The Sun.
London, England, 1862-09-11 00:00:00

of men on our southern frontier ; with a German

empire of 40,000,000 on our eastern frontier, while
our northern frontier, open, has scarcely any de-
fence but French patriotism, France would not be
in safety. Surrounded on all sides by neighbours

almost as powerful as herself, she would be at the
mercy of their gratitude or of their sympathy.
Such a situation would be unacceptable for a
people which has always acted in its liberty of
action, and which has owed the greatness
of its influence to that independence of its
policy." And thereupon viewing the matter thus,
he jumps immediately to the conclusion that the
rest of Europe would stand by quietly looking on
and conniving at the arrangement while France
compensates herself by seizing in one direction the
Rhenish Provinces, and in a totally opposite direc•
tion the Island of Sardinia.
It is said whimsically that there must be two
parties to make a quarrel. Precisely the same may
be said of a bargain. It remains to be learnt what
Germany, for example, might have to say in re-

gard to one of these coolly-foreshadowed bar-
gains, and what Italy might have to say in regard
to the other. Besides which in each • instance
there are the rest of the Powers of Europe who
would for a dead certainty have something also
to say in the matter of the changes looked forward
to—changes affecting the European Balance in their
instance hardly less than it would affect France.
However this might be, we will not stop even to
conjecture. Bat while M. DE LA GUERRONNIERE
is carrying matters with so high a hand in
his arguments as to the Foreign Policy of his
Government, as shadowed forth by his lucubrations
in La France—as an antidote to the bane in the
mere tone, and manner, and bearing of these argu-
ments, there is M. NEP!TZER who can thus boldly
reason upon the subject in the columns of the
Temps. "It is absolutely necessary," he says,
"to come to a clear understanding. What is

the policy that France represents in the
world? It is the principle of nationalities.
As we are continually proclaiming, there
can be no more questions of balance of
power. Under the new system peace does not
depend upon the factitious preponderation of forces,
but upon the reciprocal recognition of eve! y right,
upon universal satisfaction, upon the suppression of
all grievances between nation and nation. Now, if
our policy is to be that of Louis XIV. and NAPO-
LEON 1., let us say so; or rather, let us not say so,
for that policy can no longer be successfully prac-
tised but in the secresy of the antiquated system of
diplomacy. That system must abdicate, now that
the affairs of Europe are transacted in public.
How can we openly ask the Italians or Germans to
mutilate themselves for our gratification, and in
order to assure our preponderance ? If this is to be
our policy, the primary condition of its success is not
to cry it aloud." Excellently put are these few words
of plain honest common sense as an effectual extin-
guisher for all the flaring rhodomontade of M. DE
LA GITERRONNIEBE.

Europe is now fairly upon her guard. The ab-
sorption of the Rhenish Provinces, and the acquisi-
tion of the island of Sardinia by Franca under
NAPOLEON 111. are further off, we take it, than
ever—now that the danger in each instance has been
inopportunely (for NAPOLEON'S purpose) blurted
out by the (too) " ready writer" in La France.
That veracious illustrator anew of the wisdom of
TALLEYRAND'S maxim that " zeal" ought of all
things to be avoided in regard alike to the working
and the designs of Diplomacy.

Mr. EVERETT'S views on the present crisis are
worthy of the perusal of every reader. There is
not another gentleman whom educated and intelli-
gent European readers will listen to with more re-
spect. He is not a mere statesman, but a scholar
of worldwide reputation, and not a mere scholar,
but a practical statesman, as well as a hearty Ame-
rican. He it was who replied so ably to Earl GREY,
and in whom Earl GREY found an antagonist whom
it was an honour to encounter. Mr. EVERETT ad-
dressed, on the 27th, a war meeting at the Ameri-
can Athens, Boston, and to him, if to any man, we
may look to understand how Northern Americans
of the highest cultivation regard the present
struggle. Or, shall we rather say, how
they think it creditable to themselves to de-
scribe it to their fellow-citizens ; since we
cannot be quite sure of the private sentiments
of any orator addressing a meeting of his country-
men at this crisis. We believe, however, we may
assume that Mr. EVERETT fairly represents the
opinions of the highest class among his country-
, men. Still it may well be supposed that he
doubts the possibility of adequately rousing the
North.

It will be seen that Mr. EVERETT fully accepts
and eloquently supports the popular demand for
immense and crushing armaments. He would sac-
rifice everything to conquer and re-incorporate the
South. He concludes indeed his speech with the
story of JOHN HANCOCK; all of whose property lay
in Boston, built at that time of wood; he trans-
mitted, however, to Washington the order to bom-
bard it, heartily wishing him success, although
he should be the greatest sufferer, in order to drive
out the British. To similar sacrifices Mr. EVERETT
wished to stimulate his hearers, should they be
necssary, for the re-conquest of the South. Like
er,ery sensible man, he considered all the courses
open to the Northern Government, and decided for
overwhelming levies. They might, first, give in,
and sue for peace at once ; or, secondly, provide
sufficient supplies jest to keep the war on foot, with
alternations
of victory and defeat ; or, thirdly,
raise n
array which would bring the contest to a
prompt
and triumphant close. The important
raise
Mr. EVERETT has omitted to notice
wo—whether the Government can
raise, officer, and
pointsan d
discuss
s whicheus
equip such an army ; and when
it has re conquered the South, what it
s are t
can on Republican principles —do with it.
France, Austria, or Russia, would have
no difficulty with this last question ; Great
Britain even might do something with the
"
reclaimed province ; but what is a Federal Republic
to do with a set of States each claiming equal
rights with the other set which subdued them ?
We confess ourselves rather surprised that such a
man as Mr. EVERETT should pass over this states-
man's question. To Europe it seems the insoluble
political difficulty of Northern success. We could
hardly expect him to advert to the other point.
But we find that the North is already short of arms
to equip the men she has; of and generals worthy
of the name we know that the North is short in-
deed.

Perhaps nothing discourages enlistment
more than men's knowledge that they may be
sacrified to incompetent generalship. The multi-
tude in the North begin to see that armies incom-
petently led are but armed mobs, and lie at the
mercy of inferior numbers commanded by higher

skill.
When we impartially examine Mr. EVERETT'S
reasons for making such demands on his country,
we find they ale but those which we have heard
before, though stated with superior force and elo-
quence. He shows with ease that the South had
not the slightest honourable cause for secession.
They seceded because they were beaten in an eles-
tioL, the result of which they had in honour pledged