The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-10 00:00:00

change of moment occurred until they reached the fence
into the plough, at which Acrobat blundered and came to
grief, and rolled over Boyce, and was seen no more in the
rase. This left Pigeon with a decided lead, as they came
along the canal side, which was duly recognised by loud
shouts from his backers on the stand, Flyfisher going on
second, Garus third, L. S. D. and Joe Maley next, and a
long way in their rear was Farnborough, the latter being
thrown out in his endeavour to avoid the fallen Acrobat
and rider. They ran thus to the fence by the Canal-bridge,
which Flyfisher cleared a length or so in advance of the
favourite, but soon after he dropped away beaten, leaving
Garus and L. S. D. in attendance upon Mr. Walker's colt,
who came on with the running to the flight of hurdles at
the distance, which he cleared in front, but tiring imme-
diately after he was headed at the Stand by Garus, who
won easily by three lengths. There were four lengths
between second and third, the others, as placed by the
judge, were widely separated.

This may be due perhaps in some degree to the ad-
vance of the year and the cold weather, of which the
later sufferers get the benefit, but it is still extraor-
dinary. If the result could be traced in any way
to the sanitary improvements which have recently
been accomplished in many great cities, it would
give us both assurance and encouragement. A
general assent has now been given to the propo-
sal of the French Government for comprehensive
inquiry and combined research. We have an
arduous but not a hopeless problem before us. It
does appear that at intervals a disease is generated,
if not in India, at any rate in the East, which
rapidly acquires the character of a formidable epi-
demic, and devastes Europe in its course. We have
also the advantage of knowing that the history of
this disease is comprised within narrow limits. It is
true that Sydenham describes the disorder, as exist-
ing in his time, without the occasion of a single
symptom ; but though he speaks of it as an autumnal
epidemic, he does not call it a plague. Cholera may
have existed before 1817, but not with the powers
it possesses now. Fifty years ago it was not known
even in India. When it first broke oat at Jessore it
was regarded as a new disorder, and as the event
proved, with good reason. From that place it finally
reached Europe by a track only too plainly marked,
and twice afterwards it ran the same course. This
year its origin and track have been different, but it
has still shown all the veritable characteristics of
a moving pestilence. Now, is it unreasonable to
hope that we may do something or learn something
by studying this plague at its source ? We know
that it is controllable in its effects ; may it not be
controllable in its origin ? Few people would ven-
ture to answer these questions confidently in the
affirmative, but few also, we imagine, would deny
that they may well be asked and becomingly studied.
POST.—It will be found that we have no reason
to complain of the comments to which the publica •
tion of the correspondence between Earl Russell and
Mr. Adams on the subject of the depredations com-
mitted by the Confederate cruisers has given rise in
the American press. Now that the heat andpassion
occasioned by the late war have subsided, the organs
of public opinion in America find themselves enabled
to treat such questions as that discussed in the cor-
respondence referred to with calmness and modera-
tion. It must never be forgotten that, however
disentitled in strict law the American nation may
have been to saddle us with the responsibility for the
acts of the Alabama and her consorts, they had very
plausible grounds for considering themselves very
badly treated. Engaged as they were in suppress-
ing what they deemed a rebellion, and possessing
absolute control at sea, they saw, notwithstanding
the strictness with which they blockaded the insur-
gents' ports, ships appear in different parts of the
world, which, although they had never wet their
keels in their enemy's waters, nevertheless
sailed under the Confederate flag, inflicted con-
siderable damage on their mercantile marine,
and were permitted to enjoy all the privileges
of vessels of war in the harbours of every neu-
tral State. These ships, without a single excep-
tion, were British made, and the armaments with
which they were provided were of British manufac-
ture. Under these circumstances it would be puerile
to affect astonishment because the American people
were indignant and declaimed against a neutrality
which could nevertheless countenance such results.
Nor was it matter for surprise that whilst the Ame-
rican people were straining every nerve to maintain
the Republic in its entirety, and were incurring a
colossal debt, which in the space of a few years
threatened to exceed the debts which the nations of
the Old World had spent almost centuries in accu-
mulating, they should speak loudly of a day of re-
tribution, and resolve on enforcing from this country
compensation for the damage occasioned by vessels
which left its shores. Now, however, that success
has crowned their arms, and that the distinctive de-
signations of Federal and Confederate have merged
in the common title of American citizen, matters
can be regarded in a different light. The victim
of an unavoidable accident at first vents his indig-
nation on the innocent cause, and it is only on re-
flection that he admits that blame can properly be
attached to no one. After making due allowance
for the stilted tone in which every people speak of
the dignity and independence of their own State, it
will, we think, be seen that the more respectable
and influential section of the American press have
received without irritation the refusal of the English
Government to comply with the demands made,
and have entirely abandoned that high ground
which they originally occupied when they assumed
as incontrovertible the justice of their claims.
The really important issue raised by the demands of
the American Government is, as we stated when
commenting on the correspondence, whether the
departure of vessels similar to the Alabama from
neutral ports is to be considered as consistent with
the observance of strict neutrality. It is a matter
of comparatively little consequence whether the
loss occasioned by the Confederate cruisers should
be borne by the English or by the American na-
tion ; but it is of vital consequence to understand
whether, in the event of future wars, belligerents
shall be entitled to equip vessels in neutral ports.
And it is from this point of view that the Tribune
regards the question when it says that, if England
should be engaged in a war before the arrangement
-0-f-the.-existingdifferences with the United States,
she would probably disown her present principles.
And this is certainly a very practical way of looking
at the matter. If such a war should unhappily
arise we could not with any show of reason complain
if vessels similar to the Alabama and Shenandoah
left the American ports, and, having like them
taken their armaments (supplied from American
workshops) on board as soon as they quitted neutral
' sailing under our flag, may
waters, proceeded to capture, sink, or destroy the
be merchantfound
osnh ievery
ing
seaw h
inc the world. The Americans,h
it is true, have a Foreign Enlistment Act, but
it is in almost every respect identical in its
provisions with our own, and we should there-
fore expect that it . would be similarly construed.
According, however, to the construction put
upon our act, it is a dead letter ; and the
American statute would consequently be held to
be equally mischievous. The net result, therefore,
of the assumption, that this State did everything
which a belligerent has a right to expect' from a
neutral, would be, that if we found ourselves en-
gaged in war with any European power, the rela-
tions subsisting between this country and America
would be just the same as-if no Foreign Enlistment
Acts had ever been passed, and we would be com-
pelled to acknowledge the right of the -United States
to allow their ports to be made centres of the most
destructive operations against our commerce. Un-
der such circumstances the Tribune is probably cor-
rect in saying that we should be anxious to abandon
the principles which we now maintain. Another of
the New York journals, the Herald, seizes the gist
of the present complications when it says that " the
trouble arises from the existing unsettled and unde-
termined state of international law," and suggests
that a congress of the principal powers should meet
with the view of establishing that law on a
basis which would prove satisfactory to all.
International law is the mere creature of the
comity of nations, since no power in particular
has jurisdiction to enforce obedience to its
precepts. The events which have taken place
in Europe during the past two years make this but
too plainly evident; but, notwithstanding the con-
tempt which Austria and Prussia have shown for
specific treaties, and for the plainest formulx of
natural justice, we may be permitted to hope that
agreements entered into between a large number of
independent States would be scrupulously observed.
And, for the reasons to which we have already al-
luded, it would be well if some more stringent code
could be agreed upon which would prevent such un-
questionable violations of neutrality as took place
in this kingdom during the past war. Of course,
in so far as the resolutions of a Congress would
affect the municipal law of any particular State,
such resolutions would be dependent on the sanction
given to them by the Legislature of such State ;
and as such sanction would not, more especially
under a constitutional Government, follow as a
matter of course, the success which would attend
the labours of any Congress convened for the pur-
pose of modifying the existing law might be pro-
blematical. But at all events the experiment would
be worth trying, for it must be confessed that the
law as it at present stands is most unsatisfactory ;
and no State in the world is more keenly alive to
that fact than Great Britain.
" THE ANGLO - AMERICAN TIMES" ON THE
SHENANDOAH PIRATES.—The arrival of the no-
torious Shenandoah at an English port and her
surrender into the hands of the British autho-
.

Handicap Hurdle Plato of 30 sovs. Two miles, over six

flights of hurdles. 6 subs.
Mr. Barker's Cutler, 6 yrs, lOst 41b (Mr. T. Price) 1
Mr. W. G. Craven's No Name, 4 yrs, 10st 71b ...(Knott 2
Lord Paulett's Ace of Hearts, 5 yrs, list Page) 3
Mr. Weyman's Lemon Drop, 4 yrs, 9st 41b (Jarvis) 4
Mr. IV . Topham's Goldbeck, aged, lOst (Jones) 5
Clairvoyant also ran.
Betting-2 to 1 each agst Ace of Hearts and Cutler, and
4 to 1 agst No Name.

Ace of Hearts made play to the last flight of hurdles,
which No Name and Cutler cleared nearly abreast a length
in advance of Lord Paulett's colt. On reaching the Stand,
Cutler drew slightly in advance, and won a good race by a
neck ; two lengths separated the second and third ; Lemon
Drop was fourth, a similar distance in their rear. Clair-
voyants did not pass the post.

The Crosteth Hunt Steeplechase of 100 sovs, subscription
of 5 sovs each, with 50 sovs added, for regular hunters
that have never won any Steeplechase, Hurdle Race, or
Flat Race value 20 sovs ; weight for ago. To be ridden
by gentlemen. About three miles; starting at the Canal
Point. 10 subs.

rities are of themselves very grave events, but
their gravity is enhanced when we consider that
they will probably be the means of re-opening
the whole discussion concerning the attitude of
England with regard to the late rebellion, and
her responsibility or non-responsibility for the de-
predations of those piratical cruisers which sailed
from her ports to prey upon the commerce of a
nation with which she was on terms of peace and
amity. It is not our purpose, however, to forestall
the angry discussion which is now inevitable upon
these subjects. These are side issues, and have already
passed beyond the domain of individual opinion,
into the hands of the official representatives of the
two nations. We propose now to consider, in the
light of the facts before us, what is the proper and
probable course to be pursued with reference to the
officers of the piratical craft who have just surren-
dered themselves to the authorities of Great Britain.
And in order to arrive at a just conclusion on this
point, we must review the course of the Shenandoah
and the conduct of her officers since she commenced
her cruise. The Sea King Was a British ship, manned

IIJE SUY, LONDO.N, FRIDAY EVENING, *WEMBEII, 10, 186 p.

by British seamen, and partly officered by English-
men. She left an English port professedly for China,
but was followed to sea by another vessel, which
supplied her with an armament and munitions of
war, after receiving which she changed her name to
the Shenandoah, hoisted the Confederate flag, and
started on her work of destruction. Her com-
mander, Captain Waddell, is a renegade North-
erner, formerly of New Bedford, Massachusetts.
New Bedford is a small and poor town, the inhabi-
tants of which are engaged almost exclusively in
the whale fishery. Very few of the forty or fifty
whalers sailing from the port were owned by large
and wealthy firms, but they were generally held in
shares by the humble citizens of the little maritime
town, many of whom were the widows and orphans
of adventurous sailors who had lost their lives in the
prosecution of their dangerous and precarious avo-
zation. They were manned by their owners, and
the poor Jack-tars who composed their crews
received no wages, but depended solely for
their pay upon their success in the whale fishery.
The Shenandoah, with her New Bedford com-
mander, called at Melbourne, and, by permission of
the British authorities of the port, received her
supplies, after which she proceeded to the North
Pacific to prey upon these peaceful whalers. Had
Captain Waddell limited his piratical work
to attacks upon the American gold steamers
which weekly traverse those seas, ' and to
the merchantmen engaged in trade between the
South American ports and San Francisco, he would
have reaped a richer harvest, and inflicted far
greater injury upon the United States. But he
chose to fight poor widows and orphans—to inflict
wanton destruction upon the little all of peaceful
citizens, who were in no way responsible for the
war, and who had no share in the direction of public
affairs. And with fiendish cruelty he sought out
and destroyed the property not merely of his coun-
trymen, but of the inhabitants of his own native
town—those whom he had known in childhood—
those with whom he had played at school—those
whose struggles and trials from youth up were
familiar to him. We have no desire to prejudice
public opinion against this man—but we stigmatise
his acts as those of a monster, and deliberately
express our conviction that he has placed himself
outside the pale of humanity, and forfeited all
claims upon that consideration which the law
extends to ordinary criminals. If the Southern
Confederacy bad not failed, there would still
have been no excuse for these proceedings
of the Shenandoah. But the Confederacy col-
lapsed nearly eight months ago, and from that
period down to the end of August this pirate ship
has continued her work of devastation, destroying,
it is stated, in the interval no less than thirty-seven
whalers. And now she sails into a British port,
surrenders herself to a British officer, and Captain
Waddell gives his " parole of honor" not to run
away, but to abide the decision of the British autho-
rities. Her origin was British, and doubtless her
commander considered it eminently fitting and
proper that she should return home to be dealt with
by the authorities of that nation whose people
equipped her and sent her to sea. And now
comes the question with which we com-
menced this article—What shall we do with these
pirates ? The contemporary press is loaded with
suggestions and speculations on the subject. It is
agreed ou all hands that if Captain Waddell de-
stroyed a single vessel after he was informed of the
collapse of the Confederacy, the act was an act of
piracy, and nothing less; and we have not yet seen
any journal willing to credit the extraordinary
statement made by him, that his work of destruction
was so long pursued in ignorance of the downfall of
the Confederacy. The proper course, then, is—
not to deliver the officers of the Shenandoah to the
American authorities, and thus shirk the responsi-
bility of their trial and punishment by a British
court—but to place them on their trial here for the
crimes of which they are accused, and if found
guilty, mete out to them that measure of punish-
ment which the law prescribes for their offence.
Captain Waddell and the crew of the Shenan-
doah were on Wednesday evening last paroled, by
order of the Government; but it does not follow
from this proceeding, extraordinary as it appears,
that these Inca are to be permitted to escape. Great
Britain has always regarded piracy on the high seas
as a capital crime. She will not change her position
now. In every instance in which pirates have been
captured by her gunboats in the Eastern Archi-
pelago, she has brought them to trial and to exec-. 7-
tion. And if her laws are competent to punish
Chinese pirates, they are equally competent to
punish the pirates of the Shenandoah. Several
Americans in LondOn with whom we have
conversed express their fears that Captain
Waddell will be protected by the British au-
thorities, and thus escape the penalty of his
crimes. There is not the slightest cause for
apprehension of such a thing. If Great Britain
were to afford an asylum to this man and permit
him to go untried and unpunished, she would forfeit
her place among civilised nations, and the United
States would at once withdraw all diplomatic inter-
course from a nation which sheltered pirates and
robbers. But to suppose such a thing is to insult
the British Government and the British people.
Great Britain is a civilised and Christian power, as
well as a commercial power; and not only her
national interests, but her moral instir cts, will lead
her to the discharge of her duty in this matter.