The Sun.
London, England, 1862-12-05 00:00:00

7HE ARMY.

In accordance with orders received at the hen
quarters of the Royal Engineer establishment,Chat-
ham, from the office of the Deputy-Adjutant-Gene-
ral, a partyof 45 non-commissioned officers and men,
of various trades and callings, have been selected
from the companies of Royal Engineers at Bromp-
ton barracks, for particular service at Malta,Gibral-
tar, and Corfu, to be attached to the companies of
Royal Engineers at those stations. The men to be
selected must be good smiths, masons, or carpenters,
or be acquainted with some other trades, as they
will be employed on the engineering works now in
progress at Gibraltar, Malta, and Corfu, the compa-
nies stationed at which places have been reduced
considerably in strength in consequence of several of
the non-commissioned officers and men having been
invalided home, and the companies thereby consi-
derably reduced. The party selected were medically
inspected at head-quarters yesterday, and their
names forwarded to the Horse Guards for approval.

The 22d company of the Royal Engineers, under
the command of Capt. E. H. steward, paraded in
marching order at Brompton barracks yesterday,
where the non-commissioned officers and men were
inspected by Col. H. D. Harness, C. 8., Director of
the Royal Engineer establishment, in anticipation
of their departure from Chatham to Portsmouth this
morning.

The 26th company of Royal Engineers, which is
ordered to proceed to Weymouth, as already an-
nounced in The Sun, has received orders from the
Horse Guards to leave Chatham on the 10th inst.
A number of officers and others from Woolwich
garrison went down to Shoeburyness on Tuesday, to
be present at the removal and official examination
ordered to take place of the Whitworth target, re-
cently battered, as detailed in i he Sun. The target
was taken to pieces in their presence, and was exa-
mined with much care in order to ascertain the pre-
cise nature of the effect produced. Mr. Whitworth
predicted that the timber backing behind the armour
would be found very much shattered by the explo-
sion of his shells. The examination, however, as
stated yesterday at Woolwich by the officers pre-
sent showed that no serious injury was done to the
wooden backing, although it was a good deal shat-
tered by the shock and by the fragments of the plate
forced into it. The injury spreads no further, and is
manifested in no way different from that produced

by solid shot. In fact, no visible effects, it is said,
of an extraordinary kind have been produced by
Whitworth shell beyond the increased penetra-
tion which it has effected,
Experiments have been made at Shoeburyness
with the 12-pounder guns fired against Mr. Scott
Russell's target, using a new form of round fronted
shot, brought forward by Sir Wm. Armstrong,with
good effect.

The number of foreign and British visitors ad-
mitted by tickets to view the dep irtments of the
Royal Arsenal at Woolwich during the season of
the International Exhibition, from
May 1 to Nov.
30, was as follows :-6,2s6,foreigners and 46,086
British subjects, making a total of 52,342 visitors
The half-yearly examination of the gentlemen
cadets at the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich
commenced yesterday by the Council of Military
Education, preparatory to the distribution of re-
wards and prizes and the issuing commissions for
the Royal Artillery and Royal Engineers.

THE SOU7.7TERN SIDE OF THE
AMERICAN WAR.

The rat ity of direct intelligence from the Southern
States renders any addition to our knowledge of th"
war from that quarter interesting. Having received
files of Southern journals for the month of October,
we make some extracts from them that throw a light
on the spirit with which the more recent events of
the war are regarded, and the effects it has pro-
duced in the States of the Confederation. The dates
of these Richmond and Charleston papers include
the advance of the Southern army northward, the
defeat of the Federals at Manassas, the second bat-
tle of Bull Run, and the first few days of the inva-
sion or incursion into Maryland. News from the
field appears to find its way to the Northern cities
more fully and much more rapidly than to the
Southern centres. For some days after the reverses
of the Federal armies only rumours of the Southern
successes had reached Charleston and Richmond.
The more ample details that confirmed these reports
are mostly taken from the New York journals, and
English readers are already familiar with them.

But something not so well known may be
gathered from the Southern comments on the later
incidents of the campaign. It is evident that the
Government of Jefferson Davis is not exempted front
the pressure of an extreme war party or section in
the South similar to that of the extreme Abolitionists
of the North. The Southern Administration has
been able to resist it more effectually than that of
Mr. Lincoln, but still seems to have partially yielded
to the influence; and this concession has been the
cause of the most considerable check the Confede-
rates have sustained in the field.

The invasion of Maryland proved a mistake; but
it was as much a concession to a popular demand as
the dismissal of M'Clellan on the other side. The
policy of the Southern Government has been that
of a " defensive war" only. But for many months
this limitation of hostilities has been denounced by
the journals of the violent section of the South as
weak, inefficient, and useless. To repel successive
invasions that left the territory overrun a desert was
not enough. That even the wreck of the large Fede-
ral army should have escaped from before Richmond
was considered a misfortune. It ought to have been
utterly destroyed ; with more energy on the part of
the military commanders it might_have been anni-
hilated. It is curious to remark that, while the
Northerners were expressing admiration of the
capacity of the Confederate Government and the
skill of its generals, both were being denounced in
the South as supine, apathetic, and dilatory. Suc-
cess has somewhat improved the tone of the journals.
They are inclined to admit that the Government
was beginning to wake up, and the combinations of
Gen. Lee proved him a great commander. As for
Jackson. he would always have R.,-..nrthine- he
had been permitted to attempt. On the eve of the
invasion of Maryland the papers were rejoicing at
the prospect of transferring hostilities to Federal
territory, or, as they call it, " carrying the war
into the Africa of Abolitionism."
The fierce fanatics of the North have evoked a
spirit on the opposing side that fully equals their
own in savage determination. If the conduct of
the war should in the course of time pass into the
hands of these extreme sections, the counterparts of
each other, it would become a war of extermination,
in which nothing would be spared.
For instanee, the threat to reduce the South to a
wilderness rather than let it go is matched by a
proposal to raze all the public buildings of Wash-
ington to the ground rather than allow it to be the
future political centre of the Government. In the
month of September, when the Federal army had
been again driven to its lines round the capital, it
appeared probable that the city would fall into the
hands of the Confederates. The Charleston Mercury
anticipated that, even if not attacked,
" the pro-
gress of events would bring the South into posses-
sion of the old capital." What, in such a case,
shonld be done with it ? Policy would require its
destruction, and the' reasons are very coolly stated :
"As long as the magnificent and costly public
buildings exist, Washington constitutes a tempta-
tion to the North to keep it for their capital city,
as they have already attempted to do since the
secession of the States now Confederate. And yet,
being on the soil of a Southern slaveholding State,
this is incompatible with Southern views. Hence
Washington, with its great public structures, must
constitute a bone of contention, the North being
desirous of holding the city, and the South.
desirous of ousting the North from Southern terri-
tory.n To the North, Washington without the build-
iroe w utterlyouwould
aloneval ue
render less.
it
a Reconstruction
seat
of
ibuildings a ngs would be undesirable, and to the South the
of Government—and reeonstruction
.is desirable in
the eyes of the Southern public."
the old Union
It bad been supposed, indeed,ithat when forced
to abandon the city the Federal Government would
itself give up the hope of returning to it, and before
its retreat destroy the Capitol, all the public offices,
and the " White House," to prevent their falling
into the hands of the enemy. But this the Mercury
treats as an " idle imagination." The good work, if
it ever be done, must be accomplished by Southern
hands and Confederate powder barrels. And the
destruction is recommended by an assurance that
the voice of peace would be heard amid the " die-
parting towers :"

"For our part, we consider it as a consummation
devoutly to be wished, as a piece of admirable gene-
ralship, and a master stroke of high State policy.
The razing of those structures would be the fall of
the last hope of the Union. It would have more
effect upon the Northern mind and upon foreign
nations abroad than the achievement of 20 battles
for the Confederate cause. Take Washington, blow
up every public building, redeem the States over-
run, and mold
by Putting at once in camp
h
from 35 to 45 years
secondclasste our
of own
conscripts
old, and by January we should nestle in the arms
of peace."
It that
;
this
used m
but the spirit in which
such suggestions can be made is evidently rendering
peace all but impossible.
There is much in the Southern journals to prove
withoutay be
urged
provocation
that the pressure of the war upon the population of
the Confederate States is ver—
y severe, though com-
pensated by success in the field. The conscription
for the army is a reality, and now includes all be-
tween the ages of 18 and 35. Substitutes are
allowed, and the papers contain numerous adver-
tisements for them. The price offered for one is
not always announced, being left, we presume, to
private arrangement, but
when stated it is never
less than 2,000 dols., or £4OO. Desertions are
numerous, and hitherto there appears to have been
an unwillingness to punish the offence with the
severity of military law. Comparative impunity
has increased the evil to an extent that has made

repression a necessity, and recently the crime has
been severely expiated. In several cases the punish-
ment of death has been inflicted. It is said that the
extreme penalty has been exacted without sufficient
notice that the Government had determined to en-
force a greater strictness of discipline. Some de-
serters from the Confederates who had enlisted in
Federal regiments were taken prisoners during the
last battle of Bull Run ; they were shot on the field.

One curse of the war seems to afflict both parties
in about equal degree. The confusion of the
period has made it the harvest of the dishonest.
The Government and army of the South are infested
by gangs of sharpers, too many of whom have
secured official opportunities for cheating. The
" smart man" is not so sectional as the quarrel ; he
is found in both ranks, and cheats under either flag
with equal industry. It is asserted that " notori-
ously and utterly principled men" have been em-
ployed in the Southern army as quartermasters,
and as a consequence " flagrant and enormous pecu-
lation has been carried on." A Richmond corre-
spondent of the Mercury says:—

" A good deal of money has been made here by
worthless wretches, who by hook or by crook ma-
naged to get authority to raise companies. Forth-
with they advertised to take substitutes, and the
substitutes poured in, received a half or a third of
the money paid for them, and left the rest in the
villain-captain's hands, to be paid after getting into
camp. This dons, the substitutes went their ways,
sold themselves to other parties, the villain-captain's
company never went into camp, and so thousands
on thousands of dollars have been made. Some of
these villain-captains are now decorated with ball
and chain in Castle Thunder, the new military
prison, but others are off to parts unknown."

Though they are equally denounced as sharpers,
another class of speculators can scarcely be consi-
dered so culpable. These are the acute traders,
who watch events with an eye to bargains as suc-
cess or defeat opens up chances of the market. A
rush of these merchants of the war from Richmond
is thus described :
" No sooner was it known here that Fredericks-
burg was evacuated than our merchants bolted off
to buy up the stocks of Yankee goods there. The
news reached here at dusk, and it is believed that
200 sharpers left in 20 minutes afterwards, in bug-
gies. Fredericksburg was probably gutted by
them before daybreak."

Another evil from which the South is suffering
severely, is the extent to which the paper cur-
rency of the Government is counterfeited. The
forgeries are of the notes of 20, 50, and 100 dol-
lars ; and even the banks find it difficult to dis-
tinguish the genuine notes from the spurious. The
Southerners assert that many of these counterfeits
are executed in the Northern cities, and that the
" felony is patronised" by the Federal Govern-
ment. Those who have had any experience of
American currency will rather believe that this
peculiar industry never required Government pa-
tronage to flourish at the expense of the community.
The immense issues of notes on both sides during
the war have only given greater facility to syste-
matic fraud. The Secretary of the Confederate
Treasury in his report appended to the President's
Message to Congress is compelled to allude to these
forgeries, and recommends measures for preventing
them. It will be necessary to change many of the
plates and make new issues. The counterfeit paper
has had some effect in raising the price of the
necessaries of life in the South above even the
war rate.

The advertising pages of the journals contain
many indications of the state of hostilities. There
are lists of contributions in food, clothing, and me-
dicine for the army, military orders, offers for sub-
stitutes, and the hue-and-cry of deserters, now
rather more numerous than the run-away negroes.
The substitute system seems to create despripr.
ins large state bounties create them in the North.
In the towns and the camps near them the con-
duct of the soldiers is not quite exemplary. Heavy
complaints are made of the assaults and robberies
committed in Richmond at night. In other re-
spects the business of life is not much changed or
interrupted. Estates are sold and bought as usual.
The tradesmen's stocks of goods, certainly not of
native manufacture, announced as " just received,"
indicate that the blockade is not so complete in prac-
tice al in theory. The effect of the exclusion of im-
ports, that on such a long sea coast cannot be total,
is chiefly felt in the cost of articles; they are of.•
fered "at moderate war prices," which, no doubt,
would be considered far from moderate in time of
peace. Provisions are dear, but have not reached
the rates that would prove excessive scarcity.
The market price of meat in Charleston is a little
above that of the retail shops of London, and
poultry is cheaper. The quotations are extravagant
for South Carolina, though the average of Middle-
sex; the Northern journals exaggerate, as usual, in
describing them as " famine prices." The ordinary
course of public amusements is not checked and
very little altered by the war. In Richmond two
theatres are open every night, playing the oldest
English stock pieces of the severest "legitimate
drama." One of these houses has issued a rather
curious announcement. The first reprisal made by
the South for the confiscation policy of the Federal
Congress is enforced by a Richmond manager on a
shadowy kind of theatrical property—Mr. Forrest's
" great tragic play" of " Matamora." Some years
since Mr. Forrest offered a prize for a tragedy, and
obtained " Metamora,the Last of the Wampanoags,"
from the competition. His exclusive right to per-
form the character of the Indian hero has, it "
This
right of custom Mr. Forrest has forfeited by ap-
pears,manag ehrist ha
and
rdt oa
obrese
tnh
rsocurguhpouul
to ut shley respectedworld.
poli-
tical offences, and here is the managerial decree of
confiscation :

..Now, Mr. Forrest having thought proper to
lavish the profits accruing to him from this and
other of his plays for years past in supporting the
insane attempt of the Northern despotism to subju-
gate the South and crush the spirit and liberties
of that very people who have added much to his
fortune and his fame, the management feel that it
is but an act of justice to appropriate for the
amusement of the public this great standard play,
upon which Mr. Forrest has built his reputation."
So " Matamora," with its future profits, is appro-
priated accordingly ! The many English dramatic
writers who have " lost their hair" on the war path
of American enterprise will not regret to see the
scalp of a native added to the collection of " appro-
priations." Another proof of the small effect the
present state of public affairs produces on the great
current of social life is given in a paragraph that
might furnish an illustration to the Registrar-
General :

" The war does hot affect the marriage market in
any perceptible degree in Richmond, 30 licenses
having been issued by the clerk of the Hustings
Court during the month of August. This is
largely more than the average number."

FATAL ASSAULT.—A very cowardly and fatal
attack on a man is reported from Chesterfield. On Monday
night it appears a young fellow named Cooper was walking
home with his sweetheart, when two wen, said to be Irish-
men, pushed against him. Cooper made some remark,
when one of the fellows turned round and struck him sud-
denly a fearful blow on the temple with a life-preserver.
He walked home, but scarcely spoke again, and died on
Tuesday night. The affair is now in the hands of the
authorities.
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.sore,
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unhealthy action. It soothes and cools all inflammatory
affections of the skin, prevents their spreading, and ulti-
mately leaves the surface sound. When the disease has
been of long duration Holloway's Pills should be taken,
while his Ointment is being used ; they promote the cure
by purifying the blood and regulating the circulation.
The Ointment is an admirable auxiliary in subduing the
many rushes and eruptions common to the nursery ; then
the timely use of these medicaments will ease many
an
aching heart.

LIVERPOOL CHAMBER OF COMMERCE.
In reversal of the policy of the council of the
Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, the members last
week, at a general meeting of the body, decided
against the expediency of the abolition of commer-
cial blockades. On Wednesday the members again
assembled at the public salesroom, Liverpool and
London Chambers, for the purp,se of considering
the action of the council with reference to bellige-
rent rights at sea. The council has on several occa-
sions expressed their opinion in favour of the pro-
posal to exempt private property at sea from
capture ; and, as considerable opposition has been
manifested to this proceeding of the council, great
interest was felt in the issue of the discussion.
There was a large attendance of members of the
chamber, including many of the principal gentle.
men on 'Change. The chair was occupied by Mr.
Thomas Chilton, president; and he, in opening the
proceedings, explained the position of the question,
and suggested that the discussion should be taken
de novo in order that full consideration might be
given to the subject.
Mr. JOHN CAMPBELL moved" That this chamber
adheres to the views expressed by it in its
rials to the Board of Trade of the 19th of January,
1860, and to Lord Palmerston on the 3d of Feb-
ruary, 1860, and in its petition to the House of
Commons on the 6th of March, 1862, in favour
of the proposal to exempt private property at sea
from capture." He said when the war broke out
between France and Austria in 1859 an opinion
was generally entertained, not only in this country
but throughout the world, that England would,
sooner or later, become involved in the struggle.
The consequence of that opinion was that a consi-
derable war premium was demanded from those
merchants who desired to provide against war risks,
and a decided preference was given to America and
other neutral countries, especially where the cargoes,
as from India and China, were of great value. This
attracted the attention of the shipowners of Liver-
pool. If that were the consequence of a mere fear
that England would be dragged into hostilities,
what would be the position of England when en-
gaged in active hostilities ? It seemed to them
sufficiently clear that the premium of war insurance
would rise to an unheard-of price, because the risk
of capture would be greater than before the use of
steam had added to the facilities, not only of priva-
teers but of milled cruisers, to capture merchant
ships. These considerations made it clearly the
duty of the shipowners, looking not only to their
own interests, but also those of the merchant, that
they should ascertain the views of the Government
on the subject. A deputation, introduced by Mr.
Horsfall, waited upon Lord Palmerston, who said
he thought there was no chance of the Cabinet
adopting their views. Thus repulsed by the Go-
vernment the case was laid before the Chamber of
Commerce, and that body resolved to memorialise
the Government on the subject. The result of the
operations of the single Confederate steamer Ala-
bama had been to cause hundreds of thousands of
tons of American shipping to be transferred to British
owners at extremely low prices. He pointed out the
very different position which England in case of war
would occupy; how infinitely more intensified would
be the calamity that would befall our shipowners if
we were at war with a country capable of fitting out
hundreds ofAlabamas ; the British shipowners would
be exposed to great danger in the capture of their
vessels, especially in long voyages. The effect of a
war with a great maritime Power would be to de-
prive British shipping of employment, and to cause its
transfer to neutral countries; our great steamship
lines would be obliged to withdraw their ships from
trade, or transfer them to a neutral flag. Mr.
Campbell carefully analysed all the objections to the
nrnnnaitinri 11.11,;rics,
injury upon the national power of Great,Britain, or
that, if the principle were agreed to, it could not be
acted upon or enforced in time of war. He con-
tended that the consequence of a great maritime
war would be to seal up in our harbours the great
bulk of our mercantile marine, and to throw the
carrying trade of this country into the hands of
neutral and competing Powers.
Mr. LAMPORT seconded the motion. He ex-
plained that he did not then consider the question
of the " immunity of private property from capture
at sea," as he considered that subject had been finally
settled by the Treaty of Paris; but that they had
rather to consider the addition of a alight provision
to that treaty which appeared to have been over-
looked by those who bad drawn up the terms of the
treaty. In supporting this proposal it was neces-
sary to show that they, as shipowners, or persons
interested in shipping, were deeply interested in
advocating the change ; they were also bound, in
advocating their own interests, to show that they
were not asking for anything opposed to the gene-
interests of the country, for whatever were the
consequences, whatever the ruin inflicted by war,
they were bound to submit to those chances—they
were bound to submit to that ruin, if it could be
shown that their (the shipowners') sacrifice was for
the general benefit. (Hear, hear.) But they were
net to be wantonly sacrificed or needlessly ruined—
they were not to be ruined unless the general in-
terests of the country required it. (Cheers.) He
denied, however, that such sacrifice was necessary,
and, quoting the evidence given before the Select
Committee of the House of Commons, showed that
British trade was most seriously injured by the
mere dread that this country would become
involved in hostilities. He contended that
during war the carrying trade of Great Bri-
tain would in a great measure be transferred to
neutral Powers ; that the British shipping would for
many years, even after the restoration of peace,
be at a great disadvantage ; and that the result of
war, instead of sending merchant seamen into the
Royal navy, would be to secure their employment
in neutral mercantile marine, which would by the
high freights they could command outbid the pay-
ments offered by the British Royal navy.

Mr.PATTERSON moved and Mr. ARNOTT seconded
an amendment—

" That it is inexpedient to prosecute further at
present the question of the exemption of private pro-
perty at sea, intimately connected as it is with the
law of blockade and others incident to a state of
warfare, upon which the Chamber seems indisposed
to commit itself to a deliberate opinion, without
further consideration."
This amendment was lost by a large majority.
Mr, J. SPENCE, who, on rising, was received with
loud applause, then moved an amendment upon the
original motion to the following effect :
o That to abolish the right to capture merchant
ships of the enemy plainly leads to the abolition Of
commercial blockades; that this Chamber has re-
cently affirmed that it is not this country's interest
to abrogate the established right of blockade, and
now resolves not to further any alteration in inter--
national law that tends directly or indirectly to im-
pair the efficiency of our naval forces in time of
war."

Mr. Spence pointed out the close connection between
the two questions of commercial blockades and of
exemption of private property at sea, and dwelt on
the inconsistency of the Chamber now affirming
their opinion in favour of the exemption of private
property at sea, when they had already decided
against the expediency of abolishing blockade. The
strongest argum,mit, he said, that was adduced in
favour of the ' ladvocated by Mr. Campbell
'Lump c
was that property on land was protected from cap-
ture, and that, therefore, it was a great evil and a
great injustice to shipowners that they should be
exposed to a risk and loss from which other pro-
perty was protected. That, he thought, would be a
great hardship and injustice if the fact were so. But
it was not so. Property on land did enjoy a certain
amount of protection from two principles which had
no bearing on the case of war at sea. One prin-
ciple was that of humanity. A general at the head

STEW spt ,-
~.pE,,c,
fof au invading army would iiiiiaiiip---„.
l'Abllit qiik-e\
human if he were to deprive th ..,W OTI c.`\
cent, unarmed population of S •l*lrofr.lo49 '2_,
tite„
means of subsistence and of th -.retfhiAi't.i.i*',Aqe:),f-e'
it would not only be a great har 144:Witiftq,u)41,,:ril
owes,
have no appreciable effect in bringiixpet' 441?----'
bear upon the Government of the opposin owhi,
In addition to that, there was a much stronger
principle of action—the principle of self-interest,
which was the only one they could safely trust in
time of war. (Hear, hear.) It was not the interest
of a hostile general to stir up the hostility of the
people of the land, because it would expose him to
a danger of the most imminent character. In point
of fact, to destroy private property on land would
be to stir up a hornet's nest out of which they could
extract nothing of great value. and would immedi-
ately suffer great inconvenience. (Hear, hear.)
The case of property at sea was very different.
There was no question of humanity at stake, no
adverse interests to encounter, and where, as on
land, private property was disseminated over a vast
surface, and exposed to a heavy cost of transport, in
the capture of property at sea they had, as it were,
a condensed portion of the wealth of the enemy, and
they had the power of at once passing that property
to their owtt credit. The number of ships was
limited, by the capture of which they had an effi-
cient means of bringing pressure to bear upon the
resources of the enemy, and of inducing the state of
mind which was their object in prosecuting hosti-
lities. The comparison of the case of property at
sea and on land was, he thought, altogether erro-
neous ; the two things were separate and distinct.
He held the argument with reference to private
reoperty on land to be entirely fallacious. Were
Leey bound to respect property at sea because
it was their interest to respect private property'
on land ? (Hear, hear.) Great Britain pos-
sessed the largest mercantile tonnage in the world,
mid it was therefore' argued by some that they
were exposed to the greatest danger from acting
upon the principle of capture of property at sea.
That argument seemed to be brought forward as if
a large mercantile marine was an evil rather than
an advantage. That he thought a wrong view to
take of the subject. He considered it to be a great
good to this country that we possessed great wealth
and great mercantile tonnage ; but it would be no
advantage unless our tonnage was efficiently pro-
tected. He maintained, however, that it was more
efficiently protected than any other marine, and for
this reason—that the true protection of the mercan-
tile marine was our naval power ; and, as we pos-
sessed naval supremacy in case of war, we had the
power of blockading the ports of the enemy, thereby
practically excluding hostile ships from the sea, and
securing to British shipping a clear and uninter-
rupted highway over the ocean. (Cheers.) Mr.
Spence entered at some length into the provisions
of the Paris Convention, and explained his belief
that the position of England under the altered cir-
cumstances was still more advantageous in the case
of her mercantile marine. He referred to the case
of the last war with France, in which the great in-
jury to British shipping was occasioned, not by
regular men-of-war, but by French privateers ; and
stated that by the provisions of the Paris Congress
that danger to British shipping was removed by
the abolition of the right of p:ivateering. The real
object of war, he urged, should be, not to slay a
certain number of the enemy—that was merely a
means to an end in bringing them into a frame of
mind to agree to peace. In the case of war with
America we might bring them into such a state of
mind either by sending soldiers and sailors to fight
them or through injury to their trade and com-
merce. Of the two was it not plain that the latter
was more humane ? and in the case of that country
it was evidently the more efficacious. (Hear, hear.)
During the last war with America the blockade of
her ports and the annihilation of her commerce al-
tered the original feeling of enmity that had caused
the war, and was found to be more patent and effi-
cacious than the adaption of the only means which,
if the council's views were adopted, would be left to
them. (Hear.) Mr. Spence ridiculed the idea of " free
trace in war," and contended that the best means of
preventing or curtailing hostilities was to make war
so dire and distressing as to make it repulsive to
all classes of the community. In the present state
of political f001i...,9, in tall world there were strop b
reasons why Great Britain should maintain intact
her naval power. He also condemned the policy of
the council of the Chamber as exposing Liverpool
to an amount of obloquy, for other portions of the
community would say it was based solely on self-
interest that impelled men to move in a direction
contrary to the interests of the people at large. He
also urged that the apprehensions of shipowners as
to the disastrous consequences of war were wholly
exaggerated and unnecessary, and that in case of
naval warfare this country would always possess a
great advantage over all others.
Mr. Bernard Hall seconded the amendment, which
was opposed by Mr. Charles Holland; and after
some further discussion the debate was adjourned
for a week.