The Sun.
London, England, 1865-08-12 00:00:00

The Cattle Plague•

A meeting of cattle-dealers and importers was
held yesterday at the Salutation, Newgate-street, to
take into consideration the nature and causes of the
prevailing disease amongst cattle, and to adopt such
measures thereon as might be deemed expedient.
Mr. C. Hicks was called to the chair. The meeting
was attended by all the principal cattle-dealers and
importers in the trade.

The CHAIRMAN, having stated the object of the
meeting, said there could be no question as to the
existence of the disease, but he denied that it was of
foreign importation. He then proceeded to combat
the professional statements lat had been made as
to its being brought over to this country by the
cattle importers. lie contended ,that it was a local
disease, originating in cow-sheds; and it was the
bringing diseased cows into the markets for sale by
their owners that had occasioned its spreading to
the extent it had. He thought that the disease
might be confined within much narrower limits if
an embargo was laid upon all the cow-sheds where
the disease was known to exist.
Mr. GIBHARDT, as a large importer of foreign
cattle, held the same view as the chairman. None
of the cattle he imported had shown any symptom
of the disease.

Mr. PooL said it had been stated that the disease
had been brought into this country by a drove of
cattle imported into Hull from Revel on the 29th
May last ; and it was also stated, of which there
was no doubt, that the disease was contagious.
Now, it was a singular fact that the steamer which
brought over those cattle on the 29th May had been
constantly engaged since in bringing over cattle,
but no symptom of disease had appeared on the
cattle so brought over. (Hear.) Again, several
beasts had been seized and condemned in Islington
market as suffering from the disease, but it was a
singular fact that none of the cattle so condemned
were cattle of foreign importation. (Hear.) They
were all home stock.

Mr. HUNT said he was the importer of the cattle
which arrived in Hull on the 29th May, and he was
prepared to prove that, though in poor condition,
not one beast was suffering from any disease what-
ever. He was further prepared to prove that no
disease existed in the place from which those cattle
were brought. (Hear.)
Several other speakers also held the same views.
At the same time they were willing to co-operate in
any measure to prevent the spread of the disease.
Ultimately a committee VT2S appointed to collect
information as to the real nature of the disease, and
as to whether it was of local or foreign growth, and
also to prepare a memorial to the Board of Trade
setting forth the views of the meeting.
A vote of thanks to the chairman closed the pro-
ceedings.

The meeting convened by the Lord Mayor of
Dublin to consider the best means of averting the
cattle disease from this country was held on Thurs-
day in the Mansion-house, and was very numerously
attended by landed proprietors and stock masters.
The Lord Mayor presided.

Mr. BOLTON MASSEY moved the first resolution,
to the effect that the most effectual means should be
adopted to prevent the cattle disease being intro-
duced into this country, and that an application be
made to the Government to obtain an Order in
Council prohibiting the importation of cattle from
all parts into this country. lie briefly urged on the
meeting the absolute necessity of taking immediate
steps to avert the introduction of such plague, which,
if it came at all, would ruin the country.
The resolution was seconded by Sir EDWARD
KENNEDY.

Mr. JOHN POPE HENNESSY spoke in support of
the resolution. He considered the meeting a prac-
tical one, on a subject of the greatest importance.
If the cattle disease came to Ireland with the same
effect as it had visited England and other countries
one of the severest blows • to the prosperity of the
country would be given.- The total value of horned
stock in this country, he said,was over £20,000,000.

stock exported was over £6,000,000, showing a
considerable value in our cattle over our corn trade.
He hoped that Ireland would, at some future time,
lay claim to be a manufacturing', country ; but at
present she was solely an agricultural country, and,
therefore, great precautions should be taken to pro-
tect her from this plague. In a committee of the
House of Commons, appointed to investigate into
contagious disease in cattle, he remembered one
curious fact. It was stated that by the introduction
of one diseased bullock into France 27,000 head of
cattle died of the disease. He therefore urged the
necessity of putting an end altogether to the im-
portation of cattle either from England, Scotland,
Spain, or any other country into Ireland, and by
vigilantly adopting such means he felt sure that the
plague would not enter the country.

Mr. M'CULLAGH (a large importer of Spanish
cattle) thought it would be unwise to prohibit the
importation of all stock into Ireland. In support
of his argument he read an extract of a resolution
passed at a meeting over which Professor Gamgee
presided. He urged that Spanish cattle were not
so subject to disease as other cattle, and moved as
an amendment that the words " all countries in-
fected with the disease" be introduced into the re-
solution;

.

A long discussion ensued, which resulted in Mr.
M'Cullagh withdrawing his amendment. The
original resolution was then passed, and a committee
appointed to take measures to have it carried into
effect.

Conservative Festival in North Warwick.

shire.

BIRMINGHAM, Friday.

The Conservative party in this locality celebrated
the recent elections of Messrs. Newdegate and
Bromley by entertaining those gentlemen at a public
dinner in this town last 'evening. This took place
in the Exchange Assembly-room, where about 150
gentlemen sat down, under the presidency of the
Right Hon. C. B. Adderley, M.P.
The customary toasts having been drunk,

The CHAIRMAN said—Gentlemen, I now come to
that which may be fairly called " the toast of the
evening." I propose " The Health of Mr. Newde-
gate and Mr. Bromley." We are met, gentlemen,
for this very- purpose—to congratulate these two
gentlemen on being returned again to the seats
which they have already occupied so well, and to
congratulate ourselves also upon having secured
those two seats in their persons. We were not pre-
pared to take another in the room of either of them
at the dictation of the Birmingham Liberal Asso-
ciation, who have shown us what they would do by
attempting here to control the freedom of individual
electors. Why, gentlemen, is it not clear that
those Liberals do not really want extension
of the franchise, but extension of the representa-
tion of themselves—just as Mr. Bright does not
hate the aristocracy, but wishes to be an aristocrat
himself. (Laughter and applause.) Why, gentle-
men, this is only human nature. Let us consider
for one moment, setting aside, as we have in a
marked way, that dictation, what we promise our-
selves, on the other hand, in having retained our
old representatives. (Hear, hear.) I flatter
myself that we promise ourselves this—that we shall
continue to be represented in Parliament as main-
tainers of the freest and first of constitutions the
world has ever known, of -which I was told that the
King of Italy said to a private friend the other
day. " I wish I could get rid even of this
triste metier d'e'tre roi," as he called it, " that I could
only go to England and live under the only Consti-
tution fit to live under,"---that we hope to be reire-
' seated as maintainers of this Constitution, ready to
correct its abuses as occasion heeds, in opposition to
the ruthless empire of quackery and change. (Hear,
hear, applause, and cheers.) We are told by the
Liberal party that every good gift and perfect gift
have come from them, and that everything good in
future must also come from them. Now, this seems
to me to be certainly most liberal assumption.
But yet, at the same time, I will confess that I see
very considerable foundation for it. The Cabinet
which represents the Liberals at this moment con-
tains within itself the representatives of every prin-
ciple of politics in the country. There are some who
appeared as Liberals in the late contested election,
both as Liberal electors and Liberal candidates, and
had been returned as Liberal members, a great
number of whom wished to be represented by that
section of the Cabinet which is illustrated by the
high Toryism of Lord Palmerston, who in one of the
Reform debates in the House of Commons let slip
this Liberal sentiment ;—" I don't mean that every
fellow you meet in the streets should have the fran-
chise." (Hear, hear.) And that is the man who
rejected Lord Derby's Reform Bill, ousted Lord
Derby's Ministry upon that very subject, preferring,
as the sequel has shown, preferring greatly in his
own mind, the perpetual ventilation of the question
to any definite legislation on so delicate a subject.
(Hear, hear, and applause.) Why, gentlemen,
these are not mere theories. I read the papers
to-day, and I find my opponents in North Stafford-
shire had a meeting two days ago. They ejected
my late colleague on the ground that he was not
ready for a Reform Bill ; but no sooner did they
meet together—two Mr. Basses, Mr. Buller, and
two others—at Stoke the other day than they
came to discuss this very question, and they
came to the conclusion that a £6 franchise would be
the ruin of the country, and Mr. Bass makes the
proposal which the Times heads to-day "A New
Reform Bill," which is about the most ridiculous
proposition that has ever yet been made on this sub-
ject in this country—(hear)—that a certain number
of boroughs in this country should be selected to
give up one-half of their members to the working
classes. Why, good heavens, who are the working
classes? (No.) And where is the line to be drawn,
I should like to know ? Is it to be drawn as a matter
of poverty against wealth ? And, if so, where is the
man who would have the audacity to propose a
Reform Bill which would draw a direct line between
poverty and wealth in this country ? Why, any
man who did so would be scouted in this country as
proposing the most dangerous measure ever proposed,
and the one most antagonistic to the principles and
institutions of this country. (Applause.) Well, gen-
tlemen, we hear a great deal of the Liberal ascen-
dency in this election. Let us have a word or two
more about the Liberals. I have heard some of them,
and a great proportion of them represent the High
Toryism of Lord Palmerston. Well, now, there is
another section of the Liberals who have been re-
turned at this election, and who look to another
section of the Cabinet as their representatives. Those
are the men who have been taken by the impulsive
abstractions of Mr. Gladstone, which may precipi-
tate anywhere, everywhere, at any time, or any form.,
and representing the late Sir R. Peel. As to this
section of the Liberals, we should be at a loss to know
exactly what they were but that Mr. Gladstone has
lately given us an epigrammatic definition, and has
contrasted his principles with ours, by saying that
'he shows trust in the people tempered by prudence,
while we show mistrust of the people, tempered
by fear. Why in that very definition he assumes
to himself a position outside and above the people.
We, as a part of the people, call for the self-admin- '
istration of the country, and only desire that the
administration of the great wealth, the great inte-
rests, and the great influence of this country should
not be a mere scramble of numbers without any
qualification. There is a third party, which takes
another section of the Cabinet as its representative,
and who would follow what I may call the devil-
may-care Milner Gibson, who is an adherent of Mr.
Bright's doctrines, without his solitary faith, and
who, .I believe, is without any political faith what-
ever. Then, lastly, there are other Liberals, called
Liberals, who are so like ourselves that I do not

wonder at there being some difficulty in distinguish-
ing between them, especially as they would proba-
bly be found in the same lobby with us. Those who
follow the practical wisdom of Mr. Lowe, a spirit
emancipated, but hovering still over the party from
the back benches like a Nemesis of practical wisdom
over the followers of speculative empiricism--a, sort
of mirror held up to us from the colonies to reflect
to us the fatal consequences of playing tricks with
the British Constitution. (Applause.) Mr. Lowe's
speech on this very subject has never been answered
and never can be. Well, I can only say that it
would be hard. if a Cabinet which represented in
this manner every shadow of political principle could
not at least offer—l will not say perform—any
measure underheaven, and could not lay claim to
every good measure which has been passed during
the last half century. We know that the one sole
thing in which all those Liberals were really united
was in promising the maintenance of loyalty to their
own chief, Lord Palmerston. Why, gentlemen, we
have made an offer of Parliamentary Reform, Und if
our offer had been accepted seven years ago, it would
have included within the franchise of this country
all that class of independent artizans who are so
eminently illustrated in this town of Birming-
ham—men of the artizan class, who have sufficient
intelligence and sufficient independence to exercise
the vote and the rights of citizenship on public
grounds—the very worst capital, believe me, for the
Liberal Association. Now let me only say that what
we are against is anything like theories of ideal per-
fection in making a House of Commons. Depend
upon it that if there is one thing that a practical na-
tion like this should avoid more than another, it is
theories of ideal perfection. Constitutions founded
upon theory have always failed, and for this plain
reason—that all the wise men together have not the
brains in their heads which are contained in the wis-
dom and experience of ages. Let me think for a
moment what has become of the nostrums which
have been proposed by the Liberal party during the
last 30 years, during which they affect to take credit
to themselves for all the good that has happened in
this country. Where are the annual Parliaments,
where is vote by ballot, where universal suffrage? I
can only say this: that if the Conservative party had
no other claim to the thanks of the country than
having forced reflection till these nostrums and
quackeries were seen through and ridiculed, they
would on that ground alone have entitled themselves
to be called the saviours of the commonwealth.
Gentlemen, 1 now answer a question which has lately
been put in this town: Is there any difference be-
tween parties in this country ? And I say yes ; there
is a very great and wide difference between that defi-
nite party by which we stand and that hazy agglo-
meration of parties which we oppose. We are here
now, and I am on my legs at this moment to pro-
pose with due honours and full enthusiasm the
health of those gentlemen who represent our triumph.
(Cheers.) We congratulate ourselves on their success,
and let us drink in three times three " The health of
Messrs. Nowdegate and Bromley." (Cheers.)
The toast was very cordially received.

Mr. NEWDEGATE on rising to respond was very
warmly greeted. He said—l feel a dearth of the
words by which I might again without sameness
reiterate my thanks for the honour that you have
again conferred on me by choosing me as the re-
presentative of those principles -which have been so
ably illustrated by your chairman. (Hear, hear.)
He was in 1843 my political godfather ; he proposed
me as a:member for North Warwickshire. His god-
son has passed through several phases. I was as
keen a partizan as Mr. Adderley. I was the first
officer appointed for the reformation of the Conser-
vative party, and after its separation from the late
Sir Robert Peel in the year 1817 I was elected dis-
tinctly as dpartizan. After the sevre contest in the
year 1,852, I was also elected a partizan, after a
sharp contest. (Hear, hear.) I now stand before
you as an independent member—(applause)—per-
haps more strongly attached to the great principles
of the English Constitution than any man in the
House of Commons. Honoured by your confidence
I am determined, as far as within my weak capacity
shall be possible, to continue the representation of
the great principles on which are founded that Con-
stitution that combines order with freedom--recog-
nising this principle that there must be limitation of
individual right if the freedom of each man shall be
secured. (Cheers.) I speak to you not so much
as a partizan. I speak to you as one who recognises
that among the Liberal party there is growing up a
Conservative party who shall supplement the Con-
servative party, who in future shall be identified,
when occasion arises, with the Conservative party ;
but I am one of those who lament that it ever should
have been said that Lord Palmerston is as good
as any leader of the Conservative party.
Would that that had never been believed,
and then we should have had a Conser-
vative party• in this country depending on
the great principles of the Constitution, and,
instead of leaving us to lament -the losses that have
been sustained by the party in several of the coun-
ties, they would be rejoicing with yourselves over
the victory which has been achieved here. The
whole constituency of North Warwick consists of
6,710 electors. How many freeholders are there
among that number ? 4,662—thus more than two-
thirds of the constituency are freeholders, in inde-
pendent possession of their own qualifications.
(Hear.) Now, let me not say one word disrespect-
ful of the tenant farmers : a nobler example of the
tenant farmers is not to be found within the limits
How
if this island than the tenant farmers of North
Warwickshire have shown. (Hear, hear.)
if they voted to a man for one candidate, could a
seventh command the whole? This is my answer
to the imputation that I and my
.friend and hon.
colleague, as I am proud to call him (cheers), are
returned to Parliament by anything but the free
and independent will of the
i most free and most in-
dependent constituency n England. (Hear.)
Well, then, I must follow our right hon. chairman
into the question of reform. He touched upon the
matter of the electors of Birmingham and Coventry
voting for the county. I rejoice that I represent
Birmingham and Coventry. That gives an inde-
pendent power. In 1847, when associated with
Mr. Spooner, I polled a majority in Birmingham.
What has happened now ? Birmingham, under
certain influences and circumstances adverse to our
return, on a recent occasion has polled a large ma-
jority in favour of a gentleman whose name com-
mended him to Birmingham as associated with the
services of his respected father. (Hear, hear.) But
what did Coventry and Nuneaton ? Why, they
more than neutralised the majority produced here
by the special circumstances of the case, and by
attachment to the name of the gentleman whom the
Liberal party had been fortunate enough to enlist as
their candidate. (Hear.) And I would put this to my
right hon. friend : the county members of England
represent the majority of the people ; but how small
a minority they form in the House of Commons.
The other day Mr. Bright was pleased to say that
he claimed for Birmingham more representation. I
claim more representation for the counties. I have
always felt that Ihe question of reform was one on
which the Conservatives should seek to show that
they had no special party object to serve by defend-
ing the Whig Radical measure of 1832 ; and I am
happy to say that in the course of years the Con-
servative party having adopted that line the ques-
tion of reform has been 'brought within the sphere
of practical politics, and now, as your chairman has
told you, you find Mr. Lowe, you find Mr. Bass,
you find Whigs and Radicals prepared to defend i
the order of things established n 1832, whereas if
you had opposed the second reading of the reform
bill you would have had a party cry again, and a
charge made in all the excitement and all the revo-
lutionary fervour which characterised the passing of
the first reform bill. Such has been the course of
events, and I rejoice at the course that they have
taken. I rejoice to see that Conservative opinions

--"
fra,
'4l
are extending beyond the sphe -of the Conserva.
.41
tive party. After adverting to the law of copy;
right, which he thought should he prOtected, and
his motion on monastic and conventual establish-
ments, Mr. Newdegate said, in conclusion—Believe
me, there is no politician more sternly determined
to defend the independence and the freedom of
England than an old Tory like myself. Let me
thank you gentlemen, for having renewed my com-
mission. My hope—nay, my prayer is, that I may
be granted life and strength, so that I may not do
injustice to your choice. (Cheers.)
Mr. BROMLEY, who was most enthusiastically re-
ceived, said--I can truly say that I sincerely thank
you for the unmistakable expressions of your kind
feeling towards me as your new member. (Applause.)
Gentlemen, I can only ascribe it to the fact that, as
my excellent colleague has just remarked, I, as well
as himself, was a godson of Mr. Adderley—(cheers)
—and lam glad to think that I am. Mr. Newde-
gate has said that Mr. Adderley was his political
godfather ; and I have had great good fortune to be\
a godson of his also. I am glad of it, because my
colleague is a practical proof that Mr. Adderley's
godsons live to a good age—livelong. (Applause.)
Gentlemen, we have met to celebrate a great Con-
servative triumph. (Hear.) My colleague here re-
marked that an expression came from a member of
the Liberal Association stating that a seat had been
bought. (Oh.) Well, at all events, one likes to
have a return for one's money. (Laughter.) After
adverting to the incidents of the contest, Mr. Brom-
ley said—l should wish to say one or two words on
Reform. I must say I feel that that is the only real,
serious, and important political subject which we
have to look forward to. As far-as I can judge by
what I have seen and heard the question is likely to
exercise a great influence. I have got an extract here
—and in speaking oi-th:. queQtion I will to refer to it
—from a speech made by Mr. Lowe. I have got the
extract here in my pocket, and in reference to this he
says that he regards as one of the greatest dangers
with which this country can be threatened to take
away and divert the property from the classes which
at present have it, and place it in the hands of men
whose life is a continual struggle for existence. I
believe that the great body of the people coincide
with that. That is the great belief of the great mass
of the people of this country. Any one who thoroughly
understands this—any one who thoroughly under..
stands the question of Reform—could not fail to re-
cognise the decided position of the House of Com-
mons on the question, that they would not admit any
American quack idea to be mixed up with the Eng-
lish Constitution. (Hear, hear, and applause.) I
believe that we shall see in America—if not now,
if not in the present generation, at least, possibly,
in their generation—we shall see them take refuge
in the lesser tyranny of despotism to escape from
the grater one—democracy. (Hear, hear.) I have
been a good deal of a traveller in my life, and I
firmly believe that there is no country in the world
that enjoys to such an eminently high degree the
same freedom of the subject that we enjoy; and to
attempt to alter it or attempt to subvert it would be
an act of political immorality such as never was
committed. (Applause.)
The health of the right hon. chairman having been
proposed by Mr. NEWDEGATE and briefly acknow-
ledged, the company soon afterwards separated.

The Queen v, Charlotte Winsor.

A very great sensation was:created at Exeter upon its be-
coming known that a communication had been received by
the judges that the execution of Charlotte Winsor, who
was convicted the other day at Exeter of having murdered
au infant, and was to have been hanged on Wednesday, has
been respited until November next. It may be recollected
that Winsor, together with Mary Jane Harris, the mother
of the child, wore put upon their trial for this offence at the
Spring Assizes at Exeter. The judge was Mr. Baron Chan-
nell. After the case had occupied the Court for two days
the jury were locked up, and just before 12 o'clock on
Saturday night they were brought into court, and upon be-
ing asked whether they had agreed upon their verdict they
stated that they had not, and that they were not at all
likely to agree. Baron Channel, upon this, discharged the
jury without giving a verdict, and he directed that tho
prisoners should be remanded to prison and there detained
until the Summer Assizes to bo again put on their trial. At
the last assizes in July, Mr. Justice Keating being the
judge, the prisoners were placed at the bar, and Mr. Car-
tor, _en_ the part_of tks proeacution, asked pertaiseion fur
Harris to be admitt,d as alv ituess. This was acceded to
by the learned judge, and Harris was removed from the
bar. Mr. Prideaux, who was counsel for Harris, submitted
that she ought to be acquitted ; but the judge ruled that this
was not necessary. When the jury were about to be sworn
Mr. Folkard, who was her counsel, raised an objection to the
prisoner Winsor being put upon her trial. She had already
been put in peril. The judge said ho did not think he could
interpose; it must be error if it was anything. Mr. Folkard
submitted that it had been laid down in " Hawkins's Pleas
of the Crown" as an uncontroverted rule that the jury
sworn and charged with a prisoner on a capital charge cook!
not be discharged without the prisoner's consent. It was
also so laid down in " .Forster." Mr. Justice Keating said
he had had occasion to consider this point. A jury had been
sworn in a capital charge, and had been discharged with-
out giving a verdict, and the prisoner had ikon tried a se-
cond and a third time. Mr. Folkard said the jury in the
present case had not been locked up all night. The judge
thought that could make no difference. Mr. Folkard sub-
mitted that the discretion of a judge to discharge a jury
ought not to be exercised except upon particular necessity.
The jury were not ill, and probably if they had been locked
up till Monday morning they might have agreed upon a
verdict. Mr. Justice Keating said he had no power to re-
view the decision of the learned judge who discharged tho
jury ; the learned counsel was quite right in making the
objection. He himself had no doubt upon the matter ; but
as he had a very learned colleague in the other court, he
should think it right to consult him—not t hat he entertained
the slightest doubt. Mr. Justice Keating having been some
time in consultation with Mr. Justice Willes, returned into
court, and then said that having had the advantage of
consulting Mr. Justice Willes upon the point raised
by Mr. Folkard, very properly raised and very pro-
perly put before the Court, he was clearly of opinion
that it was no objection, and Mr Justice Willes
concurred with him in that opinion. He had no mate-
rials before him for entering upon
aspown threighcitueosrtiwonroansgia
whether the discharge of the jury
whether the learned Baron had exceeded his jurisdiction in
discharging the jury ; but it would require a very strong
argument to induce him to suppose that one of the most
learned and cautious of judges had exercised his discretion
otherwise than as he ought to have done.
It is now stated that Lord Wensleydale has interfered and
persuaded Sir George Grey to grant a respite till November,
in order that the opinion of all the Judges may be taken as
to the legality of this second trial. As we have stated, this
has created an immense sensation. Every one, withoutany
exception, is expressing a hope that justice will not be de-
feated by such a technicality, and we certainly never heard
so strong a feeling evinced against-any criminal.

THE NEGROES IN BARBADOES.—A MaSSaehUS»
setts lawyer, who spent the last winter at Barbadoes, writes
thus of the blacks (thirty years free) to the Boston Daily
Advertiser:—"Many have acquired by their industry suffi-
cient property to rank them among the wealthiest planters
and traders in the islands where they reside ; and consi-
dering a success in business a criterion of ability, they may
be regarded as competent business men. The children of
some of the wealthy negroes have been thoroughly educated
in Englund or Scotland; and some whom I met with were
among the most cultivated persons I have ever known. Aa
mechanics and artisans they are altogether indispensable.
The whites were never accustomed to heavy manual
labour, and the lighter and more delicate work was soot'
usurped by the coloured men when once at liberty to com-
pete on even terms. Their position as freeholders gives
all the privileges as electors in parish and colonial meet-
ing, and the parochial and general councils and legislatures
have their share of coloured representatives. It is not ne-
cessary to say that they outshine their white neighbours
in debate and legislation, in order to prove their ability,
and such is very seldom the case ; but it is certainly true
that their interests are so well represented as to secure
them from open or covert encroachments on the part of
the whites. In the liberal professions, also, they have
already assumed and evinced their ability to maintain a
respectable position. Coloured clergymen, lawyers, and
physicians attend to the spiritual, legal, and physical
wants of the community, not, as might be supposed, dis-
posing alone to the people of their own colour, but to
people in general who need their professional services. I
was much struck, in attending the court one day, with
the argument of a black lawyer of unmixed African
descent. The case was under the penal clause of the
English bankrupt law, and was conducted by the crown
officers for the prosecution. I heard the arguments to the
jurisdiction of the court, and am bound to acknowledge
that in point of cleverness and local astuteness the black
counsel clearly led Mr. Attorney-General; while for
sophistay and cunning adroitness ho was far in advance of
his opponent. On inquiry I ascertained that the black
lawyer was a poor boy, had worked his way to England
before the mast to get an education, and had there, with
the assistance of Lord John Russell and some other persons,
succeeded in acquiring a sound academic and legal educ.a..
tion. Black magistrates presides over the inferior courts,
black men are editors of newspapers, and to a greater or
loss degree have entered into every branch of industry and
every avenue of business, and have already been able to
compete with a good degree of success, with the whites.'

TEETH AND PAINLESS DENTISTRY.-
Messrs. LEWIN and SIMEON MuSELY and SONS,
Berners-street, Oxford-street, and 448, Strand, opposite
Charing-cross Railway Station. Established :830. Artificial
Teeth made with their patented advantages are fitted with-
cut the least inconvenien.e, however tender the mouth, sup-
porting and strengthening loose and sensitive teeth until
they become useful in mastication. The'r resemblance to
nature is perfect and undetectab.e, and they are guarautted
for all purposes of mastication and articulation. Operations
Ot every kind Icing unnecessary, the most nervous patient
can be supplied wi hoot fear of pain or inconvenience. Con-
sultation ,ree. Teeth trom ss.. Sets. a, 7, i,,, and is
Uuineas, warranted. I. or the etilca:y, and success
of this system, vide " Lancet."
Daily attenclancu at 15, Whitefriargate, Hull ; 10, Norfolk-
street, Sheffield ; 4, East-parai.e, Leeds ; and 14, St. Nicholas-
street, Searbro'.
** i o connection with any one of the same name.