to
discuss the question of the feud on the other side of the
Atlantic, let us drop the question of slavery, and as English-
men, let us be thankful if nobody revives it, for it is a down-
right mockery to introduce that question into the discussion.
(Hear, hear.) Having told you frankly my own feelings as
one detesting slavery, and asked you to put that question
aside altogether ; and haying, I think, given you fair rea-
sons for that request, let us for a moment, since this war is
convulsing and exciting the whole world, consider what was
ninstateamarvellousvoerr f
foreign
riesitdistinguished
ssaifreosd
ae
wsr,
tisthtsma design
rtmanit, vih
magnitude
this
now
s
and
ita results.hol marvellousdsth eTpportfolio
war—fortrfThere is
a y h
o
f
talkingdoe fa
er theh feedu betweentdhei
r positiont he
Northern
eocScaßoutihone;
in those words—that the North was fighting for empire, and
the South for independence. I quite accept the latter asser-
tion, but I deny that the North is fighting for empire. The
who en a former
andt the
men of the North are fighting for what moat men light, and

yw
ahraet
flunfortunatelytdmi
aor ss t. m(
He ne a
rfi g. t )
Twjii tehi r thep o ioosnt
nz eoawl
is
fthore
exactly the converse, in my humble opinion, of what their po-
sition was in the days of what was called the American rebel-
lion, when they were themselves fighting to evade the taxes
imposed by the mother country. They were thus described
in those days by one of the greatest poets-in this country—a
man equally remarkable for his talents as a poet and for the
extreme liberality of his opinions.' Ile:went over tOAmerica
fully impressed, as many others have been, with the perfec-
tion of American institutions ; he remained there a few
months, and he described them in these four short lines :--
"Those vaunting demagogues, who nobly rose
From England's debtors to be England's foes ;
Who could their monarch in their purse forget,
And break allegiance but to cancel debt."
(Laughter and cheers.) That was the opinion of an ultra-
Liberal poet a good many years ago; and therefore you will
not wonder, perhaps, that people less liberal may not think
very highly of their position at present. But what is the
relative position of the North and of the South P Why, the
Northerners owe their very existence to a successful rebel-
lion. But for the results of that successful rebellion, they
would have been like any other colony of this country, sub-
ject to the Government of England, subject to the taxation
of England, and virtually subjects of England, as I am
happy to think we all are., Ido not envy their separation;
but if the North—if the United States of America—were
justified, as doubtless they conceive that they were; in the
act of rebellion which successfullyseparated them from the
dominion of this country—l would ask, in the name of com-
mon sense and reason, upon what ground can the Northern
States object to the Southerners following precisely the
example which they themselves had set not seventy years
ago ? (Hear, hear.) What is the meaning of Federal in-
stitutions ? What is the meaning of Republicanism ? lam
not, I confess, partial to that description of government. I am
inl,Eng.lishman, and therefore, 1 l‘ope,piave other feelings
and other _ innal3k-gt
meaning ? Why, it means in plain English, this,—if you
take it as a question of States, it means that every. State is
at liberty, whenever the time arrives that it is no longer
convenient to be a member of the federation of which it
has hitherto formed part, to take its own line and set up for
itself. lam inclined to think that Republicanism means
even more—that every individual wbo has the means and
power has a perfect right to set up for himself. (Laughter.)
I know no limit to it. I-confess I know no limit to the
length of the tether which ought to be given to those who
uphold republican institutions, and, therefore, I am at a
loss to understand upon what grounds the North can have
any cause of complaint against the Southern States for
exercising a right which is admitted and almost inculcated
both by Federal arrangements and republican institutions.
(Hear.) But why is it that wherever one gas oes,
believe in aeve the
ll parts
of England, one always finds—thoroughly I
institution of slavery is detested in this country—every man
sympathising strongly with the Southerners, and wishing
them all success ? (Cheers.) I do not beg the question, but
all I can say is, that as far as my experience goes, in the
length and breadth of the land where I have travelled,
never yet have met the man who has not at once said," My
wishes are with the Southerners." 'Why is that ? I think
there is more than one reason for it. In the first place the
good sense of Englishmen has shown them that the ques-
tion of slavery must be entirely eliminated from the discus-
sion ; that it is altogether a thing apart, and that it is mere
hypocrisy and fraud to try to introduce it. There is no re-
ference to the question whatever in considering the relative
position of the North and the South, or the relative position
of this country with reference to those two belligerents.
Then why is it that we sympathise with the South, as I
venture to think, from the way in which you have received
my remarks, you agree with me that we all do ? We do so
for these reasons. First, they have fought—to do them
justice—with a degree of gallantry almost unexampled, un-
der circumstances of the utmost difficulty, under every de-
scription of privation ; they have fought like heroes for
their homes, their wives, and ,children. (Cheers.) 'hat
alone is enough to enlist the sympathies of Englishmen,
and I trust in God the time will never come when it
will not enlist their sympathies. But there is a still
stronger feeling. The turn of events has resolved into
this—Englishmen love, liberty, and the Southerner is
fighting not only for his life, but for that which is dearer
than life—his liberty. (Hear, hear.) He is fighting for
his home, for his liberty ; he is fighting against one of the
most grinding, one of the most galling, one-of the most irri-
tating attempts to establish tyrannical government that
ever disgraced the history of the world. (Cheers.) I venture
to think that that in itself is a sufficient ground for what I
believe is the universal sympathy, with one or two excep-
tions, which is felt on the present occasion towards the men
of the South. This frightful struggle has been going on for
nearly two years ; and I would ask whether it is possible in
history to find records of such attempts at the establishment
of an undivided tyranny as are to be found in the history
of the last two months of the Northern States ; or whether
we have not had sufficient proof that of all tyrannies, the
most odious and the most galling is the tyranny of a de-
mocracy. (Hear, hear.) I for one loathe all tyrannies ; but
if am bound to undergo the greatest amount of suffering
morally that any man can be called upon to endure, namely,
that of writhing under a tyranny, at least defend me from a
tyranny of a democracy. But there are exceptions to every-
thing ; and men have been found in this country whose
business, I might, almost say whose trade, it has been to
praise American institutions. -I am happy to think that,
for the honour and tlie credit of old England, the number
of those men is very few ;• and I believe those attempts
have been chiefly confined to democrats working for their
own selfish purposes, and to hired spouters who are deputed
to speak in the name of some so-called " Association," and
who are afterwards remunerated for their services for speak-
ing by handing a begging-box round the country, and by
attempting to dignify that begging-box by the appellation
nasotangoaingssoicniattoiothneomf
etrhiitss koinr
ddea.
good of
t emsa
nt i my oyne iaa lr
s. ag To elr ea
mw
merits of the views which they held—but they practised this
system most successfully. They endeavoured to persuade the
labouring population of the agricultural districts that the
best thing for them was to depreciate the price of the pro-
duce of their labour ; and they endeavoured to persuade the
people of England that they were struggling to obtain cheap
food for the people,when their one great object was to obtain
cheap labour for themselves. (Hear.) Those are by-gone
days, but a new association has been shadowed forth lately,
and the professed object of this association, coming under
very similar auspices, is to persude the people of England
that the best turn they can do themselves is to set to work
at once to destroy those means by which they have hitherto
maintained that maritime superiority which for centuries
past has constituted the pride and the security of this coun-
try. I have no doubt that when the proper time comes the
begging-box will again make its appearance—(laughter)—
and that we shall have appeals made in the name of the
country for these disinterested patriots ; but I have so much
faith in the good sense and the honesty of Englishmen,that
I believe these stipendiary patriots will be met as they de-
serve, and that all the wretched compound of trash and trea-
son which they have poured forth will meet with the con-
tempt which it deserves. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen,there
is one comfort—that the praise of Northern institutions is
confined to that class of men to whom I have ventured to
advert. It is a distasteful subject, and happily there are few
of them ; but I am glad I may venture to think that you
agree with me in my appreciation of them. But at all events
there is no doubt that the great mass of Englishmen loathe
tyranny in all shapes, but they loathe more especially the
description of tyranny which has been practised on the in-
habitants of the Northern States during the last two years,
by what is called a Republican Government. And if that
alone were not sufficient to explain the strong feeling in favour
of the South which exists in this country, there is a ton-fold
stronger reason for it, and that is, in the downright barba-
rism and brutality—l use strong words, but I contend that
they are justified by the circumstances, and am prepared
to abide by them—which has characterised those who have
had the conduct of affairs in the Northern States. I have
already adverted to the proclamation which was lately
issued as a tardy and lame attempt to induce the people of
this country to believe that this is an " abolition" war, be-
cause, after all, all their legislation and all their acts lieve
reference to us and our opinion of them ; they think of no-
thing else. The only idea they have is what is said of them
in England, and they have not heard much that will please
them, I should think, for some time past. (Laughter.)
That proclamation really was a piece of clap .trap, in the
first place to catch the people of England. Look at its
real meaning and its real bearing. The object of it was to
encourage and arm the blacks, to infuriate those unfortaitate
.
and misguided people, to put arms into their hands, whom
generate, merely for purposes of aggression upon menown.bre
they cannot defeat in fair fight, one of the most h rri
that
disgraced the annals of the world. That is th_
o 0 last
massacres of old men and women and children()
tion which has made such a sensation during htevery honest
weeks ; and that is enough in itself to diegitie
ut there is
man with the author of such a docum Thing
upon record
worse than that. I ask you, is there any
_atised by a cer-
which can be compared to the barbarities
on the defenceless:m-
tain General Butler—(hear, hear)—
t/
that the inhabitants
habitants of New Orleans•
reedeuced to the Old men, the
of that unfortunate town are
Surely in the 19th century, and in
women, and children.
r htest right to call itself a civi-
a country that claims the s ig_
men,
women, and children
of old
lined nation, the positionsome
claim to sympathy and toier-
would have established
kindness. But what has been the
ante at least, if notbarian ? Why, there is no act of brutality
effect upon this bar been prepared to advocate and t o practise
!ler.
men and he has followed that up by
against • every possible way, the butchery of the
encouraging, in
he blacks. This has been done in cold blood,
whites 1)9 t
defiance of all humanity and of all civilisation
and in open ;
I say that so long as such acts are performed and are
and
which
avowed by the Government of the Northern States, they
he has rwo

cease to have a claim to be countenanced by civilised na-
tions. (Hear.) lam not asserting that there are not hun-
dreds and thousands pf men in the Northern States who
are men of education, of right and Christian feeling, of
civilised habits and ideas. Far be it from me to make so
unfounded an assertion. But there is a farther lesson to be
learned. The result of these much-vaunted institutions,
which we have heard praised before, and which we shall
again hear praised by hired spouters of associations, is this,
that the nation becomes so brutalised that the civilised man
disappears--he is afraid to put himself forward; he is
ashamed of his country; he has no voice in the conduct of her
affairs;o fnt en
such n
atdl hse
serious,
Lincolnsn. wholeonationn and
Butler,i turnedis
w whom
onav e
dto o
nott h e
hesitatecontrol
fistruioadtegrsnoaafvutenhacanet, after their conduct in the last few months, as
men who are a disgrace to civilisation. (Hear, hear.) But,
withgentlemen,
regret infpNov look,hoso ahso
reveryrib lscenes,e r(l a 1 o rightits
alwaysfeeling
vi
somust,a t
everyleastn
tom profita
nn
tbblysecoxpuneritrenyce,
an.
dllcanthninkot hwelep
hthaivnekisnegenththeree
lanadmvaslupaebakleinglessmo. lesson bpear:arnsensede_by
and I think you have known me some years now, and

know that I am not a blind partisan, that I always say
what I think, without reference to party or men, and that I
only uphold measures—but I see a change in the mind and
feeling of the people of this country upon the question to

(Cheers.)
I think
ti on to the
whwhichl am about to refer. 1 think the lesson which has
been taught us by the state of affairs in the Northern States
of America has not been lost upon this country. I think
we have learned to estimate, in latter years more fully than
we did formerly, the blessing of those institutions under
nwohimchanit
wishoourhasgoodgivfoer:unthee tocoliravme.mes (Ct
h attention
progress of the history of Europe, and of the world gene- I
rally, can have failed to observe that, under Provident,;
this country for many years past has been moat signaii4-
and.
_remarkably , blessed; that,. speaking_ with due
*6
arnmillty _ aft dispensa= 414'
future, up to the piesent-Ynie" —have- been indebtfie
mainly to our political institutions, I may say to our
monarchical institutions, for that happy state in which
we have lived for so many centuries ; that absence alike
of foreign and of civil war, the parallel of which
is not to be found in the history of any other country. I am
quite aware that strongly as I for one feel in favour of the
monarchical institutions of the country, circumstances have
of late years given to those institutions a position and a
hold upon the feelings of the people which, under ordinary
circumstances, they might not have had. It has been the
happy fate of this country to have been for nearly a quarter
of a century reigned over by a Sovereign whose public and
whose private character have alike tended to endear her to
her subjects, and to adorn those institutions, and that Go-
vernment of which she has been the head, (Cheers.) But
making every allowance for the tendency which the virtues
of the Sovereign, both public and private, have had upon
the minds of men to endear to them monarchical institutions,
I believe the feeling of loyalty and attachment to those in-
stitutions is one of the deepest and strongest feelings of
the hearts of Englishmen; and so long as that feeling con-
tinues to exist, under Providence, we may defy fate and
confidently hope for the welfare and prosperity of the coun-
try. (Cheers.> But, gentlemen, we may at least derive a
lesson from this. We have our party views and party
objects; we have our party fights—l wish I was keener
about them, but that does not matter ; but those who take a
deeper interest than I do in party feuds will, at all events,
not think me presumptuous if I ask them—whenever those
questions which are happily now in abeyance are again
brought before us, and we are called upon to discuss the
merits or demerits, or the possible improvement, of the Con-
stitution of this country, of its Government, and of its repre-
sentation—to pause and to think carefully before they
tamper rashly with those institutions which up to the pre-
sent time have made this country the envy and the admira-
tion of the world. (Cheers.) But it is impossible to leave
this question without touching upon the only remaing sub-
ject in reference to the state of affairs in America, which
really after all is the most important one. There is a very
old saying that it is no use crying over the past. What are
we to do for the future ? That is the position in which this
country and much of Europe finds itself in refer-
ence to the state of affairs in America. (Hear, hear.) What
is to be done ? I have ventured to think that there is but
one rational, one just, one beneficial course for this country
to pursue, and that is at once to recognise publicly and
officially the independence of the Southern States. (Cheers.)
I am not speaking now under the impression of the events
of the moment, because, however unimportant the fact may
be—and Ido not ask you to lay any stress upon that—l
ventured to urge in the House of Commons the opinion
which lam now venturing to put before you. I urged it
to the best of my ability, and, like many other good inten-
tions, it failed in its effect, and produced no result whatever.
But I then held, as I now hold, the opinion that the at-
tempts of the North to reconquer the South must be futile
and hopeless ; and all I ask you to consider is this, whether,
if I were justified in that opinion, which I held and ex-
pressed in March last, the present position of affairs in the
Northern States does not at least confirm that opinion ten-
fold. (Hear.) It appears now to be perfectly hopeless that
the North should ever conquer the South. There is no
prospect of a termination of this horrible sacrifice of human
life, except by the recognition of the Southern States by this
country and by France; and, therefore, upon that ground
alone I venture to urge it. _ The only argument I have ever
heard against it is this—we are told by learned men that it
would be an outrage upon what they are pleased to term
international law. That is a subject too abstruse to enter
upon. I do not understand it. I am not equal to it; but all
I know is this, that as far as international law is concerned
there is ample precedent for the recognition at the present
moment, and even at a much earlier period of the war, of the
independence of the Southern States by the Government of
this country. Recollect what we did with respect to Bel.
gium ; recollect what we did with respect to Greece. These
in themselves are precedents perfectly sufficient to satisfy,
in my humble opinion, all those who choose to argue the
question upon the point of international law. But there is a
much more serious view of the question than that. What
has been the effect of this war in America upon an immense
portion of the population of this country? What is the
amount of distress which is now being endured, and that
with an amount of patience, forbearance, sound judgment,
and good feeling which, I say, reflects honour upon the
people of this country generally. What is the amount of
distress which is being endured, and which can be attri-
buted solely to the effects of the war ? Why, it is incalcu-
lable. We are told, day after day, that the numbers of
those who are suffering are increasing. There seems to be
no limit to the extent of it. We are told that if cotton were
once introduced that distress would cease. I say again, with
precedent in our favour, wits the existence of enormous dis-
tress in this country, and putting aside as I do, as mere
piece of hypocrisy and absurdity, the introduction of the
element of slavery into the discussion, I say, without refer-
' once to party, without reference to anything but what I be-
lieve to be indispensable to the welfare and character of this-
country, that we are bound at once to recognise the Ind°
pendence of the Southern States of America. (Cheers.)
of
The proceedings of the remainder of the evening Were
an ordinary character.