The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-28 00:00:00

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E S PARE
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has enabled them to eaten epAand
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social advantages, and p ro
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sperity of the Conservativkl.
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(Signed) RANBLAter,
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(Countersigned) Citanusl,oxriii-diituatas Secretary.
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The report was approved, and th.rretira di tors were
ro-elected.

PRICE 4d.
STAMPED 5d.,:

Mr. A dderley, M.P., on Parliamentary Reform

THE CONSERVATIVE LAND SOCIETY.

A number of supporters of the Conservative can-
didates at the late North Staffordshire election
dined fogether at Eeeleshall, on Friday, in connec-
tion with the movement for improving the registra-
tion in the Conservative interest. The Rev. V. G.
Yonne presided.

-.---

MEETING THIS DAY..

Tho 13th annual meeting of the shareholders Was held
this afternoon in Exeter Hall.

Mr. Gruneisen (the Secretary) read the advertisement
convening the meeting, _ _

Mr.
ae
n Conservative
ruid.ardtsir-v,
cesisnAe
Members of
gtt
oh
ett oh et the toast of
two
question Houses
oo
ff
the reform of the Parliamentary representation, and
said :—What we have to seek for in any reform, or
any change in the institutions of the country, should
not be so much the advocacy
of lli
interests, but that the nation slonyldspseic)eiaallviitea.morsmomr
mind independently. L for one, am perfectly ready
to lend my assistance to any practical extension of
the frs.nchise over the length and breadth of this
Iland, wherever it can be independently exercised. I
am the last man to say that the working classes
have as much of the franchise as they ought to have
of that political power which consists of voting for
members of Parliament, for it is only a small part
of the political power which is spread through this
country, and which is possessed by every man, be
he labourer or be he peer. (Hear.) But taking that
particular portion of political power which consists
in voting for members of Parliament, I am the last
man to say that there are not many of the working
classes in this country eminently fitted to possess
that franchise who are not at this moment in pos-
session of it. (Hear.) I do not ask for the admission
of the working classes as a body, as if there were
no distinctions amongst them, and as if the working
classes were a body of men marked by some great
distinction from all other classes. Many of the work-
- ing classes are far move others of the same class in
point of intelligence and in point of independence—
(hear, hear)—and when I say that I speak with an
intimate acquaintance with all parts of the country,
for I have had much intercourse with them in con-
nection with carrying through Parliament many
great political questions in which they have been
deeply interested during the quarter of a century
that I have had a seat in the House of Commons,
and I am perfectly satisfied that many of them aro
prepared to exercise the franchise with intelligence
and independence, which I hold to be the main quali-
fications for the exercise of the franchise. But I am
not on that account to say that there are no distinc-
tions between them, and that all are equally pre-
pared to exercise the franchise. At this moment the
question of the extension of the franchise is the one
question which occupies the attention of the coun-
try, and nothing can be more important than that
gentlemen like you who take an active and intelligent,
and therefore a powerful part in politics, should con-
sider distinctly and clearly understand the grounds
on which that question should be argued, because
in arguing it there has been, in and out of Parlia-
ment, the grossest abuse of language, and the
utmost confusion of ideas. The extension of the
suffrage is generally spoken of as a synonymous
term for reform, as if no other kind of reform could
take place. Mr. Forster has been making a long
speech, and the length and breadth of it was, " vote
for reform," but he did not say what reform. (Hear,
hear.) Why, reform was preached from every pulpit
every Sunday, and when Mr. Forster says he is for
reform, I say so am I. (Hear.) I look into the
newspapers of the day to find any intimation of the
views of various nien on this question, and find the
greatest uncertainty. I agree with Mr. Lowe in the
great speech he made at the close of last session, that
whilst this is the most important question which can
come before the country, the most important that
can be argued in Parliament, there is no question,
no railway bill, which comes before Parliament on
which it is not required that a man should argue
with more close reasoning, with more sense and
cogent logic, that that cf Parliamentary reform.
Any nonsense serves, any cat-call passes, upon
reform—any vague expressions are quite sufficient to
go down on that question ; and no man appeared to
think it necessary to ask what reform was needed,
and what would be the effect of his proposal. (Hear,
hear.) After humorously noticing the disputes
between the three Parliamentary reform unions in
Manchester, Mr. Adderley invited the meeting to
consider how many of those gentlemen who were
triumphantly returned to Parliament as supporters
of the Ministry at the last election would stand
now. He had ventured at the last election at Staf-
ford to predict that many of the promises then
made would scarcely survive the year, and now,
before Parliament met, what had become of those
pledges of support of a Minister ? There was a
great deal more buried in the tomb of Lord Palmer-
ston than those who surrounded it were aware of.
(Hear, hear.) There was one thing very clear, that
the question of Reform to be brought before Par-
liament in 1866 would be totally different from the
question as it was discussed in 1832. The Reform
Bill of 1832 was called for by the existence of pal-
pable grievances. The Parliament was so imperfect
that measures which were required could not be
passed because Parliament was not properly consti-
tuted, and they could only be carried by a change
in the constitution of Parliament. But now, on`
the contrary, by the confession of everybody, no
such defect existed in the constitution of the coun-
try, and there was no grievance before the country ;
but it was boasted that every measure that the
country needs has been carried, and every
carefully considered proposal for reform was
adopted. A reform in the representation was •
therefore called for on other grounds than those
which led to the Act of 1832. (Hear, hear.) Those
grounds were either that it was desired to extend
the franchise to such persons as had not at this
moment its enjoyment, and that was a very good
and legitimate ground, and was, indeed, the only
ground on which such a measure could be asked
for. On two grounds only could that exten-
sion take place. The first was that such an
extension should take place as an expedient mea-
sure, that more people should have the suffrage,
that more people should share in sending members
to parliament because of the spread of intelligence
in the country. If it were argued on this basis, the
question would aris6 how- fat' the suffrage should be
extended. The other basis of the proposal was that
the suffrage was a right attaching to every adult
man in this country, and if the question were argued
on that ground the question would be not how far
to extend it, but why they should deprive any one
of it. (Hear, hear.)
take the for-
mer view, that the franchise should be extended as
He imagined that the Ecr_le-
•
andfa for the interest of those who possessed as was expedient in the interestsssoefsstehdeicot unAtfrry.
Adderley went on to say that Lord Russell was un-
fortunately
hishea odldofagae
ccaallbiendetto,
otnhee
ht aa
ls
fk
ooff
wb
he iinagi
iheguidescarcely
andfionr making any progress at all, and the
other half is for upsetting the constitution. (Laugh-
ter and applause.) He has to drive this difficult team
with one rein drawn tickling his old provocatives,
and the other rein drawn tight with the reticences
of his experience, prompting the desire to " rest and
be thankful." (Loud laughter and applause.) That
was a task of extreme difficulty, and with all respect
for Lord Russell's patriotism, and with affectionate
attachment to his colleague, Mr. Gladstone, he must
say that if the Ministry survived for six months ho
would give it immortality.

Viscount Ranelagh (the Chairman) presented the annual
report of the board as follows :
The executive committee have the pleasure, in submit-
ting their annual report, to announce to the shareholders
that the 13th financial year closed on the 30th of Sep-
tember, 1865, with highly satisfactory results in all bran-
ches of business.

It is with much gratification that the balance sheet and
statement of accounts is laid before the members.

Tho four auditors appointed at the quarterly meeting on
the 13th of October, namely, Mr. Clemow and Mr. Goad,
elected by the shareholders, and Mr. Astbury and Mr.
Winstanley, nominated by the board, met on the 30th of
October, and subsequent days, and verified the vouchers,
books, and securities, and signed the balance sheet.
The annexed table will show the shares issued and the
total cash receipts for the =respective quarters of the year
1864-5, and the grand totals since the commencement of
the society in September, 1852 :

Qrs. ending Shares in Shares Total n
progress. Complete. p„„,,il"ta
Shares. `""
s. d.
Dec. 24,1864 262 15 277 19,229 9 8
March 25, 18f5 297 60 357 16,249 5 0
Jane 21, 1865 429 61 493 18052 18 8
Sept. 30, 1865 515 55 570 26,428 8 9
Totals for the
year ending 30
Sept., 1865 1,503 194 1,697 80,26) 2 1
Totals to Sept
30, 1864 - 16,723 1,5-5 21,223 782,389 13 10
Grand totals to
Mich ,elmas, 1H65 18,226 4,699 22,925 862,649 15 11

VIRGINIA.—The Richmond Enquirer
gives a glowing picture of the new prosperity of that city.
We aro told that " the ascending walls and swiftly
changing scenes from a theatre of ashes and destruction to
vistas of industrial monuments, grow upon the senses as
dreams grow and accumulate upon the imagination. The
merchants of Richmond, beginning the new era without
money. and almost without friends, are now, by their own
efforts, regaining with sure and steady stops the path of
their former prosperity, and opening a still broader avenue
to a still more extensive success. In the encouraging dis-
play of the mind to resolve, the will to execute,' which
finds expression in the daily scenes of industry and pro-
gress about us, must be seen a future Richmond, far ex-
ceeding in all the attributes of wealth and influence the
Richmond of old.