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London, England, 1865-11-18 00:00:00

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France, Mexico, and the United States•

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
WASHINGTON, Nov. 2.
On my way through this city to Richmond I have
seen some of the English newspapers of the 17th of
October, denying the accuracy of the statement I
sent you concerning a despatch from Mr. Seward to
the United States' Minister at France on Mexican
affairs. Ido not know what was the " official autho-
rity" upon which my letter was contradicted, but I
do know that the authority I had for the informa-
tion sent to you was far higher than any which
could be obtained in England at that date. Indeed,
it was not probable that any one in London could have
heard of the despatch to which I referred, since it was
only sent to France a few weeks immediately pre-
ceding my letter. Without, however, discussing these
contradictions, it is my duty to inform you that
the news I sent on October 4 was substantially true.
I professed only to give the "tendency" of the de-
spatch, but I am now in possession of further par-
ticulars on the subject,whichlgive to you as correct
to the very letter. Time will show whether my news
from Washington or that which is obtained in Lon-
don is most worthy of belief.
One English journal states that had the Egyptian

!orce to which I referred ever been organised, the

fact must have been known in London before it
came to public knowledge in this country. In that
case it is curious that no one in England should
have known that Nubian troops have actually been

in Mexico as part of the French force ever since the
Emperor Napoleon went there. If anybody in
London knows better than Mr. Seward on this
point, then I must be wrong ; not otherwise. The
Pasha of Egypt offered to organise a force of
Nubians for the service of the Emperor Napoleon in
Mexico. They were sent, and are in Mexico at this
moment. Mr. Seward's recent despatch was pro-
voked by the fact that the United Ssates' Consul at
Alexandria sent word to his Government of a fresh
Nubian force being fitted cut for service in Mexico

to replace that sent nearly four years ago. When
the first force was despatched the American Go-
vernment was not in so good a position to take ex-
ception to the proceeding as it is now. It had then
a domestic war on its hands which taxed all its
energies. It has now under its authority a people
exasperated at what they regard as a flagrant viola-
tion of a favourite principle, known as the " Monroe
doctrine," and demanding that the French should be
compelled to withdraw from this continent. Before
proceeding any further with my own statement, let
me quote part of an article from last night's New
York Evening Post, a journal of moderate character
and considerable influence. The article is founded
on the news I sent to you on the 4th ultimo, and,
although the extract is rather lengthy, it is worth
reading with attention :

" We suppose the English journals are right in discredit-
ing the Times' report. There is no reason to believe that
Mr. Seward has yet made a firm declaration to the Empe-
ror of the nature reported. The Star, which positively
contradicts the rumour, seems to speak by authority'—
which means after communication with Mr. Adams.
Nevertheless, it would be the wisest course in our Govern-
ment to notify Napoleon that he must send no more troops
to Mexico. If he em be made to understand plainly and
certainly that he has gone to the length of his tether there
—that the next step will assuredly get him into trouble
—that unless he intends to go to war with the United
States he must stop at once all intermeddling on this
I continent ; if by honest, plain language he could be
convinced of the real state of sentiment here and of
the danger he is drifting into, we might hope to avert
a war between the two countries. But, incurable tem-
porizer as he is, persistent trickster, always trying how
far he can go, how near he may shave Point Dan-
gerous, easy words and an uncertain attitude on our
part are sure to tempt him to overstep his safe limits. We
hope, therefore, that the President, if he has not already
administered to Napoleon, not a menace, but a serious
warning, will do so at once. In such affairs delays are
dangerous ; trifling will drift us into war, and no patriotic
American wants another war with anybody. Let Mr
Seward tell Napoleon to get out of Mexico.' That is all
we need. Congress will meet in 30 days. One of its first
acts will be to overhaul our relations with France. In
April, 1864, while we were in the middle of a great war,
and had our handsfull, the House of Representatives passed
by a unanimous vote the following resolution :
" Resolved, &c.—That the Congress of the United States
are unwilling, by silence, to leave the nations of the world
under the impression that they are indifferent spectators of
the deplorable events now occurring in the Republic of
Mexico ; and they therefore think fit to declare that it does
not accord with the policy of the United States to acknow-
ledge a monarchical Government erected on the ruins of
any republican Government in America, under the auspices
of any European Power.'
We have since triumphantly concluded our war. Does any
one believe that Congress will care less now about theFronch
usurpation in Mexico than it did at a time when our own
perpetuity as a nation was endangered ? A war with France
can be brought about only by the blunder of suffering
Napoleon to believe that we are not in earnest. The coun-
try will hold to a strict account any one whose official ut-
terances shall cause such a fatal misunderstanding. It is
certain that all parties in this country are determined the
French shall go out of Mexico. Congress will hasten, no
doubt, in December to express that opinion ; and what the
nation wants and. Congress declares will be accomplished,
whether the Emperor of the French likes it or not."

That these words express the feeling of the
American people is absolutely certain. If any
one doubts it, let him come out here and ascer-
tain the truth for himself. Under correction, I
submit that America is a more favourable stand-
point for judging of the tone of American feel-
ing than London. The people, I repeat, would
rather go to war with France than see her remain
in Mexico. You will not find this statement con-
tradicted by a single journal in all America when it
is re-published out here from the Times. They
would, of course, much prefer that France withdrew
peaceably ; but if she will not do that they mean to
make her go. That is their own language, used at
every public meeting, and at every dinner table, and
in every paper, from Maine to California. General
Grant has over and over again made known his dis-
content that France is not pressed to leave Mexico
before the army under him is disbanded, In point

of fact, the Government is standing between the
public sentiment and France. But in this country,.
at any rate; it cannot altogether disregard public
sentiment. It must fall in with it to a certain ex-
tent, and in that spirit there is no doubt that Mr.
Seward's despatch was written.

I will now give you further details about the de-
spatch, and, whether these details are believed in
England or not, they are true all the same. It was
addressed to Mr. Bigelow, at Paris, some time in
September last. It directed him to bring to the
notice of M. Drouyn de Lhuys the fact that the
United States' Government had been informed that
additional Nubian troops were about to be sent to
Mexico by France. It is set forth that when the
first force was despatched from Egypt the Govern-
ment did not interfere, because it was engaged in
settling its own domestic differences ; that, as the
Emperor was aware, it had now abolished slavery
in its own country, and could not but look with dis-
favour upon an attempt made by a foreign Power
to introduce negroes into any part of this continent
against their will. The United States' Government
had been informed that the Pasha's negroes were
compelled to take service in Mexico against their
inclination, and were even forcibly thrust on board
the ships which were to carry them to this country.
The French Government was warned that Congress
had repeatedly and decidedly affirmed that the
Monroe doctrine must be maintained, and the Exe-
cutive and the people looked with very serious con-
cern upon the past and present movements of France
in Mexico. This may not be the precise language
of the despatch, but it is faithfully its tenour and
import. The despatch was sent not only to France,
but to the United States' Ministers at Alexandria
and Constantinople.

I must further state—and state it on the very
best authority—that the views of the United States'
Government on the subject are these :—lt holds
that neither a monarchical or all imperial form of
government will ever be tolerated by the people on
this continent, because it would be opposed to the
whole spirit of their political system. it considers
that the Emperor took an unfair advantage of the
American Government in placing Maximilian on
the Mexican throne at a time when its hands were
tied. It believes that neither the French nor the
English nation would approve a deliberate attempt
to re-introduce slavery in America, and it regards
the compulsory service of negro troops in Mexico
as a form of slavery. It does not wish to go to war
with France, but it does wish to protect and defend
those political principles which the American people
are most attached to. These are the opinions of the
Government. If anybody knows them beiter than
the Government itself, then reject the foregoing
statement.