The Sun.
London, England, 1865-02-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The world has not been kept long in
suspense respecting the true purport and issue of the
late negotiations between the American belligerents.
Within a week of the proceedings exact accounts of
all that transpired, and even all that was contem-
plated, have been published by both parties to the
transaction. President Lincoln has laid his formal
report of the meeting before the Federal Congress,
and President Davis has addressed a large assembly
of his constituents in the Confederate capital on the •
same suliject. In aid of these two expositions we •
have an opportune despatch from Mr. Seward to
Mr. Adams, in which the fluent and communicative •
Secretary conveys the outline of the impression which
he wishes these proceedings to produce in Europe.
From a comparison of the several documents we can
arrive without difficulty at a complete understanding
of the whole business. The negotiations were un-
doubtedly commenced or invited "by the Federals.
Though Mr. Lincoln is exceedingly anxious to show
that he made no direct overtures, and did not in any
way from first to last compromise his position as
the head of an established Government in commu-
nication with insurgents against its authority, it is
perfectly plain that the first step in the affair which
produced all the others was the pass which the Pre-
sident gave Mr. Blair enabling him to " go South."
This was on the 28th December. Mr. Blair did go
South, proceeded to Richmond, had an interview
with President Davis, and returned to Washington
about the middle of January with the intelligence
which induced President Lincoln to express his
willingness to receive commissioners or representa-
tives from the Confederate Government. The Pre-
sident was careful to add that he had always, and
at all times, been thus disposed to hear what might
be said to him by any person authorised to say it,
but Mr. Davis distinctly asserts that " no opening
had been presented," till this occasion, for so much
as an " advance towards negotiation." On the
other hand, it is evident that the Federal President
was not over anxious in the matter, for he dictated
terms of approach with rigorous precision, and only
consented to the interview at last on the represen-
tation, privately made by General Grant, of the
good faith and sincerity of the Confederate envoys.
In fact, the Northern Government suspected the
South of wishing to negotiate for time and to gain a
short relief from the pressure of the war. However,
the three Commissioners from Richmond were even-
tually received by the President and his Secretary
of State, and a conference was held between these
representatives of North and South on those waters
of Hampton Roads which witnessed the first and
most remarkable naval action of the war. We are
left in no doubt as to the spirit and policy of the
Federal Government. Mr. Lincoln had previously
instructed Mr. Seward to insist imperatively on
the " restoration of national authority throughout
all the States," and the maintenance of the position
taken by the Northern Government on the slavery
question. These two conditions were to be indis-
pensable, and no armistice or suspension of hostilities
was to be allowed, but on all other points the Pre-
sident promised " sincere liberality" of discussion
and consideration. Such were the terms on which the
North was disposed to negotiate, and they were
rigidly adhered to. Mr. Lincoln, after reciting
them, tells us that their "whole substance was stated
and insisted on" in the Conference, and that " no-
thing was said inconsistent therewith" by either
himself or Mr. Seward. This account, too, is entirely
confirmed by the statement of President Davis,
who describes the Federal negotiators as requiring
" an unconditional surrender." We can infer, in-
deed, from the reports, that the Confederate Com-
missioners went into the Conference without any
expectation that their opponents would be found
ready to waive or withhold these essential demands.
They did not even venture, whatever they may have
felt, to put forward their own counterpart stipula-
tions. The result shows that they were as reso-
lutely bent upon Independence as the Federals upon
Union; but they were evidently reluctant to advance
demand which they foresaw would be rejected.
The " Richmond party," says Mr. Seward, " ap-
proached the discussion rather indirectly, and at no
time did they make categorical demands, or tender
formal stipulations or absolute refusals." Never-
theless, though it is plain enough that neither
party was prepared to make the one single
concession which would be acceptable to the other,-
and though the Conference ended " without pro-
ducing an agreement of views upon the several
matters discussed, or any of them," we are told that
it lasted four hours. What, then, could negotiators
so hopelessly situated find to talk about ? Here,
again, we are indebted to the frankness of the Fede-
ral Secretary for an insight &to the principal topic.
It was a very interesting one. " What the insurgent
party seemed chiefly to favour was a postponement
of the question of separation, upon which the war is
waged, and a mutual direction of the efforts of the
Government, as well as those of the insurgents, to
some extrinsic policy or scheme for a season, during
which passions might be expected to subside, and
the armies be reduced, and trade and intercourse be-
tween people of both sections be resumed. It was
suggested by them that through such postponement
we might now have immediate peace, with some not
very certain prospect of an ultimate satisfactory ad-
justment of political relations between the Govern-
ment and the States, section or people, now engaged
in conflict with it." So this pretty little scheme for
the belligerents combining their arms and then fall-
ing together upon some unoffending neutral to see
whether they could not forget their own quarrels in
the aggression, was actually made, though it came,
unless we are to mistrust Mr. Seward's description,
from the South, and not from the North. Nor do
we see why we should be incredulous, for though the
Secretary gives his adversaries the credit of the pro-
position, he does not pretend to say that it was re-
jected on his own side as essentially inadmissible or
unjust. On the contrary, he informs us that it was
" deliberately considered," and ultimately declined,
not because it was wrong, but because it would in-
volve the admission of that armistice or truce for
which the South was thought to be so anxious, and
which the North was so determined to refuse. After
this glimpse of American politics we may perhaps
approach the votes of our own Estimates with greater
resignation. It must be conceded, however, that,
on its own showing, the North comes the best out of
this affair. It is not despondent, it is not doubtful
of its own strength or resources, it is not prepared
to concede a jot on the question of Union, nor even
on that of slavery. It is still consistent, and, if not
confident, is able to conceal its distrust. It has not
entertained, or, at any rate, it has not been the
first to propose, the expediency of a diversion in the
direction of Canada or Mexico. That suggestion
is alleged to have come from those who have already
done their best to drag us and others into the
war. On the other hand, though the Confederates
have betrayed the sentiments of a losing side, they
have not shown the slightest indication of any
disposition to submit. They have reasserted their
unalterable resolution to fight to the last, and
by rejecting the proposal for arming their negroes
they have apparently proclaimed their unabated
confidence in the ordinary sources of their military
strength. Nor do the reports from the armies in
the field appear uniformly or mainly unfavourable
to their cause. Thomas and Sherman, it is true,
are moving in strong force, the one upon Mobile
and the other upon Columbia, without much pros-
pect of effectual opposition ; but Lee and his troops
have once • more inflicted a bloody repulse upon
Grant, and a large Confederate army is reported as
again preparing to invade Tennessee. On both
sides, in short, the arbitrament of war has been ac-
cepted afresh, with fewer hopes of peace and there-
fore with more desperate determination. We
deplore the result, but it must be more evident than
ever that neutrality, if we are but allowed to main-
tain it, is the only policy for England.
POST.--The Alien Bill which has just been passed
by the Legislative Assembly of Canada is a measure
which, while it may be no more than what a neu-
tral Power would, under the circumstances, feel
bound to take from a sense of what was due to itself,
is nevertheless of a nature to satisfy every reason-
able expectation of even the most exacting of belli-
gerents. If the Americans are not satisfied with it
they must be exceedingly difficult to please indeed.
They have all the more reason to be content because
it does not appear that they had suggested such a
measure, or expressed a desire that some such
law should be passed. Indeed, anything that
could have borne the construction of dictation
could only have interposed an obstacle in
the way of what might otherwise be per-
fectly right and proper in itself. The United
States Government, therefore, would appear to
have exercised a very prudent discretion in abstain-
inc from anything of the kind. Mr. Macdonald, in
introducing the bill, explained that it emanated ex-
clusively from the initiative of the Canadian Go-
vernment, and that there had not even been any ex-
pression of a desire on the part of the Government
of the United States that such a measure might be
passed. In 1848 circumstances arose in this coun-
try, as they will arise in all countries, and do arise
in others much more frequpntly than in our own,
which render it necessary to take steps for the
maintenance of peace and order, and national
security. We passed an Alien Act then as the
Canadians have passed one now, and the provisions
of the former appear to have been adopted as the
foundation for those of the latter. Ten years before
the British Alien Act was passed, namely in 1838,
the Government of the United States had found it
necessary to pass a similar measure with the view
of preventing hostile incursions from being or-
ganised within its territories for the molestation of
the British authorities in Canada. The peculiari-
ties of the present case seem naturally to suggest
, this as the precedent upon which some of the clauses

of the new bill might conveniently be based. other
provisions in the measure appear to be analogous to
those of the United States law against the prepara-
tion of munitions of war within their territories,
with the intention of using the same against neutral_
or friendly Powers. The Canadian bill, therefore, 1?
will be seen, is intended to secure a threefold
object. Aliens who may do acts militating again.s,t
the peace and security of the colony are to
piled ; organisation of hostile enterprises against' 0I
friendly Power, and the preparition of munitions
war to be used against that Power, are to be pre-
vented. To this end it is provided that upon Pre;
per information, defined in the act, being laid befor
the Governor-General or the Provincial Secretaget
to the effect that an alien is plotting against
United States, the offender may be ordered, by Pll-
lie notice, to depart from the colony within a giveh
time, to be specified therein. If he disobeY
order he thereby becomes liable to arrest and irePrl::
sonment by virtue of a warrant of the Govern?",
General to be issued for that purpose, in
he may be deported beyond the confines of the,,Piiee
vince. Such disobedience constitutes an cteo-n.
punishable under the statute by a term of imPrlen
ment not exceeding a year. In the case of an a, 'r,
not being convicted of misdemeanour, but other-
not
wise amenable to the operation of the act, the -10
order
vernor in Council may, if he deem proper, adroit and
allow the reasons or excuses alleged on, his be
for not having paid obedience to the order of e-y
pulsion under the circumstances just stated, or /-
grant an enlargement of the time specified for
parture. Conviction of a misdemeanour, hovreliieo,
deprives an alien of this privilege: The act alit on
rises the Governor to furnish an accused Persa..
with a statement of the charges against him' to
toe
able him to prepare his defence. And for the P
pose of exculpating themselves from the charg,een,
disobedience, after notice of departure being g.lnin' g
accused persons are to have the power of exsol,eo
witnesses and adducing evidence upon oath. In
where an alien may be arrested and imprisone'i of
disobedience to the order of expulsion, alrin bill
habeas corpus may be granted by a judge. 'l', en.
' also contains clauses on matters of detail jea
abling the leading provisions to be properlY cart
is
out. The object of our Foreign Enlistment P-eno
the benefit of this country. Foreign Power' re'
doubt, derive benefit from it too, in so far as 1ur,.01"
eludes their enemies, of whatever nationalitY,
using British territory as a basis of opera:silo
against them in time of war. Still, the final,ifir'in.
for making such a law is native interests. lisp
tention tention of such legislation is to prevent leo
subjects from transferring their allegiance eigo
their own government to that of some fe,reoo
State, and at the same time to prevent Pe' eip
of any nationality from embroiling us Witll, '
Powers with whom we are at peace. .-L'e the
principle applies to the new bill just passed hY:ecti
Canadian Legislature. The real object of that
a law is the well-being of the community best
passes it. It is quite as essential to they the
interests of the neutral as it is to
oft"hose
belligerent who, from the natur he
stances, may happen to profit the most by it. d de-
passed a like measure for our own security an Oa
fence sixteen years ago. The United States r, rip g
such a law for their own security and peace d t°
the disturbances in Canada in 1838, in or
‘Litioo.
prevent evil-disposed persons, of whatever 11' with
ality, from doing acts tending to embroil thelaiseres
a friendly and neighbouring Power. Such 3:11:.euel:
are what a neutral nation, placed under like e-raes'
stances, finds it necessary to take in order to 13c solo
the right of asylum from being abused 1:1* t iheln the
seek it. These considerations are iraplieu„,entioo
title of the new law—" An act for the Pr,e‘ peace
and repression of outrages in violation of we.„'ntix-
on the frontier of this country, and for otheb'b'enrS
poses." A good understanding with one's Treigt' ios
is as much a moral necessary of life with na
with individuals. Self-respect and a sense of the
is due to oneself necessarily imply respect if 1,
rights of others. The world could not go tosro'
were to allow other people to carry on their cla
upon our premises, or from our premises, asii
of operations. It, is difficult to tell NaliC 1.401
suffer most and have the greater reason to Nere,
ourselves or those who were the direst suffer eats
Might be convenient perhaps to two bellige isrbiw
make a neutral territory the battle-grounu nees,
• lithe pea to fight out their quarrels and settle their „iie pea A
but this would not be greatly conducive W 'oar OIL.;
and comfort, and even less so to the lion owerflY:
dignity, of the neutral. A great and „Pile recti"
nation, conscious of its own strength and 'fee
tude of its intentions, always does well to an 1 00
• t t
by its spontaneous action, whatever pis "sirS 5
may be made upon it. By doing this it 511_, like"
the same time its good faith and honesty, auu.vbico
wise precludes the making of
might be at all susceptible of bearing the cono
requisitions _'o.ll,c-
-tion of dictation.