The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-07 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—YESTERDAY.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsaek
at five o'clock.

VESTRY BILL.

This bill was read a first time, on the motion of Earl
GRANVILLE.
HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH—THE ADDRESS.
The LORD CHANCELLOR then read the following
most gracious Speech :
MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
We are commanded by her Majesty to assure you
that her Majesty is persuaded that you will deeply
participate in the affliction by which her Majesty
has been overwhelmed by the calamitous, untimely,
and irreparable loss of her beloved Consort, who
has been her comfort and support.
It has been, however, soothing to her Majesty,
while suffering most acutely under this awful dis-
pensation of Providence, to receive from all classes
of her subjects the most cordial assurances of their
sympathy with her sorrow, as well as of their op-
preciAion of the noble character of him the great-
Less of whose loss to her Majesty and to the nation
is so justly and so universally felt and lamented.
We are commanded by her Majesty to assure you
that she recurs with confidence to your assistance
and advice.
Her Majesty's relations with-all the European
Powers continue to be friendly and satisfactory ;
and her Majesty trusts there is no reason to appre-
hend any disturbance of the Peace of Europe.
A question of great importance, and which might
have led to very serious consequences, arose be-
tween her Majesty and the Government of the
United States of North America, owing to the
seizure and forcible removal of four passengers from
on board a British mail-packet by the commander
of a ship of war of the United States; but that
question has been satisfactorily settled by the resto-
ration of the passengers to British protection, and
by the disavowal by the United States Govern-
ment of the act, of violence committed by their
naval officer.
The friendly relations between her Majesty and
the President of the United States have, therefore
remained unimpaired.
Her Majesty warmly appreciates the loyalty and
patriotic spirit which have been manifested on this
occasion by her North American subjects.
The wrongs committed by various parties and
by successive Governments in Mexico upon fo-
reigners resident within the Mexican territory, and
for which no satisfactory redress could be obtained,
have led to the conclusion of a Convention between

her Majesty, the Emperor of tl;French, and the
Queen of Spain, for the purpose of regulating a
combined operation on the coast of Mexico, with a
view to obtain that redress which has hitLerto been
withheld.
That Convention, and papers relating to that
subject, will be laid before you.
The improvement which has taken place in the
relations between her Majesty's Government and
that of the Emperor of China, and the good faith
with which the Chinese Government have cent iuued
to fulfil the engagements of the Treaty of Tien-
tsin, have enabled her Majesty to withdraw her
troops from the city of Canton, and to reduce the
amount of her force on the coast and in the seas of

China. __
Her Majesty, always anxious to exert her in-
fluence for the preservation of peace, has concluded
a Convention with the Sultan of Morocco, by means
of which the Sultan has been enabled to raise the
amount necessary for the fulfilment of certain
treaty engagements which he had contracted to-
wards Spain, and thus to avoid the risk of a renewal
of hostilities with that Power. That Convention,
and papers connected with it, will be laid before
you.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
Her Majesty commands us to inform you that
she has directed the estimates for the ensuing year
to be laid before you. They have been framed
with a due regard to prudent economy and to the
efficiency of the public service.
MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
Her Majesty commands us to inform you that
measures for the improvement of the law will be laid
before you, and among them will be a Bill for ren-
dering the title to land more simple, and its trans-
fer more easy.
Other measures of public usefulness relating-to
Great Britain and to Ireland will be submitted for
your consideration.
Her Majesty regrets that in some parts of the
United Kingdom, and in certain branches of in-
dustry, temporary causes have produced consider-
able pressure and privation; but her Majesty has
reason to believe that the general condition of the
country is sound and satisfactory.
Her Majesty confidently commends the general
interests of the nation to your wisd,)m and your
care; and she fervently prays that the blessing of
Almighty God may attend your deliberations, and
may guide them to the promotion of the welfare
and happiness her people.
Lord DUFFERIN, who wore the Windsor uniform,
rose to move that an humble address be pi esented to her
Majesty in answer to her most gracious Speech which had
just been read. He said, on rising to perform this duty,
he felt that no person had ever had to move an address under
more painful and trying circumstances. For the first time
since the commencement of her Majesty's most auspicious
reign they met under great affliction, because a great and
mournful event had occurred, which opened up a vista of
unexampled calamity. He felt that this was not the proper
place, nor he the proper person, to pass a panegyric upon
the character of his late Royal Highness the Prince
Consort, more especially as the whole nation had
given most solemn expression to its feelings under the
affliction. Monarchs, statesmen, and patriots, had passed
from amongst them, but one had latterly quitted the scene
who had endeared himself to the whole nation. Coming
amongst us a stranger and an alien, he had by his conduct
earn

Led for himself the general esteem of the nation, an d
be death of so eminent a personage timed England into
general mourning and grief. He was ever found fore-
most amongst those who, by their talent and ability, ad-
vanced the glory of this country. It was not for what he had
done,but for what he was, that Prince Albert would be remem -
bored. Politically speaking, the Prince Consort was ignored
by the constitution, yet we all know how well the Queen's
first subject had fulfilled his duty. (Hear, hear.) Until
the present, generation had passed away, it would be
impossible for the people of this great and powerful
country to estimate the obligations they were under
to that good, wise, and accomplished Prince. Well had he
fulfilled the expectations that were raised of him by the
people of this country, when, 20 years ago, they confided to
his keeping the happiness of the Queen of this land. He
would not touch upon the grief such an affliction had
occasioned to her Majesty, but this he knew—that
the Queen of this land was now a stricken woman in a
desolate home. He was sure their lordships would agree
with him in hoping that as so much affliction had been cast
on the Sovereign, the Father of the fatherless and the
Comforter of the afflicted would give our disconsolate Queen
patience to endure her trial, and to bow her head with re-
signation to the will of the Great Ruler of the universe.
Such a wish as this could be conveyed in no nobler words
than those furnished by the great poet of our day :
" May an love,
His love, unseen but felt, o'ersbadow thee,
The love of all thy sons encompass thee,
The love of all thy daughters cherish thee,
The love of all thy people comfort thee,
Till God's love set thee at his side again."
Since the time they had last met two other cele-
brated men bad passed from amongst them, one a mem-
ber of this branch of the Legislature, and the other a mem-
ber of the Rouse of Commons and colleague of the
late distinguished statesman, Sir R. Peel. The noble lord
whose death they all regretted was always the steady and
true friend of the British soldier. If anything could have
deepened the gloom that had overspread this country it
would have been to become involved in war with a
nation speaking our own language, but by the most prompt
exertions of Government this calamity has been spared us.
The utmost miscalculation had been put upon our acts by
the Northern States of America. Instead of being
jealous of her prosperity we have always looked
upon it as the most satisfactory security for our
success. The good feeling that had existed between this
country and America for years had lately stood in jeopardy
through the acts of a blundering captain seeking for per-
sonal notoriety. Within eight and forty hours
after it had been known that Messrs. Mason and Slidell had
been taken from on board an English steam vessel coming
from a neutral port, a feeling arose in this country which
left no doubt as to the course the Government would pur-
sue. That step had been taken, and had been successful.
In looking back upon the events which had occurred, they
could not but reflect with satisfaction on the loyalty and
attachment which the inhabitants of Canada had shown to
the Crown of this country in the prospect of a war. When
the signal to arm was given by the Governor, the people
stood forward with a fervour and readiness that did them
the highest honour. The Roman Catholic Bishop in Ca-
nad.► offered to give up his palace for barrack accommoda-
tion—(hear, hear)—and the Irish emigrants there, includ-
ing Mr. D'Arcy Magee, volunteered and formed themselves
into a regiment, thus showing their attachment to the
throne and reign of her Majesty. (Hear, hear.) All this re-
flected credit on her Majesty's Government, to whose zeal
in the interests of the public service much credit was due.
With respect to the occurrences in Mexico, he trusted the
convention which England had entered into with France
and Spain would lead to a satisfactory settlement of their
differences with that state. He begged, in conclusion, to
suggest to their lordshirs that they should endeavour, as
much as possible, to mitigate the deplorable loss which her
Majesty had sustained by the death of his Royal Highness
the Prince Consort. The noble lord here read the Address,
which was in accordance with the sentiments expressed in
the Speech from the throne.
Lord SHELBURNE, in seconding the Address, said he

trusted their lordships would permit him for a few moments
so far to tread in the steps of his noble friend who had so
eloquently addressed them, by recurring to the melancholy
death of the Prince Consort. (Hear," hear.) It would be
in vain for him to attempt on this occasion to add
anything that could give force to what had been so elo-
quently xpressed by his noble friend on the subject, and by
other noble lords in other places. The melancholy event,
ho might however say, seemed more and more every day to
be deeply felt by her Majesty's subjects. (Hear.) He could
only say with reference to that most deplorable event, that
in all parts of her Majesty's dominions where the melan-
choly intelligence became known the deepest sorrow was
felt; and in circumstances of such deep affliction it must be
most gratifying and soothing to her Majesty's mind to dwell
on such testimonies of her people's attachment. Such ma-
nifestations could not fail to minister comfort to her Ma-
jesty's mind, indicating, as such expressions did, how
deeply her Majesty reigned in the hearts of her people.
(Hear, hear.) It was pleasing to know that her Majesty's
sorrows were soothed by such genuine expressions of sym-
pathy on the part of her people for the death of her Majesty's
Consort. The Prince Consort was a foreigner, and the con-
stitutional manner in which he bore himself in relation to
the institutions of this country, had won the good opinion of 1
all men ; ho believed the truth had been well expressed by
the late Earl of Aberdeen, when he said that his Royal
Highness the Prince Consort never expressed, wrote, or
ut'ered a word inimical to the Constitution of this coun-
try. Having paid this well-deserved tribute to the memory
of the Prince Consort, he would now, with their lordships
permission, say a few words in reference to those recent
occurrences between the Government of this country and
that of the United States of North America. He was de-
lighted that the recent differences which at one time
seemed so alarming, were explained in a satisfactory man-
ner, and that the just reparation which was due to this
country had been made by the Government at Washington.
There had been a great manifestation of irritation among
some classes of the people of the United States towards this
country, but he was happy that those ebullitions—natural
perhaps in some respects—had subsided, and that the people
of the two Governments were now reconciled to each other.
He could say with confidence that the Government and
people of this country had no desire to aggrandise them-
selves by the existing troubles between the people of the
Northern and Southern States of America. He might here
allude to the case of the Chesapeake in 1807, as somewhat
analogous to that of the Trent; but in the case of the
Chesapeake the spontaneous manner in which reparation
I had been made by the British Government must have been
most gratifying to the Americans. He regretted that the
American Government did not act in the same spirit in the
case of the Trent. (Hear.) Her Majesty's Government
had exercised the strictest neutrality under great provoca-
tion, and nothing therefore could justify the language of
the American Secretary of State. It must be remembered
that in 1849 the American Government authorised their
agents to recognise the independence of Hungary, a prece-
dent which might have been followed by the Government
of this country; but so far from doing that, they observed
the strictest neutrality. He thought the conduct of the
Emperor of the French in the matter was worthy of all
praise, because, not contenting himself with keeping aloof,
he avowed the expression of opinions which corresponded
with those of this country, and thus brought to bear on the
subject a weight of authority and influence of the highest
character. There were many other topics to which he
wished to call their attention, but as they would form the
.subject of future debates, he would no longer trespass on
the time of their lordships.
The Earl of DERBY—The pres,nt is certainly an occa-
sion, if ever there was one, when it is most desirable not to
mar the harmony or to interfere with the unanimity which
all must wish to prevail when the main topic of the Address,
jast moved and seconded, is to express our sympathy with
her :Majesty iia-that deep affliction in which it has pleased
Providence to place her; and our sense of the irreparable
loss which the country has sustained from the same hand by
the decease of the late Prince Consort. (Hear, hear.) Of
that Royal man it is much to say that, called suddenly and
in early life to a situation most exalted and perilous, sur-
rounded by every temptation, having at command every
luxury and pleasure which the human heart could wish for,
he yet knew how to avoid both temptations and perils,
and that for a period of 22 years he blamelessly and most
irreproachably discharged all the duties attached to his posi-
tion. (Cheers.) He made his household a model of domes-
tic order and family affection, and, placed in a situation of
extreme difficulty, so conducted himself that even the breath
of calumny never ventured to insinuate against him the
slightest abuse. (Hear.) With respect to that illustrious
Prince, whose loss we all lament, and to whose merits and
virtues so much justice has been done in eloquent terms by
the noble lord who moved, and the noble earl who seconded
the Address, it may be said that he was no ordinary man.
He was illustrious in the truest sense of the word, and gene-
ral terms of approbation in his case convey but feeble, ina-
quate, and almost negative praise. He has passed from us in
the prime of life and in the full vigour of bodily activity,
but he has not passed away without leaving a mark behind
him. He never condescended to flatter—on the contrary ;
and on some occasions he went to the very verge of indis-
cretion in combating what seemed to him national preju-
dices. At the s me time he pursued steadily, silently, and
most unostentatiously that line which he had chalked out
to himself, and succeeded in establishing an impress of
himself, which will long remain, on the habits, feelings,
and hearts of the people of the country in which
he lived. (Hear, hear.) Comparatively few persons
have had the opportunity to know how wide was the circle
of his occupations, how rare and sparing were the hours he
employed even in the most innocent recreation ; how assi-
duously he exercised a mind of more than ordinary powers
and of far more than ordinary cultivation; with how com-
prehensive a grasp he seized on the main and leading prin-
ciples of every question submitted to his consideration, and
with what untiring industry he worked every question out.
This is not the time for speaking of these things. Full
justice will yet be done to the subject, and the country will
have more ample means of estimating the invaluable
service he for some time rendered to the cause of art and
science. Nor is this the fitting place to speak of that en-
couragement and that stimulus he gave by his personal at-
tention and unremitting efforts to the promotion of every-
thing tending to increase the domestic comforts of the
humbler classes, to expand the mind, to enlarge the sphere
of reflection, and to elevate the social and moral condition
of every class of her Majesty's subjects. (Hear.) The
debt which is due from the country to him on these ac-
counts can hardly be estimated at present, and, I fear, will
only be estimated by the experience of the loss of the advan-
tages we derived from him. (Hear.) But this is the place in
which one word, at least, should be said on a different por-
tion of the subject- I mean on the part which the late and
illustrious Prince took, and greatly to the benefit of the
country, in regard to public affairs. I refer to this matter
because, some years ago, I recollect it was a subject, not
unnaturally, of constitutional jealousy that any interference
in the affairs of the country should take place on the part of
one who was altogether in an irresponsible situation. The
persons who so argued, argued, I repeat, on a not unnatural
feeling of constitutional jealousy; but they demanded what
was, in point of fact, an impossibility. What they required
amounted to this—:hat two persons should be in the closest
and most intimate relation, and that yet, in spite of the
amplest confidence existing between husband and wife, one
of them should be content wholly to abstain from the con-
sideral ion of those topics which day by day formed the sub-
jects of care and anxiety to the other. The very statementout
of the circumstance shows the impossibilitraohfucualdrrysainyg, un-
ds for consti-
tutionaldtheenhvtieedwlys
,otfhtahtetphearrseownsouwldhohsaovearqeeud.gru
position, the Prince
e a ideushimselfY i f
sn thehainsdthoioingl haocfhai
machinations
oro hadf tthe
e supporteddifferent
Con-
sortha d a
any of the intrigue
parties, but all who had the opportunity of judging know
that it was impossible for any one to be more absolutely
and entirely free from such an imputation than the late
Prince Consort, and know also that the whole of his endea-
vours were directed, irrespective of party, to give to his
Sovereign and his wife that counsel which he thought
most befitting the interest of the State. But if it was im -
possible that there should not have been that communica-
tion between the Prince Consort and the Queen on all
questions connected with the public affairs, how much
more desirable was it that his influence should be exercised
with a full knowledge of all the circumstances attending
every political question, of all the views, and their reasons,
entertained by the Ministers of the day, and of all the dis-
cussions that had taken place, than that it should have
been exercised in private and in secret, with only an im-
perfect knowledge of the gre unds on which certain ques-
tions were submitted fcr her Majesty's approbation I
(Hear, hear.) I feel confident, my lords, that those who
have had the opportunity and the honour of being admitted
to that personal communication with the Sovereign which
is the highest privilege of a Minister of the Crown will ac- I
knowledge—l appeal to all who have filled thatrsition to
Prince
say whether they were not always indebted !
for
Consort for the cool, calm, and impartial
and useful
judgment,
the great ability he applied, and the
valuable
discussed. (Hear,
suggestions he made on every
topico sort the Queen has
hear.) My lords, in the Prince r
therhf
uylo ua
ffee theton fs a
wereof fr
ehe
leyr
lost, not only the husband a
children, him to whom her youth,
given, and for whom
maturer years only augmented
and intensified her conjugal love, but she has lost
her familiar friend, her trusted counsellor,
and n/ ver-
failing advise?, to whom she could look up in every diffi-
culty and emergency, and to whom she did look up with
that proud ro(ucclheer.) From the surviving members of her
familyshumility which none led a woman's heart can
Majesty has derived all the consolation that
affection
must
s
but in the discharge of her public duties
she hernhenceforthgive
;
sustaining
counselprofound emotion
on neversh e failedfe lt con-
sciousher
How
of deeply
t
ca
hand of owfihthimwwhhatose
thie aggravated responsibility she proved in the
very
presence of death, and in the first moment of that
agony, when she rose beneath the overwhelming weight of
that crushing sorrow, resolving, under God's blessing, to do
her duty to the country. And of this 1 am certain, that all
who hear me will pray that she may be strengthened to
carry out that high resolve. (Cheers.) May He who has
seen fit to inflict this heavy
-blow—may He who has de-
prived her of her one earthly comfort and support, be Him-
self her comforter and supporter I (Cheers.) My lords,
the words of our Address inadequately express what we feel,

but they will convey—though still inadequately—the ex-
pression of our devoted loyalty. And in the presence of this
sacred sorrow I am satisfied it will be the desire of your
lord-ships, the desire of all, on all sides of the house—not
or ly of this but of the other House of Fad ament—to con-
tribute all in their power to spare her Majesty one addi-
tional pang under the affliction that presses so heavily upon
her. (Hear.) On my own part, and on the tart of those with
whom I has e the honour of acting, such I am satisfied is
the spirit in which we shall enter on the business of this
session—(hear, hear,)—and I earnestly trust—as from the
teneur of the Royal Speech I am induced h pefully to
believe—that her Majesty's Ministers are disposed to meet
us in the same spirit—(hear, hear)—that they are disposed
rather to initiate those useful and practical measures in
which all can alike join harmoniously and cordially, and to
abstain from bringing forward themselves, as well as to
discourage others from broaching, those agitating topics
and more violent controversies which by their p-s-
-sible result might add to the cares and anxieties of the So-
vereign: (Cheers.) I make this declaration with the more
satisfaction, because on the next important topic adverted
to in her Majesty's Speech I am able not only to abstain
from any o!jection, but am prepared to give the Govern-
ment a cordial approval and support in its policy in refer-
ence to the affairs of the -United States. (Cheers.) I make
that statement not only in reference to the course the Go-
vernment has pursued iu respect to the events that have
occurred in ieinerica, and from which it was at one time too
probable we should be involved in a war in which, of all
others, we have most interest in remaining neutral , I ap-
prove the neutrality the Government has pledged itself to
maintain, in the unhappy struggle between the Northern
and Southern States of America. If, indeed, there has been
any deviation fi mu that neutrality, it has been in favour of
that portion of the States with which we still to continue to
hold diplomatic relations. Except during the short period in
which war was imminent, we have in no case laid any ob-
stacle in the way of the exportation of arms and ammuni-
tion. The exportation was sanctioned to both parties, but,
practically, that sanction was most favourable to the Go-
vernment of the Northern States. Again, we have given to
the Federal Government a greater advantage than it has
claimed for itself, because we have adm teed what it has it-
self denied—that it is actually at war ; and as a bellige-
rent it can exercise rights which, except as a belligerent, it
could not claim. We have given the Federal Government
far more than it required ; and by an act of which it has
grievously complained it is in a far better ptsition than it
has stated itself to be. We have also submitted, and sub-
mitted without a murmur, to the interruption of our trade
caused by this war. And this reflects the highest credit on
the good sense and the patriotism of the working men of the
mgnufacturing population of this country. Ido not speak
so much of the master manufacturers, because a cessation
of our cotton supply could not have occurred more op•
portunely for our. manufacturing interest than at the
present moment, when all the foreign markets are flooded
with cotton goods. Had there been no cessation of the sup-
ply of cotton, an intermission of productive activity would
have been practically necessary. Buy on the working men
who, by this suspension, incur the loss of their daily earn-
ings, the interruntion of trade has a melancholy effect ; and
I give them the greatest possible credit for the manner in
which they have submitted, without a murmur, to the con-
sequences of a blockade which the intervention of the Go-
vernment could immediately have removed. ,As I concur
with the course her Majesty's Government has pursued, I
do not ask them to deviate from it; but I think the time is
nearly come 'when they may probably be called on to recog-
nise the so far successful revolt of the seceded States. But
while I think we should be prepared to recognise a Govern-
ment accepted by a whole country, we should be careful not
prematurely to recognise what may be an independent Go- ,
vernment now, but may not hereafter have the power to
maintain its independence. I should not, therefore, call ma
the Government to go further than it has done in treating
both parties impartially as belligerents; but I hope her
Majesty's Government will be able to satisfy the country
on one point—a point of great importance, and one on
which they alone have authentic information. It is, how far
the blockade we have recognised has been bona fide and
effective. Ido not think, as long as the war lasts, a block-
ade, whether continued or not, would have any material
on the supply of cotton. And ultimately, as good often pro-
ceeds from evil, I am not sure but the continuance of the
American difficulty may place us in a mere advantageous
position by enabling us to find a more constant supply from
other sources, and rendering us less exclusively dependent
on the cotton •growing States. But I think it is important
we should have from her Majesty's Government the infor-
mation that can be furnished by the admiral on
the station and the British consuls of how many
vessels have broken the blockade, that we may be
able to judge how far it ought to be recognised.
While
,I give full credit to her Majesty's Government not
only for the course they have pursued, but for the prompt-
ness with which, when war was imminent, they sent out the
reinforcements that were absolutely necessary to resist ag-
gression in Canada, I rejoice to find that in the speech jus-
tice is done to the spirit and unanimity with which all
classes of her Majesty's subjects in our North American
provinces came forward and expressed their determination
at all hazards—and the hazard of war, in the first instance,
would have fallen upon themselves—to maintain their in-
dependence, and support the honour and dignity of the
British Clown. (Cheers.) If there be one thing more than
another which will tend to secure peaceful relations and a
good understanding between this country and the United
States it is the knowledge which the Americans must now
have acquired of the utter delusion into which those per-
sons fell who imagined that Canada and the other British
provinces in North America were only eager for annexation
to the United States, and that Great Britain would never
venture upon a war with America because she would al-
ways fear the willing annexation of Canada. (Hear.) That
delusion is, I hope, now dissipated for ever, and its dissipa-
tion will form an important element in our future relations
with America, as tending to secure us against the dangers
of war with that country. (Hear.) I cannot pass over this
part of the subject without expressing my unaffected con-
currence with the testimony borne by my noble friend who
seconded the Address to the honourable and loyal part
which has been played upon this occasion by the French
Government. (Hear.) I have not been slow upon other
occasions, when I thought that the conduct of that Govern-
meat was not as straightforward and just towards us as we
might have expected, to express my opinion to that effect,
and I have the greater pleasure, therefore, in being able to
state my conviction that nothing could be more frank, more
loyal, or more kindly than the intervention which, at the
instigation of the Emperor of the French, M. de Thouvenel
undertook in the letter which he wrote upon this occasion.
(Cheers.) I cannot say what influence that letter may have
had upon the ultimate decision of the American Govern-
ment, but this I will say, it is a matter of the highest satis-
, faction that that letter, followed by similar despatches from
other Courts of Europe, showed to the world at large that in
making our demands we were only requiring that which we
could not have refrained from demanding without forfeiting
our character as an independent Power and sacrificing the
honour of the country. (Hear, hear.) 'When the English
people first received the news of the capture of the Trent, a
certain amount of indignation was displayed, but there was
a calm and unanimous determination to await the decision
whether this capture was warranted and justified by inter •
national law; and I do not hesitate to say that if it had been
or
ruenycle
even
hbayt
pt hr
eactecdaepnttusrteawk
eans
fbroormn e
oouurt
own by i nhtiesrt no
rayt tut ahl
olua
gwh,
Englishmen would have had a keen reuse of the injury and
the insult inflicted upon them—they would have bowed to
the majesty of the law, and would have submitted to the
seizure as a legitimate exercise of belligerent rights. But
from the moment when it was clearly ascertained that no in-
ternational law sanctioned such an act, that no precedent
could be discovered to sanction, or even to palliate, the con-
duct of the American commander—from that moment the
country, equally as one man, determined that reparation
and apology must he had. (Cheers) They adopted that
determination not in )assion, not in anger, not in fierce
indeed,
excitement,
they rejoicing
shuddered
withthe
aprospectbhorreu
abhorrence,
war,but in
abtheweehaui
(Cheers.)csbe,
per-
formance of a grave, serious, imperativet shrink,
duty—one from
which,patinnefuhLotrhroe
tryhse ofcio national
war,ou n
greater still would great ho
a smwiegvhetr
be
be the ignominy of forfeiting alhonour.
My lords, while I have thus feebly attempted to convey
my view of the conduct pursued by this country, by our
North American provinces, and by his Majesty the Em •
peror of the French, I wish 1 could look with equal satisfac-
tion upon the course taken by the Federal Government.
(Hear.)
are I
dm amonge a
mi maxims
us , whichnations
a m ,certain
regulatee;
r taa
nin d
that
h privatespeaking
there
society
not believe
liti
inapplicablehga t
ir i
the
ist° naontaosnse of
emblyof
yourh..m lordships who, if it were made clear that
you had off,nded or injured any person with whom you had
been on intimate relations, would not feel that the most
(e
honourable course was to anticipate any possible require-
ment from the other side, and to tender on the instant a
frank and manly apology ; and the more ample, the more
speedy, and the more frank was the apology the higher
would he who made it stand in the estimeti, n of all honour-
able men. (Cheers.) Applying the principle to nations, I
cannot but express my deep regret that when the American
Secretary of State was convinced, as he was long before the
termination of these negotiations, that the capture was illegal
he should have kept the persons captured for a considerable
dyo d
unworthygi give but
time in all the rigours of a not very merciful imprison-
ment, and that he not only hesitated to grant the reparation
which in honour and in justice was due—l am speaking, of
course, of the American Government in general—but should
have sanctioned language which was wholly unwarranted by
facts, and permitted impressions to go abroad caleulatfedthteo
excite the most bitter animosity between the peopleo to
two countries. (Hear, hear.) Lastly, I think it
greatlyaration
be regretted that, having made up his mind
thatrepof State
and apology were necessary, the American
netioanll,
thus waiting not to
thopwossi
should have waited until the forma, l dpeythat
privately, but officially and formal]
enh demand was
Secretary
imperative
co u rs e made,nd
whichoe
t-
consider how much reparation he
ah
a measure of reparation would satisfy
mends of Great Britain. (Cheers'
ernmenthaveplacedthemselves
they pursued theFederalGov .
and their people in an
apologisedundigm not from a sense of jus-
tice,and have shown that they
demand backed by force and that they only gave
but on a
the reparation we
asked for because they knew that this
country would be satisfied with nothing less. My lords, I am
not about to enter upon any of those -vexed questions of inter..

I

3

■

national law which not unnaturally arose in the case of the
Trent. But I have seen various speculations with regard
to a congress of nations convened for the purpose of newly
establishing the principles of international law. I earnestly
trust that the Government will be extremely cautious how
'they enter upon any such negotiation. (Hear, hear.) We
have had upon the present occasion to sustain the rights of
neutrals ; but we must not forget that we have a great and
prepondera. in g interest in maintaining the legitimate rights
of belligerents, and that this country, while disclaiming for

itself all undue exercise of those rights, cannot afford to
sacrifice such legitimate exercise of belligerent power as is

justified by the law of nations. (Hear, hear.) Now I con-
fess that I regretted—and I expressed my regret at the time
—the sacrifice which, as I thought, my noble friend (Lord
Clarendon) made in 18.56, when he consented, on the part
of the Government of this country, to the principle that

enemy's goods should be safe on board neutral vessels. I

thought this a dangerous concession for a country situated

as ours is, and I remonstated against it. Undoubtedly, it

is true that that agreement has not up to the present mo-:

went the binding force of a treaty, nor has it been ratified

by the Sovereign. It does not alter the reel state of inter-
national law, tut I hold that with regard to all the Powers

-whose representatives signed this paper, and have not since
been disavowed by their Sovereigns, those Powers are

morally bound by the liabilities and the obligations im-
posed upon them at the time. Now if we had gone to war

'with the Federal States, I will ask in passing-, what wol.ld

have been the result of our adoption of the doctrines of the
Congress ? We had an agreement—l won't call it a con-

vention— with France. We had no agreement with Ame-

rica. In the event of war with America, therefore, Ame-

rican merchandise on board a French vessel would, by our

obligations with France, be safe against our cruisers, and
American commerce would enjoy impunity when carried on
in French vessel:, owing to an agreement in which America

had no part. (Hear.) Thus the treaty would have a very
one-sided operation, and one nation would secure all the
benefits without being a party to it, while the other would
sacrifice all its advantage because she was a party to it.
That is a position in which England ought not to stand
towards any country whatever. I recollect asking at the
time whether this would not have been the consequences
of the agreement, but I did not succeed in extracting any
satisfactory explanation on the subject. Then, I see sug-
gestions made that it is contrary to the humane doctrines
on which war is now carried on in modern times, to keep
up any distinction as to contraband goods, and that all neu-
tral vessels, wherever they may be bound, should be left to
pass at their free will and pleasure, without any right of
search, and without any interference whatever. I can
only say that I hope the noble earl the Secretary of State
for Foreign A ff,irs would never consent to abandon a
right which he must feel is essential to the maintenance
of our position among nations. The other topics of the
Speech are not such as to call for lengthened observations.
I should hope the Government will be able to give the

House before long explanations—which are certainly
much required—not only of the convention itself, but
also of the manner in which it is to be acted upon by the
three Powers which are parties to an interference in the
affairs of Mexico. I know well into what a state of
anarchy and confusion for many years Mexico has fallen.
I know well how many causes of complaint all neutral
nations have to make against the successive Governments
which have distracted rather than ruled in that country,
and it has been my painful duty to advise the Crown to
introduce into a speech from the Throne a paragraph re-
ferring to the subject—the enforcement of the just de•
mends of this country. I think that matters of this kind
are best settled by the individual action of each separate
State, but I do not complain that in this instance there
should have been a convention between three great
Powers, each of whom had similar wrongs to complain of,
and each of whom had agreed to a similar course to obtain
reparation. But if lam to believe the statements in the
public prints I cannot help fearing and suspecting that one
at least, if not two, of our allies are disposed to enter upon
operations of a more extended character than are contern-
plated by the terms of the convention, and I shall be glad
to hear from the noble earl the Foreign Secretary, or the
President of the Council, that in all matters relating to
Mexico there has been a thorough and entire agreement in
the course of proceeding to be adopted by the three Powers. '
Again, we have not before us the convention that has been
entered into with the Emperor of Morocco. It is one as far
as I am aware of a very unusual character, but one that I
frankly admit may be justified by the peculiar nature of
the case out of which it has arisen. I apprehend the of jest
of the convention is to secure to the Government of Morocco
a sum of money upon the security of the customs' duties of
the outports, and those duties are to be collected, as I un-
derstand, by British authorities, and the balance paid over
to the Government of Morocco, after retaining sufficient to
secure a sum to be advanced to liquidate the claims of Spain,
and for which she still holds as guarantees Tetuan and other
points on the coast of Morrocco. This is a subject of great
interest in this country, and the noble earl the Foreign
Secretary willremember that Spain disclaimed any intention
of permanent occupation of any part of the coast. It is im-
portant that no such occupation should be allowed, seeing
how much our interests atGibraltar may be dependent upon
the Power which holds theopposite coast. As to other mea-
sures, I rejoice to find, as far as we can judge from the an-
nouncement in the speech, that they are likely to be confined
to such measures as will probably not lead to any party con-
flicts—measures which we can discuss in a calm, impartial,
and unprejudiced spirit. The particular measure of simpli-
fication of the transfer of land is one of great importance.
The subjecthad attracted the notice of former Governments,
and a Bill was introduced, which I hope will be closely
followed in that which is to be submitted to us in a short
time, when my hon. and learned friend Sir H. Cairns filled
the office of Solicitor-General. It is a subject requiring
close attention, and I am sure your lordships will consider
it calmly and having regard to the interests of all concerned.
Before I sit down I may allude for one moment to one subject
which is not referred to in the Queen's speech, and upon
which, although it is not a subject generally discussed in
this house, I think we ought to have some information as
to the intentions of the government. I refer to the recent
Minutes of the Committee of Council on Education. The
subject has attracted great and general attention. lam no
way disposed to blame the originators of those minutes;
but I find that some of the alterations will have effects which
could not have been contemplated ; some will involve
breach of faith which the Government cannot intend ;
others, I think, are ill adapted for the objects they are de-
signed to accomplish, and others will be found to be fraught
with injustice and disadvantage. But the peculiarity of the
question is this, that in consequence of the manner in
which the sanction of Parliament. is obtained to the scheme,
this house--although many of us are deeply interested in
the question—will have no legitimate mode of expressing an
opinion upon the scheme. Tho plan is submitted to the
consideration of the House of Commons, not to he embodied
in a bill, but in the shape of a particular vote of money. I
think it is important that we should have some opportunity
of considering these important alterations, and I hope the
noble earl the President of the Council will state, not that
the Government intends to adhere to every clause and pro-
vision of those minutia—for if he does I shall be astonished
and disappointed—but I hope he will state that in some way,
and, if he can, in what manner, he will submit this ques-
tion to the consideration of this house, and enable your
lordships to give an opinion upon the details, which no
body of men are more capable of giving. I need not now
further trouble your lordships with any observations upon
the remaining topics in the Speech, and I am happy to think
that at present there seems no likelihood of any interruption
to the unanimity with which we shall agree to the Address;
and I sincerely sty it will give me the greatest pleasure to
find the proceedings of Parliament during the remainder
of the session as cordial and unanimous as they have been
upon this its first evening. (Hear, hear.)
-Fart GRANVILLE—I thank the noble earl for his
candid and patriotic speech. No one could have expected
otherwise from the warm and firm loyalty of the noble earl,
who expresses the real feeling of this country, that when-
ever the national honour or the national interests are con-
cerned party spirit should be immediately discarded. (Hear,
hear.) With respect to the Minutes of Council to which
the noble earl has referred, it is, no doubt, desirable that
the subject should be fully considered in Parliament, and
it is the desire of the Government to give Parliament the
earliest opportunity- of discussing it. I think it would be
convenient that I should state on Thursday next what we
propose in respect to those minutes, and what modifications
we are prepared to make to meet some objections which ap-
pear to possess weight. I don't think I need go into the
question of Mexico at present, as it would be better to defer
discussion upon that sublectuntil your lordships have read
the papers. With regard to the late event which had ex•
cited so much interest in the public mind—the American
question—l think the course of this evening's debate has
been highly satisfactory. The noble lord who moved the
y
in a speech which has been jrstl
Address, characterized as
singularly eloquent, and which points Lim out as belonging
to a f distinguished in the annals of this country,
justified the conduct of the Government, as did also my
noble friend who spoke afterwards, in a tone of calm judg-
ment, which
gives promise that he will worthily follow in
the steps of his noble father, who has been an ornament to
the British Parliament during a space of 50 years. It must,
I think, afford singular gratification to my noble friend at
the head of the Government and h's colleagues to find that
they have conducted this affair so much to the satisfaction
of Parliament and the country. I ant bound to say that
the Government have had some advantages in dealing with
this question with the United States. They never had the
slightest doubt that if they cased for the honour and in-
terests of the country the would have the confidence and
support of the country, and if they had that confidence and
eupport they knew the strength, physical and moral, which
it would give in nrging our demands in a calm and moderate
tone, such ae has been admitted to have marked our proceed-
iiigs. In common with the majority of this country they were
determined to taken° step until they were fully satisfied as
to the illegality of the measure of which they complained.
ller Majesty's Government relied not only on the result of
their own researches into the legal bearings of the question,
but were backed by the public opinion of Europe. They
were not unconscious of the peculiar evils that must attend
war with the United States. They regretted that any
cause of quarrel with that country should arise, particu-
larly at a moment when it was distracted by civil trouble;
but they felt that the injury done to England was one for

which it would have been most injudicious, impolitic, and,

, . . .
in fact, impossible, having regard even to our relations with
the United States themselves, not to have taken the

promptest and firmest measures to obtain the 1 edress that

has happily been obtained. The noble lord opposite has
given what appears to be a due meed of prai:e to the con-
. . . _ _

duct of the French Government in this mat er. My noble

friend behind me has also pointed out the singularly

straightforward and friendly course pursued by the Emperor

of the French towards this and I may add that it

appears to me that that course was not only friendly to
this country, but likewise friendly to the Government of
the United States, giving them as it did a support under the
difficulties with which we cannot conceal from ourselves
they had to contend in dealing with a national question of
this kind, one part of the Congress, the Representative
Chamber, declaring the act done to have been a legal one,
and some American authorities asserting that, according to
their notions of international law, no Nat ong whatever had
been committed. That peace has been preserved is a source
of unfeigned satisfaction to her Nt ajesty's Government. We
have endeavoured throughout to maintain the strictest neu-
trality ; and, although circumstances may arise which may
call for a different course, yet as long as circumstances re-
main in their present position I believe the Government will
be supported by the country and by Parliament in thinking
that the only right, just, and prudent course to adopt
is not to try to meddle with questions of infinite difficulty,
complicated as they are with slavery and the constitu-
tional rights of tho United States, but to hold a perfectly
neutral attitude, leaving those States for themselves
and by themselves to settle their differences, whether
by war or by peaceful means, our only hope being that that
end may come speedily and in a manner most favourable to
the interests of the United States themselves and of the
world at large. (Hear.) The loyal and admirable spirit
shown by the people of Canada and of our other North
American colonies does them great credit, and has been
most satisfactory to her Majesty's Government to witness.
The noble lord criticised not, indeed, the present Govern-
ment, but my noble friend below the gangway, upon the
course he took with respect to neutral rights at the Confe-

rence of Paris in 1856. - Now, I am bound to say that the
Government of that day were in the fullest sense respon-

Bible for the conduct cf my noble friend on that occasion,
because not only did they approve it, but it was after con•

stant communication with him and the most careful consi

deration at home that they resolved—taking all the ele-
ments of that most important question into account—that
it was for the benefit of this country that the rules there
agtePd upon ,should be adopted. In respect to the point
mentioned as to a treaty, I quite concur with the noble earl

that that makes no difference. It is very difficult to make
international treaties bearing upon times of war, because
by the operation of war all treaties cease of themselves.
No doubt, however, that act of the Paris Conference binds
as loetween themselves all the countries who agreed to it—
but not those who did not join the Conference—to the ob-
servance of these rules during future wars. I think the
noble earl was not quite right in the illustration he gave of
the effect of allowing neutral ships to carry the goods of
belligerents. If, unfortunately, the calamity of a war
with the United States befell us I have no doubt that our
first operation would be to blockade, and that in a very effi-
cient manner, all the ports of that country, thereby putting
a considerable and speedy check upon the American trade.
And so far from its being a disadvantage that any com-
merce which she carried en should be carried on in neutral
bottoms it would be quite the reverse.
The Earl of DERBY rose to explain. He had supposed
the case in which we should not enforce our rights, as
against France, but in which America, having rights which
she had not surrendered by treaty, wc,uld be entitled to
enforce them.

Earl GRANVILLE—I can assure the noble lord that
there is no intention on the part of her Majesty's Govern.
ment to enter into any negotiation on the subject of inter-
national law as bearing upon belligerency. Ido not think
it is desirable to do that, nor is this the fitting time for it.
My lords, I have only a few words to add to what has been
so well said as to the irreparable loss we have sustained in
the death of the Prince Consort. The noble earl spoke
with peculiar authority when he told us how much that
illustrious Prince contributed to lighten the labours of the
Sovereign and to assist her in the performance of her high
functions as an eminently constitutional monarch. The
noble earl also stated the advantage it was to succeeding
Governments themselves that one who lived so near the
Throne should have been so wise, so sagacious, and so pre-
eminently gifted, and I venture to say that just in propor-
tion to their opportunities of holding communication with
the Prince will be the appreciation by those who have
filled the position of Ministers of the heavy loss which the
country has now sustained. Having myself, both officially
and unofficially, had frequent intercourse with his Royal
Highness during later years, I must say that 'I remember
no one person in any class of life who possessed superier at-
tainments or a greater understanding; none from whom I
personally derived so much inetruttion, or whose conversa-
tion led me to think with more benefit to myself on all edu-
cational and social subjects. It was a remarkable trait in
the lamented Prince's character that not only were his in-
tellectual faculties of the very highest order, not only was
his power of grasping general principles on any subject mar-
vellous, but there was that in him which is by no means
always combined with those qualities—viz., an unwearied
industry and attention in applying great principles to the
minutest details. (Hear, hear.) I may also add, what I
am sure the noble earl opposite will concur in—namely, that
his Royal Highness, although a man of strong will and
strong character, was never exceeded by any person in any
position, not only in his willingness, but in his anxiety to
hear every possible objection that could be raised to his own
views, in order that he might arrive at a really sound con-
clusion on the matter in hand. (Hear, hear.) It has been
well said that there is no sublimer sight than the spectacle
of an honest man struggling with adversity. I conceive,
my lords, that there could be no nobler, no more touching
sight than our bereaved Sovereign with her heart almost
filled with despair, at present believing that she can enjoy
no future earthly happiness, but inspired by her own sense
of what is right, inspirited by the counsels of him who is
gone, turning with a fortitude and a courage almost be-
yond a woman's strength to the performance of her duty to
her children and her country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it is,
I believe, with feelings excited by such a spectacle that we
shall all unanimously vote this Address, and individually
and collect vely give, as far as we can in our different
spheres, every assistance and support to our beloved Queen.
(Cheers.)
Lord LYTTELTON said it had been his wish to offer a
few remarks on the revised Educational Code; but as he
understood that that subject was to be discussed by their
lordships on an early day he would reserve his observations
upon it till that opportunity.
Earl RUSSELL, who was indistinctly heard, was under-
stood to say,—My lords, the noble earl opposite has stated
u(Lteebne
baywtahree
ltlhu
ea ttritehhee
vjudicious
oadvice
tendeted to the Queen by the illustrious Prince whom we
thatevery evGovernmeneryone who has held a high situation in ber Majesty's
to m
all so deeply deplore was of the greatest advantage to the
Crown and the country. Now, I wish from any own per-
sonal observation and experience to confirm that opinion.
I am bound to state that the opinions the Prince gave, the
temper he displayed, and the impartiality with which ho
viewed subjects of State, were of great service to the Sove-
reign. I will say one thing more—and I think that those
who have watched the position of the Sovereign during the
last 20 years will agree with me—that there has been a great
change in this respect, a most beneficial change from what
prevailed in former reigns. It often happened, when the
Sovereign proceeded in opposition to certain political prin-
ciples entertained by a portion cf his subjects, that favour
was given to one party, while another was decidedly pro-
scribed ; and the consequence of such distinctions, the effect
of that favour shown to one party—whether it were the
Whig party at the beginning of the House of Hanover, or
whether it was the opposite patty in other reigns—was to
make ane portion of the subjects of the Sovereign feel a de-
gree of bitterness and animosity which would riot otherwise
have existed. Now, I happen to know from the Prince
himself the view he took of the duty of the Sovereign in
such a case. lie stated to me, not many months ago, that
it was a common opinion that there was °nil one occasion
on which a Sovereign of this country could exercise a de-
cided power, and that was in the choice of the h irst Minister
of the Crown. The Prince went on to say that in his opinion
that was not an occasion on which the Sovereign could exer•
ciee a control or pronounce a decision ; that when a Minister
had retired from being unable to carry on the Government
there was at all times some other party prepared to assume
the responsibilities of office, and most likely to obtain the con-
fidence of the country. But, he said, a transfer having been
made, whether the Minister was of one party or the other,
he thought that the Sovereign ought to communicate with
him in the mo:•1 confidential and unreserved manner with re •
spect to the various measures to be brought forward, the for-
tunes of the country, and :he events that might happen—
that whether he belonged to one party or another the utmost
confidence should prevail between the Sovereign and the
Minister who came forward in Parliament as the ostensible
possessor of power. I do, nay lords, attribute in great mea-
sure to that opinion, which the Sovereign held in common
with the Prince, the fact that there has been no feeling of
bitterness among any party in this country arising from
political exclusion, and that all pat ties during these 20
years have united in rendering that homage to the Sove-
reign which the conduct of her Majesty has so well de-
served—(}rear)—and the country still reaps the benefit of
the good counsel which the Prince Consort gave to the
Crown. (Hear, hear.) I will say but a few words with
regarderlo
tocomea of the other questions touched by the noble
earl. On the subject of the blockade of the Southern Ame-
rican ports, I think it better to postpone discussion till
your lordships have sect the further papers which will be
produced. Let me, however,
law, which at allt
Convention of Parisms aeys
htahsa
st
atihd et
hdae ct laa rbaltoi ocnk
aodfe
ithen
was in strict accordance with inter-
nationalorder to be legal must be effective. (Hear.) But having
made that declaration it went an to
it must be kept up by a force sufficient that,
to be effective,
speaking, prevent access to
gfo, with the tho ports blockaded. Generally akutt be eo.
excep-
tion of the first few weeks, there was an sufficient to
prevent access to the ports blockaded ; but, ms
!Cased, that although the force was perfectly sufficient, the
blockade has not been regularly enforced, and there n
weree
instances of vessels going in and out. For my own part, and
on the part of the Government, it is our earnest wish to be
tr 'reserve unimpaired that neutrality which we

enabled to prtbtL