The Sun.
London, England, 1862-06-03 00:00:00

HORSMAN, and Lord PALMERSTON respectively,
with a fourt‘). by Mr. GRIFFITH on Mr. HORS- I
MAN'S—the " amiable" Mr.WALPOLE gave notice of
a fifth amendment last night, completing what, ex-
cept technically, are six resolutions on the subject
of national expenditure. And all these six resolu-
tions have not only so much that is true or good
in them, but they have also so much in common,
that almost every member of every party might vote
for each, and not vote inconsistently, whatever his
previous votes might have been.
We all believe with Mr. STANSFELD—Lord PAL-
MERSLON'S own amendment indeed implies it,
though not explicitly affirming it—that the national
expenditure can be reduced " without compromis-
ing the safety, the independence, or the legitimate
influence of the country." What does the Premier
oppose to this P—deep sense of the importance of
economy—care for the security of the country,
which Mr. STANSFELD does not overlook—then a
little praise of his own Government for the decrease
it has effected in the expenditure, with a hope that
it might be able to effect yet further diminutions.
Truly—but that the first resolution is proposed by
an independent Liberal belonging to the Financial
Reform party, and the second from a Premier who
is thought to like spending money too freely on
fixed forts or fixed fancies—there seems little reason
why the Premier and the unofficial member might
not vote for each other's motions. It is the animus
rather than the precise words of Mr. STANSFELD'S
resolution which galls Lord PALMERSTON.
Lord ROBERT MONTAGU'S is a mere solemn con-
stitutional truism—perfectly useless—a cipher on
the left hand of unity in this business, and can only
serve for a little idle vapouring. It is Mr. HORS-
MAN and Mr. GRIFFITH, who Out-PALMERSTON
PALMERSTON in his own defence—the former re-
trospectively, the latter prospectively. The one
says—wishing to catch Tory as well as Whig votes
—that the estimates of the late and the present
Government have not been at all excess of what was
wanted—the other Mr. GRIFFITH'S one,would change
praise of past estimates into what would perhaps
be equally palatable to Lord PALMERSTON—a pro-
mise to vote as freely as ever for the future. Thus,
then, stood the list up to last night :—Mr. STANS-
FELD for safe reductions; Lord PALMERSTON, in
words, for the same ; Lord MONTAGU, nil : Mr.
HORSMAN, praising past expenditure ; Mr. GRIF-
FITH promising to go on spending.
But, last night forth came Mr. WaLPOLE with
the most definite amendment of all; he has ven-
tured even to amend the Premier's resolution, and
the difference between the two must therefore, we
presume, be taken to indicate the difference between
the Derby meeting of yesterday and the Premier.
Let us carefuliy note it. Tories, like every one else,
will go with Lord PALMERSTON in recording their
being " impressed with the necessity of economy,"
while yet "mindful of the obligation to provide
for the security of the country at home, and the
protection of its interests abroad." But in the
second clause Lord PALMERSTON expresses gratifi-
cation with the decrease of expenditure the Govern-
ment had been able already to effect, "and trusts
that such further diminution may be made
as the state of things will warrant." The
Premier has expressed himself here very in-
felicitously. For a House of Commons only to
express a hope that the Government and the House
will not spend more than they are warranted in
doing, for that is what it comes to, reads very much
like a man's hoping that he shall be an upright
trustee. Mr. WALPOLE'S amendment on this part
of the Premier's proposal, takes the form of an
instruction to the Government—it runs thus :
" And this House trusts that the attention of the
Government will be earnestly directed to the
accomplishment of such further reduction (due
regard being had to the defences of the country) as
may not only equalise the revenue and expenditure,
but may also afford the means of diminishing the
burden of those taxes which are confessedly of a
temporary and exceptional character,"

(This is very much like saying, If you remain in
office after this amendment is carried, you remain
to work in Tory harness ; for you will be required to
conform to these instructions, which we know you
very little relish. At the same time, if an appeal
were made to the country on the difference between
the two, the popular difference would be in favour
of the Tories. They do not merely propose to spend
no more than they are warranted in spending, but
to direct attention to being warranted to spend less.

But what will be most popular is their pointing to
the repeal of those taxes which are "confessedly of

a temporary and exceptional character." This can
of course only refer to the income-tax, or perhaps
the war Customs duties. And it will, as a definite
proposal, be assuredly more popular than merely
saying with Lord PALMERSTON we hope we shall
spend no more than we ought.
We should strongly recommend Lord PALMER-
STON to accept Mr. WALPoLE's amendment—

'rankly to say that, in general terms, he meant as

much as Mr. WALPOLE does by his more
specific language. His Lordship might certainly
pint to his own Chancellor of the Exchequer's
speeches, especially his Manchester one, as showing
that his financial colleague held views identical

with those of Mr. WALPOLE. Save us, said Mr.

GLADSTONE, five millions, and we will do without
the Income-tax—a tax he has so often declared to

be too unjust i❑ its inequalities to be tolerable as a

permanent tax;—give your whole attention, says
Mr. WALPOLE, to equalising revenue and expendi-
ture in such a manner as to get rid of this tempo-

rary tax. If it's all fair to learn from an enemy,

never could it be fairer for Lord PALMERSTON to

do so, than when his friends have previously taught

him the lesson. Mr. STANSFELD could nct do

better than accept such a conclusion of the whole

business.

Although the Transfer of Lands Bill, prepared
by Lord Chancellor WESTBURY, and sent down
from the House of Peers all taught and trim, under
full sail and with ft) ing colours, was allowed to
pass the second reading last night in the House of
Commons, We
sion has closed, the
1859, will have found
very much fear that before the ses-
good ship, like its predecessor of
ewr eidt
n.
eWs s
ells e
tt hh ee r
liatubnec the Lordsgof iit
or the Commons that
—the "other place"
appears always, somehow or
another to threaten it with an evil fate. To echo
here again Earl RUSSELL'S metaphor, as applied to
any new reform measure—the
wave that carries
it forward from one house appears to lack
force to lift it fairly over the bar of the
other. But—it will be argued—the new bill
now before Parliament having passed suc-
cessfully through all its stages in the Lords
has already been read a first and second time in
Commons. Tout va iden—there is merely the
consideration of the Chancellor's cleverly-contrived
bill, clause by clause in committee, and then the
third reading there in the Commons—et c'est fa! 1
Precisely—lF these few further stages can be passed
through agreeably, well and good, the Royal
Assent will perfect all, as a
matter of course, and
the bill, by that magic ipaa el:zit of the SOVEREIGN,
will be transformed into a complete enactment. If 1

! As ill fortune will have it, however, there
are already indications plainly enough visible of
" breakers a-head." Although the second reading
was got through very satisfactorily yegoorda7 in