The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-05 00:00:00

4
att r".lO"'N

LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 5, 1865.

Lord RAVENSWORTH last night asked an explana-
of Lord DERBY concerning the construction put on
some expressions which the noble lord used on the
occasion of the address to her MAJESTY, relative to
the assassination of President LINCOLN. It was as
well that he should have done so, because there are
some people who are so prejudiced that they try to
pervert everything to their own purposes, and make
out a great deal from very little. Thus, as Lord
RAVENSWORTH explained, when Lord DERBY, the
other night remarked, that if the Confederates had
been connected, directly or indirectly, with the
crime, that they would have committed that which
was more than a crime—a blunder. Lord RAVENS -
WORTH gave his own interpretation of the matter,
which was a correct one. The true meaning of M.
TALLEYRAND'S expression, he took it to be was,
" not that a blunder was worse than a crime,
morally speaking, but that a person occupying the
position of the First Consul, if he committed a grave
political blunder, might do that which was fraught
with more serious consequences than a crime." Now
any one at all conversant with public matters must
naturally have put the same construction upon the
sentence we would supptse, but it has been seen
that the contrary was the fact in some quarters.
Lord RAVENS WORTH said that he considered Lord
DERBY intendecrto convey the same meaning as did
TALLEYRAND when he applied the phrase to the
case of the Confederates. lie therefore asked the
noble earl to state whether he had not given the
true version of the affair. The noble lord very
truly observed that it was of great importance that
" any misinterpretation of an expression should be
confuted without delay," because it often happened
that phrases were attributed to persons in a very
Contrary sense to that which they had originally
intended. Thus it was said the Duke of WELLING-
TON had declared county meetings to be a " farce,"
whereas he had not done so ; and Lord LYNDHURST
had been taxed with calling the people of Ireland
aliens in blood,religien, and race; but this was also
an error, became the hon. and learned lord had not
employed the words in the sense which had been
imputed to him. Lord DERBY'S few remarks were
to the point ; he said he did not think that any
member of that house could entertain a doubt as to
the meaning of the words alluded to. What he had
said was, that if the Confederate authorities had
given, which from their former character and
conduct he did not think they had, any
countenance to the assassination, they would
have been " guilty, not only of a crime,"
but using the words of 'IALLEYRAND'S political
aphorism, they would have committed worse than
a crime—a blunder, because they would have been
not only sanctioning that which was immoral in
itself, but also that which could do nothing but
serious injury to their cause." Now that the noble
earl has plainly stated the meaning of his words,
not but what they were clear and plain enough
before to all who did not wilfully misinterpret them,
it may fairly be asked what is the reason of the
nuanterpretation. which Jim been put upon them ?

The only reason is, that it is the object of many to
damage the Conservative cause by every means in
their power, and though, in some respects, it may
be considered, and in many quarters it is
declared, to be a fallen one, still their
animosity and vindictiveness know no bounds,
and will not be modified or abated.
The attempt to implicate honourable men in the
basest of crimes, and to throw the greatest reproach
upon a brave and generous people, was a dastardly
device, and recoils upon those who did it under
covert disguises and with specious pretences. To
take advantage of the occasion, while it was impos-
sible for those concerned to deny or repudiate the
charge, was the only thing wanting to render the
attack more despicable, and yet we have seen
political cunning and party stratagem descend to
such depths and adopt such unworthy stratagems.
Lord DERBY'S remarks made a very convenient
locus standi for the attack. It may be very well for
inexperienced persons to say that it does not matter
because time will show the contrary, but such is not
an answer, for it is ceriain that it is almost impos-
sible entirely to eradicate an evil impression if it
once take root. From the accounts that have
reached us lately, it would appear that there is
no reason to doubt that the South will repudiate the
crime with as much indignation as the North have
done. The people of Richmond were greatly shocked
at the intelligence, and General LEE was " painfully
affected," when he heard of the fearful crime that
had been committed. There might have been some
excuse in the United States in the first excitement
of the moment for the adoption of extravagant
notions and for -wild accusations being given, but
even there by this time such extreme notions are
dying out, and ideas more in unison with
right and reason are taking their place.
In England there can be no allowance made for
any such absurd rumours obtaining circulation ;
and it certainly was a course of proceeding wholly
and entirely adverse to the character and spirit of
tee community to cast aspersions upon those at a
distance, without proof or foundation to warrant
the extreme step taken. It is strange to notice to
what lengths people go in support of extreme
opinions without much regard to detail and minute-
ness of particulars. Thus " Historicus" remarked
the other day that he believed the friends of the
Southern cause had never ventured to call an open
meeting in this country. The mistake here made
is shown in a letter to the Standard of to-day, in
which the writer declares that " there is scarcely a
town of any consequence in Lancashire in which
large and enthusiastic public meetings in favour of
the South have not been held." The Confederates
have had much to endure and to encounter in their
unequal struggle, but let it not be said that their
historian will have to put calumny to the long
list of their difficulties, and least of all that it
emanated from this country.

The Calcutta mails bring little intelligence of a
marked or striking character, but that fact may be
accepted as an augury of the peace and prosperity
of our Indian dominions. The principal feature of
interest is the departure of Sir HUGH ROSE, who
has addressed a general order to his troops, express-
ing his satisfaction at their discipline and efficiency,
and in which he especially dwells upon the good
results which have followed the bestowal of patron-
age on merit, and not on interest. He expresses
his obligations to the Government for having allowed
him this latitude, and in consequence of which those
officers who had given practical evidence of their
military qualifications had been placed at
the head of the re-organisation of the
army, and speaks in high terms of the manner
in which the officers of his army have justified his
confidence in them. He considers that the army is
ow in a high state of efficiency, which, he trusts,
will be maintained unbroken, but is, of course,
silent in reference to the difficulties which
have attended the amalgamation of the armies.
We may hope, however, as the matter
has been so strongly impressed upon the
Government that the grievances complained
of will be mitigated, if not altogether removed.
The better sanitary arrangements of the last few
years have wonderfully diminished the cost of main-
taining an Indian army, and we may hope, as the
new system is more fully developed, to see the
rate of sickness and mortality still further lessened.
Altogether the aspect of Indian affairs is satisfac-
tory, and the financial statement of Sir CHARLES
TREVELYAN takes note of great and favourable
changes.

The brief discussion upon the details of the
Budget was not likely to excite much attention. It
is perhaps the best compliment that can be paid to
a Budget that it should be suffered to become law
without calling forth any active opposition, and,
notwithstanding the postponement of the reduction
of the malt tax, the general scope and tenour of the
financial statement has given great satisfaction.
The tea duties press so hardly upon the industrial
classes that their reduction, even though part of the
profit is absorbed by the tradesman, will be a great
boon. The fire insurance duty, truly !Stigmatised
by Mr. SIIERIDAN as a tax upon prudence,
has been unmistakeably censured by the House
of Commons itself, while the income tax,
though no longer at the exacting rate
at which it stood for some years, is still heavy
enough to be one of the most unpopular of taxes.
We wish that Mr. GLADSTONE had gone a little
further in his dealings with the Income-tax, and
had taken a hint from Mr. DISRAELI in at least one
important particular—the recognition of the differ-
ence between fixed and precarious incomes. But
the ever-extending class that ranks itself under
Schedule D forms so large and important a portion
of the tax-payers that there is little chance we fear
of their claims being recognised at the Exchequer.
The objections which Mr. AYRTON took to the
Budget were, however, not correct. He asserted
that more regard had been had to the interests of
property than of industry in the reductions, for
that even the Insurance Duty was a tax on
property. The hon. gentleman apparently forgot
that the reduction in the high price of tea is cer-
tainly a boon to the industrial classes, that the re-
duction of the Income-tax will relieve thousands
who labour for their living, and that the Fire In-
surance Duty, of which he thinks so little, presses
hardly on the commercial interests of the country,
and all that immense stock of mercantile wares,
which, however valuable as property, have been
accumulated by industry and application. The
principal subject of discussion last night was
the time at which the various reductions should
take effect, and the matter was finally settled in
accordance with the general wish and feeling of the
house, Mr. GLADSTONE, for a wonder, giving up
his point with a tolerably good grace. Mr.
MOFFATT moved that the reduction of the Tea Duty
should take effect from the Ist of June, instead of
from the 6th of May, as proposed. It was urged
in support of the amendment that the tea dealers
had been led to suppose that no further remission
would be at present made in the duties, and that
consequently a large number of dealers held stocks
of tea on which they had paid the higher duty. Mr.
GLADSTONE, whose natural instinct is to resent any
interference With his financial measures, was, of
cOUPiei up il4 arms, and declared that the delay

would be in every way mischievous, and that it
would be a dangerous precedent. He admitted,
however, that it was possible that the dealers
might have been misled by some expressions
of his in a former Budget, and he there-
fore proposed that all dates should be
struck out, and that the reduction should be made
to take effect from the Ist of June. This distinction
without a difference was agreed to, and there is no
reason to complain of it. Why there should be an
uncertain delay in the introduction of the bill for
enabling maltsters to pay by measure instead of by
weight is not very apparent, and as the Chancellor
of the Exchequer has not been able to grant them
the remission for which they have been agitating,
it is a pity that he cannot give his boon a little more
promptly. With the reduction of the Income Tax
no one could findfault, though Mr. HUBBARD found
occasion to censure the manner of its assessment.
It is to be hoped that Mr. GLADSTONE will take his
suggestion, and apply his vigorous powers to a more
equitable adjustment of the tax. He has proclaimed
its reconstruction to be a task beyond the capacities
of any Government, but there is an old adage of a
will and a way. If Mr. GLADSTONE would address
himself to the matter, and could succeed in putting
this important tax on a fair and proper footing,
he would confer a great and lasting benefit on
the tax-payers of this country. The Income Tax
is so sure and easy a method of raising the revenue
that there is little chance that any Minister will
allow it to remain long in reserve, so that it is a
matter of importance to us all that it should
be assessed with equity and discrimination.

BANK OF FRANCE.

PARIS, MAT 4.

The following is the return of the Bank of France
for the week ending to-day, together with the cor-
responding figures of the previous account :

April 27.
fr. c.
182,500,000

DEBTOR.
May 4.
fr. c.
Capital of the Bank 182,500,000
Profits in addition to
capital (Art. 8, Law,
June 9, 1857) 7,043,799 16 7,043,446 40
Reserve of the Bank

and its branches 22,105,750 14 22,105,750 14
Reserve in landed pro-
perty
Notes in circulation
Bank notes to order and
receipts payable at
sight
Treasury account cur-
rent creditor
Current accounts, Paris 141,051,928 78 124,865,558 70
Do. branch banks
Dividends payable 881,924 75 939,176 75
Discounts and sundry
interests
Rediscounted the last
six months
Sundries

4,000,000 - 4,000,000 -
812,077,975 - 808,818,275 -

7,330,414 13 5,568,493 37

2,789,444 05 2,789,444 05
15,663,008 98 11,085,451 60