The Sun.
London, England, 1865-04-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.--Flushed with victory, commanding forces
which are overwhelming in •numbers, and have
been disciplined by five arduous campaigns, the
Northern Generals , are following up the great
victory over the Confederate Army of Virginia.
Another contest has taken place, and has inflicted
on the retreating Southerners further losses of such
magnitude that it is difficult to believe that General
Lee will be able to offer any long resistance to his
pursuers. When that skilful officer found that he
could no longer defend the positions which he had
so long held against the Federal armies, he prepared
to carry into execution a plan which the Southern
Generals have apparently long meditated. To
evacuate Richmond, the fall of which could
not be long delayed, and to transfer the
seat of government to Lynchburg, or some other
spot less easily threatened, is said to have been for
some time the advice of General Lee. But to such
a course there were many objections. Richmond
was the capital of the Confederacy, and though
Mr. Davis had long since stated that the reten-
tion of it was not indispensable—that military
resistance could be continued without it—yet to
lose it was necessarily to lose much of moral
strength. The Confederacy was discouraged, and if
Richmond were taken the depression would become
still more deep and general. The army was proud
of the successful defence which it had made during
repeated invasions of Virginia, the inhabitants of
Richmond were among the most spirited, earnest,
and hopeful champions of the Southern cause, and
if the place were abandoned these two important
classes would be offended and discouraged. So, pro-
bably, reasoned the chiefs of the Confederate Govern-
ment, and the evacuation of the capital was delayed
until it was made necessary by a great disaster.
General Lee retreated, not at his own time and with
undiminished forces, but on the morrow of a terrible
defeat. Indeed, only his own consummate military
talents prevented it from being a rout. The Northern
Generals opened the spring campaign with armies
immensely superior to his own in numbers and all
the appliances of war. Grant and Sheridan were
immediately opposed to him ; General Sherman's pro-
gress made it impossible to send reinforcements from
the depopulated States at the South, and even, it is
said, compelled General Lee to despatch a portion of
his own diminished army. Short of men, and scantily
supplied during the last few months with materials
of war, the Confederate army might make an honour-
able, but could hardly make a successful, resistance.
The advantages gained by General Sheridan on the
Confederate right made the defeat of Lee even more
sudden and complete thanwas to be anticipated. The
retreat from Richmond was not effected without an
immense loss not only in killed and wounded, but pri-
soners. Such a reverse had never befallen either side
in all the changes and chances of this war. In many
battles the Federals have suffered more severely in
the number of men actually stricken down, but
fifteen, or twenty, or twenty-five thousand prisoners
taken—for so high do the Federal accounts go—
represents a disaster seldom equalled in any war,
and one from which it is most difficult for an army
to recover. The military skill which the combatants
have now acquired enabled the Federals to take ad-
vantage of this signal success. From the abandoned
and blazing city General Lee hastened to retreat
with rapid marches to the westward. He had a few
hours' start, but it is plain that the confusion in
his ranks, and the fatigues of that unequal combat,
made it impossible for him to achieve his purpose.
On the morning of Monday, the 3d of April, the
retreat began, and as soon as the Federals dis-
covered it they pushed on in pursuit with a vigour
which contrasts strongly with the slothfulness
which generally followed victory in the earlier days
of the war. The general character of the move-
ment may be understood from the various despatches
received, although we are as yet without details.
About 50 miles south-west of Richmond is a place
called Burkesville, where two of the railways by
which Richmond and Petersburg communicate with
the West cross each other. To this Burkesville
Junction Lee made his, way with all speed. But
General Sheridan, one of the most active of the
Federal Commanders, and the officer to whom the
success of Grant's operations was chiefly owing,
pressed on the retreating Confederates without loss
of an hour. On Wednesday, the sth, Lee was at
Amelia Courthouse, while a part of the Federal
army had gained a place called Jettersville, to the
west of the Confederates, and was in a positidn to
cut off their retreat. The result was that on the
6th another battle was fought at Burkesville Junc-
tion. This appears to have terminated with a ter-
rible loss fee the Confederates. What force they may
have remaining it is impossible to say, but, judg-
ing from the loss of officers and the number of
prisoners and guns captured, the army of Gene-
ral Lee can nb longer be in a state to carry
on a campaign. General Sheridan reports—" We
have captured Generals Ewell, Kershaw, Button,
Corse, De Bare, and Custis Lee, several thousand
prisoners, 14 guns, two caissons, and a large num-
ber of waggons." Generals A. P. Hill, Pegram,
and Fitzhugh Lee are killed ; the loss of the first of these
three especially is a severe blow to the Confederate
army. When such has been the course of events, it is
not matter for surprise that the surrender of General
Lee and the total destruction of the chief Southern
army should be daily expected. It is, indeed, quite
possible that this may take place, for Northern
armies, which probably outnumber his remaining
forces ten to one, are pressing on him and closing
round him. It remains to be seen what course the
chiefs of the Confederacy and the Congress will take
in this extremity. The obstinacy of purpose of
Mr. Jefferson Davis and the majority of the men
whom the South chose as its representative is well
known, and doubtless there are not wanting many
who even in this hour of desperate fortune are will-
ing still to persevere. But it may be that some of
them, desirous to stop the shedding of blood and the
miseries which a savage partisan warfare would bring
on the Southern population, may prefer to give the
power of negociation to the general who, in a series
of gigantic battles, has commanded the admiration
of the world, and whom even his adversaries regard
with a feeling very far removed from animosity.
The Confederates certainly can now expect to make
but poor terms compared with what they might have
exacted a year ago ; but even now they have the
means- of inflicting such losses on the North by
maintaining their resistance that the Washington
Government may not be unwilling to grant honour-
able peace to those who have fought and failed with
honour. Even a hopeless contest kept up by guerilla
bands without unity of purpose, or any object but
revenge, may force the North to maintain great
armies throughout the expanse of the Southern States
for many years to come. Such a warfare must be
deplored by every humane man. Every one must
hope that if the South shall be no longer able to
contend with its adversary by means of regular
armies in the field, it will accept the arbitrament of
war, and return even to a hated political connexion
rather than shed blood to no purpose. But it is
impossible to say what desperate resolve may be
taken by men under the 'influence of such threats
as the North has continually uttered, and of such
laws as Congress has enacted. For this reason we
hope that the leaders of the Confederates may con-
Sent to bring the struggle to a close if they really
believe their military power at an end, and that the
North may meet them as conquerors should meet an
honourable foe.

HERALD.—The Prussian Navy Bill is at length
before the world, and we have learned upon what
basis a new maritime power is to be established in
Europe. There is to be for the present, no new
war-harbour established on the Baltic coast, since
Prussia is already in possession of an excellent har-
bour. She calmly adopts Kiel Bay, where the depth
of water is convenient, the wharfage cheap, and the
chances of successful bombardment few. But the
Parliament at Berlin is, nevertheless, called upon
for a magnanimous vote. The approaches to Kiel
Bay must be defended ; the harbour and wharf
must be rendered secure ; an arsenal, on a royal
scale, must be constructed and fortified. So runs
the programme, which amounts to the inauguration,
upon paper, of a Prussian Spithead. Forts must be
erected, of enormous strength and in the least as-
sailable positions ; batteries must be armed with
guns of the heaviest calibre and longest range, and
a great navy-yard is to constitute the new Prussian
Portsmouth. Many a year will elapse before the
idea is developed into a fact ; and yet it is not
without its meaning for the nations of Europe.
After glancing at the details of the scheme sub-
mitted to the Chambers at Berlin, we may as well
remember some few facts of Prussian history which
throw a curious light upon them. Five years of
labour and expenditure are, approximately, devoted
to the works ; the nucleus of an iron fleet is imme-
diately to be organised ; dry docks and workshops
for refit and repair, are to be completed in all their
details without delay • and, as a broad result, there
is to be a new, powerful, and commanding mari-
time armament at the disposal of Prussia. This intel-
ligence the Berlin Cabinet itself announces. It is
full of vaunts concerning iron-clad vessels and
steel-cast ordnance ; it avows that " the means
required for this outlay cannot be supplied from
the ordinary State resources," and it hopes to
meet the exigencies of the occasion " if granted an
extraordinary credit of 10,000,000 thalers." It
asks, in point of fact, for a loan, an " extra-
ordinary credit," under exceptional circumstances.
And the reason is, that Prussia feels herself com-
pelled to take rank as a naval power. She must
protect her own commerce and that of Germany ;
she must " defend her coasts and harbours in the
North Sea and the Baltic ;" and she must be " able
in future constantly to maintain her influence in
European affairs, especially when these affect such
countries as arc only to be reached by sea," This

is plain speaking, and not the worse for that. But
after the argument we have the explanation.
Prussia and Germany, it is urged, have a rising
maritime commerce to protect. on all seas, with,
since the Danish war, " an extension of rights and
relations." Their shores on the Northern and Bal-
tic Seas have hitherto lain comparatively unpro-
tected ; they have powers to develope which are
impossible without a fleet, and, in order to put
themselves in a safe position, they must have
navy, not merely defensive, but capable of offensive
operations also. Thus much we learn from the
ministerial programme, which is well-worded and
succinct, although the historical evidence cited is
not made very clear. But the ambition of the pro-
ject is astounding. Prussia desires, at one vault,
to ride the oceans of the earth. The preamble of
her Navy Bill affirms that she must build ships to
protect her trade in the most distant seas, to cover
her coasts at home, and, in the event of war, to
blockade the ports of all hostile nations. It is true
that drawbacks are admitted ; but the confidence
displayed in the Navy Bill is little less than sublime.
Assume Prussia not to become, at a bound, a naval
power of the first rank, what is the argument''
That unless she keeps foremost in the second rank,
her fleet is utterly useless. We do not imagine for
a moment that the English people, proud as they
are of their maritime position, are jealous of these
endeavours to launch a new European navy ; they
can keep the sea ; they can, under proper admi-
nistration, defend coast and port ; they can escort
their merchantmen, no matter what storm of war
is raging ; but they can also afford to hear a fell
words of suggestion, very much in unison with
much that has appeared in our columns, from the
Berlin navy administrators. A class of ships is
wanted, they say, "to protect commerce upon the
high seas, to capture hostile cruisers and merchant-
' men, convoy native vessels, render service at the
most important tommercial• stations, and which,
through their rapidity and other good qualities, are
able to assist ships of the first class in action. This
class still consists of wooden frigates and corvettes."
To these words, echoing our own, we would direct
particular attention. But what is to be the new
Prussian navy, as constituted by the bill just pro-
duced ? An armament of ten heavy ironclads, of
enormous strength and burden, ten others more
lightly armed ; eight decked wooden corvettes—sue
of a less capacity ; six iron despatch boats, " mostly
used in time of war to carry despatches, to watch
the enemy, keep up communications with ports at
home, tow damaged vessels, carry wounded to hos-
pital, and so forth ;" and four transports--the whole
costing a mighty sum of money, and being put in
line-of-battle or otherwise serviceable order so soon
as their holds can contain a keg of gunpowder.
Europe, it need scarcely be said, will regard with
little anxiety this maritime activity on the part of
Prussia. Prussia is a kingdom with few favourable
outlets and feeble natural frontiers. It has more
than once been forced into a policy of craft and vie-
lence by the instinct of self-preservation. But, from
the day when a Prussian King made his first ap-
pearance on a field of Europe, the kingdom has,
neglected warnings which aye note yet be studio
too late. Its efforts at self-aggrandisement of recent
years have not been too wisely calculated. We all
know what the realm is in itself, and how it has
been formed—of what an agglomeration, indeed,
of seignories, duchies, bishoprics, principalities,
and provinces, it is constituted, eight distinct
deposits of acquired power underlying the Prussian
throne. Now Prussia, not satisfied with being
safe by land, aspires to a rivalry with th?,
great maritime nations on the sea, which 'pus", ,
tax the Royal and patrimonial resources 0'
her monarchy, besides the people, in a manner
somewhat severe. It may be a far-sighted policY, e
;
but it certainly appears experimental so far as tu
living generation is concerned. It is a truth familiar
to all Europe, that Prussia, apart from her brief
intervals of inglorious warfare, since 1815, has
been working apace to put her material interests
on a level with those of the other Northern and
Western nations. In this attempt she has partially
succeeded. Engaged in many constitutional
struggles, inferior in intensity to those of 1848'
though more prolonged, she has, upon the whole,
advanced considerably, and, until the assault upon
Denmark discredited her in the sight of the civilised
world, her fame stood
.high. We are dynastically
related with her, and must have every desire to
~
witness her prosperity ; but her politics of late have
been suspiciously circuitous and provocative, as the
action of that which may be termed Minor Germany
most indubitably proves. There are several dangers
before her, upon all of which she appears eager to
rush. Lord Brougham once said that Prussia
never adopted in her court the style of extravagance
prevalent in England, France, and Austria ; but
impoverished herself by " trying to seem stronger
than she was." Comparatively considered, it is
true that her armaments, in proportion to her
population, are not exorbitant. They are by many
degrees less, relatively, than those of the French
and the Dutch, the Spaniards and the Portuguese_
but when Prussia has a great navy, with costly
harbours, coast works, and a system of maritime
fortifications, will she be one jot the stronger alea
her land frontier? Her Minister of Marine receur_
mends the " re-establishment of the fort of Frie
richsort." In that we discover a truth which .n.
Minister of Marine would appear to have forgotten,
Friedrichsort was dismantled because it was useless.
But every fancy hai its hour of sunshine, and there
exists little possibility that the Berlin Chambers
will baulk the last Royal proposition that a peePlcii
intoxicated by cheap victories over the Danes, shall
clothe their coasts in granite and iron, and, far and
near, defy the world.