The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-14 00:00:00

I will confess that, speaking generally, I was in favour of
that measure. In the House of Commons it met with but
little opposition ; but I think the change might have been
arranged in a manner by which less injustice would have
bean done to particular proprietors and yet the same ad-
vantage might have been conferred on the poor of the
country. I will only say in reference to this subject that I
gave my hearty support to the proposal for the total aboli-
tion of the law of settlement ; and I hope that a bill for
effecting such change will be carried in the next Parlia-
ment. There is another topic which Ido not wish to let
pass unnoticed. I find that the candidates on both sides
who have of late been addressing the constituencies through-
out the country are in favour of what is known as the policy
of non-intervention. Now, lam not in favour of non-in-
tervention, and for this reason, because there is no such
word in the English language. (A laugh.) But if you mean
by that barbarous expression that England should not under
any circumstances interfere in the affairs of foreign coun-
tries, I am equally opposed to such a view. I think there
are occasions when the honour and interests of England
may authorise such interference ; but I also think that
there must be an unmistakable manifestation of feeling
on the part of the nation before you can decide that its
honour has been outraged, and that it requires on the part
of a ministry very great sagacity and the most careful con-
sideration before they can come to the conclusion that it is
their duty to engage in a quarrel with any other country.
I am myself in favour of a Conservative foreign policy, and
of a Conservative foreign policy that is founded on the be-
lief that the maintenance of the tranquillity of the world is
the interest of England—(hear)—that peace is the normal
state of man, and that in the tranquillity of other nations
the best objects of English ambition may be obtained—
(hear)—l therefore do not think it is the interest or the duty
of England to ally itself with the revolutionary party. I
believe that you will have a much greater choice of avoid-
ing war if you look on the power of England in the world
to be essentially a moderating and a mediating power.
During the 27 years I have been in Parliament there was
only one occasion on which, I think, war was justifiable on
the part of England, and that was the occasion of the Cri-
mean war ; and I therefore supported that war—(hear)--
I think it was a fair boast that was attempted to be made
on the part of the Government at a time of dissolution, and
when they were appealing to the country, to show that they
had maintained peace. I admit that, but lam bound to say
that I think the allegation on the part of the present Admi-
nistration cannot be sustained.. When Parliament met at
the commencement of 1864 there was a general opinion in
the country that we were on the point of war; that we were
going to war with Denmark against Germany. There was
great apprehension that that would be the course. The Go-
vernment was much pressed upon the question; the situation
was mysterioul ; we wanted light; the fear of war haunted
the public mind; and it was peculiarly the duty of the Oppo-
sition, but it was also the duty of members on the Liberal side
of the house, to press the Government for information under
such circumstances of perplexity and anxiety. We could
get no information. No papers were presented, and it was .
only after repeated inquiries, and it was only by an appeal
to a hostile motion that, at last, papers were presented,
and then only a portion of the papers, which did not give
the information required. The situation appeared alarm-
ing—we were about to ask the House of Commons, by a
vote, to relieve the mind of the country from the anxiety
universally felt, but instead of getting a clear account of
the state of things from her Majesty's Ministers they told
us that a conference was about to be held. We could not
risk the peace of the country by attempts at interference
either in the House of Lords or in the House of Commons,
lest it should bring about the catastrophe we were wishing
to avoid. The conference at length rose, and papers were
placed upon the table which threw off the appeal to a later
time. But what did these papers prove ? They proved by
the published despatches of the Secretary of State for Fo-
reign Affairs—and I am sure that if I am in any way mis-
stating, there are many gentlemen present distinguished by
theirpolitical knowledge who can correct ine—it was proved
that Lord Russell, the English minister acting under the
immediate advice of Lord Palmerston, the Prime Minister
—it was proved that these responsible ministers made re-
peated overtures to Russia and to France—and especially
to Franco—to enter into an alliance to declare war against
Germany on behalf of Denmark. These were the acts of a
Liberal Government. (Laughter.)
Dr. Lee—l agree with the right hon. gentleman in his
opinion of war in general, and of the Crimean war in par-
ticular. I agree that war is justifiable in self-defence,
though not in aggression.
Mr. Disraeli—This classic episode encourages me—
(laughter)—but I want to know what comes of the observa-
tions of the hon. gentleman, who shows that he is equally

hasty and uninformed, with many others, on this question.
What becomes of the charges against the Conservative
party, when indubitable evidence is brought. forward that
this Liberal Government, whose existence is pledged
on the basis of the maintenance of peace, tried to stir
up war in three quarters ? and if it had begun it would
probably be raging at the present moment. (Hear, hear.)
And if there had been war there could have been no reduc-
tion in the tea duties, no remission of the income tax, and
the manifold advantages of the French treaty might have
been lost. You wore nearly precipitated into war, and the
united efforts of the two most influential members of the
Government, Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell, were
made to stir up the flames of war in Europe. (Cries of
" Oh, oh.") To whom do we owe the preservation of
peace ? To the firmness of the Sovereign, to the concilia-
tory character of our allies, and, allow me to say, in some
degree to the united exertions of the Opposition. (Hear,
hear.) Gentlemen, 1 have now placed before you the
general state of our public affairs. I have vindicated the
party with whom I act from the unjust imputations
made against them, but it is matter almost ;of insignifi-
cance to draw your attention to the mere transient
character of the Ministry—the important question is as
to the existence of our institutions, and whether the
form of government under which we now live is to pre-
vail. (Hear.) I address you in the spirit which I think
becomes a public man who is not the slave of party, who
speaks to you because he wishes to impress upon you, as
his constituents who have unanimously returned him to
Parliament, as well as upon the country at large, the fact
that it is the duty of Englishmen in these great questions
of politics which will concern the future form of govern-
ment under which we and our successors are to
live, and which relate to some of the dearest interests
that can influence a human being—l would impress upon
all, whatever may be the minor differences of opinion
among them, the necessity of arriving at definite conclu-
sions. It is your duty as Englishmen to act in this
manner, and not to allow yourselves to be drawn from so
noble a duty, from so exalted a privilege, by the
superficial and interested insinuations of persons who are
influenced by very unworthy motives, that these questions
are not at issue, and that all you have to do is to applaud
the financial management which, under any Ministry,
would have been the same, and that the upholding and
preservation of peace is especially due to the existing
government. Gentlemen, assured that I possess the con-
fidence of my constituents, I now thank you for the great
distinction you have conferred upon me on this occasion.
I thank the gentleman who proposed me, and who repre-
sents one of the greatest houses in this great and undivided
county, for the honour he has done me. I thank the gen-
tleman who lives at the other end of the county, and who
so well represents its yeomanry, for the distinction he has
conferred upon mo by seconding my nomination, and I
assure you that, supported by the conviction that the people
of Buckinghamshire will stand by me, I shall re-enter
public life in the new parliament with no less confidence
in the future than before, and with a courage which I hope
will not be lessened. And, gentlemen, whatever may
have been my deficiencies—and I acknowledge they have
been numerous—whatever may have been my errors—and
I have never denied them—so long as I possess the con-
fidence of the county of Buckingham, I hope that, whether
I servo in a more or less responsible public position, I may
be able to serve in some manner the country to which I
belong. (The right hon. gentleman sat down amid groat
cheering.)

Mr. HARVEY then rose to thank the electors of Bucking-
hamshire for returning him a second time as their repro-
' sentative. He had rejoiced in the opportunity of listening
to one whose abilities and eloquence had obtained for him
a deserved and world-wide renown. The ground upon
which ho wished to stand was the good opinion of the
electors. His political opinions were so well known that
there was no occasion for him to repeat them there. Ho
had entered parliament a disciple of the pure Conservative
creed, from which, he hoped, he should never swerve, be-
cause he considered that the essence of that policy was
truth. He was opposed to any extravagant enlargement
of the franchise, which, he believed, was already placed
within the reach of every honest, industrious, and well-
conducted person in the country. (Hear.)
Dr. LEE here came forward and asked Mr. Harvey
whether ho would bo prepared to abolish the game laws,
and whether he would join the Anti-Tobacco Society.
(Much laughter.)
Mr. Harvey here produced a well-filled cigar case, and
said ho believed that was a sufficient answer to Dr. Lee's
last question. With regard to the preservation of game, he
should say that ho did not believe the farmers in that
country had much to complain of upon that subject ; and
it should be remembered that if there were no game the
country gentlemen would probably not reside so much as
they did on their estates.

Mr. Du Pro then proposed a vote of thanks to the High
Sheriff for the admirable manner in which he had that day
presided over their proceedings.
Sir H. Verney seconded the proposal.
The compliment was then acknowledged by the High
Sheriff, and the proceedings terminated.

LADVERTISEMENT.j—HoIfoway's Pills.—Counsel and
Comfort.—A disordered stomach throws the whole system
out of gear, and renders us unfitted both for work and
amusement. A few doses of these strengthening and puri-
fying pills will, however, speedily restore order, if taken
according to their accompanying directions, and so enable
the stomach to digest its food without difficulty. These
excellent pills are suitable alike for the peer and the
peasant, the soldier and the sailor, and particularly for
home and foreign colonists. Holloway's pills are very use-
ful in checking feverish attack, bilious complaints, and in-
flammations. They have also made the most signal cures
in cases of dropsy and diseases of the kidneys, heart, and
lungs, when the sufferer seemed past the roach of
medicine.

Proposed Exhibition of National Portraits.

Yesterday a meeting for organising a national
portrait exhibition was held at the South Kensington
Museum ; the Right Hon. the Earl of Derby in the
chair. Amongst the other noblemen and gentlemen
present were Earl Granville, the Earl of Clarendon,
the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Duke of Buccleuch,
Lord Taunton, Lord Houghton, Viscount Sydney,
Mr. John P. Knight, R.A., Mr. F. Y. Hurlstone,
Mr. Edgar A. Bowring, the Dean of Windsor, Mr.
James Spedding, Mr. T. D. Harding, Mr. G. Scharf,
Mr. R. Redgrave, R.A., Rev. James Beck, Mr. R. J.
Sketchley, Rev. Dr. Brock; Mr. Cole, secretary, &c.
The Earl of DERBY opened the proceedings by an
address in which he said he should apologise for
putting the meeting to some inconvenience in conse-
quence of calling them together at 3 o'clock, instead
of 12 o'clock, as originally proposed, but lie was
compelled to attend a meeting at the latter hour at
Marlborough Home, at which the Prince of Wales
was present. With regard to his occupying the
place of chairman on that occasion it arose from the
circumstance that he originally suggested to Mr.
Redgrave, who called upon him for a contribution
for another object, the desirability of holding an exhi-
bition of portraits of eminent historical persons, chro-
nologically arranged, as well as of persons distin-
guished in art and literature. Mr. Redgrave con-
curred with him in that suggestion, and he reported
the matter to the Art and Science Department of the
Committee of Council. He (the Earl of Derby) was
afterwards requested to put on paper the substance
of his propczition, and he heard nothing more on
the subject until he received a printed paper signi-
fying the approval of the Committee of Council,
with his name inserted as president. Having sug-
gested the proposal he did not feel at liberty to de-
cline the honour, and that was the reason why he
appeared that day in the position of chairman. It
was not intended at the present meeting to propose
any resolution, but they met rather as a committee
of advice, and for the purpose of receiving any sug-
gestions that might be thrown out by any one pre-
sent. The object of the exhibition was to collect
portraits of eminent persons, statesmen, warriors,
and men of literature and art, beginning, say, from
the middle of the 15th century, and bringing them
down to a recent period. They were to collect from
private sources as many of those portraits as they
could obtain and exhibit them in a chronological
series. Such an exhibition would trace the pro-
gress of British art, beginning, say, from Holbein,
to Vandycke, Lely, Kneller, Gainsborough, Rom-
ney, down to Lawrence. He might mention the
names of Hudson and others who had obtained dis-
tinction by painting the portraits of eminent per-
sons. He thought from an historical and artistic as
well as from a general point of view that such an
exhibition would be valuable and interesting. There
was a vast number of portraits scattered through-
out the country, and he believed that the owners of
them would not object to the loan of them for such
a purpose for a short period. It was advisable to
consider in what manner they should address the
proprietors of those pictures and how they were to
obtain information respecting the pictures that might
be so obtained. It was proposed to hold the ex-
hibition in the refreshment rooms of the Interna-
tional Exhibition of 1862. The site, which was
south of the Royal Agricultural Gardens, afforded
a very favourable space for this exhibition.
It was true that the light was not from
above, but from the side windows. Within the
last half-hour he had visited the spot in com-
pany with Lord Granville and Mr. Cole, and he
contemplated the effect produced upon two pictures
that were hung up there as an experiment. There
were 1,420 feet run of space, and there was a height
of 13 feet. It was proposed to allow 24 square feet
for each picture, being the , same space that was
allowed in the Manchester Exhibition, which would
afford accommodation to 800 pictures, and which
would be arranged in a series of bays. They would
allow the light to fall on two sides, and also in front.
There would be three entrances to the Exhibition—.
one in Exhibition-road, one in the Prince Albert-
road, and a third, a central entrance, leading from
the Horticultural Gardens. It was proposed to open
the Exhibition in April, 1866, and to keep it open
two or three years, according to the number of pic-
tures that might be offered to them. If there were
only to be two exhibitions it struck him that 1688
would be a convenient limit by which to separate
the two exhibitions. In the first they might have all
the authentic portraits that could be obtained from
the time of Richard 111. or Henry VII., coming
down to Elizabeth and the Stuarts until they arrived
at the epoch of 1688 ; and in the second exhibition
all those that belonged to a later period. If the
pictures within this period were too numerous then
they might continue the exhibition for a third
year. He had had communications upon the sub-
ject with several individuals both personally and
by letter, and they all intimated their readiness
to contribute those portraits which they possessed
themselves, and to ascertain how many could be
obtained from persons living in their respective
neighbourhoods. It would be also satisfactory
to the meeting to hear that he had received a letter
from General Grey, intimating the Queen's entire
approval of the project, and her Majesty's cordial
desire to assist as far as she was able the object
in view. Her Majesty further stated that she
would patronise the project by contributing pictures
from the Royal collections—that whilst there might
be some difficulty in denuding the walls of Windsor,
there would be no difficulty in contributing largely
from the collection at Buckingham Palace. The
Marquis of Exeter, the Duke of Wellington, and
other noblemen and gentlemen had expressed their
readiness to co-operate with the committee in car-
rying out this scheme ; and he anticipated that
those present would use their best personal exer-
tions in furthering an object from which he antici-
pated permanent and lasting benefits.

Earl GRANVILLE thought that the thanks of the
Department of Art and Science were due to the
noble earl for his valuable suggestion, and for the
lucid manner in which he explained the mode of
carrying it out. Perhaps Mr. Scharf would be good
enough to state to the committee what the general
rules were in regard to the National Portrait Gal-
lery.

Mr. SCHARF regretted he had not a copy of the
rules before him. He might, however, say that the
trustees of the National Portrait Gallery had three
objects in view. The first was the historical im-
portance of the person represented ; the next the
authenticity of the portrait ; and the third was its
importance as a work of art—three things which
were somewhat difficult to combine. If he might
be permitted to suggest a principle of management
in respect to the projected three exhibitions, he
thought that the collection would be made more
valuable if, instead of being made chronological in
their arrangement, they were arranged by classes--
that was to say, for the first year say an exhibition
of the portraits of Royal personages and of the
nobility ; for the second year an exhibition of great
naval and military commanders, statesmen, &c. ;
and for the third year the portraits of men eminent
in literature, arts, and architecture.
The Earl of DERBY considered that the chrono-
logical arrangement would be much more interesting
and instructive. (Hear.) He should like to know
how far public bodies would be justified in contri-
buting from their collections to the proposed exhibi-
tion. In the British Museum there were several
valuable historical portraits. In the official residence
of the Prime Minister there were many portraits of
former ministers which perhaps the Prime Minister
of the day would consent to contribute. The Dean
of Christ Church had expressed his willingness to
lend from the collection in the hall of Christ Church.
Earl GARNVILLE concurred in the opinion as to
the chronological arrangement being the best and
most interesting. With regard to the loan of pictures
from Downing-street he had no doubt, after what
his noble friend had said, that if lie were Prime
Minister he would lend the collection.

The Earl of DERBY here made a brief observation
which was not heard at the reporters' table, but
which occasioned some laughter.

Mr. SCHARF said, although he was not empowered
to speak for the trustees of the National Portrait
Gallery, he knew that both individually and collec-
tively they were desirous of doing all in their power
to promote the proposed exhibition.

The Earl of DERBY called attention to a rule of