The Sun.
London, England, 1862-01-01 00:00:00

THE FRENCH TREATY.

Some interesting communications have just been
addressed to the Leeds Chamber of Commerce by
M. Boisselier, the French Consul at Leeds, relative
to the Commercial Treaty between England and
France. The substance of these communications
may be thus stated :—The first conveyed, for the
information of the commercial community, the im-
port of two communications received by the Consul
from the French Government, having reference to
the ownership of trade marks, patterns or designs,
and models, and to a reduction decreed by the Em-
peror in the fees now levied for certificates of ori-
gin. Hitherto the law in France in regard to
foreigners provided only for the protection of trade
marks, but the Emperor, giving a liberal interpre-
tation to the words of the treaty, " trade patterns
of every description," had, by decree dated the sth
of June, 1861, extended an equal protection to de-
signs or model', subject to the regulations of a
memorandum which accompanied M. Boisselier's
letter. In a similar spirit of liberality, the Em-
peror, who on the adoption of the Commercial
Treaty had decided on a considerable abatement in
the dues on certificates of origin, had sanctioned a
further reduction of one-half in the actual fees, and
from the 15th of October last consular certificates
of origin have been charged 2s. instead of 45.,
and vim's or attestations ls. in place of 2s. It was
hoped that this reduction would have a doubly bene-
ficial effect—first, of further facilitating commercial
transactions, and then of putting an end to certain
irregular practices which frequently resulted in
inconvenience to exporters. The Consul wished to
impress the fact that the French Government, in
the most liberal manner, had taken successively all
the necessary measures for the easier execution of
the treaty ; Consuls, Vice-Consuls, and agents had
been established in several localities ; authorities
had been appointed for the issue and attestation of
certificates and vouchers ; he had himself selected
correspondents in the principal manufacturing
towns of Bradford, Huddersfield, Halifax, Dews.
bury, &c.; and fees had been twice reduced until
they now amounted but to a nominal sum. These
successive measures would enable exporters hence-
forth to obtain their vouchers on the spot, and to

satisfy themselves of the regularity of their
invoices, instead of resorting to the indirect and
eventually hazardous course adopted by some.
The second letter was explanatory of certain
allegations which had appeared in the Lon-
don newspapers, and which were calculated
to mislead the public as to the manner in which
the details of the Commercial Treaty were carried

out by the French authorities. All the objections
were discussed seriatim at considerable length.
The first allegation was, that no package would be
admitted into France which contained distinct arti-
cles liable to different rates of duty ; but the fact
was, M. Boisselier stated that the restriction ap-
plied solely to some yarns—viz., flax or hempen,
cotton, and woollen yarns, and to linen and cotton
fabrics, and had been adopted with a view to facili-
tate the examination of goods by means of random
samples or tests, and thereby to save importers the
unnecessary delay which in case of mixed packages
would be entailed by a seriatim verifies tion of each
successive article. The second grievance was, an ar-
bitrary over-valuation on the part of the authorities
in the assessment of goods taxed ad valorem, but on
this point the treaty supplied its own remedy by
providing that if an importer had good ground for
disputing a valuation, he had a right to claim a re-
valuation by special experts. To the third assertion
that some goods sent before the Ist of October had
not been liberated on the 25th, M. Boisselier replied
that special precautions were adopted to avoid any
such delay, and he affirmed with confidence that
the Custom-house authorities at Paris were enabled
to deliver in the course of one day (Oct. 1) all the
' goods that the owners wished to take out. Lastly,

complaint was made of the denial to certain ports of
the privilege of admitting to duty articles taxed ad
valorem, and • the writer enlarged upon this aver-
ment, arguing that there was no grievance, as it
was freely agreed to by the English Government in
the 4th article of the Anglo-French Convention that
the French Government should have the power to
designate exclusively the Custom-house of Paris for
the admission of tissues taxed ad valorem. The Em-
peror, however, on the 9th of Sept., being anxious to
facilitate international intercourse, issued a decree
by which eight more ports were opened to the di-
rect importation and admission of these tissues—
viz., Marseilles, Bordeaux, Nantes, Rouen, Havre,
Lille, Mulhouse, and Lyons ; and had given a fresh
proof of his anxiety to satisfy every requirement,
having by a decree of 14th inst., opened the Custom
House at Strasburg for the importation of British
and Belgian woollen and cotton yarns of every kind,
and the Custom-houses at Boulogne, Calais, Dun-
kirk, Valenciennes,:Strasburg, and Chambery had
been also added to the list of those previously
opened for the direct importation and clearing of
textures taxed ad valorem. The French Govern-
ment (M. Boisselier added) could not but learn with
pleasure that their efforts in the fulfilment of their
arduous and gigantic task are duly appreciated
when carrying out the details of the treaty, and
giving importers all the facilities which extant laws
will allow as being compatible with the guarantees
required by the interests of the Treasury and for
the regular working of bona fide trade and com-
merce. After receiving these communications the
Council of the Chamber expressed their thanks to
M. Boisselier, and assured him that several Leeds
and other gentlemen engaged in trade with France
bore testimony to the generally satisfactory manner
in which the French Custom-house authorities car-
ried out the treaty.

FRAUDULENT DAIS, KRUPTC IN

GLASOOTV.

During Friday and Saturday last the Glasgow
Circuit Court was engaged in investigating a charge
brought against Reuben Brooks and Frederick
William Thomas, described as merchants, of forg-
ing and fabricating false and fraudulent bills of
exchange, for the purpose of defrauding the credi-
tors of the said Reuben Brooks, who contemplated
obtaining sequestration of his estate. The bills of
exchange were alleged to have been fabricated in
the office of the prisoner Thomas, St. Vincent-street,
Glasgow, on an occasion or occasions between the
Ist June and 10th July last, and were for the fol-
lowing sums, viz., three for £3OO, two for £3,000,
and one for £4,000. _ _

Edward Izzard, picture-dealer, London—l know
Brooks, and I have seen Thomas before. I saw them
both in the Prince Albert Tavern, in London, on the
2d July last. Being shown three bills for £3OO
each, I depone that I saw them there on that occa-
sion. The handwriting in the body of the bills was
filled in, but no drawer's name. Brooks wrote the
words, " Accepted, R. Brooks." I also saw these
£3,000 bills now shown me, but they were not
filled up. The words, "R. Brooks, accepted," were
inscribed on that occasion. Being shown a £4,000
bill, I saw it on that occasion too with only the
drawer's name on it. I now recognise it. Mr.
Brooks wrote his name and the word "accepted" on
the bill before any other writing was put on it. On
that occasion Thomas had an appointment with
Brooks. It was kept. Thomas brought these bills
for Brooks to accept. Brooks asked what he wanted
with the acceptances; to which Thomas replied that
he was to ask no question©; that he would take
him through the court, and that he must do as he
told him. Thomas then gave him the throe bills
for £3OO, and they were accepted, and so were the
others, as I have told you.
By the Advocate Depute—Brooks asked Thomas
who Watson and Co. were ; to which Thomas re-
plied that he was a friend of his trading under that
name. In reference to the £4,000 bill, Brooks
asked Thomas who F. G. Smith and Co. were.
Thomas said, " Of course, me ; I traded under that
name." Brooks asked Thomas how much he should
draw, and he said that the stamp would carry
£4,000; thereupon Brooks signed his name. Brooks
:rave Thomas £25, but I could not say for what.
There were six bills signed on that occasion. Thomas
asked Brooks, when they were signed, if he had the
cash. Brooks pulled out the cash and laid it on the
table. Thomas picked it up, and said he would
leave London next day. Thomas called on me on
the 30th of June, 1861, seeking Brooks. I found
Brooks for him, and Thomas told him he must have
some money. Brooks wished me to take Thomas
£5, which I did the following morning. Brooks
told me that Thomas was to carry him through the
Gazette, but he did not say that he had gives him

the money for that purpose.
The Jury found the following verdict ;—" We
find Frederick William Thomas guilty as libelled,
with the exception of forgery, which is not proven;
and we find Rueben Brooks guilty as libelled, with
the exception of fabrication and forgery, which we
find are not proven."
Mr. Brooks then addressed a few words to the
Court, during the delivery of which he was much
affected. He stated that he had not been aware of
the law of Scotland in regard to those things, and
he had not known that they would do any possible
harm. He had never thought nor intended that
the bills should be used in the manner they had

been. He solicited the mercy of the Court, in con-
sideration that he had three young children, who
were motherless, and whose state would be now
very deplorable.
Mr. Thomas also made a few remarks, towards
the conclusion of which he completely broke down,
sobbing loudly, and weeping copiously, when he
resumed his seat. He stated that he had no in-
tention of defrauding any one in any way what-
ever. He alluded to his respectable parentage
and connexions, and maintained he had been guilty
of no crime. Had he not been in prison, these bills
would never have been used, but while he was there
they had been made use of, and the result was his
position that day.
Lord Ardmillan, in passing sentence, said it was
a very painful matter, and no doubt both prisoners
felt very painfully and poignantly their position ;
but he had only one duty in sitting on that bench,
and that was to administer public justice. Judges
were every day in these courts pronouncing sen-
tences more or less severe against poor ignorant
persons who had never been educated,
who had been trained from infancy to,
and had nothing to restrain them from,
the commission of crime. He would not say the
same of the prisoners at the bar : they had been
educated, and he was satisfied that when crime was
perpetrated by educated persons they should be
punished severely for it. He found, on looking
back, that fraud not a bit more aggravated than
theirs had been far more severely punished than
he was going to sentence them now. The sentence
of the Court was that each should suffer penal ser-
vitude for four years.
The prisoners were then removed from the dock.

TillS DAY'S MARKETS.

CORN EXCHANGE.

The show of samples of English wheat here to-day was
very small. There was very little disposition, however, on
the part of millers to make purchases ; nevertheless, all
descriptions were held at fully Monday's prices.
Importers of foreign wheat were very firm in their de-
mands, yet no improvement took place in the currencies,
compared with our previous report.

Floating cargoes of grain were in only moderate request
at late rates.

Malting barley met a steady sale at full quotations;
otherwise, the barley trade was dull on former terms.
Malt changed hands slowly at previous rates.
For oats there was a steady demand, and prices were
fairly maintained. _

Beans and peas were in moderate request at Monday's
quotations.
In flour very little was doing, yet the currencies ruled
firm.

ARRIVALS THIS WEEK.
Wheat. Barley. Malt. Oats. Flour.
English ........ 280 60 400 1 620 sack,.
Irish — 100 !
Foreign ........ 7,750 290 640 1

__. sks.
brls.

BOROUGH HOP.
Very little business is passing in any description of
hops; nevertheless prices are supported.

WHITECHAPEL.
The supply of meat is only moderate. and the trade rules
firm, as follows :
Beef, from 2s 8d to 4s 4d; mutton, 38 to 4s Gds veal,
4s Od to 4s 10d ; and pork, 4s Od to 5s Od per Sibs.

THE ATTEMPTED ASSASSIN OF LORD PALMER-
STON.-AD inquest was held yesterday before Mr. Sergeant
Payne, Coroner for Southwark, at Bethlehem Hospital, on
the body of David Davis, aged 67 years, an officer in the
army. From the evidence it appeared that the deceased, in
the year 1818, made an attempt on the life of Lord Palmer-
ston (who was Secretary of the War Department at the
time), while walking in the street, by firing a pistol at him.
He was arrested and tried at the Old Bailey on the Ist of
May, 1818. The jury acquitted him on the ground of in-
sanity, and by the order of the Home Secretary he was
removed to Bethlehem Hospital, where he has remained
up to the present time. Tho warder went as usual on Mon-
day morning to his room to give him his ordinary meal,
when, on opening the door, ho found the deceased leaning
against the back of a chair, quite dead. He called for assis-
tance, and the house surgeon came and pronounced life
extinct, and that the deceased had died while in a fit of
apoplexy. The deceased was 24 years of age when brought
to the hospital. Tho.coroner having summed up, the jury
returned a verdict of " Died frcin apoplexy."

W-7Z,QA

THE

WAR.

Among the many good gifts of Democracy a
knowledge of itself does not seem to be included.
If the Civil War does nothing else for the reading
part of the people of North America, it will, at any
rate, teach them what they are, and what is the
true meaning of the phenomena which surround
them. They can learn little or nothing from their
home orators and their home writers: Of a mob, as
truly as of a monarch, it may be said that the same
fortune which made them Kings forbade them to
have a friend. They are approached r with bound-
less adulation and prostrate servility. , A thousand
venal pens are ever ready to transform their vices
into virtues, to falsify the most obvious facts, and
to persuade the multitudinous Sovereign that his
crimes are proof of matchless virtue and his errors
of more than human wisdom. But America so to
speak, has in these latter days gone beyond herself.
She has become the property not merely of penny-
a-liners and stump orators, but of the whole human
race. The events which are occurring on her soil,
though neither glorious to her sword nor to her pen,
are yet of sufficient consequence to attract to her
the attention of the keenest observers and the most
pungent writers of the day. Her institutions are
explained, her politics are analyzed, her prospects
delineated, and her finance dissected by hands in-
comparably more able than have been for many
years employed upon them. A faithful mirror is
held up to the misguided Confederal-y in which she
may see her face, not as her flatterers la-,v repre-
sented it to her, serene in majesty ands'L.A>,..ll in
calm resolution, but distorted with passto.nr,4,
and hatred, and a burning but ungratified thirst. ,F
revenge. _ _

Of all such writings on American subjects we
have seen none more clear, more just, ind more
conclusive than the short pamphlet of M. Sidney
Renouf entitled " Europe and the American Union."
With that inimitable power of statement and clear-
ness of deduction which are the acknowledged
characteristics of the higher minds of his coun-
try,
M. Renouf strips off one by one all the
glosses and disguises under which the real state of
America has hitherto
,been concealed. Slavery is
not, he says, the cause of rupture. The Go-
vernment of the Union had done nothing to pro-
mote the abolition of slavery. The object is to re-
establish the Union, and the North will not com-
plieate the question by a Quixotic effort in favour
of the emancipation of the despised and hated negro
race. The triumph of the North would be the
triumph of slavery. In fact, as friends of human
freedom, we shudder at the concessions which the
North might be induced to make at the expense of
the slave for the purpose of winning back its lost
Confederates. If abolition be ever taken up by
the North, it will not be for its own sake, but as

the last and the deadliest weapon with which to
strike down its antagonists by the desolation of
their hearths and the sacrifice of women and chil-
dren to the lust and cruelty of infuriated barba-
rians. Well may M. Renouf conclude that slavery
is not the cause, nor emancipation in any degree the
object, of the American civil war, and that to such
a ground of sympathy the North is in no degree
entitled. Nor has the North any claim on the
sympathy of the mass of educated men who sin-
cerely wish well to liberty as residing in demo-
cracy. The South does not fight for absolutism,
but against an union which she has learnt to de-
test. The North does not fight for liberty, but
rather to deprive the South of that dearest of all
liberties—the right to ciaoose its own Government.
If the Secession be completed, there will not be in
America more slavery or less freedom. We shall
have two Republics instead of one, and their ri-
valry may at last break through the fetters of that
mediocrity which chains everything in America
down to the same dead level, and leaves her in her
utmost need without a statesman, an orator, or a
General.

Having thus disentangled the question from cer-
tain considerations which tend to obscure its true
significance, M. Renouf proceeds to inquire whet
is the true policy of England and France with
regard to America. The question, he remarks, is
not one of principle, but of fact. America has been
ever since its independence, 80 years age, a Power
continually increasing in magnitude. Its means of
increase have been absorption and annexation. At
the rate at which it was proceeding the Union would
shortly have reached the Isthmus of Darien, and.
proceeded to absorb the Spanish Republics of South
America. It is for this extension of power, no
doubt, that the North is contending, and, should
they succeed in subduing the South, they would
probably revert to such a line of policy. M. Renouf
might have added that they would by subduing the
South mark the commencement of a policy of con-
quest, and that this new policy, once fairly inaugu-
rated, would very probably find nothing on the
American continent able to resist it. The Govern-
ment of a peaceful Federation would be succeeded
by a reign of military violence, and the equilibrium
of Europe might be threatened by an armed demo-
cracy, powerful by sea and land, and having effec-
tually moulded its ploughshare into a sword to
grace the arbitrary hand of some successful soldier.
Besides, M. Ranouf considers that France has a
very heavy material interest in putting an end as
soon as possible to the present struggle. Her trade,
as an exporter of articles of taste and luxury, and
as an importer of cotton, has suffered very materi-
ally by the civil war, and bankruptcy threatens
many of her principal houses. England and France
have common interests, and ought not to separate.
If the North refuses satisfaction, England will at
once declare war, and France, though at the request
of England she will not immediately take part in
it, will be no uninterested spectator of the contest.
If, on the other hand, America should make repa-
ration, France and England will not let the oppor-
tunity slip without intervening for the purpose of
putting an end to the conflict so fatal to America—
so injurious to the peace and happiness of the civi-
lised world. It may not be,:as M. Renouf anticipates,
that we shall be ablt to obtain from the South, as
the price of our recognition, even the prospective
abolition of slavery ; but we may not unreasonably
hope that the events which are now occurring will
in one way or another draw to a close that hopeless
and exterminating conflict, fraught with so many
events which disgrace humanity and perplex rea-
son, before it has been carried to an extent which
will destroy the last vestige of a Republic once
fondly regarded as the last and best guarantee for
human liberty and progress.
Such is an analysis of this very remarkable pam-
phlet. It is well worthy the consideration of the
American public, for it shows how clearly its actual
position is estimated and how keenly its future is
speculated upon by the very people whom the press
and the statesmen of America have sought, as it
appears in vain, to conciliate by all the arts of
adulation. The appearance of such a pamphlet is
cold encouragement to add a war with-England to
the long catalogue of existing embarrassments.
The nation which America has, in her presumptuous
folly, taught herself to regard as her sure- ally in
- the contest which she has so long sought to force
upon England, which she has sought to conciliate
by the share of the lion's skin represented by Lower
Canada and by the most fulsome adulation, has
taken the measure of her, of her flatteries, her
menaces, and her promises, and contemptuously
rejects them all.—Times.

AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS.

The question whether Berkshire should furnish
agricultural statistics to the Government, after a
form suggested by the Secretary of State in a cir-
cular letter issued to all the chairmen of Quarter
Sessions in England, in the month of May last, was
very fully discussed at the County Sessions, held at
Reading, on Monday last. Mr. R. Palmer, of Holme
Park, and many years M.P. for the county, occu-
pied the chair, and of the magistrates present there
were the Earl of Abingdon, Lord Overstone,
Viscount Barrington, Right Hon. I. R. Mowbray,
M.P., Mr. Walter, M.P., Hon. P. P. Bouverie,
M.P., &c.
Mr. BROS, chairman of the last Sessions, held at
Abingdon, stated that, in compliance with the reso-
lution of the Court, he and the members for the
county had had an interview with the Home Secre-
tary on the subject of furnishing agricultural sta-
tistics, After stating fully their views to the Home
Secretary they were requested to put in writing
the points upon which they desired specific infor-
mation. They accordingly did so, and a reply had
been received from the Home-office, from Mr. Wad-
'dington, the Under Secretary of State. The fol-
lowing extracts were read
"In reply-"Io the questions on which you desire
furtherluformation, I am to state that it was not
coo...riptated that, if the police were to be employed
collecting agricultural statistics, they should do
more than distribute the forms and collect the
returns, without being responsible for their being
accurately filled up. No decision has yet been
formed as to the necessity of making the returns
compulsory. This would probably depend on ex-
perience of any plan to be adopted for their collec-
tion. If any extra expense should be incurred by
he employment of the police in this duty, Sir Geo.
Grey thinks it might be defrayed without any ad-
ditional charge on the county-rate.
" The object of obtaining the information would
be fully attained by returns for parishes or districts
instead of for each occupier's holding."
Mr. BROS, after remarking at length upon what
took place at the Home-office, proceeded to state
that he felt great reluctance to put upon the con-
stabulary of the county any duty not immediately
connected with their office. He believed that the
returns asked for would be very interesting and of
great public advantage. If he were an occupier of
land, be should have no objection to furnish the
particulars asked for ; and if he had any influence
with tenant farmers, he should recommend them to
make the returns. The statistics appeared to him
to be utterly unobjectionable in every way; but
with regard to employing the police in the matter
he objected to it on principle. He therefore pro-
posed that an answer should be returned to the
Home office that, in the opinion of this Court, it
was inexpedien to employ the police of this county
in obtaining agricultural statistics.
Mr. CRUTCULEY seconded the proposition, and
stigmatized the notion of obtaining agricultural
statistics as not only inquisitorial, but impertinent.
Major COURT thought that public utility re-
quired these returns to be made, and the only ques-
tion was as to the mode in which this should be
done. He did not know that there could be any
objection to the police being employed to distribute
the papers at the several farms, but as in each parish
there was a surveyor, overseer, and collector of
taxes, it would be desirable that either of those
should be engaged in the collection. And the ad-
vantage would be this, that as some of the farmers
would not probably know how to fill up the returns,
either of the officers he bad mentioned could give
the assistance required, and thus help to insure
accuracy in the return. He moved, as an amend-
ment, that, in the opinion of the Court, it was ex-
pedient that the county police should be employed
in the distribution of the papers, but not in the
collection.
Mr. WALTER, M.P., said, although on several
cccaoions he had expressed himself adverse to the
employment of the police in this matter, he felt
some difficulty to know how to support the propo-
sition of Mr. Bros, because it seemed to him, if this
was intended as an answer to the question pro-
poundel at the last Sessions, it would be an answer
in a different sense to that intended by the Court.
No doubt that the notion of employing the police
was founded upon the circumstance that the police
AN't re employed in Ireland, but Sir George
Grey had entirely disposed of that objection, by
saying, as he did in his (Mr. Walter's) hearing,
that there was no analogy at all between the rural
pdiee of England and the rural police of Ire-
land. The Irish county constabulary were a totally
distinct class of people. They were employed more
az gendarmes, or as military force, and stood upon
a different footing from what the police did here.
And there was an ambiguity as to what was meant
by the term "collection," and the sense in which
that word was employed. No doubt, it solely re-
Le-red to the mode of collecting the statistics, and
that the persons employed in the collection of them
should not, as in Ireland, be employed in going
over the laud and making out the returns themselves.
That was not the sense in which they were to be
employed here. The county police here were not
naked to be employed in collecting the statistics,
but merely to act as letter-carriers to deliver the
papers in which the particulars were to be stated.
It was a question whether the le lice should be em-
ployed in this duty, and, looking at the question in
that aspect, they might as well argue whether the
persons to be employed should have one leg or one
arm. He saw no objection to employing the police
to deliver certain forms, excepting that, the duties
of the police being of a criminal nature, it might be
supposed, on this particular occasion, that there
was something of a penal character connected with
the coliection of these statistics, rendering the per-
son on whom the notice was served liable to a
penal ty. To that extent there might be something
invidious in the employment of the police, but he
saw no objection to the police being employed to
deliver certain papers at certain houses. At the
same time he was not disposed to concur in the mo-
tion of Major Court, for he did not see why a ma-
chinery of another kind should not be employed,
and one more desirable. It seemed to him that the
objection to furnishing these returns was disposed
of by the returns being eventually made not of dis-
tinct holdings. but of large districts. Now, sup-
posing these returns were forwarded to the magis-
trates' clerk for each division of the county, it was
quite clear in any case, whether by the
police or any other body, there must be
some intermediate agent between the police
and the Home-office. His notion was that the re-
turns should be sent by the Home-office to the
magistrates' clerk of each division, and the Bench
should be authorised to employ either the
police or any other officer, such as the overseer, to
deliver these returns or papers at the house of each
farmer. He suggested that the Post-office might
do this, but an objection might be urged that this
would be attended with a heavy expense, and, be-
sides, it would require on the part of the person
sending them a degree of local knowledge -which he
could not reasonably be expected to have, and he
could only obtain it from some authority in the
different districts. His opinion was that the ob-
ject sought by the Government would be best pro-
moted by leaving th© magistrates in petty sessions
to.employ thepolice or such other agents as they
might think qualified—that the returns when filled
up should be sent to the magistrates' clerk for each
division, and they should be sent from each divi-
sion to the Home office, That seemed to him the
simplest and most effective mode, and he thought if
they sent an answer to the Secretary of State in
the form proposed by Mr. Bros it would be an
answer given different from that intended gene-
rally by the Court to the question proposed by the
Government. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. G. H. VANSITTART, late M.P. for Berks,
said, so far as he was concerned, he did not think
it advisable to throw upon the police, who had
already onerous duties to perform, other duties

which vrould occupy much time, and with a
Tery faint prospect of being remunerated. He had
no hesitation on that ground in supporting Mr.
Bros's proposition.
Mr. A. W. YOUNG, late M.P. for Yarmouth, was
of opinion that it was not expedient to put the
police of this county in the invidious position of
having to obtain these returns from the farmers.

His opinion was that there was no ground for sup.
posing these returns would lead to any practi-
cal good. (Hear.) If, however, any goo I could
be shown to arise from it, then individuals must
give up their prejudices and Government must have
the thing they wanted. In the absence of any proof
of this kind as to the utility of the thi ig, he should
object to the police or any other machinery being
employed.
Mr. T. L. GOODLAKE said the value of the
statistics depended upon the period of their being
published, but the statistics for Ireland for the year
1860 were not published until the autumn of 1861.
This fact disposed of the argument of their general
utility. (Hear, hear.)
The CHAIRMAN was about to put the proposition
of Mr. Bros, when
Lord OVERSTONE said he was very much afraid
if the motion should be carried in the affirmativee
ra
gene it
l
was calculated to have an effect on the
question of agricultural statistics not intended by
the mover, and hardly so by the members of the
Court. To return a pure negative to the question,
simply saying that it was not expedient to collect
agricultural statistics through the medium of the
county constabulary, unaccompanied by any sug-
gestion, would be felt by the Government and pro-
duce an impression in the country that in the opi-
nion of the county of Berks the collection of agri-
cultural statistics was inexpedient, or, at least, that
it was a very questionable act. He did not believe
that that was the feeling of the Court generally.
He would ask the Court not merely to consider the
technical reply to be given, but the substantial
effects of it. If, after full deliberation, they were
prepared to co-operate with the Government to ob-
tain good agricultural statistics, but thought that
there should be some better mode of collecting them
than that proposed by the Government, that would
be a very regular and business-like way of dealing
with the question. He hoped the Court would not
return the dry answer that it was inexpedient to
collect these statistics without suggesting an alter-
native course. With regard to the expediency of
collecting agricultural statistics a few words only
would be necessary. In every other branch of in-
dustry in this country it had been found uniformly
desirable to collect from all engaged in those indus-
trial occupations the best information that could
be gained, and in proportion as they had been ren-
dered with accuracy the interests of the parties
engaged in those pursuits had been promoted.
Could any reasonable man doubt that that which
was true of other industrial parts of the empire,
and had proved to be true, could be otherwise than
true with agricultural matters ? The agi iculture
of the country was a trading interest as much as any
other. Its success depended upon the:same princi-
ples, and upon the exertion of the same wisdom, the
same prudence, and the same forethought and con-
trivance, and they might be assured on general
grounds, without going into detail, that in propor-
tion as the information was correct it would be
valuable to all engaged in that important pursuit.
He trusted on that ground, the Court would in their
resolution express the opinion that the magistrates
and gentlemen of Berkshire were ready to co-ope-
rate with the Government in any reasonable effort
to get the practical and detailed information which
had been found useful in other branches of trade.
With regard to the point that the statistics would
not be sufficiently accurate to be useful, he believed
that the history of agriculture would follow the his-
tory of everything else. The first effort would be
incomplete, but as confidence was obtained and pre-
judice obliterated, they would find these statistics
would increase in their accuracy, and they would
find in a short time that that information would
facilitate all reasonable calculations of landlords
and tenants, and limit the evils arising from ex,
treme fluctuations resulting from ignorance of this
information. Then with regard to the question as
to the best mode of obtaining this statistical infor-
mation, he thought that was a question more fit for
the Government to consider and decide than for the
magistrates in Quarter Sessions. He was a little
surprised at the form of the question put to the
Quarter Sessions, but he had no doubt that the
meaning was to obtain from the discussion which
would arise some indications for the guidance of the
Government and what were the feeling and opinion
of the country as to any effort requisite for obtain-
ing the information, and whether the Government
might calculate upon aid and co-operation from
different Quarter Sessions as to the best mode to
obtain it. With respect to the question of the
collection being made through the county constabu-
lary, he thought the remarks of Mr. Walter were
correct, namely, that the original impression hostile
o it was founded upon the impression that the duty
imposed upon the police was of a far more dange-
rous and delicate character than intended by the
Government. The question resolved itself into
one the narrowness of which was almost ludi-
crous. The question was whether any groat and for-
midable difficulty existed in the way of sending out
the papers to the farmers through the hands of the
police. That was the question, and it seemed to him
that it was one hardly fit to occupy the time of the
Court. He would really suggest that the Court
should pass a resolution something to this effect :
That they should first thank the gentleman who
had been kind enough to see the Home Secretary,
and that they should send a reply that they were
ready to co-operate with the Government for the
purpose of obtaining the best possible agricultural
statistics, whether through the medium suggested
by the Government, or through any other medium
which, upon full communication with the Quarter
Sessions, the Government might deem most practi-
cal and expedient. He thought an answer of
that kind would become the Court, and not violate
the feelings of any magistrate.

Lord BARRINGTON said personally he felt much
indebted to the noble lord (Lord Overstone) for the
able speech he had made on the subject, and he quite
agreed with every word that bad been uttered. He
should be glad to see these agricultural statistics
collected in some way or other. If the Court did not
like the information to be obtained through the po-
lice, he hoped they would resolve to find out some
other way. He thought his friend Mr. Walter had
made a sugg( stion well worthy of consideration.
He would not say that it should be necessarily
adopted, but at any rate, it was one of those things
which he could state in his place in Parliament if
any bill were brought forward, as he supposed there
would be hereafter. He should be sorry to put a ne-
gative on the collection of agricultural statistics,
and if the noble lord (Lord Overstone) would move
a resolution to the effect he had suggested he (Lord
Barrington) would be happy to second it.
The Hon. P. P. BOUTERIE, M.P., said, acting
upon the suggestion thrown out by Lord Overstone,
he would ask Mr. Bros whether he would not mo-
dify his resolution so that, after expressing the in-
expediency of employing the county police, it should
go on to say it was the opinion of the Court that it
was desirable to collect agricultural statistics in some
mode to be devised by the Government.

Mr. W. H. STONE said he thought it would gene-
rally be considered by the farmers to be a nasty in-
quisitorial, thing, and he hoped the Court would not
sanction it. He was quite sure no other Govern-
ment but the present would have ventured to ask
for such a thing. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. NORRIS, M.P., said he had taken consider-
able pains to ascertain the feelings of the tenant
farmers in his neighbourhood on the subject, and
he had found them uniformly willing to give the
information asked, believing it to be a general public
good.

Mr. lloPiarrs said he mentioned the matter to
his tenants at a late rent audit, and in every in-
stance they declared that they would not make any
return.

Sir CHARLES RUSSELL said the Government
simply proposed to try the experiment of collecting
these statistics, and he hoped that Berkshire would
not be the only county to withhold the information
sought. For his own part, he saw no objection to
the employment of the county police, as they had
ready means of access to all the farms, and could
deliver the papers without imposing any great ad-
ditional labour upon them.
A discussion ensued as to the precise terms in
which a motion should be submitted, and eventually
Lord OVERSTONE proposed the following
That
this Court will readily give its best assistance to the
Government in any efforts which it may make forthe

purpose of collectingagricultural statistics throug',
out the kingdom; but that, in the opinion of this
Court, the responsibility of deciding npou the best
means for accomplishing that object properly rests
with the Government."
Mr. ARBUTHNOT seconded the motion.

Mr. BROS said he felt this resolution of Lord
Overstone left the question open as to the employ-
ment of the pelice, and he therefore must keep to
the motion he had submitted to the Court in the
earlier part of the proceedings.
It was then arranged that the proposition of Lord
Overstone should stand as an amendment to Mr.
Bros's motion, and

The CHAIRMAN said he really could see no objec-
tion to granting such returns as asked for by the
Home Secretary. What was wanted was the quantum
of acres cultivated in any particular way, and to the
principle of the thing he saw no objection whatever.
A division then took place, and the amendment
of Lord Overstone, stating the willingness of the
Court to co-operate with the Government in obtain-
ing these returns, was carried. The numbers were
For Lord Overstone's amendment .... 26
Against it
Majority for the amendment
At the close of this discussion the larger propor-
tion of the magistrates left the court.

MR. KINGLIKE, M.P., AND EIS CON-

STITUENTS.

On Monday evening a crowded and enthusiastic
meeting was held at the Town-hall, Bridgwater, to
hear from Mr. Kinglake his annual address to his
constituents. The chair was occupied by the Mayor
(Mr. 3. Browne), who appropriately introduced the
business of the evening.
Mr. KINOLAKE, after alluding to the loss the coun-
try had suffered in the death of the Prince Consort,
said—l will abstain from adverting to any of those
legislative measures which have occupied the House
of Commons, except those only with respect to
which I think it is desirable to address to you one
or two observations. During the last session of
Parliament we were occupied, with the exception
of the Church-rate Bill, upon which I shall pre-
sently speak, with four measures, all more or less
affecting the religious liberty of the British subject.
First, there was the Affirmations Bill, then the bill
relating to certain religious tests which are still
applied to persons accepting particular offices ; then
Sir Morton Peto's Bill, respecting the last rites of
sepulture due to Nonconformists; and then there was
also the bill relating to Charity Trustees. Well, gen-
tlemen, all these were bills which more or less inte-
rested the great Liberal party in this country, and to
all these measures, in all their stages, I gave my cor-
dial support. (Applause.) I am sorry to say in vain,
none having become the law of the land. Then, again,
there were several measures relating to the represen-
tation of the people brought before Parliament. There
was Mr. Locke King's Bill—a very wise one, as I
think—relating to the county franchise; there was
Mr. Baines's measure, relating to the extension of
the borough franchises ; and there was Mr.
Berkeley, with our old friend the ballot. (Hear.)
All these measures were submitted to the House of
Commons, and to all of them I gave my humble
support in all their stages. (Applause.) But with
respect to all these, also, my votes were all in vain,
because none of them became the law of the land.
And now with regard to the measure on church-
rates. The number of votes having been found to
be equal, the Speaker, although taken a little by
surprise, yet in admirably appropriate words—for
so the house considered them—stated the grounds
on which he felt it to be his duty to give his vote
for the " Noes." They were grounds quite uncon-
nected with the merits of the measure, and were
founded on the custom which his predecessors had
adopted of so voting as to give the house an oppor-
tunity of reconsidering its former decision, and the
result is bat fcr the last session the bill was en-
tirely lost. Well, gentlemen, I have enumerated no
less than eight measures of importance, all of them
more or less dear to the Liberal party and
at a time when the Liberal party is supposed to be
in power, and all of which have failed. I therefore
think it right to inquire why it is that this failure
has visited us. (Hear.) I know, gentlemen, the
ready answer of our opponents will be that it is as
clear as possible that there is a great Conservative
reaction. But I don't believe that that is true.
(Hear, and applause.) I don't believe that that is a
solution of the question. I believe that the reason
may be more safely sought for in this direction. I
observe that all these bills are bills which have
been introduced into the House of Commons by
private members of Parliament, and experience
teaches us that measures introduced into the House
of Commons by private members are not those
which lead to actual and practical legislation.
(Hear.) There are many causes which I think tend
to account for this. When a bill is introduced by
a member of the Government, then, if not the ex•
istence of the Government, at all events the credit
of the Government, is at stake, and the very fact
that such is the case gives a practical character to
the discussion ; and this, I must take leave to tell
you, is wanting in bills introduced by private mem-
bers of Parliament. I would therefore submit whe-
ther it would not be better that such measures
should be left to the patronage of the Liberal Go.
vernment rather than to what we may call the
volunteers of the Liberal ranks. (Hear, hear, and
applause.) You will remember that in the year
1859 Lord John Russell brought forward a very
important amendment on the subject of the repre-
sentation of the people, and when you call to mind
that the amendment was followed by a dissolution
of Parliament, and that the general election which
followed brought about a change of Ministry and
placed in power those who now occupy the offices
of State, you will perhaps feel entitled to ask what
has become of the Reform Bill. But before we
cast any blame upon her Majesty's Government for
not further pushing the question of reform we must
remember what degree of strength we gave them
for carrying such a measure, (Hear, hear.) If I
remember rightly, the majority which, by a good
deal of coaxing and management on the cart of Sir
Wm. Hayter, was secured, was only 13 on a great
party vote ; and all experienced legislators will tell
you that that is not a majority which will enable a
Ministry to carry through Parliament a great and
complicated measure. Now, gentlemen, before I
come to the subject which has occupied nearly the
whole of you for some time past—l mean the
threatened war with America—l desire to say a few
words on the state of European politics. Perhaps,
after all, the most momentous events to be expected
from this new American war will be those for which
we may have to seek in Europe. (Hear, hear.)
At present all Europe tell us that we are right in
this quarrel, but experience tells us that nothing
is more quickly forgotten than the mere cause of
a war. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, if this war
should break out, those nations which bear
hatred against England will inquire whether or
not this may be an occasion for venturing
an attack upon us; or, what is much more pro-
bable, they will inquire whether this may not
be the time for attempting those territorial
changes which cannot be safely attempted when
England's attention is fixed upon European affairs.
(Hear.) Gentlemen, I will not conceal from you
that if this emergency—this Transatlantic emergency
—had occurred two years ago, there would have
been great ground for anxiety with regard to our
relations in Europe. (Hear.) But I rejoice to be
able to say that since last I addressed you in this
hall a great improvement has taken place in the re-
lations between this country and the Powers of Eu-
rope. (Hear, hear.) When last year I addressed you
in this hall the military Powers of Central Europe
were in so distressed a state as to exercise no power at
all, and the Emperor of the French was at that time
so completely the master of the situation—l mean the
Emperor of the French personally and not France,
that England was placed in circumstances of embar-
rassment and difficulty, which I then endeavoured
to describe to you. I recollect at that time showing
you how perilous was the situation of England.
The justice of the words I then uttered was very
generally recognised in this country; and I have
some reason to believe that it was also recognised
in a quarter where it might have been sup-
posed to have been unwelcome. We now find that
M. Fould, the Finance Minister of France, has ad-
dressed to the French Emperor words easotli coin-

iding in principle with those I spoke to you.
(Hear, hear.) He has told the Emperor that it is
impossible that he can ever have credit among the
other Powers of Europe for being a peaceful poten-
tate while ho has in his hands the whole means
and capabilities of France. (Hear.) The justice
of this the French Emperor has recognised, and it
is now promised that there is to be something like
constitutional government of France. It is no
matter to us what the government of France may
be, so far as the mere personal feeling of French-
men is concerned; yet it is of great importance to
us that there can be no war in that country
without the assent of the French people—(hear,
hear)—without such an assent as would give us
fair notice of what is coming. (Hear.) Well,
gentlemen, turning again to the period when
I last addressed you, within two months after that
time I had some duties imposed upon me—l found
myself engaged in a labour and discussion in the
House of Commons of a most anxious kind. lam
speaking of the period of the commencement of
1860. I and some others were then engaged in a
very anxious and toilsome labour, but no labour of
that kind can bo so great, no anxiety of political
spirit can be so acute, as not to be amply rewarded
by a declaration which was made by Lord John
Russell on March 20,1860. Lord John Russell, in
quiet, temperate, but firm language, then intimated
to Parliament that the time had come for England
to make a stand against further encroachment ; and
he added that, however friendly the Government of
England might be towards the Government of
France, yet, in order to maintain the tranquillity
of Europe, England must no longer hold herself
aloof from the other Powers. (Hear, hear.) No
sooner had these words been uttered than England
recovered, I will not say her rank as a first-rate
Power, for that had not been altogether lost, but
the authority in Europe which she owes partly, in-
deed, to her strength, partly to her moderation,
partly to the freedom from all ambition for territo-
rial aggrandisement, and partly from the commu-
nity of interests which binds her in amity with all
Powers, and determines her to hold her own, but
nevertheless remain free from the desire to encroach
upon the possessions of others. (Applause.) The
value of that change in our policy was tested last
year, when I happened to become acquainted with
the fact that a scheme was in agitation for annex-
ing the island of Sardinia to France. I did not
hesitate to go down to the House of Commons and
state in simple words what I happened to know. I
stated no more than the bare facts. I did not say that
any actual agreement for this cession had been
made, but merely told the House what had chanced
to come to my knowledge. (Hear, bear.) The
statement elicited from Lord John Russell, as I
humbly hope, will have the effect of inducing
France to abandon any scheme of the kind. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) My belief is that that scheme
had been entertained without any knowledge of the
full extent to which it would excite opposition on
the part of England ; and that the French Empe-
ror was enabled to perceive, from what passed in
the House of Commons, and from the feeling of the
country generally, that this was not a measure
that could not be tolerated by England consistently
with her determination to preserve the balance of
naval power in the Mediterranean. (Hear, hear.)
I tell you frankly that it was on account of the
good faith they have shown that I have been a sup-
porter of her Majesty's Government. And, when I
tell you that, I mean that I have not been a sup-
porter by halves. (Hear.) Night and morning I
have done all that I cuuld, by the votes which a
member can give, to accord my support to the Go-
vernment. (Applause.) In the spring of last year
several of the Southern States of what we were ac-
customed to call the United States of America, chose
to secede from the Government with which they
had been connected. Her Majesty's Government
soon found that these seceding States comprised
a population of some 8,000,000 men ; that they
were as peacefully and regularly governed as any
European State ; that they were maintaining war
against the Northern States, for the most part, it
appeared, with some success; and it was quite evi-
dent, therefore, that our Government had no choice
but to recognise these 8,000,000 people as bellige-
rents—that is, as men who were carrying on war,
foryou could no more deny that they were carrying
on war than that the sun shines at noonday. (Hear)
At the same time the Government of this country
determined to maintain a rigid neutrality. (Hear,
hear.) The people of the North had, perhaps, some
sort of ground, for supposing that the strong feeling
which this country entertained on the subject of
slavery might affect the course which we should
take when the Southern States became separated
from the North. They seemed to think that on
that ground we should at once have declared for
them in order to abolish the evil which we had
always denounced. We did nothing of the sort;
and, from what has happened, I draw a lesson in
support of a principle I have always enforced—
that in the policy of States a sentiment never can
govern. (Hear, hear.) Depend upon it that the
relations between various States will always, or
almost always, be governed by their great in-
terests. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, there is
another lesson to be drawn from what has hap-
pened in America—that, where a State is sub•
ject to domestic broils, there is a strong inclina-
tion on the part of many—and this is especially the
case in some States—to seek an issue out of their
domestic troubles by finding a quarrel with a
foreign State. (Hear, hear.) And I must say that
I never saw so strong an instance of this policy—if
policy it can be called—as on th;s occasion. (Hear.)
I own to you that it has been the custom of Eng-
land during wally years to be a little too negligent
in the maintenance of her rights as against the
United States; the feeling of every one was that we
should submit to anything rather than get into a
quarrel. (Hear, hear.) That was a very peaceable
feeling—a feeling for which I refuse to cast blame
upon my country; but it was not statesmanlike, be-
cause experience tells us that by such a course we
may be forced into a war which might have been
avoided bya little firmness at the outset. (Applause.)
I don't think this would be the place for me to at-
tempt to go into the grounds on which I say the
act of Commodore Wilkes, which you all know of,
was unlawful, but I tell you with confidence that it
was so. (Hear.) If I had addressed you a fortnight
ago I should have found it necessary to argue the
question, but now that all Europe has pronounced
the act to be unlawful, I may be content with as-
serting what I might have argued then. (Hear.)
M. Thouvenel, in beautifully clear language, has
told the American Government that they are doing
that which is indefensible. (Hear, hear.) This is
the more important and interesting because all who
have read history know that America owes her in-
dependence to the aid she got from France, and that
France and America have always been competing
side by side for the rights of neutrals. (Hear.) For
the solution of a question of this kind international
law had provided a competent tribunal, and he who
withdrew this matter from that tribunal was Com-
modore Wilkes, because if he honestly imagined the
Trent was carrying contraband of war, it was per-
fectly competent in him to take possession of her,
and carry her into the prize courts and have her law-
fully condemned. (Hear.) But he rejected the prize
courts, and took the law in his own hands. I want
to ask who sent Commodore Wilkes to carry on war
against a peaceful mail packet? I am afraid I must
answer the question myself by telling you that he
was sent by a Power to which we in England are
always accustomed to bow with defference, and
which we:all infinitely respect. He was sent bypublic
opinion. But, then, how comes it that that Power
which rules us all here with moderation is in Ame-
rica so low, so perverse, so lawless, so mad as to
send this man on a mission which is no less destruc-
tive to his own country than offensive to ours ?
(Hear.) lam afraid that the answer is one with
which all wbo have observed with care the United
States of America have been long familiar—namely,
that although good men there abound, yet, from
some cause connected with their system of govern-
ment, the good men are driven into the shade, and
the bad men are prominent. Commodore Wilkes
seems to have calculated that by doing a simple
lawless act of this kind he would obtain the good
opinion of his fellow-subjects—that is, all those of
them who would come forth. As soon as the news
was received in this country there was a firm deter-

mination to uphold the honour of the flag, and that
that honour should be vindicated according to law.
(Hear, hear.) No man desired that we should pass
those bounds which the law officers of the Crown
might prescribe. (Hear, hear.) With admirable
patience the country waited until the law officers
of the Crown had given their decision, and as soon
as it was given there was hardly a man who ven-
tured to question it. (Hear.) Upon this a despatch
of a very cogent kind was addressed by her Majes-
ty's Government to the Government of the United
States, and had our Government done less they
would have ceased to be a Government. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) 1 have not the slightest doubt
that the despatch was couched in terms the most
courteous, and that it expressed the belief of her
Majesty's Government that the act of which Com-
modore Wilkes had been guilty was one which they
would repudiate, and therefore instructions were sent
toWashington to request that reparationwhich ought
to be given. I have no doubt that a clear distinction
was made between the reparation in the restoration
of the two commissioners and the reparation that
due notice be given of the act of which Commodore
Wilkes has been guilty. I have no doubt, with
respect to the latter, that our GovernmentTwould be
willing to negotiate with temper and moderation,
but it must be understood that, with respect to the
restoration of the commissioners, that was made a
condition without which it would not be possible for
Lord Lyons to remain at Washington. (Hear, hear.)
I wish to explain what has been said in reference
to the subject of arbitration, Whatever question may
hereafter arise, no man who understands occasions
of this sort will impute to her Majesty's Govern-
ment the smallest blame for not urging a settlement
by arbitration, for when her Majesty's Government
addressed that despatch to the Government of
Washington there was no dispute, so to speak, be-
cause our Government had not at that time any
right to suppose that the Government at Washing-
ton would support the act of its officer. (Hear.)
It would have been discourteous in the highest de-
gree to suppose that the American Government
would dispute that which we considered indisput-
able, and therefore the duty of first proposing arbi-
tration could not come from our Government.
Many considered that if there should be a refusal to
give up the prisoners war would be immediately
declared. I don't understand that that is the case.
If the request should not be complied with, I appre-
hend that it would be the duty of Lord Lyons to
ask for his passport and bring home with him the
whole legation. But he would bring with him also
I imagine, the answer which the American Govern.
ment may think fit to make to the demand of
our Government. (Hear, hear.) When we have
that answer then it would be right for her
Majesty's Government to decide what course she
would take in dealing with it. (Hear, hear.) With
respect to the suggestion of submitting questions to
arbitration I have something to say, and perhaps
there are few persons in this country who have
much more right to speak upon the subject. You
may have heard that in the Congress at Paris in
1856 a protocol was signed, which recommended, if
I may so express myself, a wholesome principle of
referring questions of dispute to arbitration. It was
obvious that to introduce into international law a
new principle of this kind would depend for its suc-
cess upon the way in which the first attempt to
appeal to the principle should succeed. (Hear.) The
first occasion on which the attempt was made oc-
curred very soon after. You all know the deep
interest which this country has always taken in the
efforts to suppress ti,e slave trade. In 1858, after
much urging, she got the Portuguese Government
to suppress the slave trade upon the African coast.
The Portuguese Government, not very willingly,
and in sheer obedience to our dictation, captured a
French vessel having upon it all the indications
which are usually regarded as sufficient to convict
the vessel of being engaged in the slave trade—l
\ speak of the Charles-et-Georges. The French
Government indignantly required that the vessel
should be restored, although it was clear to
everybody in England and everybody in Lisbon that
the vessel was liable to be condemned. The
French Government was vastly more powerful
than the Portuguese, and refused to appeal to
the principle of arbitration. England, though
she had compelled the Portuguese to take this
step, was obliged to stand by and see the vessel
given up. Here, then, I fear is an end to the
principle of referring questions to arbitration, be-
cause, if the first time one of those questions occurs,
a great Power refuses to be bound by it, how can
any other Government be expected to do otherwise ?
(Hear, hear.) I trust that, in order to avoid the
unspeakable horrors of war, the United States will
yield, and that they will not allow fell )w-subjects
of ours to remain in felons' cells. (Hear, hear.)
There seemed to be some ground for supposing that
the Emperor of the French was not indisposed to
take the same view of the matter as we had; but I
believe I may say that means have been taken to
ascertain what is the feeling of France on this sub-
ject, and the feeling is that in this matter England
ought to be left to fight her own battles. I believe
1 may say that it is not the desire of this country to
ask the alliance or seek that of any other European
Power. But, gentlemen, supposing we are alone in
this quarrel, is it certain that America will be alone ?
I have already said to you that when war once
breaks out the original cause of the quarrel is soon
lost sight of, and that nations will range themselves
according to what they suppose to be their best in-
terests. I venture, to remind those who may be
meditating anything against England on the ground
of the trouble which now threatens her that the
very last time we were engaged in a war with Ame-
rica, which broke out in 1812 and continued for
some years afterwards, was exactly that period
when we invaded France and achieved our greatest
victories.

At the conclusion of Mr. Kinglake's address,
Mr. R. FORD, ex-Mayor, moved a resolution pro-
testing against the hon. member's foreign policy,
especially his conduct towards our " taigust and
faithfully ally, the Emperor of the French."
Dr. KING seconded the resolution, for which only
two hands were held up.
A proposition, moved by Mr. J. L. SEALY, and
seconded by Mr. R. BALE, thanking Mr. Kinglake
for his address, was carried amid much cheering.

11EALTH OF LONDON _DURING THE WEEK.

(From the Registrar-General's Weekly Return.)

In the week ending last Saturday (December
28th) 1,148 deaths were registered in London, of
which 234 cccurred in the population of the age of
60 years and upwards, 304 between the ages of 20
and 60 years, and 610 in the first 20 years of
existence. The mortality was not so great by 100
as in the previous week ; in the corresponding
weeks of the last ten years (1851.60) the average
number "corrected for increase of population is
1,548. So the deaths to the present return are less
than the average by 400.
The mortality from small-pox is mnch below the
average. Measles has caused less than the usual
number of deaths, only 19 having occurred last
week, though the corrected average is 39, and in
the corresponding week of last year the deaths
from measles rose to 49. The deaths by scarlatina
and diphtheria are in excess of their averages.
Whooping-cough was fatal to 45 children, a num-
ber below the average; and the deaths from this
infantile affliction in the previous three weeks re-
spectively numbered 50, 55, and 61.
The fever of London assumes three forms, which
are respectively designated typhus,typhoid (typhia),
and relapsing fever (ty phinia.) Fifty persons died
of these fevers last week. The typhoid fever,some-
times called gastric fever, for it affects the intes-
tines,
is propagated in air and water by the exe-
cretions which are accumulated in the cesspools and
sewers of cities. Its ravages will be reduced effec-
tually when this matter is restored every day to
the cultivated soil, of which it is a natural consti-
tuent.
The mortality from diarrhcea is rather below the
average. The pulmonary complaints now fatal to
a considerable extent are bronchitis and pneumonia.
108 children died under the age of 15 years, 35
persons between 15 and 60, and 37 at 60 years and
upwards died of those diseases. Eight women and
one man were registered at the advanced age of 90
years and upwards; the oldest was a woman, aged
99 years.
Last week the births of 780 boys and 734 girls,
in all 1,523 children, were registered in London.
In the ten corresponding weeks of the years 1851-
60 the average cumber was 1,601.