The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-22 00:00:00

to consider in what manner the desired changes
shall be introduced, and every one is ready with
arguments on behalf of his own favourite theory.
The Westminster thinks that we are tending
towards Democracy, and the wish is probably

father to the thought ; but such is, in reality,

neither the belief nor the desire of the great body
politic in this country. It is from the fear of
the effects which may be produced in practice
and theories which are in themselves irreproach-
able, that many persons who have no desire to per-
petuate abuses have shown no great desire for
political changes. They shrink from introducing
the thin edge of the wedge, lest demagogues and
enthusiasts should take advantage of the change to
produce violent convulsions in the political system.
The great object which all thoughtful men set
before them—and most assuredly the object
which finds most favour with the English public
generally—is to introduce the necessary and desir-
able reforms without producing any consider-
able disturbance in the constitution. The
great objection to be urged against leaving
matters in statu quo is that we are not car-
rying out the constitution of the country,
which demands the fair representation of the people.
In dealing with this question the writer in the
Westminster denounces those temporising reformers
who only want the popular enthusiasm to go just
so far that they may ride into office on the tide, and
and then they would command it to go no far-
ther. "Such persons," he declares, "are really more
rash than thorough Democrats, for they propose
to push on in the direction of Democracy, casting
aside all consideration of what are the fundamental
dangers of demneratic institutions, and what are
the best means of modifying them. To enlarge the
franchise in any considerable degree without putting
it on a sound basis capable of future extension,
and, without adapting the details of our electoral
system to the new state of things, is very much like
attempting to work railway trains on ordinary
roads with such brakes as were sufficient for mail
coaches." Under this head he places the supporters
of the £6 franchise, who think to settle the matter
by that single reform. But when we come
to consider the writer's arguments against
the continuance of the preponderating power in the
hands of the upper classes we find him running into
those extremes which make democratic politics so
unpalatable to the general public. It has been
argued, he says, that England has grown
rich, prosperous, and powerful under this
one-sided Government, whereas the pater-
nal despotism of Austria can show much
of its population happier, more moral, and more
intelligent than any of our people, and it has
nowhere so much misery and demoralisation as we
have in our great cities. America can claim to be
better educated and more productive, and must,
therefore, be the richest, while France is at least
equally powerful. But, supposing we accept for a
moment these extravagant statements, they have
nothing to do with the political question, and we
should not fear the verdict of an intelligent jury of
these happy Austrians, these rich Americans, and
these powerful Frenchmen, who would not,
if they .were honest, hesitate to declare
that political liberty had been attained
in England to a degree impossible in their
own countries. The fact is, that human nature
is every where alike, and each class, if it has
the preponderance and the power, likes to maintain
it. The upper class was most unwilling to surren-
der its prize in 1832, the middle class has been no
less reluctant since, and we can see from the ty-
ranny of our Trades' Unions and our strikes that
the lower class would act in precisely the same
manner if they had the opportunity. The only
security against class legislation and oppression is
the diplomatist's favourite theory of the balance of
power. We must get a fair representation of every
class, and then the one will counterbalance the
other. This is the fundamental theory of the
British Constitution, with its three estates, and
it must be borne in mind by every Reformer if he
wishes to attain a safe and comprehensive Reform.
The great difficulty of the question is, as we have
said, found in dealing with the details. Men may
agree in principle, but when they come to put their
opinions into practice the perplexity begins, and
the differences appear. The writer in the West-
minter, who, as we have seen, is liberal and com-
prehensive enough in his views, supports the
crotchetty and impractical theory of Mr. HARE as
the best means of avoiding the dangers of extremes.
Mr. HARE recommends that we should decide how
many members we wish to have in our House
of Commons, divide the population of the
country by this number, and leave every individual
elector free to name any man he will, and then send
to Parliament every man who had the necessary
number of electors. This sounds very well, but it
would never answer in practice. The great
body of candidates are only known in their
own localities; we should have a few noted men
elected a dozen times over, while equally useful but
less known members would have no chance. It
would, too, be so complete a change in our ordinary
system as to be most unwelcome to the public gene.
rally, and we cannot but think that a more practical
and simple mode of dealing with the question ought
to be found with very little difficulty.

The Transylvanian Diet was opened yesterday
by the Government Commissioner, but little was
said of an interesting character. The old story
was repeated of the necessity of a careful considera-
tion of the " political situation," and indeed only
one subject was put before the Diet for discussion,
which was the revision of Article I. of the law
passed by the Transylvanian Diet of 1848, concern-
ing the union of Hungary and Transylvania. This
does not present a very extensive sphere for debate,
but no doubt there are weighty reasons for confin-
ing the subject in narrow limits. It is not likely
that any
in a national sense, ver great
sp es will be made
in
astherresasdnet
arbitrary Course is
pursued, and the vari-
ous Diets and assemblies are informed what
Such specific regulations
they are to do and say.
must cramp the freedom of expression and restrict
the deliberations until no good is done or any
change made worthy of the name. In Croatia the
National party have resolved upon proposing the
union of Croatia, Hungary, and Sclavonia, and to
" recognise the principle of a common legislation.',
They desire that negotiations should be entered
into with a deputation from the Hungarian Diet in
order to carry out this policy. Altogether affairs
appear to be in a very unsettled state in these
quarters, and it is impossible to predict what may
be the result of all these manoeuvres and
machinations, for however decided may be
the wishes of the people, or however earnest I
may be the intentions of the several Diets to carry
them out, nothing can be done of a lasting charac-
ter or in a satisfactory style unless the Imperial
Government show themselves willing to promote
the cause of improvement. It will be of no avail
for the various States to make plans and furnish
propositions if underhand means are employed to
frustrate the main objects in view, the establishment
of constitutional rights and the independence of
the people. Mere forms and ceremonies will be of no
m at all, and fine-sounding professions are merely
e