The Sun.
London, England, 1862-09-09 00:00:00

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THE SUN.

LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPT. 9, 1862.

Our conjectures of the last few days have proved
correct. A great battle has been fought; and
` Stonewall" JACKSON , whose whereabouts no one
knew, turned up in t..he Federals' rear. Bull's Run
has become the scene of another fearful struggle,
but this time the 'Federals claim the final victory.
It will be remernbered that we left the two armies
on each side of the Rappahannock—the Confe-
derates. it F,epm. LIAZ UL4s.a ti
wards a considerable distance. It will be seen that
the Confederates actaally got between the Federal
ar my and Washington, driving them out of the old
field. of battle at Bull's Ran. If General POPE'S ac-
tount be correct, the Federals retained possession of
the field at last; but we must confess that, at first
sight, the conflicting accounts of losses and captures
on each side—the Northern one furnishing the
reports—seems to sb ow that the Federals, though
not finally route?,, and though saved by the
junction of the armies, have been very badly cut
up, and have had to exert themselves to the utmost
to Fiave v;(ashington itself. We must patiently
w alt sy.tveral days' latex news before the North will
let us know the truth, if we even then learn it. If
the Federals have really triumphed, the proof will
be easily furnished. We suspect the worst for them
At present.

Again there is a ventilation of the Schleswig-
Holstein Difficulty. Cannot something pos ibly
be drine at last towards the dissipation o! that
"nriver-ending, still beginning" annoyance. We are
all sick of it long and long ago. _it is the Monsieur
TONSON of Diplomacy. It is the ghost of a terri-
torial vexation, that everybody who has yet tried a
hand at it has failed to lay. I, it not, however,
precisely at this time coming within reach of our
own diplomatists—within range of our own Great
Guns of Diplomacy ? i"Tis a very petty quarrel
as it stands," no doubt, in the estimation of all the
Sir Lucius O'TRIGGERS of Europe. Yet, even ad-
mitting it to be so, we are tired of admiring it as
such. The very names of those twin Duchies have
become " words of fear," unpleasing to an English
ear, or in effect, we may presume, to any rational
man's ear throughout all Christendom. They have
been dinned into the hearing of Europeans—there
is no other phrase for it but the old familiar expres-
sion of disgust with such "damnable iteration !"
Cannot we, however, hope at last to have an end of
it The parties to the Quarrel from the commence-
ment have been the King of DENMARK on the one
hand, and the King of PRIJUIA on the other. Of
course, the latter has been acting throughout as
the champion of the interests of the Great Germanic
Confederation. But, as such, the Prussian Sove-
reign, the
all along has been the chief spokesman
one conspicuous antagonist. Recognising him as
such, and beholding the Danish monarch as the
principal actor and spokesman upon the other side,
may we not reasonably conceive, now that the
three Courts—that is to say, the Courts of Den-
mark, of Prussia, and of England—are being ,
brought together by the ties of an intimate home
alliance, may we not reasonably and confidently
hope that we are coming within view of a time
when the Schleswig-Holstein Difficulty may be
brought quietly and without bloodshed to a satis-
factory settlement?

" Not to put too fine a point upon it," according
to Mr. SNAGSBY'S phrase, Prussia has (in the in-
terests of Germany) looked with a covetous eye for
this long, while past upon one of the most valued,
and, in some respects, one of the most valuable,
possessions of Denmark. Without one atom of
right beyond what exists in their own covetous
imaginations, the members of the Germanic Con-
federacy (and at the head of them, in this
matter, Prussia) have laid claim to the Duchy of
Holstein, and not only to that Duchy, but to the
neighbouling Duchy also of Schleswig. It so
nappens that both in Schleswig and in Holstein

onsiderable numbers of the inhabitants are Ger-
mans. But it might be argued, of course, in the same
way, that numbers of the inhabitants of the Channel
Islands—Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, and Sark—
are French> It is undeniable that French is spoken
there quite as much as, if not even more than,
English. An insufficient reason, nevertheless, in
itself for any claim to be -made upon the allegiance
of that population by the Imperial ruler of France.
Yet such is really and truly the gist of it all,
in regard to Schleswig and Holstein—if we
are to look into the long-talked of right of
Germany to have incorporated with it the
Duchy of Holstein, and not only that,
but, as we have said, the Duchy of Schleswig as
well. Prussia modestly asking that Schleswig and
Holstein shall be torn from Denmark (by force if
necessary), and added bodily to, permanently incor-
porated with, the Germanic Confederation. Nuw
Schleswig has never once been nominally, has
never once been, directly or indirectly, connected
even for a while with Germany. And as to Hol-
stein, the right of Denmark to it as an appanage
of the Crown, has for fully the last two centuries
remained undisputed—that is to say, until these im-
pudent claims were put forward of late years by Prus-
sian diplomacy, on behalf of the Confederate lust
of territorial aggrandizement. The secret being,
as our contemporary, the Examiner, has admirably
well explained it in its impression of Saturday,
that Germany aspires to assume a position as a
maritime power among the nations of Europe. A
laudable ambition enough in itself if honestly car-
ried out. But how honestly it is proposed to be
realised in the present instance, all Europe knows
but tco well by this time by perpetual repetition.
" Austria," says our contemporary, " has something
of a fleet ; Prussia is not only without a fleet, but
has a coast almost useless to her for naval purposes,
commanded by the navy of the Dane. This is too
much for Prussian patriotism. The King of DEN-
MARK sitting as Duke of HOLSTEIN in the Federal
Diet can, upon the subject of Holstein, have
any number of quarrels picked with him. The
population of Holstein is largely German, and
in the north-east corner of Holstein is what
Prussia wants, an excellent naval port, the port
of Kiel. But if Holstein were annexed to Prus-
sia, Kiel would be a vain possession, unless a con-
siderable part also of Schleswig were annexed.
For Kiel lies at the bottom of a deep bay, naviga-
ble by all vessels, of which the north-eastern coast
is coast of Schleswig, with a little fort of Frederik-
sort at the sea end of it that could easily be trans-
formed into a fortress strong enough to command
the entrance of the harbour. Again, not far
to the north along the coast of Schleswig
is an island, Ale, with the deep gulfs and
safe ports, that affords a naval position necessary
to be held by the same power that holds Kiel.
Then there are the island of Femern and the gulfs
of Eckernfuerde, Flensborg, and Aabenraa, all
testifying to the patriotic Prussian that his country
must in some way come to possess Schleswig as
well as Holstein, in older that it may come to pos-
sess a fleet and all the possibilities therefrom accru-
ing. This, as we said again and again last year,
is the true kernel of the German-Danish ques-
tion. Thorough possession of Kiel by Prussia
would not only give to that would-be and might-be
powerful kingdom the arm that it wants, but would
shear off, or at least some what paralyse, that arm
of the Dane whose strength now irritates, and
in case of war could really inflict humiliation
on, the German." All which is no doubt very fine,
and perfectly justifiable, and everything that would
be wished from a purely German or a strictly Prus-
sian point of view. But from every other point of
view it is almost needless to say that the whole
project is from first to last flagrantly nefarious and
utterly unjustifiable. Now that our PRINCESS
ROYAL has been married to the Heir Apparent to
the Crnwn of —aria now that our Papfop
of WALES is about to marry the daughter of the
Heir Presumptive to the Crown of Denmark—may
we not hope that good may come for Europe from
these dynastic alliances : such substantial good, let
us say to begin with, as the termination at last
amicably of the notorious Schleswig-Holstien Diffi•
culty. English diplomacy might only in rea son
bethink itself that it would be hardly rational, to
use the mildest word, to look on quietly and with-
out even a show of interference while Germany
still persists in her endeavour to Rob PETER to Pay
PAUL.

Mr. ALEXANDER WANDREW, and Mr. ROBERT
COCHRANE, the President and Secretary respectively
of the Paisley Parliamentary Reform Association,
have written their names in Mr. SEWARD'S diplo-
matic records. Future rummagers amongst the re-
cords of Northern Secretaries will find that there
were at leaat two Britishers in whom Mr. SEWARD
delights. We must plead guilty to not having seen
the document to which Mr. SEWARD'S letter is a
reply, and can only guess its contents from the
answer. It would seem very plain, however, that
it must have been an address of mingled condolence
and laudation, perhaps expressive even of wishes
that England would send substantial aid to the
glorious cause of the great North. At all events,
it was a "liberal and courteous" address, and had
the honour of being submitted to the PRESIDENT
of the United States, and to all the heads of the
departments of the Government.

Of one thing we may be quite sure. The Paisley
address would contain no remonstrances against all
the
numerous acts of the United States Govern-
ment,and latterly of the Federal States, which
have been most injurious to English Liberalism.
For of this
there can be no doubt—that the United
and Federal
States have been the armoury whence
Toryism has drawn its most effective arguments
against Parliamentary Reform. That is, reform in
the sense of extending the suffrage, equalising the
representation, and giving perfect freedom to the
voter. The Paisley Association, if it really exists
for its professed purpose, must have found Ameri-
can democracy and its doings the one wet blanket
which all the prudent and safe men would throw
upon all their arguments. Insist on the right of
all citizens and taxpayers to reptesentation, with
the kindred demands, and instantly you are told—
"In America all have a vote, and a free one, and
You see what comes of it." If we ask,
what harm
has come of it, it is ten to one but the objector would
turn on
his heel, or perhaps whistle with contempt
at the ignorance
which should ask such a question.
If he condescend d to a few particulars, he would
remind us of the long
and disgusting pro-slavery
anti-negro voting and I
Policy, of the North, as
the i bullying, hee.
shapng uy
of
well as the South ;
ofincivility, the shameless
r b
rican diplomacy ; of the wilfulness of political
parties, so that when one great party was beaten in
1861, what must it do but turn round and fight
rather than yield. And even after the North has
become separated from the South, instead of
nouncing all that has been so offensive to other na-
tions in the character of their diplomacy, it has been
as " American" as ever; while at home, their inter-
ference with the freedom of the press, and their
imprisoning respectable citizens of views adverse
to the Government by wholesale, a itbout form of
trial, and with denial of the writ of habeas corpus.
have disgusted even their liberal friends in this
country. As to their conduct in regard to negroes