The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-01 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WIR, IN AMERICA,

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
NRW YORK, April 18.
A few minutes after midnight, on Friday, the
14th of April, the telegraphic wires announced to
the people of America that the genial, kind-hearted,
honest Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, had been murdered in the theatre, and that
his Secretary of State, Mr. W. H. Seward, an old
man, in his 66th year, lying on the bed of sickness,
if not of death, had been fatally stabbed by the
same or some other assassin. The few people who
were stirring at the hotels and other places of public
resort refused to believe the intelligence. The story
was so imprsbable and so horrible that it was hard
for any one to give it credence. Hundreds who
heard of it went quietly to bed with the firm con-
viction that the morning papers would dispose of it
as a fabrication as incomprehensible as it was atro-
cious. But iu the newopapef offices on that inetau7
choly night there were no doubts. The news was
official, under the hand of the Secretary of War,
and was corroborated by half-hourly and still more
frequent telegrams from Washington from the re-
porters and correspondents of the various journals.
The papers were all issued at too early an hour to
convey the positive news of the President's death,
but the details they furnished of the cruel catas-
trophe were too minute and exact to leave any room
for hope that he could by any possibility survive.
Before 9 in the morning it was known all over New
York and other cities of the Norththat his spirit had
fled, and that after the infliction of the fatal wound
he had never spoken a word or opened his eyes, or
given a sign of consciousness or even of life, except
in the failing throbs of the heart, and the heavy
breathing of a strong man wrestling with 4leath.
The people were stupefied with the horror of the
announcement ; but in the course of a few minutes,
as neighbour spoke with neighbour, and stranger
with stranger at street corners and places of public
resort, the stupor was succeeded by a stern, fierce,
vindictive resolve to avenge the deed, not only
upon the assassins and their accomplices, whoever
they might be, but on the whole people of the
South, in whose interest it was supposed the crime
had been consummated. Ever since the surrender
of Gen. Lee the thoughts of all, except a very few,
had been turned towards peace and reconciliation,
and the President had been urged, and if he had
lived would doubtless have needed no prompting, to
pursue a policy so congenial to his nature, to offer
complete and generous amnesty to the whole South,
from Mr. Jefferson Davis down to the last recruit
in the Confederate army. But on Saturday morn-
ing no such feeling remained. People walked about
with knitted brows and clinched hands as if each
man felt an impulse to avenge by his own act the
crime which had brought dishonour on the nation,
and which might imperil the public safety by new
and unforeseen complications. There was an almost
universal inclination to attribute the murder to the
plots of Southern emissaries—to the scoundrels who
made raids from Canada upon Federal towns and
villages, and who undertook to burn down the city
of New York, and but little or any desire to believe
that no political party had employed or instigated
the murderers. The craving for vengeance fierce
and unreasoning was everywhere manifested. By
one accord, and without any concerted action, the
people closed their shops and places of business, and
by noon the long line of Broadway was hung with
festoons of mourning, from almost every house, for
a distance of three miles. In the side streets and
minor thoroughfares, all over the city, the popular
exhibited in the same manner ; and if
plain, wunpretending Abraham Lincoln had been the
imperial representative and heir of all the Empe-
rors and Kings that had ruled the world for a thou-
sand years, and had been as conspicuous for his
illustrious birth and unquestionable power as for
his virtue and goodness, his cruel and untimely
death could not have (been mourned with more
spontaneous and deep-rooted affection. The ma-
nagers of the theatres announced that there would
be no performances that night, nor until after the
funeral. Wall-street suspended its traffic, and the
brokers, merchants, gold speculators, bankers, and
all the selfish multitude that haunt its busy purlieus
gathered before the Custom-house to hear or to
make speeches. One person who was silly or brutal
enough to express satisfaction at the President's
death narrowly escaped with his life from the blows
of the bystanders, and had he not run for the first
open door, and successfully closed it upon himself,
and been barricaded in by the occupants, he would
have been torn in pieces by his pursuers. The speeches
made were creditable to the hearts of the orators and
to the American people, and if they were at times a

little too vindictive in their tone, an .unjust to the
Southern leaders, whom they erroneoupposed
to have instigated the crime, the exaSperltilon as
natural, and need not be harshly criticised. n Stft- g 4
day all the churches and chapels of the Christians
and all the synagogues of the Jews were hung with
black, and were on no previous occasion within the
memory of man attended by such multitudes of
earnest and sorrow-stricken people. Yesterday and
to-day the same deep and earnest feeling prevailed,
and even the news of the capture of Mobile and the
surrender of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston and his army
to Gen. Sherman, which at any other time would
have driven the people frantic with joy, fell upon
inattentive and preoccupied minds. Of what avail
were victories when he who had patiently organised
them was not alive to know of the triumph? Of what
use was Mobile when Abraham Lincoln lay in his
bloody shroud ? And who cared for Johnston and
his army when the greatest rebellion and the greatest
war in history had culminated in the greatest crime
that had ever afflicted a people?
At the first shock of the calamity there was an
uneasy, widespread, and irrepressible doubt whether
the necessary installation of Vice-President Johnson
as successor to Mr. Lincoln was not an additional
drop of gall in the overflowing cup of the national
sorrow. But the impression gradually wore off.
Mr. Johnson was de jure and de facto the Presi-
dent. He had made an unseemly exhibition of
himself, it is true, before the Senate and the world
on the 4th of March ; but people argued that he
was never known to be a lover of strong drink ; that
he might have been in temporary ill health, and
been affected by a slighter stimulant than under
ordinary circumstances would have left any per-
ceptible trace in his speech or manner, and that it
was harsh to visit any man with condign punishment'
for so venial an offence as the taking of an extra
glass, more especially when the offence was not
habitual and was not likely to be repeated. There
was a talk for awhile that General Grant ought to
be proclaimed Dictator, but it scarcely outlived the
day of the national tragedy ; and all men—even
the bitterest opponents of Mr. Johnson—reconciled
themselves to the duty and necessity of quietly
accepting him as the constitutional chief magistrate
of the Republic, and of according to him in his diffi-
cult and delicate position the fullest confidence and
support.
The little that is known of Mr. Johnson as a
politican and statesman is not, it must be con-
fessed, reassuring. Unlike Mr. Lincoln, who was
shrewd, sagacious, patient, and merciful, Mr. 'John-
son, if he may be judged by his speeches prior and
subsequent to the war, and during his recent admi-
nistration of the affairs of Tennessee, of which ho
was appointed the military Governor by the late
President, is violent and unforgiving. With the pro-
verbial zeal of converts, he; who was once an ardent
supporter of the Southern idea of State rights, is
now the inveterate, it might almostbe said, the rabid
enemy of them. He is also a sturdy, if not obstinate
friend of the Monroe doctrine, and as such not to be
so safely intrusted as Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward
with the irritating question of the French in Mexico,
and the establishment of a monarchy on the North
American continent. But in his case, as in many
others, the weighty responsibilities of high position
may help to modify and cool down the prejudices
that were comparatively harmless in the unofficial
politician, but cease to be harmless in the Chief of
the State. Mr. Johnson has a great opportunity.
The rebellion is visibly moribund—and not likely to
be revived, unless a truculent and remorseless sys-
tem of terrorism and vengeance be employed against
the landed proprietors and most eminent men of
the South. The path of Mr. Lincoln was in this re-
spect the path of safety. He never uttered a vin-
dictive word, never penned a vindictive sentence,
against the Southern people, or any of their leaders
civil or military. President Johnson should note
the fact, and profit by it. And it is in this respect
satisfactory to observe that the savage feeling ex-
pressed against the South as soon as the news of the
murder of the President was received has greatly
abated during the four days which have elapsed
since its perpetration, and that there is a more ge-
neral, though not yet universal, disposition to en-
courage the hope that perhaps the awful crime was .
the act of insane or semi-insane individuals—and

had no countenance or privity from any Southern
statesman or official. It was certainly not to the
interest of the South that so dartardly a blow should
be struck ; and if the assassin or assassins should by
any chance succeed in reaching the Southern lines,
and be by the Southern people delivered up to the

justice of the North, it would be a consummation at
which every friend of the South, as well as every
well-wisher_ to the American Union, would most
heartily and unfeignedly rtjoiee.
Up to the time at which I write all efforts to arrest
the man Wilkes Booth, who was certainly the as-
sassin of the President, unless the clearest seeming
evidence of his identity be fallacious, have been in
vain. There was at one time an idea that he and
he alone committed the murder of the President, and
the still more hideous attack—if anything more
hideous than the assassination of Mr. Lincoln be
possible—upon Mr. Seward, his son, and attendants;
but it now appears that this could not have been the
case. It is supposed that certainly two, and pro-
bably five or six people, were engaged in a conspiracy
to simultaneously murder Mr. Lincoln, Mr. John-
son, Mr. Seward, Mr. Stanton, Mr. Welles, and
General Grant ; and that their schemes were frus-
trated by accidental and unforeseen circumstances.
Upon this subject all manner of contradictory ru-
mours, not worth repeating, are afloat. Had Mr.
Johnson as well as Mr. Lincoln met his death at
the hands of the conspirators the country might
have been convulsed with anarchy in addition to
grief, and the Government thrown open to the
seizure of any bold soldier who might have been
tempted by the prize. In case of the death both of
President and Vice-President the election of succes-
sors to these officers devolves upon Congress, and
not upon the people ; and had such an election been
made amid the passions which the double murder
would have provoked, there is no knowing to what
deplorable lengths the public exasperations might
have been carried before Congress could have agreed
upon the candidates, and much reason to believe that
under such circumstances all eyes would have been
turned towards Grant and Sherman as the only
possible saviours of the country.
It should be noted as among the remarkable cir-
cumstances of the time, and as one that shows the
abiding faith the American people maintain in the
stability of their institutions, that although the pre-
mium on gold rose nominally about 20 per cent. on.
Saturday, when the news of the murder was fresh
in the public imagination, it fell on Monday morn-
ing on the partial resumption of business to nearly
it previous rate, and is at this moment but half per
cent. above the closing price of the night of the catas-
trophe. It should also be noted that the British popu-
lation of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia,
and, in fact, of the whole of the proposed British
American Confederation, without waiting to hear
or see what would be done in the States of the
Union, convened public meetings in all their prin-
cipal cities and towns, and passed resolutions of
condolence and sympathy with the American people
in the hour of their great Joss and affliction. They
thus touched. a tender chord in the American heart,
and did more by that spontaneous act to silence for
years to come the silly braggarts who now and then
talk of invading or "annexing" Canada, than might
have been accomplished by all the efforts of all the
statesmen who ever took pen in hand either to argue
the subject or to deprecate its discussion. Nor was
the meeting of the British residents of New York I
convened to-day at the Astor House by Mr. Archi-
bald, the British Consul, less gratifying to the
Americans of all shades of politics, for the ready,
cordial, and respectful sympathy displayed in the
resolutions and by the several speakers who intro-
duced and supported theip. A week ago the Ame-
ricans, in the hour of joy and victory, were a di-
vided people, split into parties and factions. 'To-
day they are united as they never were united
before. Their grief for Abraham Lincoln has
made them but one family. Before the tomb of
him whom they look upon as the martyr of their
cause all minor differences have disappeared for
disappear wholly, and if in the
thaste in g
n If
of f
great misfortune they listen to
awhile. they disappear
the councils of wisdom and prudence, and find in
their new president a man as honest, as sincere, as
merciful, and as politic as he whom they have lost,
the blood of the illustrious deed may yet bear pre-
cious fruit for the pacification and regeneration of
America,

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PERCY IL DOVE, Manager.
JOHN B. JOHNSTON, Secretary In London.

May 1,1865.

THEATRE-ROYAL, DRURY-LANE,
Managers, Messrs. E. Falconer and F. B. Chatterton.
THIS EVENINq the performance will commence with
THE MAN OF THE WORLD. Sir rertinax IgacSyco-
Mr. Phelps; Messrs. G. F. Neville, Barrett; Miss Rose
Leclercq and Miss Atkinson
After which, on a scale of gre it splendour, Milton's Mask
of COMUS : Messrs. Walter Lacy, W iibye Cooper, It en, i
Drayton, Miss roole, Miss Augusta Thomson, and Mrs. H.
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THEATRE-ROYAL, E-R YA L, HAYMARKET.
Lessee, Mr. Buckstone.
THIS EVENING, MY WIFE'S MOTHER. Mr. Chip-
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Alter which, THE WOMAN IN MAUVE. Messrs.
Soliern, Compton, Howe, Farren, Braid, Sze ; Mesdames
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Followed by LORD D'UNDREARY MARRIED AND
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And EASY SHAVING. Miss Louise Keeley, Miss F.
Wright ; Alesbrs. Clark, Gordon, Rogers, &e.
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NE W THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHL-
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THIS EVENING. THE WILLOW COPSE. Mr. Benj.
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Commence at 7.

ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.
Under the Sole Management of 31r.vls echter.

THIS EVENING, A DAY AF Et THE WEDDING.
Messrs. C. Horsman, Collett, M'lntyre, ka ; Mesdames C.
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After which, at halt-past Eight, THE MOUNTEBANK.
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Master Pechter; supported by Messrs. Widdicomb, Ryder,
8. Emery, Fitzpatrick, E. Garden, C. Horsman, Raymond,
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To conclude with THE LOST CHILD. Mr. Widdicomb,
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The Box-office open daily from Elevtn till Five.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
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ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
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THIS EVENING, at 7, DEAF AS A POST. Mr. Thorne.
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trijj
1:3 SUIL

LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 1, 1865.

The anniversary dinner of the Royal Academy is
generally considered one of the most interesting fes-
tivals of the season, and the one which took place
on Saturday was not deficient in brilliancy or attrac-
tion, but, on the contrary, was unusually well
attended. Sir CHARLES EASTLAKE, the President
of the Royal Academy, was in the chair, and ac-
quitted himself admirably of his onerous duties.
The Archbishop of YORK made a brief but most
effective address, in which he said that ministers of
religion must take an interest in artists and their
works. The beautiful works then around them .
would, the Archbishop observed, be soon scattered
through many homes, and there perform their task
of refining and elevating the tastes and sentiments
of their occupants. There is also another cause for
rejoicing in the study of such works as thbse
alluded to, which the Archbishop wisely referred to,
that art which might do so much to corrupt
the people was here potent to raise
to refine them. The President, in proposing the
toast of the noblemen and gentlemen who honoured
the Academy with their presence that day, made a
very interesting discourse as to the universal spread
of the love of the fine arts which might be observed
in many quarters. The time was, as Sir CHARLES
emphatically said, 'when the appreciation of the
fine arts was barely acknowledged by many, indeed
they looked upon it much as Goldsmith did his love
of poetry, which he caned_

" My shame in crowds, my solitary pride."
This period has now happily pUsed away in a great
measure, and for this change we can hardly be too
thankful, because the benefits are immeasurable
that must accrue to the community from the in-
creased spread of the fine arts and the consequent
development of the tastes of the people. Schools
of Design, as Sir CHARLES truly observed,
have done a great deal in the furtherance of
the good cause, and those noblemen and others
who have been sedulous in supporting these schools
have been benefactors to their fellow countrymen
and shining lights in their generation, since they
have been pioneers to the path of progress. These
" distinguished and disinterested individuals," as the
President of the Royal Academy truly called them,
are entitled to recognition for their services, and it
must be a sufficient reward to them to feel that
they have done so much to benefit mankind, Earl

RUSSELL, as usual on such occasions, was very sue-.
cessful in his speech. The noble lord said that for
the last forty or fifty years he had had the honour
to be invited to these meetings, and always received
the summons with pleasure. The noble lord is
essentially historic in all his remarks when ha is
allowed time to think apart from the whirl, rend
bustle of Parliamentary debate and the hurry
of political life, and this retrospect of half a
century is a most impressive thing to reflect uF on.
The noble lord referred to the sad penalty which
must be paid by all whose length of career or e.x-•
tended memory enables them to retrace the past...,
namely, that every year he missed some old favou-
rite or distinguished artist. DAVID ROBERTS is the
last " missing link," and Earl RUSSELL feelingly
alluded to his merits. The noble lord concluded
his speech by mentioning some amusing incidents
connected with the pictures around them. He called
the attention of the reverend prelates to the picture
of " Queen ELIZABETH'S Toothache," in which that
sovereign refuses to have her tooth extracted until
AYL3IER, Bishop of LONDON, consented to have one
of his own teeth taken out to set her the example.
Another entertaining sketch is that of the " Con-
noisseurs," two dogs looking over Sir EDWIN
LANDSEER'S shoulder in order to criticise his works
Some one appropriately observed that it was better'
to be one of Sir EDWIN'S dogs than one of
Queen ELIZABETH's bishops. The President proposed
" The Interests of Literature," and mentioned that
art had ever owed a debt to letters. Many of the
guests there assembled were celebrated for their at-
tainments of various kinds, and to respond to that
toast the . President selected Lord DERBY, one
who represented alike the aristocracy of intellect
and the aristocracy of rank—a nobleman who, as
as he observed, had "solaced the interval of use-
ful and important public labours by a happy in-
tercourse with the greatest poet of antiquity."
Lord DERBY, in the first instance, disclaimed his
right to respond to the toast, and declared that
he was the wrong man in the wrong place. How-
ever, in alluding to the work upon which he has
been engaged, the noble lord said that he had
before him a " masterpiece in art." In illustration
of this he said that, " If it be true that ut pictura
poesis —if it be true that poetry is word
painting, and painting is visible poetry, then
I think I may venture to claim for that
great original I have endeavoured to copy, that he
was among the greatest painters of any country in
the world." In furtherance of this notion, the noble
lord gave an animated description of the require-
ments of the distinguished painter, and then showed
that HOMER was conspicuous as possessing these
attributes in a remarkable degree. In historical
paintings, in landscapes, and in portrait painting,
he is indeed unrivalled. Lord Derby, in that vivid
style and forcible manner which are characteristic
features of his eloquence, drew a comparison
between the manner in:which the mighty poet of the
past pictured his scenes and delineated his personages,
and the style in which the chief artists of the
present day displayed themselves. In conclusion,
the noble lord declared that he felt how unequal he
had set himself, and what a distance separated his
work from its great original. The noble lord's
speech was received with the warmest applause,
and it was one that displayed the clear Saxon of the
silver style of the RUPERT of Debate to great per-
fection. Lord NAAS discoursed upon the Dublin
Exhibition, and said that its establishment was now
a decided success, and that they would welcome
with delight any of that company who honoured
them with their presence. On the whole, it may
be said that a more delightful entertainment could
not have taken place than that which enlivened the
walls of the Academy on Saturday.

The great topic of the day throughout the whole
of the Federal States of America is still the appalling
event which -has so completely changed the aspect
of affairs. Business, public and private, is almost
entirely suspended in New York, and the citizens
array themselves and their habitations in the sombre
hues of mourning, as some outward token of the
grief which all feel. It is no wonder that the effect
produced by the sudden and violent death of a man
like ABRAHAM LINCOLN should be deep and wide-
spread. In times of peace and tranquillity, of
assured policy and settled legislation, the shock
would be profound, but at so momentous
a crisis, when the fate of two nations
is trembling in the balance, the loss of the
recognised head of the State, the absence of the
calmest and most moderate voice in the councils, is
a loss to be deeply deplored by the real friends of
both North and South. The effect which will be
prod Zed on the fortunes of the States is as yet
uncertain, but the immediate consequence has been
to incense the North against the South, and to give
an undue prominence to those extreme Radicals
who disguise a hatred and jealbusy of their white
brethren under cover of professions of humanity
for the blacks. The extremity of this feeling is
said to have been already modified in_ some,
and the wise and good men of all parties will cer-
tainly aim rather at importing moderation into the
prevailing policy than to excite any further irrita-
tion. If the assassin should be arrested, as is de-
voutly to be hoped, and if he should prove, as is
most probable, to have been rather a wild fanatic or
a crazy seeker for notoriety, than the agent of any
political party, we may hope to see the tone of the
public mind grow more temperate and pacific. It
is not fair to scan too closely the words or the
acts of the first moments [succeeding so start-
ling a catastrophe; and in justice to Ame-
ricans of all classes and parties Englishmen
should reserve their judgment until a short time has
elapsed. It is, indeed, a crisis in which American
statesmen will need all their sagacity and coolness,
and we trust they will remember that it is their
duty to lead and not to be led by the people ; to
direct the popular enthusiasm, not to be driven by
it regardless of consequences to act not in accord-
ance with the dicates of the excitement of the
moment, but with regard to the prospects of the
' President JOHNSON has a great op-
portunity, and it will only be fair to
give him time to act before we pre-
prejudge him. The unfortunate exhibition of the
4th of March has prejudiced many against him,
though the indiscretion of which he was then guilty
is unfortunately no such great marvel among Ame-
rican politicians. His friends say that the excite..
ment of the occasion, combined with previous illness,
was the real cause of his excess, and contend that
he is ordinarily temperate and well conducted.
Judging from his career and his speeches, there
is more reason to fear intemperance in
his policy than in his personal conduct.
An habitual drunkard could never have
worked his own way so steadily ; but his addresses
on several occasions have been so violent and vin-
dictive. Responsibility may, however, bring mode-
ration, and if Mr. SEWARD should recover, of
which there now seems to be some hope,
his voice will unquestionably have weight,
and may restrain his associates from extremes.
JOHNSON'S speech to the deputation from Illinois,
who had presented him with an address, was sensible
and to the purpose, so far as he himself was concerned.
On the head of treason he gives declamatory and
violent denunciations, but only in general terms.

"uture.