The Sun.
London, England, 1862-07-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 21, 1862.

anticipated via Halifax. A despatch of the 10th
quotes sterling exchange at 129 for bankers' and
128 for commercial bills, while gold was called 16
per cent. prem.
Cotton was firm at 411 c. to 42c. for middling
Uplands. A sale of Sea Islands went off with
spirit at 76c.
Money was more. easy.
United State Sixes were quoted at 102.

NEW YORK, JULY 8.
(Per Arabia, via Queenstown.)
The following is General WC-31elian's address to

his army t

" Head-quarters Army of the Potomac, Camp,
near Harrison's Landing, July 4.
" Soldiers of the Army of the Potomac,—Your
achievements of the last ten days have illustrated
the valour and endurance of the American soldier.
Attacked by superior forces, and without hope of
reinforcements, you have succeeded in changing
your base of operations by a flank movement,
always regarded as the mo't hazardous of military
expedients. You have saved all your material, all
your trains, and all your guns, except a few lost in
battle, taking in return guns and colours from the
enemy. Upon your march you have been assailed
day after day with desperate fury by men of the
same race and nation skilfully massed and led.
Under every disadvantage of numbers, and neces-
sarily of position also, you haive in every conflict
beaten back your foes with enormous slaugh-
ter. Your conduct ranks you among the
celebrated armies of history. No one will now
question that each of you may always with pride
say, I belong to the army of the Potomac.' You
have reached the new base complete in organisa-
tion and unimpaired in spirit. The enemy may at
any time attack you. We are prepared to meet
them. I have personally inspected your lines. Let

them come, and we will convert their repulse into a

final defeat. Your Government is strengthening
you with the resources of a great people. On this,

our nation's birthday, we declare to our foes, who are
rebels against the best interests of mankind, that this
army shall enter the capital of the so-called Con-
federacy ; that our national Constitution shall pre-

vail ; and that the Union, which can alone ensure
internal peace and external security to each State,
must and shall be preserved,' cost what it may in
time, treasure, and blood.
(Signed) " GEO. B. M'CLELLAN."
Mr. Thurloe Weed has addressed a letter to the
municipality of New York, giving his impressions
of the relations between America and foreign coun-

tries, gathered during his late visit to Europe, from

which the following are extracts. He says—
" Secession, while undermining for ultimate rebel
lion, was thoughtful of the importance of the favour
of Europe. The South, with its long-cherished pur-
pose, worked as diligently abroad as at home. The
North, unconscious of the great crime meditated,
slept. Active emissaries of secession, aided too often
by sympathising ministers and consuls, settled the
public mind on the other side of the Atlantic against
us. Public opinion was formed against the Union
before our side of the question was presented or
heard. By turning truth end for end, and reading
history backwards, we were held by Europeans as the
aggressors. The last three months of Mr. Buchanan's
administration were almost as injurious abroad as at
home. For there, as here, loyal men only occupied
the places of a disloyal cabinet, and forcing minis-
ters too late to nip the rebellion in the bud.
" Unfortunately there were causes as well as pre-
text for the lack of sympathy which we encountered
in Europe. The governments of the old world remem-
ber that from the nature of our institutions our own
sympathies have generally run with those who
struggled to overthrow monarchies, and that
we have shown alacrity in recognising the
independence of such as struggled successfully.
With the nations most intimately connected
with us the Morill tariff was regarded with
great disfavour. In England it was believed
that we not only cherished unfriendly feelings to-
wards that country, but we desired a disruption of
friendly relations. The emissaries of rebellion seized
upon those causes and pretexts to turn the current
of feeling in their favour. It was, too, plausibly
urged, that the difference in climate, soil, habits, and
'want of congeniality' between the North and South,
constituted such radical discordance that our Union
had become an impossibility. Indeed, those fallacies
were so successfully pressed, that Mr. Gladstone,
in a recent speech at Manchester, stated that the
Union was but a co-partnership dissolvable when-
ever passion or caprice prompted in any of the par-
ties a desire to withdraw. That eminent statesman
—if for a moment we adopt this theory—overlooked
or ignored the circumstance that our secession co-
partners, in retiring broke open the safe, and stole
valuable securities, the common property of the
firm—or in other words, that in separating, they
seized the fortifications, the arms, the custom-
houses, the post-offices, and the public monies—acts
of treason in a public, or of robbery in a private
sense, which would, perpetrated in England, have
consigned them to the Tower or the Penitentiary.
" While England, France, Belgium, and Germany
begin to experience serious inconvenience and em-
barrassment from their short supply of cotton, I do
not apprehend, immediately, that those Govern-
ments will intervene, though with the two former
the subject has been considered. It is proper to say
that France is even more impatient than England—
not, however, from unfriendliness, but because the
Emperor assumes, in the absence of employment, to
supply his people with food.
" But we have nothing to fear from Europe if we
are successful in the prosecution of the war. Fort
Donnelson, Nashville, Winchester, New Orleans,
and Memphis, are our strongest arguments against
intervention with Governments that determine all
questions by military measurement.
"There are, however, but too well founded reasons
for apprehending future embroilment with England.
Nor can I doubt the propriety of dwelling briefly,
but earnestly, upon a danger fraught with conse-
quences so vital to the welfare of both nations. The
Trent affair, though happily become rightfully
settled, has left an arrow with poisoned barb fes-
tering in our flesh and irritating our nerves. The
impression that England, willing to take us at dis-
advantage, availed herself of the erring judgment
or impulsive zeal of a naval commander to wage
war upon us, has obtained throughout the country
That England expected war, and intended war,
making with unparalleled alacrity and in gigantic
proportions, preparations for war, is admitted to be
true. But with opportunities favourable to a correct
understanding of the views of the English govern-
ment, and of the feelings that swayed the English
mind, I am bound in truth and fairness to say that
that government and people sincerely believed that
we desired a rupture with them ; that we sought
occasions to taunt and to snub them ; and,
egregiously unfounded as the supposition was, that
the present Secretary of State was the representa-
tive of this hostile sentiment. In justification of
these impressions it was said that by "bullying')
we obtained advantages in the settlement of the
North-eastern and Vancouver boundary questions
that we abruptly dismissed their minister (Mr.
Crampton) and their consul (Mr. Barclay) ; that
our sympathies in their war with Russia were with
their enemy ; that we had often threatened to
wrest Canada from them ; and finally, that Secre-
tary Seward hod avowed hostile intentions towards
England.
" Some of these grounds of complaint were, as we
knew, well taken, and all were believed to be so.
" We all felt that the recognition of the Southern
Confederacy as a belligerent by England and France
was an over-hasty and ungracious act. But in sub-
mitting the proposition to the French Emperor the
English Crown lawyers enforced it by arguments
which from that stand-point were forcible. Both
governments supposed that the insurgent states
had t could out vessels of war, and wished to
relieve themselves of the responsibility of treating
such vessels a
without the itnpuPnirildes. In this they erred, for
thus extended to them not
even the 'Nashville or
_
Lured to sea. tililter would ever have yen
But, notwithstanding the
se adverse influences,
and the existence in certain high quarters of views
not friendly to the success of our form of govern-
ment, the Union has many ardent,
well-wishing
friends in gugland, and can have many y more if we

act justly ourselves and labour to correct grossly-
erroneous impressions. The paths of peace are the 1
only paths of pleasantness for England and America.
In view of the dangers, which I do not exaggerate
—dangers growing out of the mutt al misapprehen-
sion of each other's real sentiments—it behoves the
Government, the press, and the people of both
countries, by enlightened counsels, large tolerations,
and wise forbearance; to soothe rather than stimu-
late existing irritations. Nor in forming our esti-
mate of the degree and value of English sympathy
during our domestic troubles, is the fact that her
Queen and House of Commons modified harsh de-
spatches, and resisted unfriendly legislation, with-
out significance."

NEW YORK, JULY 10.
Per Arabia, by Telegraph to Halifax and via

Queenstown.)
The press continue unanimous in their cry for
superseding Secretary Stanton, and continue to
urge the people to arms. Recruiting is, however,
not very rapid, and a general public impression
prevails that resort will be had to drafting. The
city of New York is to raise four more regiments.

A bill has been introduced into Congress em-
powering the President to fix the time of service for
militia when called out, and to organise them like
the volunteer forces. An amendment was also
offered that there shall be no exemption from mili-
tary duty under the militia laws of the United
States on account of colour or lineage, but that
whenever the militia shall be called into service all
able-bodied persons shall be called to the defence of
the country. The President shall have full power
to organise the militia into battalions, brigades, and
divisions, according to their nationality, race, or
colour, as he may best deem for the public interest.
The Nein York Herald, discussing foreign inter-
vention, says that if America is forcibly broken up
by foreign interference, the loss of American bonds,
amounting to six or eight million dollars, due to
English capitalists, is inevitable. If the republic
is divided it is no longer the United States, and
the question is which half of it will be responsible
to foreign countries for the common debt.
General Burnside has arrived at Forth Monroe.
His army has joined General M'Clellan at Harri-

son's Landing.
A Federal transport, conveying supplies up the
James River, was fired into by the Confederate bat-
teries below Harrison's Landing, on the opposite
side of the river. She was obliged to run ashore to
escape being sunk. On the same side of the river
the Confederates have constructed batteries between
Harrison's Landing and the Chickahominy River.

The batteries are not of a heavy character.
Confederate stock in Richmond rose from 93 to
97 as the result of the late battles.
The Richmond Examiner says that Mr. Slidell
had written lately that he expected the immediate
recognition of the Southern Confederacy by France.
A call has been made in New York for a public
meeting in support of President Lincoln and the
Cabinet. It is directed to all who favour vigorous
prosecution of the war to put down the rebellion
quickly, and is opposed to those who gave aid in-
directly to traitors when they could not attempt to
give aid directly, by abuse of the administration
and its progressive measures.
President Lincoln has gone to visit the Potomac
army in its new position on James River. He had
an interview with General Burnside at Fortress
Monroe. Mr. Lincoln's visit is said to be caused
by important official despatches received in Wash-
ington from M'Clellan's command. The nature of
the despatches has not transpired.
The Federal Congress is expected to adjourn
before the end of the week for want of a quorum.
Since the late battles the _Richmond Examiner
urges the filling up of the Southern armies, and pre-
paring for the contest as long as the Federals may
choose to urge it, and to let the preparations be as
energetic as possible.
The Senate has passed the Naval Appropriation
Bill, giving authority to purchase property, to con-
struct a new navy yard at Philadelphia, and for the
extension of Charlestown, Massachusetts, Navy
Yard. The Senate has also passed a bill to establish
a new grade of admirals and commodores in the
Federal navy ; also a bill authorising the Presi-
dent to make arrangements with foreign Govern-
ments, especially with Denmark, for the colonisa-
tion of captured negroes. A bill has been intro-
, duced into the Senate to declare another punish-
ment for the crime of treason ; also a bill to em-
ploy negroes in military service, and declaring for
ever free the mothers, wives, and children, of such

negroes.
The Hew York World attributes the return to
Europe of the French Princes to the fact that they
would object to fight against Frenchmen, and thinks
that the unexpected aspect that the Federal mili-
tary affairs have assumed render an early recogni-
tion of the Southern Confederacy by France and
England next to certain.
An important proclamation is shortly expected
to be issued by President Lincoln, defining the fu-
ture policy of the administration in the present
crisis.

An important debate occurred in Congress on the
question of employing negroes in military service.
Several senators opposed the bill.
Mr. SHERMAN said the time had arrived when
Federal military officers should be compelled to
take into service all loyal men to suppress the
rebellion. He favoured giving power to the Pre-
sident to call into service all the slaves of the
rebels. Mr. Sherman said he would organise an
army of negroes and desolate every Southern
state rather than that the Union should be destroyed.
He contended that the Federals could not war
against savages unless they became in part savages
themselves.
Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, was in favour of the
bill. He admitted that there was not at present in
his own State the same readiness to enlist as for-
merly, and thought that the reason of this was that
the people felt the war must be conducted on diffe-
rent principles than hitherto. The people dreaded
being employed in swampy, unhealthy places, and
to erecting entrenchments when such work could
not be done by negroes. Unless negroes were em-
ployed for this men would hesitate to come forward
and expose themselves to that kind of life. He
strenuously urged the employment of negroes in
war asperfectly legitimate and advantageous, He
thought the Government made a great error in de•
ceiving people by calling a defeat a great strategic
movement, and giving false names to things under
the impression that it would not do to let the people
know the truth. Tell people the truth, and resort
to no artifice. People were intelligent;. let them
know what was required, and they would respond.
i Mr. Rice said the time had come when the Fede-
nt.'s must acknowledge the Southern Confederacy,
or speedily put down the rebellion, therefore he
would not hesitate to use all means.
Mr. Wilson, for Massachusetts, was for fighting
the battle to a successful issue, and for drafting if
necessary, but said that a rose-and-water war must
Icease, and that it was better to tell people the truth
and not to deceive them. It would seem as if an or-
ganised system of lying had been established. He
thought the censorship of the press had been a
great disadvantage.
1 Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, was in favour of slaves
working in trenches, but strongly opposed arming
I the slaves, and said, "The border States would re-
I sist to the death the plan to arm the slaves."
Mr. Rice, referring to the remark of Mr. Davis,
said that strangers would think Mr. Davis was an
emissary defending the rebel government.
The debate then terminated,
The New York Evening Post, speaking of the
late battles before Richmond, says :
« There is good reason to believe that, notwith-
standing the valour shown by our troops in that
terrible series of conflicts, and the extent to which
they dealt death among the enemy till he was
finally beaten back, the list of our losses when at
last made up will be far greater than has generally
been supposed.
" There is almost equal reason to believe that
for the sake of strengthening the army which sat
down before Richmond the city of Washington
was stripped of the troops which a wise forecast
deemed necessary to its safety. The sad truth in
regard to our losses is coming out by degrees. The
truth in regard to the situation of Washington

is of such a nature that the facts from which it
is inferred cannot be placed before the public. I
Both together—a decimated army and a menaced
capital—instead of causing our hearts to faint
within us, should inspire us with a sterner and
loftier resolution, and beget a determination to re-
trieve the ground we have lost.
" The spirit of a generous people ever rises with
the calls of the occasion. Our previous victories,
ithe conquest of the coast, the capture of the
enemy's seaports, the rebels driven from two of the
Border states, and swept out of the great Missis-
sippi from its sources to its mouth—show what it
is in our power to do and what, by a wise use of
8,`,.--ength, we may do in future."
The LI?
urzer des Etats Enis says, " The 55th
Regiment, knovv as the Gardes Lafayette, has
:1
Richmond, that scarcely
been so decimated befog
50 men are fit for service."
A large public meeting is 1:0 be held in New
York next week, to pass national olutions,
The New York Chamber of Commerce will pre-
pare an address to the American people.