The Sun.
London, England, 1865-03-31 00:00:00

hr Ann

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LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 31, 1865.

The full text of President DAVIS'S Message to ,
the Confederate Congress is now before us, and it
is in every way a remarkable document. The ,
Southern leader has always been distinguished for
his ability as a public speaker and writer, and the
address which at this momentous crisis he has issued
to the councillors of his people is worthy of him=
self and of the occasion. While speaking in a tone
of calm and dignified moderation, Mr. DAVIS can-
not conceal his regret that some of the measures
needed for the public service had not earlier become
law. He points out to the Congress that owing to
the delay inseparable from debate, discussion,
and difference of opinion, the passing of some
useful measures has been deferred until too late.
Some of the measures recommended by him in
November last have lost their value by this delay,
others have proved altogether useless, owing to
altered circumstances, and some are even yet unde-
cided. Prominent among these is the bill for en-
listing the negroes, respecting which the PRESIDENT
observes that it has not yet reached him, though he
has heard of its passage through Congress. " Much
benefit," he adds, " is anticipated from this measure,
though far less than would have resulted from its
adoption at an earlier date, so as to afford time for
their organisation and instruction during the winter
months." He cannot, indeed, fail to recografse the
loss which this delay has caused, the weakening of
LEE'S hands, and the advantage to;the enemy which
have resulted from the lack of men on the Con-
federate side. Had the measure been passed
six months ago, and had the Southern armies had
the advantage of the additional strength during
SHERMAN'S march, how different might have been
their position. Another measure strongly recom-
mended by the PRESIDENT has not found favour
with the Congress—the abolition of class exemptions
from active service. The PRESIDENT advised the
total abolition of all exemptions, but the Congress

has, only passed an Act of a partial character, whose

exemptions are believed to be quite as numerous as
the former ones. " A law of a few lines, repealing
all exemptions, would not only strengthen the
forces in the field, but be still more beneficial, by
abating the national discontent and jealousy created
in the army by the existence of classes privileged by
law to remain in places of safety, while their fellow-
citizens are exposed in the trenches and the field."
Such is the PRESIDENT'S dictum, and few can
question its good sense ; but there are naturally
many obstacles to such a measure, Owing to the in-
fluence of the
privileged classes themselves. Other
measures which JEFFERSON DAVIS recommends, he
admits, are as a general rule dangerous and liable
to abuse, but he considers the moment has come
when it is not advisable to think what plans can
best be laid down as precedents or followed on or-
dinary, occasions, but what is absolutely indispen-
able to the safety of the country. Great difficulties
it in the way of military progress by the
" -s of the different States. In some in -
stances • ,vernors have been unable or unwill-

ing to call out the militia when required, in conse-
quence of. these legal embarrassments. The
suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act has been posi-
tively objected to by the Congress, but JEFFERSON
DAVIS still regards it as imperatively necessary. He
points out to the objectors the peculiar circum-
stances of the time, and asks what can justify the
exercise of a power expressly conferred by the Con-
stition if the urgency of this time does not do so ?
It is quite evident, he observes, that the people
of the South must choose between an abject submis-
sion and the prosecution of the war to a successful
issue. No possible doubt can remain of the feelings
of the North after the recent attempt at negotiation,
and it only remains for the people of the South to
preserve their courage, their devotion, and their
patriotism unshaken. Such words are worthy the
leader of a great nation at a momentous crisis, and
we trust they will have due weight with the selfish,
the timorous, and the wavering, who have already
retarded the day of triumph by their too successful
opposition.

Austria is evidently determined to resist the
attempt of Prussia to make her nobody, and hence
the solution of the Schleswig-Holstein problem is
as far off as ever apparently. It is certainly a just
retribution to all the parties concerned, and fur-
nishes a striking instance of the vanity and vexa-
tion that ensues from such grasping and greedy
conduct. Yet it must be admitted that the con-
sternation now reigning in the Cabinets of the
great German Powers exceeds expectation, and the
confusion worse confounded of the wily statesmen
who rule affairs in Berlin and Vienna surpasses the
prediction of the least sanguine lookers-on of last
year. The remarks made by Count MENSDORFF in
the Lower House of the Reicharath, prove that
however cautiously they may act the determination
of the Government is a settled one, and they will
hold their ground against all the attempts that may
be made by the Prussians to put them out of pos-
session of their rights. Slowly but surely, cour-
teously but firmly, the powers at Vienna are adopt-
ing a new tone, and taking a decided stand, an
attitude and aspect which cannot but prove very
distasteful to the Berlin plotters and politicians.
There is great truth in what the Count says re-
specting the claims of Austria in relation to the
Duchies ; he says that the " possession of the
Duchies gives equal rights to Austria and Prussia,
a too hasty policy might have brought about an
intervention on the part of foreign powers." The
sitting of the Federal Diet at Frankfort does not
promise to be a very easy undertaking, and in all
probability in the course of its discussions
we shall hear of a great deal that will
be edifying and instructive concerning the policy of
the various States of Germany. At all events, we
shall then learn more of the course pursued by the
allied Powers in relation to each other. The aspect
of affairs in Prussia is also very threatening at pre-
sent to the ministerial plans ; an amendment which
was suggested for the purpose of reconciling the
Government and the Chamber concerning maximum
strength of the army has been rejected. The com-
mittee have also thrown out the general military
estimates. All these things augur ill for the further-
ance of the ministerial measures. It would be diffi-
cult to decide which is in the most insecure or un-
settled position at present of all the conspirators,
as they may be fairly called. The Duke of AUGUS-
TENBURG and his party are in a very awkward fix
just now, and, with all their skill, it is not likely
that they will extricate themselves in a very satis-
factory manner. The Duke has been made a regu-
lar cat'spaw of by Prussia, and it is not surprising
that he and his party should resent his treatment.
At present, however, there is but little probability
of any one party gaining its object, for Prussia,
unquestionably the strongest, is unexpectedly
brought to a standstill. The more we study this
subject and the longer time that is afforded for
reflection upon the past, the more certain does it
appear that a firm demeanour on the part of the
other Powers of Europe last year would have pre-
vented an incalculable amount of harm, and in the
end have rendered the best service to the parties

immediately concerned, who now are reaping the
bitter produce of their iniquity.

The general sense of the public will probably be
in favour of the decision arrived at last night by the
House of Commons respecting the new Palace of
Justice. There is no doubt that in a purely archi-
tectural point of view the Thames Embankment
offers many advantages. The site is fine, the view
from the river would greatly improve the effect, and
the position is certainly of easy access from all
parts of the metropolis. But there are other and
more practical recommendations in favour of the
Carey-street position. In the first place the con-
venience of the members of both branches of the
legal profession surely deserved to be consulted in a
matter that concerns them so nearly, and their votes
seem to be nearly unanimous for the selection of
Carey-street. The solicitors have their offices in
all the nooks and crannies in Chancery-lane, and
its immediate neighbourhood, and round about
Holborn. They are naturally anxious that the old
position of the Courts should be in a great measure
retained, so that their time, which to men of busi-
ness is money, may not be unnecessarily frittered
away. The inconvenience and delay arising from
having their offices far from the courts, would be
very great, and they are eager to avoid the change.
The barristers of the Temple, and other Inns, are
also desirous of retaining the Carey-street site.
There is another argument of some weight respect-
ing the retention of the old position. Should the
Government decide upon proposing the Embank-
ment instead of the Carey-street site, the measure
must necessarily be postponed for another year.
In any case this may happen, as the Lords may be
disposed to regard architectural effect more than
public convenience, but it will be the certain result
of any change in the plan before the Commons.
Mr. COWPER has undertaken that there should be
good access on every side to the new building—an
indispensable provision in such a crowded locality.
The question of expense came into consideration,
though that has really little to do with a measure
of a national character. The destruction of the
wretched crowded and unhealthy courts and alleys
now intersecting one another between Temple-bar
and Lincoln's-inn will be a public benefit, and an
immense improvement to the neighbourhood, and,
altogether, the general features of the Bill commend
it to the support of the public and the favour of the
Upper House.

It is very satisfactory to notice that the jury
have given their verdict against the treatment re-
ceived by the pauper at St. Giles' Workhouse, whose
death has been the subject of recent inquiry. It so
often occurs that these examinations terminate in
the most ineffective manner, that it is doubly gra-
tifying when a decided step is taken and the cul-
pable negligence of parish authorities deservedly
rebuked. The details of the case of MICHAEL GIB-
' SON are most painful, and yet it is no isolated in-
stance of the degree of misery to which the victims
of workhouse management may fall into. In this
verdict the jury assert that the deceased died from
disease, but that the said death " was greatly acce-
lerated by the neglect the said MICHAEL GIBSON re-
ed at the halide of the whole cf the officials