The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-27 00:00:00

to exist. And so long as the reserve of the precious
metals was abundant these panics have never been
known to be serious. (Hear, hear.) On the other
hand, a high rate of interest can never be regarded
as encouraging to speculation and to industry.
Ingenious argumentshave been employed against it,
both in England and France, and there is no appa-
rent end to the controversies which still prevail on
the subject. In the present Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer we have a statesman friendly to the act of
1844 becuuse he was a party to it, and a disciple
of the great man who proposed it ; a statesman far
too eager for improvement and discovery to be
blind to the defects which time may have revealed
in that arrangement, perpetually watching over our
monetary system, and therefore giving every hope
to the community that it may by-and-by obtain
whatever possible stability the law can give it.
(Loud cheers.) The celebrated Mr. James Wilson
was also well known as a master of the subject, and
be has left behind him as his successors a financial
school imbued with his ideas, informed by his ex-
perience, and who can never fail to contribute to
the lights of any Government by which the subject
has to be considered. Gentlemen, another standing
difficulty to which the country seems to be exposed
arises from the uneasiness which habitually prevails
as to the proper basis of the representative assembly.
If the house of Commons happened to be merely
an auxiliary body in the State, such a circumstance
would be of little moment. But inasmuch as it is
known to be, in point of fact, the seat of govern-
ment and empire, the questions which affect the
manner of electing it must, in reflective minds, as-
sume a paramount importance. (Cheers.) Az this
moment all parties have professed an inclination to
amend and alter the well-known Act of 1832. The
question still to be considered is whether general
reform or separate reform should be the principle
adopted. Experience has given no doubtful voice
in answer to this question. (Hear, hear.) In 1852
a :general reform was tried, and in a few days it
overturned the Government who offered it. (Cheers.)
In 1854 a general reform bill was tried, but instead of
ever being read a second time it soon became an
object of derision and resentment in the country.
(Hear, hear.) In 1859 a general reform was tried,
and was in a short time decisively rejected in th 9
House of Commons, and also on the hustings.
(Loud cheers.) In 1860, for a fourth time, a general
reform was tried, and after a long series of unan-
swerable criticisms from avowed supporters of the
Government was ignominiously defeated. (Cheers.)
Experience has thus pronounced against the project
of a general reform. And experience is that teacher
to which the people of this country have always been
inclined attentively to listen. (Cheers.) But if the
proposition of a general reform has been exploded
by the past, the proposition of a separate Reform has
been encouraged and confirmed by it. (Cheers.) The
only innovation we have seen yet in the act of 1832
has been accomplished in this manner. It was by a
separate reform that in the year 1850 the Irish fran-
chise was extended. (Cheers.) The bill was pro-
perly discussed and temperately handled in both
Houses of Parliament, and all parties finally con-
curred in its adoption. Since that time it has given
satisfaction to the people it was framed for. (Cheers.)
And in Ireland, disturbed as it may be, you never
hear of any movement on that subject. The prin-
ciple of general reform has, therefore, been con-
demned. (Cheers.) The principle of separate roforni
appears to be triumphant. No doubt, at first sight,
large and successive measures have something cap-
tivating in them ; but separate reform which finds
its way into the statute-book is more productive and
more practical than the grandest schemes which
merely roused a speech or agitate a Parliament. The
slow and melancholy wave which winter after winter
lurks under the cliff and steals new limits for the
waters is more important in its consequences, or if
you will, more fatal in its march, than the springtide
which, full of joy and ebullition, but ever certain to
exhaust itself, at given moments dashes over roofs
and terrifies marine municipalities. (Cheers.) In
1848 the European powers were submerged in revo-
lutionary movements ; and in 1850 the very trace of
those movements disappeared. Great Britain stood
immovable and passionless amidst the wreck of dy-
nasties and crash of thrones ; but as soon as order
shone again upon a troubled world she took her very
first step in the path of representative improvement.
(Cheers.) It may, therefore, well be asked, why
should not the step so happy and successful be re-
peated ? (Hear.) if you inquire what might now be
done with safety and advantage, I should not
scruple to reply without going too far into detail,
that the next separate reform which seems to me
to claim attention would be a measure to extend
the franchise in our counties. (Cheers.) It is ad-
mitted by all parties that beneath the present limit,
viz., £5O, a considerable mass of householders
are qualified to vote. (Loud cheers.) To enable
them to do so would merely be to pay a debt which
has not been contested. (Cheers.) It may happen
in political, as it often does in private life, that one
step as to the policy of which no doubt exists may
be the means of dispersing- various perplexities which
seem to be beyond it. (Cheers.) As regards the
borough franchise, no doubt it is entitled to the
gravest possible attention. (Cheers.) Unfortu--
nately the subject is overwhelmed with complica-
tions. (llear, hear.) Two systems have been ad-
vocated under the titles of vertical and lateral
reform. The vertical reformers wish simply to lower
the £,1.0 qualification. (Cheers.) The lateral re-
formers desire to establish means by which deserving
men would be admitted to the register whether or
not they had houses of their own. (Hear, hear.)
The vertical reformers have conceived a violent an-
tipathy to lateral reform, which they never missed
an opportunity of holding up to popular derision.
(Cheers.) The lateral reformers have contended
with great ability and eloquence that vertical reform
would lead through democratic change to military
despotism. While such a contest rages a dead lock
is the inevitable consequence, and some inquiry ap-
pears to be essential in order to pave the way for
legislation upon that part of the subject. (Cheers.)
No time, however, would be lost, because in the
meanwhile the county franchise might be settled.
(Hear, hear.) For my part, it may be rash to say
so, but still I am convinced that those who resist
inquiry as regards the borough franchise are, in
point of fact, resisting legislation on it--(cheers)—
because in the present temper of the country and
Parliament you have no right to look for legislation
on that vital point—(cheers)—until inquiry has
preceded it. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I will now
allude to but one further topic. Happily the stand-
ing dangers of a country like our own are very soon
enumerated. And whoever attempts to touch upon
them will always be near the end of his remarks.
In common, however, with nearly every other
State, we have liability to war more serious to us
on account of the extensive frontier on which
we are assailable. No one ought to wonder
that there should be a strong desire of avoid-
ing war among the people of this country.
We have no objects which cannot be pursued by
other methods, our large and complex interests are
threatened by it, and there is always this considera-
tion, that we may very possibly impair, and can
never much increase our reputation by embarking
in it. (Cheers.) We all know that ages must elapse
before, in the common tenor of the world, we can
hope to see on land another Wellington, or another
Nelson on the waters. Against the risk of war there
are doubtless many circumstances to defend us.
(Cheers.) The strength of our navy, the discipline
of our army, the number of our volunteers, all tend
to save the country from hostilities. In addition to
such material defences there used to be that of an
enlightened foreign policy, which, by giving us alli-
ances and credit in the world, made it far less pro-
bable that any other power would be disposed,
directly or indirectly, to attack us. (Cheers.) About
a year ago it cannot be denied that foreign policy
became in some degree discredited amongst us. The
languageBeeitseclusion
b
of the moment was to repudiate attempts •
itl t
Bear.)
Influence in Europe, to be content with insular
and watch with pa, tient resignation, if not
w
absoluteiear. indifference, the movements which
affect the balance
doubto f different
during
powerst h
ey e
a ri in the
veh
world.
ad
(Hear,
not made abrilliant figure on the continent. (Cheers.)
Both in DenmalArk.haienid in Poland force overwhelmed
otherthe
partses
ofof the were the patrons, and in
diminishing. A natural globe our
,tolurrinfluence appeared to be
tthsgust arose from these
transactions, together with
that foreign policy ought noelodnisposition to believe
Had gtehre
rteob engageeen
thoughts and our exertions.nothing our
to explain the reverses which we met with that view
might have been reasonable. But now that we are
able to look back with greater coolness on the facts,
we may see that they admit of easy explanation,
and are not such as to warrant in the long run the
great despondency they led to. We see, by look-
ing back, that foreign policy has never been suc-
cessful in this country, unless—subject, of course,
to popular opinion out of doors—oner mind in some
degree inspired and controlled. That mind may
be centred in the Sovereign, as it was in
Elizabeth, in Cromwell, in William 111., by all of
whom our foreign policy was ably conducted.
(Cheers.) It may be centred in the Prime Minister,
as it was in Sir B. Walpole and Lord Chatham,
both of whom increased our reputation on the conti-
nent. (Cheers.) It may reside in the Secretary of
State, as it did when Lord Bolingbroke, when Mr.
Canning, and as it did in later times when Lord
Palmerston presided at the Foreign-office. (Loud
cheers.) But foreign policy has never been success-
ful when the Prime Minister and Secretary of State
were both of them ambitious of controlling it, had
both of them pretensions so to do, had each opinions
of his own, while neither bowed o the ascendancy
of the other. Such, however, was exactly our posi
tion from the summeri of 1859 down to a very recent
moment. (Hear, hear.) The Foreign-office was

divided in point of fact between Lord Russell and
Lord Palmerston. (Hear, hear.) Neither of those .
distinguished men could be expected to renounce an
aspiration which only one could gratify with safety 1
to the public. Was it to be supposed that the First
Minister, who had been more prominent than any
one in guiding foreign policy—(cheers)—since 1830, ,
was likely to withdraw his mind from the very field •
in which he was a master? Was Lord Russell, who
had filled the highest offices in the State, who for
many years had been the leader of his party, in the
department he consented to assume, to become the
second and the instrument of any governing superior?
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, you well know that two
artists at the same picture would be likely to com-
pose a daub, and that two pilots at the helm would
be pretty certain to contribute to a shipwreck. But
when equal and competent minds distract the Foreign-
office you have another inconvenience besides the
conflict of opinion which is certain to arise. In
such a case, when a question reaches a certain pitch
of difficulty and perplexity, each is ready to devolve
the burden of adjusting it on the other. (Cheers.)
The result is, that every transaction bears the trace
of a divided will, and also of a faint or scarcely felt
responsibility. (Loud cheers.) If under circumstances
so exceptional our foreign policy had been more
disastrous than it was, it ought not to be inferred
that we should henceforward abandon and renounce
it. (Hear, hear.) Some, however, are inclined to
disparage foreign policy, not only the ground of late
events, but from a vague and general impression
that it increases the risks of war instead of adding
to the chances of tranquillity. An opinion of this
sort will not bear the light which facts can throw
upon it. (Cheers.) I have already mentioned in-
cidentally the most distinguished men who have pre-
sided at the Foreign-office. As regards Lord Boling-
broke, the first of them in point of time, he gained
his credit and exerted his ability in withdrawing
Great Britain from a long and tangled war—on
the Continent. (Cheers.) From 1822 to 1827,
Mr. Canning, the Secretary of State, was perpetu-
ally averting war, now by caution and reserve, now
by audacity and eloquence, now by breaking up
alliances, now by forming combinations, now by
concealing the resources, now by exhibiting the
arms, now by restricting the engagements, now by
blazoning the duties of his country. Three times
Lord Palmerston presided at the Foreign-office.
(Cheers.) In none of these three periods was any
war occasioned. (Cheers.) When Belgium was
created, when the Quadruple Alliance was estab-
lished, when the Queen of Spain was settled upon
her throne, when Portugal was rescued from Don
Miguel, when Turkey was defended against Egypt,
Great Britain avoided war, and its risks were con-
stantly diminishing. (Hear, and cheers.) It is
not, therefore, as a road to war, but as an antidote
to war, that foreign policy deserves attention from
the country. (Cheers.) Among those who see it
in that light there can be little doubt as to the prin-
ciples by which it ought to be directed. They are,
in point of fact, the principles which guided Mr.
Canning when in 1822 he sat as member for your
borough. (Loud cheers.) The first principle of
Mr. Canning at that epoch was moderation and re-
serve when a difficulty happened in which Great
Britain was not called to interfere, or could not in-
terfere without a hazard disproportioned to the ob-
ject. (Cheers.) This great principle he illustrated
in all- the tenor of his conduct during the war
between France and Spain in 1823. The next
principle he had occasion to exhibit was that of a
sagacious vigilance to restore the balance of power
when some inevitable blow happened to descend
upon it. He acted upon this principle in his famous
recognition of the South American Republics. (Hear,
hear.) His third great principle was alacrity and
vigour when good faith and treaties called upon
Great Britain to exert herself in defence of an ally
whom other Powers were assailing. (Cheers.) This
principle was admirably exercised by his prompt and
bloodless expedition to the Tagus in the winter of
1826. (Renewed cheering.) The last principle he
illustrated was that of temperate and steady zeal
for civil and religious liberty in countries formerly
enslaved and just awakened to a love of indepeladence.
(Loud cheers.) The struggles of Greece against the
yoke of Turkey formed the adequate occasion for it.
(Hear, hear.) These principles belong to no single
time, to no limited conjuncture. (Cheers.) The
grand transactions in which Mr. Canning has em-
bodied them ought to be contemplated by all men
who mix in foreign policy, as the sculptor contem-
plates the marbles of antiquity, with a view to ani-
mate his efforts and to raise his mind above the
standard of the practices which may happen to sur-
round him. (Cheers.) In our day, however, a re-
source has been discovered which, unfortunately,
never fell into the hands of Mr. Canning. The
French alliance hardly came into existence as a fact
or h. conception until the elder branch of the House
of Bourbon was dethroned. (Cheers.) It existed
in the midst of interruptions and of difficulties until
the younger branch had passed away. Its operations
were 1 r 2carious and feeble under the usurping
chamber which fell before the coup cretcrt of 1051.
But no sooner was the French Empire established
than the alliance reached a power and efficiency
which had not hitherto been dreamt of. (Cheers.)
Since then it has been felt in the Crimea, in China,
and on the other side of the Atlantic. (Cheers.)
It has aspired and contributed to nothing uncon-
nected with the freedom or the order of the world.
(Cheers.) It has a natural foundation in the
circumstance that at present neither Power has
an aim which ought to be obnoxious to the
other. (Cheers.) The alliance of the Western
Powers is not unlike the conflux of the rivers by
which your harbour is created. The Orwell and the
Stour are far removed from one another in their
fountains. They race towards the ocean as competi-
tors. (Cheers.) Perpetually the distance vanishes
between them, until at last their waters are com-
bined into a sheltering expanse in which the tem-
pest-driven vessels of the main may find the refuge
they are seeking. (Hear, hear.) So, too, France and
England, distant in their origin and rivals in their ,
course, have gradually approached one another un-
til their union offers to the world a prospect of re-
pose against the movements which disturb it.
(Cheers.) It is not possible, however, to maintain
that the alliance has, as yet, produced its natural
results, or that thereis not much more to do than it
has hitherto succeeded in accomplishing. The Ita-
lian difficulty, as far as Venice is concerned, is not
likely to be settled until the diplomatic force of the
alliance has been brought to bear upon it. (Cheers.)
On that melancholy theme perhaps it will be found
that more blame is justly due to Great Britain than
to Austria. (Hear, hear.) In 1815, yielding to
the blindness which induces States and individuals
to pile securities and barriers against evils that are
passed, and to leave an unguarded front to those
which are impending, Great Britain became an in-
strument of planting Austria in Venetia. (Hear,
hear.) Since then dungeons have been fitted, for-
tunes ruined, families dispersed, a country trampled
down. (Cheers.) The interest and duty of Great
Britain both prompt her to concur with France at
some well chosen time in the solution of this ques-
tion. (Cheers.) Her duty must be to repair so far
as she is able the calamities her former errors had
inflicted on 'Venice. (Cheers.) Her interest at
any time may lead her to require from Austria that
cordial adherence which Austria will never give to
either of the Western Powers while Venice forms
a portion of her territory. (Cheers.) While that
state of things remains Austria will always lean—
she does so at this moment—on Powers who favour
her possession of it, and not on those who wish her
to renounce it. (Cheers.) That question happily
disposed of France and England would be able
to put an end to the sinister combination of
the two German Powers which has lately trampled
upon everything sacred in freedom and in publiclaw
—(cheers)---and which forms a standing menace to
the honour of the larger States and the existence of
smaller ones. (Cheers.) Whenever such a fatal
combination has been altered, it may not be impos-
sible, although it will certainly be difficult to repair
in Scandinavia some of those evils which the recent
fall of Denmark has occasioned. (Cheers.) How-
ever that may be, the alliance of the Western Powers
will never want employment in the East so long as
Turkey holds Constantinople. (Hear, hear.) These,
at least, are among the objects to which the alliance
of France and England may contribute. (Cheers.)
But while some minds have a passion for great
things surpassing every other passion in intensity,
some minds regard them with indifference or aver-
sion, and will never admit that foreign policy is just
unless you prove that we should be endangered by
its absence. (Cheers.) The proof, however, is too
easy—(hear, hear)—that if Great Britain withdraws
entirely from Europe, as has sometimes been pro-
posed, her safety would be compromised. (Cheers.)
Let us suppose for a minute that Great Britain no
what inevitably
positiontab l y
France
longer seeks to influence the continent, and can no
longer be regarded as the ally of any Power it con-
tains,happens
requires
?Inconseqaunenceof
geog r ap h ie a iinv
ally.
(Cheers.) The German Powers have both, at
different tunes, and may at
rivals. (Ilear,hear.) eh
lap lately moment,h
d be her
to protest in an emphatic note'lß,-,
against their conduct.
(Cheers.) She wants support'against them, .
dan-
gerous as they have often been to her existence 'or
her policy. (Cheers.) Where is she to find
it, when
Great Britain has retreated altogether from the
Continent ? Not, certainly, in Baden, in Wurtem-
berg, or in Bavaria. (Cheers.) Spain no longer
exercises influence in Europe. (Hear, hear.) France
is therefore driven to connection with St. Peters-
burg. (Cheers.) The tendency is strong enough
when Great Britain balances and checks it, as you
may see by many indications if you look at
them. (Cheers.) But let that balance be withdrawn
and that control entirely exhausted, France and
1 Russia are compelled to divide in some measure the