The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-14 00:00:00

Cotton States, even supposing it to concede their
independence, it could least of all afford to give up

:ha blockade. Whatever may be said against com-

mercial blockades, it cannot be denied that they are,

in the present state of commerce and civilisation,
most efficient means of reducing a country to groat

distress. Probably the South, at this moment, I
suffers far more from the blockade than from all the
armies of the North. The combined results of the
continued blockades, and the presence of gunboats
on all the rivers, must be a very substantial; gain
for the North ; and it can hardly be supposed that
Americans should not be much more sanguine of
what the results will be than we are in Europe.
Under all these circumstances we cannot doubt that
the proffered mediation of the three Powers would
be promptly, probably courteously, but still decid-
edly refused.
When the French Minister speaks of "favour-
able dispositions towards peace, which are begin-
ning to manifest themselves in the North as well as
in the South." We do not know whether he refers
to special Government information, in addition to
such facts as those with which we are all familiar,
I

the latter, we do not think much of those indica-
tions. The successes of the Democrats is a very
equivocal indication. In the North their votes,
worthless as their quality is, nearly equalled in mere
numbers, those for Mr. LINCOLN at his election.
We refer, of course, to the " popular vote," not to
that of the electoral college. They were then
willing to separate from the Democrats of the
South, though certain by doing so, to lose
all the " spoils of offices" for their party. We
can hardly think that the Democrats who
then hazarded all things rather than concede to the
South unqualified power over the territories, will
now turn round and give up the point which they
adhered to two years ago, at the risk of all which
has followed. We strongly suspect that the De-
mocratic party can hardly be more desirous of
peace than was, perhaps is, Mr. LINCOLN himself ;
but like him they make the Union their idol.
Indeed it was with just that threat the Southern
Democrats reproached the Northern Democrats
when the great split took place between the two
sections of the party, at the Charleston convention,
called to name their candidate for the Presidency.
The Democrats in regard to war wish to preserve
the Union " whole and indivisible," but differ from
the Republicans chiefly in respect to slavery. A
large part, probably a majority of the Republicans,
would like to see the war and slavery end together.
The Democrats would all prefer that the war
should spare slavery. One reason for this is that
all the Irish, and the canaille of the Northern
towns, who constitute the strength of the Demo-
crats, are dreadfully afraid of the freed negroes
coming north, and competing with free labourers.
The Democratic successes will, therefore, probably
do more to check anti-slavery action than to check
the war.

Thus much we may say for the proposal of the
French Minister we do not see that any injury
could result from England's being prepared to ex-
press approbation of its spirit. He is of course
right, when he says that it would be at least
honourable for the European nations to appear in
the character of peacemakers. It must not be,
however, in any mode which is incompatible with
our dignity. The specific proposals of France are
such as, were we in Mr. SEWARD'S place, we
should not think of entertaining. With this
belief it would scarcely be consistent with self-
respect to propose them. But with the general
proposal to proffer our united mediation, we might,
if it would please France, perhaps concur. At
present it appears to us, however, that it would be
wholly useless.

If Mr. CoBDEN be correct in his calculations as
to the extent of the destitution now desolating the
North of England, all the efforts that have yet been
made for the relief of the operatives in Lancashire
and the adjoining counties, constitute, as compared
with the misery they are intended to relieve, but as
a drop in the ocean of our difficulties. To sum up

the estimate of the Member for Rochdale, in wages
alone, the factory people were already losing, ac-
cording to hie view of things—were already losing,
when he spoke upon the subject to his assembled
constituents—at the rate of £7,000,000. That, we
repeat, in wages alone! And before the winter has
passed, Mr. COBDEN is bold enough to announce it
as his conviction, that the rate of loss (in wages
alone), will reach the frightful aggregate of
£10,000,000. Recollecting the sums that have already
been massed together, and expended as soon as col-
lected—it must be apparent at a glance that the
exertions still to be made in behalf of the suffering
operatives must altogether surpass anything at all
yet attempted. If ever there was need for deter-
mination and promptitude it is now. Mills by
scores and scores all over the northern counties are
closed. Chimneys in hundreds are smokeless. The
manufacturers of every grade, from the millowners
to the millworkers, and intermediately crowds of
hitherto well-to-do clerks and their families, are
waiting idle for months past—eking out (the em-
ployees at least) their poor resources with as much
ingenuity as may be in any way practicable. The
pawnshops in all the great manufacturing towns
have been long since filled to repletion with
the little goods and chattels (consisting, 1
for the most part, of clothes and furniture)
that could in any way be converted, after this
fashion, into ready money. Precisely at the very
season when comforts are most requisite, the hum-
bler classes in these afflicted districts are left
utterly destitute and abandoned, seemingly, to
mere chance assistance. It is a spectacle that would
be, in every way,
most alarming, but for our know-
ledge of two facts full of encouragement. First, the
abounding benevolence of the English People them-
selves in cases like these of great emergency. Second-
ly, the profound sense of responsibility weighin g upon
the consciences of our Administrators in regard to
the discharge of the duties devolving u aeon of this
them in
their Administrative character, by r
same dire emergency. Under the mercy of Heaven,
the operatives of Lancashire will have no reason
for panic—sustained on either hand, astNheaytinaore,
certain to be throughout, by the rest of the
and by the Government. Only—relying upon this
double guarantee that the difficulty will really be
adequately met, we must in no particular what-
ever relax in our efforts ; or in our advocacy of
these still advancing and increasing subscriptions.
A new and notable incentive to assiduity in the
endeavour to promote the growth of these still open
subscriptions, has just now, as we rejoice to know,
been imparted to the cause we have all so dearly at
heart—an incentive of a practical, far-spread, and
widely. distributed character. We mean, of course,
saying this, that those municipal changes which
have taken place within the last few days not
iou a
in n lsyLondon and one or two other of the more
important
towns and cities in Great Britain, but
in every
Englieh corporation : changes of mayors
and other functionaries in the various munici-
palities—changes that naturally
motive That
toadditional
additionallar interests
t introduce an
motive b •
principles of modern society;
exertion in the popn•
of the great actuating sing one
setting all the wheels of modern civilisation in -far recently as to
mo-
tion (Mr. DISRAELI has gone so
regard it as the motive power of the whole complex
machinery) the spirit of emulation ! With that