The Sun.
London, England, 1865-07-19 00:00:00

LIVERPOOL.

Last night the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone,
Chancellor of the Exchequer, addressed an immense
meeting in the Royal Amphitheatre, Liverpool.
The announcement that Mr. Gladstone would pre-
sent himself before the electors and personally can-
vass the constituency of South Lancashire had
been made only on Monday at the nomination, and
the meeting at the Amphitheatre had not been an-
nounced till yesterday morning ; buG the mere
statement was sufficient to arouse the whole of this
part of the division, and during the whole day the
doors of the several committee rooms were besieged
by thousands of persons anxious to obtain tickets of
admission to the theatre. Large as the building is, it
was impossible to admit more than a tithe of those
who would have paid largely for the privilege. Long
before 3 o'clock, the time announced for the com-
mencement of meeting, there were vast crowds of
people surrounding the building, and every entrance
was stormed. No one reached the interior without
a fight, and the theatre was packed from floor to
ceiling. The stage was occupied by the leading
Liberals of the town and district. The appearance
of Mr. Robertson Gladstone and the chairman of
the committee was the signal for a tremendous
burst of cheering ; but these demonstrations were
completely thrown into the shade by the reception
accorded to the Chancellor of the Exchequer him-
self : the whole assembly stood up and cheered Mr.
Gladstone vehemently for many minutes, and the
enthusiastic shouts of applause were allowed to sub-
side only after repeated appeals from the gentlemen
on the stage.
Upon the motion of Mr. ROBERTSON GLADSTONE,
seconded by Mr. JAMES AIKEN, Mr.NVm. Rathbone,
jun., was called to the chair, and the latter very
briefly introduced the right hon. candidate to the
meeting.

Mr. GLADSTONE said—At 8 o'clock to-night,when
I have the honour of appearing before this crowded
assembly, the poll has been appointed to cease for
the University of Oxford. The very last thing that
.1 could think of would be to connect that circum-
stance at Oxford with one single word either of dis-
respect or indifference as regards that ancient, great,
and venerable University. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
duiing 18 anxious years I have been the representa-
tive of Oxford. It has been my duty in her name
to deal, as well as my feeble powers would permit
me, with all the questions bearing upon the relation-
ship of religion and of education to the State which
this critical period has brought to the surface.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I haVe endeavoured to serve
that University with my whole heart ; and with
the strength, or weakness, or whatever faculties
Go.I has given me (cheers), it has been my daily
arid my nightly care to promote as well as I could
h!r interests, and to testify as well as I could my
love. Long has she borne with me. Long, in
spite of active opposition, did she resist every
effort to displace me. At last she has changed her
mind. (" Shame ! " and „roans for Oxford.) God
grant it may be well with her, but recollections of
her confidence, which I have so long enjoyed, and
of the many hours and many years that I have spent
in her service, never can part from me. (Cheers.)
And if now, gentlemen, I appear before you in a
different position, Ido not appear as a different
man. (Cheers.) I have not forgotten my former
existence in this free and happy country ; I know of
no distinction between the various classes and various
interests, and there is no reason why the man who
has been, to the best of his poor ability, the faithful
representative of the University, should not also to
the best of his poor ability, if the constituency should
be disposed to grant the trust, be the faithful repre-
sentative of the electors of South Lancashire.
(Cheers.) In representing that University my task
has been one of no small difficulty ; the desire of my
heart has been to minister to her strength and to her
prosperity, and I will not yield to my favoured com-
petitor in devotion to her truest interests. (Cheers.)
As to the mode of promoting these interests, as to
the best method of testifying to that attachment,
there may be great differences between us—(hear,
hear)—my earnest desire, my heart's prayer is that
her future may be as glorious as her past,—yet more
glorious still. (Cheers.) But if it is to be so, that
result must be brought about by following a certain
method of action, by enlarging her borders—
(cheers)—by opening her doors—(cheers)—by in-
vigorating her power, by endeavouring to rise to the
height of that vocation with which I believe it has
pleased the Almighty to endow her—isreat cheers)
—that as in other times the Universities of the land,
and Oxford the first of them, led the mind and
thought of the country upon the path of improve-
ment, so now they may still prove worthy of that
high office. But if lam told on the other side that
it is only by embracing the narrow interests of a
political party that Oxford can discharge her duties
to the country, then, gentlemen, I at once say I am
not the man for Oxford. (Loud cheers.) I hope, sir,
it will not savour of vanity if I detain you yet a mo-
ment longer upon this subject. (Cheers.) We see re-
presented in that ancient institution, represented,
more nobly, perhaps, and more conspicuously
than in any other place, at any rate with more re-
markable concentration, the most prominent features
that relate to the past of England. (Cheers.) I come
into South Lancashire, and I find here around me an
assemblage of different phenomena. I find develop-
ment of industry—(cheers)—I find growth of enter-
prise I find progress of social philanthropy ; I find
prevalency of toleration ; and I find an ardent desire
for freedom. (Cheers.) But, sir, if there should be a
duty more than another incumbent upon the public
men of England, it is, so far at least as I am able to
prove, the duty of establishing and maintaining a
harmony between thepast of our glorious countryand
the future that is still in store for her. (Cheers.) In my
humble and insignificant person, on the one hand re-
presenting that ancient body, on thc other hand placed
now for many years in the administration of the moat
responsible offices connected with the progress and
wellbeing of the country (cheers)—I have honestly,
I have earnestly, although I may have feebly—(cries
of no, no, and cheers)—striven to unite that which is
represented by Oxford and that which is represented
by Lancashire. (Cheers.) My desire is that they
s'notill know and love one another. If I have clung
to the representation of the University with desperate
foi'dncss, it was because I would not desert that post
in which I :Toned to have been placed. I have not
abandoned it. I have been dismissed from 'it, not by
academical, butby political agencies. (Cheers.) The
great majority of the teaching body of Oxford, the
great majority of those who devote their nighty and-
daysand the best years of theirlives in rearing youths
have been at all times my supporters in the election,
and have not now abandoned me. (Cheers.)
don't complain of those political influences by which

I have been displaced. The free constitutional
spirit of the country requires that the voice of the
majority should prevail. (Cheers.) I lope the
majority will prevail in South Lancashire. (Cheers.)
I don't for a moment complain that it should have
prevailed in Oxford. But, gentlemen, I come now
to ask you a question, whether, because I have been
declared unfit longer to serve the University on ac-
count of my political position, there is anything in
that position, there is anything in what I have said
and done, in the arduous. office which I hold, which
is to unfit me for the representation of my native
county. (Great cheers.) It is sometimes said, but
I really know not whether it is said in jest or in
earnest, that the present Parliament has been dis-
tinguished by a series of attacks upon the Consti-
tution, on Church and State. (Laughter.) I am
not aware that any of these attacks have been made ;
if they have, they have not much fallen under my
notice or knowledge. I don't mean to say that I
concur with every opinion that is pronounced in
respect to the Church in the House of Commons,
and he would be a very ingenious man who could
concur with them ; but I do say, gentlemen, that we,
as a Government, and that I, as the representative
of the University, have not been unmindful of our
and my duty to study the interests of the Church.
(Cheers.) I admit that this is the special duty of
those who are chosen to that high trust, and I want
to know in what respect the interests of the Church
have suffered during the administration of the Go-
vernment and during the progress of legislation
through the last six years. There never was a time
at which the Church enjoyed freedom of speech in
the degree in which she now possesses it. (Cheers.)
Her bishops and her clergy are permitted, accord-
ing to the old formation of the constitution. It
is quite true that they do not exercise coercive
'powers, and I am sure that they are too wise
to wish it ; but, at any rate, that freedom of speech,
permit me to say, is of itself a valuable privilege
to a body which must necessarily depend upon
its moral influence ; for it cannot be defended by
mere professions, written law, or prescriptions from
a former time. (Cheers.) If the Church of England
is to live among us, she must flourish, and she must
grow, and God grant that she may do all by making
herself beneficently known in the licharge of her
Apostolic offices, by the faithful custody of the word
which she has received, by making her ministration
the friend and consoler of every man of every rank
of life, by causing herself to be felt by each one of
you in those actions wherein her assistance can be
available—these are the functions in which I have
cordially desired to promote her usefulness, these are
the functions in which I believe she is growing
stronger from day to day ; and on my part, as the
representative of Oxford, on the part of those who
have been honoured with the confidence of Parlia-
ment, we say we have in no respest betrayed our
duty with regard to the Church of England. But,
sir, there is another view conscientiously entertained.
I have no doubt there is another view as to the pro-
per mode of promoting the interests of the Church
of England, from which we essentially differ. If it
is thought that the Church of England's interests
are to be promoted by maintaining some odious
stigma, I care not whether it be upon Protestant
Nonconformists, or upon our Roman Catholic fel-
low-countrymen, I disclaim and repudiate such party
modes of defending the Church. (Great cheering.)
And I say that the misguided persons who, in their
folly, would use such weapons for the purpose which
they have in view are merely contributing to defeat
their own dearest wishes, and are not to be reckoned,
as far as their acts are concerned, among her friends,
but among her foes. (Cheers.) 'Therefore, sir, I
hold that the promotion of the civil and religious
freedom of our fellow-countrymen, so far from being
a sign of disloyalty, is a very sure proof of that
affectionate and intelligent service which a body
like the Church of England ought to desire at
the hands of her children. (Cheers.) Well, gentle-
men, I will not go into details. I will not trouble you
by arguing questions which have lately been under
the consideration of the Legislature—questions about
the qualification of Dissenters; questions about oaths
of Roman Catholics. These are measures, with re-
spect to which, in my opinion, a generous and conci-
liatory policy is the only policy of wisdom, and,
whether I sit.for Oxford, or whether I sit for South
Lancashire, or whether I don't sit at all—(laughter)
—I desire and I intend to act upon that policy so
long as my life shall last. (Cheers.) But now, sir,
I turn to secular matters, and will make observations
upon one or two of the opinions that have been lately
brought copiously before the attention of the public
during the election ; and, sir, I will endeavour to do
so in a manner as respectful and considerate as I can
towards the feelings, not only of those who hear me,
but towards the feelings of those out of doors who
differ from me. (Cheers.) The issue, gentlemen,
which is before you I take to be this : lam a mem
ber of a Liberal Government. (Cheers.) lam in
association with the liberal party. I have never
swerved from what I conceived to be those truly
conservative objects and desires with which I entered
life. I am, if possible, more fondly attached to the
institutions of my country than I was when as a boy
I wandered among the sand-hills of Seaforth or the
streets of Liverpool. (Cheers.) But experience has
brOught with it its lessons. I have learnt that there
is wisdom in a policy of trust, and folly in a policy
of mistrust. (Cheers.) I have not refused to re-
ceive the signs of the times. I have observed the
effect that has been produced by Liberal legislation,
and if we are told, and we are now truly told, that
all the feelings of the country are in the best and
broadest sense Conservative—that is to say, that the
people value the country and the laws and institu-
tions of the country ; if we are told that, I say
honesty compels us to admit that result has been
brought about by Liberal legislation. (Cheers.)
Therefore, I may presume to say that, since the year
1841, when Sir R. Peel, who was then at the head
of her Majesty's Government, thought fit to place
me in a position in the Board of Trade which brought
me into direct, immediate, and responsible contact
with the interests of the country, that-from that time
onward I have not swerved nor wavered, but have
striven to the best of my ability in the work of im-
proving the laws and promoting whatever could tend
to the advantage of the people, I have been delighted
to witness the progress made in their condition and
their growing attachment to the laws under which
they live—(cheers)—every year has brought with it
its reward. We have seen the result of what has
been done, not only in the growing wealth, but in
growing contentment, in growing industry-, in grow-
ing morality. (Cheers.) A blind individual must
that man be who, after having been once privileged
to take part in processes such as these, withdraws
his hand from the plough—(cheers)--Lturns back his
eye from the noble prospect that is before him, and
returns to those obstructive ideas which are so detri-
mental to the real advantage of the country and
to the permanent maintenance of its institu-
tions. (Cheers.) I venture to put it to this
meeting that although we may have been—l
mean the members of the present Government
may have been—the members of a party, yet
that in associating ourselves with this work of
beneficial legislation and endeavouring to the
best of our power to carry it forward, we have
not been labouring for the mere interests of the
party, but for those of the country at large—(cheers)—and
I may, perhaps, without impropriety be permitted to say
g that
now, when the elections have been for eight days in pro-
gress, thatat truth,
the country
oaunndt r
has iabietseovaprileoaussoddtivoissoioanlsouhr conduct
srecog-
hriaeoa ,h
with the verdict of its general
I wish to set before you more particularly Cheers.) But
one ft
the points upon which they are disposed tomake or tvalo o
claim
to confidence, on the ground that they have effected some
retrenchment in the expenditure of the country. (Cheers.)
Now, on the other side, I have observed this answer made,
that we have not reduced the expenditure of the country
since the year during which the party now in Opposition
were responsible—(cheers and laughter)—and their point
is this, that the expenditure of the country in that year—
namely, 1858-59, WAS under £65,000,000, and that it is now
over X 66,000,000, and therefore that we have not really re-
duced, but have increased, the expenditure of the country,
and if we have made a diminution of taxes it has been made,
as some ingenious gentleman has stated, by taking off taxes
.
which we had first put on. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) Now,"
gentlemen, let us see how that matter really stands, and be-
fore I enter into it I will not say that I am not satisfied, as
far as lam individually concerned. lam not satisfied that
the expenditure of the country has yet been reduced to the
lowest point consistent with its honour and security.
(Cheers.) Therefore I will say this, and say it without the
smallest doubt, that if the electoral body of this country de-

S LO

sires that reduction shall be effected in that expenditure
they have only to send to Parliament men who sympathise
with that view, and the result which they wish for will be
infallibly attained. (Cheers.) But now-we are upon a point
of fact, and the allegation made is this, that 65 millions
only was.the public expenditure during the year for which
the Government that preceded us was responsible. Now,
how does that matter really stand ? Pay a little attention
to the dates. In the month of April, 1859, on the Ist of the
month, a new financial year began. We were not then in
office. Another Government was in office. That Govern-
ment when challenged upon its general conduct called for
a vote of confidence and thanks fromthe House of Commons
upon the ground that, discovering the inefficient condition
of our military and naval establishments, they had set on
foot what was rather pompously called the reconstruction
of the navy ; that was in the month of May or April, 1859,
and it was not until June, 1859, that we came into office. It
was not until July that the new Parliament were able to
examine the condition of the finances. We had then before
us the boast of our predecessors that they had set on foot
the reconstruction of the navy ; and nowl make the asser-
tion, to which I challenge contradiction, that when we
came into office in 1859 we found the expenditure going
on and the Estimates of the year fixed, and three months
of the year already gone by, not at the rate of 65 millions,
but at the rate of 69 millions a year. (Cheers.) Now I con-
fess I am surprised to see that some of the very persons
who glorify themselves and take credit to the country for
the immense energy they displayed in setting on foot the
building of a number of perfectly worthless wooden line-
of-battle ships (laughter) can actually think that we have
forgotten all these boasts—that we are disposed to go back
with them to the expenditure of a former year, from which
they themselves claim the greatest credit for having de-
parted. (Cheers.) It was at 69 millions a year, and not 65
millions, at which we found the expenditure proceeding
when we came into office. In truth, gentlemen, the legacy
which was bequeathed to me as Chancellor of the Exche-
quer—and most earnestly do I hope that no one of all this
vast assemblage ever may have such a legacy left to him,
by his friends (cheersandlaughter)--thelegacy bequeathed
to me in the month of July, 1859, when between three and
four months of the year were already past, and a corre-
sponding portion of money already spent, was how to find
the means of meeting a deficiency of between four and five
millions of money. (Cheers.) Well, but then that's not all,
gentlemen (laughter), because we are told, and told truly,
that the expenditure did not stop at 69 millions, but in the
year 1860 went up to 72 millions of money, nearer, I think,
to 73 millions ; but why was that ? Why, gentlemen, to
the very same reason—we owe it to the kindness of our
predecessors. (Cheers.) In the exercise of their diplo-
matic wisdom—(cheers and laughter)—they had to instruct
an ambassador to sign a treaty with China, and it appeared
to them that the • signing of a treaty was 'an operation
whic could not possibly be performed in a satisfactory man-
ner without alarge fleet. (Cheers and interruption.) The
people of China, in some way or other, did not understand
the necessity of a large fleet for the signing of a treaty, and
thought that this large fleet must probably have some other
object in view. However that may be, as you know, a
great disaster happened in the month of June, 1859, at the
mouth of the Peiho, under the instructions of Lord
Malmesbury, and before tho present Government had as-
sumed their office, or, at any rate, had been able to take any
step in reference to China. (Cheers.) The consequence of
that disaster was that we had to find £6,000,000 of money
in order to reetore our position with China. Therefore, I
say that the undivided credit of the expenditure of from
£72,000,000 to £73,000,000, which we rose to in 1860, is
not with your humble servant, but those who preceded us
in our office. (Cheers.) (A Voice—" That's a nut for Dizzy
to crack.") Well, gentlemen, since that time we have
effected'something in the way of retrenchnient. The ex-
penditure, which was in 1860 nearly £73,000,0130, is now re-
duced to, I think, between £66,000,000 and £67,000,000.
(Cheers.) I don't say whether that is satisfactory. I don't
say whether it is all that could be done ; but I think
I may say this, that it was something. (Hear, hear.)
And now the question is—How has this been done ? And
here, again, I have read, with considerable astonish-
ment statements that this reduction of expenditure which
has taken place has been forced upon her Majesty's Go-
vernment by motions made from the opposite side of the
house. tOh, oh.) Now, gentlemen, upon the opposite
side of the house there sit many excellent, and sensible,
and enlightened men. (Hear.) In this happy country all
parties, fortunately, entertain much of sound principle and
of sound opinion, yet still we have preferences among our-
selves—(hear)—and specially so when we speak, not of the
character of individuals, but of the action of parties.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I venture to say, without fear of
contradiction, that the influence exercised from the oppo-
site aide of the house has not been influenced to reduce, but
an influence to increase the expenditure. (Hear.) I know
that that could be proved on careful examination of the re-
cords of Parliament. The adoption of motions and the
questions of divisions would show how, beyond all doubt,
the powerful influence which has been exercised from the
opposite side of the house in promoting the giving of pub-
lic money to Mr. A, or Mr. B, or Mr. C, or whoever wanted
it—to every class or every clique, in fact—it has been an
influence not favourable, but adverse to retrenchment.
(Cheers.) I will give you, gentlemen, a single instance—
I quote the name of the person because I quote it with re-
spect. Ho is an old member of Parliament, and a man of
considerable ability—a man respected by all, ono of the
most respected members of the opposite party, whom any-
body might be proud to call his friend—Sir John Walsh,
member for Radnorshire, who had been in Parliament for
30 or 40 years, and should know what he is about. But,
gentlemen, I tell you this. in 1861 or 1863, I forget
which it was,' Sir John thought the reduction made by the
Government in the Navy Estimates so alarming that he
deemed it his duty to make a special speech on the subject,
and I assure you—for my own ears heard it—that he
did not only state the Navy Estimates, such as they are
now were totally unequal to the wants i►nd necessities of
the country, bukthat the proper way to .bring them up to
those wants and necessities would be to double them.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is quite true that upon ono occa-
sion—l think in the year 1862—the House of Commons
took a step in favour of retrenchment. By whom was that
step taken? A motion was made recommending that at-
tempts should be tried to reduce the public expenditure.
That motion was made by Mr. Stensfeld. (Cheers.) I never
saw the face of Mr. &aneroid on the benches opposite.
(Cheers.) Those who sit on the benches opposite don't seem
to me to have bad any great love for Mr. Stansfeld—(hear)
—or to have appreciated the services he rendered to the
cause of retrenchment, if we may judge from the stops
which they afterwards took to procure the removal of that
excellent man from office. (Shame.) Gentlemen, what I do
claim is this—that to the efforts of the Government and
the efforts of their friends, and also occasionally, I admit,
and gladly admit, of enlightened men on the Opposition
side of the House, is due the retrenchment that has boon
effected. 1 read in the report of the speech of Mr. Disraeli
—and I speak of him with all the respect due to his posi-
tion and talents—l road in the report of his speech a state-
ment that retrenchment had been forced upon Government
by motions from his side of the House. I cannot explain
that extraordinary statement, which he will have the op-
portunity, perhaps, hereafter of doing, if ho thinks fit, on
the floor of the House of Commons. (Applause.) I really
thine that the reporter of that speech must for once
hate been asleep, or some of the "heavy wet" of Buck-
kinghamshire must - for a moment have bewildered his
brain—(laughter)--for lie must in some some way or other
have turned inside out and upside down in the report of
tho speech an assertion that had been made by Mr. Disraeli.
(Cheers.) But then, gentlemen, Igo from retrenchment to
principles, and it is very fairly said that good harvests are
not the work of her Majesty's Government. That, gen-
tlemen, is perfectly true, but I recollect a time when in-
stead of good harvests we had bad harvests ; and when, in
consequence of the miserable harvest of the year 1860, there
was a deficiency in the proceeds of the public revenue as
compared with the estimate, did I hoar anything of the
sound doctrine that the harvests are not the 'work of the
Government ? At that time, Ido assure you, the Govern-
ment, and especially the unfortunate Chancellor of the
Exchequer, were held responsible forth° harvest. (Cheers
and laughter.) Timms was not a, waterspout opened in the
heavens :which he had not discharged upon the, fields be-
neath ; it was he and ho only that made them, and what a
progress, gentlemen, it is in civilization that a body of most
excellent and respectable persons, who in 1860,when there
was a bad harvest, were really so much bodarkenod as to
suppose that harvest, was the work of the Government—
they said the deficiency was its work, so it was the same
thing—see what progress they have made, when in 1864-5
there happened to be good harvests, and thus they have
awakened to the perception'of the important truth that the
harvest is not made by this or that Administration, but
comes as it pleases Providence to send it. -(Cheers.) Well,
but gentlemen, somehow or other, there is a word called
luck, which has an immense effect upon the minds of Men,
and they say that the Government is the luckiest of all Go-
vernments, and that the Chancellorof the Exchequer is the
luckiest of all Chancellors of the Exchequer. (Cheers.) It
seems that all the circumstances of the country since we took
office have been so excessively favourable to economy, to
saving, to moderato expenditure, to large revenue, that to
that source alone is to be ascribed the happy state of things
which exist. But now let us consider what our state has
been. I have told you our friends who preceded us left us a
legacy of six millions of expenditure in thOwar with China.
That I don't call a remarkably good good piece of luck.
(Laughter.) Well, then, the country, gentlemen, went into
a state of groat and real apprehension, whether well founded
or not, in the year 1860 with regard to its defences, and it
determined to have a large expenditure upon fortifications
for the security of our arsenals. Well, under the measures
taken for that purpose, we have spent some millions of
money. However right or otherwise such expenditure may
be in itself I am not now considering. It was the great de-
sire and wish of the people of the country, and sure I am
that the people of England will spend their money when
they wish to expend it ; but you will admit with me it
was not to be considered a groat piece of luck for the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. But that is not all, for besides the
energetic administration of the navy in 1859 it.set about
that remarkable work, "reconstruction of the navy," which
was a very favourite• phrase at the time, though you do not
hear 'quite so much of it now. Well, that' is an expensive
description of amuseinent for the First Lord of:the Admi-
ralty? that recoustruettou of the navy—that building use-

DON, WEDNESDAY EV

less line of battle ships, which was really an attempt at re-
construction, rendered wise and necessary by transposition
of the use of wood for that of iron in the building of vessels
which has been a most costly provision for the defences of
the country. That is not luck for the finances of the coun-
try. Well, gentlemen, four years ago by an awful visitation
of Providence which rent for a time in twain the great
republic so nearly and deeply associated with us, beyond
the waves of the Atlantic, there came upon Lancashire that
which is'familiarly known by the name of the Cotton Fa-
mine. When we look back upon the Cotton Famine, and
when we consider the noble qualities that were displayed
in the times of that affliction—when we recollect how we
then awakened to the consciousness of what treasure we
possessed in the factory population of this country, we re-
cognise the wisdom of Providence in drawing good from
that which seemed to be unmitigated evil. (Cheers.) But
that is not my present point. I want to know how that
Cotton Famine was to be considered as a piece of financial
luck. I find, on the contrary, it cut down our revenue
when it was at its greatest intensity by from one to two
millions, and, beyond that, it was one of the most special
inflictions, from its special nature, to which the Exchequer
of this country ever has been subjected. (Hear.) Further
than this, I thankfully join with you in acknowledging
the bounty of Providence vouchsafed to us in the abundant
products of the earth. I don't admit the doctrine that it
is owing to luck, but I do believe that we are enabled upon
the period of a dissolution to show our faces before our
fellow countrymen, and not to blush for the financial con-
dition of the country. But the points on which I have last
been addressing you—l admit points that more or less
touch our distinctive professions as we sit on the right
hand or the left hand of the Speaker's chair—l am not
ashamed of them, I don't lament, I don't regret, I don't mean
to abandon the political associations in which conviction
has placedme. (Applause.) But I do say, wadi say through
you to the people of South Lancashire, that to the Libe-
ral
l generation, those members
of like Sir R. Peel, who preferred
the Conservative
of
vat thefva present
party,
the interests of their country to their place and power—
(hear)—has been committed the extraordinary grace and
favour of being enabled while they have held office, to ad-
dress themselves, and to address themselves with effect, to
the promotion of measures which ascend far above the
height and descend far below the depth of every party con-
' sideration whatever. (Loud cheers.) There are objects,
gentlemen, which belong to our common country—to this
England in which we live. (Applause.) We have around
us vast populations ; they live under that dispensation
which affects human kind, and by which we find that it is
really possible for the mass of the community to secure to
themselves abundance of the first necessaries and the first
comforts of life. Wo know that in this free country that
we admire and love so much, a century ago, the peasantry
were ground down to the very dust, the manufacturing
population was tainted with a disaffection that it is unfor-
tunately too easy for us to understand, and too difficult for
us to condemn. We know that at that time few were the
labouring Englishmen who could see their wives and their
children decently lodged, sufficiently fed and clothed, and
tolerably educated. What is now the state of things ?
Much may yet remain to be done. My belief is that
there will always be ample scope for all the best ener-
gies and all the best gifts of legislators and public men ; but
something, at least, we have carried. Education has
gone forth through the length and the breadth of the land.
Voluntary institutions, the best of all, have sprung up in
multitudes. Wise laws abolishing the mischievous re-
straints upon capital and labour—(hear)—have enormously
added to the wealth of the country. (Hear.) In the last
ten years the commerce of England has become nearly
double what it was. With this series of acts relating to
the material condition of the country have been joined,
as I have said, numbers of others bearing upon its moral
And social condition,' and tending to set the masses of the
community free in some degree from necessary and servile
attention to the bodily wants, of the wants each day as it
arose, to that of their higher interests, of the cultivation
of their intolloot, of their position as rational, as moral, and
as spiritual beings. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, this is no
party matter. Oh, what folly it has been that there should
be any party in the State that has allowed to its rivals and •
opponents the glory of almost monopolising the prosecu-
tion of such a work. (Hear.) But how happy, on the
other hand, are they who have been permitted to take part
in it! (Hoar.) Never can Ibe too thankful that, not
owing to any deliberate choice of my own, but rather to
the circumstances in which I have been placed, it has
boon my absolute duty to enter into that beneficent work,
and to make the prosecution of it the main study and
purpose of my life. (Loud cheers.) It has been a work
felt throughout the United Kingdom—felt not only in the
United Kingdom, but felt, I rejoice to say, upon many a
foreign shore (hear, hear); and those who formerly re-
garded England with jealousy or with hatred aro now by
degrees unlearning their ancient prejudices, and are glad
to follow the beneficent example that has been set them by
the Parliament of the United Kingdom. (Loud cheers.)
It has been felt, then, through the world, it has been felt
through the dominions of the Queen, it has been felt
through those islands in which we live, it has been felt, if
in any one place more than another, in the very place in
which we stand. (Choirs.) In Liverpool, in Manchester,
in every industrious haunt and hive of this industrious
country has been felt the impetus thus given to the indus-
try of man and the influence thus brought into play for
bettering and improving his position. (Hear.) Gentle-
men, it would bo the height of arrogance in mo were I to
forget that I am a young, a late, a feeble labourer in this
happy, I will say, in this holy cause. (Cheers. A Voice :
"You're the hest pf tem.'") Many have gone before me,
many have.exceeded mo ("no"); but, with sincerity of
heart and purpose, I have given myself to the prosecution
of the work ; and I coma before you who haire known it
in its beginning, known it in its progress, and its more
ripe results, and I ask you to pronounce whether those
who have been privileged to take part in such a work are
or are not disabled or disqualified from sitting in the Par-
liament of England, from receiving the suffrages of elec-
tors of the community of Lancaster. (Immense cheers.)
The right bon. gentleman resumed his seat amid enthu-
siastic cheering, which was continued for several minutes.

Mr. ROBERTSON GLADSTONE was loudly called, anclasked
the meeting to join with him in the opinion that they owed
a deep debt of gratitude to the noble University of Oxford,
which, in its wisdom and in the superfluity of its learning,
had thought. proper to dismiss a practical man from its re-
presentation.
Mr. WILD BLUNDELL, the leader of the Catholic party
in South Lancashire, addressed the meeting; and, in
answer to repeated calls,
Mr. W. 11. GLADSTONE, M.P. for Chester, spoke briefly,
regretting that the University of Oxford had thought fit to
divorce itself from the link which alone was able to bring
it into harmony with the requirements of the times.
(Cheers.)
One or
ti n tw,
the proceedings,gentlemenha wing subsequently addressed
the m ghich had been remarkably
•
e,
unanimous throughout, terminated.

The Detention of Hr. William Koons by
Italian Brigands.

------ o-

Groat misapprehension appears to exist in the public
mind as to this most distressing affair, owing to the incor-
rect accounts published by some of your contemporaries.
Ono loading journal has adopted as true an absurd story
published in the Union continental paper, While a writer
in a minor weekly pnblication, apparently ignorant of the
situation of Paestum and of all connected with it, treats
with vulgar levity the terrible misfortune which has fallen
on Mr. Wm. Moens.

Having had excellent opportunities of becoming acquainted
with all the facts of the case, I venture to send you a short
statement, which will, I hope, enable you to understand
the present state of affairs.

The brigand chief who captured Messrs. Aynsley and
Moons on the 15th of May, on the high road near Peastum,
is named Mauzo Giardullo, who was captuied the other day,
never had anything to do with the two English gentlemen.
Mauzo has since been joined by two other chiefs, Cerino and
Cianci, and their united bands amount to about 40 persons,
of whom five are women.

The sum originally demanded for the ransom of the two
gentlemen was 50,000 ducats, or £8,500. It was settled be-
tween the captives by lot that Mr. Aynsley should go to get
the ransom, Mr. Moans remaining as hostage in the hands
of the brigands. '

The Italian Government has been making the most stren-
uous exertions to capture the brigands or to starve them
into surrender ; but to those who know tho nature of the
country—which is faithfully described in Count Maffei's
book, lately reviewed in your columns—it is by no means
surprising that the brigands continue to •baffie•their pur-
suers. But though the [severe measures at present prac-
tised by the military and civil authorities in the province of
Salerno have hitherto failed to bring about the capture of
the brigands, they have placed immense difficulties in the
way of Mr. Moons' friends communicating with his captors.
Notwithstanding those difficulties, however, Mr. I<ioens
friends have succeeded in paying a largo sum of money to
the brigands, who still hold out for the sum originally de-
manded, and they now see another opportunity of paying
such further sum as it is in their power to pay. It must
bo remembered that the money has to be paid in gold, at the
time and place appointed by the brigands ; that their mes-
senger can only carry a certain amount, and that he has to
pass through the cordon of troops surrounding the district,
at the risk of his life.; that the brigands themselves are fre-
quently unable to meet their messenger, owing to the vigi-
lance of the troops; and that, whorl so battled, they gene-
rally disappear from the neighbourhood for a fortnight or
so, after which nothing can be done till they make another
appointment.

Our last news from Mr. Moons was dated tho 29th ult.

His position was then very critical. He wrote himself,
describing his sufferings, and the threats held out by his
captors to enforce the spaedy payment of more money.
We can only trust that these wild men, knowing.that their
prisoner's friends are exerting themselves to the utmost to
pay the money and to mitigate the severe measures taken
by the military authorities, will refrain from carrying into
execution the awful threats which they have uttered from
time to time, But apart from this, the most terrible danger
of his position, the miseries and hardships which Mr. Moens
has undergone during the last seven weeks are sufficient of
themselves to paueie the deepest anxiety to his friends
should his captivity be much further prolonged.

!;Nll\ol JULY 19, 1865

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

NOTTINGHAM RACES•-TUESDAY.

The July meeting, which commenced yesterday (Tues-
day) ,on " Morrie Sherwood," proved successful. The
sport provided by Mr. James Bradfield, the clerk of the
course, included nine races, for which some large entries
had been secured, though, at the same time, the fields were
not very numerous. The weather was fine, but the air
somewhat sultry, and though, in addition to the late rains,
a terrific downfall took place over night, the course (which
is on a sandy soil) had benefited little, and the " going"
was pronounced hard. Full particulars of the racing will
be found below :

The Trial Stakes of 5 sous each, with 40 added, for all

ages; weight for age, with selling allowance. One

mile.
Mr. E. Buckley's Success, 3 yrs, Bst 111 b (not to be sold
(J. Grimshaw 1
Marquis of Hastings's Sisyphus, 3 yrs, 7st 111 b (£2OO
(Loates 2
Lord Westmoreland's Brahma, 3 yrs, Bst 21b (£600)
(Morris) 3
Mr. Ballinger's Sergeant Pacquot, 2 yrs, sst 121 b (£600)
(Key 4
Mr. G. Angell's Mazurka, 2 yrs, sst 71b (£200) (Huatable) 5
Betting—Even on Brahma, 5 to 2 agst Success, and 5 to
1 agst Sisyphus. Success, Sisyphus, and Brahma ran
nearly abreast to the Mansfield turn, where Sisyphus took
the load, Brahma going on second and Success third, the
other two several lengths in the rear. Nearing the dis-
tance, Success came through his horses, and won very
cleverly by a length. Brahma was third, two lengths from
Sisyphus; the other two beaten many lengths.
The Shorts Stakes of 5 soya each, with 40 added; for all
ages; weight for age; with selling allowances. Half a
mile.

Mr. Saxon's Bonnie Lass, 8 yrs, 7st 121 b (Clement) 1
Mr. Rigby's Chance Shot filly, 3 yrs, 6st 41b (.£5O)
(lluxtable) 2
Lord Stamford's Gulnara, 4 yrs, 9st (£5O) (Carroll) 3

Miss Polly, Brighter, and Lady Mary also ran.
Betting-6 to 4on Gulnara, 4to 1 agst Bonnie Lass, and
6to 1 agst Chance Shot filly. Tho latter, previous to the
start, overpowered Huxtable, and, after running the circuit
of the course, jumped the rails, throwing the lad, who was,
fortunately, not injured. They were started on good terms,
Chance Shot, with a slight lead, immediately took up the
running, and held a clear lead, the others lying in a cluster
to the distance, where Bonnie Lass and Gulnara came out.
Mr. Saxon's filly gradually overhauled the leader, who
swerved within a few strides of the post, and was beaten
by a head. Lord Stamford's mare two lengths from the
second ; Brighter was an indifferent fourth, Miss Polly
fifth, and Lady Mary last. There was no advance on the
selling price of the winner.

The Bradgate Handicap of 7 sovs each, 3 ft, with 100
added, for 3-yr-olds and upwards ; winners extra. One

mile.
Lord Batsman's Moulsey, 4 yrs, Bst 12Ib (J. Grinishaw 1
Mr. Payne's Beadle, 4 yrs, 7st 7lb (Clement 2
Mr. H. Savile's Spice, 3 yrs, sst 101 b (11uxtable 3
Mr. R. 0. Naylor's Quarantine, 4 yrs, 7st (Sayers) 4
Marquis of Hastings's Tippler, 5 yrs, Bst (Challoner) 5
Mr. Barber's Cutaway, 4 yrs, 6st 121 b (Ward) 6
Betting—Even on Moulsey, 5 to 1 each agst Beadle and
Tippler, 6 to 1 agst Cutaway, 100 to 15 agst Quarantine,
and 10 to 1 agst Spice. Moulsey jumped off in front, but
was soon pulled back into third place, Cutaway making
play, closely followed by Beadle and the favourite into
the straight, where Lord Batsman's horse went to the
fore, and without being again headed, won in a canter
by two lengths ; a neck separated the second and third.
Quarantine was fourth, Tippler fifth, and Cutaway last.
The County Members' Plate (Handicap) of 50 sovs added
to a sweepstakes of 5 sovs each. Winners 61b extra.

T.Y.C. -
Lord Stamford's Gownsman, 4 yrs, Bst 101 b ...(Carroll 1
Mr. G. Angell's Attach 6, 3 yrs, 7st 81b (Perry) 2
Mr. Giubilei's Gannochy, 3 yrs, 6st 21b (Key 3
Lord Bateman's Danaus, 4 yrs, 7st 61b Grimshaw) 4
Betting-7 to 4on Attache, 3to 1 agst Gownsman, and
7to 1 agst Danaus. Half way up Gownsman headed Mr.
Angell's horse, and won easily by a length ; six lengths
separated second andthird. Danaus, beaten off, was stopped
on the post.

The Nottinghamshire Handicap of 20 goys each, 10 ft, and
5 if declared, with 200 added ; the second to receive 50
sovs ; winners extra. One mile and three-quarters. 65
subs, 39 of whom paid 5 sovs each.
Lord Westmoreland's Auditor, 8 yrs, Gst 121 b
(J. Grimshaw) 1
Mr. S. Thellusson's Veluti, 4 yrs, Est 101 b (Grace 2
Lord Stamford's Spring Gun, 3 yrs, sst 131 b (car gst 21b
(Carroll 3
Mr. Barber's Lady Bohun, 4 yrs, Est 101 b (Ward 4
Mr. G. Angell's Dunkeld, 5 yrs, Bst 41b (Perry 5
Betting--5 to 4 agst Auditor, 3to 1 agst Spring Gun, 6
to 1 agst Veluti, and 10 to 1 agst any other. Spring Gun
led the way, Lady Bohun lying at his girths with Dunkeld
next, and Veluti last. After going about 100 yards, Veluti
rushed through his horses and carried on the running, fol-
lowed round the Mansfield turn by Dunkold, Spring Gun,
and Auditor, Lady Bohun bringing up the rear. Those po-
sitions were maintained along the straight to the commence-
ment of the enclosure, where Auditor passed Spring Gun
and took third place. In the next half mile Dunkold was
beaten and dropped back, leaving Auditor in close attend-
ance upon Veluti, with Spring Gun running well up with
Lord Westmoreland's colt. At the distance Auditor ran
alongside of Veluti, whom ho headed in a few strides, and
maintaining his advantage to the end, won cleverly by half
a length. Spring Gun was third, a length in the rear of
Veluti, Lady Bohun fourth, and Dunkeld last.

A Soiling Race of 40 SOW, added to a sweepstakes of 5 sous
each, for all ages ; weight for ago, with Bolling allow-

ances. T.Y.C.
Marquis of Hastings's Sisyphus, 3 yrs, 6st 111 b (£5O)
(J. Grimshaw) w.o.
The Stand Plate of 50 sous, added to a handicap sweep-
stakes of 5 soya each, 2 ft ; for all ages ; winners extra.

Half a mile.
Mr. 11. Savile's Ln Mechante, 3 yrs, 6st 71b (Heartfield 1
Mr. Raldiff's Cranbury, 4 yrs, Bat 121 b (Pearson 2
Lord Bateman's Gipsy Girl, 5 yrs, 7st 41b (J. Grim.shaw 3
Marquis of Hasting's Catalogue, 3 yrs, 7st 41b...(Morris 4
The following also ran :—llesper, Gil Bias, Lady Mary,
Tring, Saladin, and Romola.

Betting-5 to 2 agst La Mechante, 3to 1 agst Saladin, 5
to 1 agst Cranbury, 100 to 15 each agst Romola and Hesper,
to 1 agst Gipsy Girl, and 10 to 1 agst Catalogue. Moro
than half an hour was cut to waste in false starts ; at
length a straggling start was effected, when Cranbury,
two lengths in advance of everything, made play, followed
by Romola, Catalogue, Hesper, and Gipsy Girl, who formed
the vanguard until nearing the distance, where Cranbury
still hold the load, but was joined on nearing the stand by
La Mechanto and Gipsy Girl, a splendid race between the
three ending in favour of La Mechante •by a neck; a
similar distance separated the second and third ; Cata-
logue was a bad fourth, Hesper and Romola being next,
and Lady Mary brought up the rear.
The Robin Hood Stakes of 10 soya each, with 50 added ,
for two-year-olds ; colts, Bst 101 b ; fillies and geldings,
Bst 71b ; winners extra. T.Y.C.
Marquis of Hasting's King Hal, 9st 81b (inc. 71b extra)
(Custance) 1
Mr. GI- Crook's Aunt Polly, Bst 71b ............ (Ohalloner) 2
Mr. Thell's Acttoa, Bst 71b (Deacon) 3
Betting-6 to lon King Hal, who made all the running.
and won in a canter by six lengths; Actlea beaten off.
The Sherwood Handicap of 5 soya each, with 40 added,
for three-year-olds and upwards ; winners extra ; gentle-
men riders ; professionals, 61b extra. One mile and a
quarter.
Mr. IL Savilo's 011erton, 3 yrs, 9st (Mr. W. Bevill) 1
Mr. Watchhorn's Robin Hood (h b), 4 yrs,._lost 41b

(in 61b ex) ........................................ : ....(. lement) 2
No betting. Won in a canter by 20 lengths.