The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 4, 1865.

" It is truly murvellous."—Tinzes.
p 11 A R 0 A H.'S
SERPENTS."

Post free 13 stamps.
STEREOSCOPIC COMPANY,
51, Chcapside, and 110, Regent-street.

U VERYBOD Y'S BUSINESS.

THE GREAT PAGEANT, entitled " the
it. Capture of Anak," the greatest Giant in the World, will
be repeated tvery eveninsr, sur.ported by all the attractions of
this establishment, including a host of ballet fairies, I.:1 ti-
patian army, Master Powell, Miss Clara Thorn, General Tom
Dot, and the French Giant, surnamed Anak, the An akin.
Doors open at 7.3o:—Great James's-hall, Regent-street and
Piccadilly.

ANAK, the GREATEST GIANT in the
WORLD.—Special RECEPTIONS EVERY DAY
from Three to Five o'clock, with the little Comic Actor,
GENERAL TOM DOT. Morning Performance. Admis-
sion, is. ; reserved seats, 25. 6d.
ANAK— ANAK—ANAK.
" There were giants in those days."
Great St. James's Hall, Regent-street and Piccadilly.

ANAK will APPEAR EVERY NIGHT, with
Professor ANDERSON. MACCARE, the Misses
ANDERSON, at the GREAT ST. JAMES'S HALL. An-
derson and the World of Magid at Eight, Maecabe at Nine,
and the Great Giant and General Tom Dot at 9.30. " This is
the•reatest combination entertainment in the metropolis."
—Ade the Press. Admission, is. ; balcony, 28.; reamed
seats, 38. ; stalls, 59.

CintlSTY MINSTRELS, St. James's Hall,
Piccadilly.—The only original and veritable legitimate
CHRISTY MINSTRELS Every Night at 8, Saturdays at 3
and 8. On and after Wednesday, November Stb, an Extra
Day Performance every Wednesday, at 3, retaining all the
specialties and old favourites who originally created the re-
putation of the Company. Fauteuils, 55.; stalls, 3s ; unre-
served seats, 2s. ; gallery. Is. Tickets at Austin's, 28, Pic-
cadilly.—Manager, Mr. Frederick Burgess.

lIE'O X F O R D.
6, OXFORD STREET, W.

The Oxford and Clukterbary
SIXTY-SIX, by J. Offenbach, and a New
CANTATA, by Meyerbeer, will be performed by Misses
Russell, Barrie, Walmesley, Tyrell, Ellen Reid, Madame
Maria, and Miss Pitzllenry ; Messrs. A. St. Albyn, Husk,
Evans, W. Williams, and Senors Tivoli and Spagnoli, with
full Band and Chorus, THIS EVENING.

Imir.~ai.

MADAME TUSSAUD'S EXHIBITION,
Baker-street.
NEW ADDITIONS.—FuII length Portrait Models of the
late LORD PALMERSTON, PRESIDEN r JOHNSON,
and GENERAL GRANT.
Open from 11 a.m. till dusk, and from 7 till 10 p.m.
Admittance, One Shilling; Children under 10, half-price ;
Extra Rooms, Sixpence.

ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street,
Piccadilly.—GßAND CASINO and MUSICAL PRO-
MENADE is NOW OPEN for the Scawn.
Musical Director, M. LUIGI CURTL
Manager, Mons. GRENET.
The Band plays nightly Selections from the most eminent
Composers.
Doors open at half-past 8 o'clock; close five minutes to 12
o'clock.
Admission to Promenade, One Shilling.

THE WELLINGTON, ST. JAMES'S-STREET.
Set DINNERS served, at five minutes' notice. from Four to
Nine p.m.. at 2s. 6d., 3s 61, 4s. 6d., and 78. each.

ELEGANT SALOON DINING ROOMS,
for Ladies and Families.
Prices on the "Carte" moderate.
Private Rooms tor Large or Binall-Partier.
Reading, Smoking, and Billiard Rooms.

BREARFAS rS and LUNCHEONS.
D. CAMERON.
Entrances —l6O, Piccadilly, and 49, St. James's-street.

TO HN GOSNELL and CO.'S CHERRY
ILY TOO VII. PASTE is greatly superior to any tooth
powder; gives the teeth a pearl whiteness, protects the
enamel from decay, and imparts a pleasant fragrance to
the breath. Price is. 6d.-12. Three King-court, Lombard-
street, London.

DEAFNESS.—The SOUND MAGNIFIER, and
Invisible Voice Conductor. It fits into 'the ear, not
perceptible ; the unpleasant sensation of sin:4m! noises in
the head is entirely removed. It affords immediate relief to
deaf persons, and enables them to hear distinctly at church
and public assemblies. Every other kind of hearing instru-
In:mt.—Messrs. SOLOMON, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly.

STARCH MANUFACTUR,ERS
TO H. It. H. THE PRINCESS OP WALES.
GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH,
Used in the Royal Laundry,

AND AWARDED TUN PRIZE MEDAL, 1862.
Sold by all Grocers, Chandlers, Sic. &a.
WOTHERSPOON and CO., Glasgow and London.

COALS, DIRECT FROM THE COLLIERIES,
kj supplied by the JOINT-STOCK COAL COMPANY
(Limited).--rest Wallsend. 275. per ton ; Adelaide ditto, 255.;
the Company's Silkstone, 245. Chief Office, 49, Fleet-street,
E.U. ; Coal Depots, Great Northern Railway, King's-cross
(22, Coal Department); Great Western Railway, Padding-
ton; Regent's IN hart, West Ferry-road, Millwall ; Durham
Wharf, Ciabtree-road, Peckham.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS NEW, Managing Director.

MADAME RACHEL'S Matchless ART gives
youth and beauty, grace and elegance, to persons
wrinkled, scared, or aged, as on the great trial (Rachel v.
Carnagie) it was then proved beyond a doubt that Rachel was
an I is the sole professor of the beautiful art of which her
name stands the marvel of the age. All other persons pre-
suming to style themselves enamellers, and who are vending
injurious and destructive compounds in imitation, commit a
gross fraud on the public. -475, New Bond-street.

110 ALL in DEBT or DIFFICULTIES.—
Consultation Gratis. -JAMES GOLDRICK, Attorney-
at-Law, and r:olicitor of all the Courts, obtains immediate
protection for the person and property of debtors, in town or
country. together with entire relief from all debts and lia-
bilities, under a recent Act of Parliament, in all cases with-
out imprisonment Charges moderate, payable by instal-
ments. Every desc-ription of legal buainess conducted. in-
cluding Bankruptcy, Chancery, and Divorce cases. Wills
searched for and office copies obtalmd. Claims made out and
money and property recovered.—Offices, I, Brunswick-street,
Liver/ 001. and 342, Strand. London, W.O. Strictly private
and confidential. N.B —County Courts attended.

FrenchT
RADmerchant, WITH JdAaPtAe
dated
. at,teAr
uwgr.itltr,
some
ymae
interesting particulars are given relative to the resources,
370111kohaamle
products, exports and imports, and trading capabilities of
the Japanese people :—" During the last four years it may
be affirmed that the price of silk has doubled. The want
of a crop in Europe and China brought here too many pur-
chases for the stock offered in our market. The conse-
quence was that there was a ridiculous competition to buy
at any cost, and that the native dealer accordingly ob-
tained a large profit, with prices which leave very little
margin to buyers, even if they do not, in 15 cases out of 20,
subject them to loss. Cotton followed, but is now neglected.
Tea, which is inferior to the current qualities of China,
always finds buyers, especially for the markets of the United
States. Tho writer goes on to state that up to the 30th of
June, the importations into Japan, as, officially stated,
were 30,000,000 f. and the exports 50,000,000 f. The Euro-
pean imports are chiefly cotton goods, unbleached and
striped, in accordance with the fashion of the country,
camlets, and common blankets. These aro the articles
which find the readiest sale. Next to these are bar iron,
window glass, medical drugs, lead in pigs, and ordinary
cloth, but the latter must be of colours to please the
people. The number of European residents does
not exceed 400, and many of them receive direct
from the houses in Europe with which they are in
correspondence the greater part of the articles they con-
sume. " There are two great causes which for the present
delay the consumption of our articles by the natives, the
sumptuary laws of the Government, and the little specie
possessed by the nmses in spite of the wealth of the coun-
try. The Government watches over and directs everything
and is very particular in making every person live in the
class in which ho is born. It regulates for all the manner
of clothing and living, and the internal arrangements of
houses. It has so completely subjugated the people to the
respect of authority, that its will is obeyed to the letter. If
it were not for this fear of the Government, we should
certainly see many more of our productions consumed by
the people. Accustomed to live on little, the Japanese only
produce in proportion to their wants. The consequence is,
that production is far from being what it might be, and
that the mass of producers has very little money. Each
trade and industry, and branch of commerce, has a chief
nominated by the Government, and everything is done by
his orders. There is, therefore, no liberty in transactions,
and no competition. Japan, for the present, is not a very
favourable field for commercial transactions. But on being
subjected, as China has been, to the influence of the West,
it will in time present immense resources of commerce. At
present we are suffering—we aro crippled in the limits of
the concessions made to us ; and we pray that complica-
tions may arise which will put an end to this state of
things. it is only Py force tliat wo can 1119Y0 tlac Japancso, '

MR. BEWARU'S SPEECH AT AUBURN.

MY GOOD FRIENDS, meetikg Alith you hero from
to to timo, as opportunity servos and duty permits, is

not merely a privilege but even a blessing, Your greeting

on this occasion comes in the season when fruits are clus-

terod around us, although the leaves above our heads and
the grass beneath our feat are yet fresh and green. The
assemblage which has gathered to express to me its good

wishes, harmonises with the season and the scene. How-

ever youthful a townsman of Auburn is, he is nevertheless

habitually thoughtful ; however old, he is yet always
cheerful and hopeful. This particular greeting calls up
not•mere fancies, but memories—some new and others old;
some pleasing, others mournful ; some private, others pub-
lie; with all of. which, however, you all are intimately
and generously associated ; and those memories have be-
come so indelibly impressed upon me, that they seem to me
to constitute a part of my very being. We have met oc-
casionally during the past.,fivo years, but always under
circumstances which werepainful, and which excited deep

solicitude. You freely gave me your sympathies then,
even when my visits were hurried ; when my appeals to
you, and through you to more distant fellow-citizens, to
make new efforts and sacrifices for our suffering country,

must have seemed querulous and exacting ; and when

either public or private anxieties denied mo tho privilege
of even temporary rest and calmness. Who that labored
under the weight of a disproportionate responsibility could
have rested or been at ease, when the land which he ought
to love, with more than earthly affection, was threatened
every day with a violent.Assolution of its political institu-
tions, to be too quickly itA owed by domestic anarchy, and
afterwards by imperial, an possibly foreign despotism.
Would to God that the patriots of Mexico had never, in

the midst of her civil commotions, taken to themselves the

comfort of indifference and repose. But all is now
changed. The civil war is ended. Death has removed
its victims; liberty has crowned her heroes, and humanity
has canonised her martyrel the sick and the stricken are
cu,red; the stuzziging ccireatants are.
the country, the object of our just pride and lawful affec-

fraternising. ; .and

tion, once more stands collected and composed, firmer,
stronger, and more majestic than over before, without one
cause of dangerous discontent at home, and without an
enemy in the world. (Applause.) Why should we not
felicitate each other on this change, and upon the now

prospects which open before us. These prospects, how-
ever, cover a broad field. I could not rightly tax your
kindness so much as to survey the whole of it; and even
if I were willing, you would kindly remember that at the

present moment my power of speech is abridged. Only
magnanimous themes are worthy of your intellectual un-
derstanding, or compatible with the feelings *which have
moved this interview. We have lost the great and good
President, Abraham Lincoln. He had reached a stage of
_ _ _ _

moral consideration when his name alone, if encircled with

a martyr's wreath, would be more useful to humanity at
large than his personal efforts could be beneficial to any
one country as her chosen chief magistrate. He is now
associated with Washington. The two American chiefs,

though they are dead, still live, and they are leading the
entire human race in a more spirited progress toward fields
of broader liberty and higher civilisation. (Applause.) In
the place of Abraham Lincoln, we have a new President.
To most of you he is personally unknown. The people
around me, with their customary thoughtfulness, are in-
quiring of those who are nearer to him than themselves
what manner of man Andrew Johnson is, and what man-
ner of President he may be expected to be. When, in
1861, treason, laying aside for the moment the already ob-
noxious mask of slavery, and investing itself with the al-
ways attractive and honored robes of democratic freedom,
flashed its lurid light through the Senate-chamber and
announced, as already completed, a dissolution of the Union,
then, a leader, who shouldbe at first a Senatorial and after-
wards a popular leader, was required, to awaken sleeping
loyalty and patriotism throughout the land, to rouse its un-
conscious hosts and to inspire them with the resolution
needed to rescue the constitution, suppress the rebellion,
and preserve the integrity of the republic. (Applause.)
To me, reason seemed to suggest, in this case, as a neces-
sity resulting from circumstances, that that leader, while
he should be a capable, inflexible, and devoted patriot,
should also be a citizen of it hesitating Border State—a
slaveholder in practice, though not in principle, and yet in
principle and association a Democrat. Andrew Johnson,
of Tennessee, completely filled those complex conditions,
and with the consent of the whole American people he
assumed the great responsibility. (Loud applause.) The
insurrection soon became flagitious, insolent, defiant, and
announced, to the astonishment of mankind, that the pre-
tended free empire which it was building by usurpation
within forbidden borders was founded upon the corner-
stone of slavery The newly-inaugurated President,
Lincoln, with decision, not unaccompanied by character-
istic prudence, announced that thenceforth slavery should
bo deemed and treated as a public enemy. (Applause.) An-
drew Johnson accepted the new conditions of his popular
leadership which this announcement created, and thencefor-
ward he openly, freely, and honestly declared, not only
that the erection of the new edifice should be prevented,
but the corner-stone of slavery itself, the rock of all our
past as well as all our then future dangers, should be up-
lifted and removed, and cast out from the Republic. (Re-
newed applause.) Whatever may have-13cm thought by
you, or by me, or by others, at that time, itis now appa-
rent that the attempted revolution culminated when the
national banner was for the first time successfully re-
planted by our gallant army on the banks of the Cumber-
land, and when Tennessee, first among the Border States
which had been reluctantly carried into the rebellion,
offered once more a foothold and a resting-place to the
authorities of the Union. From that time while it was
yet- necessary to prosecute the war with such energies as
human nature had never before exerted, it was at the same
time equally needful, with wisdom which has never
been surpassed, to prosecute the beneficent work of
restoring the Union, and harmonizing tho great poli-
tical family which, although it had been temporarily
distracted, was destined, nevertheloss, to live and grow
for ever under that majestic protection. (Loud applause.)
The abolition of slavery was thenceforth equally an ele-
ment of persistent war and of returning peace. (Continued
applause.) He neither reads history with care nor studies
the ways of Providence with reverence who does not see
that, for the prosecution of these double, diverse, and yet
equally important purposes of war and peace, Andrew
Johnson was fitly appointed to be a Provisional Governor
in Tennessee, the first of a series of Provisional Governors
afterward to be assigned to the insurrectionary States, and
was subsequently elected Vice-President, and in the end
constitutionally inaugurated President of the United States.
(Renewed applause.) We are continually hearing debates
concerning the origin and authority of the plan of restora-
tion. New converts, North and South, call it the Presi-
dent's plan. All speak of it as if it were a new and recent
development. On the contrary, we now see that it is not
specially Andrew Johnson's plan, nor oven a new plan in
any respect. It is the plan which abruptly yet distinctly
offered itself to the last administration, at the moment I
have before recalled, when the work of restoration was to
begin ; at the moment when, although by the world un-
perceived, it did begin, and it is the only plan which thus
seasonably presented itself; and therefore is the only pos-
sible plan which then or ever afterward could be adopted.
(Great applause.) This plan, although occasionally requir-
ing variation of details, nevertheless admits of no substan-
tial change or modification. It could neither be enlarged nor
contracted. State conventions in loyal States, however favor-
able, in disloyal States however hostile, could not lawfully
or effectually disallow it; and even the people themselves,'
when amending the Constitution of the United States, are
only giving to that plan its just and needful sovereign
sanction. In the meantime, the executive and legislative
authorities of Congress can do no more than discharge
their proper functions of protecting the recently insurgent
States from anarchy during the intervening period while
this plan is being carried into execution. (Applause.) It
is essential to this plan that the insurrectionary States
shall, by themselves and for themselves, accept and
adopt this plan, and thereby submit themselves to and
recognise the national authority. Thpiasisawe which you
may Imeaonnt
when I said to Mr. Adams, in a passage
may possibly recall, that in the sense; in which the
word " subjugation" was then used by the enemies of
the United States, at home and abroad, it was not
the expectation or purpose of this Government that the
Southern States should be subjugated ; but that I thought
that those States would bo brought, by the judiciously
mingled exercise of pressure and persuasion, to a condition
in which they would voluntarily return to their allegiance.
This was the explanation which Mr. Adams gave to Lord
Palmerston, the Prime Minister of England, when that
great, and, as I trust, not unfriendly statesman, said that
he did not believe that the Federal Union could be re-
stored, because ho knew that, while any man can lead a
horse to the water, no man could make him drink. The
frsectoagtens,ishesutntohtettrheacdteivsteruecxtiiosn,tenneeor; even
the subversion of States, but their active existence; and
it reasons from facts as they are, not from assumed or
possible mere chimeras. (Applause.) This
less does it reason from
• tence of the States which constitute the
absolute existence changes to be effected
.by continual war, much
lnp a bhlaes oftt
oa theldea l factsl If many
with which
have
plan,t
h thereir°'o
stumbled over it into treason and rebellion, the fact, for
all legitimate deductions and purposes, nevertheless re-
RetherlAbmli
ins. In a practical sense, at least, the States were before
the American Union was. Even while they were colonies
limns thesmta
of the British Crown, they were embryo States—several,
free, self-existing, andindestructible. Our Federal Republic
otestsmPaa
exists, and henceforth and for ever must exist, through, not
the creation but the combination of these several free,
self-existing, stubborn States. The States are not stakes
driyou Tutu the ground by an imperial hand, ufg 'aro they

posts hauled together, squared and hewed, and Er) erected

Loosely upon it; but they aro living, growing, majestic trees,

_ . .
Whose roots are widely spread and interlaced within the soil,
and whose shade covers the earth. (Applause.) If at any

time any of these trees shall L 3 blown. devil' or upturned by
violence, it must bo lifted up again in its proper place, and
sustained by kindly bands until it has renewed its natural

stability and erectness. (Applause.) If at any time the
American Uniou is fractured through a lesion of ono of its
limbs, that limb must be restored to soundness before duo
constitutional health and vigor can be brought back to
the whole system. If one of these limbs offend, wo have
indeed the power—and 1 will not cavil about the right—
to cut it off and cast it away from us; but when we should
have done that, we would have then done just what other
nations less wise than ourselves have done, that have sub-
mitted unnecessarily to amputation, and given up a mate-
rial portion of their strength, to save themselves from
apprehended destruction. We know the inherent strength,
vitality, and vigor of the whole American people. We
neither passionately torment any offending limb, nor con-
sent to its being cut off, because we know that all of our
limbs are capable of being restored, and all are necessary
to the prolongation of our national life. (Applause.) Yon
will ask whether a-reconciliation which follows so closely
upon military coercion can be relied upon. Can it bo
sincere?, Can it.be permanent ? I answer, Do you admit
separation to be in any case possible ? •Does anybody now
believe that it ever will hereafter become possible ? Will
you yourselves now or ever consent to it ? You answer
all these questions in the negative. Is not reconciliation,
then, not only desirable, but imperative ? Is any other
reconciliation, under the circumstances, possible ? Cer-
tainly you must accept this proposed reconciliation, or you
must purpose to delay and wait until you can pro-
cure a better one. Good surgery requires that even
simple fractures, much more compound ones, shall be
healed, if possible, at the first intension. Would not
delay necessarily prolong anarchy ? .Aro you sure that
you can procure a better reconciliation after prolonging
anarchy, •nt. looming force ? Who will advocate
the employmmFC-0 moray rcrhinder and delay,
through prolonged anarchy, a reconciliation which is
feasible and perfectly consistent with the constitution ?
In what part of the constitution is written tho power to
continue civil war against succumbing states for ultimate
political triumph ? What would this be but, in fact, to
institute a now civil war, after one had ended with the
complete attainment of the lawful objects for which it was
waged. Congress and the Administration have power to
levy wars against foreign States for whatever cause they
see fit. Congress and the President have a right to accept
or even make war against any part of the people of the
United States only under their limited power to suppress
sedition and insurrection, and for that purpose only.
What then? Must we give up the hope of further eleva-
tion of classes in the several States without any new
guarantees for individual liberty and progress ? By no
means. Marching in this path of progress and elevation
of masses is what we have been doing always in the season
of peace, and what we have been doing still more effec-
tually in the prosecution of the war. It is a national march,
as onward and irresistible as the late conflict between
free and slave labor was vigorous and irrepres-
sible. (Enthusiastic applause.) The plan of re-
conciliation we are pursuing has given us two groat
national advances in this progress of moral and po-
litical elevation, which are now to bo made fast and firmly
fixed. First, it secures a voluntary abolition of slavery by
every State which has engaged in insurrection; and,
secondly, it must secure, and does secure, an effectual adop-
tion by the late slave States themselves of the amendment
of the 'Federal Constitution, which declares that neither
slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, shall
ever hereafter exist in any part of the United States.
(Applause.) The people who have so steadily adhered to
the true path of Democratic progress and civilisation
through all the seductions of peace, and through so many
difficulties and at such fearful cost in war, will now have
new inducements and encouragements to persevere in that
path until they shall have successfully reduced to a verity
the sublime assertion of the political equality of all men,
which the founders, in their immortal declaration laid
down as the true basis of American Union. (Prolonged
applause.) It is certain that the plan of reconciliation
which I have thus largely explained, must and will be
adopted. (Applause.) It may, however, be hindered or
hastened. How can it be hindered? You are yourselves
aware of the answer wren you fasten upon any violent,
factious, or seditious exhibition of passion or discontent in
and of the lately rebellious States and argue from it the
failure of the plan. You argue justly. Every turbulent
and factious person in the lately insurrectionary States is
resisting, hindering, and delaying the work of restoration
to the extent of his ability. But the case is precisely the
same with ourselves. Manifestations of doubt, distrust,
contempt or defiance, in the loyal States, are equally inju-
rious, and equally tend to delay the work of reconciliation.
How, then, shall it be hastened ? I reply, virtually, in the
language of the President—in the spirit of the constitution
and in harmony, not only with our politics, but with our
religion—" We must trust each other." (Applause.) Can
we not trust each other? Once we were Fiends. We
have since been enemies. We are friends again. (Re-
newed applause.) But, whether in friendship or in enmity,
in peace or in war, we aro and can be nothing else
to each other than brethren. (Loud applause.) A
few evenings ago, a hundred Southern men, who re-
cently had been more or less influential and leading
revolutionists, visited my house at Washington. They
were frank, unreserved, and earnest in their assurances of
acquiescence and reconciliation, as I also was in mine.
Happily, a party of intelligent Englishmen were in my
dwelling at the same time. I introduced the late rebels
to the representatives of sympathising England, and I said
to the parties, " You lately each of you thought that the
Southern men preferred British rule to citizenship in the
United States." While the Englishmen individually dis-
claimed, both parties promptly answered, as they now
do, that that idea was not merely a delusion, but an
absurd mistake. They now knew that even during the
excitement of the war, the American citizen, whether North
or South, really preferred his own countrymen of every
section to any other people in the world. Some of you fear
that the President may be too lenient to those Southern
leaders who plunged the country into calamities of civil
war. Except those of you who have been maimed or be-
reaved, has any of you suffered more of wrong, insult, and
insolence at the hands of those leaders than he has ?
Can we not forget where ho can forgive ? Are you
aware that his terms of amnesty to offenders are far more
rigorous than those which were offered by Abraham Lin-
coln ? Have you ever seen the majesty of law more firmly
maintained than it has been by him in the exercise of dis-
criminating clemency? (Applause.) Some of you seem
to have been slightly disturbed by professions or demon-
strations of favor toward the President, made by parties
who have heretofore opposed his administration as well as
the administration of his predecessor. (Laughter.) And
you ask : May not the President yet prove unfaithful to
us ? • For myself, I laid aside partisanship, if I had any,
in 1861, when the salvation of the country demanded that
sacrifice. It is not, therefore, my purpose to descend to
mere partizanship now. Andrew Johnson laid aside, lam
sure, whatever of partizanship he had, at the same time.
(Applause.) That noble act did not allow, but, on the
other hand it forbade, collusion by the friends of the Union
with opponents of the policies of the war and of reconcilia-
tion which the government has found it necessary to pur-
sue. Duty requires absolute and uncompromising fidelity
to the supporters of those policies, whosoever, and of
whatsoever party they may be. (Applause.) Andrew
Johnson has practised that fidelity against the
violence of enemies, to the sacrifice of his fortune, the
hazard of his liberty, and even the peril of his life. (En-
thusiastic cheering.) Tho same fidelity is still identified
with the success of those policies, and, of course, is neces-
saryto
applause.)th achievementivh y a
should
ofh e u theirmagnificentuw abandonthose policies,
ends. (Loud
and desert time-honored and favored supporters, merely
because the dawning success of our efforts has compelled
former opponents to approve and accept them ? (Renewed
applause.) Patriotism and loyalty equally, however, re-
hu t
tuhaul .
security Be ye
I offer is unnecessary and superfluous, yet I will guarantee
faithfulqu i re-
quire
on i n y
u u this
your
part,e and shall
alt b
he ou mg
fidelity. (Renewed cheering.) Those who hitherto op-
posed the President, but now profess to support him, either
are sincere or insincere. Time must prove which is the
s
fact. If they are sincere, who that has a loyal heart must
not rejoice in their late though not too long delayed con-
version ? If they are insincere, wo are either less sagacious,
or have wo loss ability now than heretofore to counteract
treachery to the national cause ? Perhaps you fear the
integrity of the man. I confess, with a full sense of my
accountability, that among all the public men whom I
have met or with whom I have been associated or con-
cerned, in this or any other country, no one has seemed to
me to be more wholly free from personal caprice and selfish
ambition than Andrew Johnson : none to be more purely
and exclusively moved in public action by love of country
and good-will to mankind.

ED/NB IJ RG II UNIVERSITY . —Mr. Herbert S.
Oakley was elected on Thursday last to the chair
of the Theory of Music hi Edinburgh University, rendered
vacant by the death of Professor Donaldson. There was
a long list of candidates, including Mr. Hullah, Mr. Mac-
farren, Mr. Duggan, &c. The university court, in tko
minute announcing their decision, say :---" They cannot
record, their decision without stating that they have had
at once the advantage and the difficulty of being called
on to make their selection from a list most distinguished
for the amount of genius, knowledge, experience, power
of performance, and general reputation which it com-
prises."


-

PRICE 4d.',
STAMPED bd.:

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

may serve to call the attention of some
of our readers to the Registrar-General's Quarterly
Returns if they will consider what these figures come

is the place of. In old authors, and even now in
common talk, one meets with estimates, stated

without a doubt, though nothinc, but the wildest
conjectures. It is scarcely possible to believe many
of the figures in history, even down to the last cen-
tury. Perhaps armies were estimated with approxi-
mate accuracy, for they were levied and paid for;
there were muster rolls, and the killed and wounded
could be counted. But populations, their increase
and decrease, migrations, the victims of death and
pestilence, and such facts, there really was no at-
tempt to ascertain, and there existed no record to
shame the exaggerations for which there was always
some inducement or other. Forests and marshes

are described as teeming with population, mountain
tops swarmed with warlike tribes, stormy seas were
covered with pirates, rocky shores bristled with
savages, thousands of war chariots rattled over
plains where even one such vehicle in these days
would come to a speedy mishap ; there were popu-
lous towns -where there could be neither standing-
room nor food for so many ; and when the masses
once moved they acquired numbers as they went,
and swelled into myriads upon myriads as they ap-
proached their trembling prey. • Of course when a
war, or a famine, or a plague did come, it squared
the account by killing half, or a third, nay, some-
times nine-tenths, and thus relieved the rude statist
of all further trouble. The hundred thousand people
who lived and flourished on a spot which will now
only feed a few herds of buffaloes or a flock of lean
sheep, were' massacred wholesale, or they perished
by some dreadful epidemic. So loose were the old
figures that there is no problem so, difficult as that
of the old European populations, our own among
them. Mr. Porter does not venture to quote 'a
single figure—previous to-' :D. 1700, which for
statistical purposes may be considered the com-
mencement of the historic period. The • difficulty
of even an estimate as to any earlier date is
aggravated by the well known fact that what are
called the higher powers of the mind, imagination,
poetry, wit, taste, eloquence, conversational power,
critical acumen, and polemical subtlety, are all sin-
gularly impatient of figures, and almost incapable
of discriminating between the higher amounts. To
a man of genius a million, and a hundred thousand,
or much less figures, are much the same thin;
and not only the maker thing
of a brilliant speech, but
even the rapt listener and delighted reporter will
care little how many ciphers he strings on to the
unit, which for the moment he feels to be the only
essential figure in the argument. Some mountain
and desert tribes have adopted the safe plan of
never counting above their fingers, in which case
the generality of the larger estimates precludes all
chance of inconsistency. There are large classes of
writers who would do well to follow this course.
Some do so. Others get into needless trouble by
ill-sustained attempts at an arithmetical precision
above the requirements of their subject. But so
much is now, known about the figures of our own
country and the rest of the civilised world that
exaggerations are no longer tolerated. Statistics,
indeed, have become not only a curious branch of
knowledge, but even a science of considerable value.
Under whatever influence, it appears that during
the latest periods of these Returns we have been
marrying, multiplying, and even dying at a greater
rate than usual. The marriages returned are those
of the second quarter of the year, and in those 91
days there were married 91,544 English men and
women. This is rather more than 500 marriages a
day. The increase, which is about 1,200 marriages
over the second quarter of last year, was chiefly in
London, and in the counties feeling the prosperity
of the woollen, coal, and iron trades. The births
are those of the third quarter, ending September 30'
and amount to 181,642, the highest number ever
registered in the summer quarter. The average daily
number has been 1,974, or, in round numbers, near
two thousand—an average which is now likely to
last for several years, and is easy to remember. It
exceeds the number in the corresponding quarters
of the two previous years by 8,203 and 890. The
deaths in the quarter were 113,404. This is con-
sidered above the average, but not much above the
rate of the two preceding summer quarters. The
unusual heat of the season has brought out' the
epidemics which never fail to visit in succession all
parts of the country. Scarlatina and fever stand
for many a high figure in the tables before us ; and
the Registrars add even more painful notices upon
insufficient water supply, bad drainage, and all the
other causes, making many of our towns, as one of
them says, Augean stables. It is a grave fact, but
an indisputable conclusion from a comparison of
returns with returns, that if three deaths out of four
may be referred to natural causes the fourth might
have been prevented by more healthy conditions.
Cholera, indeed, is still only a name. Here and
there a solitary case has risen to this fearful in-
tensity. But it is evident that the state of body
which prepares for the fell scourge and enables it
to reap its full harvest is found almost everywhere,
especially in low, crowded, undrained, unwashed
ports, cities, and suburbs. On deducting the
deaths from the births it is found that the natural
increase of the population in England in the
92 days of the summer quarter wa5:68,238, or 742
daily. That natural increase, however, suffers a
serious and no doubt advantageous diminution.
About 19,256 emigrants of English origin sailed
in those 92 days from the ports of the United
Kingdom under the inspection of the emigration
officers. This is an average of 209 English emigrants.
In round numbers, it leaves the actual increase
of the English population 50,000 on the quarter.
Practically, for all statistical purposes, England,
Scotland, and Ireland are one. The population is
always moving from one part to the other ; our
large towns are continually recruiting from Ire-
land and other distant provinces, and emigration, in
a large proportion of cases, is preceded by a migra-
tion. So the results for the United Kingdom are
the most important of those before us. It appears
they differ in a very slight degree from those for
England alone. In the spring , quarter 114,328
married. In the summer quarter there were regis-
tered 243,119 births, 148,167 deaths, making the
natural recorded increase of population in 92 days
94,952, or 1,032 daily. This last figure is one worth
fixing on the memory, as it is easily worked into
calculations for a series of years. It must, how-
ever, be corrected by the emigration, which, from
the British Isles, and exclusive of foreigners, has
been 53,564. Making all due allowances, the actual
increase has been about 506 daily. The estimated
population of the Isles is this year 22,772,294, or
in round numbers 30 millions ; and it appears that
we are actually increasing at about the rate of two
millions in ten years. Even this is a satisfactory
increase compared with that of some continental
countries ; but it is in the face of a still larger emi-
gration. We give day by day a greater proportion
of our daily increase to our coloniesandswe h
to the
United States than we keep at home. As
said, 506 stay at home, but 582 wing their flight to
other shores to swell the great British family all
over the world. There can be no material mistake
in these figures. This is not an oratorical declama-
tion or a philosophical discussion about dispersions,
hordes, swarms, human currents, northern hives,
and all the other generalities of gone-by literature.
This is a plain story of figures and facts, and, if
good for nothing else, a substitute for much idle
romance and foolish if not dangerous illusions.
HERALD.—The man who, lying in a trance which
was mistaken for death, heard his generous relations
disputing about his will
.and dividing his posses-
sions, or the veteran statesman whO, in consequence
of a similar mistake, had the satisfaction of reading
his biography, in, all the morning newspapers, may
have felt something like what the chiefs of the
Irish Government must feel when informed of the
proceedings of that very remarkable body which
calls itself the Fenian Congress, and is now in
session at New York. Rip Van Winkle rubbed
his eyes very hard when he saw the honest face of
George 111., which, on the night before, as lie
thought had adorned the signboard that swung over
the well-known inn, transformed into the martial
lineaments of General Washington. Have we really
been asleep and dreaming for ever so long, or are
these Irish Americans rather madder than the fleet
quadrupeds whot ghoe
aastray iint l‘ilhaer cshi
sister
e r Lc
oa
us t ni
ght,
or triyg ht,
of
II
Is etl la; d
relnv ao swq
really u i e t u nadne
Ilthei
toenit din
ho. ne owf
ht
oh
see Qnrureeesi
tdievnets:
aCracb iinic
at
c, tSu
ae nl astees, s
iaonnd oat Nueswe o f
York,li c rne soerndtear-,
we suppose, to be out of our wayuntilweh
in
cooled down a little? There must be something
it, for people in America are talking not only of
recognising the Fenians as belligerents, but of enter-
ing into relations with the "republican autliorities.".
But where are the belligerents ? In Ireland not a
shot has been fired, not a sword drawn. Where
are the " authorities" ? Are we to seek for them
among the respectable gentlemen lately engaged in
tailoring and other peaceful occupations, with vari-
ous Celtic patronymics of the fourth vowel, who
are at present under P 4 cloud in the gaols of Dublin

c.;,p:,. ',-.--,v
,: !!,-.

4
0,...%\
-.L 6.sct‘S.A
'

fy:.5,.;-----,-.:
hud Cork ? galouray, this (i Pail- All6l4l4lteunV*Zi
)
as it is called, is so absurd and no l'-,t, i5i_60408.,..-,..,q
garded as a means to an end, that , iii,,}i41';,411;441 10,7,1
the names of its originators and pro . exloll,lT._ '.7B' 4.4,"',
us of its nationality. In another . - '. 1.54=3;
there is an ingenuity and originality about whit s
deserves credit. It has been hitherto—perhaps
erroneously—supposed that those who wished to
revolutionise orsubvert the government of a country
had to take the sword in hand, enter the field in
person, and imperil their lives in a cause which
they thought worth dying for. This may be all a
,-
mistake. The age which has invented the steam-
engine . and the electric telegraph may find quicker i
and less perilous ways of diverting into new grooves
the . destinies of nations. Earnest minds, at a
distance of 2,000 miles, desire a change of
government in Ireland, or Poland, or Hungary. It
were most unwise to make any overt attempt to en-
force the gre:it idea on the spot. Britons are tena-
cious, Russians are fierce, and the Austrian rifles
are known to be true of aith. You may leave them
alone ; yon need net beard the lion in its lair. Con-
vene your meetings ; pass your resolutions; breathe
out fire and fury 2,000 miles away ; declare the
l
Government at an end ; proclaim a Republic ; issue
e
your bonds and get true believers to buy them. The
one
joslionneanhyasdtaonfigegil,itat;
no thingo n e is
ss
sshoo ts i tonrp ielu andng ;
noas yo ;
n
all, except the few poor fools in that Ireland far off
who are simple enough to give themselves airs as if
that republic were already more than an idea. The
theory of all this we suppose to be that there is
nothing in the world which cannot be done by talk-
ing. Talking, ere this, has won battles and over-
thrown empires. Men may laugh at it just now, but
some day or another, if it is constantly dinned into
their ears, they may be brought to believe that there
really is an Irish Republic, or if there is not, there
ought to be one. These Fenians, however, do
wrong in naming themselves after Finn or Fingal,
the old hero of Ireland, who, if he ever existed, was
a man of action rather *than a man of words, a
fighting man every inch of him, who would not have
remained at New York when he had work to do in
Dublin. If they are so impatient as to wish torealise
their grand idea within the:lifetime of the present
generation we would recommend Colonel O'Mahony,
President of the Republic, and his friends the mem-
bers of the Cabinet, the Senate, and the House of
Representatives to come over into Ireland and try
to instal themselves in office. A file of policemen
would receive them at the landing quay of Queens-
town ;- and the special commission appointed -to
try the Fenians in Dublin would give the most
impartial consideration to their pretentious claims.
Disowned by the priesthood, frowned on by the
aristocracy, and shunned even by the lower classes
of the people, Fenianism indreland is being brought
to so ridiculous an end that it seems scarcely worth
while to punish these few crack-brained miscreants
who . have secretly plotted to introduce a French
reign of terror into a happy country. The brethren
in America who have put forward these poor crea-
tures as their tools may be expected to collapse as
soon as they are certainly informed of their untimely
fate. They are far too wise to think of risking
their own necks in the cause. They have collected,
it is said, £lOO,OOO to overthrow the Government
of Ireland. They well do well to spend it at home
without venturing on the Atlantic, where five times
as much was lost in August last in the vain attempt
to stretch the throbbing artery which should pulsate
with words of friendliness between England and
America. It is to the advantage of the re-United
States to remain on good terms with this country.
We feel sure that as soon as the attention of the
American Government is seriously directed to the
doings of these foolish persons, who are bent on
fomenting disaffection in Ireland, and are even de-
signing, it is said, an incursion into Canada, it will
find means of convincing them that the business of
levying war upon England is inconsistent with the
duties of an American citizen so long as England •
and America are not at war. We cannot pretend
to be in bodily fear on account of General Sweeny,
or Colonels Murphy, A.fulchy, and Mullen. We are
told that these persons hold commissions in the
United States army, and we do not doubt that the
President and the Commander-in-Chief of that
army will feel it incumbent upon them to call these
gentlemen to order, and let them know that this
childish playing at an Irish Republic is unbecoming
in men who, however they may have gained it, are
wearing an honourable uniform ; that this cowardly
plotting will not be tolerated in the comrades of
brave men who, on many a well-fought field, have
met their foes face to face.