The Sun.
London, England, 1862-03-11 00:00:00

CAVALRY IN 1110DERN ARMIES.

The Revue Contemporaine publishes an article, by
Comte de Latour,7on the important question of the
part which cavalry is likely to play in future wars,
now that fire-arms have acquired a range far supe-
rior to that of former days. Many professional
men, since the last Italian war, have expressed
the opinion that the number of cavalry ought to
be considerably reduced, since the long range
will prevent its ever repeating those brilliant
charges which won for it an undying reputation
in the fields of Rossbach, Hanna, Marengo, Aus-
terlitz, and Essling. Before a mass of cavalry,
they argue, can be brought near enough to a
square or a battery, it will be crushed by the
overwhelming power of ordnance rendered effec-
tive at a distance of 2,000 yards, and muskets with
a sure range of 800. At Solferina, for instance, the
Austrian cavalry, which attempted to charge Gen.
Desvaux's squadrons, could not even deploy under
the murderous fire of the French rifkd guns, which
ploughed their deep ranks. Henceforth, then, ac-
cording to the adversaries of cavalry, the duties of
that art will be reduced to escorts, foraging, and
skirmishing parties, and pursuing the enemy after
a battle. Comte de Latour is not of that opinion.
The proportion of cavalry, he observes, in modern
armies is about one-fourth in time of peace, and
one-sixth in time of war. In the latter case,
France would probably have 100,000 horse in
an army of 700,000 men, and this would not
be too much. The effect of a well-served artillery
will always be terrible, whenever it can enfilade
close masses; but it will be much less effective
against a cavalry-force masked by woods or ravines,
or even concealed at a distance of 1,000 yards by a
thick veil of dust and smoke. In such a case, cavalry
may resolutely charge a battery ; and this it may
even do when quite exposed, provided it makes its
approach in skirmishing order, so that, instead of
presenting a deep mass, it may only oppose scattered
points to the showers of grape and shot directed
against it by the battery. This manoeuvre is now
adopted by the infantry, and must shortly be also by
cavalry, when, our author believes, it will regain
all its superiority of former days, and be able, as
before, to extinguish a murderous artillery-fire in
the open field, execute offensive movements when
there is a long distance to be gone over, break an
attacking column, complete the defeat of a waver-
ing army, change a check into a rout, make nume-
rous prisoners, and cut off and surround single
parties. The Count finds that the opinions now
generally held regarding the power of the new
fire-arms are vastly exaggerated, and shows that
many more men were lost in the great battles of
the Empire than in the last Italian campaign. At
Austerlitz the Russians lost 30 per cent., the Aus-
trians 44 per cent. of their army ; the French lost
14 per cent. At Wagram the loss of the Austrians
was 14, that of the French 13 per cent. At La
Moskowa the Russians lost 44 per cent.; at Waterloo
the allies lost 31 per cent., the French 36 per cent.
At Magenta, on the contrary, the Austrian loss was
not more than 8 per cent., that of the French only
7 ; at Solferino the Austrians sustained a similar
loss, and the Franco-Sardinians only lost one-tenth.
This may be explained by the fact that a long range
obliges the projectile to describe a large curve ; thus,
according to M. d'Azemar, if the column of the
Place Vendome were placed between the gun and
the mark, the latter being at a distance of 2,500
yards, the projectile would pass clean over the
monument without touching it. Count de Latour
very justly observes that when the new musket
was invented, the same predictions of the future
uselessness of artillery were made as are now brought
against cavalry, and concludes with other argu-
ments tending to prove the importance of this sec-
tion of a regular and well-appointed army.

THE REPRESENTATION OF THE NORTH RIDING•
—The high sheriff has fixed the nomination for Monday,
the 17th inst., and the poll will be taken on the following
Thursday, and the declaration on Saturday.

i-

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—YESTERDAY.
The LORD CHA. \ (ELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

ROYAL COMMISSION.
The Royal Assent was given by commission to the Con-
solidated Fund Bill.
The Royal Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor,
Lord Cranworth, and Earl St. Germans.
SHOOTING LICENCES.
The Earl of MALMESBURY said on Thursday next
he should call the attention of the house to a circular
which had been sent round to all those who held shooting
licenses, and which was said to have the approval of the
Chief Commissioners of Woods and Forests.
THE PRESS IN FIEDMONT.
The Marquis of NORM ANBY said he was compelled to
postpone the motion which stood on the paper for Friday
until Monday next, owing to the non-arrival of certain in-
formation which he had expected.
THE REVISED CODE.

The Earl of DERBY presented petitions against the
Revised Code.

THE SOUTHERN BLOCKADE.

Lord STRATHEDEN (who has elected to use the title
of Campbell) rose to call attention to the blockade of
the ports of the Confederate States of America, and to
move an address for copies of any correspondence upon the
subject which might have taken place since the date of
the papers which had been laid before Parliament. The
noble and learned lord said the object of the motion is not to
impugn the conduct of the Government or to show that the
blockade ought before now to have been opened, or that
now some measure in that direction should be taken, but
to establish that the attitude in which we stand with one
of the belligerents suspends, if it does not violate neutrality,
and that some further action is required in order to restore
the neutrality we aim at. The belligerent in question is
the Southern or insurrectionary power, and our attitude
towards it arises out of a transaction very easy to recal, and
a despatch with which the world is perfectly familiar, that
of the Foreign Secretary to Lord Lyons, dated Feb-
ruary 15th. The transaction was an appeal on our
part to the Government of Richmond, through our
consul at Charleston, to accept the principles of public
law laid down at Paris in 1856. The whole narrative ap-
pears in paper No. 3or the series on America. The nego-
tiator with the Government of Richmond was not our con-
sul in person, but a gentleman of South Carolina, whom he
chose to represent him. It was clearly open to the Govern-
ment of Richmond to decline the proposition, not upon its
merits, but on the ground that they could not hold inter-
course with the agent of a power which had not yet recog•
nized the place they claimed in the society of nations. Such
a refusal might have easily been made on grounds of policy,
as well as grounds of dignity, because if they consented to
negotiate with countries which denied their claim to recog-
nition they might seem in the eyes of some to compromise
their right to urge,or at least to reduce their power of extort-
ing it. And it is well known that, among the leading men of
Richmond, there was a difference of opinion on the conduct
which became them. However, not only did they consent
to hear our negotiator, but they determined to embrace his
proposition. On the 13th of August last year the Presi-
dent of the Southern Congress signed the resolution which
that Congress had arrived at, accepting all the rules laid
down at Paris in 1856, except that which relates to priva-
teering, and which we had not asked them to adopt. But
the President was not so weak as to refrain from telling our
negotiator that he looked for something in return for the
concession he was making, and that the return he hoped
for was a rigorous adherence, on our part, to the principles
we had laid down as to blockades. We gained our point on
such an understanding. So much for the transaction with
the Government of Richmond. We now come to the des-
patch of the 15th of January, in which the Foreign Secre-
tary, so far as the papers show, in reply to no question, in
obedience to no demand, and in fear of no emergency,
volunteers his approbation of the blockade as carried on at
Wilmington and Charleston. It is perfectly notorious to
all by whom these papers have been studied that at Wil-
mington and Charleston the blockade has been less effective
than at any other portion of the seaboard from the north of
Virginia to the extremity of Texas. The effect of the
despatch therefore is to relieve the Government of Wash-
ington from the necessity to maintain at any part a higher
or stricter type than that which Wilmington and Charleston
have illustrated. Wherever it exceeds that type which the
Foreign Secretary has selected for encouragement they are
at liberty to weaken and abate it. It is unnecessary to
prove its inefficiency at other ports, since its state ad
these two has been accepted as the standard. How
far is such a measure, upon our part, consistent with the
engagements we incurred in August to the Government of
Richmond. It should never be forgotten that our Govern-
ment were not forced to choose between the opposite alter •
natives of raising the blockade or of giving it in its weakest
points a conspicuous and irrevocable sanction. They
might, in a despatch so public and momenious, have sanc-
tioned not its weak points, but its strong ones, if any such
could be discovered ; they might at least have gone
on without a pointed declaration, and only so far
recognised it as they had during the autumn. On
what ground were they required to blazon a mani-
festo in its favour, which must offend and startle
one of the belligerents who had a right to look to a very diffe-
rent conduct from us. who had a right at least to hope that,
when we quitted silence, it would not be for language in-
consistent with our pledges to him. How can it be shown
that this uncalled-for manifesto does not violate neutrality
by a departure from the principles which we urged upon the
Government of Richmond, and should have urged in vain,
had it been thought that we were ready to abandon
them. It can be shown, in one way only, viz., by
disproving the evidence which this book presents on
Wilmington and Charleston. Happily the witness to
be heard is that very Consul whom the Govern-
ment urged to negotiate with the Southern Power
on the point which I referred to, whose previous character
is shown by the appointment to so delicate a trust, and
whose fitness to receive it was proved by the rapid and suc-
cessful close to which he brought the business. The juris-
diction of Mr. Bunch extended over both these harbours—
one of them in North, the other in South Carolina. It is
not necessary to rely on the evidence which the Southern
envoys have adduced. It is not necessary to rely upon the
circumstance that the harbour of Charleston has been bar-
' barously chocked up, which would not have happened
could access to it have been otherwise prevented. It is
not necessary to rely upon the circumstance that now ships
may be insured at fifteen per cent. between Liverpool
and Charleston, whereas fifty per cent, would be required,
as shipowners inform us, in a really adequate blockade.
Our consul had no motive for leaning one way or the other,
although the Northern Government have now deprived
him of his office by taking away his ex equatur. In support
of this view the noble lord then read copious extracts from
the despatches in question. The noble lord, in continuation,
said—Such was the blockade at these ports in which it has
received so unlooked for, and so astonishing a
sanction. But does it, therefore, follow, that the con-
duct of the Government is open to exception. On
the contrary, it only follows that further correspon-
dence is required to throw sonie light wholly wanting
now upon the reasons which directed them. Further papers
may show that they were forced to make a declaration on
these particular localities by an embarrassment which
could not be disposed of, or an inquiry which could not be
adjourned. They may show us that the French
itwas
Govern-
ment had already acted in this manner, and that
necessary to keep up our concert upon American affairs.
They may show us that further evidence was in possession
of the Government to rebut that of our naval officers and
consuls. They may show us that an explanation has been
offered to the Government of Richmond with which we have
communicated and may communicate again, calculated to
remove the sting from a proceeding which must appear to
them so adverse. But if naurther information is extended,
the irresistible conclusion will present itself that we owe a
debt to one of the belligerents which ought to be dis-
charged, although not by raising the blockade, a course
after their despatch impossible for Government. If no
further information is extended until that debt has been
discharged in one form or another, neutrality may be upon
the lips of official men, but has lost its place among their
counsels.

Lord ABINGER said he had not anticipated such an
easy solution of the Trent difficulty, and attributing it, as
he did, to the conduct of her Majesty's Government, he could
not forbear expressing his opinion that the prudence,dignity,
and conciliation which they had displayed deserved the ap-
probation of all classes in this country. (Hear.) He did not
advocate the raising of the blockade, because he thought that
under existing circumstances it would be quite unpardon-
able, and would inevitably bring about collisions between
our ships of war and the cruisers of the United States. He
so highly approved the policy of noninterference that he
should be sorry to see any system inaugurated which would
lead to any difficulty, in adhering to it. At the same time,
he confessed that his sympathies were with a gallant people
struggling for independence. He admitted that the Northern
States were superior in men, material, and treasure, and he
did not undervalue the importance of their recent suc-
cesses, but he believed, notwithstanding, that the subju-
gation of the South was an impossibility. (Hear, hear.)
The determination of the Southern Suites to maintain their
independence must be admitted by all, and when once that
was the case it was time to consiaer whether a recognition
of their independence was not a measure which we ought to
take to save bloodshed, and to put an end to the war. He
hoped that some independent member would make a motion
to that effect, or, failing that, t at the subject would be taken
up by some noble lord on that side of the house.
Earl RUSSELL—I quite admit the right of thenoble lord
to call into question the conduct of the Government with
respect to the blockade, nor, indeed, should I comp lain if
noble lord were to call into question the whole of theircaonny•
I duct with respect to the unfortunate differences which have
taken place in America, for I am convinced not only that
that policy is founded on reason end can bo justified by
argument, but also that it is generally approved by the
country. (Hear, hear.) "with respect to this particular
question of the blockade,—and I shall not detain your
lordships by entering into any other—it was, of course, a
matter of serious consideration with her Majesty's Govern-
ment from time to time in what manner they should act.
There are various questions connected with a blockade

'•I.

which they had to consider. The first was, whether thee.
was sufficient authority for instituting it. Lord Stowell
says that a blockade must be the act of a sovereign autho-
rity. This was the act of the President of the United
States, who on the 19112 of April issued a pro-
clamation declaring that the blockade was about to
begin, and that act was followed by armed ships
of the United States, blockading the several ports, and
warning vessels off the coasts. Therefore there can bo

no question as to the authority by which the blockade
exists. Then, with regard to the means which the Presi-
dent, as the organ of the Government of the United States,
has employed, of course at first they were very deficient,
but I think that these papers and everything we have heard
show that the Government of the United States has been
most desirous so to augment their squadron and so to em-
ploy their ships that there might be a sufficient force to es-
tablish an effective blockade. It was a matter of great im-
portance to them—a vital point of their policy, and therefore
one cannot doubt that they would use every means in their
power. As early:as the 15th of July, when complaints were
made in the New York newspapers that the blockading
squadron was not sufficient, I find that they had then 31
men-of-war, of 56,000 tons, with 726 guns, and 10,118 men.
That shows that they had made great efforts to establish en
effective blockade. It might be said, again, at the coin-
mencement that the blockade was too extensive, and that it
was impossible that so extensive a blockade should really
be efficient ; but we must recollect that we ourselves in our
American 'ear instituted a blockade of 2,000 miles of coast,
and the difference between 2,000 miles and 3,000 miles is no
so great as to authorise us to make any objection to the
blockade on that account. But in a blockade of 3,000 miles
of coast, although it is such a blockade as we ourselves
should have established, and such as the law of nations re-
cognises, with several large ports and many small ones to
watch, there were sure to be many irregularities in the con-
duct of it. Yet we find, generally speaking, that there has
been an intention to station ships off the different ports, and
that ships have been stationed there. Thus the blockade
of Charleston was effective on the 11th of May by the ship
Niagara; Pensacola was blockaded on the 13th of May;
the blockade of the Mississippi was effective on the 26th or
27th of May, and Savannah was blockaded on the 28th of
May, each port with a sufficient number of ships for the
purpose. The noble lord said that the blockade of Charles-
ton was interrupted on some day in May; but he himself
read a letter in which it is stated that the blockade was
renewed by another ship on the sth of June. There was
also an account of another ship being added on some day in
July or August, and there is no reason to suppose that there
had been no ships of war before that port, and the whole
question which arises is as to the interruption of the blockade
between the 15th or 23d of May and the 4th of June. If any
ship had been taken at that time into a prize court it might
well have been argued by the owners that there was an in-
terruption, and that no blockade existed; but that does not
affect the general question of the blockade of tke Southern
coast of America. And. let it be remembered, above all,
that if there were an ineffectual blockade the last place in
which we should hear of it would be in the American price
courts. When a merchant vessel had been taken into one
of those courts it would be quite competent for the owners
to plead that there was no effective blockade and that, there-
fore, the vessel not having broken it, could not be legally
condemned. No one will say that there are not judges in
America quite competent to decide questions of international
law—judges who have inherited the precepts and doctrines
of such men as Chancellor Kent and Justice Story—quite
competent to pronounce judgment according to law, and,
who, I believe, would not have departed from the law in their
decisions in such eases. But Ido not find that there has
been any real discussion in the prize courts of America, ex-
cept, perhaps, in one or two instances with respect to the
efficiency of the blockade. I must confess to the noble lord
that the many instances which are given by Consul Bunch
and others of vessels which have run the blockade induce me
to consider the whole of this question with a view to decid-
ing what the course of the Government should be. But, in
saying that many vessels have run the blockade, I think
there is great exaggeration, and there is great misapprehen-
sion when lists of vessels are given which are, in fact, vessels
belonging to the Southern ports, which run out of creeks
and creep through shallow waters in order to reach another
port on the same coast. These are mostly small vessels of
from 50 to 350 tons, and it is stated in one of these letters
that they cannot be regarded as vessels of such size and im-
portance as to argue that the blockade was inefficient which
allowed them to escape. Your lordships know very well
that in 1806 the Government of this country announced a
blockade extending from Brest to Dunkirk, but during that
and other blockades which we instituted on the French coast
there were many coasting vessels which went from one port
of France to another entirely escaping the blockade. But
would that have justified either America or any other neu-
tral Power in saying " This blockade is ineffective, and we
will not acknowledge it, and we require you to give up the
vessels which you have seized for breach of blockade 2" It
certainly would not have justified suoh a course. But there
is another consideration, Has the Southern coast had a
free and uninterrupted communication with Europe? Have
your lordships heard that cotton has arrived in its usual
quantities here, and that the manufactures of Great Britain
and France have arrived freely at the ports of the States
which are now in a state of civil war ? On the contrary,
the intelligence which we have received shows that there
has been no such uninterrupted intercourse, but that great
inconvenience has been suffered by the inhabitants of these
Southern States, owing to the existence of that blockade,
which is said to be ineffective. On the question of the effi •
ciency of the blockade it was desirable to consult the law
officers of the Crown ; and after having done so I wrote the
despatch to Lord Lyons, stating that :

" Her Majesty's Government however are of opinion that,
assuming that the blockade is duly notified, and also that
a number of ships is stationed and remains at the entrance
of a port sufficient really to prevent access to it or to create
an evident danger of entering or leaving it, and that these
ships do not voluntarily permit ingress or egress, the fact
that various ships may have successfully escaped through
it will not of itself prevent the blockade from being an effec-
tive one by international law."

This was the deliberate opinion of her Majesty's Govern-
ment on the subject. I cannot give the papers to which
the noble lord refers, on the very ground on which he asks
for them. He says, perhaps there may be papers that may
show the blockade he thinks ineffective may really have
been effective, There are no such papers ; there are no
papers that can make the case stronger for the Government
than those which have been given; the Government is
willing to leave your lordships to judge the case from the
whole effect of the papers that have been already printed.
As to any representations from the Government of France
that it considered the blockade ineffective, I must state that
no such communication has ever been made to her Majesty's
Government, The noble lord has asked whether the Go-
vernment of the Southern States acknowledges the 2d and
4th Articles of the Declaration of Paris. It has declared
that it does acknowledge them. We have entered into no
engagement with that Government. It is our duty to see
that the Declaration of Paris is agreed to independently olif
any such engagement ; that it is our duty with regard to all
neutral nations, and with regard to the peace ?fthew
I should have been very finny to be forced circumstancesbydh
gtorecaotmme
istoforatundieffeireeotv?ionngelnstoiocnircutswtanonlces, aw.vee bldeleenulda
take a course in such a
have thought ourselves oblige%
tquarreelrththaetr wsoeulatdh.ha(vHeemars)de
Itu wtobaeecommye
ophajretoistanansdeitthheerobo!
ehcetNof every member of her Majesty's Government from
jthe very beginning of the conflict to watch the course of
events, with the determination to act in an impartial spirit
and preserve a strict neutrality between the two Powers.
Sometimes our course, as when we acknowledged the
r'retiveoonnsoofnicertain points
Southern States as belligerents, may have been considered
as having an injurious effect on the North. OR the other
hand, when forbidding privateers to carry their prizes intohad
any British port, it may have been considered tom
havenot
an effect unfavourable to the South.
con-
sider the tendency of these acts. We onlyßut owl(' sdiindgertehdewehhae--
ther they were just in themselves, and
obliged
reaitchteerr
wofitthhiosnceosuidnetryor.
tllf,Awmei,h;a.d. been
noi ille.d,,ttlk.e.=
andd
an for
interesting the peo pl eaon !
yto'he Federal Government to
wcorunun count
Americaandgeiv enbcya calamity
a especially.e ir taylo
person
fora:
ntehtl the
by
lately
hese negrws,
isnu superintend nstoe nu dt
South.
e Inieeg
to
disposition.
describesoerrikens,et°Bnhn.ei r usefulness,
di
d every-
thing and
some
thePcloarni dtai
• He says,though
entananddcaplurmesnidioeunst
tgheenirerraellaydignoeosds
he coulaidnteotrethmeovFeetdheeraelffGecotvoefrnfmalse
ayeagt he cautiously. abstained from any ' • incitement
tLaosisnteheroetiaisol7aves to rise against their owners. Bnt if, by any
misfortune, it had become necessary to vindicate our honour,
if we had been obliged to take part in this war, any hope of
seeing an end to the system of slavery by peaceable means
would have vanished. In that case the North would have
proclaimed a general emancipation of the slaves, and though
it is our earnest wish that the sin and stain of slavery should
cease, yet there is nothing we should regard with greater
horror than the devastation, the burnings, the murders, and
pillage among a population of 4,000,000 slaves that, in the
name of liberty to the negro, might have been perpetrated.
(Hear.) We trust that when this contest ends it will end
in such a way as to leave the emancipation of the negro
possible to be effected by gradual and peaceable means, and
that the slaves of America may in time take their place as
free labourers without loss of life or destruction of the pro-
perty of their masters. It is not owing to those masters
that slavery now exists in the Southern States of America.
It is an inheritance they derives from this country.
hear.) Having taken this neutral course, I trust w
three months, or perhaps sooner, we ni,ay see the end of
this
civil war ; and I hope it may end in a mannern eeniett
with the welfare and happiness of both parties,ad a renewal
of the old feelings between North and South. If
so, they
wa
may consent to a peaceable separation into
might both be powerful—inhabited by men two
with very dif.. States that
ferent education, perhaps with diffeerelnsthonualtaurz
prosperity for.
but who may have before themldabvcearerYte:
case
centuries to come. If this shou
contest we have done no..
joice above all that during
and thethat while we have constantly
thing to aggravate it,
ias
t_tear.a)t the same time been a course
pnfuorsouneediliaatfliornm. course it
Bio then withdrew his motion.
Lord STRATHED
TRANSFER OF LAND.
Bill of Real Estatew a
sßi
readll w aas
sreecaoduda secondtime. tire
The The ;Zhnsefgetri
Their iodships then adjourned.

THE LATE 12 R. BLAMIRE, OF TRACK-

WOOD.

On Saturday afternoon a meeting of friends of
the late Mr. Blamire, of Thackwood, late Chief
Tithe, Copyhold, and Inclosure Commissioner, was
held at the Bush Hotel, in the city, for the purpose
of taking steps to institute some lasting tribute to
his memory. Philip Henry Howard, Esq., of
Corby Castle, was called to the chair, and the other
gentlemen present were Captain James, Barrock
Park ; the Rev. John Monkhouse, Lyzzick Hall ;
Mr. Donald, Linstock ; Mr. Gibbons, Burnfoot;
Mr. Iredale, Hill Top; Mr. T. G. Wilson, Thistle-
wood ; Mr. L. Bunting, Buckabank ; Mr. Richard-
son, Dalston ; Mr. Bendle, Mr. M'Alpin, Mr. H.
Dobinson, Mr. James Steele, Carlisle.
The CHAIRMAN said—l am happy to accede to
the desire of Captain James and the meeting, that I
should take the chair upon this interesting occasion.
I need not enlarge upon the valuable and patriotic
services of the late Mr. Blamire ; but I will in a
few words allude to those who preceded him. The
late Dr. Blamire, his father, of the Oaks, was
known for the benevolent exercise of a benevolent
profession. His memory is still endeared to many
in the neighbourhood ; and I believe he enjoyed a
serene old age after an active and useful life. There
is no doubt that Mr. Blamire's career was rendered
in some measure easier from the estimation in
which his sire was held. You all know, gentle-
men, that the mother of Mr. Blamire was allied to
a great house ; she was sister of that able agricul-
turist, Mr. Christian Carwen. Under the auspices
of Mr. Curwen Mr. Blamire in early life acquired a
love and devotion to agricultural occupations, and
at the same time that enlightened regard to the
general interests of the community which at all
times distinguished him. At those interesting
meetings at Workington Hall, Mr. Blamire first
went through what I may call his apprenticeship in
agriculture, and became early acquainted with
many of the most leading men of the county.
I think that having said so much, gentlemen,
I may venture also to say that there is
perhaps nobody who more zealously served
those who sought his advice and influence. Whe-
ther it was the question of advancing at home or
pushing their fortunes in the colonies, the advice,
and influence, and active benevolence of Mr. Bla-
mire was always at the disposal of his fellow coun-
trymen. Having said so much I come now to that
remarkable instance where he was solicited not
only by the Government, but I may say by public
opinion, to accept the office of Chief Commissioner
of Tithes. During the long war of the Peninsula,
and during the protracted war with Napoleon, the
attention of the country had been diverted from
many home interests in practical local and national
improvements. One of these that most attracted
the attention of patriotic statesmen was the settle-
ment of the much agitated question of tithes. A
bill was brought in by a. very worthy nobleman,
whose form is still present to my memory—the
Lord Althorp. It was in many respects a good
bill, but his lordship wanted that knowledge of
detail which was necessary to carry out so great an
undertaking. It was brought in, and the different
promoters of the bill were somewhat at fault, 'when
Mr. Blamire rose in his place in the House ef Com-
mons, and in a most luminous speech, and in a
friendly manner criticised the bill and threw out
some hints by which it might be remodelled. The
Government immediately adopted his suggestions,
and Earl Russell unsolicited asked him to take
charge of the bill when it should have passed the
legislature. There never was in the annals of par-
liamentary oratory a greater triumph than that
speech. It was one not adorned by any false glare
of eloquence, but the sturdy eloquence of common
sense. (Hear.) Having been appointed to the office
of Chief Tithe Commissioner, many other kindred
occupations or branches of local improvement were
naturally in time attached to that office. There
was enclosure, and everything connected with drain-
age, and there were other local improvements
which were all naturally connected with the Tithe
Commission. Mr. Blamire was intimately ac-
quainted with customary as well as the copyhold
tenure of land and in carrying out these measures—
which were at firstvoluntary—he conferred a lasting
benefiton his countrymen. I know that having lived
for a long time in London, having survived many
of his early friends, the recollection of Mr. Blamire
may not be so vividly impressed upon the memory
of the men of Cumberland as it was in former times ;
but I know in many parts of the country, in Eng-
land at large, where these measures are known to
have originated in this way, it will be taken up,
and we shall receive from abroad—l mean from be-
yond the county—an earnest support. (Hear, hear.)
I will not, Captain James and gentlemen, say more.
I think I have said enough of Mr. Blamire—
whether as an individual anxious to promote indi-
vidual interests, or whether as a statesman and
official min. There is scarcely any one who, by
assiduity and earnest toil, has merited a more de-
served tribute than my friend Mr. Blamire. (Hear,
hear.) lam sure you will afterwards consider—
supposing we succeed in the object of our meeting
to-day—how anything collected may best be ap-
plied; but perhaps, though w e may talk of all the
propositions to-day, it may perhaps be best that the
final appointment should depend a little on the
amount' collected. I beg to thank you for the kind-
ness with which you have listened to these prefa-
tory remarks ; and though it is difficult to get a ,
large meeting, and no undue notoriety has been
given to this, I am sure the object we have in view
will prosper and succeed. (Applause.)
Capt. JAMES said he need not in moving the first I
resolution make any lengthened speech, as Mr.
Howard had so clearly and eloquently paid a tri-
bute of respect to their deceased friend. He thought,
however, he might go further, and say that their
wishes were not wishes of a political character, but
merely the wishes of friends, public and private.
He also thought he should mention that it was not
only the landowners and occupiers who were in-
terested so entirely in the results of the labours of
the late Mr. Blamire, but fully, as much interested
were the clergymen of the country. (Hear, hear.)
For he was sure, they must be much better able to
carry out charity as well as preach it, when they
did not cause irritation by claiming the tenth pig
and the tenth sheep, as they used to do in earlier
years. (Hear, hear.) He moved the folowing
resolution :

" Thatin recognition of the many kind and disinterested
services rendered by the late Mr. Blamire to the people of
Cumberland •for a long series of yet*L6, and of tho ardiuma
and faithful discharge of most important public duties as
Chief Tithe, Copyhold, and Inclosure Commissioner, ren-
dered by him to the country at large, this meeting is of
Opinion that steps should be taken to institute S lasting tri-
bute to his memory."
The VHAMICIAN said. that he was glad Captain
It%'ale • •
s had called attention to the fact that this
131"611ent had no reference to Mr.Blamire's political
career,

aarried_lciitidnit seconded the resolution, which was
Mr. ro,„i, 'BIY.
" Thai iith icnISE 'Moved—
be view to the above resolution a subscription
commenced forthwith;"
Mr. iIThOI3I,NiON
was carried. seconded the resolution, which
The CHAIRMAN • •
stating that any cfrinllwbelieved he was correct in
family of Mr. 131amire.
,Aierl be gratifying to the
forethought to name_ it to wt. Pbinson had had the
y
thing was in agitation. 9 ng that such a
Mr— DONALD moved, and 'BUNTING
seconded, the following resolution, which
adopted :-- Jell was also
" Unit a committee bo appointed to carry out 0,
object, consisting of the gentlemen present, with polder above
Power to
add to their number."
The CHAIMIAN said that one of the objects which
had been suggested was to offer an annual Blamire
prize at the East Cumberland Agricultural Society's
show; and erecton had suggested that they
might also e a tablet to the themory of Mr. Ms-
-

mire.
On the motion of Mr. D. WALPIN, Dr. Lonsdale
and Mr. Dobinson were appointed joint trea-
surers and secretaries.
Mr. T. G. WrLsort said,that in subscribing to this
fund, it gave great pleasure to pay a tribute to
the memory of Mr. Blamire,—one of the most
clenne7a, and useful men that Cumberland ever pro-
u —oni by the zealous discharge of the

.

duties of his office, and by his never-failing solici-
tude for the welfare of others, had neglected his own
interests. (Hear, hear.) it was very right and
proper that they should subscribe to d honour to
such a man; but were there not even a stone to
mark his tomb, Mr. Blamire had left a grand and
enduring memorial in every parish in the kingdom.
(Hear, hear.) By that great act, the Tithe Commu-
tation Act, he did perhaps more than any man
living to allay those bitter, angry, and malignant
feelings which too generally existed between the
priest and his parish previous to the passing of that
act. (Hear, hear.) He had raised to himself an
enduring memorial in the many tracts of country
which had been brought under cultivation since the
passing of that act, and were now bearing abundant
crops, although but for that act they would still be
barren and unproductive. (Hear, hear.) He had
raised himself a lasting memorial in the sympathy
which now happily existed between clergy and
laity on all occasions when it was desirable that they
should co-operate for the public good. (Hear.)
He might perhaps be premature in offering a sug-
gestion to this meeting as to the description of
memorial which should be raised, but he had reason
to know that a handsome stained-glass east win-
dow in Raughton Head Church would perhaps be
more gratifying to the wishes of Mr. Blamire's
friends and neighbours than anything else. When
the proper time arrived he should at all events pro-
pose that part of the memorial should consist of
this. He believed that a sufficient sum would be
raised to put up this window, and also to erect some
other handsome memorial. (Hear, hear.)
The Rev. J. MONKHOUSE said that one objection
to that would be that the windows in the church
were extremely plain, having square panes; and
the style of the building was not at all suitable—.
without all the other windows were altered.

Mr. GIBBONS suggested that the cart was getting
a little before the horse. Following out the advice
of good Mrs. Glasse, they should first catch their
hare and then skin her. (Laughter.) The first
thing would be to enter into a subscription. There
would be plenty of time afterwards to discuss how
they should spend the money.
This suggestion was adopted, the list was handed
round, and about £7O was subscribed before the
close of the meeting.
A vote of thanks having been accorded to him,
on the motion of Mr, Bunting,

The CHAIRMAN returned thanks. He said he
thought they had put it in a very fair and success-
ful channel, He was sure, as one gentleman had
remarked, Mr. Blamire's conduct was thoroughly
disinterested—he used his official means to pro-
mote the benefit of his fellow-countrymen, and not
to lay by treasures; for he might say, like Pitt, he
died poor, But his memory would be embalmed in
the recollection of a grateful posterity. (Hear.)
The proceedings then terminated.