The Sun.
London, England, 1865-05-13 00:00:00

rtE- SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVEN.

100
iOO
100
100
100

190
100
100
F 0
100
100

H M

ISIONS.

55 68
102 103
pr ip
4 4,

65 70

9g 101
75 95
111 103
101 103
IL3 104
$1)
18; 14,

E 5 88
64 66
54 56
55 57
47 4.)
45 44
43 45
25 27
25 26
103 101

i }P
i IP

94 96
93 95
93 95
82 84
8! 84
103 106
104 106
11,5 107
106 108
105 107
109 112

103 105
105 107
107 109
102 103
92 95
99 101
93 95
91 93
104 106
88 90

04 08
103 105

INES.

1031 1

103 j 1

101 } 10 i

102 11

1011

,ITIES.

83i 3

POLICE 'INTELLIGENCE,— This Day.

WESTMINSTER.

ASSAULTING A FATHER AND MOTllER.—Michael Cosgrove
was charged with violently assaulting his father and
mother on the previous evening.

John Cosgrove, Greycoat-street, labourer, said—This is
my son ; he won't work, and wants me -to keep him. Last
night at 10 I was with my wife. He came in and took
bread and everything out of the place. I told him to go,
and he struck me several times in the nose and face, and
kicked me. I found him good employment and he would
not go to it ; he gets drunk and wants me to keep him.
He is sponging upon me Always and won't work. [Witness
exhibited a black eye and a cut nose.]
Sarah Cosgrove—This is my son. He came in last night ;
I advised him not to go in, but he did and wanted to go to
bed. We would not let him. He made a kick on my arm ;
I don't know that it was meant for me. He could work if
he liked, but he won't. He pulled the hair out of my head.
Prisoner had nothing to say.
Dennis, the gaoler, said he had been there for drunken-
ness and felony several times.

Mr. Selfe said this sort of conduct would not do, and
asked defendant why he did not work.
Defendant made no reply, and refused to have anything
to say to his father or mother.
Mr. Selfe said he could not expect them to keep him; he
would not worKit appeared, but he should do so now. He
was sentenced to two months' hard labour,

Prisoner said, very coolly, " thank you," and asked some
of his companions in the body of the court to come and see
him.

THAMES.

THE SCOTCHMAN IN LONDON.—Mr. John Dickson, a
Scotch shipowner, aged 50, with a rubicund face, which
indicated, in a most unmistakeable manner, his devotions
to Bacchus, was brought before Mr. Partridge, on a warrant,
charged with refusing to pay a Gab .fare.
James Goodwin, driver of the cab 2,979, and wearing
the badge 3,916, stated that he took up the prisoner at the
St. Katherine Dock Hotel, Upper East Smithfield, on the
evening of the 20th of April, and drove him to Wardrobe-
place, Doctors'-commons, back to the Minories, Aldgate,
and St. Katherine's then westward to the Argyll Rooms,
in Windmill-street, Haymarket, where he made a short
stay, and then visited the Holborn Casino. He finally
drove the prisoner back to his hotel and demanded his
fare. The prisoner said he had "nae Biller," and
could not pay him. He took out a summons, to
which the prisoner did not appear, and ho then
obtained a warrant. He had lost two days at the police-
court, and this was his third appearance. _ _ _

The prisoner said the cab-driver took his pocketbook
from him, and he wanted it, for it contained papers of im-
portance and value.

Goodwin—The prisoner gave me his pocketbook, and
told me to keep it until he paid the fare. Here it is.
The pocketbook was handed to the prisoner, who said
the contents had not been disturbed. He never refused to
pay the fare. (A laugh.)
Mr. Partridge—Then pay him now.
The Prisoner—Nae, mon; I hae nee money this side the
Tweed.

Mr. Partridge—DO you expect the cab-driver to go to
the other side of the Tweed for the money.
The prisoner said if the cab-driver would accompany him
to his hotel he would pay the money.
Howland, an officer of the court, No. 89 H, said there
were eight or nine other cab-drivers who had similar de-
mands on the prisoner, who could not pay them, and that
he had been riding about Loudon for several days, and had
pretty well nigh exhausted the bounty of his friends. The
prisoner was a master mariner, and called himself a ship-
owner, because he had "two halves" in a vessel. The
prisoner denied riding in the complainant's cab at any time.
Mr. Partridge said the prisoner had no right to indulge
in the luxury of cabs if he had no money to pay the fares.
He ordered him to pay 12s. for six hours' cab fare, ss. for
the complainant's loss of time, 2s. for the summons, and 2s.
for the warrant. In default the prisoner must be impri-
soned in the House of Correction for seven days.
At the prosecutor's urgent request the Scotchman was
permitted to leave the Court with Sergeant Baker, of the
police van, who said he would accompany him to the St.
Katherine's Hotel.

How VERY AFFECTING !—All eyes which intend
to be present at the drawing-room on the 18th inst., says
the Queen, are anxiously turned towards Brussels, a's every-
thing depends on the issue of the King's illness as to what
toilettes will be worn on the occasion.

JOHN GEORGE PHILLIMORE, Q.C.—To under-
take an important historical work would seem to be
attended with fatal consequences. Fox, Mackintosh, and
Macaulay were all struck down before the " Histories of
England" on which they were engaged had been nearly
completed. To these honoured names we must now add
that of one whose qualifications were nearly as great as
any of them, but whose performances have not attracted
the attention excited by the achievements of each of them,
the name of John George Phillimore. The instalment we
have of his history is of a character to make us desire to
see it completed. In one respect he was unfitted for writ-
ing a comprehensive history. Whatever had not been
done by Tacitus, should not, he thought, be attempted by
any other historian. Because Tacitus knew nothing of
some of the " ologies" which are now supposed to bo in-
cluded in every educational programme, therefore, Mr.
Phillimore argued, such knowledge was to be despised by
modern historians. Moulding his style on that of the
classical writers, Mr. Phillimore hoped thereby to produce
some of their effects. The result was failure and conse-
quent disappointment. Nevertheless, he showed so ardent
a desire to eliminate truth from action, so much courage in
stating opinions opposed to those which are fashionable, so
strong a determination to uphold what he believed to be
true against all gainsayers, that he commanded our respect
when he did not gain our approbation. We are glad to
learn that, when death overtook him, another volume was
nearly ready for publication of his " History of England."
—The Reader.

WEDGWOOD'S RELATIVES.—It has been hitherto
assumed that Wedgwood was born in a mean hovel,
surrounded by the rudest associations, and whilst yet a
child consigned to the coarsest drudgery. The facts, as we
find, were essentially different. His father, as we have
seen, was a man in easy, if not in affluent circumstances.
His relatives, Aaron Wedgwood and Dr. Thomas Wedg-
wood, jun., were persons of position in their native place.
The latter was a man of the nicest skill in his art, and for
those days extremely well educated. His handwriting is
that of a gentleman. John and Thomas Wedgwood, the
sons of Aaron, who commenced business in 1740, and
in 18 to 20 years from that date had acquired
.a for-
tune and built the handsomest house in Burslem,
where, when Josiah Wedgwood was a child, active
and intelligent young men, busy in improving their
staple, and as keenly alive to the commercial needs, as to
the intense spirit of industry then taking growth through-
out the country. A few years later, when they lattd erected
their conspicuous dwelling, and earned comparative leisure,
their hospitable hearth became a gathering-place for men
of keen and active intelligence. Here Brindley, Thomas
Gilbert, the Duke of Bridgewater's agent, John and Hugh
Henshall, father and son, met to discuss the various plans
then afloat, for eonstructing and improving roads and flint
mills, and the first surveys for canal navigation. Other of
Josiah Wedgwood's relations held an equally influential
position in their native place ; and as to a simplicity of
habits and manners, such prevailed everywhere. It is also
certain that the worthy and substantial class from which
Wedgwood sprang were, generally speaking, as well edu-
cated as the greater portion of the gentry.—Meteyard's
Life of Wedgwood.

A TIGER ANECDOTE.--1 believe that face to face
a tiger will not attack a human being, unless he
displays a thorough want of nerve ; the Malays are also of
this opinion, but express it differently. They say that "if
you will only speak to a tiger, and tell it that it can get
plenty of food in the jungle beside you, the animal will
be persuaded, and leave you unmolested. Unfortunately,
few get the chance to speak to tho tigers in this way,
because, as I have stated, they almost invariably steal
up behind those they intend to attack I have, how-
ever, heard the following account told by an old Malay
of an attack which he prevented by an appeal to
the better nature of the animal. He was returning home
after a visit to town to his house at Selita, along that part
of the road which I have described as being the most
hs
andthickly surrounded by jungle. He had his little child, a
boy of seven or eight years old, slung behind him, and
both were contentedly chewing away
saw a tiger jagong,atering
downright creucwhhen
eves
apparently preparing for
athsepr fathernsgo nd.uc: on
an front
Calling
gdtfto a that they appeared to arrest theo lifting
mindofup nd him,
the old saying, he gasped out
a few
tiger, but being anxious not to risk the life of his son, he
moved slowly backwards to a tree which he remembered
to have passed a few yards behind. The tiger advanced
upon him step for step as ho retreated. When the old
man's back touched the tree, ho told his son to climb up.
This the boy did, and the father, relieved of anxiety on
his account, drew his wood-knife and commenced an ad-
vance, arguing all the while with the keenest logic—
sharpened no doubt by the occasion—that it would be
infinitely better for both to part without quarrelling.
This advance and retreat continued for about fifty yards,
when the tiger, either persuaded by the logic, or daunted
by the bravery of the man, turned tail, and bolted into
the jungle.—Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India,
by J. Cameron.

MILITARY SUBORDINATION IN THE UNITED
STATES.—The Avenir Arational of yesterday says :—" Since
we are to receive our great lessons from America, there is
one which we must record ; it is the respectful subordina-
tion of the military to the civil authority. Sherman, so
brilliant in his recent campaign—Sherman, to whom so
much homage has been rendered for his incomparable
merits—Sherman is publicly disavowed by the civil Govern-
ment, and he accepts this disavowal with respect and obe-
dience, faithful to democratic discipline, and showing as
much eagerness to submit to the decisions of the chiefs who
have given him the law as to advance against the enemy.
We have rejoiced to see American events contribute so
powerfully to enlighten the pubhc:mind of Europe by these
teachings."

NG, MAY 13, 1865.

A Conversation with General Lee.

The New York Herald of the 29th ult. has a long
letter from a special correspondent, giving some
account of a conversation at Richmond with Gen.
Lee. Writing from Richmond on the 24th ult.,
the correspondent says :

In order, if possible, to get some clear light for
the solution of the new complications growing out
of the murder of President Lincoln I yesterday
sought and obtained an interview with that distin-
guished soldier and leader of the rebel armies, Gen.
Robert E. Lee, and was permitted to draw out his
views on the very important questions suggested.
It is proper to say that my reception was every-
thing that could be expected from a gentleman who
has always been considered a type of the once
famous chivalry, and, I had almost said, nobility of
Virginia. Pen and ink sketches of General Lee
have been so numerously made of late, by news-
paper writers, that any attempt at this time by me
in that direction would be a work of supererogation.
I may simply say, that the firm step, the clear voice,
the bright, beaming countenance, the quick intelli-
gence, the upright form, and the active manner of
the general very strongly belie the portraitures of
him which are so common. All the vigour and
animation and ability of ripe manhood are promi-
nently conspicuous in his bearing. His venerable
white hair and beard simply inspire respect for the
mature ideas and deliberate expressions that come
from this conspicuous rebel leader, but in nowise
convey an impression of decay or old age.
It will not be possible to relate the extended con-
versation that ensued with any approach to exact-
ness, no notes having been taken, and it will not,
therefore, be attempted ; but I will confine myself
to a record of the views expressed by General Lee
on several prominent topics, as I understood him to
express himself.

The general's attention was directed to his
written and spoken determination to draw his
sword in defence only of his native State, and the
inquiry was raised as to what he considered the de-
fence of Virginia, and what degree of deliberation
he had given to that expression. He stated that,
as a firm and honest believer in the doctrine of State
rights, he had considered his allegiance due primarily
to the State in which he was born and where he had
always resided. And although he was not an advo-
cate of secession at the outset, when Virginia seceded
he honestly believed it his duty to abide his fortune.
He opposed secession to the last, foreseeing the ruin
it was sure to entail. But when the state withdrew
from the Union he had no recourse, in his views of
honour and patriotism, but to abide her fortunes.
He went with her, intending to remain merely a
private citizen. When he resigned his commission
in the United States army he had no intention of
taking up arms in any other service, and least of all
in a service antagonistic to the United States. His
state, however, called for him, and entertaining the
fixed principles he did of state sovereignty, he had
no alternative but to accept the service to which he
was called. When he made use of the declarations
that have been so extensively quoted of late, he had
accepted only a commission from Virginia. Subse-
quently, when Virginia attached herself to the
Southern Confederacy, the same political impres-
sions impelled him to follow her, and when he ac-
cepted service under the rebel government he did so
on the principle that he was defending his native
state. And yet, by the act of accepting such service,
he was bound in honour to serve in any part of the
Confederacy where he might be called without re-
ference to state lines ; and the reconciliation with
his former avowal, if any were necessary, was found
in the fact that Virginia, standing or falling with
the other Southern States, in defending them all he
was defending the one to which he considered his
allegiance primarily due. As to the effect of his
surrender, he was free to say it was a severe blow to
the South, but not a crushing blow. It was of mili-
tary, not political significance. I asked, was not that
surrender a virtual surrender of the doctrine of state
rights ? By no means the general replied. When the
South shall be wholly subdued, there will then undeni-
ably be a surrender of that doctrine. But the surrender
of a single army is simply a military necessity. The
army of Northern Virginia was surrendered because
further resistance on its part would only entail a
useless sacrifice of life. But the army was merely
a part of the force of the South. When the South
shall be forced to surrender all its forces and returns
to the union, it indisputably, by that act, surren-
ders its favourite doctrine of secession. That prin-
ciple will then be settled by military power.
On the question of state sovereignty the general
contends that there exists a legitimate casus belli.
In the :convention that formed the organic law of
thejand, the question of defining the relative powers
of the States, and their relation to the general go-
vernment, was raised, but after much discussion was
dropped and left unsettled. It has remained so un-
settled until the present time. This war is destined
to set it at rest. It is unfortunate that it was not
settled at the outset ; but as it was not settled then,
and had to be settled at some time, the war raised
on this issue cannot be considered treason. If the
South is forced to submission in this contest, it of
course can only be looked upon as the triumph of
Federal power over state rights, and the forced
annihilation of the latter.

With reference to the war in the abstract, the
general declared it as his honest belief that peace
was practicable two years ago, and has been prac-
ticable from that time to the present day whenever
the general government should see fit to seek it,
giving any reasonable chance for the country to
escape the consequences which the exasperated
North seemed determined to impose. The South
has, during all this time, been ready and anxious
for peace. 'They have been looking for some word
or expression of compromise or conciliation from
the North upon which they might base a return to
the Union. They were not prepared, nor are they
yet, to come and beg for terms ; but were ready
to accept any fair and honourable terms, their
own political views being considered. The question
of slavery did not lay in the way at all. The best
men of the South have long been anxious to do
away with this institution, and were quite willing
to-day to see it abolished. They consider slavery
for ever dead. But with them, in relation to this
subject the question has ever been, " What will you
do with the freed people ?" This is the serious
question to-day, and one that cannot be winked at.
It must be met practically and treated intelligently.
The negroes must be disposed of, and if their dispo-
sition can be marked out, the matter of feeing them
is at once settled. But unless some humane course
is adopted, based on wisdom and Christian principles,
you do a gross wrong and injustice to the whole
negro race in setting them free. And it is only this
consideration that has led the wisdom, intelligence,
and Christianity of the South to:support'and defend
the institution up to this time.

The assassination of the President was spoken of.
The general considered this event in itself one of
the most deplorable that could have occurred. As
a crime it was unexampled and beyond execration.
It was a crime that no good man could approve from
any conceivable motive. Undoubtedly the effort
would be made to fasten the responsibility of it upon
the South ; but, from his intimate acquaintance
with the leading men of the South, he was confident
there was not one of them who would sanction or
approve it. The scheme was wholly unknown in
the South before its execution, and would never have
received the slightest encouragement had it been
known ; but, on the contrary, the most severe exe-
cration. I called the general's attention, at this
point, to a notice that had been printed in the Nor-
thern papers, purporting to have been taken from a
paper published in the interior of the South, pro-
posing, for the sum of one million of dollars, to un-
dertake the assassination of the President and his
Cabinet. The general affirmed . that he had
never seen nor heard of such a proposition, nor
did he believe it had ever been printed in the
South ; though if it had, it had been permitted
merely as the whim of some crazy person that
could possibly amount to nothing. Such
a crime was an anomaly in the history of our country,
11 and we had yet before its perpetration to learn that
it was possible either of earnest conception or
actual execution.

It was a most singular and remarkable expression
to escape the lips of such a man as General Lee,
that " the South was never inure than half in earnest

in this war." I cannot attempt to translate this
remark or elucidate it. Its utterance conveyed to
me the impression that the South was most heartily
sick of the war, and anxious to get back into the
Union and to peace. The general added that they
went off after political leaders in a moment of
passion and under the excitement of fancied wrongs,
honestly believing that they were entering a struggle
for an inalienable right and a fundamental principle
of their political creed. A man should not be
judged harshly for contending for that which he
honestly believes to be right. Such was the position
of the vast majority of the Southern people now.
And now that they are defeated they consider that
they have lost everything that is worth contending
for in the Government. They have sacrificed home,
friends, property, health, all on this issue. Men do
not make such sacrifices for nothing. They have
made the sacrifice from honest convictions. And
now that they have lost in the issue they feel that
they have no interest left in this country. It is the
opinion of General Lee that unless moderation and
liberality be exercised towards them the country
will lose its best people. Already, he says, they are
seeking to expatriate themselves, and numerous
schemes are started to go to mexico, to Brazil, to
Canada, to France, or elsewhere. He is called upon
frequently to discountenance and suppress such
undertakings. The country needs these young men.
They are its bone and sinew, its intelligence and
enterprise, its hope for the future, and wisdom de-
mands that no effort be spared to keep them in the
country and pacify them. It was a most noticeable
feature of the conversation that General Lee,
strange as it may appear, talked throughout as
a citizen of the United States. He seemed to
plant himself on the national platform, and take
his observations from that standpoint. He talked
calmly, deliberately, earnestly, but with no show
of interest other or different from what
might be expected from an honest believer in his
peculiar opinions. The conversation, which had been
greatly protracted, so much so that I became uneasy
for fear of trespassing on time that I had no right to
claim, terminated with some allusions to the terms
of peace. Here there was, perhaps naturally and
properly, more reticence than on any other topic.
But it was plain from what transpired that the only
question in the way of immediate peace was thetreat-
ment to be accorded the vanquished. Everything
else, by implication, seems to be surrendered. Slavery,
state rights, the doctrine of secession, and whatever
else of political policy may be involved in the strife is
abandoned, the only barrier to an immediate and uni-
versal suspension of hostilities and return to the Union
being the treatment the national authorities may pro-
mise those who have been resisting its power and para -
mount authority. It is proper to say that this was not
so stated by General Lee, but is simply an inference
from the conversation that took place on that topic.
On the contrary, the general seemed very cautious in
regard to terms. In order to get at his views, if pos-
sible, I suggested the conservative sentiment of the
North, which proposed a general amnesty to all sol-
diers and military officers, but that the political leaders
of the South be held to a strict accountability.
" Would that be just ?" he asked. " What has Mr.
Davis done more than any other Southerner that he
should be punished ? It is true he has occupied a pro-
minent position as the agent of a whole people, but
that has made him no more nor less a rebel than the
rest. His acts were the acts of the whole people, and
the acts of the whole people were his acts. He was not
accountable for the commencement of the struggle.
On the contrary, he was one of the last to give in his
adherence to the secession movement, having strenu-
ously opposed it from the outset and portrayed its
ruinous consequences in his speeches and by his
writings. Why, therefore, should he suffer more
than others ?" Of course it was not my province
to discuss these questions, and as this illustration
disclosed the bent of the General's mind it was all
that I desired to know.

In taking leave of the General, I took occasion
to say that he was greatly respected by a very large
body of good men at the North, and that as a soldier
he was universally admired, and that it was earnestly
hoped that he would yet lead an army of the United
States troops in the enforcement of the Monroe
doctrine. He thanked me for the expression of
Northern sentiment towards himself, but as for more
fighting he felt that he was getting too old; his
only desire now being to be permitted to retire to
private life and end his days in seclusion. It was,
I thought, an evidence of painful sadness of heart
that prompted the added expression that he would
have been pleased had his life been taken in any of
the nunlerous battle-fields on which he had fought
during this war.

The Costs of the Schleswig-Holstein War,

(REUTER'S EXPRESS.) '
BERLIN, May 9.

At the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies to-day
Finance Minister von Bodelschwingh brought in a
report upon the Danish war, with an account of the
expenses thereby incurred. He said :—" This
report contains an account of the political circum-
stances which led to the war, and the measures it
became necessary to take. The expenses are stated
in the accompanying accounts. As I consider the
ordinary committee might not be adequate to decide
the business part of the question, I recommend its
reference to a special committee.

President GRAnow—Although reference to the
committee on the budget might, perhaps, be ad-
visable. I think, on no account of the extreme im-
portance of the matter, the appointment of a special
committee would be desirable.

Deputy STAVENHAGEN moved that the report
should be printed before the House determined upon
further proceedings, which was acceded to. The
following extracts are taken from the account of the
war expenses :

The war expenditure includes-1. For the War
Ministry—a. Expenses of one mobilisation, 2,144,097
thalers ; b. Costs of artillery and fortifications,
4,256,900 thalers ; c. Current expenditure, so far as
not covered by the means of current administration,
12,121,463 thalers ; making in all a sum of
18,522,460 thalers. Of this amount 8,256,900
thalers are in arrear. For the Marine, a, Expenses
annexed to general cost, 998,013 thalers; b. Ex-
traordinary war expenditure, 549,758 thalers ; c.
Costs occasioned specially by the war, 2,122,932
thalers, making in all 3,670,704 thalers, 707,450 of
which are still in arrear. 3. Postal and tele-
graphic administration 288,613 thalers.

A review of the State revenue and expenditure
for 1864 follows, showing that there would have
been a balance of 14,224,877 thalers. The costs
of the war, however, amounting to 22,481,777, a
deficit of 8,256,900 thalers still remains to be sup-
plied.

The note of February 22 last is appended to the
report, which contains the terms upon which
Prussia is willing to settle the Schlewig-Holstein
question. These relate to-1. Alliance and
association of the Schleswig-Holstein and Prussian
armies and fleets ; 2. The Holstein Federal con-
tingent ; 3. The Federal fortress of Sonderburg ;
4. The cessions of territory of Sonderburg, Fried-
richsort, and the surrounding districts, for the con-
struction of a Prussian war harbour in Kiel Bay,
and for forts at the issues of the canals ; 5. The
Baltic and North Sea canal ; 6. Accession to the
Zollverein ; and, lastly, to traffic arrangements
(postal and telegraphic service). At the close of
this appendix it is said, " The surrender of the
Duchies to the future Sovereign will follow upon
guarantee for the execution of the previous condi-
tions. If they should not come to pass, Prussia
will re-enter upon the rights secured to her by the
treaty of Vienna, and reserves to herself the privi-
lege of validating all other claims appertaining to
her with regard to the Duchies.
The report concludes with a motion that Parlia-
ment will sanction the application already made by
the Treasury of the administrative surplus sums of
the past years 1863 and 1864 (amounting to
12,213,436 thalers), together with an amount of
1,304,089 thalers, towards covering the costs of the
war against Denmark, and will at the same time
declare its approval that the expenses arising out of
the same cause for strengthening the artillery and
fortifications, amounting to a further sum of
4,256,900 thalers (the right of checking the ac-
counts being reserved)'shall also he taken from the
Treasury according as they may be required.

THIR I EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, 6 O'CLOCK.

CITY BETTING—This Day.

--

GREAT NORTHERN HANDICAP.
7to 2 agst Buckfoot (taken and offered)
6to 1 agst Cathedral (taken)
Bto 1 agst Finesse (taken)
10 to 1 agst Gondola (taken)
10 to 1 agst Verger (taken and offered)
100 to 7 agst La Toucques (taken)

SOMERSETSHIRE STAKES.
6to 1 agst Buckfoot (taken)
THE DERBY.

11 to 2 agst Gladiateur (taken)
Bto 1 agst The Duke (taken)
100 to 12 agst Archimedes (taken)
11 to 1 agst Wild Charley (taken and offered)
11 to 1 agst Breadalbane (taken)
100 to 7 agst Longdown (taken and offered)
100 to 7 agst Broomielaw (taken)
22 to 1 agst Christmas Carol (taken)
40 to 1 agst Chattanooga (taken and offered)
40 to 1 agst Ariel (taken)
50 to 1 agst Koenig (taken)
1000 to 15 agst Zambezi (taken)