The Sun.
London, England, 1865-10-24 00:00:00

rilE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY .EVENING, OCTOBER 24, HEE.

be a most economical one, and might be adopted
with advantage elsewhere. Clean flannels are issued
once a fortnight. Thcre is likewise in each cell a
Bible, Prayer-book, and copies of the " Leisure
Hour," " Sunday at Home," and some of Cham-
bers's publications. The first bell is rung at five
o'clock. The roll is then called, and the
prisoners answer to their names. A warder
and two assistants then unlock the doors ; a
general sweep up of the cells takes place, which
is done by their respective occupants, and two
convicts are appointed to carry out and empty the
tubs. When this operation is completed each pri-
soner places outside his door his pot and pint,
breakfast is then wheeled in on barrows, the parti-
culars of which will be found in our description of
the dietary ; and when the morning meal has been
taken into the cells, these are double locked and the
officers go to their breakfast—the time now being 20
minutes to six, and the warders return at 20 minutes
past. Prayers are then read in the halls, and the
first of these which we visited contained 174 persons.
The cells are of corrugated iron and wood, and it is
possible for the prisoners to make signals and to talk
to each other through them, but this facility of com-
munication is neutralised by the presence of armed
warders in the halls, who can overhear even the
slightest whisper. A division goes to chapel once a
week to hear a lecture delivered by the chaplain,
while at the same time the schoolmaster is similarly
employed with another squad in one of the halls. At
10 minutes before seven they are marched to their
labours, in detachments, each detachment being fol-
lowed by warders, and, as we have already stated,
armed police mount guard in position, so as to sur-
round them while engaged in the quarries or in the
stone-cutting yards. At these latter many of the
men earn 2s. 6d. a day, which must go a consider-
able way towards their maintenance, and, as far as
we could judge during a hasty visit, we saw them
working apparently with a will. At half-past
eleven o'clock the bell rings for return to prison,
when the roll is again called, and dinner is served
at twelve. One hour is allowed for this meal.
Work is resumed again under the usual vigilant
superintendence, and continues till a quarter to six
o'clock. The roll is called and the prisoners get their
supper. The warders go to their tea at 20 minutes
past six and return to their duties at seven o'clock,
when they distribute fresh water to every cell.
Then any man who wants to see the governor has
an opportunity of making his request, which is
granted the next day. At eight o'clock all the cells
are double-locked, all lights extinguished, and
guards stationed within and without the walls of
each hall or subdivision of the prison.
The visits of relatives are permitted once in six
months. Clean sheets are issued once a month.
Blankets are washed when dirty. The clothing is
furnished by contract, but all repairs are done by
the convicts themselves. They bake their own bread,
make soup and cook ;heir meat, and mend their
shoes and other wearing apparel, under the superin-
tendence of free men, ©ho are paid for their services.
There were more than 20 shoemakers engaged in
the shop when we were there, all possessed of knives
and the usual implements of their trade, any one of
which might be used in a manner dangerous to life,
yet the foreman was armed simply with a sword,
and appeared as unconcerned about his own safety
as if he had been directing the labours of any num-
ber of workmen unconvicted of crime. The fact is
that discipline subdues the most unruly spirits, and
when it is known that terrible punishments await
any attempts at insubcrdination or murder of offi-
cers, such offences rarely occur. Debilitated men
are often put into the tailors' shop; and the cleaning
of door handles and other light work is assigned to
others who have good-conduct marks. There are
parade grounds where the divisions—east, west, and
centre—are mustered, and these are afterwards
stationed in the quarries in positions corresponding
to those which they occupy in the cells. A new hall
has lately been erected, the cells of which are of iron,
the floor of slate, and the door cases of wood. A
beam also of the latter material crosses the roof—
an arrangement which must be a great safeguard
against fire. The kitchen and bakehouse are on
rather an extensive scale. The head cook has
£7O a year. The meat is all boiled, excepting for
men iii the third atage of thuh oel ritudo, whon, for
a change, it is baked. The dietary is scarcely so
generous as it used to be. For breakfast each man
has 12 ounces of bread and three quarters of a pint
of cocoa. The dinner, the day we were there, con-
sisted of a pint of shin soup (the bone taken out)
with rice and barley in it, five ounces of bread and
one pound of potatoes. No beer or tobacco are
allowed. Next day, five ounces of solid meat would
be served out, together with the usual quantities of
bread and potatoes. On Sundays, four ounces of
cheese and 12 ounces of bread form the dinner. On
Thursday, there is suet pudding, no meat, and the
usual quantity of potatoes. Those employed at
" inside jobs," such as tailoring, baking, and cook-
ing, are, if reported for misconduct, turned out to
do the ordinary out-of-door labour. The chapel is
a spacious edifice, the gallery of which is occupied
during Divine service on Sundays by the officials and
their families. The ground floor is partitioned off
into compartments, and into these the convicts are
marched in divisions ; and on high stools all round
are seated warders to keep order, while an armed
guard sits under the gallery, protected by an iron
railing, and ready to do their duty if any signs of
mutiny should show themselves. The pedestal of
the pulpit, of Portland stone, which is a very credit-
able piece of work, was done by the convicts them-
selves, from a design furnished to them. On Sun-
days they are allowed to exercise on the grounds set
apart for that purpose. When prisoners arrive they
are taken to the reception-room, and thence put into
baths of salt water, which is pumped up from the sea
by means of a steam engine. Not long since, in con-
sequence of an alteration in the dietary, a sort of
mutiny occurred in the quarries, when the warders
were obliged to fire buck-shot among the insubordi-
nate; but, aiming low, the discharges struck the legs
of the mutineers, and had the effect of instantly
restoring order. This outbreak was confined to a
division of about 150 men. The whole establish-
ment is supplied with gas, and for cleanliness and
order will compare favourably with any similar esta-
blishment in the world. The situation is remark-
ably healthy, for a sea breeze fans the heights when
a terrible heat almost suffocates the inhabitants of
the mainland, especially during such summers as we
have recently had. During the winter months
dense fogs envelope the place, but the whole of the
British Isles are similarly circumstanced. There is
a barque now in the road. pi-01,...11,1g to tare in a
number of convicts, in addition to others now on
board received at Chatham and Portsmouth, who
are to be conveyed to Western Australia. If the
evil disposed classes of the community only had a
correct idea of the stern discipline and hard work
combined wits total loss of liberty, which charac-
terise the actual life of penal servitude, many of
them, we are persuaded, would hesitate before they
committed acts which entangle them in the meshes
of the law and separate them from relatives, friends,
and from the world at large.

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SPIRIT OF TILE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—It is interesting to observe the specula-
tions of foreigners on the Ministerial crisis" which
,the death of Lord Palmerston has produced. Their
opinions embrace the whole range of political reflec-
tions. Some regard the event as terminating a
line of Statesmen and extinguishing a schoo of
policy ; others predict that the machine will work
exactly as before, and that the loss even of such a
man as the late Premier will be supplied by the tra-
ditions of party and the steady momentum of Go-
vernment. We need hardly say which of these
views is the more correct. We feel, it is true, and
are feeling at this moment, the difficulty of replacing
the Statesman who is gone; but the result, be it
what it may, will not affect the national policy. In
fact, the recent difficulty arose from a conflict of
claims and a singular balance of advantages and
drawbacks. There were two statesmen who might
naturally have aspired to the Premiership, and two
others on whom the office might devolve in default
of selection, The appointment of Lord Russell,
with all its drawbacks, to the vacant post can
be so easily defended that it hardly needs
excuse ; the choice of Mr. Gladstone for the place
might require somewhat more justification, but
would be more acceptable when justified. Lord
Russell's qualifications were rather negative than
positive ; Mr. Gladstone's were very positive indeed,
but had to be taken with other drawbacks. The
simple objection to Lord Russell was that there was
an abler man than he to be had ; the objection to
Mr. Gladstone was that, though the ablest man, he
was not believed to be the safest. One might do us
the least harm, the other might do us the greatest
good. If Mr. Gladstone possessed the confidence
of the country as completely as he commands its
admiration the decision would have been easy, but
it is not to be disguised that the occasional vagaries
of his genius have inspired many with distrust. His
political experience, as far as mere extent goes, has
been ample, but it has not taught him circumspec-
tion. Still, his consummate abilities and his un-
questioned integrity commend him forcibly to his
countrymen, and though he has been passed over on
the present occasion, and, we believe, has consented
to serve under Lord Russell as leader of the House
of Commons, he has but to show himself moderate,
dexterous, and conciliatory in the ensuing session,
and his day need not be long delayed. The new
House of Commons, if anything can be predicted of
its character, will be moderate. The Liberals will
be stronger in numbers, but not more advanced in
opinions, while a powerful Conservative Opposition
will answer yet further for the policy of Parliament.
According to all probable calculations, no support
could be found for extreme views, nor could any
Minister in this respect mistake his position. The
question on which Mr. Gladstone committed him-
self by an unguarded declaration concerned the
principles of electoral suffrage, but on that ques-
tion the new Parliament may be expected to keep
any Minister from extravagance, and it certainly
cannot be said that Lord Russell is less committed
in this respect than his colleague. We can
hardly suppose that Mr. Gladstone, on mature
reflection, would maintain such an opinion as he
appeared to advance, but there is at any rate no
likelihood of his impressing it upon the House.
Except, however, for such considerations, nobody
could deny the preponderance of Mr. Gladstone's
claims. His title is that of excellence. It is of no
avail to say that Lord Russell has titles also. There
is no doubt of that ; but, whatever they are, and we
admit them to be many, they do not include that
which is given by the greatest capacity. That re-
commendation, the first and chief of all, belongs to
Mr. Gladstone. Lord Russell is undoubtedly a man
who can be made Prime Minister without a word of
objection, but there is another man whose capacity
for the office is still greater than his, and if he is not
preferred the reason why will be naturally asked.
In intellect, in grasp, in eloquence, in all that gives
power to a statesman, Mr. Gladstone is at the head
of his class. His honesty is beyond suspicion, and
his very faults are connected with a freedom of
speech and absence of reserve uncommon among
public men. These may be professional defects, cer-
tainly, but they are not mortal sins in the eyes of
Englishmen. And, on the other hand, it may be
said that Mr. Gladstone combines in an unprece-
dented degree the sympathies and confidence of two
great classes of society. The working men of Ox-
ford and the working men of Lancashire are his de-
voted adherents. A large party in the Church and
a larger party in the State regard him with constant
admiration, and with an attachment far stronger
than that generated by the needs of political strife.
Lord Russell's party will be in Parliament, Mr.
Gladstone's in the country. Mr. Gladstone's only
real rival has been Lord Russell, and we remark that
if he has consented to serve under a statesman whose
only watchword is the somewhat stale cry of Reform,
he has already given an earnest of moderation and
forbearance which shows that he is not altogether
wanting in those qualities. The conjuncture certainly
involves some embarrassments, but they are not seri-
ous. It is something to have a choice, and an alterna-
tive beyond that. It is something to know that the
machine will surely go on, and that sooner or later
the man who is needed will found. But the diffi-
culty, nevertheless, can but quicken our apprehen-
sion of the services we have lost. Lord Palmerston
had all Lord Russell's qualifications with many that
Lord Russell wants. If he had not Mr. Gladstone's
unrivalled eloquence, he had a faculty which stood
him in as good stead, and did for him what elo-
quence sometimes fails to do. He had more hold of
the House than Mr. Gladstone, with all his ora-
tory, persuasiveness, and known sincerity. He
could lead and guide people without offence, create
friendships and disarm enmities. No doubt his
quick and accurate estimate of public opinion, his
pliant mind, and his judicious management were
gifts more practically valuable than Mr. Glad-
stone's powerful intellect and logical thought. Mr.
Gladstone might be apt to work out his ideas from
his own brain—Lord Palmerston took the brains of
the whole country into council, and availed himself
of the aid with few prejudices of his own. Even his
foreign policy, in which the individuality of the
statesman was most conspicuous, was emphatically
the policy of Englishmen, and in later days it re-
flected the later opinions of the country. Lord Pal-
' merston, who had been called the firebrand of
Europe, lived to hear his own Administration stig-
matised as discreditably pacific. Years ago we
should certainly have gone to war for Denmark, but
in 1854 we refrained, though Palmerston was Prime
Minister. Such gifts are rare, and we shall pro-
bably have many an opportunity in the next few
years of making the reflection ; but Lord Palmer-
ston's own example is sufficient to show that an
able statesman, on acquiring power, may not only
display his known capacities, but. develope others
which he was not supposed to possess.
HERALD.—It is no part of our duty to assist the
Liberal party in their part for a Prime Minister.
We have had frequent occasion to resent their
pretensions to dictate to the Conservative Opposi-
tion in the choice of a leader, and we shall not
imitate their example. The nomination of a suc-
cessor to Lord Palmerston's high office rests with
the Queen; the confirmation or rejection of her
nominee lies with the colleagues whose assistance
he will be compelled to seek. It is for the
Liberals, collectively and individually, to say
whether they will accept his leadership; the House
of Commons will decide how long he shall remain
Prime Minister. Her Majesty has already sent for
Lord Russell ; we shall not attempt to anticipate
the decision of the other parties concerned. Already
it is very evident that the removal of Lord Palmer-
ston has plunged the party which found in him not
only a leader, but a bond of union, into serious em-
barrassments. To every possible arrangement grave
objections may, and perhaps will, be raised. No
person is indicated by a strong public opinion, or by
the force of irresistible circumstances, as the inheri-
tor of the vacant post, and none of the various clai-
mants could be compelled against his will to yield his
pretensions to a rival. Lord Granville is certainly
the weakest of the aspirants, but even Lord Gran-
ville has advantages. Ho is much more amiable and
much more popular with those who know him than
either of his rivals. He never betrayed his colleagues,
he never overbore or affronted them. He never got
into a serious scrape by mismanagement or bad faith ;
he never brought Parliament to the verge of a dan-
gerous imbroglio by the indulgence of an ungovern-
able temper. He is said to be liked at Court ; he is
certainly liked in Parliament. But Lord Granville
could only be Premier by favour of Lord Russell
and Mr. Gladstone, and he would only be Premier in
name. Mr. Gladstone is a strong man, an able man,
an ambitious man. He would, probably, like to be
Prime Minister • he certainly has all the qualifica-
tions for the office which mere intellectual gifts can
afford ; as certainly he is disqualified for it by de-
fects of character and temper which have of late
years grown more serious and more noticeable. Few
men trust him ; fewer still would like to serve under
him. No eminent politician is so generally regarded
with suspicion and fear ; no man living has made so
many and so bitter personal enemies. He might
make himself Primo Minister by force, but no one
would voluntarily choose him for that office. Lord
Russell has claims of a kind which official men
rarely likely to overlook. Politically he is senior
to Mr. Gladstone ; he is above him in the line
of precedence and promotion • he was nominally
the second man in the Cabinet; he has been the
leader of the Liberal party ; he belongs to it by
birth, while Mr. Gladstone only joined it in 1853,
and was thought not wholly unlikely to desert it
in 1858. On the whole, we may say that intriguers
would prefer Lord Granville; agitators and active
Liberals Mr. Gladstone ; while the Palmerstonian
and moderate section of the party would accept Lord
Russell in preference to his principal rival, and the

Whig oligarchy is bent on his restoration. He has
committed sins not easily forgiven and errors that
will not soon he forgotten; but politicians think
more of the present than of the past, and will not
remember unfavourable antecedents too bitterly
against a man who seems suitable to their immediate
exigency. The weakest point in his case is the fact
that he sits in the House of Lords. The events of
late years have made it sufficiently evident that it is
inconvenient to a Ministry, unless it be very strong
in the Lower House, to have its chief in the Upper;
and the Liberal Administration; is peculiarly weak
in the House of Commons. The Foreign Office, the
War Office, the Admiralty—that is to say, the three
principal departments of State, those which give rise
to most questions and most eager debates—are re-
presented there only by subordinates ; and unless
some considerable change should take place, it would
be difficult for the Ministry to get on without some
one authorised in virtue of his position to fight the
battles of those departments with more effect than
an Under Secretary, and with greater authority than
a Minister wholly unconnected with them can exer-
cise. Nevertheless we should imagine that the
choice of the party would probably fall upon Lord
Russell, if no circumstances beyond their control
should force them to a different selection. It is
not for us to say whether this choice is the best ;
but we may admit that it seems to be in accordance
with rule and precedent, with the convenience of
Parliament, and the interests of the Administra-
tion. But an event depends on causes beyond our
means of calculation—on the impulses of individual
wills and the bias of individual tempers. Mr.
Gladstone is virtually master of the situation. If a
Liberal Ministry is formed he will be its chief sup-
port. It could not exist for a month without him ;
probably no one would dream of attempting to dis-
pense with his services. It is in his power to upset
all calculations, and overturn all arrangements, by
simply saying, " I will not serve under Lord Rus-
sell." In that case Lord Russell cannot be Premier.
It is imposSible for us to say beforehand what Mr.
Gladstone's feelings may be. He may prefer a
nominal Prime Minister to one who will claim the
real authority of the position • or he may think it
more in accordance with his dignity to serve under
a senior of the first rank than under a contemporary
of the second. But, at all events, he has a veto on
any arrangement that may be attempted. Again,
Lord Russell is almost equally indispensable. If he
have not the genius or eloquence of Mr. Gladstone,
he has a larger personal following and a more
thoroughly established position. He may refuse to
serve under Lord Granville, and in that case Lord
Granville cannot form a Ministry ; he may insist on
being Prime Minister, and in that case no other
Liberal can be so. The result depends on the ex-
tent to which the two necessary men are prepared
to modify their respective pretensions. If either
of them will serve under the other that other will
be able to construct a Ministry ; if not, the task
must fall into other hands. We are inclined to
believe that Mr. Gladstone will agree to take the
second place, coupled of course with the leadership
of the House of Commons. But the difficulties
arising from the conflict of personal claims and the
combination of political parties will not end with
the formation of the Ministry. Lord Russell
will not be able to exercise over his lieutenant
the authority formerly wielded by Lord Palmer-
ston. Mr. Gladstone will be without check or
control in the House of Commons ; he will pro-
bably insist on having his own way in the Cabi-
net ; and while in the former place he may
commit himself and his colleagues by rash and
ill-considered speeches, in the councils of the latter
he is not unlikely to come into violent collision with
minds equally unprepared to accept his yoke and to
resist the ascendancy of his genius. His power for
mischief will be nearly as great as if he were
Premier ; he will be almost as free to attempt peril-
ous enterprises, to carry matters in Parliament with
that high hand which Parliament will never endure,
to quarrel and provoke quarrels, and to give the
rein to his irascible temper ; while not possessing
the authority of the Premiership, he may not im-
probably involve himself in contest within the
Cabinet as well as without. His prominence will
provoke almost as much distrust in one position as
in the other ; and Lord Russell's name will not
suffice. as Lord Palmerston's did, to allay the irrita-
tion and countervail the alarm that Mr. Glad-
stone excites. And were Mr. Gladstone a much
cooler and wiser man than he is, his position
is full of difficulty. At present he stands
alone in the House of Commons. We do not
wish to disparage his neighbours on the Treasury
Bench. Mr. Cardwell is a sensible and painstaking
Colonial Minister ; Mr. Villiers and Mr. Gibson do
well the not very important work that falls to them ;
Sir G. Grey and Sir C. Wood may possibly be abler
than they seem ; Mr. Layard can answer questions
promptly, if not always accurately ; and Lord Hart-
ington is a diligent, clever, and very promising
subordinate. But not ono of them can give their
leader any help at a pinch. In debate he has no
assistance but It. Palmer; and 134 IL Palmer,
though unsurpassed in debates that turn on legal
questions,such as frequently arose out of the Ameri-
can war, is not equally persuasive or powerful on
questions of pure politics. It is impossible for Mr.
Gladstone to contend singlehanded against the serried
ranks of the Opposition leaders—Mr.Disraeli Sir E.
B. Lytton, Lord Stanley, Sir H. Cairns, General
Peel, Mr. Whiteside, Mr. Walpole, Sir S. North-
cote, Lord Cranborno. Ile must have help, and he
must pay for it. There is no lack of ability in the
Liberal ranks. On the one hand, there are semi-
Conservatives like Mr. Lowe and Mr. Herman ;
on the other, Radicals like Mr. Forster and Mr.
Stansfeld, or semi-Radicals like Mr. Goschen. If
the Ministry is to stand, these, or some of these,
must be brought into it, and room must be made for
them. But here another difficulty arises. On the
one hand, Mr. Gladstone would hardly consent to
turn out Mr. Gibson and Mr. Villiers, and thus
totally alienate the Manchester faction ; on the
other, Lord Russell will hardly consent to sacrifice
those old friends of his own, who are really the
weakness and reproach of the linistry—Sir G. Grey
or Sir C. Wood; for example. How, then, is room
to be found for the new men without whose aid the
Ministry cannot hold its ground in Parliament for
more than a few weeks ? Abundant difficulties
surround the path of the new Premier; but the
worst and most dangerous are those which arise
from the divisions of his own party. It is evident,
at this moment, that intrigues are going on of which
the origin lies in the intrinsic want of cohesion
among the Liberals, and of which the object is to
further the views of particular sections or the ambi-
tion of individuals, at some risk of injury to the
common interests. The Times indulges in a bitter
tirade against the Minister on whom the first choice
of the Crown has fallen, with an apparent view to
advance the interests of a rival candidate who is
certainly not likely to render more effectual service
to the cause of Liberalism at large. The motives
of an attack of this kind seldom he within the range
of an opponent's conjectures, and we may therefore
pass it over, observing only that the hostility of the
greatest Liberal organ augurs ill for the supposed
successor to the Liberal leadership. The moderate
and Radical sections within the Cabinet have their
game to play against each other at the expense of the
common cause. The Radicals and Palmerstonians
in the House of Commons have lost the bond which
held them together, and will hardly be restrained
from a struggle for ascendancy. The former have
long looked forward to the occasion as an oppor-
tunity to insist on the realisation of the pledges so
often given to them ; the latter, who remember that
the elections were decided in their favour by the
abjuration of those pledges, will feel that the coun-
try is with them as against these importunate
claimants, and will be by no means disposed to die-
honour theirleader's memory by reversing his policy.
If the new Premier would keep his party together
he must humour both the disputants. He must
persuade the Radicals that he is a Radical, and the
Moderates that he will rest and be thankful. He
must satisfy the one that he is an enthusiast for
Reform, and the other that he has no more idea of
bringing in a new Reform Bill than had Lord
Palmerston. He must convince the first that the
Church is on the verge of spoliation, and the last
that she is in no danger whatever. He must con-
ciliate the Radicals without throwing the Palmer-
stonians into the arms of the Conservatives, and
keep the confidence of the Lowes and Horsmans
without driving the Brights and Baines into open
revolt. No doubt Lord Russell will do his best to
fulfil these incompatible requirements of his situa-
tion ; but the task is an arduous one, and Mr.
Gladstone's co-operation will hardly render it easier.
We forbear to speculate on the length of time that
is likely to elapse before the fatal catastrophe ; how
long Mr. Bright will consent to be pacified with
fair words and accept vague promises in lieu of solid
pudding ; how long men who are Republicans in all
but the name, and men who are Liberalsin nothing
else, will be able to sink their differences for the
sole purpose of keeping in power a Government
whose principle of action seems to be to adopt its
professions to the demands of the one class and its
policy to the wishes of the other.

CITY PRISON, HOLLOWAY.—On Monday last the
Prince de Joinville, the Due de Montpensier, the
Comte do Paris, and the Due do Chartres visited, with
other members of the ex-Royal Family of France, the above
prison. Mr. Perry, the Government Inspector, accom-
panied the august party to the prison, where they were
received by the Governor, the Chaplain, and Deputy-Go-
vernor, and by them conducted over the institution. The
entire system of management was explained to them, and
they appeared greatly interested in the details. The clean-
liness and general discipline of the prison excited their
highest admiration. On leaving they warmly thanked the
authorities for the attention they had received.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

._,...-.~c.... ~...~.

NORTHAMPTON—OcT. 21.
Scarcely so much wheat as usual; best sorts were ls. per
qr. dearer.
New white wheat, 38s to 41s ; new rod, 36s to 39s • old
white, 44s to 475; old red, 40s to 46s par 36 stone. Bar' ley
for malting, 38s to 44s per qr. ; grinding, 26s to 35s per 30
stone. Oats, old, 28s to 32s ' • new, 22s to 25s per 24 stone.
Beans, old, 44s to 48s ; new, 38s to 40s per 38 stone. Foss,
34s to 37s per 36 stone.