The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-03 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF COMMONS—Tms DAY.
The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock.
BOROUGH FRANCHISE EXTENS lON BILL.

A number of petitions having been presented in favour
of this bill,
Mr. BAINES rose to move the second reading of his
bill, the object of which was to reduce the borough quali-
fication of voters to £6. He said he felt he should not be
asking the house in vain for its indulgence, whilst he
urged it to redress an acknowledged wrong pressing
on the great majority of the people; an acknowledged
wrong because the defective state of the representation had
been acknowledged by the highest authority. Five times
they had been reminded from the throne that such was the
condition of the representation ; four Prime Ministers of
the Crown had brought in bills, but without success, and
the house had passed the second reading of a measure
without a division, and yet that objectionable state of things
still remained. He had not been anxious to bring
forward the measure, because he felt there were others
more capable than himself, and he sluiuld have been
glad had the Government taken up the subject. He should
have been exceedingly gratified had the right hon. gentle-
man, whose sentiments in that house had done him so much
honour, and which had called forth the gratitude of the
people, had been induced to deal with the matter ; but such
not being the case, he had felt it incumbent upon himselfas
to attempt to remedy the anomaly. It had been stated
of a
an objection against the measure that the last sessionbefore
it
Parliament, which had but twelve months to runed such
died a natural death, was not the time to proce
with
tune, because it would enable its beingcaa'
a bill ; but he felt that of all times it was
r. thede
iut e moste ff oe pc pt ohry-
the new voters created by it. Ills bill d r
he
that brought forward by Lord Joilintbou
gh a bill had been
only to the borough franchise. ,enbuctopitierdelfartoomd
extend the county franchise by o
t want viz an
brought forward by the hon. member for East
qualification
ytietno
admit the ;eat
etoxttnlOsi,eint not
the exercise of that right to
body of the working ha sf r
atter mhei os
et tate
aga :ea
einetteednttioonantyo move the
netlistisesd. The noble lord below him
which they
(Lord Elcho)wh;dr°gievehne
of the existing qualification.
He was glad it was so, be-
causenotice stronglyo f hiso
j
there would be a full discussion of the whole
previous question, as
and
thus the great want would receive the
h its merits really demanded. He
thought it would be unwise to postpone passing a
amtatetntetri,c
which
bill such as that now before them, because if they did so
he was well assured that in a short time such a moderate
demand would not satisfy the immense body now excluded
from the representation, and a strong, and perhaps irre-
sistible, demand would be made upon them for manhood
oruniversal suffrage. Hisbill only extended to England and
Wales, and his observations, therefore, only applied to that
part of the kingdom. The upper classes, he contended,
were well represented in that house, but the working class,
as a class, were nearly entirely unrepresented. Some hon.
membersmight represent afew, but they were so scattered
that he contended he was right in hie observations. It was
' expected that the working class would be loyal, obedient,

well affected, and obeyers of the law, but had they an
hand in making those laws they were expected to obey ?
Certainly not. Again, it was urged as an objection against
the measure that a lowering of the elective franchise
would lower the status :of :the Legislature, :but he re-
garded such an objection as a complete fallacy, and one for
which there was not the slightest ground. The foremost
men in the country would always deem it an honour to
have a seat in that house—(hear, hear)—and those, he felt
assured, would be the persons from whom its members
would be selected. Suppose there should happen to be an
election of a working man, he thought .the addition of
several intelligent and virtuous men to, seats in that
house would be of the greatest advantage. They would
be enabled to !give very valuable'information—valuable
to the body to which they belonged, and of which many of
the members now know nothing, and more than likely
those working men might learn something beneficial to
themselves and to the class to which they belonged. lie
looked upon it as a vain fancy if for one moment it was
imagined that an adventurer would be elected to a seat in
that house ; on the contrary, he contended that wherever
there was a large constituency there invariably the
most celebrated ' men that had ever adorned the
legislature had been selected. The bon. gentleman then
quoted a variety of statistics to show the great progress
the country had made in the last few years, concluded by
saying that the bill he had the honour to propose would
give an additional 241,000 voters, excluding the Metro-
politan boroughs, or about 32 per cent. to the exising
number ; and he felt that the concession would not cost
the exchequer a single farthing, but would increase and
strengthen one of the most valuable institutions of the
constitution.

•
Mr. BAZLEY seconded the motion.
Lord ELMO moved the previous question. He con-
tended that the apathy which was exhibited in the coun-
try when the subject was last under discussion still
existed, in proof of which he asked the hon. member who
had moved the second reading of the bill whether he saw
a single working man standing at the door as he entered
the house. The apathy he alluded to existed both in
and out of the house, and therefore he hoped the Govern-
ment would not take the matter under their care at
the present moment. It was said that the working class
was not represented in that house, but that he denied, be-
cause he was of opinion that they were represented, and
that in no insignificant way. When a member was elected
to a seat in that house, he did not consider that he repre-
' seated any particular class, but the whole of the
persons comprised in that constituency. (Hear, hear.)
With respect to the working man being anxious
he was not quite so sure of that as his hon. friend (Mr.
Baines) appeared. He had had a communication from a
friend of his in the iron districts, which showed that Many
men in that locality by a little effort might occupy a £lO
house where they now chose to reside in one of only £B.
If a working man had any great desire to become apossessor
of the elective franchise would he not make the effort ?
Yet although most of them could do it if they pleased,
they preferred, in many instances, remaining just outside
the qualification rather than coming within it. He greatly
objected to tho bill brought forward by the hon. member,
which, although it gave a vote to the owner of a £6 house
refused it to the clerk or other person who paid double and
treble that amount merely because he was a lodger. (Hear.)
He objected to the lowering of the qualification, because it
would lead to universal suffrage, to which he had the most
insurmountable objection. The ground upon which the
hon. member brought forward the bill would not hold
water, and therefore he moved, in effect, its rejection.
Mr. A. BLACK seconded the amendment, on the ground
that the bill would have the effect of discouraging provi-
dence amongst the working classes.
Mr. LEATHAM said he had no doubt that the Govern-
ment ought to have carried this measure, but because Go-
vernment had failed in its duty that was no reason why
members who had pledged themselves to reform should
violate their promises.

Mr. LOWE said that this matter should be considered
quite irrespective of private rights, because if they admit-
ted the principle, it would inevitably lead up to universal
suffrage. It was not right to elevate the working classes
to debase the means by which they were to be raised. In
Australia the franchise had been made so easy that the
people would not pick it out of a gutter. In Victoria there
was a double qualification—that of property and that of
representation. Some discovered that I.s. should be paid
for registration, and that circumstance disfranchised half
the population. He believed there were very few of the
working classes who could not obtain the franchise of they
wished it, and he therefore thought :the bill unnecessary,
especially as it would satisfy nobody.

[The Lon]) ADVOCATE then rose to address the house,
but was met with loud cries of " Osborn, Osborn." The
right hon. gentleman maintained his position at the table
for some time, but at length resumed his seat, and]
Mr. B. OSBORN rose and said he thought that, after
the time that had been occupied in the debate, some mem-
ber of the Government would have risen to reply to the
right hon. gentleman (Mr. Lowe). He should like to
know whether they could wonder at the apathy without
when they saw the way in• which the matter was
treated in that house. (Hear, hear.) There was one thing
however, that could not have escaped observation, and that
was the civil war that had broken out on that side of the
house—(hear, and laughter)—and which had been artfully
promoted by the silence of hon. gentlemen opposite. (Hear,
hear, and laughter.) The measure brought forward by
the hon. member for Leeds had been called revolutionary,
but ho believed his hon. friend to be the most innocent
revolutionist ever heard of. He should like to know upon
what ground did the present Government enter office ?
why an amendment of the representation. (Hear, hear.)
Ho could not understand how a measure could be called
revolutionary which had been four times 'alluded to in the
speech from the throne. (Hear, hear.) What had become
of the great compact which was entered into at the dan-
cing academy. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) What had
become of the great compact which had elicited such
extraordinaay cheering at Willis's Rooms. He should very
much like to know. Why, there was the Lord Chancellor,
who, when he was in this house, made the strongest
speech he ever heard in favour of reform and the
ballot, why, since he had boen upon the woolsack,
he had not made the slightest allusion to the subject, while
the great Reform Minister who was now in the other
house, he too had quietly let the subject down. (Hear,.
hear.) Was it revolutionary when these great Liberals
ventilated the subject ; if not, yet immediately his hon.
friend the member for Leeds moved in the matter he was
called revolutionary. Tho Liberals had pursued a dog-in-
a manger policy—they would not bring in a measure of
reform themselves, nor permit hon. gentlemen on the other
side. (Hear, hear.) As there was no other course open,
he should adopt the present Measure, however frag-
mentary, and give his vote in favour of the second reading.
Mr. GREGORY moved the adjournment of the debate.
Mr. AYRT ON said it was most desirable that time
should be allowed the members of the Government to ex-
press their opinions on this question—(laughter)—and for
these reasons he thoughtthe debate ought to be adjourned.

Sir G. GREY said a member of the Government had
risen to address the house, but there being a disinclina-
tion to hear him, he advised his hon. friend (the Lord
Advocate) not to throw away his speech. As there were
several hon. members who, he believed, wished to address
the house, he would offer no objection to the adjournment.
Mr. BAINES asked if the Government would give a
night upon which the debate might be resumed? •
Sir G. GREY said, in the absence of his noble friend
at the head of the Government, he could give no promise
as to any particular day.
Mr. DlSRAELlthought the house had a right to require
from the Government a day for the resumption of this im-
portant debate. He thought there ought to be a distinct
promise given on the part of the Government on this great
and important question. He thought it most disreputable
that the debate should close without a clear expression of
opinion on the part of her Majesty's Government. (Hear.)
The motion for the adjournment of the debate was then
agreed to.
[A noisy discussion then ensued as to whether the debate
should be adjourned until either Monday or Friday. The
discussion was carried on until a quarter to six, when the
debate went over, in accordance with the standing order
of the house.l
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and
the house adjourned.

A Deputation, consisting of Viscount Fielding ;
Lord Petre ; Lord Arundell of Wardour ; Lord
Henry Kerr; Hon. Charles Lgngdale ; the Right Hon.
Monsell, M.P. ; Sir Charles Clifford ; Mr. J. Pope
Hennessey, M.P. ; the O'Donoghue, M.P. ; Major Gavin,
M.P. ; Sir Colman Ologhlen, M.P. ; J. A. Blake, M.P. ;
the O'Conor Don, M.P. ; the Right Rev. Dr. Manning ; Mr.
Sergeant Bellasis ; the Very Rev. F. Oakley ; Mr. D. J.
Bearden ; Mr. Richard Swift ; the Rev. Father Kathaway ;
the Rev. F. Bagshawe ; Rev. J. L. Patterson ; Mr. T.
Wild Blundell ; Dr. O'Bryan ; Mr. T. H. Galton ; and Mr.
J. Burke; had an interview with the Right Hon. Sir
George Grey, at the Home-office yesterday, on the subject
of the grievances affecting Catholic prisoners in county and
borough prisons.
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ASSASSIN. Our clever
neighbour, Mr. E. Fehrenbach, one of the ablest
photographers in London, has just issued from his
German School of Photography, at 111, Strand, a
couple of carte-de-visite-liknesses of the young
actor, John Wilkes Booth, who is believed to have
been the murderer of President Lincoln on Good Friday
last (of all days in the year, on Good Friday !) at Ford's
Theatre, in the city of Washington. One of these
cartes is in profile, the other in three-quarter face
—the latter represents the assassin in a loos tt
e- g
Inverness cape,
the former in a tightly buttoned
And both
frock coat. The head in both least in the
heads are wonderfully handsome—
n°.tn the ree
d.
ieainstant to be
world what one would imagine for a f s
,glw
features—dark
the bloom
the effigy of an assassin. A comely
is uncove
hair and dark moustache, the beard otherwise shorn—the
head itself seemingly very good indeed phrenologically !
and freshness of youth upon t—squiline f k
i
Altogether an incomprehensible and utterly bewildering
who has perpetrated so ruthless and likeness of a man
de-
testable an assassination.