The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-08 00:00:00

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ROYAL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-GARDEN.
This Evening, Wallace's new opera, LOVE'S TRIUMPH•
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THEATRE-ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.
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THE SUN.

LONDON, SATURDAY, NOV. 8, 1862.

It seems as if a great part of the press of this
country must range itself on the side of the
North or the South. Why we should be partizans
of either we cannot comprehend, since we have
all seen from the beginning that neither party was
contending for the only object in which Englishmen
can feel any interest. It has been noticed again
and again that the PRESIDENT was perfectly neu-
tral on the question of slavery, that he declared in
his inaugural, not only that he could not legally
interfere with slavery where it already existed, but
that gi he had no desire to do so," and recently, at so
late a period of the war, in reply to a letter from
Mr. HORACE GREELY, he declared that "the
Union," with slavery or without it, was his only
object; that the abolition or retention of slavery
mist, so far as he was concerned, depend upon
which would best save the Union. Since then, tak-
ing the North a 3 a unit, it has been confessed from
the beginning to be personally averse to the negro,
and not to be engaged in a war for his freedom,
while the South was avowedly fighting for two
things—its independent existence and its slavery—
have we not a right to strike our own balance, and
to wish for success to that party whose triumph will
most fartNer our own object.
The North then, we affirm, though for purely
selfish reasons, is fighting for one object, which
every Englishi-aan hopes to see attained—the
limn
That was the grand point
tation of slavery.
which Mr. LINCOLINT would not concede to the
Southern delegates. They might keep their
slavery as long as they liked—they might have an
honestly worked slave law—the personal liberty
acts of the Northern State legislatures might be
repealed—but one thing Mr. LINCOLN firmly said
might not be—the South might not extend its
" domestic institution" into the territories of the
United States. That prohibition had been, he
said, the distinctive policy of his party, it was
his own conviction that it was a right policy,
and that the Constitution ought to be worked
for the extension. of freedom, not of slavery.
On this " honest ABE put down his foot." We
know that the reason of his party's firmness
on this point is selfish—it is that free labour cannot
demean itself to compete with slave labour, and
that it was essential therefore to exclude slavery
from all the west yet untainted with it. But
surely, whatever the motive, with this end we must
all cordially concur. No honest English journal,
whatever its predilections, ought to keep this out of
sight. If the South triumph, all the vast unsettled
western territory will be open to the slaveholder,
and the slaveholder is fighting that it may be so. If
the North triumph, slavery must be content with
its own territory, which, vast as it is—larger, in-
(l,9,ed, than the North—the unthrifty system of slave
lalmur has already to a great extent exhausted of
its beet lands. Which do Englishmen prefer ?
Three things have undoubtedly chiefly created
that Great extent of sympathy felt in this country
with the Southerners. Those who battle for lade-
Pende"e will always have the good will of Eng-
lishmen
the vnrd has a magic charm for us.
Next, the
United States, relying on magnitude and
unity have been the innSt bullying and intolerant
nation the Worldha
a latelyt seen, their favourite
government, that
of hee"r) not excepted; the
South is chiefly answerable
for all this swagger,
wilfulness, and bonne, diplomatic intercourse
with European nations; for hitherto the South has
been in power ; still, as the vastness of the Union
was the cause of it, there has been
spread feel-ing that the independence
a widely
South would bind both the ,„:nee of the
sections of
the old Fedeeation to better behaviour. t
to
nil this has been adlded Southern SUCCeI: -tstly,
• -11 a
qu irrel it i 3 impossible not to sympathise With
successful courage on the bide of the weaker, quite
independently of the merits' of the dispute. We
should do it in witnessing a fi ht between two
g
does. The South started at such disadvantage in
naval per,
point of numbers, and wealth, an, ow
red with the
and manufacturing resources, as C3mpa
North, and the latter seemed so confident of being
able to overwhelm the South by mere vast armies,s
in the old Assyrian or Persian style, that it ha
been impossible not to look with something akin to