The Sun.
London, England, 1865-06-02 00:00:00

lane and down the lane, and up to the sky and
down to his boots—anywhere but just straight in
front of him. (Laughter and applause, and cries of
Go on, my boy, and Bravo !) Of course, it must
be attributed to the measures of the overnment.
When certain measures are proposed with the object
of producing certain effects and those follow, I sup-
pose you must call them the effects of those mea-
sures. But Mr. Raikes did not mention several
very prominent features in financial policy which
were not convenient to the tenour of his speech.
(Hear, hear.) He did not mention that during the
present Parliament the net reduction of taxation
amounted to 11+ millions of money. (Applause.)
He did not speak of the benefits of free trade. Free
trade is rather an awkward theme for a Tory. That
is the rock on which their party split, which split it
has never yet recovered. That is the good work in
which they refused to follow their great leader, Sir
Robert Peel ; and, although since that time they
have been compelled to acquiesce in free trade mea-
sures, yet they have always resisted them when they
could, and invariably accepted them with reluctance.
(Applause.) The Government is to be blamed for
not carrying the Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Well,
in 1860 Lord John Russell brought in a Reform Bill,
embodying the amendment by which he had turned
out Lord Derby. That bill failed. It was not defeated
by adverse majorities, but failed principally from
delays. Well, under ordinary circumstances, per-
haps it would have been the duty of the Govern-
ment to press the matter in the following session.
But the circumstances were 'not ordinary. After
that measure had failed a decided reaction began to
set in in public opinion. (Oh, and order.) No
popular meetings were held ; the press did not echo
the voice of the people ; both within and without
the walls of Parliament the subject was treated with
coldness. Was the Government, then, to endeavour
to force Reform, down the throats of a reluctant
country ? (Hear, hear.) That reaction which I
have been speaking of has been going on ever since,
and I think I may say it attained its culminating
point in the speech of Mr. Lowe the other day. Mr.
Lowe, as you know, is a staunch Liberal. (No, no.)
He professes to be so (oh), and yet he delivered the
most determined anti-reforming speech that has been
heard for a long time. I think if there is anything
which would have been more calculated to rouse the
spirit of Reform in the country than another it was
that speech of Mr. Lowe's. But it appears to mete
have failed to do so. There has been no more ex-
citement in the country since that speech was de-
livered than before it. (Hear, hear.) Now, gen-
tlemen, I will come a little nearer home, and I will
speak about my own idea as to Reform. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) I have stated in an address
which I have issued that I am in favour of a liberal
extension of the franchise, and I would give a fair
and careful consideration to any measure with that
object in view. (Hear, hear.) Ido think indeed
that, considering the improved condition of the la-
bouring classes, considering the high qualities that
they have sometimes displayed—as, for instance,
during the late cotton famine in Lancashire—con-
sidering that the education of the lower classes has
increased in a greater ratio than their wealth, I
think that they are justly entitled to an extension
of the franchise. (Cheers.) What is Mr. Baines's
statement of the state of representation in this
country ? I think he said in his speech the other
day that out of a population of 20 millions, 19 mil-
lions were unrepresented. Well, this fact is very
significant, and it will show you that when we boast
of our representative institutions we must use the
word in a very modified sense. I have said lam in
favour of a liberal extension of the franchise; but
when you come to look at particular propositions
you are met by a great difficulty. You are met by
the difficulty of letting in large numbers of voters
who would drown property and the higher education
of the country. (Hear, hear.) I would not pledge
myself to go so far as to vote for Mr. Baines's bill.
(Oh, and cheers and groans.) At the same time I
will not bind myself to look upon the £lO borough
franchise as a finality. (A Voice—" Then you are
as good as Mr. Raikes," and cheers.) There has been
a great controversy going on as to whether there is
such a thing as an abstract right in every man to
have a vote. It has been argued in opposition to
that, that if it were so, if you prevented any man
exercising that vote, he would have a right to resist
you, and that the doctrine of abstract right is the
same as that which arms the hand of the assassin.
(Oh, groans, hisses, and cheers, and a.voice, " What
about the ballot ?") I will come to the ballot pre-
sently. It seems to me that this argument supposes
that there is no such thing as political expediency
sufficient to control those abstract rights. If you ask
me for an opinion I will candidly say that I think
there is such a thing as the abstract right to vote.
(Cheers.) I do not see what meaning the maxim has
that representation must accompany taxation unless
that is the case ; but I do say that that doctrine
must be controlled by prudential considerations—
(hear)—and I would never let these abstract rights
prevail against the ascendancy of a class. I wish now
to speak of another subject—church-rates. I have
said something about church-rates in my address. I
said, " As respects the present law of church-rates, I
consider it vexatious and impolitic, and in the ab-
sence of any such plan for its amendment as shall
fully meet the demands of religious liberty, I should
be disposed to vote for its abolition." (Applause.)
I wish you to understand that I am a firm adherent
of the Church of England. Ido not surrender the
right of the State to tax members of the Church of
England for the support of the fabric of the church.
At the same time justice compels me to admit that
it has no. right to take the money of Nonconformists
and apply it to purposes from which they derive no
benefit. (Applause.) No question has caused
greater difficulties or been a greater puzzle to states-
men than this. Twenty-five years ago it was pro-
posed in Parliament to exempt Dissenters. This
found no favour either with Dissenters or with the
Church. The Dissenters objected to being marked
off by so precise a line, while the Church found it
inexpedient—that it put a premium upon dissent.
(Applause.) Since then various compromises have
been tried, but none have met with success. I
would gladly hail any device which, while saving
the rights of the Established Church, would satisfy
Dissenters and might receive the sanction of Par-
liament ; but if no such third course should prove
feasible, rather than that the inconvenience, the
hardship, the anomalies of the present law
should continue, I would vote for its abolition.
(Loud applause.) Now I will come to the subject
which has been alluded to by my friend in the mid-
dle there—the ballot. (Hear, and cheers.) Ido not
know if many of you are in favour of the ballot.
(Cries of no, no, and yes, yes.) I have no hesita-
tion, gentlemen, in saying that lam not. (Cheers,
followed by a cry of "Three cheers for the ballot,"
which was partially responded to, the performer on
the penny trumpet renewing his efforts and excit-
ing some laughter.) The ballot received one quietus
a long time ago from the pen of Sydney Smith, and
it has received another quietus very lately from the
pen of Mr. Mill. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps you will
allow me to give you the idea of Mr. Mill on the
subject, because it is rather a remarkable conver-
sion. He says in his address to the electors of West-
minster, " Voting for a member of Parliament is a
public and political act, and my conviction is that
in a free country all such acts should be done in the
face of, and be subject to the comments and the
criticisms of, the entire public. (hear, hear, and
applause.) I wish that the elector should feel an
honourable shame in voting contrary to his known
opinions, and in not being able to give for his vote
a reason which he can avow. The publicity which
lets in these salutary influences admitted unfortu-
nately also some noxious ones ; and if I thought the
electors of this country were in a state of hopeless
and slavish dependence on particular landlords, I
should be, as I once was, a supporter of the ballot."
(Hear, hear, cheers, and a cry of " All my eye and
Betty Martin.") I ask you, gentlemen, would the
ballot insure secrecy ? (Cries of both Yes and No.)
I believe that in America it has totally failed to do
so. (Loud cries of no, no, and yes, yes, followed
by " You have it in your lubs.") And even if it
did insure secrecy, there would be the same mo-
tives for corruption and the same room for
morality
for decep-
tion, while that great safeguard
of public
—if it is not too much to call it—the ity
neighbour's opinion, would be entirelyr respect
efar uwoa;
with. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, oentlo

I am not going to touch upon political topics, for ;
there would be too many of them. I would just
refer, however, to the Permissive Bill, and I will do
so but briefly, as I hope on a future occasion to have
an opportunity of stating my views upon it more at
length ; but I will take this opportunity of saying
that I am against the Permissive Bill. (Cheers.) I
think it unjust in principle, and that if it were passed
by Parliament it would be quite ineffectual in prac-
tice. (Cries of " Hear, hear," " No, no," and
" Yes.") I can only add that if I have been obscure
upon any points on which you wish to know how I
would go, I shall be happy to answer any questions
to the best of my power. (Cheers.) [At this stage
of the proceedings, the father of the candidate, the
Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, made his appearence on the platform,
and was greeted with the most rapturous applause,
again and again repeated. When quietness had been
restored Mr. Gladstone, jun., resumed his address.
In conclusion he said,]—l ask you to prefer me to
Mr. Fenton—(cries of " Yes, yes," and " No, no.")
—for two reasons—first because I contend that he
has no right to divide the Liberal party—(cheers,
followed by interruption)—and secondly, because
he advocates certain doctrines which I don't think
,of use to the country.. (Hisses.) I ask you to pre-
fer me to Mr. Raikes—(cries of " Yes, yes," and
" No, no") because if he is returned he would sit on
the wrong side of the house. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) Depend upon it that if you want your
taxes reduced and your pockets filled, as they have
been during the last few years—(A voice—" Fenton
will do it." Laughter)—if you want to have happi-
ness and content throughout the country and in
every class—(The voice—" Fenton will do it."
Laughter)—if you want economy in the national
defences—(" Fenton will do it." Laughter)—if, as
the people of this country, you want to receive sym-
pathy and aid from your rulers—(The voice—" Go
to Fenton." Laughter)—then, I say, you must re-
turn a Liberal candidate—(hear, and cheers)—and I
have the utmost confidence from the result of the can-
vass I have been pursuing during the last week that
I shall be the honoured object of your choice. (Great
cheering, after which three cheers were heartily given
for the Chancellor of the Exchequer.)
The Right Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE, on rising to
address the meeting, was received with the utmost
enthusiasm. He said—Mr. Mayor, electors, and
gentlemen, although I have not the honour to be
either a candidate or an elector for the city of Chester,
yet I hope it will not appear to you strange or un-
natural thatl should come among you on the present
occasion—(hear, hear, and cheers)—when the imme-
diate question concerns one in whom I am so nearly
and dearly interested—(hear, hear, and cheers)—and
of whom I, at least, never have had cause, and I
believe that I never shall have cause, to be ashamed.
(Hear, hear, and great cheering.) But, gentlemen,
there is a special reason which brings me here, and
which makes me feel it to be my duty, if I am fa-
voured for a while with your patience and attention,
to explain distinctly the position in which we stand.
(Hear, hear.) We have in the field four candidates
for Chester; or if I set apart one, about whose re-
turn I trust there is no shadow of doubt, and who
need not be considered as a party to this contest, we
have three candidates for a single seat. Gentlemen,
that is not at first sight a promising position of affairs
—and who are these three candidates ? One of them
is Mr. Raikes. (A Voice—" A Chester man")—and
Mr. Raikes has that claim to represent this consti-
tuency in Parliament which can be boasted by a
man who notoriously entertains opinions that are
those only of a very small minority of the consti-
tuency. (Loud cheers.) And how came Mr. Raikes
among you ? He came, gentlemen, in consequence
of divisions existing in the body of the majority of
the constituency. (Hear, hear.) And I am sure you
will agree with me that it is only those divisions
which could give to Mr. Raikes even the ghost of
a chance. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Well,
then, gentlemen—for I wish to make this a prac-
tical occasion—(interruption)—it is a grave matter
to consider who is responsible for this division.
(A. Voice—" Your son.") I, at least, have
felt that responsibility deeply, and I have gone, I
am afraid, to the point of giving reasonable offence
to many who are the warmest and most influential
supporters of my son by my disinclination—nay,
more, by my resistance, to his coming here for any
purpose which could involve disparagement or dan-
ger to the predilections and the opinions of the ma-
jority. (Hear, hear, and applause.) And what,
gentlemen, was the first communication made by my
son, and made by my advice ? Generally, gentle-
men, I presume to say I leave him to the formation
of free opinions. (Cheers.) Never shall I attempt
to interfere with his conscientious conviction. (Hear.)
I am a lover of freedom for the nation. (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) lam a lover of freedom in the
family—(cheers)---but I did feel, gentlemen, that it
was my duty strenuously to urge upon him and to
adopt for myself this rule of conduct, that we would
not be governedby considerations of personal ambi-
tion ; that the flattering prospect of gaining your
suffrages should not bring him into the field to the
possible danger of that party -which comprises three-
fourths of the constituency, unless we were con-
vinced that it was by him and by him alone that
representation of the opinions of that party could
be secured. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) And there-
fore his first pledge and promise was that he would
not be a candidate at all unless invited in a manner
so unequivocal as to be reasonably and morally sure
1 that he would be the object of your choice. (Hear,
hear, and cheers) But, gentlemen, it may be said
—" That is all very well, but what is to be
the test ?"' Very well, gentlemen, each of us has
had a test. Mr. Fenton has proposed a test—
a Voice—" And he has run away," laughter)
—and we have proposed a test ; and gentle-
men, if I refer to Mr. Fenton, and if I say that
this responsibility lies not at our door, but at his (A
Voice—" It does not," followed by cries of " Turn
him out !" " Order, order !"), I shall endeavour to
do so in terms that can give no offence to the gen-
tleman who has just now expressed his opinion
opposite to me—(hear, hear, and laughter)—nor to
anybody else—(hear)—and no word of intentional
disrespect to him, or his friends, or to his opinions
will escape me upon this occasion. (Applause.)
" But," said Mr. Fenton, " decide the question be-
tween us two by a meeting of the Liberal electors."
(Laughter.) Well, now, I frankly own I have no
doubt Mr. Fenton, with his other accomplishments,
must be a gentleman of great humour, and that he
saw or knew we were very simple, and knew we
were very young. (Laughter.) He knew we were
little better than babies—(laughter)—and I really
think that he considered that a very fair joke might
be passed off upon us. (Laughter.) Because, gen-
tlemen, nobody will tell me in earnest that a man
could really suppose that a seat for Chester was to
be disposed of by a meeting called, forsooth, and
denominated one of the Liberal electors. How was
a meeting of Liberal electors to be held ? Were there
to be doorkeepers to ask every man in the first place
his opinions, and whether he was a Parliamentary
elector ; and, in the second place, whether he was
a Liberal elector? (Laughter.) Suppose he thinks
he is a Liberal elector and the doorkeeper does not
think so, is the doorkeeper to bang the door in his
face ? No, the doorkeeper is not to bang the door
in his face ; but, if the doorkeeper is not to exercise
a judgment, how are you to secure a meeting of the
Liberal electors ? I take it this is for the most part
a meeting of the Liberal electors, and delighted I
am to see it—(applause)—but at the same time it
would not be very easy to decide at this meeting,
crowded and packed as you are, who shall be the
member for Chester. (Hear, hear.) I think a
good deal might depend, under some circum-
stances, upon who was in the chair. (Hear,
hear.) The truth is, gentlemen, that was
a method of declining altogether a reference to
any trustworthy criterion. (Hear, hear, and
cries of "No.") IVell, gentlemen, we took our cri-
terion. We did not come into the field, we took no
step, until a requisition signed by 400 persons was
presented, and we then said what, I am bound to
say, was not very civil, though it was taken quite as
kindly as it was expected it would be—we then said
—" That won't do ; there is no proof in that requisi-
tion that my son is to be the object of the choice of
the bulk of the party which forms the majority of
the constituency, and unless that condition is ful-
filled we will not come into the field—we will not
divide the party." (Hear, and cheers.) Well, there-