The Sun.
London, England, 1862-02-07 00:00:00

atchy. lam unable to judge how far those reportg are well I
grounded, or how far there is any party in Mexico of suffi
cient strength and numbers to give effect to such wishes.
But what her Majesty's Government wish is, that there
shall be established some form of Government with which
foreign nations may treat—some form of Government
which will do justice to foreigners and enable commerce to
be carried on with safety—some form of Government with
which relations of peace and amity may be maintained
with some confidence in their continuance. (Hear, hear.)
That is the utn►est which the Government of Great Bri-
tain is desirous of obtaining, and that must be the wish

of gentlemen on both sides of the house. (Hear, hear.)

With regard to the convention concluded with the Sultan

of Morocco the right hon. gentlemen says, I believe,
that he would prefer a positive and direct guarantee,

_
rendering this cauntry liable to pay interest if the Sultan
should not himself discharge it, rather than the indirect
security which the convention establishes. I wish the
house to pause until they see the convention. They will
find that the engagement established between the Sultan
and the British Government is simply this—that the Sul-

tan agrees that certain persons shall be appointed to re-
ceive the customs revenues at certain ports of his terri-
tories for the purpose of discharging the interest and
sinking fund of the loan; and I cannot think that there
is any danger whatever that this country will be involved
in any pecuniary responsibility arising out of that con-
vention. (Hear, hear.) Everybody who turns his atten-
tion to our relations with the Mediterranean must admit
that it is a great object of British policy to maintain the in-
dependence of Morocco. (Hear.) There is a treaty between
Spain and Morocco by which Morocco is bound to make cer-
payments within certain specified periods, upon condition
of which the town of Tetuan is to be evacuated. It is quite

clear that it is important to avoid the contingencies which
may arise if Morocco should be unable to fulfil those en-
gagements. The consequence would be that Tetuan would

not be evacuated, that Spain would have just cause of guar.
rel with Morocco, that the war might be renewed, and that
disasters might befall the State of Morocco. I trust and be.
lieve that when the treaties and the papers connected with

them, which are now on the table, shall have been read the
house will be disposed to think that the course pursued by
her Majesty's Government has been such as is best consis-
tent with the inteuAs of the country. (Cheers.) The last
topic to which the right hon. gentleman adverted is one,

undoubtedly, upon which there cannot be a dissentient

, .
voice in this house. (Hear, hear.) I do not thlk the right
hon. gentleman started the question—but I have heard the
question started, whether it was right in her Majesty's Go-
vernment to follow, upon this occasion, the several prece-
dents in the later periods of the last century, or whether it
was better to have a separate address as in the case of Prinec
George of Denmark. But gentlemen who will look back to
that precedent will see that there was no announcement by
the Crown as to the death of Prince George of Denmark.

It was impossible to follow that precedent on the present
occasion. We therefore followed the precedents of the
Princess Charlotte and Queen Caroline, where there was en
announcement in the Speech from the Throne, and condo-

lence was embodied in the Address from the house. It is
hardly possib e for anybody to exaggerate the loss which
the Queen and country have sustained in the death of his
late Royal Highness the Prince Consort. (Hear, hear.) The
right hon. gentleman, with eloquence and feeling which I
am sure must have excited the sympathy and admiration of
those who heard him—(hear, hear)—dilated upon the emi-
nent qualities possessed by the late Prince Albert. (Hear.)
it is no exaggeration to say, that as far as the word " per-

feet" can be applied to human imperfection, the character
of the late Prince deserved the term, becaused he combined
qualities of the most eminent and in some respects of the
most different description in a degree which was hardly ever
equalled by any one in any condition of life. (Hear.) The
talents of the Prince have been expatiated upon by the right
hon. gentleman opposite. Those who had the good fortune
to hold intercourse with him, and to converse with him on
any subject, however serious or however trifling, coul t
hardly fail to feel that they were in the presence of a mas-
ter mind. (Hear, hear.) No man ever came into such
contact with his Royal Highness without carrying away
some new idea, or some fresh view even of matters with
which he thought himself already well acquainted. The
position which the Prince occupied was one of considerable
difficulty—one which required the greatest judgment and
the most consummate tact to fill with the universal appro-
bation with which his course was attended. His aim was
not to take too prominent a part in political affairs, but to
contribute, as far as the resources of his mind and his com-
manding rank enabled him, to the improvement of the na-
tion in every branch of intellectual and industrial effort.
How fully he accomplished that object everybody is well
aware. His domestic life was also most exemplary, and I
venture to say that the domestic life of the British Court has
been of the greatest value to the interests of the country.
In times of difficulty it has tended to strengthen that link
which binds the people to the Throne, and has in many ways
rendered the most important services to the nation. (Hear.)
Such being the Prince whose loss we have to deplore, we
can easily imagine what must be the grief and desolation of
ha- from whose side he has been taken. It is becoming in
the h use to tender to her- Majesty its sincere and cordial
condolence upon the irreparable loss which has befallen
her ; and when we reflect that there was hardly any hour
of the day when those two minds did not consult and com-
municate with each other, we may conceive what must be the
bereavement which our Sovereign has sustained by this la-
mentable event. The condition of the Sovereign is, in one
respect, very different under such circumstances from that
of any other member of the nation. In private life persons
are surrounded by relations and friends with whom they have
formed habits of intimacy, and who, when a great misfortune
arrives, tend to soothe and in some measure to alleviate their
anguish. But the high and exalted position of the Sovereign
debars her from that society in which she might find sup-
port and consolation at such a time, and now that she has
been deprived of her beloved Consort by the stroke of Pro-
vidence, she is left in a solitude which could hardly befall
any other person in the realm. (Hear, hear.) lam sure
the house will feel that in agreeing to the Address, and
especially to that portion of it which relates to the loss of
the late Prince Consort, it is understating those feelings
which every man must cherish in his breast, and will re-
gret that it is not possible, according to the forms of the
house, to convey even a stronger expression of sympathy
and sorrow. (Cheers.)
Mr. lIADFIELD (amidst cries of" Oh I oh I") expressed
his admiration of the manner in which the noble lord the
Foreign Secretary had dealt with the American difficulty.
He denounced the discreditable efforts of certain newspapers
on both sides of the Atlantic to create ill-feeling between the
two countries, and avowed a desire to see those villainous
prints burned by the common hangman (A laugh.) He
trusted the Government would adhere to the strict neu-
trality which they had declared.
Mr, MAGUIItE did not wish to disturb the unanimity
which appeared to prevail, but felt bound, as the represen-
tative of an important constituency in the south of Ireland,
to call attention to the state of that part of the kingdom,
which was by no means, as stated in the Address, " sound
and satisfactory." There was intense distress in Ireland
at that moment, although the Irish Government would not
admit its reality. The blessing of a bountiful harvest, which
had been vouchsafed to England, had been denied to Ireland.
The harvest of Ireland had been a lamentable failure, and
in consequence trade was paralyzed, there was a lack of
employment, and the most intense misery had fallen upon
large masses of the people both in the towns and the rural
districts. The oat crop had almost entirely failed, the
wheat crop was also bad, and the potato crop had not been
worse since the famine years. In the cities and towns there
was an almost total want of employment. The policy of
the banks was far from liberal and accommodating, and the
result was that traders were greatly embarrassed in busi-
ness, mechanics were almost all out of employment, and the
labouring population of the country were dependent either
upon the Poor Law, or upon the voluntary charity of the
liberal and the benevolent. He believed that the right hon.
bart. the Chief Secretary was animated by the best and
kindest motives, but he was liable to go wrong. Indeed, he
had himself let the people of this country to believe that
the condition of Ireland was not such as to require the
interposition of Parliament; and only two nights ago Lord
Carlisle, also a most humane man, stated at a banquet
given by the Lord Mayor of Dublin that there was nothing
in the condition of Ireland which ought to excite alarm.
Had the right hon. hart. gone abroad and seen things for
himself, instead of making that hurried tour of 300 miles
in three days, taking with him the Irish Fouche to be both
his spectacles and his counsellor, it would have been much
better for the honour of this country and for the interests
of Ireland. Only a week ago a deputation consisting of the
leading inhabitants of the town of Kanturk, in the east
riding of the county of Cork, waited upon the board of
guardians, and stated that in that place, the population of
which amounted to 2,200 and odd, there wore 1,000 persons
who were fit objects for relief, and that masses of labourers
were trying to eke out a miserable existence on ono meal a
day, consisting of turnips and Indian meal. In Cork, in
Kerry, and Waterford, many towns were in a condition
similar to that of Kanturk, and the utmost alarm was felt
as to what would be the condition of the people in the next
few months. He did not ask for alms from the people or
the Parliament of England, but be d d ask from the Go-
vernment some better measure than a Fairs and Markets
Bill, or a Poor Law Amendment Bill. He asked them to
enunciate a policy such as that for recommending which
the name of Lord G. Bentinck was coupled with blessings
and gratitude by filo people of Ireland. He asked them to
bring in a bill to empower the making of loans for carrying
out the railway projects of Ireland which were now at a
standstill, and thus, without embarrassing the ratepayers of
this country, to provide the people of Ireland with the means
of employment, and of supporting themselves without the
degradation and calamity of applying for Poor Law relief
He might be told that the workhouses of Ireland were not
full, but this was no proof that great and general distress
did not prevail, for there was so much pride, even in the
humblest of the people of Ireland, that they would rather
die by the wayside than accept the shame and degradation
of Poor Law relief. The fact, however, was that in the
workhouse in Cork there were now 1,000 more inmates than
there were two years ago, and that the guardians were at
their wits' end to know how to meet the increasing demands
upon them.
Sir R. PEEL said he at once accepted the challenge of
the hon. member. He accused him (Sir R. Peel) of having
endeavoured to lead the people of this country to believe