The Sun.
London, England, 1862-10-09 00:00:00

711 Z Altlify.

The 7th company of ROydElineers, under the
command of Capt. F. E. B.
aranrooont, which
company,
arrived at head-quarters, Chath
from Halifax, Nova Scotia, and the 2:-
under the command of Capt. E. C. Zimompany,
arrived the same day from Australia, wwhiecrt
officially inspected at Brompton-barracks, yeste-;
day by Colonel H. D. Harness, C. 8., the Direct();
of the Royal Engineer establishment, who expressed
himself well pleased with th'e appearance of the
men after their long absence from England. With
the exception of some very few, the whole of the
men belonging to the 7th and 9th companies are
married, and, as the number of married men are
considerably in excess of those permitted by the
regulations in each company, they will be draughted
into the 39th and 40th companies just formed at
head-qnarters, the 7th and 20th being made up to
their full complement from the depot companies at
s-h company is relieved at Hall-
Brampton. The 7
under the command of
fax by tl:e 4th ccmpany,
Capt. 11. W. If. P. Dunizaesq.
Yesterday a detachment of (loyal Engineers, ac-
companied by a party of buglers, left headquarters,
Chatham, for the Curragh, to join the 17th company.
Lieut.-Col. Collinson, R.E,, accompanied by other
officers, has arrived at Portsmouth, and commenced
an official inspection of the works on Portsdown,
Rilsea, Stokes Pay, and other places surrounding

The right hon. gentleman said, at the public din- )
ner given to him at Newcastle, on Tuesday last—lt
is not very usual for a Minister holding my office to
detain a public assembly upon subjects of foreign
policy; but there is one question possessing para-
mount and absorbing importance at this moment,
and so deeply and intimately connected with that
touching matter to which I have last referred, that
I cannot avoid saying a few words upon it—l mean
the deplorable, though in my opinion not doubtful,
struggle which is now proceeding in America. I
for one, exercising my own poor faculties as I best
can, have never felt that England has any reason,
connected with her own especial interest for desir-
ing the disruption of the American Union. I can
understand those who say that it is for the general
i interest of the nation that no state should excel any
other nations of the continent. I can understand
those who say—and I confess it to be my own opi-
nion—that it is greatly for the interest of the negro
race that they should have to do with their own
masters alone, and not, as has hitherto been the case,
with their own masters backed by the whole power
of the Federal Government of the United States.
(Cheers.) This has been the state of things that has
subsisted heretofore, and which some, I think, mis-
taking the interests of the negro, have thought it
desirable not to repeal. But the laws by which the
slaves have been governed have been made, not by
the Federal Government, but made by the owners of
those slaves. But the enforcement of these laws has
not rested in the hands of the owners of slaves alone;
they have had a right, a constitutional right, by
the constitution of the United States, to be supported
against their own slaves in the execution of the
laws that they (the slaveowners) had made, by the
whole power of the United States; and I can there-
fore very well understand the argument that it is
not particularly to be desired, in the interests of
the negro race, that the American Union should be
reconstituted ; but I must confess that, for reasons
that I need not now explain, I do not think that
England has any interest in the disruption of that
Union, and that my own private opinion is that it
was rather for the interests of England that the
Union should continue. I know that that is not
the general opinion entertained ; but whatever view
you may take, I think we all feel that the course
which her Majesty's ministers have endeavoured to
pursue, viz., that of maintaining strict neutrality
under all the circumstances that have heretofore
passed, has been a right course, and has been the
expression of the general sense of the community.
There is, and there can be, no doubt that where two
parties are in great exasperation, it is not at all
likely that he who maintains a strict neutrality will
satisfy both, because in point of fact the state of
mind in which his conduct is liable to be judged of
by the disputants is not a state of mind in which it
is fair that we should expect from them a perfectly
impartial conclusion ; but what we may, I think
expect is, that an honest course of neutrality will be
recognised—that course, I mean, which we have
pursued up to this date—will be recognised after this
unhappy struggle shall have passed away, and when
the circumstances shall be calmly considered. But
I must confess it appears to me that if either party
has a right to find fault with us, it is the Con-
federate rather than the Federal Government.
(Applause.) I mean that if we have deviated at
all from neutrality our deviation has been against
them and not in their favour. We have pro-
claimed neutrality and we have endeavoured to
preserve neutrality ; but we have permitted
the export of arms and warlike stores ; we have
permitted it to two parties—to the Confederates
whose ports were blockaded by the Northern fleet;
and we have permitted it to the Northerns, who
have had perfect freedom to import all their arms
and stores they pleased—(applause)—l believe that
course on our part has been a right and just course,
and I think the very statement of the fact proves
that, at any rate, we have not had a biassed influence
in the policy of this country unfavourable to any
fair claim that they had upon us. (Cheers.) Well,
I now, I will for a moment make an appeal to you on
behalf of the people of the Northern States—l mean
so far as regards our appreciation of their position.
Great allowances are to be made for them. Greater
allowances are to be made for exaggerations in the
state of public opinion in that country under pre-
sent circumstances than could ever before be fairly
claimed for any other nation. Only consider what
their previous history has been. They have never
drank the bitter cup of misfortune, disappointment,
and mortification. They have had but to will that
a think should be done, and it was done. Their
course has been a course of prosperity and advance-
ment without example, and without a single check.
They are our own kindred ; they were, at any rate,
if they are not now, our customers, and we hope
they will be our customers again; but be assured,
also, that under all the circumstames, when their
good feelings can have fair play, they have a
warm affection towards England. Never let us for-
get, whatever momentary irritation may cross the
i mind of that people, the reception of the Prince
of Wales. (Loud cheers.) We know quite well
that the people of the Northern States have not
yet drunk of the cup of bitterness ; they are
I still endeavouring to hold it far from their lips;
they have not yet drunk of the cup of bitter-
ness which all the rest of the world seems to think
that they must drink. We may have our own
feelings about slavery; we may be for the South or
against the South ; but there is no doubt, I think,
about this, that Jefferson Davis and the other
leaders of the South have made an army ; they are
making, it appears, a navy; and they have made
what is more than the other—a nation. (Loud and
prolonged cheering.) I cannot say that I, for one
have viewed with any regret their failure to este:
blish themselves in Maryland. It appears to
me but too probable that if they had been able to
themselves in Minaarnylaagngdretshseivceonmsoevqeumenecnets,
political party favourable
establish
wo fo tuhl
da t
hmaivl
ei t abreye
ns u ct cheasts , a
to theni would have obtained power in that state—
that they would have contracted actual or virtual
engagements with that political party, and that the
existence of those engagements, hampering them in
their future negotiations with Northern states,
might have formed a new obstacle to peace: From
the bottom of our hearts we should desire that no
new obstacle to peace may be formed. We may
anticipate with certainty the success of the Southern
states so far as regards effecting their separation
from the North. I, for my ovm part, cannot but
believe that that event is as certain as any event,
yet future and contingent, can be (prolonged cheer-
ing)—but it is because lam certain that this great 1
event will arise, and that the North will have to
suffer this mortification, that I earnestly hope that
England will do nothing to inflict additional shame,
sorrow, or pain upon those who have already suf-
fered much, and will probably have to suffer more.
(Cheers.)