The Sun.
London, England, 1862-05-09 00:00:00

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THE SUN.

LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 9, 1862.

The country hardly yet knows the extent of its
loss in the loss of PRINCE ALBERT. What with
that sad event, coupledperhaps with the Great
Exhibition, and another
party consideration or two,
the country is likely to loso the blessing of a Tory
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Who he would have
been there is a slight uncertainty, It has been
rumoured that Sir STAFFORD NORTIICOTE has
served his apprenticeship, worked also creditably as
journeyman, and may now be trusted as principal,
Mr. DISRAELI betaking himself to what is under-
stood to be the object of his ambition—the great

Foreign Office ; of course, to the great joy of
FRANCIS JOSEPH, Baron SCHMERLING, and the
Rump Reichsrath, and to the sorrow of Hungary,
Venice, and Italy. If, however, the speech of the
hon. member for Bucks, when he made his formal
onslaught on Mr. GLADSTONE, indicates his own real
policy, which the country can but suspect, it will not
regret his remaining in opposition yet awhile. That
speech asserted as its leading object that Mr. GLAD-
STONE ought to have asked for more money—there-
fore not to have repealed taxes during the last three
years, but to have laid others on. He demanded
larger balances, and denied that the expenditure
was abnormal. The inference was clear, that to
get the three millions balance Mr, DISRAELI de-
sired, we must pay threepence more of income tax.
Veil it how he might, Mr. DISRAELI's speech, then,
meant " raise the income tax," or, it had no mean-
ing at all. If he endeavoured to writhe himself
out of this last night, it was in deference to that
power which he blamed Mr. GLADSTONE for in-
voking—the power of pressure from without.

The sorest point of all with the Tories ap-
pears to be Mr. GLADSTONE'S taking the people
into his councils at Manchester. He had said
much the same thing at Stephens', but that the
people should be asked to assist in reducing
public expenditure, this was the unpardonable
crime. Mr. GLADSTONE, however, was in no mood
for begging pardon, either of Sir STAFFORD NORTH-
COTE, or of the whole Tory oppostion. He had
done what he felt to be bis duty, and he stood
to it. He maintains that in a free and intelli-
gent country like this, the Government must, to
a large extent, follow the demands of free intel-
ligence. It may think the people wish to spend
too fast, faster than is for its real interest ; but,
as the money comes from those who desire to
spend it, the Government can but gratify
the people in doing what it will with
its own. It is equally the duty of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer nevertheless, as
an honest steward for the nation, to tell it,
while he obeys its wishes, that it is time for it to
restrain them. This the sum of isMr. GLADSTONE'S
defence, or rather of his exposition of his duty as
he views it. We doubt not the country will prac-
tically and speedily show their sense of its
correctness.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer had easy work
indeed with Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE-it was
pretty much the "breaking of a fly upon a wheel"
—but there was yet a more potent warrior in
reserve. Mr. GLADSTONE looked around like one
of the old heroes before Troy searching the ranks
of the commoner men, for the antagonist worthy
of him, but Mr. DISRAELI was not to be seen. By a
convenient "accident" the opposition leader was out
of the way when he was wanted to back Sir STAF-
FORD NORTHCOTE, and left the Chancellor of the
Exchequer to expend his oratory in reply to the
humbler antagonist. By another convenient " acci-
dent," Mr. DISRAELI re-appeared, and turned up,
just at the convenient moment, to make his on-
slaught on Mr. GLADSTONE and the whole Govern-
ment when the chief Government orator had done
his part. But Mr. DISRAELI had, this time,
reckoned without his host. He had intended to
retire with the laurels of the evening, but he left
with only the stalks of them. The veteran
Premier coolly rose, and in one of the happiest re-
plies he, perhaps, ever delivered, quietly, but
ruthlessly, plucked away every leaf, till all were
gone.

" Accidentally," perhaps, at least as accidentally
as he was absent before Mr. GLADSTONE spoke, Mr.
DISRAELI was silent during the BOWYER Italian
debate. But having " accidentally" turned it
over a good deal since then, and devised what he
eonlil (.I,uut It, .0 no uul tu luse cut-lone
votes while he should keep Orange ones, he drags
the whole subject into a financial debate. Ingenuity
like his could easily accomplish that. Our expen-
diture, he said, in brief, was caused by our policy;
and our policy was one which did not harmonise
always with that of others. And here he slipped in
a word to please the Catholics—a bad thing it would
be if the POPE had to run away from Rome because
the French marched away from it. Louis NAPO-
LEON could not afford to hazard such a mischance
as that. A loud " hear, hear" from Sir G. BOWYER,
assured Mr. DISRAELI that he had bagged a hatful
of Catholic votes. Yet we went on, he said, irritating
France by objecting to the occupation, and then
demanding millions for "bloated "defences, that we
might be secure against the consequences. The
whole Italian policy of the Government was, indeed,
censured in the way most acceptable to Priest-
ridden Irish constituencies, and most in opposition
to the sentiments of all freedom.loving English-
men.

" Very glad," said Lord PALMERSTON, "are
wo to see the giant, lately so silent, shaking
off his lethargy"—still he intimated that he
was hardly awake enough to know what
he was abou.—for he fired off on the Italian
questio in a financial debate, much as a sol-
d'.er, -whose musket would not go off at a
review, fired it off when straggling home at some
country house. Then, as to his main object in the
speech, he presumed it was delivered as a prepara-
tion for a grand attempt to storm the Treasury
benches. " Sir, I assume," said Lord PALMERSTON,
" from this, that the quietude which has hitherto
prevailed during this session is likely soon to be
disturbed, and that we may expect what is com-
monly called a political crisis. The right hon. gen
tleman has very dexterously prepared the way for
that event. He began by throwing out an oily
bait to the Catholic gentlemen below the gang-
way on his side of the house, and then
he encouraged expectations in the country gen-
tlemen sitting behind him ; then he coquetted with
the economists and reformers sitting below the
gangway on this side of the house. But he certainly
did not hold out much encouragement to us who sit
here on the Treasury bench. Nevertheless, I com-
mend the discretion and the tactics with which he
impartially distributed his praise on the different
quarters of the House." Well might the House
laugh and cheer, for a more terse exposure of the
drift of a long harangue was hardly ever uttered.

Equally happy was his censure of the hon. gen-
tleman's attack on the Estimates, on the recon-
struction of the Navy, on the increase of our mili-
tary strength. and on the encouragement of inven-
tions and improvements in arms—right or wrong,
all this had been the work and policy of his own
colleagues, and, as we all remember, within a very
few years. But the most ludicrous thing of all,
perhaps, was the exhibition of the negative
policy of Mr. DISRAELI. What would he himself
do? Whet power would he exert ? He attacked
the Government for exercising moral power, that is
the Power of persnasion—" Ho objects to moral
power, but what other power would he wish his
country to exercise ? The right hon. gentleman
objects to military power—to naval, and to moral
power. It is difficult to say what kind of
power would meet with the approval of the right
hon. gentleman, or what Power this Government
ought to exert ior the purpose of
maintaining our
proper position among the nations of the world."
Mr. DISRAELI could have easily answered that
question, but that he justly feared he might be
" casting pearls before swine." Lord PALMERSO
I had omitted one power—the power of Toryism on the