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THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEIVIBER 2, 1861

0. Papillon, Esq., M.P., in the chair, at which C. E. New-
comes, Esq., and H. Pownall, Esq., attended as a depute-
' tiou from the executive committee. The two estates at
Newark-on-Trent were allotted at the Town Hall, after
a public meeting, at which the mayor presided, and Vis-
count Ingestre, M.P., Hon. and Rev. W. C. Talbot, and
Col. Knox, M.P., attended as a deputation for the Board.
The new roads and sewerage have been completed, and
building operations have already commenced on both estates,
Beaconville being for first .class villas, and Not thgate
adapted for the working classes. Both properties are so
advantageously situated as to secure a steady development,
should Newark continue to progress as satisfactorily as it
has done of late years. The increase of tenants and the ad-
vanced rents on the Brighton estate, with sales of some of
the freehold houses and plots during the year, proves that
the property-is progressing. It has had to contend with
adverse opinions expressed as to its value, emanating,
strange to state, from officials in the employ of the munici-
pality. These opinions were based evidently on political
partisanship, and not from the purely commercial point of
view, and from the actual facts connected with the develop-
ment of the estate. It is to be regretted that the great
social advantages presented by the sale of freehold land, so
difficult now to obtain in Brighton, should be overlooked,
and the adverse feelings created by electoral animosity,
be suffered to predominate. It is certainly not in a Revising
Barrister's Court at Brighton that the real value of the
Roundhill Park estate is to be sought, when it is found that
land costing £l5O is pronounced not to be worth 40s. per
annum, and a plot adjoining a house producing a rental of
£4O per year, is also declared to be not of the value of 40s.
Per annum. The works on the Park estate, Weymouth, are
completed, and building operations are in active progress.
The Executive Committee have the pleasure to report, that
the Tottenham and Hampstead :unction Railway Bills
having passed during the last session, the Kentish Town
estate will be much enhanced in value, as the proposed line
will traverse the estate, and a station will be erected in Junc-
tion-road. There is still a considerable portion of the land
for sale in plots, from which the society Will doubtless ex-
perience considerable benefit, owing to the new channels of
communication which will be afforded by the railway, in
opening and extending this suburban district. The returns
of houses built, and of buildings in progress on the various
estates, are very satisfactory for the past year. On the Maid-
stone property, the d rainage of which has been connected with
the improved town sewerage, no less than 35 houses are com-
pleted, in addition to the church and school, besides eight
in progress. On the Leeds estate, 29 houses are finished,
and 17 in course of erection. On the Alford estate, 35
houses now exist. On the Taunton estate, 14 houses are
in occupation, and five building. Oa the Old Ford estate,
there are 97 houses, and on the Roman-road 54, besides 11
building. On the Hackney estate, the building movement
has been recently very remarkable, 46 houses being come
plated, and 16 in progress. On the Battersea property
there is equal activity, 51 houses finished, and two in pro-
gress. Impetus has been given to the Reading estate, by
the erection of a first-class villa on the high road frontage,
besides an important improvement to the back portion of
this estate ; and the erection of a church on a site reserved
by the society will, in all probability, be secured in the en-
suing year. St. Margaret's estate has assumed a very pro-
mising appearance since the erection of some first-class
villas. The Winchester estate, with its new church and
handsome houses, may be seen to great advantage from the
railroad. As regards the development of the suburban
estates generally, there can be no reasonable doubts, for the
extension of the railroad system in and near the metropolis
is yearly more marked, and the tendency of all classes to re-
side at convenient distances from their occupation is greatly
on the increase. Building is also in progress on the Oxford,
Weybridge, and Ealing estates. 'there is every induce-
ment for the allottees, either by combination amongst them-
selves or by individual operation, to build on the plots they
may hold on the various estates, and great facility is afforded
by the society's system of insuring this object. The exe-
cutive committee can safely congratulate the shareholders
on the acquisition of the Woodhouse estate, Wanstead.
This valuable freehold property, late in the occupation of
Money Wigram, Esq., consists of a comfortable and com-
modious residence, and about 30 acres of land. The house
is well built, of good elevation, and is well adapted either
for a large family, or for a public institution. It is so
placed that it can be sold with as small a quantity as three
acres of garden and well-timbered pleasure grounds, with
excellent stabling, domestic offices, farm yard. It is the
intention of the committee to reserve the house, and a cer-
tain quantity of the grounds, for private offer, and to allot
the remainder of the land for building purposes, for which
the estate is particularly well adapted, being only a very
short distance from Stratford, on the Leytonstone-road,
and not far from the Low Leyton and Forest Gate stations.
The estate has a frontage to Wanstead Flats, and is close to
Epping Forest. xv-saford, and other popular localities.
Such a property, within six miles from the city, must prove
acceptable to those who desire to have the advantage of a
country residence within a short distance from the centre
of London. A portion of the estate will be one of the ear-
liest allotments in the year 1863. The registration returns
this year are very satisfactory ; indeed, with the extraordi-
nary exception of Brighton, referred to elsewhere in this
report, there has been less of vexatious opposition than on
former occasions, adversaries having ascertained that it
was not quite consistent on their part, as advocates for the
extension of the franchise, to oppose the exertions of the
Conservative Land Society in the same direction on the
basis of property, by creating qualifications on the most
ancient of our electoral privileges—that of the 40s. free-
holders. In concluding their report, the executive come
mittee feel called upon to express to the shareholders their
high sense of the great service rendered to the Conserva-
tive Land Society, by the large attendance of members at
the adjourned annual meeting last year; and the acknow-
ledgments of the board must now be tendered for the reso-
lutions which were almost unanimously passed on that vs-.
casion. So long as the board enjoys the kind support it
has met with, its operative energy and anxious desire to
-
promote the prosperity of the Conservative Land Society
will remain unimpaired.

S'PEECII 014 3101 WINI IN 7'HE
17AL1AN PARLIAIIIEIV T.

Of all the speeches delivered in the debate with
which the present meeting of the Italian Parlia-
ment has opened, the one of Antonio Mordini, the
member for Palermo, is by fae the most important,
and has been the most effective. We shall enable
our readers to form the best idea of the facts of the
case, end of the present state of feeling in Italy, by
presenting them with the substance of this speech.
The historical facts recalled are important; while
the tone which marks the language, and the anxious
demand for the stability and sanctity of the law,

are hopeful signs for the future of Italy. The fre-
quent reference made to English example gives the
speech a special interest for Englishmen.
After a modest reference to his personal position,
Mordini says :
" Buoncompagni told you that Aspromonte was
a cause of mourning for the nation. I fully agree
in this; and I add, that if the day of Aspromonte
was a cause of mourning for the nation, it was a day
of triumph for the foreigner.
"That foreigner looks to-day more fixedly upon
us than commonly ; and I think I am not wrong in
believing that he would like to see, to-day, in this
Hall of Italian Legislation and of National Liberty,
the fatal day of Aspromonte continued by violent
disputes.

" Gentlemen, the fears and hopes of Italy are
concentrated here ; and towards this place the at-
tention of the world is turned. lam certain that,
at a time when in Europe the tendency of govern-
ments is shows to attack the spirit of representative
institutions, and to destroy the independence of par-
liaments, a radiant example will go out from Italy,
which will give heart to the friends of political
liberty, and will give to our country the place
which, in the constitutional life of nations, de-
servedly belongs to her.

" Some of our opponents think they can forge
arms against us, by citing the example of England,
the classical land of respect for the constituted
powers. And the fact is true; and of all the titles
of honour which deservedly belong to the people of
the United Kingdom, this is certainly not, the least
beautiful, not the least great. But I do not hear,
joined to that citation, a satisfactory explanation of
the fact. When I search for this, with her history
in my hand, I find that the respect for the authori-
ties in England has been generated, and is main-
tained, by the conviction of the people that the con-
stituted authorities are the principal enemies to any
kind of arbitrary measures.
" England shows you, gentlemen, most remark-
able instances of kings, of ministers, of high func-
tionaries, and of lower agents, accused and sen-

tenced for arbitrary measures, for illegality, for
want of constitutionality. It can be said that, in
England, each political and individual right has, in
turn, received a penal sanction. Hence it is, that
the English citizen from his early youth knows
that the authorities respect him, that they will not
subject him to arbitrary measures; and, if they,
attempt this, that they will be punished imme-
diately and in an exemplary way. Therefore he
lives in safety. And therefore he respects the au-
thorities, because he knows that he is himself re-
spected by them."

Mordini then contrasts the state of things and of

feeling with the state of things and of feeling that
exists in many states of continental Europe. He

goes on :

"As long as Italy shall not be governed by the

law, do not hope to see representative institutions
firmly established. As long as all the citizens, from
the highest to the lowest, from the most renowned

to the most obscure, have not the certainty of en-
joying, without disturbance, their individual rights,
of exercising all their political rights, the position
of our state will remain precarious. It is necessary
Out the now generation ohnnla ha hrnnght up in
the love of, and respect for, the authorities. It is
necessary that, with the fall of those who had the
misfortune of being educated under the rule of des-
potism, the remembrance of arbitrary measures
should fall and be lost.

" The Chamber has a most noble duty, the duty
of controlling the different powers of the state, and
the duty of repressing them when they overstep
their constitutional limits.

"The Sub-Alpine (Piedmontese) Chamber has
given many examples of wisdom and independence,
and there is one which deserves to be remembered
in the first session of the Chamber of the Italian
Kingdom.

" An Italian of the old provinces, after having
been an exile for liberty and because of his own
struggles for liberty, and after having raised and
held high the name of Italy in distant countries
' beyond the seas, had, in 1848, with a heroism rather
unique than rare, led the enthusiastic youth against
the enemies of the country, to struggles unequal
indeed but crowned by glory. Rome fallen, and
the Roman republic destroyed by French bayonets,
that Italian, coming unhurt out of the walls of the
Eternal City, attempted to rouse the populations of
the Central Appenines against the Austrians. Dis-
astrous marches, unheard of privations, hard battles,
compelled him to disband his diminished ranks.
Then, with desperate resolution, he entrusted him-
selftbahys asking the
good
fortunendd a
Adriatic
at few
ic tdoef
denied
diwl
teborohsa
ion
tms, Ron
theg m
from ag
land. o
the e
Hecoastssea
sailedt hoef
towards the city of the lagunes, Venice, which still
resisted the Austrians with the gallantry of old, in
spite of cholera, famine, and fire. Threatened by
hostile ships, and driven to the land, he found him-
self alone in the marshes of Ravenna. Here he re-
ceived the last breath of his faithful wife, the vic-
' tim of excessive fatigue. He buried her honoured
remains, and taking the staff of the pilgrim arrived
in Liguria, the land of liberty. It is superfluous,
gentlemen, to tell you the name of that man. It is
Giuseppe Garibaldi, born at Nice, that most faith-
ful town of the kingdom of Sardinia. Returned to
his country, he was arrested by order of the minis-
try at Turin, that same ministry which, two months
later, arrested and imprisoned the honourable Sir-
tori, and expelled the patriot Dr. Pietro Maestri,
our honourable colleague Guerrieri, and myself.
" General Garibaldi was transported to Genoa,
where General Alphonse Lamarmora administered
public affairs as Commisi_oner Extraordinary. On
the 10th of Sept., 1849, there was an elaborate and
animated discussion in the Sub-Alpine Chambers,
upon a petition from the Delegate Council of
Chiavari, which protested, in energetic terms,
against the violation of the article 26 of the Consti-
tution to the injury of Giuseppe Garibaldi. The
ministry of that day fearlessly maintained that
Giuseppe Garibaldi, a Sardinian subject, having
fought for Italian liberty at Rome, which was fo-
reign ground, without the permission of his own
government, had been arrested rightly and deserv-
edly, and that he would be rightly and deservedly
expelled from the ancient provinces.
" Against this doctrine, there rose and eloquently
spoke distinguished deputies. By fulness of argu-
ment, by power of language, my friend the honour-
able Brofferio commanded attention as usual; and
the honourable Lanza, and the honourable Rattazzi,
and Depretis. And the honourable T
noble representative of so ardently desired chvioec
, the
e,nf
closing
our worthy President, had the honour of
the
day,
which memorable discussion with an order o
eci
which faithfully expressed theliberal
the Sub-Alpine Chamber; an order
was adopted by a great majority, and which, with
your permission, I shall read •
" The Chamber, declaring
that the arrest of
oft h ef dayee feelings ofich
e
Piedmont, are violations offthe
enatf I feeling, national and
by the Constitution, and
of
order of the day.'
f Italian glory, passes to the
o " An assembly which thus speaks, and thus votes,
Gen. Garibaldi, and the threatthofrhi ishetsxpnuolnsisoencrfrtomd
ns etchuer eh
itshtaotryi its memorythenatiown remain
imperishableis
gentlemen,

Let us now return to our days, to 1862.

li Three members of the Parliament aro ar-

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PRICE. .... -..4d.
STAMPED ....sd.

rested, towards the end of August, at Naples;
where the General Lamarmora, in the quality of
Commissioner Extraordinary, administers public
affairs, as he did at Genoa in 1849 They are
arrested and retained for forty days in the Castel
Nuovo, up till the time when the amnesty was pro-
claimed, as to which my honourable friends Fubrizzi,
Calvibo and myself, declare that it does not concern

us in any way."
Mordini goes fully into the facts attending and
following the arrest; the contradictory pretexts
set up, to excuse it, by Lamarmora and by Rat-
tazzi ; and the non-arrival at its destination of
either of the protests sent, by the arrested mem-
bers, to the President and to the Vice-President
of the Chamber. Carefully and calmly he points
out that neither by the letter nor the spirit of the
civil law can the arrest be justified; and that no
interpretation that can be put upon the language
of the written and binding statutes of the Constitu-
tion can cover the transaction from illegality at
every stage. He then continues as follows :
" General Lamarmora, versed in the art of war►
but little familiar with the science of law, has com-
mitted an act unknown in the annals of free nations;
and if we try to seek precedents, we must go back
to coups d'etat. He acted wrongly, whether he
ordered the arrest or obeyed ministerial orders ;
just as the Ministers acted wrongly, whether they
ordered or only approved the arrest of the three
deputies_
" Gentlemen, with such precedents, liberty will
not be established in Italy, and constitutional life

will remain a dream. And if such a system of

arbitrary measures and illegality is to be sanctioned,
who can tell that what has happened to us yester-
day may not happen tomorrow to you. Once be-
gun, arbitrary measures, more or less disguised, will
reign in Italy, and our country will become the prey
to passions and civil struggles.
" Having demonstrated that there was no act
done by us which could justify cur arrest, I now
intend to show that it cannot be justified by the
state of siege.
" I ask, first, can the law and public liberties be
suspended ? Who has the right to suspend them ?
What does the state of siege mean ? It sets up the
rule of force, silencing all civil authorities, confound-

ing all the powers in the State, suspending a:

liberty. Whatever power in the State would issue
such a decree must openly violate the constitution.
I think it will not be superfluous to throw a rapid
glance on the examples given in this respect by
two great nations, France and England.
"In the constitutional times of France the right
of declaring the state of siege belonged solely to the
legislative power. The executive had it during the
prorogation, but with the obligation at once to con-
voke parliament. In 1832, two royal orders put a
portion of La Vendee under the state of siege ; a
third order extended it to Paris. According to these
orders, the military tribunals were invested with
the right of trying civilians. Some of those con-
demned by the military courts appealed to the Court
of Cessation of Paris, maintaining the incompati-
bility of the state of siege with the French Charter
of 1830, which, like our constitution, requires that
no citizen shall be withdrawn from his natural

judges. The Court of Cassation pronounced a very
clear decision, by which it annulled the sentences
appealed against. That decision had such moral
effect on the public, and it so much alarmed the
ministry, that Paris was immediately released from
the state of siege.
" In England, the Petition of Rights of 1628, in
the ninth section, contains the following words :
This commission for martial law, and all others of
like nature, are wholly and directly contrary to the

laws and statutes of this realm.'
" Throughout the debates on that Petition of
Rights, and on the amendment to it proposed by
the House of Lords. for saving the royal prPriva.

tive, the whole question was,—' Can the King, by
proclamation or decree, supersede the law of the

land, and set up martial law ? ' And the emphatic
answer was,—' The King cannot!
"It is a fact well worthy of attention, and which
deserves that Italian statesmen should devote to it
their most careful thoughts, that, during the whole
time of the civil wars that began several years after-
wards in England, martial law was never pro-
claimed ; but, notwithstanding the actual presence
of contending armies, the ordinary courts of law
went on, as usual, respected by both parties. It is
in this manner liberty is understood in England;
and mark, that in those times and those places
people fought fiercely.

"According to English constitutional institu-

tions it is utterly and absolutely repugnant to ever;
principle that martial law shall be proclaimed in
any part of the kingdom without the express sanc-
tion of Parliament ; and nothing can be more un-
constitutional than the pretence that the ordinary
course of the law can be thereby superseded.
" The very first declaration of the Bill of Rights
of 1689, in denunciation of King James the Second,
stigmatises his endeavour to subvert the laws and
liberties of the kingdom by assuming a power of
suspending the laws and dispensing with their
observance. Statutes of the present reign might be
cited in this matter ; but what I have now said
seems sufficient. We, gentlemen, must imitate this
example of England, if we wish to live and die in
freedom; for, as that most celebrated of English
lawyers, Lord Coke, said, in the discussion about
the Petition of Rights, the greatest inheritance a
man bath is the liberty of his person."
Mordini proceeds to show that there is nothing
in the constitutional law of Italy that can justify
the proclamation of the state of siege without the
consent of Parliament. He then goes on :
" Gentlemen, you see that the want of all legis-
lative and judicial sanction for the state of siege,
and the absence of all precedents, ought to have
kept the Ministers from such a measure. They
should have remembered that the constitution is
inviolable; that even Parliament has only those
rights which are attributed to it by the constitution.
They ought to have remembered that, according to
the second article of the constitution, the executive
may issue decrees and regulations for the execution
of the laws; but it cannot suspend the laws.
" But when the public weal is threatened, when
there is a danger for the very existence of the State,
this gives, according to some, the excuse of a ne-
cessity for the state of siege.
"But I deny,
most emphatically, such a necessity.
political empiricism. The
It is nothing else but
executive is more
sufficiently provided with
legal means for facing
any extraordinary state of
actihngan
things in Italy, without violating the constitution,
to unavoidable ruin.
and recurring to those exceptional measures 'which,
sooner or later, lead
u
Machiavelli,_,masweho
ukrnees taken
wen
in an extraordinary
something
of the affairs
of state, said .
way, and not in the regular course of the law, do
harm to the commonwealth.' And again It is
always wrong to govern by exceptional laws, even
if they should succeed for the time, since the ex-
ample itself does harm, and when people become
accustomed to break the law, under pretence of good
ends, the pretext gets a colour when it is wanted to
break them for bad ends.'
" And since Nicolo Machiavelli, there has been
another statesman, so much lamented in these last
times ; a statesman who was in the Ministry when
the town and province of Sassari were put under
the state of siege. But when the kingdom of Sar-
dinia was transformed into the kingdom of Italy,
he rejected the idea of proclahning the state of siege.
He rejected it on his death-bed. To the monarchy
which he had served so faithfully, Cavour left, as a
legacy, the advice never to proclaim the state of
siege.

"I do not deny that the state of siege may, for a
while, establish calmness in the streets and market-

places of a town, but in the hearts of the people it
kindles the fire of hatred.

After some application of what has been thus