The Sun.
London, England, 1865-12-16 00:00:00

questions, that what we ought all to labour for and have hitherto Sat on different sides of the House,
ought all to desire is a settlement, and the removal but of men who, although they- may differ on cer-
of these questions as soon as we possibly can from taro questions, yet upon great public questions have
the arena of agitation. We should settle them, if found their opinions the same. My right hon.
not at once and for all, at least for a sufficient period friend simply suggested that that is more probable
to last out the life of any single man I now address. than many men imagine from the eagerness with
(Cheers.) But the fault, as it seems to me, and that which Mr. Bright deprecates any such course, and
which is the great obstacle in the mind of every , seeks to place an impossible chasm between that
thinking man, is the difficulty, in any change of our party and their opponents. lie says that if mode-
representative system, of finding some spot where rate men of both parties can be brought to act to-
we can stop, and where we can say, "Here we stand gether the game of those who seek extreme mea-
on principle. Here is a fair ground of settlement sures is gone. (Hear.) He talks of a coalition,
beyond which we will not go; but to this, as a matter , but what can be such a coalition as an union be-
of principle, we are willing to advance." If you say 1 tween himself and those whom he calls Whigs,
you will lower the franchise to £8 and do so, there whom he has been for years systematically abusing?
is an immediate demand that you should admit £7. (Hear, hear.) He does this because he fears that
From £7 you would be called on to go down to £6 ; , moderate men would forget party ties, and, looking
from £6 to £5 ; from £5 to £4 ; and, if we come I only to the interest of their country and the settle-
to a test of that kind, we shall soon find that there ment of those great questions, will say we have
is no resting-point. We cannot hit upon any been long separate, but for common interests and
mode which would enable us to settle for a length- for the attainment of one common object let us for-
ened period that question, upon the solution of ' get what is past, and unite over an effort jointly to
which I believe the greatness and happiness of this support the throne, to improve the Constitution,
country for many years are at stake. (Hear, and to extend the representation as far as we can,
and cheers.) One point which has struck us in so as to admit the working classes to the benefit we
reference to the late speeches of Mr. Bright is that ourselves enjoy. (Cheers.) Let us unite for these
he affects a moderation which I am afraid he does purposes, and I believe that if honest men do so
not feel—a moderation very different from that which combine the member for Birmingham will not long
he has expressed in former times. He tells us there I enjoy the authority which he now possesses. Mr.
are 5,000,000 heads of families unrepresented, and I Fitzgerald resumed his seat amid loud and general
he only asks that 1,000,000 of them shall be admitted. cheering.
If all the 5,000,000 are entitled to be admitted, he is Several other toasts were given, and the proceed-
certainly making a moderate demand in asking that ings were not brought to a close until a late hour.
only one in five should be admitted ; but there lies ':=
all the question. The constituencies now number
1,500,000, and if you introduce 1,000,000 men all of
one class, of one feeling, and with one general in-
terest, you at once introduce into your Constitution
a disturbing element. (Cheers.) You do not do
that which will settle or that which will conciliate,
but that which will derange and disturb. You will
introduce a class that will almost counterbalance all
the other interests put together, and it would be per-
fectly certain to have a monopoly of power unless
those who shared in the representation were of one
thought and mind. In support of his views, Mr.
Bright, to my extreme surprise, in his last speech
quoted the opinion of the great Lord Somers. There
is no name in the wide history of England or in the
annals of all our constitutional history, which is en-
titled to be regarded with more admiration and re-
spect than the name of Lord Somers ; but any one
who knows the writings and opinions of that dis-
tinguished man will be astonished to find that if the
words quoted by Mr. Bright are to be taken lite-
rally, Lord Somers is quoted as an advocate of unj,,,
versal suffrage. The result of Mr. Bright's -modera-
tion is that he either asks too little or he proves too
much. If five millions are entitled to a vote, why
does Mr. Bright stop and say that he will only ask
for one million to be admitted ? He does so because
he knows that if he expressed an intention, nakedly
and broadly, of going for this enormous addition to
the franchise, his proposition would be at once and
definitively rejected. (Loud cheers.) But there is
a greater, I will almost say, crime in the course
which has been taken by Mr. Bright at this time.
He says, in the very last speech which he delivered,
" I shall be told that I am advocating communal
opinions. I am doing nothing of the sort." But
when he makes this disclaimer, what is the tenour
and the course of his observations? He is address-
ing thousands, perhaps 10,000, of the working men
of Birminingham, and he says, " I ask you to look
at those who are the governing class of this coun-
try. Look at their wealth, look at their luxury,
look at their ostentation, and look at their weari-
ness of satiety." He says they are called on to
move from place to place in order to escape from
the position of wealth and luxury which they
occupy. Now, does he mean those who are really
the governing classes of this country ? I think not.
The governing classes are the middle classes of the
country. (Hear, hear.) It is not with the peers and
the rich, with those who have this wealth and osten-
tation, that the great power of the country rests.
(Cheers.) When Mr. Bright points to the govern-
ing classes and says, " Look at their ostentation
and their wealth," what does he mean ? He means
to separate and single out a particular class—to
separate the wealthy and the noble, and to hold
them up to a great assemblage of working men as
having interests different from their own, and de-
priving them of what he tells them is their birth-
right—namely, a participation in the representation
of the country. Now, in making such a statement
he does that which is a disgrace to any public man
—he does that which is calculated to raise up bitter
and angry feelings between class and class; he
singles out those whom Providence has placed in
great and distinguished positions, and he holds
them up to the working men of the country as
those who are their greatest enemies and oppo-
nents. (Hear, hear.) If he means that the go-
verning classes are those who exclude the working
men from a share in the representation, it is not the
rich, the wealthy, and the noble, but it is the great
middle class, and those who support the middle
class, because they believe, having much to lose,
having a great stake in the country, that their opi-
nions are stable, firm, and sound. (Hear, hear.)
It is:to them that Mr. Bright's remarks must apply,
and they are not to be addressed only to the wealthy
and rich and noble of the land. (Cheers.) Let Mr.
Bright ask himself a question. He speaks of the
great success of liberal and democratic institutions,
and he says that if there was this wide extension of
the suffrage in this country it would be accompanied
by an extension of education over the whole surface
of the country such as has never yet been seen.
He is certainly referring to the agricultural districts
as being districts where there is a total want of
education, where the peasants are brutalized and
debased, and are like the serfs upon a Russian estate.
Now, I would ask him to refer to the report which
has recently been made by a Royal Commission as
to the condition of the children in some of the great
departments of industry in the North. (Hear.) I
ask him if he has ever been able to read, without
his cheeks blushing with shame, that account of the
condition of the children employed in the large works
in the North. We are told that there are children
even of the advanced age of 9 or 10 who do not
know the name of the Sovereign, the days of the
week ; who never heard of a Saviour, and who do
not know even the meaning of a God. (Hear.) If
he wishes to seek for a class of children where there
is a total failure of education, where there is an
ignorance such as scarcely can be paralleled on the
face of the whole globe, it is not to the agricultural
districts that he must turn. (Cheers.) It is not where
he says the labourers are paid a poor pittance, such
as almost to justify robbery, but he must go to those
districts where fortunes are heaped up and obtained
in a very short time. (Hear.) I admit that some
of the manufacturers, like Sir Francis Crossley, ex.
pend their fortunes with a most princely munifi-
cence ; but, as a general rule, you will find that
where fortunes have been rapidly made by means of
the labour of the practical class, the interests of the
practical class have never been rightly or justly con-
sidered. (Hear, hear.) Let me remind Mr. Bright
of this—for he read his recantation in the House of
Commons—let me remind him that he was the most
persistent opponent of those laws by which the
labour of women and children was proposed to be
limited, simply with the intention of enabling those
women and children to obtain education. (Cheers.)
He has been the persistent opponent of those laws,
and yet, in spite of all the opposition brought to
bear against them by the manufacturing interest,
they were passed, mainly through the instrumenta-
lity and by the assistance of the country gentlemen
of England. (Cheers.) There is one other point on
which I wish to say a word. Mr. Bright addressed
himself very strongly in his last speech to some ob-
servations made by a right hon. friend of mine, the
member for Droitwich, who showed how moderate
men of different shades of opinion might be got so
to combine as to form an Administration possessing
the confidence and respect of the country. (Hear.)
My right hon. friend also said, quoting an old sen-
tence of one of the leaders of our party, that " Eng-
land dislikes coalitions." That is very true, but I
understand by that expression the conjunction of
men in office differing in opinion, but who will yet
consent to waive the opinion they entertain in order
to enable them to act together. (Hear.) Ido not
understand by a coalition a number of men who

Cart - ---_ Crmiliar,

The Prince of Wales.

- -..---

WINDSOR CASTLE, Friday.

Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales and
Prince Arthur, attended by Lord Alfred Hervey,
Lieut.-Colonel Keppel, and Major Elphinstone, left
London this morning for Brussels, to attend the
funeral of his Majesty the King of the Belgians.
Viscount Sydney (Lord Chamberlain to the Queen)
and Lieut. General the Hon C. Grey have also left
London for Brussels for the same purpose, by com-
mand of her Majesty.

Departui e of the King and Queen of Portugal
Yesterday morning their Majesties the King and
Queen of Portugal and suite left Claridge's Hotel
shortly before 6 o'clock, in order to proceed by the
early tidal train of the South-East ern Railway to
Folkestone, whence they embark for Boulogne, 00
their way to Paris.
The King and Queen, on their arrival at the
Charing-cross Station, were received by Mr. J. P.
Knight, the traffic superintendent of the railway,
and Mr. Wm. Cockburn, superintendent of the ter-
minus, who accompanied the train to Folkestone,
which was reached at 8.30 after one stoppage (at Ash-
ford), and on alighting their Majesties were received
by Mr. Doridant (the mayor of Folkestone and pro-
prietor of the Pavilion Hotel), who courteously
presented the Queen with a beautiful bouquet of
winter flowers, which her Majesty graciously re-
ceived. The King and Queen, having partaken of
some slight refreshment, at once proceeded to the
place of embarkation. Their Majesties and suite
embarked on board the Albert Edward steamer
(commanded by Captain Mortleman), which Nog
followed by the tidal boat (the Lord Warden), with
the baggage on board. A telegram announced that
their Majesties reached Boulogne safely at 10.15 a.al•
It was announced that his Majesty would leave
Paris by special train early yesterday evening for
Brussels, where he is expected to be met by his
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and several of
the members of the ex-royal family of France.
Chevalier dos Santos, the Portuguese Charg6
1 d'Affaires, accompanied their Majesties to Folke-
stone.

His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge left
London last evening by the mail train for Brussels, in order
to be present at the funeral of the King of the Belgians•
Colonel Tyrwhitt attended as aide-de-camp in waiting. Ili°
royal highness is expected in town again on Monday.

Their Royal Highnesses the_ Duchess of Cara"
vidge and the Princess Mary will arrive at Dover this
norning, and will proceed at once to Cambridge Cottage/

Kew.
Their Royal Highnesses the Duke d'Aumale and
the Prince de J oinville, who slept at the Charing-cross Hotel
on Thursday night, left for Brussels yesterday morning by
the train in which his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales
travelled, namely, that leaving the Charing-cross Station
at 7.23. His Royal Highness the Duke de Nemours
town for Brussels on Thursday evening. The members of
tho ex-royal family of France embarked yesterday morning
at Dover, on their way to Brussels, to attend the funeral
of the King of the Belgians.
His Excellency M. Van de Weyer, the Belgian
Minister, left the Belgian Legation, in Arlington-street, on
Thursday evening to attend the funeral of his Sovereig°
at Brussels.

ThqEarl and Countess Howe have been enter-
taining a large party at Gopsall Hall, Leicestershire. °II
Thursday the noble earl and countess received a distin-
guished party of 30 at dinner, and at a late hour in tllO
evening gave a grand ball, which was attended by above
400 of the principal residents in Leicestershire and the Or-
rounding counties.
The Earl Russell is quite recovered from
indisposition. The noble lord will attend the Cabinet
Council to be held to-day.
The Earl and Countess Granville arrived in town
last evening from visiting the Duke and Duchess of gall-
chester at Kimbolton, Hunts.
The Earl‘ and Countess of Dudley visited the
d
town from which they derive their title on Thursday,
were received in a very gratifying manner by the inhalvt
tants. An address was presented from the Dudley squadron
of Worcestershire Cavalry.
Lord Brougham has delayed his departure fr°ll'
London for a few days.
Lady Granville Somerset and Mr. R. Somerset
have arrived at Farrance's Hotel from St. Leonard S-0-
Sea.

MARBLE .BUST OF VISCOUNT PALMERSTON.'"?'
white marble bust of the late Premier arrived at Tiverta°ll
on Tuesday, when it was presented to the town by
Row, as a memento of his two years' mayoralty. it :6
been placed in the space in the centre window of
Town-hall temporarily until a niche can be prepared for it'
THE LATE MAGISTERIAL SCANDAL AT LEA3III4!:
TON.—It is stated that the Lord Chancellor
directed Lord Leigh to make an inquiry into the circueli;
stances attending the late magisterial ‘, scenes" bet Weed
Mr. 0. Pell and the other justices. On Monday last
~110
Leigh attended at the Town-hall and officially opened re-
inquiry, but as the reporters were not permitted to be
sent it has not transpired what took place. Mr. Pell
pressly wished the proceedings to be open to the preso,_.,o
order that the public might be put in possession of the
facts which have led to the recent disturbances.

however, was not permitted.
CRYSTAL PALACE.-ONE SHILLING ill' --;ittO
FRIDAY, Dec. 15.—Admissions on payment, 1,261 ;
_ _ _ _

by season tickets, 1,362—t0tal visitors, 2,623. the
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