The Sun.
London, England, 1865-08-11 00:00:00

Mr. Seymour Fitzgerald at Ho. sham.

Yesterday the Conservative electors of Horsham
gave a complimentary entertainment to their late
member, the Hon. W. Seymour Fitzgerald. Covers
were laid in the Assembly-rooms, King's Head, for
about 200. Major Aldridge presided, being sup-
ported on the right by Mr. S. Fitzgerald, Major
Falconer, Mr. Cave, M.P., Mr. Abbott, late Con-
servative candidate for East Sussex, and the Rev.
J. Hodgson, vicar of Horsham ; and on the left by
Lord Cranbourne, Mr. C. C. Dickens, Mr. Mitford,
M.P., Major Pocock, Mr. Gerald Fitzgerald, &c.
Letters of apology for absence were read from the
Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Malmesbury, and
others. A number of ladies were present.

After the usual loyal toasts given from the chair,

Mr. MITFORD, M.P., gave " the Bishop an

Clergy of the Diocess." He took the opportunity of
stating how much he regretted the non-election of
his friend iNlr. Fitzgerald. He believed it would be
found a great loss to the community. He had the
good fortune to combine qualities seldom found in
one person. He had the power of devoting his mind
to an extent far beyond the power of most of them
to any subject which he might take up ; he had the
power of storing his mind with information, and
imparting it in a most agreeable, impressive, and
eloquent manner, as circumstances might require ;
he had all those amenities of manner and that
sweetness of temper which they in that room knew

so well ; and with regard to more public matters,
Mr. Fitzgerald had chosen that department towhich
attached the most arduous duties of the gravest re-
sponsibilities. If a slip was made in any other
department, it was in general made with the cog-
nisance of Parliament, because the bills brought
forward by the Ministers must come before the
House of Commons ; but if the Foreign Secre-
tary made a slip Parliament was long in finding
it out, and had scarcely any control over him. War
might be the result before the nation was aware of
it. For this reason we required at the Foreign-
office men of the greatest ability, and men who were
thoroughly trusted. And such men were also wanted
to watch those who were in office. (Cheers.) It
was most important that they should have men like
Mr. Seymour Fitzgerald in Parliament in order that
when,slips did occur the proper remedies might be
applied. He could appeal not only to those in that
rooin, but to Parliament and Europe itself to bear
witness to the manner in which Mr. Fitzgerald had
fulfilled his duties. He did not say this because he
sat opposite to Lord Pahnerston in the House of
Commons., lie considered that in many respects
Lords Palmerston and Russell deserved the grati-
tude of the country, but when he remembered the
proceedings of 1863 and 1864 with reference to the
Polish and Danish questions he could not help say-
ing that the dignity of the countryhah(dcad bheecenorosna.)e
not been
ene
laughing-stock of
sustained as it ought to have
occasions had
fact, England on those
Europe. The present was not a
time when they could sparetdheeswpaattcehh
,falheeybeeloifevMedr;
Fitzgerald. (Cheers.) No
hgraedateervesratriesafac,chteidon ththeanFotrheeignte-loeffigrcaemwwhihcilichgaanve-
nounced the defeat of Mr. Fitzgerald. (Cheers.)
No doubt a very complacent smile mantled Lord
Russell's countenance when Mr. Layard announced
the fact, and his lordship settled himself in his
armchair, thanking God for all his mercies. (A

laugh.) 'While deeply
_regretting the result of
the election for that borough, he could not help
thinking that, to a certain extent, some of those
in that room were to blame for it. (Hear, hear.)
There was a want of harmony among them; they
had not pulled together as they ought to have
done. (Hear, hear.) The general opinioa through-
out Sussex was that there had been gross misman-
agement in the last election for Horsham. (Cheers.)
He hoped, when another opportunity presented
itself, they would make amends by again returning
his right hon. friend. (Cheers.)
The Rev. Mr. HODGSON returned thanks for the
toast.
The CHAIRMAN, in proposing the toast of the
evening, said they had met not only to express their
sympathy with Mr. Fitzgerald on his defeat, and
regret that he was no longer their representative in
Parliament—not merely to express their respect
and esteem for him as a friend and a neighbour,
but their high admiration of his talents and charac-
ter, and cordial appreciation of his public services,
which even the Times said had won for him a dis-
tinguished position in the House of Commons.
They had good reason to be proud of him who had
represented them for the last 13 years, and it was
through -the defection of some who should have been
his supporters (hear, hear), through the unaccount-
able apathy of others, and he feared he must add
somewhat through their own neglect, he was no
longer their representative. (Hear, hear.) The
borough had suffered a disgrace by excluding a
gentleman of such high qualifications from the
House of Commons. Some other constituency he
had no doubt would gladly welcome him. As it
was, the country had lost a most valuable member.
His non-election would be generally deplored, and
even by many of those in that borough who had
failed to support him. (Cheers.) They were natu-
rally reminded on that occasion of the former ban-
quet they gave him in 1847. He was then a de-
feated candidate ; but he was then an untried man
in the House of Commons. He was but little
known to them, but they then expressed to him
their determination, in the name of the intelligence
and independence of the borough, that he should
represent them in the House of Commons, and that
pledge they had honourably redeemed. (Cheers.)
He had since made what the Times called a distin-
guished position for himself in the Legislature of the
country, and, considering the eminence he had
attained as a statesman, and his energy and elo-
quence in the House of Commons, they had much
greater reason now to renew their determination to
avail themselves of any opportunity that might be
given of re-electing him. (Cheers.) Sure he was
the intelligence and independence of the borough
could not have a more efficient representative—
(cheers)--and he hoped soon to see him again re-
stored to his place in Parliament. He concluded by
giving the health of the Right Hon. W. Seymour
Fitzgerald.
The toast was received with the utmost cordiality.
Mr. SEYMO un FITZGERALD, who was loudly cheered,
said—Our worthy chairman, in the observations he
has just addressed to you, has referred to the first
contest I stood for this borough, now a good many
years ago. I can scarcely realise to myself that my
connexion with this borough has existed so long. I
don't feel much older than I did then, and yet 20
years have since passed over our heads. To me they
have been marked by many changes. I have had
Many happy days among them and many marked with
sorrow. But one thing has never changed, and that
is—whether the circumstances have been those of
triumph, defeat, or affliction, I have always among
my friends and neighbours of Horsham had one uni-
form display of kindness and esteem. (Cheers.)
I have often had to return you thanks for marks of
your kindness, but I may say, without affectation,
that I never addressed you under any circum-
stances when I so keenly and warmly appreciated
your kindness as Ido on this occasion. (Cheers.)
I will not say that the result of the late contest for
the representation of this town has not been a source
of great regret—l will say even of mortification to
me, but I believe that the feeling of mortification I
have experienced has been amply--I should say
warmly—shared by many of those I see around me.
(Cheers.) It is not necessary—it is scarcely worth
while to refer to the causes of our late defeat; but
this, I may say, that I think we all must deeply feel
the mortification to which I have allUded when we
know that those who have been successful in their
opposition could not, if theyhad exerted every energy
that belonged to them, have polled one other vote
in favour of their candidate (cheers) ; and as we
look down the list there are—not one or two, but
many who either were not present or did not give
us those votes which might have secured to the in-
fluential party we represent that control over the
representation of the borough which we have exer-
cised for the last 13 years. (Cheers.) 1 don't know
whether any of you gentlemen have seen a handbill
which is now before me. It is headed " The Dinner
to the Defeated." It seems that this gathering of
my friends around me, this manifestation of your
continued good feeling towards me—this expression
of your determination whether I stand again as a
candidate to represent you in Parliament or not,
that you will in future hold in your hands the repre-
sentation of this town, to bestow it on whom you
please, has somewhat disconcerted the enemy, and
raised some doubts in their minds as to the security
of their position. (Cheers.) This handbill tells us
that banquets are generally given to celebrate hn-
portant victories. Well, then, I should like to know
why there has been no banquet to celebrate the vic-
tory on their side. (Cheers.) I will tell you—
first, because they rather doubt the reality of their
victory—(cheers)—but more than that. They say
banquets are given to celebrate " important " vic-
stiodrieers
the. I
victorythink
th
ha
et y s hh oa Nvv
es t
aht at ta i ourne d
is opponentsn oc s o vca ol
un
--
able as they would pretend it to be ; but I defy
them to produce an assembly of men connected with
this borough that could compare for one moment
with that embodiment of its intelligence, wealth,
and influence which I now see before me. (Cheers.)
They do us the favour to compare this meeting to
the smiling faces that may be seen at funerals ; and
they say that generally there is a legacy in such
eases that raises smiles on the face. What is the
legacy here ? -Why this, that when the present oc-
cupant ceases to hold it we shall enter on our right
again—(cheers)—and that, whether in my person
or in that of any other candidate you may prefer,
you will continue that succession in the representa-
tion which for 13 years has existed among you.
(Cheers.) I will say that from the beginning to the
end -I can look back on my connexion with this
borough with pride. (Cheers.) I see here the very
banners under which I fought in 1847 ; and what
was the condition .and reputation of the borough
then and before that time ? We all know that years
before this borough had Veen keenly contested—
that success had often been obtained by means which
those who employed them must even now regret.
The borough then held no fair fame among the
boroughs of England. But what was the result
of the contest in 1847 ? The respectable, the
intelligent portion of the community, the wealthy
and influential portion of the town met to-
gether ; they determined to secure the indepen-
dence and purity of the borough, and from that
time to 'his, although among three, four, or half a
dozen there may still remain some lingering after
those evil times, the result has been that this borough
among all the boroughs of England can lay claim to
honesty and purity with the best of them. (Cheers.)
If there was nothing else, I should look back with
pleasure to my connexion with this borough, because
it was my first constituency ; while it also led to the
marshalling of that party I now see around me which
has exercised so beneficial an influence on the for-
tunes of the State and honour of the town. (Cheers.)
So far I have spoken of our own immediate election ;
but I am sure you would think me very slightly per-
forming my duty if I were not to refer somewhat to
the general character of the elections that have lately
taken place, because it is not merely for local rea-
sons or from personal regard to myself that you
have fought and will again fight the battle here.
(Cheers.) I feel sure you have at heart the success
of the Conservative cause. (Cheers.) We are
told by many of the writers in the various journals
that the late elections afford convincing proof
that there has not been what has been popularly
termed any Conservative reaction in the country,
because they say there has been a large majority

returned who are supporters of the present Go-
vernment. Now, I take leave to differ entirely
from that opinion. In the first place Ido not
think that there has been a large majority re-
turned in favour of the present Government. The
majority has been returned in favour of the Conser-
vative element in the present Government. More
than that, looking at the speeches which have been
delivered by many of the successful candidates, no
one can help seeing that in the true sense of the
term there has been a most marked Conservative
reaction throughout the country. (Cheers.) What
has been the ground which has been taken by many
—I would almost say by the majority—of the Libe-
ral candidates who have presented themselves to the
constituencies throughout the country ? They have
looked forward to the possibility of a modification
in the representation, to the possibility of a coming
Reform Bill, but they almost universally have taken
this line. They have said they wished to see the
qualification required for the representation modi-
fied and extended, but not degraded. (Cheers.) I
do not know that I could point out a more marked
instance of what I call Conservative reaction than
the position taken on behalf of the Government by
Sir George Grey before the dissolution took place.
The Government came into office pledged to an ex-
tensive Reform Bill, to a £lO franchise in counties
and lowering the suffrage to £6 or less in boroughs.
It was upon that ground that they challenged the
confidence of Parliament and succeeded in displacing
the Ministers of the Crown who were then in office.
And now what is their position after five years' ex-
perience of public opinion? That very Government,
speaking through the mouth of Sir G. Grey, said
they would bring forward a Reform Bill if there
was a general feeling in the country in favour of it,
but if there was not a general feeling expressed by
the country in favour of a large extension of
the suffrage, they would not, as Ministers of the
Crown, propose it. (Hear.) That shows that the
very public opinion in favour of a large reduction
of the franchise on which they relied and acted only
five years ago is such, it has become so very doubt-
ful, that they would not now even pledge themselves
to bring forward a Reform Bill founded on it.
Take, Again, one of the most noted members of the
House for proposing a reduction-of the franchise—
Mr. Locke King. Year after year Mr. Locke King
has urged on the House the adoption of a £lO fran-
chise in counties, but he now throws over his £lO
scheme, and will be perfectly content with one of
£2O. (Hear, and cheers.) This shows that there
has been in the best sense of the word a Conserva—
tive reaction in the country. (Cheers.) We too
long suffered the noisiest portion of our politicians
—those who are termed the advanced Liberals, by
their clamour and constant agitation to produce an
impression that there was a strong feeling in the
public mind for large and extensive measures of
Reform. But that has gone by, and now public
opinion speaks loudly for itself to this effect—that
while we are willing to give to the class now unre-
presented their fair share in the representation, the
public feeling will not stand those measures of Re-
form that will enable them to swamp all other
classes, and to throw us headlong into the arms of
a Democratic Government. (Cheers.) In this sense
I say there has been a great " Conservative reac-
tion." I'care little for the phrase Conservative reac-
tion, if by it is meant that we aro to displace one set
of men simply to put another in their room. What
I look to is this, that the public feeling of the coun-
try has expressed itself in a Conservative sense, and
with that, whatever Government may be in power,
I, for one, am content. (Cheers.) But now there
has been a good deal of discussion in this town as
to what is meant by a " Liberal Government ;"
and some difference of opinion was expressed by my-
self and Mr. Hurst on that point when we stood be-
fore you on the hustings. When a man says he is
an adherent of a Liberal Government, I want to
know of which section of the Government he is a
supporter. Is he a supporter of Lord Palmerston, of
whom I heard Richard Cobden say in the house that
he believed he was the most bigoted old Tory in it ?
—(a laugh)—or is he a supporter of Mr. Gladstone
who is now claimed as the future leader and apostle
of the Liberal party ? The Times has lately taken
up Mr. Gladstone, and predicted for him a brilliant
future az, the leader of the Liberal party, as the only
man whose genius, whose liberal and enlightened
sympathies can fairly entitle him to represent the
Liberal party in this country. Well, but what has
the Times said of Mr. Gladstone within a very short
period ? I hold in my hand a short extract from the
Times, describing a speech made by Mr. Gladstone
with reference to the extension of the suffrage, and
what does it say of that memorable speech ? It
says, "It is the language of sweeping and levelling
democracy—of men who have emancipated them-
selves from the doctrine of the right divine of kings
in order to fall into the equally dangerous doctrine
of the right divine of multitudes—it is equality
against liberty—is theory against practice—it is ab-
stract dogmatism against experience—it is a con-
fusion between the end and the means." (Cheers.)
Now, when lam told that a member is to give his
support to a Liberal Government I want to know
whether he gives it to the Tory leader described by
Mr. Cobden or to the sweeping and levelling demo-
cracy of the leader described by the Times? (Cheers.)
It is perfectly true that Mr. Gladstone tried to ex-
plain away that speech by means of a preface, and
that is the only indication of Conservative reaction
that can be laid to his charge, but I ask you whe-
ther you will be content to see your representative
supporting a scheme of reform such as that
shadowed out by Mr. Gladstone, or supporting
that other section of the Government and wil-
lingly shelving the question of Reform for the future
—a course of proceeding which I think is not
desired either by the Conservative or the Liberal
party. One thing I think quite clear, and that is,
as the result of the late election and the prominence
given to the question of reform, that within a very
short period that question must engage the atten-
tion of Parliament and become one of the prominelt
questions with the constituencies of this country.
Now, I do not believe that any of you representing
the Liberal-Conservative party are at all prepared
to say that you are content, after the agitation of
this question and the discussion it has received, that
it should remain where it is. For my own part, I
do believe that it is the interest of the Conservative
party to look this question fairly in the face ; to in-
sist, as far as in them lies, that it shall receive an
early and constitutional settlement at the hands of
Parliament—(cheers)—aud that they will give their
confidence to no government that is not prepared in
that sense to deal with the question. (Cheers.) We
are not afraid to trust 'our working brethren with
the suffrage. (Cheers.) There are many of them
fully qualified to exercise the right of the suffrage
in a manner advantageous to the country and hon-
ourably to themselves. (Cheers.) But what we do
object to is, that there should be that wide exten-
sion of the suffrage that, in regard to numbers, no
other class would have a chance of having their opi-
,nions expressed and felt as against those of the
working men. (Cheers.) I have been very much
struck with the extraordinary inconsistency of the
Liberal journals and Liberal speakers, even within
the last few weeks, upon this question. They say
they are desirous of seeing a wide extension of the suf-
frage, almost in the words of Mr. Gladstone, yet at
the same time, looking at the elections which were
taking place, they were found, in a great number of
instances, complaining of the ignorance, corruption,
and venality shown by the class of voters known po-
larly as the freemen, but in fact representing, nine
out of ten, the very class which these Liberal writers
or speakers desired to enfranchise. (Cheers.) It will
not be for the Conservative party to produce any
Reform Bill. It is constantly said that the Conser-
vative party are obstructives. I deny that alogether.
I believe that on fit occasions they are as willing to
advance in the cause of constitutional progress as
any party in this country—far more than the old
Whigs who have so long monopolised the cry.
(Cheers.) The very position of the Conservatives in
opposition would prevent them from originating such
a measure. Their post is to watch narrowly the
course of the Government,
and to see that they act
up to those principles which they are determined to
maintain, and to take care that as far as in them lies
the legislation of the country shall be conducted so
as to conduce to the benefit of the empire at large.
(Cheers.) That gives the Conservative party the
appearance of having an obstructive policy which

they do not really profess or wish to see carried out.
I desire to see the Conservative party placing them-
selves in harmony with the general public opinion
which has been expressed in the course of the late
elections. I believe that in the main the result of
the late election has been to endorse the great prin-
ciples on which the Conservative party has acted for
years. (Cheers.) I believe the conduct of the Go-
vernment with respect to foreign affairs has met
with the approval of the country, but that opinion
has been expressed because at the present moment
they consider that the foreign policy is safe in the
hands of Lord Palmerston. I believe he is the only
member of the Government in whom the country
generally has shown confidence, and it is because
Lord Palmerston has acted in accordance with the
great principles which have always been the distin-
guishing merit of the Conservative party that so
much support was given to his Government during
therecent elections. The right hon. gentleman then
referred to sonic matters of local politics. He con-
cluded by saying—Of the future it is impossible for
any of us to speak. It may be that circumstances
may enable me again to ask for your support—
(cheers)—and if such should be the case, believe me,
I say it with all sincerity, I would sooner stand for
this than for any other constituency ; but whether I
stand or not it cannot have escaped the observation
of any of you that the decision of the late election in
a great measure depended upon the few scattered
votes of those who we cannot think are best to be
trusted with the independence or reputation of the
borough. (Cheers.) It rests with you whether that
state of things should be put an end to, or whether
you should be put aside from the legitimate exercise
of all the influence you justly possess. By union, by
cordial co-operation and energy, you will be able to
hold your own position, and return the candidate of
your choice. I beg to give as a toast " The health
of the electors who recorded their votes in my
favour," coupling with the toast the name of Mr,
Lintot. (Cheers.)

I Mr. LINTOT having acknowledged the compliment,
Mr. C. T. DICKENS proposed " The health of the
Members for the Borough of Shoreham and Rape of
Bramber." (Cheers.)
Mr. CAVE, M.P., acknowledged the compliment
in a short speech, which was much applauded. He
had been attacked for opposing the French treaty.
He confessed he did not like treaties of commerce,
and, therefore, he did what he thought was the pro-
per thing to do on such occasions—voted against the
whole measure in the first instance, and when it had
received the support of a majority refrained from
opposing it in detail. But it seemed to be forgotten
that some of the most strenuous opponents of the bill
were Liberals--Mr. Horsman in the Commons, and
Lords Grey and Overstone intheLords; and he could
point to newspapers both in town and country that
had changed their views upon that point. Of course
he was anxious for a good trade with France, but he
thought that the altered habits of the French people
would have given them the trade without the treaty.
(Cheers.) He regarded the tying up of commerce
by treaties as open to two objections—that the
treaty might contain mistakes in the first instance,
as that with France did with regard to coals and
paper. (Hear.) Or an altered state of things might
arise, as in the case of the oyster fisheries, which had
been injuriously affected by a former treaty with
France which was not intended to apply to them at
all. It was too often forgotten when seeking for a
cause for the prosperity of the country in spite of
the cotton famine, that the American war, which
caused that calamity, also brought with it in some
degree the means of meeting it. He would only
name two instances—namely, the carrying trade of
the world, which the Americans lost and which
chiefly fell to us, and the increased value of wool
both here and in our colonies. In conclusion, he
would only express his hope that they would soon
again welcome the guest of the evening in what
seemed to be his natural position at such a gather-
ing and in the borough of Horsham. (Cheers.)
Several other toasts on the programme remained
to be given when our reporter left by the last train.

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.

SOUTH LANCASHIRE.
(Before Mr. Baron Bramwell.)

IMPORTANT ACTION ON A POLICY OF FIRE INSURANCE.
KNOWLES V. THE NORTH BRITISH AND MERCANTILE IN-
SURANCE COMPANY.—This was an action to recover £5OO
under a policy of fire insurance.—Mr. Brett, Q.C., and Mr.
T. Jones appeared for the plaintiff ; Mr. Attorney-General
James, Mr. Milward, Q.C., and Mr. I. P. Cobbett for the
defendants.—The plaintiff is a cotton waste dealer, occupy-
ing some railway arches in Miller-street, Greongate, Sal-
ford. He had insured his stock with the defendants, and
the only question was whether under the terms of his
policy he was entitled to recover. The burden of proof
being upon the defendants, their case was first opened.
It was stated that there was at one time great diffi-
culty in insuring cotton waste by reason of the great
hazard which existed ; but the defendants undertook to
insure it upon a warranty being given that only the
better sorts of waste should be insured, and not the
worse descriptions, which wore subject to spontaneous
combustion. In granting the policy the defendants made
the insurer warrant that no oily, greasy, or dirty waste
should be deposited on the insured premises. The
plaintiff's premises were destroyed by fire in June, and
under ordinary circumstances, and without that clause in
the policy, the plaintiff would be entitled to recover ; but
when Mr. Longsdon, the agent for the company, and Mr.
W. P. Sharpe, their branch manager, went to the place,
they took a sample of what remained, and it was found to
be strongly impregnated with mineral oil and of a descrip-
tion against which the plaintiff had warranted. The com-
pany accordingly resisted the claim. When Mr. Sharpe
pointed out to the plaintiff that he had vitiated his policy,
Mr. Knowles said he knew that according to the terms of
his policy he could not recover, but he alleged that he had
made an agreement with Mr. Longsdon to the contrary.
Mr. Brett, for the plaintiff, said tho company had set up a
very mean and dirty defence. There having been a great
difficulty in insuring cotton waste, that company came for-
ward and undertook to insure the ordinary waste which
dealers had in their warehouses. The sample produced in
court contained oil, but was not what was known as oily
waste when the insurance was effected. Mr. Knowles, the
plaintiff, said that when Mr. Longsdon came about the in-
surance he requested to be allowed to go through the ware-
house. Witness went with him, cut open for him several
bags of waste, and distinctly showed him the material. Mr.
Longsdon said, " You have an excessive risk bore, and
we shall have to charge an excessive premium." He wanted

two guineas per cent., and at that rate witness agreed to
insure for £5OO. When Mr. Longsdon came a fortnight
later with the policy, witness objected to receive it on ac-
count of the warranty being so loose ; but Mr. Longsdon
said that the meaning of oily waste was waste from rail-
ways, foundries, or machinists, and that he (Longsdon)
knew perfectly well that waste dealers could not conduct
their business unless they were allowed to have every sort
of waste that came from a mill. The waste which was on
his premises at the time of the fire consisted of all the dis-

tinct classes of waste that were made in cotton mills, but
none of the prohibited sorts. He denied having said either
to Mr. Longsdon or Mr. Sharpe that he knew he could not
recover from the company.—The Judge said he was not
desirous of withdrawing this question from the jury, but it
seemed to him to be quite a waste of time to leave any-
thing to them in this case, because the plaintiff said that
the sample produced was oily waste. Even if it was not
oily, there were in the warranty the words greasy and
dirty, and there could be no doubt about that. The
plaintiff had made a great outcry against the com-
pany ; but it was really a most unfortunate, though a very
common, thing for people to put in writing that which they
did not mean. They had better put nothing at all. The
law reasonably required, for the sake of the convenience
of all mankind, that people must be bound by what they
wrote. lie must direct the jury to find a verdict for the
defendants. The foreman of the jury said that that was
their opinion. Judge—Do the jury find that as a matter
of fact ? The Foreman—As a matter of fact ? The Judge
—That is better than my directing you. It is a very great
pity that people will not take more care with their written
contracts. The Foreman—My lord, the jury desire me to
say that they cannot but find for the defendants, but at
the same time they think that the defendants are taking
rather a severe course, from the fact of that conversation
having passed. The Judge—Gentlemen, forgive me for
saying this—l dare say you are not directors of an insur-
ance company. You must leave them to mind their own
business in their own way. In justice to the defendants,
I must remind you that the fireman said the fire broke out
in the place where this oily waste was. The Foreman—
That is quite clear, but we look at the rate of insurance.
The Judge—But a bargain is a bargain. A verdict for the
defendants was accordingly entered.

COTTON REPUDIATION.
BROTHERTON AND OTHERS y. DALLAS.—This was an
action for breach of contract. The defendant pleaded denial
of the contract. Mr. Attorney-General James and Mr.
Pope appeared for the plaintiffs; Mr. Temple, Q.C., and
Mr. Edwards for tho defendants. The plaintiffs Messrs. T.
Brotherton and Co. are commission agents, in Manchester,
and the defendant, Mr. A. Dallas, is a Greek merchant.
On the 27th of January, the defendant gave to the plaintiffs
an order for 1,000 pieces of 51b. 27in. cloth, and 1,000 pieces
Of sklb.atlo.llid. per lb.; doliyery to begin in three wee_ k
s,