The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-25 00:00:00

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and wealth without hindrance, if by any means you can ac-
complish that end. (Hear, hear.),• I can understand a
great manufacturing country like this maintaining a large
fleet for the purpose of keeping our doors open for the supply
of materials ; but by what ingenuity, and what perversity
of reasoning, any statesman can be brought to say that it
can ever be the interest of a country to employ a fleet to
prevent food and raw material from being brought into the
country I cannot imagine. (Hear.) It is unnecessary for
me to say more upon this question. But there is another
point which I do not remember to have seen under discussion
but which I think it of great importance that we should estab-
lish, and that is, the principle that, in the maritime inter-
course of nations, they should not use the prohibition of
exports as a belligerent act. (Hear, hear.) When I was
engaged in arranging the treaty of commerce with France
we put in a clause which in effect interdicted the right of
prohibiting the exportation of coal, That was very much
complained of at the time. But according to my idea if our
diplomacy is to be carried out in the common-sense interest
of the vast community, we should seek by every means in
our power, in case of war, to prevent belligerent Powers
from stopping the exportation of articles necessary for the
food or the employment of mankind by the general spread of
free trade principles—and free trade principles mean nothing
but a division of labour carried out over the whole world.
(Cheers.) If we had a general extension of free trade prin-
ciples throughout the whole world; every part of it would
become more and more dependent on other parts for the
supply of its materials and the supply of its food. Instead
of as formerly one country sending its wool to another, or
one nation sending its materials to another, we should
fhoarvethth:
supplywhole continent engaged in raising raw materials
of the wants of industrial communities.
sMi
bolreo ;ter
er
v, ietnits
ttho
eouprosisnitteirlietsyt
othf aatnywesuedhdoeunldi,nates
rrfaurpatsiopnoos
of
such a state of affairs. And, therefore, what I would sug-
gest as a most desirable thing to be done in all cases by our
Government, as a rule and guiding principle of their policy,
is to seek to make treaties based more upen strictly inter-
national arrrangements, which should be made a bond on the
parties respectively, not as a belligerent act to prohibit the
exportation of anything, unless it be munitions of war;
and when I speak of munitions of war, I. do not mean that
Government should interfere to prevent a manufacturer
from sending out any article that he makes. The Govern-
ment has nothing to do with commercial matters. They
ought not to take the responsibility of any surveillance over
the operations of commerce at large. I think the Govern-
ment should not allow a belligerent Power to come and fit
out ships, and arm them, and go out from our ports ; but in
all legitimate commerce there should be as much as possible
freedom preserved in time of war. (Cheers.) In reply
to what I am now arguing, it may be said, " But you
will not get people to observe this international law, even if
they entered into the engagement." That remark was
made in the House of Commons by a member who ought
not to have uttered such a prediction. Why, international
laws are only entered into that they may be observed. But
what I am advocating is, that international laws will be ob-
served, inasmuch as they are not contemplated to be based
on a treaty between two Powers only ; but with respect to
the case of exempting private property from capture at sea
that they should be fundamental laws of nations which ars
to have the assent of the great majority of all the maritime
Powers. Let us suppose, then, that two countries are at
war, and that one has entered into an engagement that it
will not stop the importation of corn, but they fancy—the
temptation is so great—that they can starve their opponent
if they stop the export of corn in spite of the treaty. They
would then bring down upon themselves instantly the ani-
mosity, and indeed the hostility, of all the other Powers
who have been parties to the system ; and the nation which
became a party to a general system of international law would
become an outlaw in the eyes of all the other nations if it
broke that law. (Hear.) What I wish to lay great stress
upon, as a thing to be borne in mind, is the question of
commercial blockades and the stoppage of exports in the
time of war. Ido not rely on any individual nation, or upon
its honour, to keep that law in relation to others ; but it is

to their own interest to preserve it, because if they are at
war, and if they violate the law, it will not be against the
particular nation with which they were at war that they will
violate it, but against the whole world, and that will give the
only guaranted that you can have, whether from a nation or
an individual, that they will observe their engagements. I
am not going to attempt to cover the whole:ground to which
this question would lead me—namely, the question of the re-
form of our international law in such a manner as to bring
it into harmony with the present condition of things ; but
this I will say—as the guiding rule of our policy we adopt
free trade, which is the maxim of our policy in peace ;
then make trade as free as you can possibly do in time of
war. (Cheers.) Let this bo your maxim, and whenever you
find any restriction in the way of legitimate commerce,
whether in war or whether in peace, be assured that the re-
moval of that restriction will do you more good in England
than it will do in any other country in the world, for this
simple reason, that you have nearly twice the commerce of
any other country in the world. (Cheers.) Therefore, let
this maxim be the rule of your policy, and let the manu-
facturing districts—as they are a power in the nation—make
their voice heard, in order that the enlightened principles
which are now finally triumphant in times of peace shall
also be applied, as far as they possibly can be, in time of
war. (Cheers) I have said that after all this is a practical
question, and I do not see how the agitation of it can be of
any service at this moment in securing a supply of cotton
from America, and thus getting rid of the most unfortunate

state of things which now exists. But this Ido say—l can
imagine that if there were at the head of the Federal Go-
vernment at Washington men of the grasp of mind and of
the philanthropy of Thomas Jefferson, of Adams, or of
Washington, those men would seek at the present moment
to gain for their country the great honour and glory as well
as the lasting fame of inaugurating their own principle—
because it is their own principle—of exemption from block-
ade of all peaceful ports of continental coasts. I can imagine
that it would be a great hf.nour to such men, and would
place in a great moral elevation the nation which under the
circumstances in which they are now placed—seeing the
immense and unmerited evils that are inflicted, not only on
capitalists but on labourers, not merely on England, but
throughout the civilised world—seeing also their national
safety in the course to be pursued—would desire, if it were
practicable, to put an end to this state of things in the in-
terests of humanity and of the whole universe. (Cheers,)
In making this suggestive, though hypothetical remark, I
do not wish for a moment to imply blame or utter those
words reproachfully; but I say that the only way in
which Europe can approach the question with the United
States, is on the ground that they have laid down, namely,
the ground of principle; not to seek for their own selfish

ends now to obtain cotton because we want it, and at the
same time retain in our hands the fancied advantage—for it
it is a fancied advantage—of having the power of blockade
at another time. In that case, I should say in all proba-
bility Europe would experience, at the hands of the Ameri-
cant Government, a disposition to endeavour to remove
to
great evil, Europe engaging for the future to apply
.
_,
A-e-
-rica the principle of exempting from blockade commercial
ports, and confining it merely to arsenals and fortified places.
I think I know s3metliing of the disposition of foreign
again that
vernments in both hemispheres, and I tell Pus
~T, f)eneficial
England has been the great obstable to en—d. Go-
We, change of policy as that which I have indioateed
our per-
haps,tradi-
tions, are not to be blamed. We have followed
instincts of
England has
tions, and, like America, we have followed
national self-interest. For nearly a nentutlinEgn,g
to the believed that she had an interest in
maintaining,
as America ut-
most degree, the rights of belligerents, just
rightsef be-
lievednett-
she had an interest in maintaining the
We now trals. But circumstances are now change n
vv o longer intend
pro-
fess the principle of ncn_intervantion•
g a andm
e oftc
to fight the battles of every nationaoentn
make the affairs of the Continent
existing
ninepins, assisting in setting up or
dynasties. (Cheers.) We ourselves knockingatnhaei untgr Continent,al dli sko.wnaW e avow
made ourselves a
makes neutrality. We have,
wars have been carried on
therefore, made
very principle
the principle of non-intervention,
neutral Power. Two
grreLt ne in Italy, between France
within the last few Yes
remains neutral. Our business is to view
ding to the light of modern events, and
t, still more horrible, in America.
interests
Englanda and
aaa—aoancoor
oarthese impartially we shall find that,
our
precisely the same as the interests of th
interests
Christendom • because •
r in ,
In adopting
weakest Power of free trade, we h principles
have renounced
the P f coercion. (Loud cheers
if we looakraatpre
the
that this is a questio that
) in conclusion,
I can onlY say .
11
Ought to engage
the serious attention of the gentlemen in the district,
hear.) Where are the young
(Hear,
life since men who have come
principles o
~ ,
into active life since the time to which I have referred,
when their fathers entered on the groat struggle for free
trade ?
thoughts u Where are the young men, and what are their
on the present state of affairs F They have in-
herited an enviable state of prosperity from their forefathers
for 15 years. For 15 years there has hardly been a serious
dcheck to business, and scarcely a necessity for an anxious
aror night oil the part of the great body of our manufac-
ng and trading population. But let not the young men
of this district think that the possession of these great ad-
vantages can be enjoyed without paying the price of watch-
fulness and due exertion, (Cheers.) We must not stand
idle.
e We must not think that we can remain stereotyped
lik the Chinese. If we once cease to progress, be assured
we shall begin to decline, and therefore I exhort the young
men of this district, with their great resources and their
great responsibilities, to take this matter seriously to heart.
There is something due, not 011ly to themselves and those
who have gone before them, but there is a great responsi •
bility to the working population around them, and they will
look for an effort to be made, in whatever way it can be
made, if not to put an end to the present state of things, at
least to try and avert a recurrence in the Wive o.f the 9§la-