The Sun.
London, England, 1865-10-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TEE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TitiEs."—The domestic politics of America are
assuming an aspect of great importance, and of no
slight interest to the world at large. The question
of Slavery is again uppermost, though in a new
form. It is still combined with sectional enmities
and political rivalries, and threatens to affect no
less a work than the reconstruction of the Union.
In this work, as our readers have seen, President
Johnson has proceeded in a conciliatory spirit, but
upon principles essentially Democratic in character,
and strongly obnoxious to a powerful section of
that Republican party which carried the election of
Mr. Lincoln, and maintained, in spite of all reverses,
the prosecution of the war. These " Radicals," as
they are now designated, regard the conquered
South with feelings half suspicious and half vindic-
tive. They see in the people of the late Confederate
States a body of political enemies, if not designing
rebels, and they desire, by way partly of precaution
and partly of punishment, to keep them excluded
from the Union for some little time. They would
reduce the Seceding States to the rank of Terri-
tories, or even keep them under military govern-
ment, in a condition of probation, until all political
questions bearing upon the late differences had been
settled without their voice. The President, on the
other hand, pursues a very different policy. His
one object is the reconstruction of the Union as
fairly and as speedily as possible. He insists upon
the total and absolute abolition of slavery, and the
return of the Seceding States to their old connexion,
but he exacts no condition beyond these, and is
content to accept the submission and amity of the
South without inquiring too curiously into the sin-
cerity of its purpose. Up to a certain point he can
proceed of his own authority. When the Conven-
tions of the States recently in insurrection pass the
requisite ordinances for rescinding the resolutions
of Secession and recognising the extinction of
slavery, he can withdraw the military forces from
their towns and leave them to self-government once
more, and in this course he has been steadily ad-
vancing. He has also been very indulgent in con-
doning the offence of rebellion, and has granted
pardons with such liberality that Mr. Jefferson
Davis is now almost the only Confederate of note
excluded from the amnesty. Indeed, it is reasonable
to conclude from the President's reply to the South
Carolina deputation, which we yesterday published,
that even this exclusion will not be long maintained.
But, although the President can do this much to-
wards reconstruction, the consummation of the
work is beyond his power. That can be achieved
by Congress alone. The Seceding States can only
re-enter the Union by re-entering Congress, and
Congress can determine the conditions of re-admis-
sion. Of these conditions one is selected for en-
forcement. The Republicans, or rather the Radical
section of the party, demand not only the social but
the political enfranchisement of the negro. They
maintain his right to the electoral suffrage. That
right must be settled by the several States themselves
but Congress can dictate the proceedings before re-
admitting the States to representation. Consequently,
at this moment the ultimate policy to be observed
towards'the South depends, not on the President;
nor on the Government, nor even entirely on the
public opinion of America, but on the temper of a
Parliament elected at a time of passionate excite-
ment. it is curious to observe as a constitutional
phenomenon that the policy likely to be thus ex-
pressed is not considered to be the policy of the
country. The opinions reflected will be the opinions
of a minority. We are assured that the Republi-
cans, as a body, are not disposed to carry the
emancipation of the negro further than it has been
carried already. They have gladly abolished Slavery,
but they have no desire to make a black man a white
man's equal or to see the two races placed upon the
same level. That this assertion too is substantially
correct we may infer from the proceedings of the
Republicans generally, who at the recent elections
have not ventured to adopt negro suffrage as a cry,
or go to the poll on that issue,while their opponents,
the Democrats, have eagerly proclaimed it as the
only question at stake, doubtless with the conviction
that it was the weak point in the defences of
the enemy. However, the present intelligence
informs us that the Republicans have just
succeeded in carrying the States' elections,
not only in Ohio, where their preponderance
was always decisive, but in Pennsylvania, and lowa,
where it was thought that the Democrats might
possibly win. The result of this success may be
most important. The Radicals were strong in Con-
gress already—strong enough, perhaps, to impose
conditions of their own framing upon the returning
South ; but they might have hesitated to exert this
power in face of declared opinion. These elections
will give them confidence, and urge them, it is
thought, to use their strength in direct opposition to
the President and his Government. Probably the
question of slavery is still at the bottom of all this
strife, at any rate in the minds of the Radicals.
They represent the original Abolitionists, who main-
tained the doctrine of emancipation through all
trials, and at length saw it carried out. They may
naturally and logically hold that the work will be
incomplete until a black man is recognised as a white
man's equal
.in one respect as well as another, and
that in a free country no citizen should be subjected
to disabilities on account of his colour. But it can
hardly be doubted that political antagonism is at
work also. 'The Radicals, in opposing the policy of
the President and advocating negro suffrage, are
really attacking their old adversaries, the Democrats,
and repelling them from what would otherwise be a
formidable position. It must not be forgotten that
the return of the Southern States to the Union
would be equivalent to a powerful reinforcement of
the Democratic party in the country. Democratic
principles have been uniformly predominant in the
South, and the chief leaders of the party, indeed,
have been Southern Statesmen. If the Democrats of
the North could be strengthened by the accession
of their Southern brethren, they might once more
prove too strong for the Republicans and resume
their monopoly of political power. If, on the other
hand, the Southern States could be kept awhile
under a species of ban, and if their elections could
be influenced by a large constituency of blacks, the
prospects of the Northern Republicans would be
proportionately improved. In this country opinions
and sympathies on the questibn thus raised will
doubtless be divided. It is impossible not to admire
the magnanimous policy of the President, and the
firmness and consistency with which he carries it
into execution. It is obvious, too, that in this policy
of conciliation and compromise lie the best hopes of
the reviving Union. The unexpected leniency of the
Government has to all appearance disarmed the South
more effectually than the victories of Grant or Sher-
man, and though the prospect of power as well as
pardon may have quickened this repentance, Mr.
Johnson acts with the true wisdom of a Statesman
in closing his eyes to the presumption. It is enough,
in his view, to get all the States of the Union once
more assembled in Congress together. If there be
duplicity in the politics of any of them that cannot
be helped, and the consideration is of comparative
insignificance. So long as battles are fought in Con-
gress instead of on the field, so long as the Union is
unbroken and America undivided, party strife may
run its own course. Nobody imagines that slavery
will ever be re-established, and, with the extinction
of slavery and the reconstruction of the Union, any
other results may be cheerfully accepted. That such
views are wise and statesmanlike there is no denying;
but, on the other hand, there is much in the policy
of the Republicans on which Englishmen, of all
others, will look with sympathy. Slavery touched
us more nearly than any other issue of the war, and
this is the issue which the Republicans now wish
finally to decide. When they say that a race which
has been rescued from slavery at the cost of so
dreadful a contest should not remain under political
proscription, and that a man who is good enough
to fight his country's battles is good enough to enjoy
the institutions which he has defended, it is impos-
sible to gainsay their words. The Radicals may be
few in number, but they are sincere, ardent, and
active, and they have been able, as we now see, to
impress their policy in three great States upon the
majority of their party. Perhaps this policy, in-
deed, may be theoretically the most justifiable, but
the misfortune is that it tends to prolong the dis-
ruption of America, and to impede a work which
was proceeding with unexpected success.

HERALD.—The organs of the Ministry are
awkward advocates. The best recommendation
one of them can find for Lord Russell's Cabinet is
a disparagement of its chief. The public is invited
to accord high honour to the noble lord's colleagues
for the self-denial and absence of personal motives
they have displayed in tendering him their support.
Are the claims, then, of Lord Russell to the Pre-
miership so small in the opinion of his most faithful
supporters ? Is he unfitted for the post by lack of
ability or defects of character, or is there a difference
of opinion between him and his leading colleagues
on vital questions which they have sacrificed in
accepting him as their leader? That is the only
sacrifice they could make. No one of them has
claims to the Premiership equal to his. No one of
them could feel it ignominious to serve under him ;
and, what must have been a conclusive consideration
with every one, only by accepting his Premiership
could they keep office at all. The refusal of their co-
operation would have had only one result, the break
up of the Ministry. Mr. Gladstone might have
acted a " Dog in the Manger" part, and kept Earl
Russell out of the Premiership, without getting it
himself. That he chose a more prudent course,
and consulted his interest instead of his vanity, is
creditable to his common sense, but it certainly
evinces no self-denial and calls for no admiration.
It must be said for our contemporaries that the case
they have to argue is a difficult one.. It was the
singular and unprecedented populnity of the late

Premier which alone sustained his Administration.
Out of their confidence in him men bore with pa-
tience tilt; blunders and inefficiency of his colleagues.
The distrust whicii
the Radical tendencies of some
members of the Cabinet ..."turallY ._excited:nt
quieted by the belief in his Conser;:tlem• p,
felt confident that affairs could not go very
with him at their head, and even the alarm
Whiu-
Lord Russell's extreme activity at the Foreign
Office so often occasioned was allayed by the con-
viction that before any great mischief could be done
the Premier would interfere. The new Ministry
as its apologists neatly puts it, Lord Palmerston
Ministry minus Lord Palmerston—that is to sat;
minus the one man in whom the country placed
a,1,0
confidence, and for whose sake it tolerated
wrong heads and thick heads who composed tir
rest of the Administration. What can be said 1,12
recommendation of such a Cabinet except that it is
a temporary necessity ? It does not represent t ht:
country; it does not represent even the nlaie: ,mil
of the new Parliament. Individual runner;
have a following, but that following only sPrwirci,
from a belief that they are disposed to favour ;
policy diametrically opposed to that for which se n
of their colleagues are advocates. The so-
Liberal majority is, as the supporters of the Govern'
ment are constrained to admit, not a Liberal ins"
jority prepared to support any Liberal Administrt:
tion. Its members were not elected as support!
of Lord Russell and Mr: Gladstone, of a sweePec
parliamentary reform, and', a confiscation of the
property of the Irish Church. They were sent rd
Parliament to support Lord Palmerston, and IA),
Palmerston, as everybody confessed even then,
a Conservative. There is a fraction of that majors'
of course, sincerely desirous of great constitution
changes, but its support can only be won by tl3°
adoption of a policy which the henchmen of we
new Cabinet fear with good reason would aliens
the best part of the nominally Liberal party.
grant to our contemporaries willingly enough tuP
these Palmerstonian representatives are not at p"
r,e„
sent prepared to support a Conservative Adol3l'''
tration, and that they would desire to see a Go"
ment calling itself Liberal on the treasury benches'
but but they will lend no support to such a Lil2n
Government if it proceeds to carry out the Liberal
programme, and if it does not attempt to cal
out that programme it will lose the goodwill
the Radicals, who have looked so anxiously ler
Lord Palmerston's death as their opporLunili
The position of the Government is a very cume 0
one, and it is ridiculous to affect, as some of
Liberal organs do, a confidence which is utter 4
unwarranted, and which rests upon the very
assumption that the majority elected as sup_ ,POP.n
of Lord Palmerston, and pledged to oppose Itacu7A
measures, is a Liberal majority upon which Le;
Russell and Mr. Gladstone can rely as firmly
Lord Palmerston could have done. The appeal, '‘,/
misericordiam, which the especial organ of the OA
Premier addresses to the country, evinces a 01;
better knowledge of the situation, and deserves
A
generous acceptance. We can promise Lord Ens 7
that he will have the " fair play" from the OpPtii
tion which he again asks. The Conservatives 70
make no grasp at office • they have no desire ce
take it unless they can do so with the assurall,
of a working majority in the House of Comlneli
There will be no ungenerous attempts made agile
Lord Russell's Government at the threshold by
Conservative gentlemen of England, who recoece
in the noble lord the legitimate successor to
vacant post. The Opposition will make
allowance for the difficulties with which the Illts
Minister has to contend, and it will give bin 2..%
co-operation in the difficult task of earrr:a
on the Queen's Government. But there Plo
condition which the Opposition must put to, Pi
td
It will give the new Premier fair PI
but it will not sacrifice its principles to his cethe
venience. If Lord Russell desires to escape ffcr
attacks of an: Opposition to which he can ,0 „,
so little defence he must abstain from the inttocluuil
tion of measures to which he knows the Oppose be
must give a determined resistance. It -wok' .„s
absurd for him to ask the favourable considers to
of the Opposition, if he intends to carry out, n,
policy which some of his adherents promise for nim:,
and employ all the influence of his Government `0"/
assail the institutions which it is the chief c,areior
the Conservative party to protect. It will be
him to say how long the truce, which naturally eu,'
-eked with the death of Lord Palmerston, shall
ill
prolonged. If de decides to embark his fortuues a.
a Gladstone Reform Bill, it is at once at an eO,ll '
and he will meet in the new Parliament an oPide,
sition prepared to do its utmost to thwart and bo
is
feat him. There must be no mistake about to
matter. The Conservatives, not aspiring te
cs-
possession of power themselves, will offer its p 0,730
sors no factious opposition ; but they will not a"
Ile,
their forbearance to be abused. They are str°A;
enough to control the Government 7 • strong eueo;
to defeat it if it will introduce Radical measurcto
and. if the challenge is made they .will not fall
rd
take it up. Whether it will be possible for %t
Russell to keep his Government together withuto
essaying some Radical move is a matter fel:he
consideration. of himself and his friends ; but 1f 1 he
does make the move, the. Conservatives, who, 1,40
will only " rest and .be thankful," will tolerate_lo
for a time, will certainly lose no pains and
over no opportunity to checkmate him.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

_-4,_._

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.—T lIESDAY.
At our market this morning there was a sniall;‘)
ply of wheat from the country and the coast, wit° tit
foreign arrivals. A good demand was experienced for be°„
old and new, at is advance on the rates of this dal
Barley for malting sold slowly at former value, but g 741,
ing was in request at Is advance. Malt was unclui_,lnb
Beans and peas were firm. Oats were in better dew"
and 6d dearer. Flour was is dearer.

LYNN—TUESDAY.
1,0
The weather since Wednesday morning last bail or
showery, with strong north-west winds. At to-die Af
ket the show of wheat was Small. Dry samples re!:00
commanded an advance of is per qr.; other descripti.Sg
last week. Best malting barley is per qr higher; grlll,,J,
qualities, 6d to is per qr dearer. Beans and oats in dew—
at is per qr more money. bit*
New wheat, 44s to 48s ; new red, 388 to 40s ; old vr fot
48s to 52s ; old red, 45s to 47s per 36 stono. Barl°l 09
malting, 33s to 36s ; secondary, 30s ; ordinary, 248 t° 389
per qr. Oats, 22s to 24s per 24 stone. Beans, large,
to 40s ; small, 42s to 44s per 38 stone.

MELTON MOWBRAY.—TUESDAY. „00,
White wheat, 42s to 51s ; red, 37s to 48s per 3615"-},ei
Barley for malting, 33s to 36s per qr ; feed, 26s to 31'5.,0ft
30 stone. Oats, 20s to 28s. Beans, old, 38s to 460;
—8 to —s per qr.

SALISBURY.—TuEsnAv. del°
This morning at our corn exchange the Atte°
of the farmers, millers, and dealers was very name by t).
A larger supply of wheat was offered than of late, ro to
prevalent damp weather caused a good many sarallslol
come to hand out of condition. More money Was fa
than last week, and 1s per qr advance was establish
prime descriptions, while other sorts, particularly "'
lots, were neglected. Barley was a decidedly inerefed
supply, but prime malting qualities continued to I!iireo
sparingly shown, and therefore commanded high ligfrotls
The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised 40
36s to 50s •, barley, 26s to 38s ; oats, 22s to 30s ; boil%
to 50s; and peas, 34s to 42s per qr. Tares, from 6s "110
3d per bushel ; Best bread, 12d ; household ditto,
per 81b loaf. Flour, 32s to 38s per sack.

HULL.—TUESDAY. 40.
English old white wheat, 48s to 4.8 s ; old red, 400 to os.
Barley, chevalier, 28s to 325. Oats, Russian, 225 to &4
Beans, new English, 42s to 435. Peas, English blue'
to 36s 6d; grinding, 35s to 35s 6d per 36 stone.

Births. 4ll'
GARDYNE.—On the 20th inst., at Glenforsa House, 'fijv
shire, the Hon. Mrs. G. Gardyne, of a daughter. roe
MANN.—On the 24th inst., at Honeyberough, riefl P'
broke Dock, the wife of Col. G. Mann, C. 8., BAY-
gineers, of a daughter. N ff,,
SHAKESPEAR.—On the Bth Sept., at Bareilly, ~;opeof'
Bengal, tho wife of Lieut.-Colonel Talbot 612P`"

Bengal Staff Corps, orason:------ ---
Marriages. witl
GASKRT.T.—SADGROVE.-011 the 25th inst., at n 0.., of
Church, Lee, Kent, Richard A. Gaskell, Esq., 00
Helen's, Lancashire, to Julia Alice, only daughter ,
IL Sadgrove, Esq., of 64, Mark-lane, London. 5,101%
HUDDLESTON—MAssm—On the 24th inst at cot-of
Church, Marylebone, Geo. C. Huddleston, Esq, oh of
13th Hussars, eldest son of the Rev. G. Huddlesuoi
Tunwoith, Hants, to Emily Henrietta, only dia
the Right Hon. W. N. Massey.
Deaths. Orgi
.19
.
BAILLIR.—On the 23d inst., at Dryburgh Abbey, -- 1,1 •„ odo -
Baillie, widow of G. Baillie, Esq., of Jervisvre""
cio
Millerstain.
BARLOW.—On the 16th Aug., at Prone, Burwell,
Barlow, M. 8., civil surgeon. 100
DuNN.— On the 23d inst., at his residence in Hack 1'

M. Dunn, Esq., aged 68.
HALLS.-At 5, St. James's-place, Wm. Halls, aged 611'0114
MILES.—On the 24th inst., at Park-road, Da
Al
Miles, Esq., aged 75. rri'e
NEWNEAM.—On the 24th inst., at 9, Belvedere
Tunbridge-wells, W. Rewnham, Esq., late of •vsl.
aged 75. Pcl
TUCKER.--On the 24th inst., William Owen Ttlel‘e,No'
of Now City-chambers, Bishopsgate-street, an
boy, aged 67.
1
WALLER.—On the 23d inst., at his residence, Sll'ist,
House, Turnham-green, F. Waller, Esq., aged i

London : Printed and Published by WM LIA.II/ A- /40 lof
of No. 112, Strand, Painter, at Tian Serf 01110eboalO
Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy. in the
MidcUesex.—Thursday, October 26, 1665.

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