The Sun.
London, England, 1865-10-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

~ --

TIMES.—Lord Brougham has once more surveyed
the human race and its doings in his opening ad-
dress to the Social Science Association. What he
says is, as usual, interesting and attractive, and we
cannot but congratulate the veteran philosopher and
jurist on the health, strength, and unimpaired elas-
ticity of mind which he displays at his advanced
age. To find a man in the evening of life hopeful
of the future, and energetic in aiding causes of
which the final triumph must still be far distant—
to observe that age does not necessarily bring a de-
sire to praise the past, nor success and honours
produce apathy with regard to the public good—is
gratifying, from the rarity of this active and liberal
frame of mind. In an age when so many seem to
fancy that nothing remains to be done, and so many
more that whether anything be done or not it is all
the same in the end, the discursive address of the
large-minded old man, pointing out so many new
fields of exertion, and recounting what has been
done in each, gives profitable matter for perusal.
We must, indeed, forget, if we can, the name of the
association. If the word "science" is to be used in
any but the vaguest and loosest sense, the matters
which have been touched upon by Lord Brougham,
and which will form the subjects of discussion dur-
ing the proceedings, arc in great part not scientific.
Of course, there is a sense of the term in which
everything that has been said, done, or thought
about since the beginning of the world is scientific ;
but if we are to give it its more reasonable meaning
of the process by which the relations between pheno-
mena and the laws that govern them are determined,
the members of the Social Science Association can
hardly be called scientific investigators. Yet they
are a most estimable set of inquirers, and the inte-
rest they feel and are likely to spread concerning
many things which the busy and the selfish are
apt to forget will, we doubt not, make the associa-
tion a benefit to the country. The love of meeting
together, of seeing distinguished people in the
flesh, of hearing them speak, of talking about things
which have become popular, is strong in the
English people, andindeed all over Europe, at pre-
sent. We have our societies and congresses, and
the Continentals are equally fond of the pastime,
the difference being that they affect rather universal
and international gatherings, while we, the Britons,
cut off from the whole world, are content with
gatherings more exclusively native. The good ten-
dency of these assemblies cannot be doubted. They
give people an interest in their own intellectual or
philanthropical work during the rest of the year,
and form a kind of annual fair at whin the ideas
of the interval can be exposed, valued, and bar-
tered. The assumption of the name and forms of
science does no harm, for in public and popular dis-
cussions it is difficult to prevent even real science
from taking the shape of narrative, description, and
the mere gossip of adventure, as must be well known
to every reader of the proceedings of the British
Association. The meeting of the Association at
Sheffield gives Lord Brougham the opportunity to
speak on a number of topics which, to use the popu-
lar phrase, are the questions of the day. Naturally,
the late general election takes the first place. Eng-
lishmen are a political race, and yet our chief poli-
tical act, as a nation, recurs but a few times in a
man's life. The choosing of a new House of Com-
mons is a great event, and the nation looks at the
list of names with the interest of a whist-player
taking up his cards after a deal. The social inves-
tigators are first congratulated on the gain of two
or three good members, and then condoled with on
the loss of two or three others. But a great reason
for satisfaction arises, in the opinion of Lord
Brougham, from " the fact that there has been a
considerable diminution of bribery and corruption."
How far this may be the case we are unable to say.
The subject is a delicate one, and until the com-
mittee-rooms are opened next session we would rather
not pronounce an opinion on it; but in the observa-
tion of Lord Brougham that the cost of a seat is still
enormous, and that " the expenditure which may
still be incurred without any corruption is truly
disgraceful," we most cordially join. "Whether it
would be possible to do away with this evil, and by
stringent regulations to put a poor but able man
on a level with those who now are able to open
public-houses, to give railway passes, to hire flies
and cabs by scores, and after election to subscribe
to charities and amusements of all kinds, is a ques-
tion which has engaged the attention of most
thoughtful men, and has, we think, been generally
answered by them with a reluctant negative. But
we commend this part of Lord Brougham's ad-
dress to the reader, and more especially his remarks
on Parliamentary Reform, which, whether his spe-
cific proposals be sound or not, show that an old
and liberal statesman sees the difficulties which must
attend any large measure, and advocates gradual
and temperate change. The subject of a joint
Committee of the two Houses on Privtite Bills is
one that ought not to be passed over by any body
which employs itself in the improvement of the na-
tional proceedings. The immense. development of
railways and of other enterprises requiring Parlia-
mentary sanction makes the private business the

most onerous part of a member's duties, while the
cumbrous system now prevailing increases the cost
of every public work, and so far wastes the money
of the nation. A time is coming, we believe, when
joint-stock enterprise will devote itself to a great
number of works requiring public authorization,
such as the pulling down and building up again our
hideous metropolis, the thorough and scientific
draining of all our towns, the increase of water
supplies, and the like. Free association is as yet
in its infancy, and it is easy to foresee that in a few
years it will be beyond the powers of either House
to regulate its enterprises. Lord Brougham indi-
cates the subject as one for the consideration of the
meeting, and with good reason. The interesting
and most important object of co-operation among
working men is then touched upon, and afterwards
that of the education of women. Leaving these,
the noble President passes to matters with
which he is well acquainted, and he justly con-
gratulates the Association on the passing of the
County Courts Equitable Jurisdiction Bill, which is
probably destined to make a greater change in the
legal system of the country than any measure that
has been assented to for years. Lord Brougham
regrets, we think with reason, that the late House of
Commons received with such incivility Sir Fitzroy
Kelly's Bill for further amending the law of evidence
by permitting the parties to suits in the Divorce
Court and elsewhere to be examined on matters re-
specting which they must now remain silent ; and
he is an advocate also for the voluntary examination
of defendants in criminal cases. The Partnership
Amendment Act and the Prison Act he also notices,
and once more urges the digesting and consolida-
tion of the law. If we might venture to give a word
of advice to the Association, it would be to follow
the example of their President in making scientific
law reform one of the chief objects of their exer-
tions. There are two departments in which the
country requires all the aid that an association of
educated and zealous people can give it and, happily
for the Association, they may both be spoken of
with accuracy as scientific. These are the improve-
ment of the law, and the investigation of questions
relating to public health. We live in a state which
is becoming more artificial, physically and morally,
every year. A nation penned up in towns, and
maintaining itself by a complicated system of com-
merce and manufactures, must be more observant
of sound principles—must, as it were, take more
care of itself—than one which lives a simple and
natural agricultural life. The two things neces-
sary for national prosperity are that these millions
of workers should be kept in good health, and that
their mutual rights and the industry and enterprise
which employ them should be regulated on sound
and rational principles. If these things be attended
to, party politics become trifling, an electoral ma-
chinery may be repaired at leisure.
HERALD.—The murder of a Princess by a Prime
Minister would be a startling event in Europe, and
even in the East must be something more than a
nine days' wonder. Of the latter fact we have just
had experience in a trial at Loodiana, in the Pun-
jaub, which may fairly be considered a cause dlebre.
The publicity which the proceedings have obtained,
however, is due to the fact that the crime was com-
mitted upon British territory. For the scandals of
native Courts are not usually proclaimed from the
house-tops, and the retribution which they bring
upon the offenders is as silent as it is sharp and de-
cisive, besides being usually inflicted by authority
beyond the reach of law. The murdered lady
in the present case was the aunt of the Rajah of
Nabha, of which state Sirdar Goorbuksh Singh was
the Prime Minister. The Career of this man had
not been of a creditable kind. In 1847, when the
deposition of the reigning Rajah placed a boy upon
the throne, he had been selected by the British Go-
vernment as one of a council of regency. For cor-
rupt abuse of his authority he was dismissed from
office and sent into banishment, his estates being
confiscated at the same time. In 1857, as a reward
for its loyalty during the outbreak, the state was
increased in extent, the .Rajah being allowed the
right of adoption, freedom from tribute, and more
independent powers than he had hitherto held. In
1862, just before his death, this Prince, as a further
favour, was allowed to receive back the disgraced
official, whose brilliant abilities now secured him the
highest post in the Administration. The Princess
Mehtab Kour, whom he eventually made his victim,
was an object of his bitter dislike on more than one
ground. A house which had formerly been his pro-
perty was assigned to her during his dislike, and she
did not restore it on his return. His principal griev-
ance, however, was a claim which she made against
him for her jewels which she had lent to his son on
the occasion of a wedding, and also for some land
belonging to her late husband which the Minister
had attached. An opportunity for vengeance soon
presented itself. Through his influence the Princess
was ordered by the present Rajah to retire to her family
estate in the district of Goordaspoor—beyond the
boundaries of his territory, and thither she pro-
ceeded—not alone, as it afterwards appeared in evi-
dence, for this unhappy lady was as frail in charac-
ter as she was beautiful in person. The Minister
now set to work to accomplish her destruction, and
selected as an instrument a man named Mytaba,
who was released from prison, where he had been
confined for debt, upon condition of his services.
The reason which the Minister assigned to his agent
for the commission of the deed was, that his in-
tended victim was a woman who had bewitched and
poisoned the lateßajah. As Mytaba was unacquainted
with the part of the country where she taken up her
residence, his employer gave him a month to find it
out, and further furnished him with a description
of the lady, saying that she was of fair complexion,
with a deep voice, and eyes like a cat. Furnished
with this information, and an advance of money,
Mytaba, in the assumed character of a sugar mer-
chant, made his way patiently to the place indicated,
and waited about for 15 days, until, by means of
cautious inquiries among the villagers, he discovered
the Princess's house. For two nights more he
watched the dwelling in order to see if there was
any guard. Then, lying hidden from observation, he
waited two nights more for an opportunity. At
last he managed to look into a room where a light
was burning, and there he saw a lady with fair
complexion and eyes like those of a cat, and knew
that he had found his victim—being further assured
by the sound of her voice, which he heard through
a door. But now that the time had come he felt, as
he says, that he could not commit the murder alone.
So lie returned to Nabha, and received permission from
the Minister to engage an assistant, a man named
Heera undertaking the work, on condition, among
other inducements, that his brother, who was con-
fined in gaol, should be liberated. Mytaba also
obtained from the Minister a sword with which to
execute the deed. The conspirators then returned
to the Princess's neighbourhood, and at night tried
to enter the house where she slept. But none of
the doors would open ; so they decided to take an-
other opportunity and slip in before the place was
shut up. There was a barber's house close by, and
they agreed to cook their food there, and learn
what they could of the Princess's habits from the
barber's wife. Pretending ignorance of the place
and of the name of the lady, they soon gained the
required information. The Princess, they were in-
formed, took her dinner in one building and then
went to another to sleep. Nothing could be better
for their purpose, they would attack her when she
was retiring to rest. So next evening, on the 4th
of January last, they returned to the place and hid
themselves in a coach-house, and saw her go into
the house where she took her meals, with a female
attendant. They did not make the attack then but
waited for her to come out. Heera, who had the
sword concealed under his arm, said to Mytaba,
"Do you kill her." Mytaba replied that he would
not. So when she appeared, which she did in com-
pany with a young man, Heera stepped forward,
made several cuts at her with his sword, and so
dispatched her. The above facts are drawn from
the voluminous evidence taken at the trial, before
the Deputy Commissioner at Loodiana. Mytaba
had been previously convicted for the murder at the
Sessions Court, and sentenced to imprisonment for
life—a mitigated penalty consequent upon the dis-
covery that he had been hired by the Minister to
commit the act. Heera also turned Queen's evi-
dence, and the testimony of these men being sup-
ported by corroborative facts, their employer was
then arrested for instigating and abetting the
crime. The Rajah had also held an investigation
of the case, and found reasons for suspecting his
Minister, which he communicated to Sir Herbert
Edwardes, the commissioner of the Cis-Sutlej States.
The result is that Goorbuksh Singh has been found
guilty, and sentenced to transportation for life.
It is seldom, as we have observed, that so cha-
racteristic a revelation of the inner life of an Eastern
Court is made public in all its particulars. Very
few even of the inmates of the palace are aware of a
great deal that takes place within its walls, especi-
ally where women are concerned. The British re-
presentative may remonstrate against cruelty and
injustice perpetrated out of doors, but to take cog-
nisance of what occurs within the sacred precincts
of the Zenana is to run something more than a risk
of rupture, and such a step would be adopted only
in extreme and notorious cases. Under the late
Kings of Oudh there is no reason to doubt that not
only was the greatest tyranny exercised over men
—torture, for instance, being in constant employ-
ment—but that the inmates of the Zenana were not
unfrequently disposed of by poison, the cord, and
by being walled up alive. The British Resident
might hear -of such proceedings, but it was impos-
sible for him to interpose in particular instances.
All he could do was to advise the monarch from

time to time to mind his ways, and warn him of the
consequences which his general conduct was likely
to entail. The interference of the British Govern-

ment is necessarily limited to the same extent

where ; and although we could scarcely point to s
Court m the present day so sunk in iniquity as that,
which was rooted up at Lucknow, there is scarcely
a native state in which practices do not prevail or
proceedings occasionally take place whit are repug-
nant to civilised ideas and embarrassing to the
maintenance of amicable relations. Only lately the
Government of India have had to make remons-
trances with two native chiefs—in the one case on
account of human sacrifices; on the other for in-
flicting upon offenders the punishment of cutting
off their hands and feet—a cruelty which, by the
way, the pacificatory party among our own coun-
trymen in 1857 declared that the murderers of
Delhi and Cawnpore were incapable of committing,
even in their frenzied outbursts against the
Feringhee. How far the first question has been
settled we are not sure ; but in the latter case,
the British Government have not found it expedient
to do more than deprive the chief of the salute due
to his rank whenever he enters British territory—a
diplomatic rebuke, however, which would be con-
sidered of more importance in India than in this
country. With regard to the case which suggested
these remarks, it was doubtless well for the ends of
justice that the crime was committed upon British
territory. The Rajah, with the defective machinery
at his command, would probably not have been able
to bring the guilt home Goorbuksh Singh ; and
though he would stand on very little ceremony
about removing the head of his Minister upon sus-
picion, that official might have manifested a differ-
ence of opinion, and a popular commotion been the
result. As it is the British power has fortunately
been able to step in and bring the question to a fair
legal issue, to secure a verdict which no one will
venture to dispute, and a sentence which no one will
think too severe, but rather to err on the other side, '
as most of us will consider in this country, where
the procurer of a crime is a principal in the eye of
the law, and is abhorred even more than the
enactor by the honest prejudice of Englishmen.

COUNTRY MARKETS

BIRMINGHAM-Mummy.

At our corn market to-day we had a fair quantity of
wheat on offer. The demand was on the whole healthy,
and best sorts of new rather dearer ; coarse and secondary
lots of old a shade cheaper. Barley in good supply, and
prices a shade easier. Oats held at extreme rates. Beaus
a slow sale at is per qr. reduction. Peas unaltered.
Currencies :—English wheat, white, 45s to 50s ; red, 399
to 4s per 36 stone. Malting barley, 30s to 35s ; grinding,
22s to 25s per qr. Oats, 24s to 30s ; Irish, 21s to 24s per
30 stone. Beans, 42s to 45s ; and peas, 40s to 42s per qr.

0