The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-07 00:00:00

DR. CURTIS' MEDICAL WORK, MANHOOD:

k MEP ICAL ~ ESSAY ON SPER➢TATORRIIC✓A,
NERVOUS AND GENERATIVE DEBILITY, &a.

'est Published, the 150th thousand, with numerous plates,
in a sealed envelope, price le., Sold by all Bookseller, and
rent post paid, by the Author, for 12 stamps,
TANHOOD: the CAUSE and CURE of PRE-
MATURE DECLINE IN MAN, with Plain Directions
for Perfect Restoration to Health and Vigour. By Dr. J. L.
..lonTis, 15, A:berniarle-street, Piccadilly, London.

CONTENTS:
INTRODUCTORY CII APTFiI on the Physiological
Structure and Functions of the Reproductive Organs.
CHAPTER IL—Causes of Spermatorrhcea and Impotence;
•_arly Vicious Indulgences; Dangers of Neglect.
CHAPTER lII.—A Review of the various Disqualifications
ollies 01 Maturity, the Effects of Climate, or Infection.
nwdhscypth.chrilirsc.sult.ing from Youthful Abuse, the
CHAPTERS I and V on the modern Treatment of
oncludes with numerous varied and interesting
af;oh fa added the Author's recipe of a preventive
11: The
ie hr r ho Bonga
w he

REVIEWS OF THE WORK.
"Curtis on
should be in the han Manhood.--This is a truly valuable work, and
3d March, 1856. ds of young and ol&"—" Sunday Times,"
"The author has conferred a great boon by publishing tide
tithe work, in which is described the source of th ose diseases
whim, produce decline in youth or more frequently premature
age."—" Daily Telegraph," Man= 27, 1856.
4ndon : Published by J. Allen, 20, Warwick Lane Cornhiv., Pater-
noster-row ; Mann. ts,
091115111tation-10 to 3 Ma 0 tart binadAY6; "11 4

The second Marshland deluge has set in in earnest.
The lands flooded by last night's and this morning's
tide already amount to fully 1,000 acres, of which
some 50 acres are in Marshland proper, the so•called
highland, which had fortunately escaped the former
inundation, and has rarely, for centuries past,
been subject to such misfortunes. At present the
sluice still stands, but its walls are very seriously
cracked from top to bottom, and large portions of
the foundations are washed away. The gap which
the water has made for itself in the southern bank
is now 50 yards in length and half as much in
depth, and the precipitous sides of this gulf fall
away at intervals in large masses, The northern
bank is also extensively fissured, and behind the
outer wing wall on this side is a large conicie hol-
low, like the vortex of a whirlpool, in which the
earth continually sinks, proving that the water has
undermined the foundations beneath, and that if
the sluice does not shortly fall, it will become quite
detached, standing between two chasms, or rather
forming a solitary mass in the centre of a wide and
powerful torrent. Near the sluice has overflowed
the central bank between it and the great Marsh-
land Sewer, and also the northern bank of the
latter upon the farm of Mr. Peck (opposite St.
Mary's Hall) in Marshland, to the extent of 49 or
50 acres. Running up the Marshland sewer, it
has filled the internal drains to overflowing in
various places, and in particular has flooded the
stack yard of Mr. Robert Coe, at Islington, and
came within a few yards of his door. (Mr. Coe
was a severe sufferer by the former flood.) Higher
up the country, in Broad Short Fens, about 600
acres, in the occupation of Mr. Little, Mr. Robert
Coe, and others have become drowned, together
with 300 or 400 acres more, in Marshland Fen,
principally occupied by Messrs. John Markham,
Little, Whiteman, Hubbard, Neap, &c. The water
has also been on the high lands of Bladik (or Black
Dike) Level, in Marshland, to the extent of nearly
200 acres. These quantities must be increased at
every tide, unless an effectual dam is made, as the
springs
willw
when
riseen
theyo
ne o r
wtiwl
l be at their highest.o feet between now and
Friday,
the
of
The
whole p rdoi se pt
reicet
them (not an hour too soon) are making prepa-
rations isforindetehde teorcrciubplea,natsnd manyot.
rations for flight by removing furniture,
cottages, are already invaded by the flood those of
thrashing out corn, &c. Several houses, mostly
Mr. Robert Coe's tenants, for instance, being two
feet under water. The banks of both the Fen
drain and the great sewer are already much injured
by the scour through them, and are caving in in
i several places. In two or three instances near the
sluices, portions of cottage gardens, with their crops
otataneapoo other r
of vegetables, have slid down into the rushing
stream,p and
to h
people
crops, c
r are,t
o hastily
realise
what digging h
t ue p
their
can before they are wholly drowned out or deprived
of a home by the impending destruction of their
humble dwellings.
The sack dam at St. Mary's brick-bridge having
failed, Mr. Harding is now commencing the con-
struction of a 1 d
pi e- am at the same place, for which
purpose the remaining portion of the bridge parapet
is being cleared away, and large quantities of tim-
ber are being brought up from Lynn. At a meet-
ing of the Marshland, braeeth, and Feu commis•
sinners this morning Si •
r John Rennie and Mr. Mur-
ray, C.E. (who had been
connection with the pending making investigations inl
suits against the Mid-
dle Level commissioners) were called in, and under
their advice the banks on both
ex-
tensively raised. A dam of sheet
tes arel being
pi ing is to be
made about a mile and a half
up the drain (just
below the junction sluice, between it and the
Marshland sewer), and a permanent dam is to be
struck at about 100 yards above the broken sluice
Between these two dams Mr. Harding's will .
inter-
vene, and thus there will be three successive bar-
riers against the tide. if all these operations are
successful the sea water will not penetrate into
either of the drains, and the danger for the present
will be at an end, but very much must be done to
achieve this greatly longed-for and hardly anti-
cipated result. In the meantime all farm-
ing operations must be at a stand-still ; the re-
cently recovered lands, which have nearly all been
ploughed, cannot be sown, a
will most probably be lost to
nd thus another season
these unfortunate
people.
It may not be uninteresting to mention that the

At the Huddersfield County Court on Friday, be-
fore James Stansfield, Esq.,judge, Sir J. W. Rams-
den, Bart., brought an action against Messrs. F. W.
Jacomb and J. D. Hardy, to recover the sum of £5O
in respect of rent due to him by the Huddersfield
Club, for the occupation of a field adjoining Green-
head Park, and now occupied as the parade-ground
on the occasion of Sir
of the Huddersfield Volunteers. Mr. J. W. Clough
appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr. Shaw, barrister,
his majority, the JohnHuedersfield
altogether played
suitable, s e venallC Ramsdencnkteht eacry
ireui avbri,
elagBfst
ea2rt,
havingnot
ade yearsap
p onri
ega
tr
ioeuhn
tod tshiart
Jlons
by letter, requesting ‘ at his hands a suitable plot
of ground, and that he would give such directions
Al
to his agent, Mr. Alexander Hathorn, as would
secure them one adapted
they might rank with to their necessities, so that
neighbouring,heeel towns in the
possession of grounds."
quested permission to enrol the nmaemeeettfersailsoj rhen
-
Ramsden as honorary president of the chill): John
Ramsden as honorary president of the club. Sir
John replied to this application that he should be
glad for the club to have the use of a piece of his
ground for their sport, and felt gratified at the
honour of being made the honorary president of the
club. This letter was considered by the club as a
promise of a piece of land free from rent, and they
made application to the agent for the use of the
field now occupied by the volunteers. The agent,
however, informed them that their impression was
a wrong one, and that Sir John would expect them
to pay a yearly rental of from 110 to £l2 for the
field, which is four acres in extent. Disregarding
this information, they drew up a memorial to Sir J.
W. Ramsden, and forwarded it to the residence of
the agent for presentation, and meanwhile entered
into possession of the ground on the understanding
that the question of rent was reserved for appeal to
Sir John himself. The agent, in his discretion, did
not forward the memorial to Sir John, who hap-
pened to be abroad. On this becoming known to the
club some time after, they wrote to Sir John re
questing a personal interview. This was declined
by Sir John, on the ground that business ought to
be transacted in writing. The club then forwarded
a full statement of their case, and received in due
time a reply to the effect that he should abide by
the letter of his agent, correcting the misapprehen-
sion which had existed in the minds of the club re-
garding the tenure of the cricket-field. The club
then instructed the secretary to write to Sir John
(at the close of 1858), pointing out that the enforce-
ment of retrospective rent would lead to a dismem-
berment of the club, which they could not conceive
their honorary president would permit, and asking
Sir John to remit the rent of the present year, and
promising to pay in future. To this request Sir
John refused to accede, informing the club that Mr.
Hathorn's application for rent was duly made ac-
cording to instructions from himself. The club
thereupon refused to pay any rent, and received
notice to quit in February, 1859.
They quitted the
ground in February, 1860, their tents, grass-roller,
and other property being retained by the parties
taking possession in the name of Sir J. W. Rams-
den. The matter was allowed to lie over in the hope
of an amicable settlement, but the club refused to
come to terms, and the case was entered in the
county court. After a prolonged hearing, the jury
returned a verdict in favour of the plaintiff to the
.amount of £S 17s. 11d. Mr. Clough, on behalf of
Sir John, refused this verdict, preferring a nonsuit.
A nonsuit was therefore entered against the plain-
tiff, with costs.

It is too soon to judge of the effects of the procla-
mation. In New York the Abolitionists—who are
but a small party—are delighted, and their chief
and ablest organ emphatically prays that "God will
bless Abraham Lincoln" for it; but the vast mass
of the people who hare no sympathy for the negro,
and who think he is well placed in the South and
very ill-placed in the North, seem to think that it
is but waste-paper at the best, or that if it have any
results at all they will only be to embitter Southern
feeling, to render reconciliation more hopeless than
ever, and perhaps to drive the Border States out of
the Union. The document seems as much designed
to influence the public opinion of Europe as to in-
timidate the South, but it is likely to fail in both
respects. It is not a decree of emancipation on
the merits of the case, such as Mr. Wendell
Phillips might pen were he Secretary of State, and
such as General Fremont,were he President, might
issue with the confidence of a theorist, believing
that he was in the right, but is a halt between
two opinions. It does not strike at slavery because
slavery is wrong; but only because slaves are pro-
perty that, iu the President's opinion, may
be confiscated, like lands, houses, money, or
munitions of war, with the sole view of damaging
an enemy. Worse than all, if the public opinion of
the North should not support Mr. Lincoln and con-
done his offence, the document is illegal and uncon-
stitutional, and as complete a breach of his oath on
assuming office as if he had abolished trial by jury
or any other institution of the country. If the
Democratic party obtain a majority in the next
Congress the impeachment of Mr. Lincoln will be
among the probabilities of the new year, and per-
haps a result much less improbable than the aboli-
tion of slavery. Wall-street, of a certainty, does
not look with favour upon it, for within a few hours
of its promulgation it sent up the price of gold and
silver and reduced stocks one and a half per cent.
Next to the President's proclamation and the
movements of the battle-field in present interest,
and, perhaps, destined to be superior to them in
future importance, are the efforts made by the
Democratic party to control the policy of the Go-
vernment, if not to supersede Mr. Lincoln before
the expiry of his term of office. The mingled im-
becility and corruption of the Administration, as
well as the whole current and fortune of the war,
have given the Democrats a chance of which they
seem determined to avail themselves, not only in
the election of the Governors and local Legislatures
of the several States, but in that of members of the
next Congress. The struggle has commenced in
the State of New York, which has hitherto been
almost as Republican in its sympathies as Massa-
chusetts, with the exception of New York City,
which is, and always has been, intensely democratic.
The present Governor, Mr. Morgan, aspired to re-
election, but as he is tainted by the exposures of the
Van Wyck Committee, in the matter of some army
and navy contracts which he considerately put
into the hands of his brother, because he could not
touch them himself, he has deemed it wiser not to
offer himself again. There is a talk of putting for-
ward General Wadsworth, who has rendered the
Federal Government good service in the Secessionist
city of Washington, and General Dix, who was still
more useful in Baltimore. Another section of the
Republican party are of opinion that General Fre-
mont would be a better man to fight their battle.
The Democrats, on their part, have no objection to
Fremont singly, to Fremont and Wadsworth, or to
Fremont and Dix, or to Dix and Wadsworth, or to
the whole three in conjunction, or to any number of
Republican candidates that may be brought forward
jointly or separately. If opposed by one candidate,
General Wadsworth is considered to be the most
formidable, as likely to unite the greatest number
of suffrages. If they were so fortunate as to be
opposed by General Fremont singly, they would be
but too happy, as in such a case they imagine the
success of the Democratic party would be as easy as
it would be encouraging ; and, as General Fremont
is a man Who does not believe in his unpopularity,
and is as completely the victim of one idea as Mr.
John Bright, the chances are that the Democratic
writers and agents will unite in heaping hyp
to .
ap-
proaches, it.
electionon
cal praises upon him as the day ofstand-
proaches, with the view of inducing
The Democrats calculate that the anti-a .
g
h a
ctlnency
among the Republicans would in snc
rather given their votes to their candidate,
s the Hon.
Horatio Seymour, than run thoerti.k
In the meantime
ofelecting so
impracticable a person as Fremont.
the schemers, tho manccuverers, and the wire
Preparingfor the
rk in
pullers are busily at wo
strug-
gle. The elections takepint: Governor, a Lieutenant-
an 8 on the second Monday
of November, and includelcomeaissioner, an Inspector of
State Prisons, a
Governor, a Canal
Clerk of the Court of Appeals' and
17 members House of Assembly for
members the State
ofttoheether with six to
of New York,
g York. Mr. Seymour is a candidate
Con-
gress for the six congressional districts of the county
andvl
qualifiedcity of
t
New
o unite his party, and his name and
. talents, if successful Rt slit WM not only carry his

own election, but the whole " ticket." His speech
at Albany on the 10th instant, when accepting the
nomination, of which only a meagre abstract ap-
peared in the newspapers of the following day, has
just been published in extenso, revised by his own
hand, and is by far the ablest as well as the most
eloquent and fearless exposition of the state of the
country, and the duty of the Conservative party,
that has yet been uttered. Not content with de-
nouncing
the whole policy of the Government as
radically wrong, and as equally unconditional in
the treatment of its Northern friends as of its
Southern foes, Mr. Seymour declares the policy of
his party to be to strengthen the State Government
and to weaken the Federal power. He asserts that
no other party and no other system can save the
liberties of the country; and, while he is strongly in
favour of restoring the Union by military force, he
would only restore it by doing justice to the South
and scrupulously refraining from any interference
with the rights of the Southern States to uphold as
long as they please the domestic institution of sla-
very, with which no Northern nor Western State
or combination of States, has the slightest justifica-
tion in meddling, even so much as by a word of ad-
vice or remonstrance. Administering a rebuke to
those Abolitionists, the President among the num-
ber, who, while the South holds that the negro is
fit to live in America as a slave, deny that he is fit
to live in America at all, he proclaims that the Re-
publican, inclusive of the Abolition party, is unable
to save the country, because through its powerful
press it teaches contempt for the laws and the con-
stitution ; because it is not only destroying the
Union, but is shaking and weakening the whole
structure of State as well as of Federal Government,
by denunciations of every law and of every autho-
rity that stand in the way of its passions and its
purposes. On the great question of taxation, which
nobody in New York, or throughout the North,
appears to regard as of the least consequence, simply
because the tax-gatherer has not yet made a single
demand on the public, and because the national
necessities are supplied by Mr. Chase's illimitable
paper, Mr. Seymour gave utterance to opinions
which ought to startle the North out of its dream
of security, and compel it to look its own position
steadfastly in the face before it incurs another
mountain of debt, and piles a Pelion upon the Ossa
of its liabilities, in paying for the manumission of
millions of negroes, to be reduced to pauperism in
the process, or expatriated against their will by a
new form of slavery such as Mr. Lincoln proposes.
"The weight of annual taxation," said Mr. Sey-
mour, " will severely test the loyalty of the people.
Repudiation of our financial obligations would
cause disorder and endless moral evils. But pecu-
niary rights will never be held more sacred than
personal rights. Repudiation of the Constitution
involves the repudiation of national debts, and of
the guarantees of rights of property, of person, and
of conscience. . . . If we begin a war upon the
compromises of the Constitution we.must go through
with it. It contains many restraints upon our na-
tural rights. It may be asked by what right do
the six small New England States, with a popula-
tion less than that of New York, enjoy six times its
power in the Senate, which has become the control-
ling branch of the Government ? By what natural
right do these six States with their small popula-
tion and their limited territories balance the power
of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana,
and Michigan ? The vast debt growing out of this
war will give rise to new and angry discussions.
It will be held almost exclusively in a few Atlantic
States. Look upon the map of the Union and see
how small is the territory in which it will be owned.
We are to be divided into debtor and creditor
States, and the last will have a vast preponderance
of power and strength. Unfortunately there is no
taxation upon this national debt, and its share is
thrown off upon other property. It is held where
many of the Government contracts have been exe
cuted, and where in some instances gross
frauds have been practised. It is held largely
where the Constitution gives a disproportionate
share of political power. With all these elements
of discord is it wise to assail Constitutional laws or
bring authority into contempt ?"
Mr. Seymour may well ask these questions.
They involve issues which are likely to shake the
foundations of the American Government and Ame-
rican society long after the war shall have been
brought to a close by the exhaustion of the com-
batants or the intervention of Europe; but nobody
heeds them now. The mind of the country is in
the bloody battle-field. The brain of the nation is
dizzy with the thunder and the smoke of artillery.
Its passions are excited by dreams of conquest. It
is like a spendthrift, casting right and left the gold
which it never earned, in orgies that are disgraceful
and in excesses that are injurious. The item of
money is held to be too vulgar and too unfit for the
consideration of this noble youth, whose sole ambi-
tion is to do grander things than were ever done by
anybody else, to enrol and manipulate larger armies,
to kill and wound more men, and to dwarf all other
wars alike in bitterness, in bloodshed, and in cost-
liness, and all with the aim, end, and object of mak-
ing a greater noise and figure in the world than he
might have made had he been honest, frugal, in-
dustrious, and peaceable like his forefathers. Every
one knows how such a career is certain to end in
private life. The United States (or the remnant of
them) have yet to learn that in national affairs the
result is equally calculable and inevitable.
The ambition of various gentlemen who fill the
Position in other States to which Mr. Seymour
aspires in New York is leading, or has already led,
to some curious results. A convention of Gover-
nors has been summoned at Altoona in Pennsyl-
vania to meet to-day and consult upon the present
condition of affairs, and especially to concert mea-
sures whereby prompt assistance may be rendered
to the Federal Government in ease of any possible
emergency. Half a dozen of these functionaries
are reported to have passed through INew'York
yesterday on their way to the place of meeting. It
is not yet known whether their deliberations are to
be public or private. Hitherto manY of these
gentlemen have endeavoured to
act like petty
Presidents of independent republics, yielding such
Spain as
if any
aid and comfort to the Federal
Power France
might yield to England, to Italy,
or to
pursued among them.
common purpose were to be
The question of State rights.othat lies at the founda-
still survives in the
tion of the Southern Seceselfn
o Massachusetts arms
' North. The Governor
Lincoln refuses to do so.
negroes, though Jersey denies theauthority
entto suspend the Habeas
of the Federal
Corpus Act within.
pro-
claims that he will
arms if need be.
though they
snout for the levy o
Government
his territory, and publicly
11 resist the assumption
The Governors
obey the call of
of additional troops,
unpopular draught to suit their Own of force of
of several States,
though Federal
Govern-
postpone the
purposes, and
Neill not imperil their chance of reelection'
ordering a conscription until they are
another term of office. Neither ' by
assured of
will they suffer
the Federal Government to
interfere with them
in the appointment of ffi. o cers to the regiments
which they raise, because they claim the patronage
for themselves, and
are determined to exercise it for
political and not for mili • • tary purposes, even though
by so doing they imperil the safety of armies in the
field, by the employment of ignorant, drunken, or
otherwise unfit persons to command. Although
they raise regiments, and know the need of the Fe-
deral Government to be so urgent that every thou-
sand men would be a godsend at this day to an im-
perilled nation, they retain the levies at home in
idleness for purposes of their own, and which they
decline to divulge until after the meeting of their
convention. The Rev. Dr. Bellows, President of the
Sanitary Commission for Improving the Health of
the Army, stated to his congregation on Sunday
last, after his return from Washington on the previ-
ous day, that Gen. M'Clellan was unable to follow
I up his advantages at Antietam for want of wen;

Major G. Longley, R.E., in a letter to a contemporary,
writes :—I have the honour to request you will give pub-
licity in your valuable journal to the following statement of
facts, which I am sure you will agree with me deserve pub-
licity, in order to show the state of affairs and feeling in
North America. I was travelling on the Baltimore and
Washington Railway this morning, and had occasion to
stop at Relay House to wait two hours for a train. While
that
theyS States' tews
there a train containing rebel prisoners arrived. I remarked
to an officer of the United,
'earerinfine-wloohokm.hagpmpeenned; tt oo
be standing near m
e
which he replied that they were so, if lice and dirt could
make them so. I stated that that had nothing to do with
it, and that they were in my opinion fine men. He then
asked 'me who I was? I replied "An Englishman." He
said "Yes, a d—d infernal Englishman." I replied that I
supposed he must be a Yankee of that description. He then
seized my arms, which were folded, pushed me off the rail-
way platform nearly on to an engine first, and then back,
and kicked me as I fell. Meanwhile I naturally resisted,
and aimed a blow with my right fist at his face, which only
took partial effect, fortunately for him. He then fetched a
guard to take me prisoner, which I quietly assented to. He
brought me to Baltimore, and took me before the Provost
Marshal. I sent for Mr. Bernal, the English Consul, who
came at once, and I appeared face to face with my accuser,
Lieut.-Colonel Massy, 2d Al arylands. General Wool read
his charge, to which I replied that it was in the main cor-
rect, but that I felt deeply insulted at the lieutenant-colo-
nel forcibly pushing me back; to which General Wool
said I was wrong to express my opinion so freely, and
that the lieutenant-colonel was also wrong in using force
to me. The General advised me to leave this town for
New York at once, and that he could not give me leave to
visit the Federal army, as I had expressed Southern
Secession opinions. I replied that I was willing to do so,
but wished to have some satisfaction from him for the
brutal treatment I had experienced from a United States
officer. Ho said Lieut.-Col. Massy would afford me per-
sonal satisfaction, but as to any other I must apply to the
civil power. 1 told him I did not require personal satisfac-
tion, but military. He declined having anything
more
to
route
say. I then retired with the Consul, and
amnoven I
only
for New York. Such facts speak for themselves.
wish them to be known in England that travellers may
know what to expect in the North United States. General
Wool also advised me to leave the town as speedily as pos
for me to remain.
Bible, as it was not silo

Ls.— The Me-
miTirsioners have just given notice to the
CITY-ROAD 'TOLLS.—
it is their intention to abolish th
thatltrP°A:-ir":lll3.°Lr°garriadit:is:::tblOW the maintenance of the
city-road
the (Veda,

A DANGEROUS IN OMAN,"
.4-A. in " SATURDAY'ne Penny.," every week.
O

CRYSTAL PAL A CE.—LEOT ARD.--To afford
k.) the numerous strangers now in London an opportunity
of witnessing the wondrous flights of this extraordinary
artiste, he will give a few performances at the Crystal
Pa lace. The lofty series of Trapeses suspended in the Centre
Ti ansept will enable M. Leotard to exhibit his feats on a
scale without precedent.
Ws second appearance will take place TO-MORROW
Wednesday) at Four o'clock precisely.
Admission, One Shilling ; Children under Twelve, Six-
pence.

• ** For full particulars of amusements see first page.
ItOYis EL in
A ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-GARDEN,
Thveng, THE PURITAN'S DAUGHTER.
Commence at 8.

THEATRE-ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.
Thia Evening, PARENTS AND GUARDIANS. And
THE RELIEF OF LUCKNOW. To conclude with THE
ARABS OF THE DESERT. A Troupe of the Beni-Zoug-
Zoug. Commence at 7.

THEATRE-ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
This Evening, A DAUGHTER TO MARRY. After which,
OUR AMERICAN COUSIN. With DUCK HUNTING.
And THE GALICIAN FETE.
Commence at 7.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI
This Evening., THE GREEN BUSHES. Followed by
TIDE SHILLING . DACo Ymmenoe at 7.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Tilts Evening, THE RENDEZVOUS. After which, at a
luar,'er to 8, fl
HENRY With BOILROWING
HVSBAND. Commence at 7.

ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.
This Evening, PEEP O'DAY. Followed py SILLAB-
Nlo;Y. Conclude with THE COLLEEN BA.WN SETTLED
A T LAST. Commence at 7.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.
This Evening, MAZEPPA. Brilliant Scenes in the Circle.
Commence Concluding with a Coic Ballnceet.
Comme at 7.

W graphicW
Hall, lOng ABINE
en
OODIN'S CT OF CURIOSITIES,
oV7illianele-sattrtlet, Charing-cross.
roly

ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street, Hay-
mrket Open every evening for Promenade and Dancing.
.

CANTERBURY HALL.—EVERY EVENING.—
Liteciel, the great Trapeze performer—Grand Operatic Selec-
tion kt. 5 usual —TJneworth,Ktigene, and Dnley, the great comic
trio, &c:-