The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-13 00:00:00

in this war." I cannot attempt to translate this
remark or elucidate it. Its utterance conveyed to
me the impression that the South was most heartily
sick of the war, and anxious to, get back into the
Union and to peace. The general added that they
went off after political leaders in a moment of
passion and under the excitement of fancied wrongs,
honestly believing that they were entering a struggle
for an inalienable right and a fundamental principle
of their political creed. A man should not be
judged harshly for contending for that which he
honestly *believes to be right. Such was the position
of the vast majority of the Southern people now.
And now that they are defeated they consider that
they have lost everything that is worth contending
for in the Government. They have sacrificed home,
friends, property, health, all on this issue. Men do
not make such sacrifices for nothing. They have
made the sacrifice from honest convictions. And
now that they have lost in the issue they feel that
they have no interest left in this country. It is the
opinion of General Lee that unless moderation and
liberality be exercised towards them the country
will lose its best people. Already, he says, they are
seeking to expatriate themselves, and numerous
schemes are started to go to mexico, to Brazil, to
Canada, to France, or elsewhere. He is called upon
frequently to discountenance and suppress such
undertakings. The country needs these young men.
They are its bone and sinew, its intelligence and
enterprise, its hope for the future, and wisdom de-
mands that no effort be spared to keep them in the
country and pacify them. It was a most noticeable
feature of the conversation that General Lee,
strange as it may appear, talked throughout as
a citizen of ' the United States. He seemed to
plant himself on the national platform, and take
his observations from that standpoint. He talked
calmly, deliberately, earnestly, but with no show
of interest . other or different from what
might be expected from an honest believer in his
peculiar opinions. The conversation, which had been
greatly protracted, so much so that I became uneasy
for fear of trespassing on time that I had no right to
claim, terminated with some allusions to the terms
of peace. Here there was, perhaps naturally and
properly, more reticence than on any other topic.
But it was plain from what transpired that the only
question in the way of immediate peace was the treat-
ment to be accorded the vanquished. Everything
else, by implication, seems to be surrendered. Slavery,
state rights, the doctrine of secession, and whatever
else of political policy may be involved in the strife is
abandoned, the only barrier to an immediate and uni-
versal suspension of hostilities and return to the Union
being the treatment the national authorities may pro-
mise those who have been resisting its power and para-
mount authority. It is proper to say that this was not
so stated by General Lee, but is simply an inference
from the conversation that took place on that topic.
On the contrary, the general seemed very cautious in
regard to terms. In order to get at his views, if pos-
sible, I suggested the conservative sentiment of the
North, which proposed a general amnesty to all sol-
diers and military officers, but that the political leaders
of the South be held to a strict accountability.
" Would that be just ?" he asked. " What has Mr.
Davis done more than any other Southerner that he
should be punished ? It is true he has occupied a pro-
minent position as the agent of a whole people, but
that has made him no more nor less a rebel than the
rest. His acts were the acts of the whole people, and
the acts of the whole people were his acts. He was not
accountable for the commencement of the struggle.
On the contrary, he was one of the last to give in his
adherence to the secession movement, having strenu-
ously opposed it from the outset and portrayed its
ruinous consequences in his speeches and by his
writings. Why, therefore, should he suffer more
than others ?" Of course it was not my province
to discuss these questions, and as this illustration
disclosed the bent of the General's mind it was all
that I desired to know.

In taking leave of the General, I took occasion
to say that he was 'greatly respected by a very large
body of good men at the North, and that as a soldier
he was universally admired, and that it was earnestly
hoped that he would yet lead an army of the United
States troops in the enforcement of the Monroe
doctrine. He thanked me for the expression of
Northern sentiment towards himself, but as for more
fighting he felt that he was getting too old ; his
only desire now being to be permitted to retire to
private life and end his days in seclusion. It was,
I thought, an evidence of painful sadness of heart
that prompted the added expression that he would
have been pleased had his life been taken in any of
the numerous battle-fields on which he had fought
during this war.

The Costs of the Schleswig-Holstein War,

(REUTER'S EXPRESS.)
BERLIN, May 9.

At the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies to-day
Finance Minister von Bodelschwingh brought in a
report upon the Danish war, with an account of the
expenses thereby incurred. He said :—" This
report contains an account of the political circum-
stances which led to the war, and the measures it
became necessary to take. The expenses are stated
in the accompanying accounts. As I consider the
ordinary committee might not be adequate to decide
the business part of the question, I recommend its
reference to a special committee.
President GRAsow—Although reference to the
committee on the budget might, perhaps, be ad-
visable. I think, on no account of the extreme im-
portance of the matter, the appointment of a special
committee would be desirable.

Deputy STAVENHAGEN moved that the report
should be printed before the House determined upon
further proceedings, which was acceded to. The
following extracts are taken from the account of the
war expenses :

The war expenditure includes-1. For the War
Ministry—a. Expenses of one mobilisation, 2,144,097
thalers ; b. Coats of artillery and fortifications,
4,256,900 thalers c. Current expenditure, so far as
not covered by the means of current administration,
12,121,463 thalers ; making in all a sum of
18,522,460 thalers. Of this amount 8,256,900
thalers are in arrear. For the Marine, a, Expenses
annexed to general cost, 998,013 thalers; b. Ex-
traordinary war expenditure, 549,758 thalers c.
Costs occasioned specially by the war, 2,122,932
thalers, making in all 3,670,704 thalers, 707,450 of
which aro still in arrear. 3. Postal and tele-
graphic administration 288,613 thalers.
A review of the State revenue and expenditure
for 1864 follows, showing that there would have
been a balance of 14,224,877 thalers. The costs
of the war, however, amounting to 22,481,777, a
deficit of 8,256,900 thalers still remains to be sup-
plied.

The note of February 22 last is appended to the
report, which contains the terms upon which
Prussia is willing to settle the Schlewig-Holstein
question. These relate to-1. Alliance and
association of the Schleswig-Holstein and Prussian
armies and fleets ; 2. The Holstein Federal con-
tingent ; 3. The Federal fortress of Sonderburg ;
4. The cessions of territory of Sonderburg, Fried-
richsort, and the surrounding districts, for the con-
struction of a Prussian war harbour in Kiel Bay,
and for forts at the issues of the canals ; 5. The
Baltic and North Sea canal ; 6. Accession to the
Zollverein ; and, lastly, to traffic arrangements
(postal and telegraphic service). At the close of
this appendix it is said, " The surrender of the
Duchies to the future Sovereign will follow upon
guarantee for the execution of the previous condi-
tions. If they should not come to pass, Prussia
will re-enter upon the rights secured to her by the
treaty of Vienna, and reserves to herself the privi-
lege of validating all other claims appertaining to
her with regard to the Duchies.
The report concludes with a motion that Parlia-
ment will sanction the application already made by
the Treasury of the administrative surplus sums of
the past years 1863 and 1864 (amounting to
12,213,436 thalers), together with an amount of
1,304,089 thalers, towards covering the costs of the
war against Denmark, and will at the same time
declare its approval that the expenses arising out of
the same cause for strengthening the artillery and
fortifications, amounting to a further sum of
4,256,900 thalers (the right of checking the ac-
counts being reserved) shall also he taken from the
Treasury according as they may be required.