The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-06 00:00:00

Mr. Baine

Iraniley.

On Wednesday night a meeting was held in the Baptist
School-room, Bramley, to inaugurate the establishment of

a Working Men's Reform Association in that township•
Mr. Councillor Addyman was in the chair, and Mr. Baines,

M.P., was among the gentlemen present.

Mr. BAINES, in introducing one of the resolutions, ex-
pressed his satisfaction at the inauguration of the associa-
tion, and defended the extension of the suffrage to the
working classes, taking advantage of the eulogiums passed

on these classes at the recent Conservative meeting at

Leeds to form an argument= ad homirtem against
the Conservatives. There was one thing Mr. Beecroft
said which was very remarkable. He, said, "In all the
varied elements that go to constitute a great people,
himself (that is, the working man) is alone the essential,'
that was to say, the working classes were the only essen-
tial, indispensable element in society. (Laughter.) That
was a very strong mode of expression, but how singular
that the only essential element in a great people should
be the only element which had no Share in the representa-
tion of the people. (Cheers.) Could this be just ? Could
it be wise ? Was it ever wise in a community like
ours to practise injustice ? Could injustice be prac-
tised for any length of time with impunity and with
safety ? He fully believed that it could not ; that it would

react and recoil upon those who practised it. Mr. Baines

then denied that the introduction of the working classes

by any measure proposed would swamp all others. Lord
Russell proposed, and Mr. L. King and he followed with

the same propositions—that those who occupied premises
in counties of the value of 101. a year should have a vote,
and that those who occupied premises in boroughs Of the
value of 61. should have the franchise. What would this

great "revolutionary measure" have amounted to ? Why,
it would have added about one-fifth to the whole number
of the constituency. It would have added about one-third
in the boroughs; but, if they added the counties, the whole

addition would probably only have been about one-fifth.
His calculation, as near as he could make it, was that the
proportion working men would bear to the upper classes
would be something like a fourth. And this was a revolu-
tionary measure—this was the way in which the upper
and middle classes were to be swamped by the introduc-
tion of this comparatively small number of additional voters.
He should like to know which class would be swamped by
such an arrangement as that ; the danger was much more
that the working class minority would be swamped than
that the upper and middle classes would be. (Hear, hear.)
This objection was an absurd and puerile imputation,
which shoWed what men would do whose prejudices were

assailed, in conjuring up phantoms to alarm the country.
In 1860, when Lord Russell proposed his bill, Earl Grey
obtained a committee of the House of Lords to inquire into

the probable operation of that bill, his object being to find
out whether that bill would have the effect of introducing
this vast and swamping majority of the working classes
into the new constituencies. Earl Grey had recently pub-
lished a book upon the subject of reform. Did he say in
that book that he was convinced by the result of the in-
quiry over which he presided that it was proved that if
such a measure were adopted the upper and middle classes
would be swamped ? No, he said no such thing. He
showed no fear whatever upon that subject, and
what he said would lead to the inference that
he considered the idea with which he went into
the committee was satisfactorily disproved by the evi-
dence. Facts had since been obtained from official sources
which confirmed the calculation made by Lord Russell, and
subsequently by himself, showing that the notion was alto-
gether fallacious. After some further argument to show
that the extension of the franchise would tend to the im-
provement of those who received it, as well as to the in-
creased stability of our institutions, Mr. Baines said that
a resolution had been put into his hands, which was as fol-
lows :—"That further delay in remedying the injustice, after
it has been repeatedly acknowledged by leaders of both par-
ties in the state, would be derogatory to the character of
Parliament, and destructive to political moralitY." He
believed they all knew the facts upon which this resolution
was founded. The last Parliament was distinctly returned
by the constituencies, of England to carry Lord Russell's
Reform Bill. There were two bills before the country—
the one Lord Derby's, the other Lord Russell's. Lord
Derby dissolved Parliament and appealed to the country,
and before the dissolution Lord Russell gave an outline of
what he intended his bill to be. He knew perfectly well
that he went back to Parliament pledged in favour of the
more liberal and extended plan—(hear, hear)—and he con-
sidered it his duty to do everything in his power to carry
it out. For that reason, when others turned their back on
the cause, or at least suspended action for a time, it seemed
to him that it .was his duty to take it up and to make the
propositions he had done. (Hear and cheers.) He thought
it was an outrage upon all good faith and upon, morality
not to carry out pledges which men had given. They had
Scriptural authority for saying that if a man sweareth, even
to his own hurt, and changeth not, he is to be blest. It would
have had a great effect upon the country if they had abso-
lutely brought forward and persevered with their measure,
and if they had done 60, the Reform Bill would have been
carried by this time. He believed that now, in the last hour,
in the last session of ParliaMent, just before the members
had to meet the country, the best policy of the Government
would be to bring forward such a measure and stand or fall
by it. If they went to the country in what way would
they be received if they had not met their pledges ? It
was infinitely better to be beaten, and then to go the coun-
try and ask for the opinion of their constituents, than to
go to the country without having made any serious effort
to fulfil their pledges. (Hear, hear.) His opinion-was that
the wisest policy would be to introduce such a measure ; he
did not say, it would be carried, possibly it would be beaten
in the house—but let them go to the country, and then
upon the country, would rest the responsibility. His belief
was that, having faithfully done their duty to the country,
such aParliament wouldbe returned as to render the carry-
ing of the measure certain. (Hear, and cheers.) He had
some considerable hopes that if the Government would
stake their existence upon it—especially if that singularly
able and eloquent man, Mr. Gladstone—(loud cheers)—
would take it up—that the cause would be carried. (Hear,
and cheers.) His friend Col. Edwards said at the dinner
given to Mr. Beecroft that the Whigs would never carry a.
Reform Bill. He could tell that hon. gentleman the most
important and the main reason why they could not do so,
it was because immediately opposite to them there sat such
a large number of Tories who were
.determined to shelve
the bill. (Laughter and cheers.) Col. Edwards said that
he (Mr. Baines) was to ride this reform horse, and added
that the horse would kick so much that he would be glad
to dismount him. Certainly he must say he should ride
the reform horse. (Laughter and cheers.) He believed
that a better horse was never mounted. (Cheers.) He be-
lieved him to be sound, of good wind and limb, and of great
power and endum. nee, and they might rely upon it that he
would never get down until the battle was won. (Cheers.)
But then he did not want to ride the fore horse. He wanted
some man of standing before the country as a leading states-
man and as a minister to come and take that position: His
appeal was to Mr. Gladstone to take it. (Cheers.) There was
no man better fitted for the position,and he should be prouder
to be his follower in the measure than if he himself had led
where he had not much hope of success. His own duty was
quite clear. He should certainly adhere to this cause
until the end, or to the end of his life (cheers)—and if he
could be the means of calling out a man like Mr. Gladstone
—and they could second him in this—he would have great
and sanguine hopes of success (hear, hear, and cheers.) The
first thing to be done was to form associations such as the
present. (Hear; hear.) He was glad to see this promising
organisation, and he had felt great satisfaction in witnessing
the countenances of those before him, betokening as it did
an intelligence and appreciation of all the proceedings. He
was convinced that all he saw before him were entitled to
the franchise which was enjoyed by their fellow-country-
men, and should not be treated as the subjects of despotism
were treated. He rejoiced that they were doing. their duty.
He hoped that they would influence their neighbours to do
theirs, and if the country did its duty he believed ulti-
mately, and before very long, that they would see a measure
passed which would redound to the credit, to the harmony,
' I and.to the prosperity of the land. (Loud cheers.)
ter