The Sun.
London, England, 1865-03-17 00:00:00

Neither party anticipated the magnitude of the con-
flict, nor that its cause might cease even before the
conflict itself should cease, and the PRESIDENT goes
on so far as to express his conviction
that the American slavery has been one of those
national offences for which the providence of GOD
provides judgments. But whether or not the
irresistible course of events has carried this convic-
tion home to the mind of the PRESIDENT at this
moment, it is impossible to believe that his course
throughout the struggle has been inspired by a
genuine abhorrence of slavery. The famous eman-
cipation proclamation which, while denouncing the
wickedness of slavery, left the slaves of loyal sub-
jects still in chains, was a very fair specimen of the
abolition sentiments of the PRESIDENT, which ex-
' tended just as far and no further than his military
and political successes. Certainly the tenour of his
policy since he has assumed the reins of power
has been very different from that of his present
speech, which might have been uttered by some
grave and earnest Puritan deeply convinced of the
national sin and folly in cherishing the monster
evil.

The PRESIDENT gives no hopes to his hearers of
an immediate conclusion of the war, no prospect of
either the subjection or surrender of their enemies.
Can it be that the rumours of SHERMAN'S and
SCHOFIELD'S reverses were actually based on
truth, and that such truth had reached the PRESI-
DENT through official channels ? The reports went
so far as to hint at the capture of SHERMAN and his
Staff, though this was immediately contradicted,
but no one can read the latter portion of the PRE-
SIDENT'S Message, so strongly contrasting with the
usual tone of Northern self-gratulation, so
opposed to the popular feeling, so out of place with
the rejoicings of the hour, and the actual position
of the Federal arms, without marvelling it was not
some painful secret, known to the speaker. but un-
known to the crowd which dictated these melancholy
words. It might be his wish to prepare the people
for the intelligence of unexpected reverses, to show
them that he himself had no intention of abandon-
ing the struggle. At any rate the character and tone
of the address is so remarkable that they can
scarcely fail to-attract notice.
Meanwhile, slavery appears to be slowly but
surely on the wane, and the reverses of the South
have had the beneficial effect of carrying conviction
to the recalcitrants. The Virginian Senators in
the Confederate Congress have been instructed by
the Legislature of their State to advocate the
arming of the negroes—a most important step
gained. It is believed that this will lead to the
immediate reconsideration of the measure, and we
hope to its passing without delay. At an enthusi-
astic war meeting in Mobile the Government was
urged to place 100,000 negro troops in the field—
another evidence of the growing popular conviction.
A Bill has, moreover, passed the Confederate House
of Representatives authorising the arming of
negroes, tendered by owners, and empowering the
President to call upon each State when expedient for
a quota of 300,000 troops irrespective of colour. All
this promises well, and the tone of the Southern
press, in criticising Governor BROWN'S speech, shows
that the Confederate people have awoke to the fact
that they have to choose between the maintenance
of slavery and the preservation of their independence,
and have made the choice which befits a great and
gallant nation. General LEE'S letter, of which we
have now the full text, is manly and straightfor-
ward, and must, we should think, carry conviction
to every candid mind. All things promise well
for this great end, which, we trust, will be reached
before long.

Viscount AMBERLF.Y seems determined to begin
his political career in good time, although perhaps
some captious persons may say that he has com-
menced it at too early a period. At all events he
might with considerable propriety have considered
the circumstances of his position a little, and not
been in too much haste to commit himself to
opinions for the sake of gaining popularity that he
afterwards found it inconvenient to maintain. In
this respect he has followed the example of Mr.
GLADSTONE in his celebrated Reform Speech, and
still more celebrated preface, but this brilliant
statesman is a dangerous model for a young and
inexperienced politician to take, for it will require
much dexterity to succeed in so meteor-like a
course, and in such fitful undertakings as
those of the right hon. gentleman. Lord AM-
BERLEY bears a name of great renown and
historical associations in the cause of Reform,
but he must take heed to his ways, for he seems to
be rather reckless just now in his vicarious orations.
He may not possess the ability which makes a man
distinguished per se, and which infallibly arrests
attention and commands regard, but he is so situated
that his words will receive a notice of which intrin-
sically they may not be worth, and therefore it is to
be regretted that his zeal has not been tempered
with a little more discretion, and consistency has
not been a more marked feature in his discourses.
At any rate, the noble lord spake very fairly con-
! cerning a subject in which he has a personal interest,
that of the continuance of the present Ministry in
office. It would be well if his frankness were more
emulated by some of his friends ; and, whatever be
the issue of the present endeavour, or the general
opinions entertained of his lordship's political tenets,
one cannot but admire the straightforwardness of his
assertion that " there are questions of greater
urgency than that of the continuance of a Govern-
ment in office, and we have had abundant experience
that very liberal measures may be passed under a
Conservative Ministry." In his criticism on foreign
affairs, the noble lord had truly remarked that it
was in this particular that the greatest difference
existed between parties ; and, certainly, since the
Ganodvemnunoreentht anasseumnoeudgho,ffitoceenthgaergee
ahtastenbtieoenn
en,P reosuegnht
in this respect, As the noble lord briefly and
effectively.summed it up in his speech, we have had
a revolution in Italy, a revolution in Greece, an in-
surrection in Poland, a war between Germany
and
Denmark, and a war in the United States. It is
seldom in the history of a Ministry that so many
and such important events occur ; but it is sad
to reflect upon that in the chief matters
referred to our Government has not been
distinguished for dexterous management, or suc-
cessful results. Lord AMBERLEY, in his defence of
the Government, went over a great deal of old
ground, and declared that England could nOt have
undertaken a crusade against Russia on behalf of
Poland. It will be a positive relief when the
practice is over for our public speakers to dictate
after this fashion upon the inability of this country
to attack another single-handed. It is well known
by this time that criticisms are not very favourable
to our reputation or conducive to our profit, and it
is holding out a premium for wrong and injustice
to declare continually that whatever happens we
can do nothing, however indignant we may feel.
As for Germany and Denmark, another glaring
instance of great talk and little performance, Lord
AMBERLEY said that " there was a great deal of
blind sympaththis in t cotintry with Denmark,"
not that he should defend the conduct of
the Germans in the matter. It is to be
hoped not, but at the same time it cannot be
denied that this is a very sui •
table style to adopt in