The Sun.
London, England, 1862-07-22 00:00:00

jeant Pixley, of the Victoria Rifles, champion shot
of England, Mr. F. Caffall, and a number of leading
Australian colonists now in England. Mr. T. M.
Mackay occupied the chair, and if a moat excellent
chairman and an elegant and bountiful lefruner are
elements of success on such an oecasi3n, surely this
was one of the most successful events of the kind,
we have ever Witnessed.
The toasts followed rapidly. First on this as on
all occasions came " The Health of the Queens" next
that of " The Prince of Wales and the rest of the
Royal Family," then " The Army, the Navy, the
Volunteers, and Nasal Reserve," Admiral Austin
responding for the navy, Capt. Le Mesurier for the
army, Serjeant Pixley for the volunteers, and Capt.
Pryce (commander of the Cornwallis) for the Royal
Naval Reserve. "The Two Houses of Parliament"
was next proposed, and responded to by Mr, H.
Lewis, M.P. " Prosperity to the Australian colo-
nies" followed, and was responded to by Sir S. A.
Donaldson. Several other toasts were then proposed,
amongs them " The Colonial Exhibitors," responded
to by Mr. Marsh, M.P. ; " Australian Trade," re-
sponded to by Mr. Locke and Mr. Sargood ; " Pro-
sperity to the Ship Cornwallis and her Owners,"
responded to by Mr. Stock; " Mr. Vernon ;" " Capt.
Pryce, the Commander of the Ship ;" "The Chair-
man ;" " The Press ;" and " The Ladies."
Mr. Adams's excellent band was in attendance,
and although it proved valuable during the dinner,
it became far more so when the ladies—who had
listened with commendable patience to all the
speeches betook themselves to the deck and
danced to its enlivening strains till twilight com-
ing on reminded them that they were in the
London Docks, and not in their own drawing-
rooms, and that the dance, which under other cir-
cumstances might, and no doubt would, have been
kept up till daybreak, must be brought to a close,
as the shades of evening were fast closing over
hem.

MR. IHURLOW WEED UPON ENGLAND,

Mr. Thurlow Weed has addressed the following
Letter to the Committee on National Affairs of New

York :

" Albany, July 1, 1862.
" Gentlemen,—I receive, with a grateful sense of
.he honour they confer, the very flattering resolu•
tions adopted by the Common Council of your com-
mercial metropolis. I accept them, frankly and
proudly, as emanations rather of your own gener-
ous constructions than as merited by any service i
may have been in my power to render our country.
" If, during a temporary residence in Europe, I
have been enabled, in some degree, to relieve the

:- -
complications in which our affairs were involved—

to do something toward vindicating our Govern-
ment from unjust aspersions, or to aid in turning
back the tide of popular sentiment setting so
strongly
against our cause, it was owing to the
prompt and and generous confidence reposed in me
by our distinguished representatives in England
and France. In bearing testimony, as is both a
duty and a pleasure, to the ability and fidelity of
Mr. Adams and Mr. Dayton, I cannot forbear to add
that, rising above considerations which might have
disturbed Ministers less truly devoted to their

country, they not only accepted unofficial co-ope-
ration, but disembarrassed my colleagues and my-
self by cheerfully facilitating our efforts. It is a
pleasure, also, to 'add that, on several occasions
and in essential ways, I was efficiently aided by
Mr. Sanford, our indefatigable Minister to Belgium.

. _
Nor could the Government in a season of trial and

difficulty have made happier selections of consul in

Paris and London. Messrs. Bigelow and Morse

are discharging their responsible duties in a manner

worthy of all praise.
" Our Government was by no means too prompt
in inviting some of its citizens to visit Europe. It
is to be regretted that two or three eminent gentle-
men, to whom it is understood that invitation ex-
tended, were unable to accept it, for the field was
large and the labourers few. In the designation of
Archbishop Hughes and Bishop M'llvaine, how-
ever, the Government was peculiarly fortunate. The
services of those enlightened and eminent divines
and devoted Union men, the former in Paris and

the latter all over England, were seasonable and
effective. Their exalted positions, their high cha-
racters and their fervid zeal, gave weight and autho-
rity to their statements and opinions.
" Secession, while undermining for ultimate re-
bellion, was thoughtful of the importance of the
favour of Europe. The South, with its long-
cherished purpose, worked as diligently abroad as at
home ; the North, unconscious of the great crime
meditated, slept. Active emissaries of Secession,
abided too-often by sympathising Ministers and
consuls, settled the public mind or. the other side
of the Atlantic against us. Public opinion was
formed against the Union before our side of the
question was presented or heard. By turning truth
end for end, and reading history backwards, we
were held by Europeans as the aggressors. The
last three months of Mr. Buchanan's Administration
were almost as injurious abroad as at home ; for
there, as here, loyal men only occupied the places of
disloyal Cabinet and foreign Ministers too late to
nip the rebellion in the bud.
Unfortunately, there were causes as well as pre-
text for the lack of sympathy which we encoun-
tered in Europe. The Governments of the Old
World remember that, from the nature of our insti-
tutions, our own sympathies have generally run with,
those who struggled to overthrow monarchies, and
that we have shown alacrity in recognising the in-
dependence of such as struggled successfully. With
the nations most intimately connected with us the
Morrill Tariff was regarded with great disfavour.
In England it was believed that we not only
cherished unfriendly feelings toward that country,
but that we desired a disruption of friendly relations.
The emissaries of rebellion seized upon these
causes and pretexts to turn the current of feeling in
their favour. It was, too, plausibly urged that the
difference in climate, soil, habits, and want of con-
geniality' between the North and South, constituted
such radical discordance that our union had become
an impossibility. Indeed, these fallacies were so
successfully pressed, that Mr. Gladstone, in a recent
speech at Manchester, stated that the Union was
but a co-partnership, dissoluble whenever passion
or caprice prompted in any of the parties a desire
to withdraw. That eminent statesman—if for a
moment we adopt his theory—overlooked or ignored
the circumstance that our Secession copartnerners,
in retiring, broke open the safe, and stole valuable
securities, the common property of the firm—or, in
other words, that, in seperating, they seized the
fortifications, the arms, the Custom-houses, the Post
office, and the public moneys—acts of treason in a
public, or of robbery in a private sense, which
would, perpetrated in England, have consigned
them to the Tower or the Penitentiary.
" While England, France, Belgium, and Germany
begin to experience serious inconvenience and em-
barrassment from their short supply of cotton, I do
eves
not apprehend immediately that these Governments
will intervene, though with the two former the sub-
ject has beau
considered. It is proper to say that
France is n
moi re impatient than England. not,
howeve, from
unfriendliness, but because the Em-
peror assumes nthe
road,
of employment to sup-
Winchester,
Nee have nothing to
sup-
ply his people with
prosecution of the war. Fort
vn tnhee, fear from Europe if we
" But
are our strongest argutner.t
Done New Orleans, and
memphis
are suic,oce:s.N.fula.shi
B
against in-
Governments that
in-
tervention With determine all
flit aty measurement.
questions by M
however, but two
" There are, wel-founded
dine. future embroil
reasons for apprauen embroilment with
I doubt the propriety of England. Nor can dwell-
ingupon a danger fraught
with briefly but earnestly
with consequences so vital to the welfare of
both nations. The Trent affair, thou,eh happily be.
cause rightfully settled, has left an arrow with
h and irritating
poisoned barb festering in our tics
larld, willing
our nerves. The impression that Eng
-
to take us at disadvantage, availed herself of the
erring judgment or impulsive zeal of a naval can-
mander, towage war upon us, has obtained through-
out the country. That England expected war, and
intended war, making with unparalleled alacrity
and in gigantic proportions preparations for war, is
admitted to be true. But with opportunities favour-
able to a correct understanding of the views of the