The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-05 00:00:00

T-i!vIPERIAL PARLIAMENT
HOUSE OF LORiiS.—YESTERDAY.
THE (.ON.'"I4EDERATE STATES.
Lord CAM
tracts rose to move tor copies or ex-
ment had received
tracts of any correelandence which her Majesty's Govern-
relating to the acknowll d
Mr. Mason, the Southern envoy,
ment of the Confederate States
of America by Great Berir He said, as the Govern-
had already laid before Parliament in the first nu „ber of
the paper, on America, the pate
of Col. Mann and Mr.
Yancy, demanding the acknceZ
lad
of the Southern
Confederacy in 1861, and had also ffnai.d before Parliament a
despatch of Mr. Mason at the begin of the present year
both on the blockade, there could be no teclinanreal objection to pre-
sent any correspondence of a later
London and in
known that the Southern envoys, It was well
Paris, had recently demanded the acknownledgment of the
States they represented, and of which the
powerti to defend
nt day, of
e
their capital against an invading force was inJune triumphantly asserted. In one sense, i
papers would be useless; they could do hate to enhal,ne ethe
SO strong was it already—the conviction which
appeared t
I
pervade society and Parliament, that the war ought toend
in separation of the Northern and the Southern Pewers. It
was not too much to say that no class or party in the coun-
try any longer desired to see the reconquest of the South
and the reconstruction of the Union. The unanimity
might be traced to many different causes. It was owing
in some measure to the seasonable flood of light which Mr.
Spence, in his well-known work, had thrown upon the sub-
ject. It was owing in a still greater measure to the
speech of the noble lord the secretary for Foreign Affairs,
on the 10th of March, in which he told the world that se-
paration was the issue of the struggle which he contem-
plated, and that at a period not, distant from the time when
he was speaking. It was owing also to the labours or en-
lightened men in the House:of Commons, of whom Mr.
Gregory had been the most conspicuous. But still more
should the unanimous desire for separation and aversion to
reconquest in this country be traced to the conviction that
the interest of the negro race would be promoted by the
former and retarded by the latter; that the area of
slavery must be limited when separa ion happened,
and would most likely be extended if reconquest
unhappily occurred. It was further strengthened by
the fact that the progress of the war had, during part
of the year, and even the capture of New Orleans, dis-
proved the existence of any Southern party for the Union
had revealed in the South :a self-sacrificing heroism and
inexhaustible endurance which could not have been counted
on before ; had shown, in point of fact, that the South could
only be restored to the Government which formerly pos-
sessed it by an exterminating war, as well as an aggressive
ore. Besidee the devastation and destruction it would
bring upon the South, it was generally seen that reconquest
of the Union threatened the North with military despotism,
trade with insupportable restrictions, and Europe with pro-
longed uneasiness. These papers were not wanted to give
new force to a conviction so prevailngebut they might throw
light upon the course which Great Britain ought to follow
amid the danger which surrounded her in consequence of
this civil war. The first danger of Great Britain, viz., the
possibility , f Southern subjugation, and all the evils it in-
volved, might be, perhaps, dismissed as a remote one. The
second danger, which arose from the continuance of the
war—the manufacturing distress it must occasioe—wes far
more serious and dist ressing. So long as the war continued a
scar city of cotton must be apprehended. If, indeed, the
American supply were utterly and finally extinguished, the
means v. ould not, perhaps, be wanting to .replace it; bte,
rite long as the American supply was constantly impending
on the market they could not hope to gain a large amount.
from Africa or India. And who should say what degree of
sonial or political disorder might not follow manufacturing
distress it it extended over foure
3.
danger for Great Britain, more likelyears or upwards ? Another
• to remain unnoticed,
was that, but not less easy to describe, it the war should
end in separation, before this o ntry had merited alliance
f rt,rn the Southern Power, Cancacill
adequate defence to at least a posZba Las'exposed without an
was unable to support a numerous possible. If Canada
militia,
if. Britain was
unable to send large armies to her
Ipon that continent,
succour, what defence
could they rely on except a firm ally
prepared at any moment to cross the frontier of the Power
by which an unjust attack was made upon our dependency?
It should never be forgotten that we were not able to
secure the duration of the contest, that after the
tion of ;the combatants we could not
prevenetmlioathues;
Powers by their influence from bringing the war to a
elusion, although we might refuse to share so
greateaonnd.
meritorious an effort. Some persons have ingeniously
con-
tended that, looking to British objects, we ought not toing about or to desires tertnination of hostilities; that'the
evils arising from such a termination were gr eater than the
evils which the war itself inflicted on us, and that cur policy
and business was to stand still and let it rage as long and
burn out as gradually as possible. Such counsels might
be just if we had any guarantee for its continuance. But we
clearly had not. Suppose Great Britain held aloof completely
in the present autumn, while the other Powers of Europe,
swayed by the French Government, employed their moral
force to terminate the war in Southern independet ce. In
two months Canada might be assailed and Great Britain be
without the least support on that continent. If, however,
Great Britain had united with the other Powers of Europe
(after showing every observance to the Government of
Washington) in acknowledging the independence of the
South, she would not be unsupported in America when
separation happened. Such a mede of acting, if it did not
at once remove the chance of Southern subjugation, was
calculated to remove it. If it did not at once arrest the civil
war, it was calculated to arrest it. Of the three dangers,
therefore, he had ventured to enumerate, it provided against
one, and had a tendency, at least, to neutralise the others
But if no one could allude to the line of action which
became us without the greatest caution and re
serve, there was one point on which any man
might speak with openness and firmness. Reconquest
being put out of the question, the civil war could never end
until foreign Powers had recognised the Government of
Richmond. Since modern Europe came into existence, no
civil war had ended in the sovereignty of the insurgent
Power until that Power had been recognised by neutral
States, giving an example to the State which aimed at its
rec onquest. It was nor. till Portugal had been acknow-
ledged by Great Brita n 'l5 years that Spain cemented to
acknowledge her existence as an independent Power. It was
not till long after nearly all the Governments of Europe
had acknowledged the United Provinces of Holland, that
Spain gave up the hope of re-absorbing them. The same
circumstance applied to the United States, the South Ame-
rican republics, to Greece, to Belgium, and to Italy. The
acknowledgment by neutral Powers had always preceded
the acknowledgment by the P, wer which first endeavoured
to control the insurrection. Is was not too much to lay
down as a principle that war must go on against an insur-
gent State until neutral Powers had acknowledged it. The
war for a reconquest could not be abandoned while neutral
Powers sanctioned its continuance. At least it, never had
been. And that principle would have the strongest appli-
cation to the Government of Washington. • However sick-
ened of the war, it was only by the voice of Europe they
could be delivered from the horrible necessity of waging it.
Some new and powerful authority was requisite to pave the
way fer so great a change of system' upon their part.
Having undertaken to coerce the Southern States. having
drawn 500,000 men from peaceful avocations, having sent
the tax-gatherer to range among homes which he had new r
darkened, having enscared the people of the North into
unprecedented sacrifices by a vision which 90 days would
always enable them to grasp, but which after two
campaigns remained impalpable as ever, with what face
could they rece.le from their engagements, renounce their
aspirations, avow at once their error and their guilt, while
Europe still declined to acknowl dge Southern indepen-
dence.
'.Separation was impossible, until the effort to re-
conquer was discarded. The effort to reconquer must go
on, until foreign powers granted to the South the recogni-
tion which it asked for. So long as they withheld it, they
compelled the Government of Washington to persevere in
its unnatural and sanguinary labours. The whole ques-
tion as regarded acknowledgment appeared to turn
upon the moment. If other Powers of Europe
were prepared, had England a right to count
upon a better one P Operations of gunboats were
retarded by the dryness of the navigable rivers ;
operations on land, by the fearful heat and the disease it
engendered. Richmond was no longer menaced. Securities
at :New York had undergone a great depreciation. The war,
as far they could judge, had lost its hold on popular opinion.
The abolitionists who folluwed Mr. Sumner had ceased
to give it their support. And if many of the most reflect-
ing men believed that in December and January last
Europe lost an opportunity of taking that step without
which the war could scarcely end, and which would
then, perhaps, have closed it, with what decision and
despatch ought not a new conjuncture which invited to
such a mode of acting be made US3 of ? There was this
difference between the present and the former opportunity.
In January the Federals bad never been victorious in battle,
and, however resigned to separation, however hopeless of
reconquest, might still prolong the war in order to recover
their priestige and repair their military losses. How the
grouter balance of success was likely to extinguish such a
difficulty. But if the present moment is abandoned what
are we to wait for—not for Northern victories ? They
would limit our capacity to acknowledge Southern inde-
pendence, as it was limited from the defeat and death of
Zullicoffer in the winter down to the events which have
lately driven General M'Clellan to the river. We are to
wait, therefore, for new misfortunes to the Government of
Washington before we grant to this unhappy strife the
possibility of closing. If so, how hard a situation
do we place them in. The language of the ,
noble lord in March, the tenor of events, and
the impressions of the world forbid them any longer tG
aspire to reconquest. But yet until their prospects
capitol
more dark end their embarrassments more fatal, we will are
help them to conclude the war by separation Is it not
t
I Before
st
rt ae dl
enough to see their armies driven back, their
alarmed, their spirit gone, and their finaunceeteoxhnaeuu
ggressive
we grant the extrication they must 0
' until the
are we to wait until the Southern forces are again PoWers,
and triumphant; until the invaders are invaded,
avengers are the victims, until the Northern
overrun, and until Washington is occu • d until, are
its Government had encountered new humilbiatio
pie --tent'',
tsatlolsses,
least,
they had
and disasters at the hands of the p e
rashly undertaken to chastise and tt?'°. Ny'°lll
At England was hardl assst'fi d• - ° bore?
I e in waiting to the Federals, un it wee new reverses_
the other Powers of Europe
Y were entitled
thew only
es
(3unpdplg port iunsw. h
that case no doubt the
Perhaps the noble lord the Secretary f to pursue In
would describe such a case as being the real one.
or Foreign
his silence would explode
moving for the corre
Earl RUSSELL arndence.
taken place 'with ref id that no official communion If not,
times bad
States, but goe erenee to the affairs of the Southern
ceived in referenceunofficial communications had
w-
ever, he could
nit lay
to Mr. Mason's mission, which, il°
upon the table.
After a few words
Preying of the s from the
Foreign Secretary,
noble Foreign
ap-
The !notion w Earl of
answer given by the no
as withdrawn.
The other business disposed of, and their lordships
M w
ioUrned at 20 minutes nine o'clock until two o'clock on
Thursday next,

HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY.

In answer to Mr. BEAUMONT,
Mr. LAYARD said that the commercial treaty just con-
elude I with Belgium contained the .Pt
voured nation clause
—placed English vessels on the same footing as
eg
r arded
tonnage dues and other matters as Bel an vessels—gave
British vessels the same pr vileges as tgihose which Belgian
my enjoyed in our c asting
vessels n and colonial trade—
abolishtd the transit du,- s, but retained the prohibition on
gunpowd r and small arms. Moreover British vessels were
to be exempted from the nay of the Scheldt dues, so far ss
they depended upon the : Bei
2., an Government. The treaty
would last for 10 years. The Government had realm.
s'rated with the Government or Peru cm the subject of the
outraes committed 01l d • M i 'lle White. Th case
ain evi
of Captain Carden was Cat pt
this moment before thee legal
ttibunals•

The house subsectlently went into committee on the
Fisheries (Ireland) -) Bill • but after a short discussion, the
order, was discharged and
the bill withdrawn, Lord
Palmerston declining
to pledge the Government to take up
'the citler6ti°4in a tuture peseta.