The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-25 00:00:00

disadvantagios," or the principle on which the
juryman in GILBERT GURNEY justified the zig-zag
system of alternately convicting and acquit-
ting prisoners at the Old Bailey? as
the acquittal of a guilty man or the
conviction of an innocent one was of very little
consequence, so far as the class of defendants were
concerned, provided the average numbers were
brought to punishment or escaped with impunity,
his vision was so far telescopic. He coifld not
condescend to notice the existence of the atoms of
which the mass was made up.
Dr. FARR, however, joins issue on the point of
the class. He accepts the issue tendered by Mr.
BABBAGE, and most signally confutes him on his
own terms and with his own materials. He takes
the class " agricultural labourer," and the class
" barrister," and shows that neither one nor the
other is Tate so well off as the class " fund-
holder," or the class " territorial aristocrat."
He proves that it will take a certain, and
by no means inconsiderable, annual outlay
to supply the wear and tear in their ranks,
to "raise" hard labourers from the cradle to the
field, to educate new barristers—" who cannot
be replaced by captives on the Coast of Africa or
elsewhere" and supply them with libraries,
chambers, and other innumerable causes of expen-
diture before the farmer of their revenues could

have a residue to himself. And he draws a just
distinction between receipts and profits, showing
that the income of a professional class is strictly
analogous to the " produce" of land. One-third
only divested of risk and expenses of manage-
ment is that which, under the name of rent, con-
stitutes the landlord's profit, and on which only
he is charged, although the barrister is taxed on
the entire amount he receives. It is exactly as if the
landowner had to pay on the total value of his
crop, as if his entire " produce" was clear profit.
We would, before closing this subject, invite at-
tention to the letter of an esteemed correspondent, a
Lieut-Colonel commanding a Regiment," which will
be found in another part of this day's impression. The
gallant officer puts his case clearly and distinctly,
and unequivocally exposes the grievance under
which the class " military officer" is labour-
ing. It is indeed a hardship that a man
who has purchased every step of rank, which
he has obtained after a protracted service,
continued, as in the case of our correspondent, in
every quarter of the globe, for no less than forty-
one years, and who is literally serving his country
gratuitously—for the aggregate of the sums he has
paid for his various commissions would purchase a
larger annuity than that of which he is in re-
ceipt—should be charged much more heavily
than those " whb live at home at ease." It is,
however, a portion of the system which Mr. BAB-
BAGE defends, and which Dr. FARR has so ably
and unequivocally exposed.

There is not a more contemptible piece of
House-of-Commons slang than the cry, "No bit-
by-bit Reforms." Let independent Members be
on their guard, in the coming sessions, against
heeding it for one moment. There may be very
urgent
amendmentsneed
on h
to pressote old Reform Act,ntheHouseseveral im-
portant
and
no cajollery, and no taunts, ought, in that case,nod
to deter true Reformers from aiming to carry each
point if they can, and, if not, from letting the
electors see who are real Liberals and who are
not. If, indeed, the Cabinet will announce that
they mean to propose their New Reform Bill in
full time to carry it through this session, we
should certainly not recommend superfluous
debate on individual points. It would certainly
to dizncusasmaennyLhinengt oomnittthede by the
Govern more
ra easyent ,
as
corres-
ponding part of the Government Bill, or as an
addition to it. It is, however, for the opposite
probability that we would exhort our stauncher
men to brace their nerves. If it is determined to
givefo our
accountsrm tripart
fora
tripartite
Ministry
tivemleoisnthe woto strongly 4 cook"
Resuspect the national Shareholders will find them-
selves done by their Directors. Entrance on
office, and exit from it, are the times when Cabi-
nets are disposed to bid their best; and if we have
no offers, therefore, worth having this session,
depend upon it, we may look in vain for them
when the nest of place has become warm, and
Ministers have acquired the full measure of offi-
cial nonchalance. We have a splendid Cabinet,
provided it be worked by a determined House.
By combining at all they have showed that they
are, as the phrase goes, of squeezable materials ;
but, if left to themselves, it must but too soon
appear that the dice are loaded, and the cast will
always be to the advantage of the Noble Member
for London's "prescriptive claims." It ought,
therefore, to be known as soon as possible that
the electoral notices of motions, although no day
is affixed to them, are not mere show motions--
that as they were intended to test the question of
Electoral Reform with a Ministry presumed to be
hostile to it, so they will be pressed for that pur-
pose should an avowedly Reforming Ministry
loiter in their work. Ominous as we fear the
symptoms are that this may be the case, we shall
rejoice amongst the foremost to find it otherwise.
All " bygones shall be bygones" with us for
ever, from the hour that proposals are made
worthy the acceptance of Reformers. If the
Ministry will only imitate Sir ROBERT PEEL'S,
Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S, and the Duke of WELLING-
TON'S conduct on the Corn Laws—if they will
come forward and avow that the time is come to
give real votes, and in fair distribution, to our
intelligent democracy—we will never reproach them
with the errors of the past, nor even quote
against them a sentence of old speeches which
does not express their present views. We will
back them to the extent of our ability unreserv-
edly and heartily. We desire, therefore, not to
be classed with opponents Of the Ministry if we
show them what ought, as we think, to be the
course of the hearty Liberals, should the Fabian
policy be adopted with regard to Reform.
In that case, then, we say, let those Members
at least who have given notice of substantial and
practical motions bring them forward with the
determination, if possible, to carry them,—let
them obtain the earliest possible day for discussing
them,—let them secure a sufficient attendance
from their own side to compel an attendance on
the other,—let them arrange with each other for
an adequate number of speakers, and by every
means in their power provoke some of the other
side to reply,—let them, at least, compel a divi-
sion, and exhibit a few times, on the division list,
those who are afraid to vote,and who vote on the
wrong side. They will do invaluable service to
the country if they make manifest who are either
foes to our " intelligent democracy," or cowards in
its cause. As a step to this, let them be well
satisfied that every real Reform is worth, something
in itself,—that "bit-by-bit Reform" is
infinitely
better than no Reform,—that it is opposed only
because it is feared as a stepping-stone to complete
Reform. A useless attempt, 'or really trivial one,
for instance like that of General EVANS, to patch
up the annoying Rate-paying Clauses, instead of
a proposal to wipe them from the statute-book,
deserved little support ; it was merely trying to
mend an electoral bog which nothing could cure,
the only remedy worth having being to make a
shorter and safer path to the polling-booth. Very
different is the case with Mr. LOCKE KING'S mo-
tion for a Ten-pound Franchise in the counties.
Not the.shadow of an argument can be advanced
by a Liberal against it. It is thoroughly prac-
tical ; it is not even the introduction of a novel
Franchise. The class to whom it would give votes
are superior, generally, in social standing to the
ten-pound householders in town ; they are almost
always superior to the 501. tenants-at-will, and
they are certainly much more independent than
the latter. Nothing on earth can be alleged against
them, but that it would be an enlargement of the
constituencies, although an enlargement of ex-
cellent
quality. But why bring it forward .i
'if the Government are purposing themselves
to bring in a large measure next session 7
Because, it will do the measure of next session no
harm if that measure be proposed at all next
session, and if it be really a liberal one ;
because, who can tell what may engage us next
session ? Who in the world would have dreamed
of a Durham Letter, and an Ecclesiastical Titles
Bill to kick reform aside in 1851 ? and, because,