The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-08 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA

(From the Times' Correspericknt.)
NEW YORK, JULY 25.
General HaHeck's promotion to the chief com-
mand of the armies of the United States was offi-
cially announced yesterday morning. The appoint-
ment does not appear to create any exuberant
satisfaction. The office may be a popular, but it
has not lately proved a successful one. Within a
twelvemonth it has been held by four persons.
General Scott was superseded in it because he was
too old. General M'Clellan was next tried, and
was superseded because he was too young. The
third dignitary was Mr, Lincoln, who has just
superseded himself, for the sufficient reason that he
is no soldier. General Halleck, the fourth on the
list, is neither old nor young, and has made the art
of war his study. He has published an excellent
treatise on tactics, in which he lays it down as a
fundamental axiom, essential to success, that every
General worthy of the name should, in his de-
Spatches, represent his defeats to be victories. He
has also shown administrative ability, but has never
had the opportunity to fight a great battle. He is
neither popular nor unpopular, but seems to nave
inspired a certain amount of confidence by the re-
spectability of his private and the energy of his
public character. All that can be collected as par-
ticularly distinguishing him above the crowd of
generals whose names have become prominent in
*he war is that he will neither tolerate negroes nor
reporters in his camp ; that he amassed a large
army to watch General Beauregard at Corinth, and
that Beauregard, by a masterly movement, eva-
cuated that position, leisurely and in good order,
with all his guns, ammunition, and stores, without
having once excited the suspicion of Halleck,—a
feat which not only set free a large Confederate
force to do mischief in other quarters, but which
rendered useless the Federal army of the South-
West, which has never since found an enemy, or
known what to do for itself. The President is said
to have made this appointment with the concur-
rence of Generals Scott and M'Clellan,—the
former being too old a soldier to object to a
younger man, and the latter too good a disci-
plinarian to complain. The press and Wall-street
had acquiesced in en arrangement which is not con-
sidered important enough to excite much comment
in the one quarter, or the use or fall of stocks in
the other. Everybody, in a quiet way, approves
the change—firstly, because it will prevent a civilian
like Mr. Stanton from interfering ; and, secondly,
because it will tend to keep the President himself
in subjection to military rule; but nobody expects
that it will greatly influence the fortunes of the
war. A dull heavy gloom has settled upon men's
minds. The war has neither produced a statesman
nor a general. Nobody knows what to think or to
expect. The recruiting is a dead failure. All the
lil-ral bounties offered by individuals, by States,
and by the Federal Government, amounting on the
average to 250 dole., or £5O a ,man, fail to draw
sufficient
out Americans, Irishmen, or Germans In
numbers to meet the exigencies of the army before
Richmond,—exigencies which are so pressing as tt,
cause people to whisper that M'Clellan would show
better generalship than he has yet exhibited if he
could contrive to evacuate the Peninsula as quietly
as Beauregard evacuated Corinth. Were his army
doubled in numbers he would not be safe at Harri-
son's Landing, and much more alarm is felt on his
account than any one carrs to express who does not
wish to incur the serious imputation of despairing
of the Republic.

riere is a great show of recruiting in this city.
Broadway, the Bowery, and the Park vie with each
other in the number of recruiting offices and head-
quarters of colonels who are raising new regi-
ments or filling up the ranks of the old. Gene-
ral Meagher, one of the heroes of the little Irish
rebellion of 1848, is to meet his countrymen this
evening at one of the theatres in Broadway, to in-
cite them by fiery elcquence to grasp the bounty
money of the North, and earn the glory of sub-
jugating the South ; and, as he is brave and po-
pular, and can talk in a manner that the Irish ad-
mire, he will possibly succeed in adding a few
score of men to the greatly diminished ranks of
the Irish Brigade. But all these efforts are mere
driblets. A Niagara of meu is wauted, and nothing
offers itself but a rivulet. An Irish officer who has
served in Mielellan's army entered one of the re-
cruiting depots three days ago, and asked the officer
in charge what progress he had made. He was
shown a list of names extending to about 280,
which had been entered within the week. On ex-
pressing doubts as to the genuineness of the list,
and proving satisfactorily that he was an officer in
the Federal service who desired to know the real
state of affairs, the exhibitor admitted that the list
was " bogus," or fictitious, and that the number of
men who had offered and been accepted was not
above 30.

The objection to a draught or conscription still
continues, and the President is therefore urged to
call out the militia, amounting nominally to up-
wards of a million of men. It would not surprise
anybody if this course were adopted, though, as the
militia are only available for service in their own
States, and as the Governor of any State might
legally and constitutionally refuse obedience to the
Presidential call, it does not appear very obvious
that any good could result from the measure, or
that M'Clellan, in Virginia, could be reinforced by
it to the extent of a single soldier. It is also re-
commended that no new regiments should be
formed, as it would answer better to fill up those
vacancies in those already existing, some of which do
not number 150 men. By this means it is urged
that the soldiers would be brought into contact with
hardened veterans, and so rendered fitter for their
trade in a shorter space of time ; but, as this would
not answer the purpose of political intriguers, and
others who raise men to acquire military rank as
'well as pay, the proposition is received with con-
!iderable opposition. Altogether the state of affairs
1$ not cheerful to the minds of Northern patriots.
Coupled
with the fear entertained for the army of
the Potomac, it produces a sobriety of temper and
coolness of in
dgment which contrast favourably
with the bluster andbraggadocia that have hitherto
prevailed.
I f the Border States have not the solution of the
difficulty in their hands, they have much power for
good or evil at this moment. The President, in his
appeal to their
recent J at the adjournment of
Con gt ess, virtually d
a milled the fact in terms a ;
lirtle too broad and honest to,
diplomacy. Their
representatives
have DOW left • r
g
hniagton and re-
turned
among their own people. j 44
gl from the
president,it Nvould seem us
tone of their reply to the
inions inclines their opne, ,
if the balaner, of biro/114,v
they are dissatisfied
with
towards the South, that
the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia
and in the Territories, and offended by the constant
agitation of the negro question both in Congress
and in the Northern press. It will be interesting
to note whether their reappearance in their homes
will lead to an increase in the number and audacity
of the guerilla bands that have simultaneously ap-
peared in Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, or
whether they will devote their influence to the pre-
servation of the public peace under the old flag. It
seems evident, however, from the military move-
ments of the Southern leaders, as far as they are
known, and from the inevitable tendency of the
guerilla warfare in those three important States to
occupy the constant energy and watchfulness of
large Federal armies, that the Confederate leaders
are calculating upon the sympathy and aid of the
Borderers, and that the raids of such men as Mor-
gan in Kentucky, and Reeves in Missouri, are but
feints to cover more important movements else-
where. The people of Cincinnati were so scared',
by the near approach of Morgan—who has not fol-
lowed up his
advantages so rapidly as was expected
—that the rich packed up their plate and valuables
and sent them to New York for safe custody—
where they still remain. To-day there are reports
of' a plot of some of the principal inhabitants of St.
Louis to seize that city on behalf of the Confede-
rates.
The people of
New Orleans believe in a re-
capture of their city, and scowl with all their
wonted hate at the Federal soldiers in their streets.
The people of Nashville are also
taking heart of
grace that they shall be relieved of Governor John-
such places as Yorktown
son, and even at men,
women, and children openly boaat that their old

friends are coming back again to pull down the
"stars and stripes" and flaunt the "stars and
bars," Baltimore is not without hope that Gene-
ral " Stonewall" Jackson, the favourite of the
South, and the real hero of the war, may pay it a
visit, if he have not devised a still m re brilliant and
startling conquest in another diree ion ; and little
Vicksburg has successfully defied the combined fleets
of Farragut and Davis. These might, perhaps, have
captured the city by this time, and opened the Mis-
sissippi to commerce, had Gen. Butler been able to
spare a few hundred men from New Orleans to help
them ; but this was impossible. The safety of New
Orleans forbade. Farragut has, therefore, returned
to the lower waters whence he came, and Vicksburg
commands all the upper trade of the river ; it stands
riddled with shot, but still proudly defiant of the
Federal authority.
The negotiations commenced by Gen. Dix with
Gen. Lee, for a mutual exchange of all prisoners,
great and small, have ended favourably. North and
South will, perhaps, know each other-better, when
these thousands on each side return to their homes,
and tell the tale of what they have seen, heard, and
suffered in the enemy's country. The North, how-
over, will have most to learn, for it has positively
known nothing of the South—not even that it was
in desperate earnest ; while the South have known
as much of the North as it cared to inquire, and far
more than was consistent with the safety of the
Northern armies.

There have been rumours for some days that Mr.
Seward was about to retire from the Government
in consequence of his disapprobation of the growing
influence of the Radicals, as the Abolition party is
now called, in the councils of the President. Mr.
Seward, who is strictly a constitutionalist and a
Conservative, appears to have satisfied himself that
Mr. Lincoln's views are in accordance with his own,
that the Radicals are not as powerful as they think
they are, either in the Cabinet or in the country,
and that it is his duty to support the Government
by remaining in the position of Secretary of State,
at least foi the present. Mr. Seward's retirement
would be generally regretted, while that of Mr.
Stanton would be hailed with delight by the coun-
try and with calm indifference, amounting almost
to satisfaction, by Mr. Lincoln. But, as Mr. Stan-
ton will not resign, and the President is too good-
natured to dismiss a man whose greatest fault has
been excess of zeal in wrong directions, he has been
shorn of much of his power, and allowed to remain
in office as long as he pleases.

There have been considerable arrivals of gold from
California during the week, which have had the
effect of giving a temporary check to the alarming
rise of the premium on the precious metals. Gold
that was last week at 20k, and on Wednesday at
119, dropped yesterday to 171, and silver, that had
I been as high as 14, dropped to 10. To-day, at the
first Board of the Stock Exchange, gold fell to 14
per cent. premium, but rallied at the second Board
to 17, amid the general belief of Wall-street that it
will be up again to 20 by Monday. Nobody ex-
pects to see gold again in the ordinary transactions
of life until long after the close of the war; but
every one complains that silver should be almost
equally invisible. Even the dirty, ugly, little
nickel cel.t.g that have hitherto done duty in small
purchases, and for omnibus and ferry boat fares,
have begun to disappear, and reached a premium
of 2 per cent. To remedy the evil the Government
induced Congress to make postage stamps of one
and three cents and upwards a legal tender; and
such in consequence has been the demand for this
new species of paper money, which the Government
cannot manufacture fast enough to meet the public
exigency, that even these have reached a premium
of three and in some cases of five per cent. Mr.
Chase will gain considerably by this operation.
The issue of stamps is and will be so largely in
excess of the wants of the public as regards letter
writing, and they are, moreover, so small, thin,
fragile, and unfitted to stand the wear and tear to
which they will be subjected as a currency, that
it is highly probable that fully one-half of them
will be lost or destroyed. What the people lose
the Government will gain. And, perhaps, when
the end comes it may be found that postage stamps
and " green backs" may act precisely in the same
manner, though the " green backs" may claim the
merit of doing damage on a larger scale. There are,
however, a hope and a chance that the silver and
the nickel, which are not sent out of the country as
the gold is, may be liberated at some distant day,
and the postage stamps reserved for their legiti-
mate purpose.

The Tax Bill, which might have come into opera-
tion on the Ist of May, it Congress had been ear-
nestly desirous of passing it, became law in suffi-
cient time to date from the first of the present
month. It was publicly announced that it was to
take effect from that date, and a whole army of
office-seekers forthwith proceeded to Washington to
invade the privacy of the President and his Secre-
taries and of everyone else who had or was sup-
posed to have influence in the bestowal of nearly
1,000 places, varying in value from 3 dole, to 5 dole.
per day, exclusive of percentages. Washington has
swarmed with them for the last six weeks ; and,
although the members of both houses have gone
home, or betaken themselves to the cool watering
places on the sea coast of Connecticut, Rhode
Island, and Massachusetts, they still remain in the
hot and dusty capital to try their fortune with the
solitary President. Mr. Lincoln, however, or those
who in his name look to this department of public
business, has managed to try the patience and test
the patriotism or party-fidelity of these gentlemen
by postponing the operation of the Tax Bill till the
Ist of September, the latest day allowed by the act.
The British reader will ask, why ? The answer
is, that the local elections for the Northern and
Western State Legislatures take place in August,
and that Mr. Lincoln, before bestowing any office
under the Tax Act, will have the opportunity and
the means of being thoroughly assured of the ap-
plicant's politics by the manner of his vote. The
ballot boa affords no secrecy in America, though
perhaps Mr. Berkeley and Mr. Bright, and a few
other people in England, may not be aware of the
fact. Mr. Lincoln will thus run no risk of giving
office to any but members of the Republican party,
unless he do so wilfully and with his eyes open.
No Democrat will be permitted to have a chance of
5 dols. a day and a percentage under the Tax Act ;
and, as the State elections influence the elections to
Congress, it will be seen that the move, as a party
one, is able and far-sighted, even although the
country lose by the delay the amount of taxa.
tion that would have fallen due in the interval be-
tween the earlier and the later date. Mr. Lincoln
in this but imitates the example of his Democratic
predecessors. Had a democratic President been in
office he would have pursued the same course,
although there is this to be said for the Democrats,
that under a Democratic President the South would
not have seceded, that there would have been no
cioil war, and that, consequently, there would have
been t 0
duties tianecessitY
for a Tax Bill. Nevertheless, the
stood
thaatt 4 men owe to their party are so well under-
one complains of the Presidential
strategy in this
respect. Even the Democrats think
it fair warfare,
arattonadt resign themselves accordingly.
to-day
thi4riictledible announcement has
Post-office is not to issue
postage-stamps for curre:
been made The
but that the Treasury
is to issue thetmh:tnth%cteaYptiver
or cardboard mi-
t be used for postal
but for currency only
purposes,
Never since the
a ink applied
A Treasury -
to such a purpos • note for a sum so
inventionlura in ed,
ofso printing were paper au• .
old fogies of Europe, vf he
low as one cent., or an English haliverull
Only
have
think of this, ye
and learn from this
Young
faith in gold and silver,
-re are
notes (for if they are
to be eight different kinds of
and vigorous nation a lesson in finance! Th.
not to be available for the
payment of postage they
cannot justly be called postage stamps), of which
_
the following list and description has been pub-
for general information and guidance:-
1 cent Franklin •• Blue.
3 cent • . Washington . • Pink.
5 cent .• Jefferson .. Chocolate.
10 cent .. Washington .. Green.
12 cent .. Washington .. Black.
24 cent Washington
30 cent Franklin yellow.
90 cent .. Washington Bine.

It the Americans were not a serious people, en-
gaged in a very serious business, Mr. Chase's sub-