The Sun.
London, England, 1865-01-31 00:00:00

ducted, might prove: abortive. They assume that
we are first to ascertain what the rebels want, and
that this is to be our guide in negotiating with them.

Does anybody suppose for a moment, that they will
accept voluntarily, or as the result of negotiation,
less than they had when they began the war ? And
does anybody suppose that we will give them more ?
Can we give them a peace that shall make their
rebellion an advantage to them—a positive and
substantial success ? Even if they waive their claim
to independence, can we concede their construction
of the Constitution ? Can we give them State
sovereignty in their acceptation of the term ? Can
we concede to them anything on any point which
they did not have when they began the war ? Yet
without some chance of such concession, there is not
the slightest chance of their entering upon negotia-
tions of any sort.

" But although we look for it in another direction,
the prospect of peace seems to us by no means
remote. Lee's army is all that remains of the re-
bellion, and so long as that does remain we have no
right to expect such a peace as we can accept. When
that is destroyed the rebellion is crushed, and we
shall have such a peace as must follow the restored
authority of the Constitution and laws of the United
States. But that great battle remains to be fought.
It can no more be averted or evaded than could
Waterloo, and its result on one side, at least, must
be equally decisive. It is to this final issue that the
Government is now advancing. It is bringing all
its available military force to bear upon that. Its
first effort, of course, will be to compel General Lee
to meet it ; if successful in that, its next endeavour
will be to defeat and overwhelm him. If it fails in
either, the war may be prolonged ; if it succeeds in
both, we must, in the natural course of events, have
a prompt and lasting peace. And in no other way,
and at no earlier moment, in our judgment, can we
have peace at all."
The following resolutions were adopted in the
Confederate House of Representatives :
Resolved—That under the Constitution Congress
alone has the right to declare war, and the Presi-
dent, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, to make a treaty of peace.

Resolved—That all attempts to make peace with

the United States by the action or intervention of
the separate States composing the Confederacy are
unauthorised by the Constitution, in contravention
of the supreme law of the land, and are, therefore,
revolutionary.

The last resolution in the series is as follows :
Resolved—That we, the representatives of the
Confederate States, are firmly determined to con-
tinue the struggle in which we are involved until
the United States shall acknowledge our indepen-
dence, and to this determination, with a sincere
conviction of the justice of our cause, and an humble
reliance upon the Supreme Ruler of Nations, we do
solemnly and faithfully pledge ourselves.
The Richmond Dispatch of Jan. 12 deprecates the
course of some other Confederate journals in
blaming Jefferson Davis for the disasters suffered
by the Southern armies, and says that there is no
more reason in attributing to him all the disasters
in the West, than all the glories in the East.
The State Convention of Tennessee has unani-
mously adopted a series of resolutions for ever abo-
lishing slavery in that State, and abrogating the
ordnance of secession adopted in 1861, together
with all laws passed in pursuance thereof. These
resolutions, which form an amendment to the State
Constitution, are to be voted upon by the people of
Tennessee on the 22d February, and it is generally
believed that they will be sustained by the public
voice.

The Convention also nominated as Governor, to
succeed Andrew Johnson, vice President elect,
Parson W. G. Brownlow, who, in a speech accepting
the nomination, announced his determination, if
elected, to vigorously conduct the duties of the
office, and, particularly, if sustained by the Legis-
lature, to put an end to guerilla warfare in Tennes-
e, even if every man concerned iu it had to be

The Richmond Examiner advises, in consideration
o the large quantity of cotton captured by General
Sherman, at Savannah, and the exposure of all
points where cotton is stored in the neighbourhood
of Federal armies, that all cotton or tobacco should
.e destroyed whenever there is the least probability
of their falling into the hands of the Federals, who,
the Examiner affirms, frequently are attracted by
those staples, and make raids into regions which
lould otherwise escape molestation.
,M General Butler has arrived in Washington, in
.3dience to summons from the Committee on the
Conduct of the War, before which he is summoned
to give testimony in relation to his Wilmington
failure.

awaiting the action of a special committee of Con-
gress appointed to investigate his case.

To bring about the rejection of Mr. Gladstone
the Conservatives have attacked his Parliamentary'
conduct in relation to Church matters. He 118-4
made speeches and given votes of which they do,
not approve; and he has introduced nothing of a
Church character of which they do approve. Be-
cause they do not admire some of the earlier eccle-
siastical appointments of the present Government,
they lay the blame at Mr. Gladstone's door. He, if
not an approving, was virtually a consenting parti
to those appointments, whereas he ought rather to
have resigned office than have suffered them to g°
unchallenged. His presence in the Ministry ought
to have secured a better choice of men to fill high
offices in the church. In short, it would be impel"
Bible to sum up here, still less to discuss, all the
grounds on which, in different ways and by different
persons, the University is to be urged to reject her
brilliant representative. Itis enough to say that the
fiat " to get Gladstone out" has gone forth, and not
a few willing feet are hastening to give it effect. But
few who know Oxford, or the Tory aspirants for
office, if they have any regard for the independence
of a public man, will withdraw their votes from 14-r-
Gladstone on the grounds alleged. Rather theli
will feel that his public acts must be construed
with due regard to the circumstances by which
he is surrounded and the special duties of his office'
If Mr. Gladstone were Premier it would be fair to
challenge hi; Church appointments. He alone
would be responsible for them. But it is an un-
derstood thing among Ministers that they are nol'
to interfere with each other's patronage, and
would be as foreign to Mr. Gladstone's nature
_t°
step beyond his province as it would be to Lord
Palmerston's to suffer it. For the Church appoih'
ments Lord Palmerston alone is answerable, and Ir
is perfectly able, if occasion requires, to justhl
what he has done. It is highly creditable to the
Chancellor of the Exchequer that his opponents eau
find nothing worse to say of him than that he hae
not done what .it was no part of his office to d°'
while they cannot deny that he has filled his
er
pes'
tion with a brilliancy and success which have nev
been surpassed. The real secret of opposition lot
his connection with the Palmerston Governlnen
andlis undisguised adherence to the Liberal patine
It is not for Oxford, even as a Conservative
institution, to throw her illustrious scholar over-
board on that ground. He cannot be blamed for
choosing to work with Lord Palmerston rather
than to occupy a useless position on the ero,„a4
benches for an indefinite number of years. Not 7a
have joined the present Ministry when asked wou'_„
have been downright folly. Mr. Gladstone is
active man, a man of genius, of ambition, and c
devotion to public life. As such he saw in the offef
of office under Lord Palmerston an opportunitYra
serving his country. Was he, from an inferior ei
tive, to hold back from that opportunity, and sPeiti
the best years of his life in inactivity ? 110
studied finance • he represented a given systere
maintained certain' principles : was he to forego ruo
only chance that might offer of throwing his gelio
into the very work for which he was best a
Granted that in Church principles he was nes
separated from many of his colleagues, yet his ref
ing to act with them would have done nothing the
the Church, while it would have deprived him a ;he
opportunity of rendering priceless service to 4
State. But of all people the Tories have the le {o
right to complain of any one's unprofitablenetto
the Church. They have not been able to keep °wsloo
rne
long, but we look in vain for any single 0-
for the good of the Church during their brief by
cendancy. The two Administrations of Lord Pier/0
did absolutely nothing for the Church, and lanLiitt
sort of foundation on Church principles fora enji
to the confidence of the University of Oxford or o,ces
body of Churchmen. We acknowledge the se arch
of the Conservative party in the defence of church
rates ; but with that single exception the o'utrod
owes them nothing. The Church has not reeelio
`much' from the State of late years, but what it 9
.
received it has received through the Liberalr;aest
It was under a Liberal Ministry that to.re.bera,
bishopric of Ripon was founded ; under a 1" wag
Ministry that the additional see of Manchester tioo
created ; under a Liberal Ministry that Convocso/
was suffered to proceed to business after a el Abe
and a half of compulsory inactivity. It was a ;fts""s o
ral Ministry that disapproved the obstructiven ocir
Archbishop Musgrave, and gave to York an
bishop favourable to the restoration of the IsTer eta
Synod. It has been under Liberal Colonial Sc,oo
ries that the Church has so multiplied her c?'os i
bishops and been countenanced in the transacti°ery
her colonial synods. While, if our memorysr re.
us, the synodical action of the Church neve I,ore
ceived such bitter opposition as it did froul.ose
Derby when Lord Stanley, and from Mr. iver
and Mr. Walpole. Our belief is that the Vh
sity of Oxford will have the good sense to see_ilio,
the time has come when " good Churchmal
,41
as it is called, is not necessarily associated Wi oieg
party. Many of the Liberal party an are exc
Churchmen—Mr. Gladstone amongst the res,Veretit
many of the Conservatives are very in F•
Churchmen. It is by ney means certain that or
Lygon, who is now so busy in thus unsettlhw,
Sir Stafford Northcote, whom some are anxie.:4o
put forward, would in any sense prove better fo
to the Church than Mr. Gladstone ; while ft silear
tain that they could not be classed anywhrercepOra
him as Ministers. Let the University 01
take true and honest measure of the gill iv
so ably represents her, and not be rniale. g311.'
clique who, even if they succeeded in unseatille itbef
Gladstone, wouldbe utterly powerless to sell'
the University or the country as he has do'

COUNTRY MARKETS

The market to-dayG n 66 f
LOUCwEasSTthEiniß--/aAttln2dBe.d, a a boioejl
50 to 4 0
consequently limited. English white wheat; „vile
and red, 3s 8d to 4s 10d per 621 b. Last °Oa"
wheat, £l. 19s 2d per imperial qr.

NORTHAMPTON —JAN 9„g • 28.
• At this corn market to-day the show of whes 4s, 5;04
i able, there being a sprinkn g of white and red 0,°1: Owe"
samples were generally in good condition. ,
to-day was healthy, and a moderate share of bils—
done at the full rates of the week preceding. ,„ 385.; old
done
New white wheat, 398 to 42s ; new red, 370 l30;"0
white, 43s to 445; old red, 38s to 39s per 36 ston'gs e.
for malting, 31s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 268 to 204 sto,ll,
stone. Oats, old, 278 to 34s • new, 188 to 288 Per `„,.
Beans, old, 36s to 40s ; new, '3ss to 38s per 38 stal"
34s to 40s per 36 stone.
mac

oRD—JAN. 28.
winacslesmmenntty,faintedobfuthsinel;o?l
's prices. Spring cal- .
tie doin
Peas, lag
rtridge 30 0,44
White
Boiling
!!: /4
Dun .••
dit4n, new.• •.0 ;
Beans, Tick, 01d....
new. • ••39 „o
Harrow V1dc0..,0
new. • • :35$
Mazagan ....