The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, IVEDNESD V ENIN rt, MMUS 11 13, IM2.

BLONDIN TO-MORROW at the CRYSTAL
"ALACE, on the HIGH ROPE, in the CENTRE
TRANS EFT, Beside s hiu other extraordinary feats, be will,
on this occasion, perform his daring Niagara exploit of carry-
ing, a stove with all the usual apparatus, and lighting a fire
will cook an omelette while balanced on the rope 150 feet
from the ground.
To commence at Four o'clock.
Admission One Shilling; Children Sixpence.
Reserved Seats on the Great Orchestra Half-a-Crown ; in
the Upper Gallery, nearly level with the rope, Five Shillings,
enabling visitors closely to watch this wonderful feat.

C ANTERBURY HALL.
Grand Selections from
" DON SEBASTIEN" and " IL TROVATORE,"
Principal Artistes—Miss Russell, Signor Tivoli, Mr. Raynor,
and Mr. Russell Grover.
The great Comic Trio, Eugene, Duley, and Unsworth (the
original Stump orator, "Or any other man." Also the fol-
lowing Comic favourites—Marshall, as " Lord Dundreary ;"J. G. Fordo, A. B. Hollingsworth, and Miss Georgina
Smithson.
Visitors to London are informed that the Picture Gallery
is open to the public on Sunday evenings.

T H E OXFORD,
6, OXFORD STREET.

Verdi's " IL CORSA RO " Every Evening, by Miss Russell.
Messrs. Morley, Greene, and Albert, with Full Band and
Chorus ; the Comic performances of Miss Caroline Parkes
and Mr. W. Randall, the Ethiopian oddities of Rumsey,
Newcomb, Little Bob, Eugene, and 'Unsworth (the origin ai " or
any other man"), and the astounding feats on the Flying
Trapeze of DEBONNAI
Hall, 6d. ; Balcony an a Stalls, ls. ; Private Boxes, 10s. 6d.

*** For full particulars of amusements see first page.

THEATRE-ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.
This Eveninz, A KISS IN THE DARK. After which,
the first part of the Arab Entertainment at half-past 7. To
be followed by THE COLLEEN BAWN. To conclude with
THE ARABS OF THE DESERT. A Troupe of the Beni-
Zoug-Zoug.

Commence at 7.

THEATRE-ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
This Evening, FISH OUT OF WATER. After which,
OUR AMERICAN COUSIN. With CELOS Y'CALIA.
And THE CHRISTENING.
Commence at 7.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI.
This Evening, OUR CLERKS. After which, MEDEA.
Followed by 'TIE PRETTY HORSEBREAKER. And
THE SHILLING DAY.
Commence at 7.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
This Evening-, THE RENDEZVOUS. After which, at a
quarter to 8, -KING HENRY VIII. With THE TWO
POLTS.

Commence at 7.

ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.
This Evening, PEEP O'DAY. Followed by KILLAR-
NEY. Conclude with THE COLLEEN BAWN SETTLED
AT LAST.

Commence at 7.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.
This Evening, MAZEPPA. Brilliant Scenes in the Circle.
Concluding with a Comic Bailet.

Commence at 7.

MR. and MRS. CHARLES MATHEWS " AT
HOME," at Her Majesty's Concert Room, Haymarket, This
Evening.

Commence at 8.

W. S. WOODIN'S CABINET OF CURIOSITIES
Polygraphic Hall, King William-street, Charing-Cross.
Commence at S.

ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street, Hay_
market. Open every evening for Promenade and Dancing.

NOTICE.

All remittances are, henceforth, to be made to
Air. JOHN CHAPLIN, at The Sun office, 112,
Strand, who has been appointed, by the Lord
Chancellor, Receiver and Manager of The Sun
newspaper, and the outstanding debts due in
respect thereof.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
This DAY.—Morning, 4h. 3m.—Afternoon, (4h. 23m.
To-Moßßow.-Morning, 4h. 40m.—Afternoon, 4h. 58m,

......0,1 *
.....„_%) _.
, wi.ou•• at, ' ”
-,'‘-,t---4-'-`,.--.-4 ~- *a
ape, ,
,•;.b.
..::?7,7.--. . • ? n--- ar.7-1,-.. );:-.a,
t , 0
,r,,,,i • --' A
E-0---;r0r..., I,lk. u., ~c 1•,I 0 '.' by: (iIT b ' -- -7:rcz
' • t.. - .. .t,-.-- 4,

THE SUN.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 13, 1862,

The Garibaldians in Sicily are not yet it appears
dispersed. The fact is acknowledged even in the
advices coming to us from Turin. It is certainly
added that GARIBALDI—whiIe still retaining 3,000
men under his banners—finds himself without any
of the " sinews of war," without money and with-
out provisions, without ammunition, without even
the ghost of anything in the shape of an organised
commissariat. We may believe, of course, exactly
as much of this as we please. Remembering—Low
but a few days since, according to the same trust-
worthy authority, it was confidently predicted
that the General would find it impracticable to
collect together for his new enterprise even 100
adherents! How almost within twenty-four
hours afterwards that scarcely imaginary band of
100 had miraculously become transformed into a
substantial body of 800 Garibaldians ! How, ac-
cording to the very next telegram, those 800 were
confessed to be 3,000 at the very least ! Afterwards
--nay, as recently as yesterday—the followers of
GARIBALDI 'were confidently reported to have been
dispersed. And now, to-day.they are as confidently
described to be in the hopeless condition but just
noW particularised, viz., at that " last stage of all"
----sans cash, sans food, sans vierything !
Yet when we come to look at the actual and au-
k7lelwledged situation of things now in Sicily, the
foregoing statement carries with it its own refuta-
tion. GARIBALDI is still there in Sicily at the head
of his followers Proof positive—that GARIBALDI
is not so entirely without the means of keeping
them together, t,
above intimated by the Turin
correspondence! proof positive—that funds are
somehow or another at hie command—that provi-
sions are somehow or another
within his reach. As
to the Garibaldians being without within
"ammunition, we
dare say they will give a sufficiently good account of
themselves in that particular, directly they are en-
abled to discover the opportunity.

As to the probabilities, however, of
their dis-
covering that opportunity ? What is there 1„.,
way_
way reliable that we can learn in regard to that,
through a careful scrutiny and comparison of our
intelligence from Northern and Southern Italy,
through a collation of the tidings reaching us indi-
rectly, via Turin, or directly from Palermo ? Why,
they are all agreed in this—that GARIBALDI,
according to the very last news we hear
of him, had moved with the mass of his
followers (not all together, of course, but in
straggling divisions) away from that island
and almost inaccessible position at Corleone, knuwn
for some time past as the Garibaldian head-quar-
ters ! The General in fact was on his way from
Palermo to Messina. In other words, he was in
process of moving his forces, numbering in all about
:3,000, from one extremity of the island to the other,
from the north-west to the north-east. But from
the very course ho is taking while advancing from
Palermo to Messina, it is tolerably evident that
GARIBALDI is not acting in any way in a hurry or
}precipitately. On the 7th inst. he had reached
L'eca Pabrrkba. Upon the following day, that is
upon the Bth inst., he was at Santa Catarina. And
as it was clearly understood among his followers
that the General,
on his road from Palermo to Ales-
sins,
would pass through and make a halt at Cal tani-
st tta—it becomes manifest front the geograpl:ical
position of Caftan isetta relatively to Palermo in one
direction and to Messina in the other, that GARI-
BALDI has lessons for taking his time in truersing
with his little patriot army the mountainous 4.44_

tricts of Sicily ! For the route he is thus following ,1
marks out a very considerable deflection from any
direct line drawn from Palermo to Messina.
Tracing out a strait line between those two cities,
and then tracing also the route now being taken by
GARIBALDI via Caltanisetta—we have the outline
of a bow defined upon the map of Sicily. With
the strait line (the line not followed by GARIBALDI)
as the string of it—and Caitanisetta as the centre of
the arch of the bow itself. Having passed through
that inland but southern town of Sicily, the
Garibaldians—continuing their route by a north-
easterly bend upwards towards Messina (a bend
resembling the south-westerly one they will then
have traversed in their present march from Palermo)
—will have to pass about midway between Mount
"Etna and Mount Madonna before reaching their
destination. That is, before entering Messina. A
week perhaps may be thus occupied, counting
merely from the date of GARIBALDI'S advance
from his recent headquarters contiguous to
Palermo, to wit, from Corleone, through Rocca
Palomba, through Santa Catarina, and so
on to Messina via Caltanisetta. An in.
terval not unwisely set aside thus—to the
good! For whatever the Ratazzians may affect
to believe to the contrary, the royal troops will ,
hesitate to cross swords, in deadly enmity, in a
conflict a l'outrance with that band of 3,000 red
shirts, headed by GARIBALDI! And whatever
may be asserted, in regard to the effect produced
by the Royal Proclamation against GARIBALDI, the
prestige of GARIBALDI'S popularity remains yet alto-
gether undiminished. His new enterprise is regarded,
and with only too much reason, as rash, as ill-
timed, as imprudent, and as some hesitate not to
pronounce it, mad and insensate. But—even those
Italians who talk thus of the original design of
this new movement, recognise that GARIBALDI
has been deluded into it : that he has been, in a
manner, " fooled to the top of his bent," and
then deserted, cast aside, and repudiated by the
Government at Turin ! GARIBALDI'S honesty, his
consistency are now recognised more eonspicuously,if
that be possible, than over, and this by friend
and foe alike. And all the while that he is still
keeping his fcoting in Sicily, the youth of Italy
upon the peninsula, idolising the very name of the
hero, are becoming more and more upon the alert
every day for any possibleopportunity ! Already—
GARIBALDI thus holding his ground the while
in Sicily among the thickly wooded slopes of those
inland mountains—already it is confidently hinted
at Genoa, by the correspondent of one of our morn-
ing contemporaries, that RICASOLI, the late Italian
Prime Minister, has openly avowed himself to be
in favour of an armed rising for the purpose of taking
Rome! The very enterprise of GARIBALDI! The
corresponent here alluded to puts this statement
forth under date Genoa, the 10th inst., and writes
of it thus confidently : "An authentic autograph
letter of RICASOLI'S is in circulation, in which he
declares that the only way to have Rome is to take
it arms in hand ; that he is willing to go as a simple
soldier, convinced that the Italians will never have
Rome for their capital until the hinges of the
Roman gates are greased with Italian blood. This
is no canard," adds the correspondent, " but a
fact." Such is the latest intelligence from Genoa.
The latest from Naples intimating that the people
there were eagerly awaiting the advent of GARl-
BALDl—unknowing at the time possibly that the
General was (as we have here described him to be) deli-
berately on the road, at the head of his men, making
his way among the Sicilian mountains towards
Messina.

It is a tangled skein enough at the very best—
this thread (still being slowly unravelled) of the
story of the Italian war of independence ! The
most intricate knot of all being tied yet firmly—at
Rome. For the sake of Europe as well as of Italy,
it is earnestly to be hoped and prayed for, that that
Gordian Knot may yet be unravelled adroitly by
the dexterous hand of Diplomacy ! Instead of the
immediate Future for italy,even it should be said for
Europe, being staked upon the " hazard of a die"
as to whether that new knot upon the Wheel of
Fortune shall be severed by the sword of GARI-
BALDI or by that of NAPOLEON.

What is the real drift of Mr. SEWARD'S long let-
ter to the European Governments ? Lord RUSSELL
truly observes that there is no proposal in it upon
which the British Government was required to come
to any conclusion, yet it was, of course, written
with an object. Long as it is we looked it through
more than once to ascertain that object, and all we
can make of it is, that it attempts, first, to convert
European Governments to the belief that the Fede-
rals were on the point of complete triumph, and,
secondly, to warn us intermeddlers against inter-
vention. It is, indeed, remarkable how the fear of
some kind of interposition on the part of Europe
has haunted the Federal mind. They even gave
thanks to the ALMIGHTY that Europe had not in-
tervened, esteeming it, it seems, a special favour
from Heaven that they were left to kill and be
killed, to sicken and let sicken, to die and let die,
without interruption. The letter also, like a for-
mer one from the same pen, is designed to instruct
us not only in international datiEs, but in our own
interests.

But who would have thought that a Government
whose exorbitant prohibitory tariffs have almost
ruined the commerce between Europe and the
States, should, after creating this wilful and per-
verse derangement of trade, write ;—" That the
industrial systems of Western Europe and the
United States, including their agriculture, manu-
factures and commerce, are, in some respects to be
regarded less as distinct national systems than as
one general combination of agricultural, manufac-
turing, and commercial agencies, in which a jar in
one country necessarily produces disturbance in all
others, so that a serious disorganisation of the
machinery employed in production here cannot fail
to result in derangement, probably in disaster, every-
Where abroad." If Americans know these things
°Y not act on their knowledge, and why do their
best to
break up the " general combination," net
only by ablo
ek
ade, but by prohibitory tariffs.
The great
°
that European plaint, however, of Mr. SEWARD is
pozettinments doubted or actually
ility of the " Great salvation,"
meaning
gved the
by the
lon, not what Christians
generally und„.t.nd
it, but the
the American t by
alon • Mr. SEWARD
therefore rehearses the ground,,
"—unfortunately, h
f faith in " that
swaolvualdtion of
the time his
English press,
lgreatetter
reaches
evha
et is°
the
almost all these
grounds of faith, are become reasons for „ cepticism.
So far from the Mississippi being in the hands of
the Federalists, Vicksburg and Baton Rouge debar
them from its most important section, and th,,
Arkansas threatens to annihilate the Federal
squadrons at leisure. All the Border States, in-
eluding Maryland itself, bristle with
„Secession
sentiments, swarm with guerillas, and can
be kept
down only within the range of Federal guns'
Whether the " credit of the Confederates be dead"
or not, it suffices to keep armies on foot which every
where confront, and sometimes rout and repulse,
the Federal forces. And instead of " the power of
the losing faction growing less and less," the
Confederacy has never been so stiong, vigorous, and
chopeful, as at this moment, Mr. Szwao wrote

on the 28th of May—it is now the middle of
August—the events of the interim have made his

letter sadly out of date. It makes one smile to '
read now such grandiloquently confident language
as the following :—" It is a simple fact that loyalty
re-appears everywhere just so fast as the suc-
cesses of the Government are deemed sufficient to
afford a guaranty for reliance upon its protection.
The dis-Unionists, even in their strongest holds,
are not a people, but only a faction, surpassing
the loyal in numbers, and silencing them by
terrors and severities in many places; but, never-
theless, too few and feeble to prevent the return
of any district or any State to the Union, in the
presence and under the protection of the Federal
authorities." Where is all this true, we ask, at New
Orleans P in Tennessee ? in Norfolk ? or it is true
even in Kentucky and Baltimore ?
We are favoured next with a long homily on
slavery, under which head it is demonstrated that
the Federal Government has been all kindness and
consideration both to slaves and masters, He tells
us that African slavery is abating the power of the
South—and would have us believe in Negro good-
will to the upholders of the Fugitive Slave La R,
and on the danger, if the war goes on, of a servile
insurrection
topic, however, is introduced
bnations of Europe, of what
chiefly
tow. warn. This
the
na
they must suffer if such a war began ! It is very
kind of Mr. SEWARD to care so for our looms and
only, we imagine that if he really
that he would advocate the withdrawal
co
aurre
di nadbuosut rt y ;
of the blockade which alone is the cause of suffer-
ing to European industry. We can but fear that
Mr. SEWARD shares the general pleasure felt by
Americans in the distress of Lancashire, and is
afraid that with such excellent reasons for breaking
his blockade, France and England may determine
to need Mr. SEWARD'S tender care no longer.
Lord RUSSELL'S brief notice of this long wordy
document, needs no comment from us. Every one
will read it with entire concurrence. Writing on
the 28th of July, he had the advantage of a series
of Confederate successes, which, without argument
from him, refuted half Mr. SEWARD'S self-compla-
cent reasonings. He needed but to mention them.
For the rest his lordship could say with a truth
which would tinge Yankee cheeks with shame if
they could blush for anything—" Down to the pre-
sent time, her MAJESTY'S Government have pur-
sued a friendly, an open, and a consistent course.
They have been neutral between the two parties to
a civil war. Neither the loss of the raw material of
manufacture, so necessary to a great portion of our
people, nor the insults constantly heaped upon the
British name in speeches and newspapers, nor the
rigour beyond the usual practice of nations with
which the QUEEN'S subjects attempting to break
the loose blockade of the Southern ports have been
treated, have induced her MAJESTY'S Government
to swerve an inch from an impartial neutrality."

The Right Hon. BENJAMIN DISRAELI once
learned by heart and delivered as his own, in
honour of our great departed general, an eloquent
page from a French funeral oration. But we are
quite confident that what he had learned by heart
was really his own, when on the first of this month,
in a peroration of antitheses, he bid his farewell to
the Tory chances of the Session. It was altogether
Disraelitic. The reader of Coningsby would swear
to it. " Liberal opinions" were pitted against
" popular principles which assert equal rights, civil
and religious ;" "individual tyranny" against
"popular outrage ;" " Democracy" against " Oli-
garchy ;" "vindicating the honour of the country"
against "turbulent diplomacy"—while Toryism was
pictured as a " Flee aristocracy " which rejoices in
" lightening taxation," in " frugally bat wisely
administering the public treasure," in "spreading
education," in "defending local governments," and
in being " as jealous for the rights of the working
man, as for the prerogative of the Throne and the
privilege of the Senate." How can " we the people
of England," be stolidly insensible to such a
charmer ! How can we but adapt the Mahom-
medan creed to our case and exclaim—" Great is
Toryism, and DISRAELI is its apostle !" Save us
—save us from a Liberal party which quarrels
with its Government, almost as Mr. DISRAELI'S
more timid, or more unmanageable, or more honest
should-be supporters quarrel with him.
We confess to some misgiving in venturing to
comment on a sentence or two in the last inspira-
tions of the Tory Koran—the last scrawl on the
shoulder-of-mutton blades, picked up by indus-
trious reporters. But, what meant that first con-
trast between liberal opinions and popular prin-
ciples ? Our prophet seems to give a clue to his
visions when he says of the former that any one
may fashion them to his fancy," and of the latter
that they " assert equal rights, civil and religious,"
Now we have had much longer experience of
" Liberal opinions" than the honourable member,
for we did not throw them off almost as soon as we
had professed them, yet we cannot recognise the
characteristic of" fashioning them according to our
fancy." Up to Friday, the first of August, we did
not know it was doubted that Liberals held them-
selves responsible to justice and right for the many,
just as Tories do to privilege for the few. But when
we hear of "popular principles as distinguished from
those of liberals by asserting " equal civil and re-
ligous rights," Good Heavens ! we exclaim, has
the vision of GABRIEL confused the utterance of
our prophet ? Why, in his uninspired Wednesday
sittings he has been fighting, flanked and backed
by all the bigotry of the country against equal reli-
gious and civil rights for all; and only a few minutes
before he had been glorying in these same perfor-
mances. It has been strongly suspected that
MAHOMET'S mutton bones got sadly out of order,
and hence the apparently incoherent rhapsodies of
the Arab Bible; we strongly suspect, also, that our
great " Bedoveen Arab" must have handed his in,
in wrong order, to the too faithful reporters. Lord
STANLEY, we know, upholds " religious equality ;''
but we always find him separating himself from
Mr. DISRAELI and the Tories on these subjects.
As to equal civil rights, like equal religious rights,
they have been our " principles" and "opinions"
since we can remember ; once they were Mr. Dis-
RAELI'S —that they are " popular," we believe; but
to hear a Tory chief claim them, we can only
repeat the old question—Risum leneatis amid--
take care lest you burst your sides.
Looking at other revelations, we feel again
almost as much puzzled to make the sentences of
our prophet coherent with facts, as MAHOMET'S
oli
successors must have been to make his sentences co-
herent with each other. For the life of us we can-
not see how genuine Tories can be anything better
substantially than oligarchs. Their "Few" may
comprise more or less—but if it is a minority of the
h
m
nation which enjoys the select privileges, then it is
a literal garc
y. If it is a majority, why then
„
it is
_ a I,bstantially a democracy. The many are
take care to make others feel it. And
wh stare, ("Id
at is this
tree Aristocracy ?" An Aristocracy
free to force its demands on the people, or, on the
contrary, free to do
what it likes with other people's
t
°vol.—free to appro,r.
thin s and all the good.
te to itself all the great
g
hinge of the State ? Aris-
tocracies of every kind tood, ao gar as we know, to
become oligarchies. Haling s„ti,
ed to themsellfes
pri'iieges, they pure
heaven Fold

earth, work now by violence, now by cun-
ning to occupy the seat of real power.
They have, all history through, endeavoured to
control both the throne and the people, and have
driven these two to support each other against the
aristocracy,which knows no other freedom than that
of making free with the rights of both. " A free
aristocracy !" Never has any country known what
freedom was till it could impobe some check on its
aristocracy. Its freedom always meant, in its own
vocabulary, something different to what was meant
by freedom for other people. The political
struggle of civilisation—to a great extent successful
in this country—has always been, to give the word
the same meaning, whether it applied to a noble or
a commoner. But what right an artificially created
class in a nation have to ask any other freedom
than that shared by all, we must leave the Tory
Chief Prophet to explain.

LATEST NEWS.