The Sun.
London, England, 1862-12-31 00:00:00

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THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENINO, DECEMBER 31, 1862,

common by the three Courts, and which excluded
from the throne of Greece the members of their
families.

understanding with the Great Powers, free from all
political rivalry and all calculation of interest, is
the only way of obviating complications menacing
to the repose of the East and the peace of Europe,
which, since the war of 1856, have become more
numerous and pressing.
However difficult this endeavour may be, we con-
tinue to regard it as not above the efforts of the
cabineta, if all bring to it the same conciliatory and
disinterested sentiments.
(Signed) GORTSCIIAKOFF.
St. Petersburg, Dec. 2 (14), 1862.

Since then we have nothing to add to a declara-
tion sufficiently categorical.
The opportunity of following a joint course of
action with the same end in view, in reference to
the Provisional Government at Athens, did not ap-
pear to us sufficiently demonstrated.
Greece was the prey of a lively agitation, the
inevitable result of the crisis which it was passing
through. In these circumstances there was some
danger of adding a new element of trouble to the
effervescence of passions already over excited, in
placing the Hellenic nation between contradictory
declarations, some of which tended to recognise in
it, as an independent nation, full liberty in its choice
of a sovereign, while others would have imposed
upon the exercise of this right very narrow restric-
tions.

There might hence have resulted a discouragement
that would have pushed the people of Greece into
the hands of extreme parties, and plunged them
into anarchy. Now, of all the perils which threat-
ened them, that in our opinion was not the least.
The Provisional Government had made an appeal
to the elections for a National Assembly, which was
appointed to meet in the month of December, and
pronounce on the destinies of the country. The re-
gular plocedure had r•:et with the unanimous ap•
probation of the Cabinets. -It was of consequence
in no way to disturb it prematurely. When that
Assembly should have met, the moment would na-
turally have arrived in which, according to us, the
three great Powers, already agreed in principle, and
having had time to come to an understanding about
the details, would have found themselves prepared
to guide the Greeks by their well-intentioned ad-
vice in this crisis so important for their future.
In consequence I replied to the English Ambassa-
dor that, at the time when passions were much ex-
cited, the course of conduct which he proposed to
us in reference to the Provisional Government ap-
pearing to us of a nature to disturb the minds
of the people, and throw them by discourage-
ment into anarchy, the Imperial cabinet did not
think it could give its adherence to the measure
proposed under a solemn form of a collective action.

As for the second demand, concerning the Duke
of Leuchtenberg, although the civil position of this
Prince might have offered matter for some legal
doubts, yet to have called up a discussion upon that
subject would have been in some sort to establish
his candidature. Now, his Majesty the Emperor
had resolved not to establish the candidature of any
one.

It is to this effect that I replied to Lord Napier
positively renewing to him, besides the assurance
that we had neither made use of quibbles, nor had
any afterthought that our minister at Athens had
not pronounced a single word, nor made the
slightest allusion to the choice of the future Sove-
reign of Greece, and that the instructions of the
Imperial cabinet scrupulously enjoined on him the
maintenance of this reserve.

At the same time I communicated to the English
ambassador the joint course of action which we
thought it useful to propose to the two other
guaranteeing Powers regarding the Court of
Munich, and I addressed a like communication to
the French ambassador.

Nevertheless this position did not at all meet
with the assent of the cabinets of Paris and London.

The replies, however, which I had given to the
overtures which had just been transmitted to me
by the English ambassador had produced in London
an impression which we were far from expecting.

At the time that the English Government would
in no way have shared an opinion as to the delicacy
of action called for by the state of men's minds in
Greece, we hatt no idea thatafter such categori-
cal declarations as we had made in the name of his
Majesty the Emperor as to the maintenance of the
principle of the exclusion of the reigning families
of the three courts—the doubts which we enter-
tained as to the seasonableness of the joint declara-
tion to this effect at Athens could have been in-
terpreted as an intention to free ourselves from
obligations contracted in common, and to give to
the other powers the right to avail themselves of it
as a reason for considering themselves released
from the same obligation.
Such, nevertheless, is the meaning which would
appear to have been attached to these doubts. The
rapid march of events in Greece appears to have
inspired the conviction that if England deprived
the Hellenic people of all hope of the candidature
of an English prince, public opinion would inevi-
tably have been carried towards a Russian prince,
and hence the Government of her Britannic Ma-
jesty believed itself authorised not to discourage the
sympathies which were manifested in Greece for
the candidature of Prince Alfred.

The movement which was produced with this
object had acquired a character such that the popu-
lar enthusiasm, anticipating the period of the meet-
ing of the Assembly, appeared at the point of
abruptly solving by a plebiscitum a question the
solution of which had been originally committed to
the delegates of the country.
In this situation, which was in fact obviously re-
moved from the understanding entered into in prin-
ciple between the three Courts, the Imperial Cabi-
net, desiring to remove on its part all cause of mis-
understanding, hastened to confirm, by a telegram
addressed on the 13th (25th) November to the Rus-
sian Minister at Athens, the preceding communica-
tions, which informed him of the full maintenance
of the principle which interdicted the then Greek
throne to the members of the three reigning fami-
lies, adding that the English Cabinet had thought
it desirable to recall at Athens the existence of this
understanding. Count Blondow was requested to
explain himself in this sense, after having con-
ferred with his colleague of France, if the English
Minister received directions to take this step.
We have, in fact, been informed that our repre-
sentative at Athens and the French Minister have
made to the Provisional Government a declaration
in this spirit.
The English Minister appeared to have received
instructions to act later—that is to say, after the
signature of the notes exchanged between the Cabi-
nets of Russia and England on the 22d November
(4th December).

In order to obviate all kind of doubt as to our at-
titude, not only did the Imperial Cabinet bring to
the knowledge of the Cabinet of London the diree.
tions with which M. Blondow was furnished, but
also the representatives of his Majesty the Emperor
at Paris and at London received on the 18th (30th)
November, by means of the telegraph, directions to
declare that we had never proposed the candidature
of the Duke of Leuchtenberg ; that for us this can-
didature did not exist politically, whatever interpre-
tation the treaty might receive, and that in conse-
quence nothing could prevent the three Courts from
deliberating on the choice of possible candidates for
the throne of Greece.

The Government of her Britannic Majesty having
shown itself fully satisfied with this deolardtion, our
ambassador proposed to embody it in a reciprocal
engagement. Notes to this effect have been signed
and exchanged on the 22d November (4th Decem-
ber) between the Ambassador of Russia at Lon-
don, and the principal Secretary of State of her
Britannic Majesty. They recall the engagements
whisk exclude from the Hsllenic throne the members
of the three reigning families, and declare that it is
mutually agreed that any election of the Duke of
Leuchtenberg or of Prince Alfred shall be null and
void. The French Cabinet has been invited by the
two Courts to adhere to this engagement.
Such, Monsieur, is the course which the Imperial
Cabinet has adopted from the origin of this crisis
up to its present development. It has been inspired,
as you may be assured, by the general principle
which actuate the polioy of our august master—
namely; that the maintenauoe of a frank and loyal