The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-25 00:00:00

~~~~.~ ~

r
Z-74-

N°. 21,941.

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY E VENIN 0, OCTOBER 25, 1862.

PUBLICATIONS.

MR. COBDN M.P. ON MARITIME AND
INTERNATIONAL LAIV.

MISS KAVANAGH'S NEW WORK.
Now ready, at all the Libraries, in 2 vols., 215.,
ENGLISH WOMEN OF LETTERS.
By JULIA KAVANAGH,
Author of "Nathalle," "Adele," " French Women of
Letters," &c.
Hurst and Blackett, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

MANCHESTER, FRIDAY.
Mr. Cobden this day addressed a crowded meeting in the
Mayor's parlour of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce,
specially convened for the purpose of considering the pre-
sent state of international and maritime law in reference to
the existing distress in the manufacturing districts.
Mr. COBDEN, on coming forward, was loudly cheered. He
spoke as follows :—We meet here, when great calamities
threaten this particular district, arising out of the operation
of the American commercial blockade, and to discuss the
remedy against such ills as we are now suffering from to
discuss the questions of maritime law and belligerent rights.
It is, indeed, deplorable that we are not roused to the great

ROIAL NATIONAL LIFE-BOAT
INSTITUTION
(Incorporated by Royal Charter).
PATRONESS—Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen.
PRESIDENT—Vice-Admiral his Grace the Duke of Northum-
berland, K.G., F.R.S.
CITAIRMAN--Thos. Baring, Esq., Rms.,
DEPUTY-ClIAIRMAN—Thornas Chpsq., V.P.
The Committee of Managaement have to state that, since
'he beginning of the ear'y 860, the Royal National Lifeboat
Institution has incuy'red expenses amount ng to £27,260 on
various Lifeboat Establishments on the Coasts of Eng'and,
Scotland, and Tretand.
During the same period the Lifeboats of the Institution
have een instrumental in rescuing thie Crews of the follow-
ing Ve`..sels
Barque Vermont, of Halifax. U.S. ..
Schooner William Keith, of Carnarvon
Brig Flying Fish, of Whitby ..
Smack Elizabeth Ann, of Lyme Regis
Steam Dredge, at Newhaven .. „
SSchooner
sAud s ma
ni r
aa
nl
dH
so
ad
Ib, e oltla,Rootch_Deunstedree
Schooner Rose, of Lynn
Brig Prodroma, of Stocktr,,n
Brig Eliza, of Middles,,Jurough .
Brigantine Freia, Konigsberg ..
Briganitoinuceer/61::;r,fSouth Shields I%of Fredrsihkisehms a n
Brig G
Brig 1,07 ely Nelly, of Seaham
Brig%:.ntine Nugget, of Bideford ..
Sr.;nooner Prospect, of Berwick •
Schooner Ann Mitchell, of Montrose •
Schooner Jane Roper, of Ulverstone
Brig Pallas, of Shields ..
Ship Ann Mitchell, of Glasgow ..
Smack John Bull, of Yarmouth .
Schooner Catherine, of Newry
Barque Niagara, of Shields ..
A Barge of Teignmouth .•
Brig (-4 corge and .Tames, of London
Brig Zephyr, of Whitby

POST-OFFICE DIRECTORY.-SIX HOME
COUNTIES now ready, price :6s. 6s. Other COUNTIES
also ready. Kelly and Co., 18 to 22, Old Boswell-court, St.
Clement's, Strang, W.C. ; Simpkin, Marshall, and Co. ; and
all Booksellers.

NEW SPORTING PAPER, Price THREEPENCE.
On the Ist of November,

THE SPORTING GAZETTE
(Llmit'd).
A new First Class Weekly Newspaper—published every
Saturday morning, in time for the early trains—devoted to
THE TURF, COURSING, HUNTING, STEEPLE-
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Committee of Noblemen and Gentlemen ; and Edited by W.
H. LA NGLEY, assisted by practical and experienced
Writers, and many Contributors of Eminence.

errors committed in legislating until we are suffering under
the evils which they entail. (Hear, hear.) It would be well
if it were otherwise; but it is useless to quarrel with the
constitution of men. We are not mere abstractions, and if
the effect of the visitation of calamities such as we are now
suffering under is to lead us to devisea remedy against their
recurrence, perhaps it is as much as we have a right to ex-
pect from human wisdom or forethought, There aie two
points of resemblance between the protective system and
the system of maritime international law which we are 13e.

.. 16
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Annual Subscription— unstamped, 135. ; stamped, 17s. 4d.
Advertisements and Subscriptions must be accompanied
by a post-office order, payable to Richard James Kennett,
Publisher, 14, York-street, Covent-garden, London, W.C.

some such accidental cause which would

ignorant ages. They are both so utterly
to consider. They both had their origin in barbarous and
unsuited to the
times in which we live that, if once touched in any pert,
they crumble to pieces entirely under the hands of the re-
former, and it is on this account that we ought to birptrti-
cularly thankful that on the Treaty of Paris in 1856 the
plenipotentiaries considered this question,
and made a nest
important change in the international maritime law as af-
fecting belligerents and neutrals. They decided that i 4 fa •
ture neutral property at sea during the time of war. Amid
be respected when in an enemy's ship, and that an enemy's
property should be respected when under a Lleutral. flag;
they also tlicided that privateering should be abeftsheil
These DronesAlkafter being accepted by almost every coun-
try in Europe, with the exception, perhaps, Of Spain, were
sent to America, with a request for the adhesion of the
American Government. The American Government gave in
their adhesion to that declaration which affirmed the rights
of neutrals, and said that they had been the first to proclaim
those rights ; they also stated that they preferred to carry
the declaration which exempted private property from
capture by privateers at sea a little further, and to declare
that private property should be exempted from capture at
sea either by privateers or by armed Government ships.
Whether that proposal respecting privateers had been made
to America or not, after the other changes had been made
affirming the rights and privileges of neutrals, it would
have been much to the interest of England to have followed
it out to the extent proposed by the American Government,
Europe, after the Congress, of Paris, affirmed the rights and
privileges of neutrals ; and Englishmen, of all people in the
world, had an interest in proposing that they should ex•
tend that exemption so as to secure private property in ships
from capture by any armed ships. It has been said that
the American Government were not sincere in the proposal
which they made—that it was only a counter proposition
made for the purpose of evading the consideration of the
questions submitted to them, and that they only accepted
the two proposals in question in order to escape the accept.
ante of the whole. It is probably not generally known that
the very proposals which the American Government made
within the last five years were made by that Government
in their first treaty with this country after the declaration
of independence 80 years ago. They had their origin with
that great man Dr. Franklin, who carried into his diplo-
macy as well as into his philosophy a genial spirit of philan-
thropy. The question of exempting private property has
been dealt with in two addresses issu'lg from the Chem)
, " '-',-Inmeree of Liverpool; and re,' e a?'

THE DREAM OF JOY. SONG. Music by
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ESKELL'S TREATISE, which fully explains hisinvention,
post free for seven stamps.—lnspection of specimens and Con-
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Coble Vonour, of Culle-rcoats
Schooner Eliza, of North Shields ..
Barque Oberon., of Liverpool
Brigantine Nancy, of Teignmouth
Smack Wonder, of Teignmouth
-Brig Scotia, of Sunderland ..
S'opop Three Brothers, of Goole ..
Sloop Charlotte, of Woodbridge ..
Brig Ann, of Blyth ••
Spanish Barque Primera de Torreviega (saved ves-
sel and one of the crew)
Sloop Hope, of Dublin •• •• •• ••
Schooner Druid, of Aberystwyth .. • • ••
Schooner Hurrell, of Penzance (saved vessel and
4
Brig Anne, of Plymouth (saved vessel and crew) 8
Schooner Betsy, of Peterhead (saved vessel and
crew) .. • • • • 6
Smack Merrion Lass, of Aberystwyth (saved Ws-
and crew) • • • • • • •
• • • 3 Schooner Fly, of Whitby (saved vessel and crew) 4
Sloop Thomas and Jane, of St. Ives • • • . 3
Fishing-boats of Whitburn
Brig Arethusa, of Blyth •• •• ••
Schooner Dewl Wyn, of Portmadoc • •
Flat Cymraes, of Beaumaris •
Schooner William, of Morecambe ..
Smack Gipsy, of Newry • • • •
Schooner Margaret Anne, of Preston
Brig New Draper, of Whitehaven
Schooner William, of Liverpool ..
Lugger Nimrod, of Castletown
Brig Providence, of Shields
Brig Mayflower, of Newcastle • -
Schooner Village Maid, of Fleetwood •
Barque Guy 'nit, of Glasgow ..
Brig Roman Empress, of Shields ..
Brig San irid one, of Galaxide
Schooner oador du Vouga, of Vienna ..
French Brig La Jeune Marie Therese ..
Barque Perseverance, of Scarborough
Schooner Elizabeth, of Bridgewater
Ship Danube, of Belfast •• •• ••
Schooner Hortensia, of Hanover ..
Schooner Oregon, of Stonehaven
Brig St. Michel, of Marans .•
Schooner Epimachus, of Amsterdam ..
Barque Druid, of Sunderland
Schooner Bellona, of Red Bay.. ..
Brig Pioneer, of Carnarvon
Schooner Princess Alice, of Ipswich
Prig Minerva, of Workington
Schooner Elizabeth and Hannah, of Newburgh .. 6
Brig Sisters, of ‘‘ hitby .. • • •• 9
Brigantine Matilda, of Stockholm .. .. 4
Brig Jane, of North Shields .. .. 10
Brig Trial, of Poole . .. • • • • • • 7
Schooner Liberty, of Dublin .. .. 3
Schooner Sylphiden, of Nakskov (saved vessel and
crew)
.. 7
Barque Frederick, of Dublin .. 1
Barge Peace, of London
Lugger Saucy Lass, of Lowestoft .. 11
Smazk Adventure, of Harwich.. 10
Pilot cutter 'Whim, of Lowestoft
Barque Undaunted, of Aberdeen . • • •• 11
Wrecked boat on Blackwater Bank, on the Irish
coast
I
Schooner Skylark, of Folkestone ..
Brig Lively, of Clay, Norfolk .. • .
Schooner Rook, of Liverpool
Barque Robert Watson, of Sunderland ..
Schooner Auchincruive, of Grangemouth .. •.:
Schooner Friends, of Lynn Schooner Eliza Anne, of Dublin .
Brig Content, of Sunderland • • • •
Smack Ellen Owens, of Cardigan ..
Barque Cedarine, of Bermuda • • • •
Smack Frodsham, of Liverpool ..
Sloop William, of Liverpool
Sloop Elizabeth, of Teignmouth
Portuguese Barque Cruz V. .
Ship Annie E. Hooper. of Baliimore,ll.S...
Barque Henry Everest, of Rochester

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when it happens to be on the ocean, but to say that RI
be captured when it gets within three miles of a port ; c
say that a cargo shall be perfectly free to roam the of
when once out of harbour, but that you will capture
soon as ever it gets within three miles of land. Such a
of things would be so absurd that if a treaty were forr
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success in every case is as certain as that water quenches
thirst.

have therefore in dealing with this question to consider w

I venture to say is a very much greater evil, that of a c
mercial blockade. I say it is a much greater evil, for
reason. The question of capturing private property at
is one that affects the belligerents; it affects the party

..134

chooses to go to war, and it only affects necessarily the n
chants and shipowners of that country. But the quef

of a commercial blockade is a very different and a

Larger question. It affects neutrals ; and not only d,

Dr. Ricord's Essence of Life is sold in cases, with full in-
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and will be sent to any part of the world, carefully packed,
on receipt of remittance or post-office order payable to Prout
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Total

affect merchants and shipowners, 'but large manufactu.
populations, and it may involve the loss of life as we,
the loss of wealth, placing the whole social system in

- .
For these and other Life-boat services the Institution has
voted £2,158 as rewards to the crews of its Lifeboats. It has
also granted rewards ',mounting to £572 for saving 5'2
-hipwrecked persons, by shore-boats and other means. mak-
'ng a total of 1,302 persons saved from a watery grave during
the last two years and a half.

order. The question, therefore, of a commercial block?
a very much larger one than that of the exemption
vate property from capture at sea, but whether it is on_
England is more interested in than the other is another qi

The number of lives saved by the Life-boats of the
Society, rind other means, since its formation, is 12,690;
for which services 82 Gold Wdals, 711 Silver Medals, and
£16,0e0 in cash have been paid in rewards. The Institu-
tion has also expended £64,300 on Life-boats, Life-boat
Transporting-can 'ages, and Boat-houses.

tion. The American Government, again, were the firs
perceive, after they had proposed to Europe to exempt
vate property from capture at sea, that that question
volved the question of commercial blockade. It is no m

The public cannot but sympathise with the vigorousefforts
now being made by this Institution to save the lives of Ship-
wrecked Crews. Their help was never more needed than at
the present time, when, through the extraordinary exertions
he Society has made within the past few years, it has now
One Hundred and Twenty-three Life-boats under its man-
agement, tor the maintenance of which, in a state of thorough
efficiency, a large permanent annual income is absolutely
needed, if its humane mission is to be perpetuated.
The Committee gratefully acknowledge the following con-
tributions :

at all on the part of America that they have always
the first to see the question in the light in which it 411,
neutrals. It is neither any merit to America, nor any Pr
of its disinterestedness, and I do not mention it to Q.
praise any more than to their blame. The United St:
have been the great neutral Power of the earth. They el.

into existence and started into an immense comme
while holding themselves quite aloof from European
tics. They always laid it down as a maxim from the tie
Eonwrainnlr oelpleyega,intthi
mpaatotwteheaerny.
of Washington, that they would be outside the balance
das hnhosduhledlsvthb
Europe it was their commerce that suffered. Arne-
enever anything occurred
therefore, naturally required what all nations would c'
anabdoliAshuinstgri„t,gheethAemr
of neutrals in all negotiations on the sal'. maritime
interests
permittedby pt or
efsosliln7taoell,trrit:hetirs
international law. It is a remarkaF' ,tatance that
re-
presentatives in Europe e uespatc-h"toneetnhte
upon the breaking out of the w- between France
ethriecasrystem of comm
That is a very remarkable
law ;- L....al they for the first timei
light of subsequent events, because there iserncoial doubttthat
blockades.i
f
so
übthrhjeeseicrethr
broached
df-
to the Europe'- vk earbnl me
circumstancee t in a p practical i
when
ahl foraen
re
at
dh e
bi dye at
the
ef
in 1859 the English Government, followed as they would
acceptedinterestcordiallyt
sandhave ea gerl
have been by the other Governments of Europe, had.
Iw
hc aonl porfo
what
eh
would have been possible to accepted,hayve
is now happening in this district," I
avoided
Government—it
vatohnhiddetepthidhr
sugges-
tion would rather call it—of the
proposal--or
phtkoet shael trade, e , so far
Liver-
pool and New Orleans; becausee eieretnhfasree
bbesetwtedenistLinivcetlry-
as cotton is concerned, might have
intimated to America that we do not
muni-
cipal right in this matter, so that if theeeygnpireoeclthaiemiredtha;
Charlestown was not to be traded with, and did not keep any
ships there, we should go and trade with it just as we should
if there were no civil war at all. It is only upon the one
condition, that there should be an effective blockade main-
tained as between belligerents, that Europe recognises the
blockade at all. No doubt then, if the proposal which the
American Government made in 1859, had been accepted
and cordially received by England, it would have been at
once welcomed and accepted by the rest of Europe. And
that shows the extraordinary and sudden mutations to
which the human family are exposed ; for there is no
doubt that the American Government would have been
obliged to have carried on this war with the Southern
States without imposing a blockade upon commercial ports,
had their own propositions been accepted; or if they had
lone so in viola.ion of their treaty engagements with
Europe, it would have involved them in hostilities with all
the rest of the world—a state of things upon which no
rational Government would have ever dreamt of entering.
(Hear, hear.) I mention this not to draw any inference
calculated to cast blame upon any one for the past, but I
wish to draw a very serious and solemn inference from it in
regard to the future. We are suffering from the operation
of this commercial blockade in a way which might be im-
possible for human ingenuity to match by any other c,alamity
which you can conceive in the course of nature or in the
revolution, of man to have befallen this land. I cannot
conceive anything that could have inflicted on Lancashire
a calamity so unmanageable, so utterly beyond any power
of remedy. or any possibility of guarding against, as that
which has happened with respect to this commercial block •
ade. You have been trading 50 or 60 years with a region
of the earth which has during that time, almost every year,
been increasing its products of raw fibre for your use. You
have been increasing in your investment of capita', you
have been training skilled workmen, you have been prepar-
ing for the continued manufacture and manipulation of that
material ; have been placing your dependence upon it for
50 or 60 years, and then, as if a portcullis had been let down
at the entrance of a castle, this stream of 50 or 60 years'
continual increase is shut off, and you are deprived of those
means for the employment and subsistence of the people.
Nothing else could have produced this extraordinary and
calamitous state of things, which nobody ever looked for or
seem to have expected. There have been at various times
apprehensions expressed with reference to the danger of tak-
ing the whole of our cotton supply from one particular coun-
try. We have speculated, also, upon the probability of a
negro insurrection, which might destroy that social system
on which, we have sometimes regretted, this vast industry
is based, but if you reflect for a moment upon these two

AlieLraDdlyajaestty,
ethiteh
,QpueerenW. G. .glatel,'Esq::£ s. d
eCCEFHoolaraelutnrr
Harvey,
then.
sLyaCaov:onrsßelddi o,renccvseho.
Vice-Admiraltl
eVR.A..
rjGin.
sc
Justice
eta. don.annallsooo 000
• annual
dun.
nnnd
uuo
1220015
0010 :00
Bart..
•• • •
n.
m don. 10 10 0
Lambton, Messrs. W. H. & Co., Bankers .. don.on 0 0
Lanesborough, the Earl of .. annual 2.5 1
00 0
Legacy of the late Wm. Lupton, Esq., of
Salford.. • • • • • • • • • • 100 0 0
Martin, Sir Henry, Bart. .. 7th don. 10 0 0
Moore, Rev. G. B. .. don. 15 15 0
Robartes, T. J. Agar, Esq., M.P. .. annual 5 0 0
Stirling, Col. Sir Anthony, H.C.B. .. annual 2 0 0
Trench, Lady Helena .. .. don. 30 0 0
Donations and Annual Qm'-.scriptions will be thankfully re-
eived by the Bankers of the institution, Messrs. Willis,
Percival, and 6, Lombard-street; Messrs. Coutts and
Co., 59, Strand; Co.,;lessrs. Berries, Farquhar, and Co., 16, St.
Jamei's-street, London ; by a 1 the Bankers in the United
Kingdom ; and by the Secretary, Richard Lewis, Esq., at
the Office of the institution, 14, John-street, Adelphi, Lon-
don, W.C.

OS T E O EI D 0N:
What is it? See Patent, March 1, 1862, No. 560.
GABRIEL'S Sell-adhesive Patent Indestructible MINE-
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1
tk •;:tof, A jt
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h! =
(4--ril lit 46.
fia
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/31Y14r
, • V.. ,411111 k. °6l
a7:os,
I,szem. :Ltetlyoro 10 es Rorr- •*- 9.2

views, you will find neither of those events, if left to the
operation of the laws of nature, would have led to such a
sudden calamity as has befallen Lancashire. The slaves
might have been emancipated as others have been. Our

ancestors were all serfs at one time, but generally speaking,
as in the West Indian islands, if no foreign element is let
in among them, the transition from slavery and serfdom to
a state of freedom is carried out with comparatively little
concession or violence, and it is not likely that from that
event any sudden privation of the raw materials of industry

would have arisen. But now, with 4,000,000
bales of cotton, which will, I hear from the
highest authority, exist in the Southern States at
Christmas, hanging over our heads, and with the uncer-
tainty which exists as to the duration of the war, and con-
sidering that there is no remedial measure apparently which
. _ _

can be applied, people naturally feel great disinclination to
invest their capital, when it is likely to Le affected by slid-
._

den disturbing causes such as the possible release of this

vast amount of cotton in America. Turning to the other
view, you might have had sterility in this land. We

have had the potato blight, the vine disease, the mulberry

disease—we have had visitations of Providence in the form

of epidemics —a sort of vegetable cholera, as you may
call them; and it is possible that you might have

tend to

diminish the supply of cotton from America. But
this is a cause which you cannot deal with; it is unman-
ageable, and it is so grave and so alarming—it presents

itself to those who reflect and who look forward to six

months, if this civil war should go on—it presents itself in
such an odious aspect, that it is apt to beget violent thoughts
in our minds, which may tempt us to make an attempt at
some violent remedy. Now, with reference to that, we
should bear in mind the fact that I have mentioned. This

system of warfare which now affects us so severely.is one

that we have maintained and are the chief means of main-

taming, in opposition, I believe, to the opinion of the
whole mercantile and indeed the whole civilised world. I

told-You 111-th;r7.-1.5-•=s learnTi the ' tof the
war between Austria and France, the American Govern=

ment, through the hand of Mr. Cass, the then Foreign
Minister, sent a circular despatch to all the representatives

of that Government in Europe in reference to the subject of
maritime law. An attempt was made in the House of Com-
mons to induce the Government to produce that despatch and
lay it upon the table, but the Government refused to do so.
Well, gentlemen, I hold in my hands a copy of that de-

spatch, which has been since produced by the American
Government, and which any one may purchase at the cost of
a few cents, and it enters at length into the whole question
of maritime law generally. I will not trouble you by read-
ing much of it; but I will just quote a few general observa-
tions relating to the subject of blockades. Mr. Cass says :
‘4 The blockade of an enemy's coast in order to prevent all
intercourse with neutrals, even for the most peaceful pur-
poses, is a claim which gains no additional strength by an
investigation into the foundation upon which it rests, and
the evils which have accompanied its exercise call for an
efficient remedy. The investment of a place by sea and
land with a view to its reduction, preventing it from re-

ceiving supplies of men and material necessary for its de-
fence is a legitimate mode of prosecuting hostilities which
cannot be objected to so long as war is recognised as an
arbiter of national disputes. But the blockade of a coast,
or of commercial positions along it, without any regard to
ulterior military operations, and with the real design of
carrying on war against trade, and from its nature against
the trade of peaceable and friendly Powers, instead of a war
against armed men, is a proceeding which it is difficult to
reconcile with reason, or the opinions of modern times. To
watxh every creek and river and harbour upon an ocean
ntier, in order to seize and confiscate every vessel, with
cargo, attempting to enter or go out, without any direct
et upon the true objects of war, is a mode of conducting
tilities which would find few advocates, if now first pre-
ted for consideration." After stating at considerable
-th the reasons which induced the American Govern-
tto make the propositions they had done, Ihe blamed
1 Russell for not producing the despatches in the house,
ng assured that had he done so and had England agreed
ose proposals all the other European nations would
s followed, and the consequences would have been that
Northern States of America would have been unable to
availed themselves of the present state of international
to blockade the Southern ports, the importation of cot-
would have been uninterrupted, and the distress in Lan-
ire averted. The hon gentleman then continued •
)uld be bad enough to blockade your cotton and prevent
spindles from working; but there is another article
more important than cotton. We get food from Arne •
; and in the last session of Parliament an hon. member
is himself an extensive miller and corn dealer, moved
), return of the quantity of grain fit for human food and
.our which was imported into this country from America
n the Ist Sept. last year to the Ist June in this year. He
1 he did this for his own satisfaction, because he wished
iee what would have been the effect upon the supply of
d to this country if the talk of war in the Trent affair
I been carried out ; and hie estimate was, that the food
?orted from America, from September last year to Jade
year, was-equal to the food of between 3,000,000 and
00,000 of people for the whole year. And he remarked to
—and I quote his own words—that if that food had not
a brought from America all the money in Lombard-
set could not have purchased it, because elsewhere it
not exist at all. Now, I would ask whether anybody
ald seriously contemplate, in the case of a war with
aerica, enforcing a blockade in order to keep out these
nmodities P Nobody would dream of such a thing for a
iment. (Cheers.) Yet we are maintaining a system that
nds over to other Powers, whenever they choose to go to
,r, the power of starving our people and of depriving them
the raw materials of our manufactures, merely because
r antiquated statesmen, who live and dream in a period
0 years ago, do not understand the spirit of the age in
rich we live. (Cheers.) On this subject I will just read
extract from a pamphlet. I have in my hand two pam-
dets, and they are both attributed, I believe truly, to two
nctionaries employed in the Board of Trade. They both

..re the largest and most liberal and common-sense views
of this question; and it is, in fact, another instance added
to the case I have mentioned, showing that there has
always been something in the atmosphere of the Depart-
ment of the Board of Trade which has produced the most
enlightened and most advanced views of commercial
policy. I will read a short quotation showing what they
think of the old authorities on this international law, which
Lord Russell has been quoting in his despatches to Ame-
rica within the last eighteen months. This is what these
enlightened gentlemen say on the subject of interna-
tional law, and the attempt to:perpetuate the maxims
and laws laid down in comparatively barbarous ages :
" The days of Vattel, Grotius, Puffendorf, and Bynkers
hoek are not our days ; their doctrines, however applicable
to those times, are unfit tor these ; they may have been suited
for an era of war, they are unsuited to an epoch of peace.
They advanced doctrines which in their day it was perhaps
possible to maintain in some degree, but the conditions on
which their views were framed are changed, and it would
new be as easy to revive the dead creed of Protection as to
rule the relations between neutrals and belligerents by the
antiquated laws of Oleron, the Costumbres Maritimas of
Barcelona, or the once-famed Consolato del Mare. It would
be as easy to revert in medicine to the doctrines of Galen,
and to accept the crude dogmas of Theophilus as the base of
modern arts, as to define and govern our international rela-
tions by authorities whose dicta have ceased to be in har-
mony with the feelings of the present time. And yet, gen-
tlemen, it is under these dogmas that you will continue to
be governed unless you bring some of your practical sense
to bear on the antiquated propositions of those who are at
the head of affairs. It was so before. We had to fight the
battle with our own governing classes, and you will have
to fight the battle with your governing class, your object
being to have such a reform in maritime law as will place it
in harmony with the spirit of the age in which we live.
Still, it will be said that if you injure yourselves by a com-
mercial blockade you will injure your enemy a great deal
more. I want to know what will equal the injury we do to
ourselves by a commercial blockade. What injury that
we can do to any other nation in the world will equal the
evil occasioned by the distress in Lancashire if the present
state of things continued for another six months ? (Hear,
hear.) Recollect if you blockade the commercial ports of
a foreign Power like America or Russia, the effect is that
you prevent them from receiving comparative luxuries into
their ports, such as manufactured goods or colonial pro-
duce. People can live tolerably well, as they have done,
without these things; but if you inflict a commercial block-
ade which stops the exports as well as the imports of those
countries, while you deprive them of comparative luxuries,
you deprive yourselves of the raw material by which your
people live, and the very food which is necessary to their
subsistence. (Cheers.) I have thought much upon this
matter, and I can conceive no case in which you, carrying
on war with a foreign Power, could inflict the same amount
of injury on them that you would inflict on yourselvesAn
an inefficient system of blockade. (near,the
the blockade be not effective, the whole thing it,
hoar.)dis
to he
ground, and is a mere mischievous delusioond
then I say
however, effective according to your theooruy,toi
ght be at war
that upon no great country with which
you
upon your..
could you inflict such mischief as you be depriving
selves, because at that very time you would
which would enable
them of the energy and of those means
for
the purpose of
them to bear the contributions levied
you would starve them
carrying on the war. The verysitral
°condition would be the
and degrade them in theirdphrYequire physical strength to
time that the army
would
their country. Is that the way
enable the men to fight
contrary,
I say that a time of war is
to proceed ?
co°thers, you ought to have the freest
the time when, nofta-lfel
you with food. It is above all things
access to the portsupoplayforeign country, especially to those
countries vibi+eh 05 of war, more even than in time of peace,
necessary in trine
that you should have access to the materials of our strength

ee---e-c_ A

PRICE...—. —..4d.
STAMPED ....sd.

and wealth without hindrance, if by any means you can ac-
complish that end. (Hear, hear.) I can understand a
great manufacturing country like this maintaining a large
fleet forthe purpose of keeping our doors open for the supply
of materials but but by what ingenuity, and what perversity
of reasoning, any statesman can be brought to say that it
can over be the interest of a country to employ a fleet to
prevent food and raw material from being brought into the
country I cannot imagine. (Hear.) It is unnecessary for
me to say more upon this question. But there is another
point which I do not remember to have seen under discussion
but which I think it of great importance that we should estab-
lish, and that is, the principle that, in the maritime inter-
course of nations, they should not use the prohibition of
exports as a belligerent act. (Hear, hear.) When I was
engaged in arranging the treaty of commerce with France
we put in a clause which in effect interdicted the right of
prohibiting the exportation of coal. That was very much
complained of at the time. But according to my idea if our
diplomacy is to be carried out in the common-sense interest

of vast, community, we should seek by overy means in

our power, in case of war, to prevent belligerent Powers
from stopping the exportation of articles necessary for the
food or the employment of mankind by the general spread of
free trade principles—and free trade principles mean nothing
. _ _

but a division of labour carried out over the whole world.
(Cheers.) If we had a general extension of free trade prin.:

ciples throughout the whole world, every part of it would
become more and more dependent. on other parts for the
supply of its materials and the supply of its food. Instead
of as formerly •one country sending its wool to another, or
one nation sending its materials to another, we should
have the whole continent engaged in raising raw materials
for the supply of the wants of industrial communities.
Moreover, it is to our interest that we should, as far as pos.:

sible, prevent the possibility of any sudden interruption of
such a state of affairs. And, therefore, what I would sug-:
gest as a most desirable thing to be done in all cases by our
Government, as a rule and guiding principle of their policy,
is to seek to make treaties based more upon strictly inter-
rintonat .r.....,,ff-sm.fits. which should be made a bond on the

Parties respectively, not as a beiugt....e ~et to•prohibit the
exportation of anything, unless it be munitions of war;
and when I speak of munitions of war, I do not mean that
Government should interfere to prevent a manufacturer
from sending out any article that he makes. The Govern-
ment has nothing to do with commercial matters. They
ought not to take the responsibility of any surveillance over
the operations of commerce at large. I think the Govern-
ment should not allow a belligerent Power to come and fit
out ships, and arm them, and go out from our ports ; but in
all legitimate commerce there should be as much as possible
freedom preserved in time of war. (Cheers.) In reply
to what I am now arguing, it may be said, " But you
will not get people to observe this international law, even if
they entered into the engagement." That remark was
made in the House of Commons by a member who ought
not to have uttered such a prediction. Why, international
laws are only entered into that they may be observed. But
what I am advocating is, that international laws will be ob-
served, inasmuch as they are not contemplated to be based
on a treaty between two Powers only ; but with respect to
the case of exempting private property from capture at sea

that they should be fundamental laws of nations which are
to have the assent of the great majority of all the maritime
Powers. Let us suppose, then, that two countries are at

. _
war, and that one has entered into an engagement that it
will not stop the importation of corn, but they fancy—the
temptation is so great—that they can starve their opponent
if they stop the export of corn in spite of the treaty. They
would then bring down upon themselves instantly the ani-
mosity, and indeed the hostility, of all the other Powers
who have been parties to the system ; and the nation which
became apart), to a general system of international law would
become an ouilaw in the eyes of all the other nations if it
broke that law. (Hear.) What I wish to lay great stress
upon, as a thing to be borne in mind, is the quest ion of
commercial blockades and the stoppage of exports in the
time of war. Ido not rely on any individual nation, or upon
its honour, to keep that law in relation to others ; but it is
to their own interest to preserve it, because if they are at
war, and if they violate the law, it will not be against the
particular nation with which they were at war that they will
violate it, but against the whole world, and that will give the
only guarantee that you can have, whether from a nation or
an individual, that they will observe their engagements. I
am not going to attempt to cover the whole:ground to which
this question would lead me—namely, the question of the re-
form of our international law in such a manner as to bring
it into harmony with the present condition of things ; but
this I will say—as the guiding rule of our policy we adopt
free trade, which is the maxim of our policy in peace ;
then make trade as free as you can possibly do in time of
war. (Cheers.) Let this be your maxim, and whenever you
find any restriction in the way of legitimate commerce,
whether in war or whether in peace, be assured that the re-
moval of that restriction will do you more good in England
than it will do in any other country in the world, for this
simple reason, that you have nearly twice the commerce of
any other country in the world. (Cheers.) Theratore, let
this maxim be the rule of your policy, and let the manu-
facturing districts—as they are a power in the nation—make
their voice heard, in order that the enlightened principles
which are now finally triumphant in times of peace shall
also be applied, as far as they possibly can be, in time of
war. (Cheers.) I have said that after all this is a practical
question, and I do not see how the agitation of it can be of
any service at this moment iu securing a supply of cotton
from America, and thus getting rid of the most unfortunate
state of things which now exists. But this Ido say—l can
imagine that if there were at the head of the Federal Go-
vernment at Washington men of the grasp of mind and of
the philanthropy of Thomas Jefferson, of Adams, or of
Washington, those men would seek at the present moment
to gain for their country the great honour and glory as well
as the lasting fame of inaugurating their own principle—
because it is their own principle—of exemption from block-
ade of all peaceful ports of continental coasts. I can imagine
that it would be a great humour to such men, and would
place in a great moral elevation the nation which under the
circumstances in which they are now placed—seeing the
immense and unmerited evils that are inflicted, not only on
capitalists but on labourers, not merely on England, but
throughout the civilised world—seeing also their national
safety in the course to be pursued—would desire, if it were
practicable, to pnt an end to this state of things in the in-
terests of humanity and of the whole universe. (Cheers.)
In making this suggestive, though hypothetical remark, I
do not wish for a moment to imply blame or utter those
words reproachfully; but I say that the only way in
which Europe can approach the question with the United
States, is on the ground that they have laid down, namely,
the ground of principle ; not to seek for their own selfish
ends now to obtain cotton because we want it, and at the
same time retain in our hands the fancied advantage—for it
it is a fancied advantage—of having the power of blockade
at another time. In that case, I should say in all proba-
bility Europe would experience, at the hands of the Ameri-
can Government, a disposition to endeavour to remove this
1 great evil, Europe engaging for the future to apply to Ame-
rica the principle of exempting from blockade commercial
ports, and confining it merely to arsenals and fortified ply.
I think I know something of the disposition of foreign G°;
vernments in both hemispheres, and I tell you again ~t'a
England has been the great °hatable to such a beneficial
change of policy as that which I have indicated. V‘7°P..
Per-
haps, are not to be blamed. We have followed o . •°'
tions, and, like America, we have followed the instincts of
national self-interest. For nearly a century England has
believed the believed that she had an interest in maintaining, to
ut-
most degree, the rights of belligerents, int "Aranteeriecasbe
lieved she had an interest in maintaining '"e
l
neu-
trals. But circumstances are now chang°s•A • e now pro-
fess the principle of non-intervention. wager intend
to fight the battles of every nation on theW
thin like a game of
make the affairs of the Continent sew'
,_.,,ain. gg down existing
ninepins, assisting in setting up or L---nenitras, We avow
ejloontinent, and to
dynasties. (Cheers.) We call nursela3vead ant very principle
the principle of non-intervention,
~,orefare, made ourselves a
makes neutrality. We have, wars have been carried on
neutral Power. Two great Win Italy, between France
oouf n theecd
within the last few YearB7,tore horrible, in America.
and Austria—another, _
nenuutra .
Our business is to view
England has remained files light of modern events, and
aswethehaivneterersetus
impartially we shall find that our
In conclusion,
Christendom ; because in adopting
weakest Power i
if we look at
(Loud cheers.)
tra:aee,
the principles
the princ,ipiseasyotfhea°t.erthienis a question that ought to engage
interests "r
interests
aro ap
theser
e c.sfs e 1
coercion.
tethoe
attention of the gentlemen in the district.
I can only
men who have come
the serious a Where are the young
into active life since the time to which I have referred,
when their fathers entered on the great struggle for freo
trade ? Where are the young
(Hear, hear.).
men, and what are their
thoughts upon the present state of affairs ? They have in-
herited an enviable state of prosperity from their forefathers
for 15 years. For 15 years there has hardly been a serious
check to business, and scarcely a necessity for an anxious
day or night on the part of the great body of our manufac-
turing and trading popnlaticn. But let not the young men
of this district think that the possession of these great ad-
vantages can be enjoyed without paying the price of watch-
fulness and due exertion. (Cheers.) We must not stand
idle. We must not think that we can remain stereotyped
like the Chinese. If we once cease to progress, be assured
we shall begin to decline, and therefore I exhort the young
men of this district, with their great resources and their
great responsibilities, to take this matter seriously to heart.
There is something due, not only to themselves and those
who have gone before them, but there is a great responsi •
bility to the working population around them, and they will
look for an effort to be made, in whatever way it can be
Imade, if not to put an end to the present state of things, at
least to try and avert a recurrence in the future of the cala-

t/(___)
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9L-/_-e-(._-X