The Sun.
London, England, 1853-07-19 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 19, 1853,

No topic is more familiar to readers and
writers on the state of Ireland than the ascen-
dancy and the abuse of priestly influence.
English Liberalism, which a community of interest
had for a time associated with ultramontane
policy, now recoils from, and rejects, the unnatural
alliance. Yet common observers rarely perceive
the full extent of the mischief which this power
has wrought. It has kept open, and even en-
larged, the breach which difference of origin had
produced between the possessors and cultivators
of the soil. It has alienated, by/ Coarse in-
vective and =distinguishing violence, the in-
tellectual, the rational, and the calm-minded
advocates of Irish progress. It has kept alive
the old intolerant Orange spirit, which, but
for this irritating - antagonism, would before now,
in the nature of things; have diet out. It has
produced that peculiar symptom of a morbid state
in the body politic which the Greek historian
noted as indicative of a diseased and distracted
community—the branding of political moderation
as a crime, and the substitution of party ties for
genuine patriotism. It has driven from Parlia-
ment independent statesmen, and filled their places
with servile and noisy agitators. Above all, it
has postponed, perhaps prevented, the settlement,
on equitable terms, of the great ecclesiastical con-
troversy. For, in religious questions, passion
is stronger than reason ; and many persons
who, on abstract principles, disapprove the mo-
nopoly of endowment in Protestant hands,
yet shrink from taking any step of which
the immediate, though temporary, effect must be
to give a triumph to the enemies of civil freedom.
In private life, again, the same results are wit-
nessed. Many an Anglo-Irish landlord, who in
England would disclaim, even indignantly, the
idea of exercising over his tenants what is
euphemistically termed " influence" at an election
contest, loses his scruples when he finds wielded
against him a power quite as tyrannical in its
operation, less amenable to Parliamentary or legal
control, and equally destructive of electoral liberty.
Thus the mischief spreads and perpetuates itself.
Spiritual intimidation produces material intimida-
tion ; the Priest covers his own wrong by de-
nouncing that of the Proprietor ; the rights of
the elector are disregarded on both sides ; feuds,
riots, evictions, denunciations from the altar
follow in rapid succession ; while the con-
sciousness of being in fault makes each party
less tolerant of the faults of their opponents. Is
this an overcharged picture ? We fear every man
who has experience of Irish society can attest its
truth. But what, it may be asked, is the remedy?
Political remedies in plenty are suggested—the
ballot for one—equality of religions endowment
for another—into the merits of which we have
too often entered to discuss them now. But the
root of the evil :lies deeper. While Protestants
of the poorer class are exclusively taught by Pro-
testant clergy—while the education of the Roman
Catholic masses is left, virtually, in the hands
of the priesthood, Ireland will continue to
to be divided into two hostile camps, Whose
neutrality can at best be but a hollow truce.
Lord DERBY in 1832 saw this, and framed a plan
which to this day is never mentioned withou

praise, even by those who are secretly plotting its
overthrow. For a system of purely secular edu-
cation neither the time nor country were fit.

But the regulations of the National Board were
such, that, while freedom of conscience was in no-
wise violated, it became impossible for the patron
of any school receiving aid from Government to
exclude therefrom children of a different sect from

Isis own. In this spirit the published Letter to
the Duke of LEINSTER—the charter of the Board—

was conceived. Its author recommended " that a
portion of the. Board should be composed of men of
high personal character and exalted station in the
Church ;" and " that it should consist, in part, of
persons possessing different religious opinions."
Priority was to be given, and peculiar favour
shown, to applications proceeding jointly from
Protestants and Roman Catholic inhabitants of
the same town or district ; and exclusive appi i
tions from a single sect were not to be
granted
five
without minute inquiry. During four gran
days of the week the schools were to be
kept
open a certain number of hours for moral
and literary instruction only—religious teach-
ing being relegated to the remaining day or
days, and to the period before and after sclool
hours. In vested schools-4,e., those founded by

the help of the Board, and not merely placed
connection with it byprivate founders or patrons
the teacher was under the sole control of ti
Commissioners, neither patron, priest, nor cler
man having authority over him.
No system could have been framed more ca
culated than this to reconcile moderate men of a
opinions. It united for ordinary purposes of •
struction those whom religious diversity kept aloo
It admitted the just claim of the clergy to educat
within their own province; but excluded them fro
interference with the general discipline of the schoo
It gave them the right of supervision, but not th
power of control. It held the balance with stric
impartiality between the two contending creeds; an
it fared accordingly. Statesmen of both partie
applauded the project, which agitators of bot
parties reviled. The WHALP.s and the TRESHA.
GREOGS met to oppose it on the common group'
resistance to latitudinarianism ; while Lord C ffs
and Sir R. PEEL united in its support. Tb
attacked on every side, it succeeded beyon s.
pute, and almost without a reverse. The follow•
ing brief statistics will prove our words. The
number of schools and pupils respectively, as giver
in the Reports of the Commissioners, were—
1n.1834
In 1839
In 1844
In 1849

and they may now be reckoned at about 5,00
and 550,000 respectively, notwithstanding emi-
gration and famine. Nor is this all. In no
single year, except 1847 and 1849, do the re-
turns exhibit a falling-off from those of the year
immediately preceding. The progress has not
only been rapid—it has been steady aud con-
tinued. Nor is it true that the Protestants of
Ireland have been excluded from their fair par-
ticipation in this national work. For, in 1851.
the number of schools under the Board esta-
blished in Ulster, the head-quarters of Protes-
tantism, was 1,878 ; while Munster had only
1,089, Leinster only 1,154, Connaught only
583. And this result is witnessed, notwith-
standing the secession, or at best the neutrality of
a large majority of the Protestant clergy, backed 1)2 7,
the whole strength of the Orange party, and by-
not a few of the resident landowners and gentry.
All attempts, therefore, to prove that the system
has broken ,down in practice are refuted by the
fact. It has worked only too well for those who
dislike its principle and fear its results. So long
as there seemed a chance that Protestant fanatics
might succeed in accomplishing its subversion,
the priesthood kept in the background, well 886.4-
fled to leave to their natural enemies the un-
popular office of criticism and destruction. But
this expectation has gradually died out. Lord
DERBY'S announced adhesion, in 1852, to the;
system which he had inaugurated in 1832, effected
the final discomfiture of their ingeniously-conceiver
policy. Thenceforth it became apparent to the
ultramontanists that whatever was to be done
must be done by themselves. And, doubtless,
the present opportunity is favourable. They
have now to deal with a Cabinet containing
indeed, many members sincerely opposed to their
designs, and many whose professions of Liberalism
are not less warm than genuine. But it may be
questioned whether these, in point of influence,

form a majority. It is well known that Sir R.
PE EL at one time entertained the idea of largely
subsidising the Roman Catholic priesthood; and
that the present Colonial Secretary, then Lord
LINCOLN, -was put forward as the exponent of thii:
policy. Mr. GLADSTONE, 110 W de facto leader oi
the Commons, is deeply imbued with hierarchical
principles. He, at least, regards with no friendly
feeling an institution whose tendency is to pl:ce
the civil above the ecclesiastical power—the school-
master over the priest. The nominal Prime Ministel
follows the lead of his subordinate. Sir JAMEB
GRAHAM has always been regarded by the "Brigade'.
as their chosen champion and friend. The whole
Irish Administration is in the hands of this sec-
tion ; for it would be folly to suppose that the
amiable cypher who replaces Lord EGLINTON
Viceroy possesses any power over such men as
BREWSTER, YOUNG, and KEOGH, his superiors in
ability, and having, moreover, the advantage of a
fixed and well-defined purpose. It is full time,
therefore, not merely for zealous Protestants, but
for Liberals of whatever creed, to watch the pro-
ceedings of a Government whose designs in this
matter are not free from suspicion. Already
Archbishop WIIATELEY has resigned his seat at the
Board. Within our own knowledge, the recent
acts of the Commissioners have driven more than
one Protestnnt patron to withdraw his school from
their control. Mr. WALPOLE'S queries in Parlia-
ment have elicited only vague and .unsatisfactory
replies. These are omens not without signifi-
cance ; and again we say—let the friends of civil
freedom be on their guard.

Ministers are at length beginning to shake off
their apathy and insouceance on the Turko-
Russian question, when the French Cabinet is
assuming so bold an attitude, and so promptly
and decisively answering the onslaught of the
Russian Chancellor, and clearly and unequivocally
exposing the misapprehensions and erroneous
statements—wilful and deliberate falsehoods they
might be termed by, a plain speaker—contained
in his circular. Our Government could no longer
remain quiescent. They were excited to action,
for very shame sake, to say nothing of the
convincing proofs that have been afforded
of the state of public opinion ; and the
knowledge of the danger to their official
characters and official situations, if they should
continue to run counter to the general feeling.
They have then spoken at last ; and, if the answer
be "in entire conformity with that of the French
Government," if it be equally determined as well
as temperate, vigorous and energetic as well as
calm and dispassionate, we may hope that, albeit
at the eleventh hour, it will produce its LI uits in
due season.
During the brief discussion, or rather conversa-
tion, that took place last night in the House of
Lords, Lord CLARENDON stated that the whole of
the papers relating to the subject will be forthwith
laid before the House. He also voluntarily d--
clared that it is the intention of the Government
to place before Parliament the fullest informatiol
on the subject ; that there is no wish for any un-
necessary delay ; and that he thought "a ve:7
few days indeed will be sufficient to show
whether the negotiations will succeed or not ; but
whether they do succeed or not, the fullest informa-

ion shall be given to Parliament and to the
country !" This is indeed satisfactory; and our
gratification would be unalloyed but for a mis-
statement (doubtless unintentional) made by the
Noble Lord. He stated that all the proceedings
connected with the question have been in confor-
mity with those of the French Government: Now,
unfortunately, in a preceding part or his address, he
acknowledged that there had been "no regular
answer sent to the first of the two circular notes
of Count NESSELRODE." He stated that such an
answer was unnecessary, inasmuch as the greater
part of its contents alluded to negotiations which
were originated by the French Ambassador at
Constantinople, and that the remainder was
forestalled by
the progress which the com-
munication referring
to the question had made.
This might have been the case according to the
judgment .of the English Government. But
it is notorious that the French Ministry took a
very different view of the exigency, and that M.
DROITYN DE LHUYS considered it his duty to reply
by a very able and elaborate note to the first
cular—a note alluded to by Lord CLARENDoN, a
week since, in the House of Lords, when acknow-
ledging the great ability and skill displayed in
that answer. If, then, the French Government
deemed it expedient to forward a formal and re-
gular reply, while the Engl;sh considered that
nothing of the kind was required, we cannot say
that the proceedings of the two Governments have
been in entire conformity on the question.
We may now refer to the admirable documeAt
which has been dispatched by the French Minister
to the second circular, a translation of which ap-
peared in our impression of yesterday. .Nothing
can be more -clear and conclusive theli the

Inept contained therein, which completel.y
turned the allegations contained in the NE;;sEL-
uobt circular, not merely showing that-they were

totally inaccurate, but that it was ut'zarly impos-
sible that thole could be the slightest foundation,
in fact, for the pretext put forward, that the occu-
palicn of tl'e Principalities was in any degree
ascribable to the pc:,Kion of the combined fleets'
in the vicinity of the Dardan?iles. A simple
comparison of dates removes the veil from th-'s
flimsy pretext, which, even if tile, would by no
means justify the movement of the Russian troops
across the 13:-Ilth, and the deliberate violation of
the treaties into which the CZAR had previously
entered with the other great Powers. Tt was on
the 31st of May, eighteen days before the resolu-
tion of the Western Powers to send their fleets to
Besika Bay, was known at St. Petersburgh, that
the ultimatum, of the RUMOR of Russia was
dispatched in the form of a note to RESCHID
PASHA, containing a very clearly expressed inti-
mation of the approaching occupation of the
IDanubian Provinces. This resolution was an-
nounced to all the European Powers by the mani-
festo of the 11th of June, at which time the
IFrench fleet was at Salamis and the English fleet
at Malta. Here, then, is the Power so chary of
its honour and dignity that will not brook the
slightest interference with its arrogant assump-
tions convicted, on the most conclusive and un-
answerable testimony, of wilful and deliberate
mendacity, such as would banish a private indi-
vidual from society—of putting forward as an
exciting cause of action that which did not, and
could not, in any way have influenced the ques-
tion one way or other. It will be difficult for the
Russian diplomatist to extricate himself from the
difficulty in which he is involved by his own want
of caution, and to which he has been so thinly
held by the French Minister.
But, were it otherwise—had the combined
fleets indeed taken up the position which they
now occupy,what justification would that hive
afforded for the step taken by Russia ? There was
the difference of objects of the two forces. The

military force was in the neighbourhood of the
Turkish dominions, without the consent of the
Porte, as a hostile demonstration for the purpose
of aggression—the naval one, at its request, or,
at all events, with its full concurrence, for the
purpose of protection if any occasion should un-
fortunately arise for their interference. The
Russians deliberately disregarded existing treaties,
the French and English respected those very
treaties ; in fact, to their presence . outside the
Dardanelles, no objection could be offered by the
most zealous opponent.. From the moment
of the passage of the Pruth, without the sha-
dow of a justification, except, indeed, the right of
war—"a war derived from a new principle, fraught
with disastrous consequences—a principle leading

to nothing less than the oppression in time of
peace of weak States by their powerful neigh-

bours"—tlie Allied Fleets were justified—o':

invitation of the SULTAN--:-011 entering the Da:
dandies and the Bosphorus—of being, as Coai

NESSELRODE manifestly supposed them to be at
the time when be penned his specious missive
" within right of the Turkish Capital." Russia
cannot, the:), by any means shake the responsibi-
lity- of having taken the initiative in proceedings
which led to very dangerous consequences, and
may possibly produce the most calamitous results
to herself as well as to the rest of Europe.

HER MAJESTY'S HEATH

We are sorry to learn that her Majesty has at length
sickened with the measles. Before the Court left town
o 2 Sat urday, !atent symptoms of the malady were ob-
served, and it was for some time doubtful whether the
Queen would venture to make the journey to the Isle of
Wight. Her Majesty, however, determined on reaching
Osborne, and happily she did so without inconvenience.
Subsequently to the Royal arrival the malady became
apparent, and her Majesty is now passing through the
complaint, it is hoped, very favourably.