The Sun.
London, England, 1862-11-12 00:00:00

AN AMERICAN VIEW OF MR. GLAD-

SIONE'S NEIVC2IS2LE SPEECH.

The actual Chancellor of the British Exchequer is
notorious in the history of British politics for his habit of
forgetting the Crown Minister in the philosophical student
of human affairs; and this trait of Mr. Gladstone's cha-
racter must be taken into the account in estimating the
significance of his recent remarkable speech upon American
affairs, at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Our readers will re-
member that this is not Mr. Gladstone's first appearance
during the present contest in the quality of a scholarly
orator upon the course of American events. Early in the
past summer, the accomplished gentleman who once under-
took to manage the affairs of the lonian Islands upon
Homer's principles delivered himself of still another
remarkable speech, in which he distinctly prophesied the
hopeless defeat of all attempts to maintain or reconstruct the
American Union. This speech, like the later oration, of
which the Australasian has now brought us the complete
text, made a sensation, not in England alone, but in this
country as well. It was inferred, perhaps not unreason-
ably, that when the English Chancellor of the Exchequer
spoke on a question of foreign policy, he spoke for his GO-
vernruent as well as himself, and we had at once the usual
outcry on the subject of the "immediate recognition of
Southern independency by Eagland." The outcry cried
iitself out, and the recognition did not come. Is it to
come now, because again Mr. Gladstone has surveyed,
"with extensive view," American mankind, from Maine
to Texas, and pronounced the South in arms to be " a
nation," made such by Jefferson Davis ? Unquestionably
not, England and Europe may recognise the independence
of the Confederate States ; but it will be by Europe and
not by England alone that this recognition will be made,
nor will it be made until Europe, as 7ell as England, has
learned precisely what the Confederate States are, and
what they may hope to be Mr. Gladstone himself warns
enthusiastic expectation to bridle the impulse it may re-
ceive from his discourse, when he winds up his glowing
picture of all the North has failed to do, and of all tilts
South has done, with the exceedingly vague and tempe-
rate remark, that a " time may arrive when it would be
the duty of Europe (not of England, observe I) to offer the
word of expostulation or friendly aid toward composing.
the quarrel." In this sagacious and well interpolated
phrase, lies small comfort for the " nation of Jefferson
Davis." That nation has no wish to see " the quarrel
composed." It wishes to be admitted into the family of
states in all the grandeur of Mr. Jefferson' Davis' ideal
Confederacy, with the Gulf States for its pedestal, and
Mexico for its future—its right hand stayed upon Ma
ry..
land, its left hand resting upon Missouri. To this vials
Mr. Gladstone's speech offers but a sorry respond
That
speech, while it treats the separation of th a American
States as an accomplished fact, breathes only regret over
the fact which it assumes; and finds the bnlyconsolation
which a statesman can discover in the talamity, to be the,
hope that the Confederacy may be less competent to per-
petuate slavery than the Union had proved to be. The sym.
pathies of Mr. Gladstone are openly with the North, and if
his conclusions tally nut with those sympathies, we may
perhaps afford to forgive him his temporary deductions in
consideration of the principles permanently friendly to free-
dom and to a free -Union which he resolutely utters,—/Vet.
York Times.