The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-14 00:00:00

ELECTION INT.

haps, we might have exercised. I hold that it is the sperous, and when I find public questions fairly
duty of the people on such subjects as the distribution treated by my political opponents, I should not
of political power to have definite opinions. These grudge them the applause which they have justly
may be the opinionsof gentlemen on my right or they earned, and I should congratulate you . all on that
may be the opinions of the gentlemen on my left, but prosperity and give the Ministers of the Crown the
as long asthere are clear and definite opinions on such credit to which I think they are fairly entitled—
subjects the country is safe,because truth is the child (hear)—because although my experience of public
and creature of discussion, and there cannot be discus- affairs, or at least of official life, has not been
sionwithoutthoughtandknowledge. (Cheers.) What very considerable, it has been quite ample enough
I want, therefore, is that there should be opinions to teach me that the duties of a Minister of the
on these great questions ; for they are the questions Crown are as much as any man can well bear, and that the
which sooner or later must regulate the formation responsibility is greater than that which exists in any other
of Governments and the construction of parties. It position
hitioanvine
been strickenlife. Nor can
almost wefo
irg: thttlefatsomoef of onuhroabdlebst
me
is the interest of some to divert your attention from
the cares and responsibilities of that position. (II ,hear.;
pride 3
these great questions, and to talk to you of the I say that the condition of England is, generally speaking,
management of finances and the maintenance of a prosperous one. If 1 make any exception it is not with
i peace—two very important topics, no doubt, and in reference to the Government for any party object, but
a few minutes, if you wish to hear anything of these really for the sake of truth. lam not convinced myself that
much
greatisas commercialsound prosperity questions, I shall touch upon them. (A laugh and the
of which we have heard so
ptehrelansst aypepa er ar
we to h
cheers.) But then you must understand that the I cannot forget that daduringsoaimveagsieneen;coarand
great questions are questions such as the one to mercial failures which for number and in the largeness of
which I have referred—namely, the distribution of the sums that have been lost we had never before known
power in the State, or as another question on which to be equalled. I do not think the general condition of
I will make an observation—the relations between Pauperism in this country is one on which we ought to
uelit m Church and State. I say that these are questions
congratulateuper sm throughout orselves.
the I
country,beve
buth at ofour
on which Englishmen ought to form opinions, what-
pathe metropolis, which forms so important areespecially the nature
portiono thein
ever those opinions may be. (Hear, hear.) Great country, and of which it is impossible not to speak, even in
men of science in the present day teach that in the the county of Buckingham—I believe that that is now a
system of the universe there are certain great powers subject of just anxiety, if not of apprehension. I consider
which they call principal forces, such as electricity that the state of Ireland is not satisfactory. I hear some
and gravitation. By these agencies, under Divine gentlemen congratulatinguitht us on the large amount of popu-
Providence, the great system of the universe is
.....
I will not say asga statesman,ountry .
butl confess, n
leastf ess,
ahowever,s a l
i thate ian
maintained. The questions I allude to, such as the
—I cannot look at such a result without a feeling of great
distribution of power in the State, and the form of apprehension. I know that we have been indebted to that
government by which you are to be ruled, or the population in past times for some of the bravest of our aol-
question of the connexion between Church and Biers, and it is impossible to avoid the consideration what
State, are what men of science and philosophers call maybe °m condition hereafter if the population of Ireland
" great forces" in politics. You may depend on it should go on diminishing with the same rapidity that is
that
now taking place. But let that pass. I say that our con-
you must not allow your mind or attention/ dition is generally prosperous, and I would in silence allow
whatever the conclusions you may arrive at, to be the Government of the country their fair share of credit
diverted from these great questions if you wish to for such a result, were it not for the extraordinary de-
keep the position as Englishmen which your fore- mends which they make on the expression of our grati-
fathers occupied before you. (Cheers.) I will now trade. I think there is a line of discrimination in this
ttter which independent Englishmen like my constitu-
say a word about the question of Church and State,
eman
ought not to overstep. Ido not believe that the good
which excites some little interest among us here, harvests we have during the last two years enjoyed have
and which I think deserves grave attention. been produced by any cabinet council whatever. (A laugh.)
lam myself in favour of religious liberty. I Ido not think that the gold discoveries, or that the wonder-
am in favour of the principle of religious liberty, ful construction of those railways which now interlace the
without qualification, without condition, abso- country—l do not think that these discoveries have been
lutely and completely. I understand by religious havemad been carried on
eine Downing-street, ort
capital
thfesle garnedatenuendertaokfintries
liberty that every subject of the Queen should
ministers of the Crown. (CheersY the pta
and laughter.) But,
enjoy the full and free exercise of his religion. That gentlemen, it is said that, in the management of the
I call religious liberty—(cheers)—and I am not at finances of the country this cannot be denied, and that, if
all surprised that men should prize the possession a Conservative Government had been in office, these great
of such rights. We all know—history teaches us— financial operations could not have taken place, and these
that religious rights and religious privileges are those
agr m eantefitnaenincialtereesnutletsr Winotouladfunloltarhgauvme beenteunpon achieved.thi ques-
tion,
s I
most esteemed by men. For these not only men, but forgl dye too great regard for you to weary you with
nations, have made the greatest sacrifices ; and for long-drawn arguments, but I will resort to facts, because
the same reason as I recognise the value of religion facts constitute proof, and are always acceptable ; and if
I think it is the duty of the State to secure to all its there be arguments that can answer these facts let the
subjects the opportunity of enjoying religious privi- opportunity be taken of putting them before you. I am
leges. I further think that the full enjoyment of re- going to make commeemntsruspoofnththeeproceediugs
Government—the han-
oof 0
Cn of
ligious liberty by every man in the country is per-
the
collar of most
the Exchequer.
eminent
It is said that Mr. Gladstone hasm
fectly consistent with the constitution which the been extraordinarily successful in his finance ; that by his
country at present enjoys. Now, the difficult thing financial measures he has effected the most beneficial results;
is to ascertain how you can best arrive at such a re- and that it is impossible that the same advantages could
suit, because in other countries the attempts to arrive have been obtained if the Conservatives had been in office,
at it are very unsatisfactory. In those countries the (A voice—" It would have been spent in war.") Oh, veryl
laughter.) Government secures to the great body of the popula- well,hlwr )
Generally ill remember you
uwh I come to
this part of the subject
subject of
tion the enjoyment of religious rights by taking my address is dry, butgtey speaking
I will not weary you by entering
what are called the ministers of each religion into into unnecessary details. I will take the results univer-
the pay of the State. But there are great objections sally admitted by the members of the Liberal party, and by
to this, because when the ministers of all religions, that means it will be perceived that the question can be
who of all men ought to be of an independent char- tried fairly. Ido not know any operation that has obtained
acter of mind, are salaried servants of the State, the Chancellor of Exchequerabuse in
thanmorethe repeal praise
r.l of the
. some
they generally become its instruments, and are
paperqa duties.r
and
more
fn others,(Hear, hear.) The repeal of the paper duties
highly valuable to a corrupt and tyrannical Govern- was looked upon as a great financial feat. What were the
ment. Again, when the State announces that it reasons given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he
makes no distinction of any kind between religious repealed the paper duties ? The reasons given were those •
creeds, and that it sets up no standard of religion— which I asserted hundreds of times before I knew Mr.
that all religions are the same to it—that conveys Gladstone, and during thepe
period
of
fmnis it earliest
lyd outh ;but
though
to the minds of men an idea of indifference to reli-
that generalteoenxcise and abstract
duties should be taken off, the grgrequestion of
gion which may exercise a very injurious influence actually removing them must depend upon what might
on the State itself ; because no doubt the principle of prove convenient; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer
religion is so strong in men's minds that if religion said to Parliament, "If you do not remove the duty on
is divorced from the State—if the State ostentati- paper, somebody else will, because a previous Chancellor
ously announces that it admits of no appeal to the
that
tthe Exchequtebrlhas
hot
tde
dtheolpdreor
the same
time—you
I say
u
higher considerations which influence men, in my
cannYot°usacay thatn a cewrtain thing would not have been Lone
opinion that policy is calculated very much to Bete- by a Conservative Government, when Mr. Gladstone him-
riorate its character and to very much diminish its self states that the change which he proposed originated
influence. (Cheers.) now have all these difficulties withhis predecessor. (Laughter.) In duo course I should
been overcome in England? Here you find a power- have been anxious to see a repeal of the paper duty pro-
ful, wealthy, and learned corporation, the Church posed, but I should have wished to see the change pro-
!of England, which formerly was independent of the posed on more successful conditions. (cheers and laugh-
ter.) If I had proposed the measure I should have sought
State, but which in time became allied to it. In its to do it in such a way as to prevent the pain which I have
alliance with the State it acknowledges the supre- experienced when, in riding to the neighbourhood of the
macy of the Crown, which I trust never will be Chiltern hills, I have beheld smokeless chimneys and silent
lessened, for it is one of the keystones of our liberty, wheels in localities which once teemed with life and in-
civil as well as religious. (Hear, hear.) You have dustry, and which gave pleasant and remunerative occu-
this great corporation, which, while it has sup- pationto themem
berisosfuare I should
rural pul
have atio
red ne;nadneadvinou
ca
to
the want consistently with the enjoyment of 'ng out a beneficial measure
avoid what was calculated to throw out of employment a
religious liberty by every subject of the State—at great number of persons throughout the counties of Hort-
the same time providing spiritual instruction for all ford, Buckingham, Berks, and Bedford. It is quite incon-
the subjects of Her Majesty—holds a position of sistent to say that the repeal of the paper duties was a
independence that most favourably distinguishes it great financial feat, which nothing but the skilful manage-
from the position of priesthoods which are salaried Exchequerment
d have
theeou l intrepid courage of the Chancellor of thei
servants of the State—thus combining, as it were,
main reason proposal produced,
that his when
for the
predecessor
p he gives
in au his
main
toleration and orthodoxy, and giving to our insti- office had pledged Parliament to its adoption. (Hear,
tutions the consecrating character of religious con- hear.) I think no ono will say that this is worth much
flexion. (Cheers.) And it has proved that its as showing that this could be regarded as a great, and suc-
existence is quite consistent with the ample and cessful, and original financial operation. Well, I will take
complete enjoyment of religious liberty by every the budgtet of the present year. It was a large budget, de-
one of her Majesty's subjects. It is for these reasons signed
doubt, to accomplisho
produce a considerable effect upon the elections.
—seeing the inestimable and priceless blessings There has been a great reduction of ta •
xation proposed by
which have been obtained by the combination of the Chancellor of the Exchequer which has violated every
circumstances and by that connexion of the institu- other principle laid down by all other Chancellors of the
tions which prevails in no other country—believing Exchequer, that of anticipating the resources of the next
that the mainteance of the Church of England is
year. This is the great budget which you owe to the Liberal
Government, which we are told could not have been con-
of infinite utility, not merely to our spiritual wants tomplated by a Conservative Government, and which is
but also to our spiritual rights—and believing that entitled to the gratitude of the country. What are the great
the connexion of that Church with the Crown measures of relief that have been proposed ? I will throw
has secured the spiritual freedom which is the right out of view the little points of detail, but there are two
of all Englishmen and the spiritual instruction of great propositions
dpruogoessituipoonns wteha,icahndit
the other onefs a groat is thet remissiondt.
the people—l am the uncompromising and conscien- fth
in the income tax. These are the two great
measures which
n
tious upholder of that great institution. (Cheers.) it is alleged,
could only be proposed by a Liberal Chan-
I hope, therefore, that the gentlemen on my right, cellor of the Exnhequer. But`what is the fact ? Why, in
although they may differ from my opinions, will 1852, as the organ of Lord Derby's Government, I was the
at least allow that I have given reasons for first Chancellor of the Exchequer who ever endeavoured to
these opinions, which are deserving of the grave
igrapplehat
did o
I do? Withscalenalargei th
with the question off the tea duties.
What consideration of men of thoughtful minds. (Hear.)ncu concurrence ef m y
m parliamentary
colleagues
Now, I say that these are great questions of politics, in the Cabinet, and with the approval
friends, I proposed a reduction in the tea duties almost
and when I find—as we see is now the case—some identical with that proposed by Mr. Gladstone in the pre-
gay journalists, and perhaps some Ministers on the sent year, and we were beaten by a majority of 13. Ido
hustings, telling you that the people of England care not grudge Mr. Gladstone the success which has attended
nothing about these affairs, that nobody is attack- his policy, but what becomes of the statement that a Con-
ing the Church of England, and that therefore it is
measure?servative G
mvearrinnheeantr) could
Then not
there
have
was
proposedthed reu
es
tuecuh 0 f
absurd for any one to pretend to defend it, that no
the income-tax. It is said that that could never have been
one wishes the Government of the country to be obtained from a Conservative Government. Allow me to
more democratic, and that therefore the cry is remind you .that we left the income-tax at the lowest
merely; one raised for the moment—l say, don't be point it had reached since its imposition in 1842—namely,
misled, whatever may be your political opinions, i
s now
at sd.
Gladstone
sd.
i in
th
to d the
pound.9lt t was soon
re
afterwardsducedtora4disedbbuyt
by such superficial and false observations. (Cheers.)
mI
think it is an absolute and absurd misrepresentation . andin to
It is an insult to the great Conservative party, say that this policy is one peculiar to a Liberal Govern-
because if you look to the property, intelligence, meet. There is your great budget of this year, granting a
and education of the Conservative body, all remission of taxation to the amount of £1,000,000. Why,
must acknowledge that it is a great party—and the policy pursued is that which we have been urging upon
it is an insult, also, to a great section of the the Government year after year, andth though I do not
Liberal party, distinguished for their conscienti- tisgrudgea themrdt
othe
pretendapplause
that i t is only carryinga
Loiabee rnalleardmreitilstsaray
oneness, their ability, and the energy they display in tion which could have reduced the duties on tea and re-
the active part which they take in public affairs—l mitted such a proportion of the income tax. (Cheers)
say it is an insult to both alike to say that no one There is another point connected with finance that I wish
wishes to make the Government of this country more to touch upon. Ido not wish it to be said, "He knows
democratic, and that no party aims at severing the how to touch upon the raw, but he does not dwell—"
connection between Church and State. (Hear, hear.) An ELECTOR—I wish to ask a question with reference to
It is not true, and every one knows that it is not the Union Rating Bill.

true (hear, hear) ; and you may depend upon it that
in the great controversy and struggle which these
opposing opinions -now occasion we shall ultimately
arrive at a scunder and a better conclusion if we
acknowledge the importance of the great principles
now at issue, and make ourselves masters of these
questions, and so by the collision of intellect and the
influence of discussion induce a majority of the coun-
try finally to arrive at that solution which will most
contribute to promote the general welfare. 1 was
observing to you that the habit now is to endeavour
to persuade the people of England not to think of
these important topics, but, on the contrary, to con-
sider how admirably their finances have been ma-
naged, and how admirably the peace of the country
has been preserved, and what blessings of a skilful
administration they have enjcyed under the present
➢Ministry. (Hear.) Now I believe the general condi-
tion of the country is prosperous ; and I think it is
most unfair, and shows a churlish andgrudging dis-
position, when a country is generally prosperous,
not to give the responsible Ministers of the Crown
their due and fairshareof credit for that prosperity.
I am not one of those who are disposed to be cap-
tious in tl matter. When I find the country pro-

Mr. DISRAELI—You know I have not come to the Union
Rating Bill yet. (Laughter.) There is one subject upon
which great credit is taken by the Administration, that or
the French treaty. It has been said on Liberal platforms
and in Liberal newspapers that only the Liberal party could
have effected such an arrangement—that if you had not had
a free-trade Government you would not have had the treaty
of commerce with France. Myanswer is that I am in favour
of treaties of commerce, but I am surprised that a free-
trade Government should have given us such a treaty. In
1843, when commerce was languishing, and when persons
were seeking to devise measures for giving an impulse to
trade, I had the opportunity of bringing the general ques-
tion of treaties of commerce before the House of Commons,
and I then dwelt upon the advisability of effecting a
French treaty of commerce as well as the compassing of
treaties of the same kind with other great Powers ; but
what was the treatment I met with ? It was said, " This
is the most old-fashioned stuff ; we do not want treaties of
commerce ; open your ports, take care of your imports,
and your exports will take care of themselves ;" and even
Sir Robert Peel said he doubted whether he should live
to see another treaty of commerce. That was the view
taken in those days. I have always been told that the
course of events has proved that my views were per-
fectly futile. In 1852 one of the first things done by
the government of Lord Derby was to negotiate with the
French Goverunrent a treaty of commerce. We were quite
consistent, but when the thing was mentioned it was ro-