The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-13 00:00:00

tion of Birmingham in the next Parliament took
place yesterday at 12 o'clock, in the Town-hall. .
Mr. Alderman PHILLIPS proposed, and Mr. J.
JAFFRAY seconded, the nomination of Mr. Schole-
field.

Mr. GEo. DixoN next proposed Mr. Bright.
Mr. Alderman MANTON seconded the motion.
No other candidate being proposed, a show of
hands was called for, and with a spontaneity almost
electrical every man within" the large building held
up both hands ; and then all cheered again and
again.
The MAYOR in the usual manner declared Mr.
Scholefield and Mr. Bright to be duly elected.
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, on rising to return thanks for
the honour conferred upon him for the third time,
entered into a review of the late Parliament, dwell-
ing more particularly on the three great measures of
the last session—the Union Chargeability Bill, the
Partnership Law Amendment Bill, and the Regis-
tration of Lands Bill. The hon. member also re-
ferred to his views with regard to the late American
war, and expressed a hope, as the Southerners were
fairly beaten in the contest, they would accept the
issue, and devote themselves to the work of consoli-
dating the Union, and promoting the general pros-
perity of the entire country. (Cheers:)
Mr. BRIGHT (who, on coming forward, was re-
ceived with repeated cheers) said :—Mr. Mayor and
Gentlemen,—You have received me with great
kindness on this occasion, and you have again con-
ferred upon me a very high trust. I wish our lan-
guage was more copious, or that I were able to tell
you how much I esteem the position in which by
your favour lam now permitted to stand. But I
think I shall be compelled to leave for the futtire
the expression of that feeling, and show it by the
fidelity with which I shall endeavour to execute the
trust which you have now for the third time
confided to my care. (Cheers.) I suspect we all
feel that on this occasion there wants a little of
that stimulus that we acted under the last time
—(a laugh)—when my hon. friend and myself
appeared before you in the position of candidates.
I look in vain to the left corner of the platform for
those gentlemen who on that occasion felt it their
duty to oppose me. They did their opposition, as
any man in Birmingham would, I trust, do it, in a
manner that was courteous and gentlemanly, and I
have never from that moment to this felt the
slightest animosity to the gentlemen who then ap-
peared in opposition to me. I strongly hope, and I
have some reason to believe, that not a few of them
would have no objection on this occasion to stand
on this platform and give a joint support to my col-
league and myself. (Cheers.) But still, if there
wants the stimulus of opposition, there exists here,
and always must exist, a strong interest on an occa-
sion like this, when men are called upon to perform
the greatest 'public duty, to elect their share of the
most potent Legislature, that enacts laws for the
largest portion of the population of the globe united
under one sceptre and in one empire. And when
we say we are forming part of the Government of
our country, as we are doing this morning, what do
we mean but this—that we are putting in force that
power which is felt either for evil or for good in the
very humblest homes of the people of this kingdom ?
For nothing can be more certain than this, that the
improved condition of the people of England at this
moment, as compared with their condition twenty
or thirty years ago, is to be attributed almost en-
tirely to improvement in our legislation, and to
greater wisdom in the action of Parliament and of
the administration of the affairs of the kingdom;
(Hear, hear.) And now, although some people
think that everything is very quiet, and that no-
body cares about anything, I take the liberty to
assert that.the time, if not critical, is deeply interest-
ing; for to my eye it appears that many old things
are passing away ; and though it may not be said
that all things are, yet it may doubtless be said
that many things are becoming new. There is
everywhere, not in England only, but through-
out the Continent of Europe, and all over the
world, there is a new power coming forward,
and steadily and continually advancing. (Cheers.)
It is a power which is contesting the ancient
authority of monarchs and aristocracies ; and
with this new power there are new principles
always emerging and coming to the light, and ob-
taining the sympathy and support of all sensible
and intelligent men, and giving, as I believe they
will give, greater securities to whatever freedom we
possess, and extending the bounds of that freedom
by extending intelligence among the people, and by
strengthening in every kingdom the popular power.
(Cheers.) My hon. colleague has referred to the
address which I issued about a • fortnight ago, in
which I referred mainly to the question of reform.
I take that question to be the one great question of
the hour—(loud eheers)—and that really it may be
said at this moment to include almost every other
question. The Prime Minister, in his address to
the electors of Tiverton, • says nothing about it.
(Laughter.) That; I think, was wise, considering
what he has done with regard
.to it. (Renewed
laughter.) But passing from that address, we find
that, both among Liberal and Tory candidates, the
question of Reform is mentioned in some way or
other, either in their written or spoken addresses to
constituencies at the present election. I don't know
who mentions it oftenest, whether the Liberal or
Tory. (Laughter.) I know, in the county from
whence I come, there are three. Tory candidates,
and in their recent speeches they say that they think
the question of Reform is one • that must soon be
considered and soon settled. The Liberals are more
specific in their statements. The Tories use am-
biguous phrases. They say they will not object to
what they call " a well-considered measure"--
(laughter)—which means a measure you would con-
sider so long that you would never come to a con-
clusion upon it. (Renewed laughter.) They also
say they are for a uniform or well-balanced propo-
sition of Reform—which means so exactly balanced
that the scale is not in the least degree to be altered,
and that everything should be exactly as it is.
(Laughter.) Well, others again say they would not
object to a safe and constitutional measure of Re-
form—by which they mean a measure which will
not disturb one of those
.things which all sensible
and thoughtful men are beginning to condemn,
and which would leave those who have heretofore
exercised the sole power of government their uncon-
tested supremacy in the administration of the affairs
of this great nation. But why is ,there this wish on
the part of politicians on every side to see the ques-
tion of Reform got out of the way ? The people
are more instructed than they were twenty years
ago, and they know more of everything ; and is it
not reasonable that they should know more of the
question of the constitution which exists, and of the
representation as it stands, in their own country ?
Now, let us see what it is that we mean ? We are
not ambiguous in our phrases at all. (A laugh.)
We live under what is called a representative con-
stitution. We are governed by a monarch, by a
House of Peers, and by a House of Commons. We
are the Commons, assembled in this noble hall at
this moment. We form an important part of the
Commons of England ; and you have just exercised
your great and constitutional function, by electing
two men in whom you have confidence to take part
in the deliberations and decisions of the Commons
House of Parliament. (Loud cheers). Now the
monarch—whether a monarch as admirable in the
performance of all the duties of that eminent office
as the Queen now upon the throne, or as some other
monarch of whom one can hardly speak so favour-
ably, who occupied the throne in past times—the
monarch is not representative, in the sense of elec-
toral representation. The monarch is the supreme
executive of this country, and is supposed to look
with equal eye upon all classes of the people. The
Peers are not themselves representative ; for they
give no account of their opinions or votes. They
separate from their gilded chamber after we are

dismissed from our humbler hail, but they do not
come back to great meetings of their countrymen
as we do, to receive condemnation if we have done
ill, or a return of confidence and a restoration of our

high trust if we have wisely and faithfully executed
our office. (Cheers.) Well, who is it then that stands
for the people—speaks for the people ? Why, the
House of Commons, essentially, and infinitely
more than any of the other branches of the
Legislature ; and therefore I should say, if we axe
to be taken care of at all, it is essential that
the House of Commons should faithfully represent

the people. (Cheers.) Well, let us see how it does
so. The census gives the number'of nearly seven
millions of grown men in the United Kingdom. If
you take the whole number of those who vote for
members of the House of Commons, you will find
it to be 1,330,000 voters. If you deduct from those
such as have double entries, and all who lose their
qualification from one year to another, you will find
the number brought to less than 1,200,000 voters ;
and if at this election every man was polled, and if
there was every kind of arrangement, such as cabs,
for bringing voters to the poll, I believe not one
million could be brought. Of those electors how
many do we get for counties and boroughs ? There
are 570,000 voters for boroughs, and 750,000 for
counties ; therefore the number of county electors
is nearly half again as large as the number of
borough electors. The counties number 117 or 118.
Do we find the county electors generally in favour
of liberal measures or liberal men ? We have, from
some cause or other, the landed proprietors and the
great proprietors supreme. The great body of the
county electors have been reckoned as dumb dogs
that never bark—(a laugh)_ and, in fact, the county
representation is almost like a dead body tied to the
living body of the borough representation, and is
almost of no avail in promoting those great liberal
measures upon which the prosperity of the country
depends. (Cheers.) Why, you know perfectly well
that the great proprietors do not consider or consult
the farmers as to the candidates who should be
brought forward. The tenant farmers of the 118
counties are never consulted about the candidates
for those counties, for whom they are expected in all
humility to vote. (Laughter.) In your county I
understand a contest of no small importance is im-
pending. (Great cheering.) Men of the calmest
political temperament and of earnest feelings and
principles have been brought forward, and gentle-
men connected, most eminently connected, with
the industry of this town. As you have no contest
here, and have not 'the terrible labour of fighting a
borough election, you will have more leisure, and,
I hope, you will not have less enthusiasm—(cheers)
—to give your assistance to wrest this time one
seat, at least, from the party who have heretofore
sent two men who always said " No" when Mr.
Scholefield and I said " Aye." (Laughter and
cheers.) Well, it may be said that the large
boroughs have members, and large and free con-
stituencies. But the number of members which the
large boroughs have in proportion to their popula-
tion and wealth is far fewer than it ought to be, and
therefore their power in the House of Commons is
less important, and weighs less in a division than it
ought to do. Well, the general result we come to is
this, that the great•body of the people, the five mil-
lions of men who• work for their living, land who are
entrusted with the' education and training of their
families--who are always recorded in the census, and
whose consumption and payment of expenses Mr.
Gladstone always estimates in the amount of the re-
venue--these five millions are totally, absolutely,
and purposely excluded from any share in the Go-
vernment of the country.• When the question of
Reform was last debated in the House of Commons
the opponents of Reform said, " What are your
grievances ? You have a right to be well governed.
You are well governed. What would you do with
Reform if you had it ?" Well, we are not bound to
tell them what we would do with it. I trust to the
virtue and knowledge of my countrymen to make a
judicious use of whatever power is given into their
hands. Is it not .enough for them to say that we live
under a representative constitution, and that there
are five millions who are shut out from the represen-
tation ? That is a sufficient grieVance, and is it not
an answer' to their question ? But suppose we 'go
back'to 1832 ; for these men only repeat what was
said in 1832. If the men of that day asked, what you
would do with Reform when you got it—and if the
Reformers of 1832, some of the men who met in your
powerful assemblies in Birmingham, said, " This is
what we will do when we get Reform. We will set
free almost immediately .800,000 negro slaves in the
colonies of the kingdom':—this would have alarmed
them extremely, for they were all against freeing the
negroes, as they are against freeing their country-
men. If the reforthers said, "We intend to reform
all the corporations, and give every large town free
governments, elected by all the people of the town,"
they would have started back with amazement.
But if the • reformers said, "In a few years we
will repeal the corn laws, and subject all the products of the
land of the United Kingdom •to unrestricted competition
with the productions of every other land," they would have
started back •with horror. • And if they said, "We will
sweep away the sugar monopoly and the navigation laws,"
the West India planters and the shipowners would think
the whole country was coming to irretrievable ruin. If they
said, "We will abolish the newspaper stamp, reduce the
tax on paper,establish penny newspapers weekly arid daily
all over the 'country, to discuss the character of our public
men and the objects of public measures," they would have
thought the political world was coming to a positive end.
(Cheers and•laughter.) Well, but every one of these things
that I have mentioned has been done--exc,ept the last, with
regard to newspapers—within 15 years of the passing of
the Reform Bill ; and the very men who would have voted
against a Reform Bill if they apprehended that these things
would have•been done, when they come before every con-
stituency they say, "We approve of these measures."
(Laughter and cheers.) Well, now, do you suppose, if we
give them a• list about as long, and tell them that as great
and good measures will be Carried when the people are let
in to political power— do you think that the lords and the
territorial magnates'of the country Would be more ready to
remove the barriers of exclusion? Do you think they would
be more willing to pass a Reform Bill if I told them that
within three years after the just representation of the people
there would' be a sound, Universal 'system of education
established for the whole country ? (Loud cheers.) Sup-
pose I told them land would be made free—that the law of
primogeniture would be abolished, arid• the practice of entails
done away with—wbilld they be more'in favour of the bill ?
Suppose I told then% We are' going to make Ireland a loyal
par;-; of the kingdorn by the' abolitidn'of that most odious
institution, the Protestant State Establishment ? (Cheers.)
Suppose I 'ere to tell them that, with proper economy, the
public expenditure bf the country can be reduced to the
amount of £10,000,000 a year, and if we reduce taxes to that
amount we tan adjust taxes then with' greater equality and
greater justice—do you think that they would be more
willing, after hearing these things, to Consent to a measure
of reform ? 'No ; they would act as the anti-reformer of
1832 acted, and become more desperate in their•opposition
in proportion 'as they'belioied that 'the results of,the bill
would reach the mass of the' people: But still Reform is
ahead'. They'cannot conceal it. They cannot deny it. As
the poet said of death; " Its doom; though dread, yet dwelt
upon." Bur What do they do to avoid this Reform ? They
try to alarin'the middle clasiei. They'tell the tan-pounder
to be very much 'afraid of the nine-pounder. (Laughter.)
But the eght:pounder is still' worse, and When you got to
the seven-peuhder and six-pounder the consequences may
be fatal. (Great laughter.) In point of fact, the whole ob-
ject now is to 'set class againsfclass. (Cheers.) They do this
by seeking to continuo privilege and exclusion. I am one
of those who always sought to unite and blend all classes
of the people in one great mass, and to do it by the aboli-
tion of privilege and monopoly, and by the admitting my
countrymen •to that Which they are • entitled to—common
citizenship in 'our common country. (Cheers.) You re-
collect the Reform Bill of Lord Derby's, which I did some-
thing to knock on the head—(a laugh):—by describing it as
a mode of giving what they call fancy franchises. lam
sorry to see that so sensible and judicious a man as Lord
Stanley still adheres to those fancy franchises. The Re-
form Bill of ' Lord Derby was the bill of Mr. Disraeli and
Lord Stanley. They wore the two men in the Cabinet
who insisted upon those peculiar votes which proved fatal
to the bill. Lord Stanley undertook to say the other day
that the bill would admit to the borough franchise some-
thing like a quarter Of a million of men. There are no
statistics to prove any such result, and, from all I know,
there is not the least ground for the supposition. He
thought the' savings bank franchise very good, and that
every man who had £5O in the savings bank should have
a vote. Well,' if a man is not married, and there are not
what some people call "olive branches"—(a laugh)—and
so they are(cheers)---he may with a certain income de-
posit £5O inthe savings bank, and have a right to vote as
long as he keeps it there ; but if a man has six or seven, or
eight or nide; or ten or eleven or' twelve—for in some
cases there seems to be no limits of those olive branches—
I want to know why he•who requires every sixpence of his
income to support his family can be expected to deposit
£5O in the savings bank, or be deprived of his vote ? One
man may think it wise to spend more money in the educa-
tion of his children than another, and he may not be able
to deposit it. One Mail may have an akecl, father or mother
for whom his whole sympathy is exerted, and they may
have to depend for their comfdrt upon his labour and filial
care, and therefore he may riot be able to deposit £5O, and
secure his vote. Or ho may deposit the £5O, and the care
or sickness of his family or some other trouble may come
upon him torequire him to draw it out ; and then he be-
comes disfranchised. What can be more monstrous than
a franchise of such a precarious character? What can be'
more absurd,' or tend More to demoralisation, than that a
man who deposits £5,000 in sums of £5O may add 100 to a
constituency ? That is a monstrous extension of the fran-
chise which is founded upon a foolish and vain model such
as this. But they have got a new term altogether. They