The Sun.
London, England, 1862-07-19 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING JULY 19, 1862.

will be perceived, is highly important to-be main- who has the emancipation of the country at heart
1
tained in all its integrity at a crisis like the present. ought to sharpen his stiletto !" And in answer to
Lord PALmERsToN fully accepts it—adverting with this not simply flinging down of the gauntlet, but
approbation to Mr. WHITESIDE'S arguments his actual brandishing of the dagger, RATTAZZI has
lordship said—He has argued that which lam not now spoken in the Chambers, generally repudiating
going to dispute, namely, that if this country GARIBALDI. Remembering which, it is almost
thought it right to do so, we should be perfectly impossible not to feel perfectly well persuaded that,
justified in acknowledging the independence of the in spite of Signor CRISPI'S well intentioned inter-
Southern States, provided only that that indepen- position, the exact point has been reached marking
deuce hadbeen, in the words which he used, "firmly out the beginning of the end ! And that out of the
\
and permanently established." And, moreover, I very collision of opinions among the soldiers and
quite concur with him that the fact of our acknow- statesmen of Italy the destinies of the Italians will
ledgment of that independence, if we thought it right themselves,
right to make it, would be no just cause of war on
the part of the Northern States—would be no just
cause of offence on the part of the Northern States
as:against this country."
It resolves itself, therefore, into a question of the
prudent time for doing the thing, and Lord PAL-
MERSTON might fairly ask, that as no one had to
blame the Government thus far, the question of
time might be left in its hands. He held that the
Confederates were not yet in a position to justify
our recognition as a Government, though we could
recognise them as belligerents :—" I contend, he
said, that up to the present moment whatever may
be the opinion which anybody entertain of
the great determination of the Southerns to
fight till the very last for the maintenance of
their independence, practically the contest has
not yet assumed that character which would
justify this country in assuming that that inde-
penience was permanently and firmly established.
But then many people who talk of acknowledg-
ment seem to imply that acknowledgment if made
would establish establish some different position
between this country and the Southern States. It
would establish none, unless it was followed up by
some direct and active interference. Neutrality, as
well argued by the right hon. gentleman, is per-
fectly compatible with acknowledgment. We may
be neutral in war between two countries whose
independence we never called in question, Two
long established countries go to war, and we
acknowledge the indepenence of both, but we are
not on that account bound to take part in the
contest."

During the course of the debate which arose
last evening in the House of Lords, in consequence
of the observations uttered by the Earl of
CARNARVON in regard to the whole Question
of our Colonial Fortifications, we are rejoiced
that we have occasion to remark the perfect
coincidence of some of the opinions expres-
sed by the Duke of NEWCASTLE and by the
Earl of ELLENBOROUGII in reference to the non
passing of the Militia Bill by the Canadian Par-

liament. That the Militia Bill should not have
been passed by that Legislature is to us, in some
respects, a circumstance, altogether inexplicable. It
is, to say the very least of it, an egregious over-
sight. It is, according to the phrase of TALLEY-
RAND, worse than a fault, it is a mistake. " I can-
not understand," exclaims Lord ELLENBOROUGH,
" what spirit of infatuation can have pos-
sessed that Parliament to act is such a
manner." The most ordinary sense of prudence
one would have imagined must, by a sort of neces-
sity, have dictated a wholly different course of pro-
ceeding. The terrible struggle going on there at

this moment in the South, between the Federals
and the Confederates, would of itself, anyone almost
might have conjectured, have proved quite weighty
reason enough for the passing of the Militia Bill
by the Canadian Parliament : instead of for the
passing of it—by ! We cannot certainly go with
Lord ELLENBOROUGH, when he asks indignantly,
as it were, of the members of that Canadian Par-
liament " Is it possible that they can-
not sees what every other man must see—
that in whatever manner the present civil
war in America terminates, whether in the
success of the North or in the separation of
the South, the immediate result will be an
irruption into Canada? If the people of the North
fail," the noble earl goes on to say with amusing con-
fidence, " they will attack Canada as a compensa-
tion for their loss. If they succeed, they will attack
Canada in the drunkenness of victory. They will
then have an army which it will be difficult to con-
trol—an army very differently constituted from any
which America has ever possessed before." In all
this, of course, we cannot but think that Lord
ELLENBOROUGHiS jumping to his conclusions rather
precipitately. We have a shrewd suspicion that
under any circumstances the Federal army, whether
victorious or defeated, will " think twice," as the
saying is, before plunging hastily into a
new war (even though it be that most
tempting of all wars to some among
our unnatural and would-be fratricidal kinsfolk, a
War with the Britishers) upon that long-coveted

As every one would object to armed intervention,
no one having even suggested it, it is important
that this clear view of our relations should have
been publicly settled by the debates. If America
has no right to resent recognition, all Europe may
unite in it, and the tendency of its doing so would
be towards peace. It might leave the combatants
to fight on yet awhile ; es long, that is, as the North
was not weary of shedding blood and spending
money for mere ambition ; but the new status of
the South would go far towards suppressing
some of the most infuriating war-cries of the
North. It would be the jadgment of Europe,
on one point at least, that the South
had fought itself into nationality, and that
if conquered, it would now be its reduction from
a nation to a province. On the whole, the debate
will be read with far more satisfaction in the
South than in the North. The South will see in
it what they knew well before—our detestation of
their infernal institution, but it will also see that
we do not admit the North to be entitled to thank
GOD that it is not as the South is. Even its own
advocates were compelled to admit that the Free
States had laid themselves out to protect and uphold
I slavery.

soil of Canada! Still there is the obvious risk of
it. And that the Canadian Parliament should thus
quietly ignore the risk that is patent to the whole
world besides, and calmly refrain altogether from
passing the Militia Bill, that would otherwise, if
passed, have gone far towards preparing them be-
times for every possible emergency, certainly does
altogether surpass our comprehension. As things
are—we have now sent over 12,000 of our troops to
Canada for the defence of that colony in case of
any attempted seizure of it by invasion. More
cannot reasonably be looked for from England by
' the Canadian people, who must now do whatever
else may be requisite for their defence themselves.
Let our colonists in Canada, and not only in Ca-
nada but elsewhere, throughout the whole of our
vast dominion, take a hint from that great move-
ment which has within so brief an interval sum-
moned together permanently, in defence of Eng-
land, an army of from 100,000 to 200,000 Rifle
Volunteers.

The incident which has recently taken place
in the Popular Chamber at Turin is, we cannot
but still think, most remarkable. CRISPI (of all
men in the world, Citisri !) interposed there, it
will be remembered, as a mediator between the
Prime Minister RATTAZZI and the National Hem,
GARIBALDI. A representative—it was Signor
BAGGIO—had inaugurated a discussion upon Gioia-
BALDI'S recent proceedings in the South, by object-
ing, first of all, to the circular issued by the Gene-
ral and the Council at Belgirate ! Objecting to
that circular, for, inasmuch as it asserts quite
plainly the right of all Italians to march to the
liberation of their oppressed brethren—no matter
where those brethren might be situated, in what
central point or at what extremity of the Roman
peninsula! Signor BAGGIO there upon asking among
other questions—" Without the consent of the
Government ?" And adding, in a rapid sequence of
interrogations—,, Did the Government know of
GARIBALDI'S intention of visiting Palermo ? Had
he gone to establish rifle clubs as in Lombardy ?
Had the authorities in Palermo shared in his re-
sponsibility ? What precautions had the Govern-
ment taken ?" It was in answer to all these pointed
enquiries that the Minister RATTAZZI with a bold-
ness we might even say (remembering GARIBALDI'S
matchless popularity among the Italians), with a
rashness of audacity never before manifested by him
—formally "denounced GARIBALDI'S speeches as in-
sulting to the Emperor NAPOLEON and to the French
nation ; declared that the Government had no idea
of GARIBALDI'S intentions until his departure from
Caprera to Palermo was an accomplished fact ; ex-
pressed his regret that the prefect PALLATICINO
had been present during the harangue ; adding,
moreover, that he had telegraphed to this effect,
that he was awaiting the answer, and that if
necessary he was ready to recall all the authorities
present"—present that is,at the late notable demons-
tration. Here it was, at this point in the discus-
sion, that Signor CRISPI rose, ascended the tribune,
and there appeared and spoke after the fashion of
poor Tom STEELE—though with more of O'CoN-
NELL'S eloquence than of TOM STEELE'S eccentricity
—as a sort of Head Pacificator ! GARIBALDI, in
speaking as he had spoken, argued CRISPI, did so
as a Soldier and not as a Diplomatist. More than
that CRISPI maintained—and with reason—that
GARIBALDI'S late harangue to the Sicilians and
Earl RUSSELL'S recent despatch to the British Am-
bassador at Paris, were, in point of fact, in their
drift, if not in their substance, identical. The
Sicilians, CRISPI reminded the House, had re-
sponded to GARIBALDI'S appeal by crying aloud,

Whatever be the merits of the personal squabble
between the Dictator Secretary in England and the
Finance Minister, late of Calcutta, one conviction
must force itself on all who have read Mr. LAING'S
pamphlet,and then had the patience to wade through
the columns of speech uttered by Sir C. WOOD.
The contrast between the statesmanship combined
and financial ability, on the part of Mr. LAING and
his lamented superior in Calcutta, and the technical,
and, we believe, mistaken clerkship of the Indian
Secretary, is apparent at a glance. It is impossible
not to feel how Old Whiggism punishes a whole
Empire, by placing at its head—for the Indian
Secretary is the superior of the Indian Viceroy—a
very fourth-rate man, because he is connected with
the old clique. We surely ought to have some per-
son superior to the clerkly class to superintend in
England what requires something more than a
knowledge of figures. If the Whigs cannot furnish
us do something better than
bait with so
Lord somethingd
CANNING, because they
Mr.
LAINGme one
and who
L e
prefer a different method of viewing and stating
matters of account from that of the Secretary—
why let us go begging to the Tories ; they could
at least furnish us a Lord SVANLEY, who would
take Imperial views of Indian finance.
It seems hardly credible, yet such is the fact, that
our Indian Secretary sent out an injunction to Lord
CANNING to withhold the extra grants which he
and Mr. LAING had proposed for education and
public work ! Now it is perfectly certain that the
Exchequer was practically in a state to afford them,
and to find in them a profitable investment.
Whether the WOODEN or the LAING mode 'of stat-
ing the accounts were the right way, the money
was there; independently of loans, Mr. LAING
says the cash balances could afford it. Now, if
there be one thing a statesman in India would
further as a means of conciliating the people to onr
rule, it is education. A thirst for it is extending.
A hundred thousand pounds of grants in aid would
be gladly met by another voluntarily subscribed by
the natives ; and universally education disgusts
them with Hindooism and attaches them to western
civilisation. To check this wise policy of Lord
CANNING through vexatious dictatorship about a
balance-sheet is suicidal.

" To Rome ! To Rome !" To which GARIBALDI'S
one reply had been " Prepare !" When in the midst
of his speech CRISP' was interrupted by the Presi-
dent with the remark that lie knew Sicily as well
as the hon. representative—implying that he (the
President) differed with him in his conclusions
—what was the Orator's response ? " No! I was
born there. I have lived there. I have governed
the country. The Minister's knowledge comes
second hand. Let him beware ! Let him study
the present condition of Sicily before he enforces
measures whose consequences may prove fatal
to Sicily and to the unity of Italy." Whether
RATTAZZI'S Government will take this earnest
warning to heart or not, may yet be doubted.

As bad this at least, most will think worse, is the
dictatorial interference with the extra, amount-
-I:soo,ooo—proposed for public worke. The case is
peculiar; the Indian Secretary of Public Works
had shown that a large expenditure had been going
on for years in driblets, but completing nothing.
He showed that a heavy charge had been incurred
for roads and other works, which were compara-
tively useless
and unremunerative because of their
incompleteness. Even the grand trunk road at no
great distance from Calcutta was so marred in its
continuity by unbridged rivers and ravines, that its
results were undeveloped, and so of other works.
The Secretary, Colonel YULE, therefore, urged an
immediate outlay, larger than usual, to render these
nearly complete, but practically unserviceable,
works at once complete and remunerative. " There
was," says Mr. LAING, "no object nearer Lord
his only doubt was
CANNING'S heart than this, and

Certain it is that CRISPI'S " Beware !" told power-
fully when it was uttered in the hearing of all pre-

sent in the Chamber ! As to GARIBALDI, he might
exclaim with truth—" If I use not daggers, I will
'Teak them !" For thus—in these very words—he
is reported, upon the authority of the Pays, to
have spoken the other day to the people at Palermo—
"The ruler of France occupies Rome under the plea
of protecting the POPE, s person, religion, and Catho-
licism. Falsehood ! Falsehood ! People of the
Sicilian Vespers, People of 1860, it is urgent and it
is necessary that the French should leave Rome !
If needful, prepare new Vespers! Every citizen

whether with such a large cash balance we should
confine ourselves to the £500,000, which could be
spared without incurring a deficit, or take a further
sum avowedly from the cash balances." Lord CAN-
NING refrained from doing it to avoid hazard of
wasteful administration in details, while so much
was being spent in railways. Yet to prohibit the
outlay of the X 500,000, which the cautious but
statesmanlike policy of Lord CANNING had arranged
for, is the " penny wise" policy of our Indian Sec-
retary ! Most readers will, we think, apply to it,
especially in connection with forcing on Lord CAN-
NING a much larger army than he wished, the other
half of the proverbial expression. What, how Aver,
arc we to think of the Indian Secretary who, when
Manchester is starving for want of easy access to
Indian cotton, steps in and, while his exchequer is
full, vetos the expenditure on public works—roads
and irrigation—which Lord CANNING had sane-
timed ! If Manchester wants access to India
wooden walls are obviously one serious obstacle.
Economy in the Indian army, liberality on public
works, is the CANNING and LAING policy. Expen-
diture on the army, pinching public works, is the
WOOD policy. Let Manchester and Calcutta, let
all India and England, pronounce between the two.

ROYAL DRAMATIC COLLEGE FANCY
FAIR.