The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

THE " SATURDAY REVIEW" ON PRESIDENT LIN-
COLN.—The atrocious crimes which have been com-
mitted at Washington supersede for the moment in
interest the military collapse of the Confederacy.
No assassinations recorded in history have been per-
petrated with more melodramatic success. The
bigots who murdered Henry 111. and Henry IV. of
France were instantly arrested, and in recent times
Bellingham, after killing Mr. Percivel, had not a
single chance of escape. The criminal who mur-
dered Mr. Lincoln was allowed to pass out of a
crowded theatre, and he had even the opportunity
of addressing a prepared epigram to the audience.
The assassin of Mr. Seward encountered with im-
punity even more extraordinary risks, for he ven-
tured alone into a house where at least four able-
bodied men attempted in vain to protect the princi-
pal victim, or to prevent the escape of the assassin.
It is to be hoped that both ruffians will be brought
to justice without delay, and it especially concerns
the honour of the South that they find no asylum in
in any region which still owns the authority of the
Confederate Government. The standard of civi-
lised morality would be lowered if any nation or
political body were capable of tolerating or protect-
ing the perpetrators of a shameful series of murders.
From the time of the legendary punishment inflicted
by Camillus on the traitor of Veii to the warning
addressed by Mr. Fox to Napoleon, it has always
been the duty of an honourable enemy to denounce
and punish the private treachery and violence of
volunteer allies. Some reckless partisans of the
Federal cause in England, echoing the unjustifiable
insinuation of Mr. Stanton, are already eager to
propagate the opinion that Booth and his accomplice
were the instruments of a Southern conspiracy—an
imputation which Mr. Mason has taken the earliest
opportunity to deny with indignation, not unsup-
ported by probable argument. In this instance, as
in many others, philanthropic prepossessions remove
all obstacles of conscience which might impede the
full indulgence of passionate malignity. Sudden
and violent death, although it shocks the survivors,
is happily not in itself an evil. Mr. Lincoln may
almost be deemed fortunate in the brilliant hopeful-
ness of the moments which proved to be his last.
The greatest general of the Confederacy had sur-
rendered a few-days before with the remnant of one
of the bravest armies which have ever resisted supe-
rior force. There was every reason to believe that
the reconquest of Virginia was but a step to the
complete re-establishment of the Union. Mr. Lin-
coln in his latest speech proposed a plan for re-
storing civil government which was apparently both
impracticable and unjust, but he had good reason
to believe that the overthrow of the Southern armies
was a death-blow to Secession. Although he had at
the same time issued a proclamation which gave
just cause of offence to neutral Governments, there
is no reason to suppose that he meditated aggression
on any foreign country. According to Mr. Stan-
ton's statement, Mr. Lincoln had been unusually
cheerful at a meeting of the Cabinet on the morn-
ing of the murder, and it may readily be believed
that he expressed kindly feelings to General Lee,
and to some other Southern leaders. General
Grant, who is said to have been included in the
plans of the assassin, had fortunately left Washing-
ton the same day, after sharing in the deliberations
of the Cabinet. The President well be satisfied
with the conduct and fortune of the Commander-
in-Chief, and he probably approved of the courteous
firmness which had been displayed in the recent
military negotiations. It was after consultation with
General Grant that the Government had determined
to suspend recruiting, and to effect vast and rapid
reductions in the naval and military establishments.
It is certain that, in the opinion of those who
are best qualified to judge, the war was nearly
over ; nor is it likely that if ordinary pru-
dence is exercised, the death of Mr. Lincoln
will seriously interfere with the restoration
of peace. The worst consequence which could fol-
low from an isolated crime would be the possible
embitterment of Northern feeling, and the conse-
'quent infliction of outrage and indignity on a popu-
lation which may perhaps be wavering between
pride and submission. It is for the interest of all.
parties that the assassins should be regarded as
individual malefactors, and the theatrical ejacu-
lation of the murderer of Mr. Lincoln suggests a
suspicion that the act was in some degree suggested
by morbid vanity. In America, as well as in
England, reckless agitators will endeavour to im-
pute the crime to the hated slaveholders, and per-
haps to Mr. Jefferson Davis himself. To some
minds it is agreeable to heap contumely on the head
of a defeated adversary, and to render quarrels irre-
concileable when they seem likely to die out prema-
turely. If, however, the Federal Government acts
with prudence and firmness, the catastrophe which
has occurred will neither suspend the movement of
the armies nor materially affect public policy. Mr.
Andrew Johnson, who has unexpectedly succeeded
to the Presidency, will now have an opportunity of
effacing some doubtful associations of his previous
career. There can be no doubt that he possesses
extraordinary vigour of character, and some of his
defects are those of a self-educated and self-made
man. Without the possession of remarkable quali-
ties he could not have raised himself from the lowest
condition to the rank of Democratic Senator for the
Slave State of Tennessee. One of his claims to the
confidence of his fellow-citizens consisted in his
violent partisanship, and in his consistent support
of all plans for extending slavery. He advocated
the spoliation of Texas, the unprovoked war against
Mexico, and the audacious project of annexing Cuba
as a security against the possible abolition of
slavery by the Spanish. Government. On one vital
point, however, he differed from his political asso-
ciates, as he steadily preferred the maintenance
of the Union even to the interests of slavery. At
the commencement of secession he declared his un-
compromising hostilty to the project of separation,
and he not unfairly earned the office of Military Go-
vernor of that portion of the State which was from
time to time controlled by the Federal arms. Mr.
Johnson is believed to have displayed considerable
ability in providing supplies for the army, and as
Governor he was remarkable for unhesitating and
unscrupulous devotion to the interests of the Union.
Even Americans, who habitually tolerate lawlessness
as long as it promotes the will of the majority, were
scandalized by Mr. Johnson's daring attempt to
carry the vote of Tennessee for Mr. Lincoln and
himself by imposing an elaborate test of his own
construction on those who sought to take part in
the election. As the suffrage of the state was not
required to secure the necessary majority, Congress
thought it better to omit Tennessee in counting up
the Presidential votes. In the meantime, Mr. John-
son had been rewarded for his preference of the
Union to his party and his State by the high sine-
cure office of Vice-President, involving a contingent
succession to the head of the Republic. The belief
that primary allegiance was due to the State, rather
than to the Federation, had been almost universal
in the South. Many of the most eminent leaders
of the Confederacy openly disapproved of secession,
and it is known that General Lee himself considered
the measure unnecessary; but private opinions were
overruled by the State loyalty which was deemed
by the great majority of Americans a primary duty.
Native and foreign theorists have of late affected to
regard a State as only an exaggerated county, but
their glib:generalisations have been confuted by the
self -sacrificing unanimity of:senators, representatives,
governors, and officers in the army and navy,
in following the fortunes of their Sovereign
States in defiance of the rival sovereignty of
Washington. Mr. Johnson's opposite course may
probably have been conscientious, and it was suffi-
ciently exceptional to deserve official and popular
recognition. The more objectionable passages of his
career will be readily condoned if he learns in his

great office to respect the rights of his own country-
men and of foreign Governments. Americans have
a characteristic facility in adapting themselves to
new situations, and Mr. Johnson's interests are so
absolutely coincident with his duty that he may
perhaps still earn for himself an honourable place
.in history. His immediate course is sufficiently
marked out by circumstances, and he is surrounded
by able commanders who may be trusted with the
remaining conduct of the war. Although the out-
rage inflicted on Mr. Seward provokes universal
indignation and regret, it will not be difficult to find
a more judicious Secretary of the State Department.
If the rumour that Mr. Adams has been selected
for the place is confirmed, one pledge will have been
given for the adoption of a prudent and dignified
policy. Mr. Lincoln, though he committed many
mistakes, so far exceeded the anticipation of friends
and enemies that his character may perhaps here-
after serve as an argument in favour of the American
practice of selecting high functionaries at random.
He was made President because he had attained local
notoriety by the exercise of moderate ability, and his
honesty was taken for granted. During the arduous
experience of four years he rose in general estima-
tion by calmness of temper, by an intuitively logical
appreciation of the character of the conflict, and by
undisputed sincerity. Above all, he showed that
he was capable of learning from his own errors and
from the course of events. Having contributed
largely to the failure of the campaign of 1862 by his
distrust of M'Clellan; he had the wisdom, during
the final advance upon Richmond, to repose un-
limited confidence in Grant. Of the bearing of
slavery on the war he had from the first formed the
opinion which became a constitutional ruler. As he
said at an early period of the contest, he would have
preserved slavery, or destroyed it, or let it alone; if
by any of these methods he could have restored the
Union. At the beginning of 1863 he issued the
Emancipation decree which looked like a crime, and
proved to be only a manifesto. If it had become
operative in those unconquered portions of the
South to which it was exclusively applicable, Mr.
Lincoln would have been justly condemned as the
author of an intolerable servile revolution. As the
slaves remained tranquil, the proclamation served
the useful and harmless purpose of advertising an
inevitable change in the policy and object of the
war. The enlistment of negroes was a more prac-
tical step in the same direction, and ultimately the
President found himself strong enough to make
emancipation an indispensable condition of peace.
Among Mr. Lincoln's merits may be reckoned his
want of the national fluency in speech and writing.
He was seldom tempted to commit himself to the
vapouring professions of his Ministers and political
supporters. He allowed Mr. Seward to bluster to
foreign Governments, but he never blustered himself.
Friendly observers assert, perhaps correctly, that, as
Mr. Lincoln was the only apparently honest man.
in Washington, he was also exceptionally deter-
mined to preserve peace, notwithstanding the
menaces of his subordinates. On the whole, he
satisfied the requirements of a difficult position
better than any rival who could be suggested.
When he was re-elected by a large majority, the
choice of the Republican party was generally ap-
proved at home and abroad; and if the people of
England had shared in the election, the result would
probably have been the same. Mr. Lincoln's good
qualities cannot add to the horror which is felt at the
murder, but they justify the general regret.
THE " EXAMINER" ON THE SALMON FISHERIES.--
A bill has been read for the first time this week, and
is likely to pass with little or no opposition, which
mends the holes in the net of the Salmon Fisheries
Act of 1861. • That act did not secure fulfilment of
all its good intentions, which have been, therefore,
but imperfectly carried out ; yet already, though
there has been little more than time for one genera-
tion of fry to become adult salmon of weight and
reputation, the fish in some of our salmon rivers has
increased fourfold, streams from which the salmon
had been barred out have, by the use of fish ladders
and other acts of care, been partially restocked, and
our supply of salmon has been increasing instead of
dying out. The increased supply of fish has caused
a proportionate increase in the number of fishers.
The improvement is due to the provisions made
according to the act almost invariably at the ex-
pense of gentlemen upon the upper streams, who
have subscribed to voluntary associations for care of
rivers in which they have no trade interest, and fish
only as anglers with the rod and line. But when
they see the waters below them dragged remorse-
lessly by men who contribute nothing towards the
right maintenance of the fishing grounds they use
or plunder, these voluntary associations flag in zeal.
The Salmon Fisheries Act of 1861 encouraged their
formation, but the practical shortcomings of the act
have since given occasion to so many discourage-
ments that some of the voluntary associations are
already extinguished, and others are declining rapidly
towards extinction. So bold is the advantage taken
of flat,-r5 in the law, that some illegal exporters to
France of unseasonable salmon during the appointed
close time have brought an action for damages
against the Folkestone Custom-house authorities for
seizure of the fish. Under the act as amended the care
of the salmon streams will not be left to voluntary
effort. A carefully proportioned payment to- '
wards river conservancy will be taken in the form
of license duty from all fishermen who use the
stream. The angler, for his part, will not grudge
license duty of a pound a year upon his salmbia rod,
small as his catch may be in comparison with Ilia, t
of the lightly-taxed men of putts and putchers in
the estuary, who live by their labour. As one of the
fishery inspectors justly says, already England owes
in no slight degree to the anglers the salvation of a
fishery that is capable of being raised into anim-
portant means of livelihood for thousands. Where
the fishery has been almost or entirely destroyed,
there being, of course, few fishermen, little money
is to be got by fishing license, and more than usual
may be needed for recovering the value of the
waters. In that case the act, we believe; provides
—or if not, it should provide—a power to three-
fourths of their own number to levy on owners of
property upon the river banks a rate in aid, calcu-
lated to a fair general estimate of situation and
frontage. Many new claims of fishing rights were
set up when the act of 1861 exempted from interfer-
ence all existing rights founded on charter, grant,
or immemorial usage. There waik nobody to contest
in the law courts these false claims. But under the
amended act a commission of inquiry will proceed
as in IrelMld, to investigate all claims, with power
to allow or disallow them. Fair fishing rights will
then be established and respected, and our salmon
fishery, rising every year in value, will become more
important than it was even in the days when mon-
asteries were victualled for the winter and troops
were provisioned with salmon taken from the Eng-
lish rivers to be dried and stored. On some rivers
it will be necessary for great towns to learn that
there is a better use for sewage than the poisoning
of fish. As for the factories, generally in a well-
organised factory there should be no waste, every
product being turned to some commercial use. But
where some waste is inevitable, it is usually suffi-
cient that the water containing it should be made to
pass slowly through a greater or less number of
catch-pools, in which the noxious ingredient may be
deposited. From these it can periodically be cleared
away, either as waste or as material which, although
in its diluted form not worth working into a saleable
product, can, when gathered into a mass, be made
to yield a profit to its owner.

THE "SPECTATOR " ON THE LATEST PHASE IN
GERMANY.—One of two things is occurring in Ger-
many. Either there is a secret league between
Prussia and Austria, and the two Powers are ad-
vancing with extraordinary tortuousness towards
some object not yet revealed, or Austria has ceased
to be for the moment an effective German Power.
Each theory has many defenders, and in each there
are difficulties which seem at first sight to make be-
lief unreasonable. Continental politicians, trained
in a school which considered dynastic aggrandize-
ment as the end of politics, are very fond of intrigue,
but it seems incredible that two Courts, if really
united, should play so elaborate a comedy of an-
tagonism. If Prussia and Austria are really united
each Court is writing despatches, and making sug-
gestions, and inventing compromises, none of which
are officially published, and all of which are intended
to deceive Ministers who all the while know, and
know that their interlocutors know that they know,
that the whole business is a farce. The Austrian
fleet is ordered to Kiel as a mere incident in a
comedy, and Herr von Bismark asks the support of
Parliament in order that he may play his previously-
s ttled part with an assured claque. his too absurd,
a d yet the difficulties in the way of the second ex-
planation are scarcely less insuperable. If Prussia
and Austria are really fighting, if the Kaiser at
heart resents his rival's proceedings, the House of
Hapsburg is submitting to insults almost without a
precedent. The two Governments are, it will be
remembered, equal partners in the ownership of
Schleswig, and joint partners with a third power,
the Diet, in that of Holstein and Lauenburg. Never-
theless, one of them, and that one supposed for
ages to be the junior, not only informs the in-
habitants of Lauenburg that they will shortly be
subject to him alone, which being a prophecy is
rather a discourtesy than an injury, but
actually seizes the best bit of Holstein as his
personal share. Kiel is half Austrian by deeds not
yet two years old, yet Herr von Bismark not only
says he will not give it up—which is all right, as he
may intend to pay for it—but actually in the face
of urgent remonstrances from his co-partner pro-
poses to his household to settle there, and erect
buildings to which ownership is essential. On this
very Thursday he told the House that Government
intended to transfer the Prussian fleet from Dantzic
to Kiel, and declined to inform it whether if Aus-
tria resisted he should effect his purpose by force.

We say nothing of the fact that Holstein belongs in
the first place to the Federation, for the Kaiser may
at heart approve a savage snub to the Diet, and
nothing of the injury done to the Duchy, for Francis
Joseph cares very little about duchies, but we con-
fine ourselves to the slap on the cheek thus dealt out
to him. Is it possible that the Austrian House allows
property to which it has legal right to be dealt with
by the Parliament of its hereditary rival as matter
of purely domestic concern ? And yet if it does not,
then we are driven back upon that secret alliance
which involves such extraordinary trickery for no
conceivable end. Austria and Prussia in settling
the destination of the Duchies violate no interna-
tional law, break no promises which will hurt the
consciences of Hohenzollerns or Hapsburgs, neglect
no principle the force of which they have ever ac-
knowledged. As to external interference, they have
only to announce their union to make such inter-
ference hopeless, or at least to place themselves in a
position in which defence would not involve more
risk than the prize is worth. Why, then, should they
be at the pains to act out an intrigue which cannot
deceive themselves and will deceive nobody else ?
We believe that the second solution is, despite all
apparent difficulties, the true one, and that Aus-
tria is really unable for the moment to run the
risk of any act, or even any remonstrance, which
might provoke the Prussian Court to an appeal
to force. So numerous and inveterate are her ene-
mies, so wretched is the condition of her finances,
and so dispirited is her Court, that even with
the support of the minor States she feels
unequal to a great war. The prosperity of the
people and the popularity of the reigning house,
possible sway in North Italy and certain power in
Germany, have all alike been sacrificed to the crea-
tion of a magnificent army, and now, when her
rival makes a clutch at the one object of ambition
left on earth to a Hapsburg, the old Imperial Crown,
that army is found useless because incapable of
movement without a crash which would bring the
old fabric down. Never was there such a satire on
military monarchy. The population of Austria is
forty millions and that of Prussia barely nineteen,
her revenue is more than double, her army nearly
threefold in number, her German alliances at least
eight times as powerful, and yet Prussia takes away
a port which half belongs to her without going
through the formality of first asking permission. It
is a strange position for the House of Hapsburg,
and it involves this very important result. Herr
von Bismark has only to come to some agreement
with the French to swallow the Duchies whole, and
see North Germany at his feet. All other possible
rivals have been beaten. Russia needs support in
Berlin to keep the chronic revolt in Poland within
bounds, is at this moment sending out acrid circulars
about the danger to which the revolutionary party.
of Europe—i.e., the Bonapartes—continue to ex-
pose her. Austria, as we have seen, is powerless to
interfere. Great Britain would be, on the whole,
rather pleased to see Prussia become a considerable
maritime power, and does not forget that when all is
said Berlin does not love the Pope. Italy welcomes
anything which gratifies her well-founded dislike of
Vienna, and the Diet—well, the Diet, knowing it
cannot avoid being cooked, is chiefly anxious about
the sauce. There remains France alone, and if Herr
von Bismark can offer France compensation, France
is not to be feared. We utterly reject all the stories
which exiles are always repeating of bargains be-
tween Napoleon and the ci-devant Ambassador to
his Court, of concerted cessions and planned little
campaigns for plundering territory from Bavaria,
and accept only the one visible fact. Two men,
both daring, both ambitious, both unscrupulous,
and both desirous for solid reasons of territorial ag-
grandisement, can, if they will but agree, gratify
their passion. One does not perceive under those
circumstances what the " balance of power" can be
considered worth.