The Sun.
London, England, 1862-12-17 00:00:00

form in oppearance and security, and convert;ble always
into coin, would at once protect labour again-! the evils of
a viciouscurrency, and facilitate commerce by cheap and safe
exchanges. A moderate reservation fi em the interest on the
bonds would compensate the United States for the prepara-
tion and distribution of the notes and a general supervision
of the system, and would lighten the burden of that part of
the public debt employed as securities. The public credit,
moreover, would be greatly improved, and the negotiations
of new leans greatly facilitated by the steady market de-
mand for Government bonds which the adoption of the pro-
posed system would effect.
It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of
considerable weight in my judgment, that it would reconcile
as far as possible all existing interests by the opportunity
offered to existing institutions to reorganise under the act,
substituting only the secured uniform national circulation for
the local and various circulations, secured and unsecured,
now issued by them. The receipts into the Treasury from
all sources, including loans and balance from the preceding
year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th Juno, 1862, were
583,885,247 dols. 66c, of which sum 49,056,397 dols. 62c. were
derived from customs ; 1,795,231 dole. 73c. from the direct
tax; from public lands, 162,203 dole. 77c.; from miscella-
neous sources, 931,787 dole. 64c. ; from loans in all forms,
529,692,460 dols. 50c. The remainder 2,257,065 dole. 80c.
was the balance from-last year. The disbursements during
the same period were :—For Congressional, Executive, and
Judicial purposes, 5,989,009 dole. 29c. ; for foreign inter-
course, 1,339,71 G dols. 37c.:; for miscellaneous expenses,
including the Mints, loans, Post Office deficiencies, collec-
tion of revenue and other like charges, 14029,771 dols.
50c. ; for expenses under the Int&ior Department,
3,102,985 dols. 52c. ; under the War Department,
391,368,407 dole. 36 ; and the Navy Department, 42,674,569
dols. 69e. ; for interest on the public debt, 13,190,324 dols 45 ;
and for the payment of the public debt, including reim •
bursements of temporary loans and redemptions, 96,096,922
dols. 09c.: making an aggregate of 570,841,700 dole. 25c.,
and leaving a balance in the Treasury on the Ist day of
July, 1862, of 13,043,546 dole,. 81. It should be observed that
the sum of 96,096,922 dole. 09, expended for reimbursements
and redemption of the public debt, being included also in the
loans made, may be properly deducted both from the receipts
and expenditure, leaving the actual receipts for the year,
487,788,324 dols. 97, and the expenditure 474,744,788 dols.
16. Other information on the subject of the finances will be
found in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to
whose statements and views I invite your most candid and
considerate attention. The reports of the Secretaries of the
Navy and War are herewith transmitted. These reports,
though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief abstracts of
the eery numerous and extensive transactions and operations
conducted through these departments, nor could I give a
summary of them here upon any principle which would ad-
mit of its being much shorter than the reports themselves.
I therefore content myself with laying the reports before
you and asking your attention to them.
It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in
the financial condition of the Post Office Department as
compared with several years. The receipts for the fiscal
year 1861 amounted to 8,349,296 dols. 40, which embraced
the revenue from all the States in the Union for three
quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of
revenue from the so-called Seceded States during the last
fiscal year, the increase of the correspondence of the loyal
States has been sufficient to produce a revenue during the
same year of 8,299,820 dols. 90, being only 50,000 dole, less
than was derived from all the States of the Union during
the previous year. The expenditure show a still more
favourable result. The amount expended in 1861 was
13,606,759 dole. 11. For the last year the amount has been
reduced to 11,125,364 dole. 13, showing a decrease of
about 2,481,000 dols. in the expenditure as compared with
the preceding year; about 3,750,000 dollars, as compared
with the fiscal year 1860. The deficiency in the
' department for the previous year was 4,551,966 dole. 98c.
For the last fiscal year it was reduced to 2,112,814 dole 57c.
These favourable results are in part owing to the cessation
of mail service in the insurrectionary States, and in part to
a casual review of all expenditures in that department in the
interest of economy. The efficiency of the postal service,
' it is believed, has also been much improved. The Post-
master- General also opened a correspondence through the
Department of State with foreign Governments, proposing
a convention of postal representatives, for the purpose of
simplifying the rates of foreign postage and to expedite the
foreign mails.
This proposition, equally important to our adopted citizens
and to the commercial interests of this country, has been
favourably entertained and argued by all the Governments
from whom replies have been received. I ask the attention
of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmaster-General
in his report respecting the further legislation required, in
his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service. The Secre-
tary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to public
lands :
"The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue.
From the let July, 1861, to the 30th September, 1862, the
' entire cash receipts from the sale of lands were 137,476 dols

26c., a sum much less than the expense of our land system
during the same period. The Homestead Law, which will
take effect on Ist January next, offers such inducements to
settlers that sales for cash cannot be expected to an extent
sufficient to meet the expenses of the general land office,
and the cost of surveying and bringing the land into mar-
ket. The discrepancy between the sum here stated as aris-
ing from the sales of the public lands and the sum derived
from the same source as reported from the Treasury De-
partment, arises as I understand, from the fact that the
periods of time, though apparently, were not really coin-
cident at the beginning point. The Treasury report includes
a considerable sum now,which had previously been reported
from the interior, sufficiently large to greatly overreach the
sum derived from the three months now reported upon by
the Interior, and not by the Treasury."
The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have,during the past
year, manifested a spirit of insubordination,: and at several

points have engaged in open hostilities against the white
setlements in their vicinity. The tribes occupying the
Indian country south of Kansas renounced their allegiance
to the United States and entered into treaties with the in-
surgents. Those who remained loyal to the United States
were driven from the country. The chief of the Cherokees
has visited this city, for the purpose of restoring the former
relations of the tribe with the United States. He alleges
that they were constrained by superior force to enter into
treaties with the insurgents, and that the United States
neglected to furnish the protection which their treaty stipu-
lations required. In the month of August last the Sioux
Indians in Minnesota attacked the settlements in their
vicinity with extreme lerocity,killing indiscriminately men,
women, and children. This attack was wholly unexpected,
and therefore no means of defence had been provided.
It is estimated that not less than 800 persons were killed
by the Indians,and a large amount of property was destroyed.
How this outbreak was induced is not definitely known,and
suspicions, which may be unjust, need not be stated. In-
formation was received by the Indian Bureau,from different
sources, about the time hostilities were commenced, that a
simultaneous attack was to be made upon the v. hite settle-
ments between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mou-
ntains. The State of Minnesota has suffered great injury
from this Indian war. A large portion of her territoryhas
been depopulated, and a severe loss has been sustained by
the destruction of property. The people of that State ex-
press much anxicy for the removal of the tribes beyond the
limits of the State as a guarantee against future hostilities.
The Commissioner of Indian affairs will furnish full de-
tails. I submit for your especial consideration whether our
Indian system shall not be remodelled. Many wise and
good men have been impressed with the belief that this can
be profitably done. I submit a statement of the proceedings
of the Cornrnissiuners, which shows the progress that has

been made in the enterprise of constructing the Pacific

Railroad, and this suggests the earliest completion of the
r ad, and also the favourable action of Congress upon the
projects now pending before them for enlarging the great
canals in New York and Illinois, as being of vital and ra-
pidly-increasing importance to the whole nation, and espe-
cially to the vast interior region hereafter to be noticed at
some greater length. I purpose having prepared and laid
before you at an early day some inter 'sting and valuable sta-
tistical information upon this subject. The military and
commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois and Michi-
gan Canal, and improving the Illinois River, is pr.sented in
the report of Col. Webster to the Secretary of War, and now
transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask at tention to it.
To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the
15th of May last, I have caused the Department of Agricul-
ture to be organised. The Commissioner informs us that,
within the period of a few months, this department has es-
tablished an extensive system of correspondence and ex-
changes, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect
highly beneficial results in the development of a correct
knowledge of recent improvements in agriculture, in the in-
troduction of new products and in the collection of the agri-
cultural statistics of the different States ; also that it will
soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, plants,
and cuttings, and it has already published and largely dis-
tributed much valuable information in anticipation of a more
elaborate report, which will in due time b furnished, em-
bracing some valuable facts in chemical science now in pro-
gress in the laboratory. The crearion of this department
was for the more immediate benefit of a large class of our
most v •luable citizens, and I trust that the liberal basis
upon which it has been organised will not only meet your
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become the fruitful source of advantage to all our people.
On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was issued
by the Executivei,tha ato hpy
C
of which is her,with submitted.
In accordance with
to what may be called
expressed in the second
paragraph of that paper,
a
I now respectfully recal your at-
tention
A nation may " Compensated Emancipa-
tion."y becsea iiled d
to consist of its territory, its
rh
people, and its laws. '
territory is the only part which
is of certain durability.
over."
another generation
" One generation passe% away
estimate. this never-ending
part. That portion of the earth's
surface lwt
hisicohf
itshoewfinresat
importance to duly consider and
cometh, but the earth abideth forr
and inhabited by the people of the 'United States is well
adapted for the home of one national family, and itiAnot
adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its 'variety of

climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one
people, whatever they might have been in former ages.
Steam and telegraphs, and intelligence, have brought these
to be an advantageous combination for one united people.
In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total
inadequa.cy of disunion as a comedy for the differences be-
tween the people of the two sections. I did so in language
which I cannot improve, and which, therefore, I beg tore-
peat. " One section of our country believes that slavery is
right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes
that it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the
only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause of the
Constitution, and the law for the suppression of theAtrican
slave trade, are each as well enfoiced perhaps as any law can
ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people
imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the
people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a
few break ovar in each. This I think cannot be perfectly
cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separa-
tion of the sections than before. fhe foreign slave trade,
now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived
without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves,
now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered
at all by the others. Physically speaking, we cannot sepa-
rate ; we cannot remove our respective sections from each
other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A hus-
band and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence
and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts
of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face
to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must
continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that
intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after
separation than bef re ? Can aliens make treaties easier
than friends can make laws? Can treaties bemore faithfully
enforced between aliens than laws can among friends ? sup-
pose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when,
after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you
cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of in-
tercourse are again upon you."
There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national
boundary upon which to divide. Trace through from East
to West upon the line between the free and slave country,
and we shall find a little more than one-third of its length
are rivers easy to be crossed and populated, or soon to be
populated, thickly upon both sides, while neatly all its re-
maining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which
people may walk back and forth without any consciousness
of their presence. No part of this line can be made any more
difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or parchment as
a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes,
gives up on the part of the sectional obligations upon the
seceding section the fugitive slave clause, along with all
other constitutional obligations upon the section seceded
from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would ever
be made to take its place
But there is another difficulty. The great interior region—
bounded east by the Alleghenies, north by the British domi-
nions, west by the Rocky Mountains, and south by the line
along which the culture of corn and cotton meets, and which
includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee, all of Kentucky,
Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri,
Kansas, lowa, Minnesota and the territories of Dakotah,
Nebraska, and parts.of Colorado—has above three millions of
people, andwill have 50 millions within 50 years, if not pre-
vented by any political folly or mistake. It contains more
than one-third of the country owned by the United States—
certainly more than one million of square miles—one half
as populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more
than seventy-five millions of people. A glance at the map
shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of
the Republic. The other parts are but marginal borders
to it, the magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky
Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also the
richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of pro-
visions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them,
this great interior region is naturally one of the most im-
portant in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the
small proportion of the region which has not yet been
brought into caltivation, and also the large and rapidly-in-
creasing amounts of its products, and we shall be over-
whelmed with its magnitude of the prospect presented ;
and yet this region has no sea coast, touches no ocean any-
where. As part of one nation, its people now find, and may
for ever find, their way to Europe by New York, to South
Francisco. But separate our common country into two
nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and every man
of this great interior region is thereby cut off from one or
more of those outlets, not, perhaps, by a physical barrier,
but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. And
this is true wherever a dividing or boundary line may be
fixed. Place it between the non-free and slave country, or
place it south of Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the
truth remains that none south of it can trade to any port or
place north of it, and none north of it can trade to any port
or place south of it, except upon terms dictated by a Govern-
ment foreign to them, These outlets, east, west, and south,
are indispensible to the wellbeing of the people inhabiting
and to inhabit this vast interior region. Which of the three
ways be the best is no proper question. All are better than
either, and all of right belong to that people and their suc-
cessors for ever. True to themselves, they will not ask
where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather
that there shall be no such line, Nor are the marginal

regions less interested in these communications to and

through them to the great outside world. They, too, and
each of them, must have access to this Egypt of the West,
without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary.
Our national strife sprung not from our permanent past, not
from the land we inhabit, not from our national homestead.
There i 5 no possible severing of this but would multiply and
not mitigate evils among us. In all its adaptations and
aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact,
it would ere long force re -union, however much of blood and
treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains
to ourselves, to the passing generations of men, and it can-
not, without convulsion, be hushtd for ever with the passing
of one generation.
In this view I recommend the adoption of the following
resolution and articles, amendatory to the Constitution of
the United States

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America. in Congress assembled, two-
thirds of both houses concurring, that the following articles
be proposed to the Legislatures and Conventions of the
several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the
United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by
three-fourths of the said Legislatures or Conventions, to be
valid as part or parts of the said Constitution.
Article—.—Every State wherein slavery now exists, which
shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before
the Ist day of January, in the year of our Lord one thou-
sand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the
United States as follows, to wit :
The President of the United States shall deliver to every
such State bonds of the United States, bearing interest at
the rate of --, for each slave shown to have been therein
by the eighth census of the United States, said bonds to be
delivered to such State by instalments, or, in one parcel at
the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same
shall have been gradual or at one time within such States ;
and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only
from the proper time of delivery as aforesaid and afterwards.
Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and after-
wards introducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund
to the United States the bonds so received, or the value
therzof, and all interest paid thereon.
Article --.—All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual
freedom by the chances of the war at any time, before the
end of the rebellion, shall be for ever free, but all owners
of such who shall not have been disloyal, shall be compen-
sated for them at the same rate as is provided for States
adopting abolishment of slavery—but in such a way that
no slave shall be twice accounted for.
Article —.--Congress may appropriate money and other-
wise provide for colonising free coloured persons with their
own consent, at any place or places without the United
States.
I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at
some length. Without slavery the rebellion could never
have existed ; without slavery it could not continue.
Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of
sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and the Afri-
can race amongst us. Some would abolish it suddenly, and
without compensation, some would abolish it gradually, and
with compensation, some would remove the freed people
from us, and some would retain them with us, and there
are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversi •
ties we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves :
by mutual concessions we should harmonise and act toge-
ther. This would be a compromise among the friends, and
not with the enemies of the Union. These articles are in-
tended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions. If
the plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipation
will follow, at least in several of the States. As to the first
article, the main points are : First, the emancipation ;
secondly, the iength of time for consummating (37 years) ;
and thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation will be
unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual slavery, but the
length of time sh uld greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction.
The time spares both races from the evils of sudden de-
rangement, in fact from the necessity of any derangement,
while most of those whose habitual course of thought will
be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before
its consummation. They will never see it. Another class
will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate
the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little to
the now living slaves. But it really gives them much. It
saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely
attend immediate emancipation in localities where their
numbers are very great, and it gives the inspiriting assur-
ance that their posterity will be free for ever. The plan
leaves to each State choosing to act under it power to abo-
lish slavery, now, or at the end of the century, or at any
intermediate time, or by degrees extending over the whole

or any part of the period, and it obliges no two States to
proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and gene-
rally the mode of making it. This it would seem would
further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favour per-
petual slavery, and especially of those who are to receive
compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay,
and not to receive, will object, yet that the measure is both
just and economical is certain.
The liberation of the slaves is the destruction of property
—property acquired, by descent or by purchase, the same
as any other property.
It is no less true, for having been often said, that the
people of the South are no more responsible for the original
introduction of the property than are the people of the
North, and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we

This shows an average decennialincrease of 31.60 per cent.
in population through the 70 years from our first to our
last census taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at
no one of these seven periods is either two per cent. below or
two per cent. above the average,thus showing how inflexible
and cons, quently how reliable the I.w of increase in our
case is, Assuming that it will continue, it gives the fol-
lowing results :-1870, 42,323,372; 1880, 56,966,216; 1890,
76,677,872 ; 1900, 103,208,415 ; 1910, 138,918,526 ; 1920,
186,984,335 ; 1930, 251,680,914. These figures show that
our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some
point between 1920 and 1930, say about 1925, our territory
at 73 1-S persons to the square mile being of the capacity
to contain 217,186,000 ; and we will reach this too if we do
not ourselves relinquish the chances by the folly and evils
of disunion, or by long and exhausting war springing from
the only great element of national discord among us.
While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge
example of secession breeding lesser ones indefinitely would
retard the population, civilisation, and prosperity, no one
can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and
injurious. The proposed emancipation would shorten this
war, perpetuate peace, ensure this increase of population,
and proportionately the wealth of the country. With this
we should pay all that emancipation would cost, together
with our other debts, easier than we should pay our other
debts without it. If we had allowed our old national debt
to run at 6 per cent, per annum simple interest from the end
of our revolutionary struggle till to-day, without paying
anything on either principal or interest, each man of us
would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed
upon it then, and this because our increase of men through
the whole period has been greater than six per cent., and
Lae ruh fkketer than the inteyeet-upou the Ault. Thus time

alone relieves a debtor nation so long as its population in-
creases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt.
This fact would be no excuse for delaying the payment of
what is justly due, but it shows the great importance of
time in this connection, and the great advantage of a policy
by which we shall not have to pay until we number 100
millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to pay
now, when the number is but 31 millions. In a word, it
shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war,
than will a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan.
And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It
will be a saving of both. As to the second article, I think
it would be impracticable to return to bondage the class of
persons therein contemplated. Some of theth, doubtless, in
the property sense, belong to loyal owners, and hence provi-
sion is made in this article for compensating such. The
third article relates to the future of the freed people. It
does not oblige but merely authorises Congress to aid in
colonising such as may consent. This ought not to be re-
garded as objectionable on the one hand or on the other,
insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by mutual consent
of the people to be deported and the American voters,
through their representatives of Congress. I cannot make
it known better than it already is, that I strongly favour
colonisation; and yet I wish to say there is no objection
urged against the coloured persons remaining in the coun-
try which is not largely imaginary, if not sometimes mali-
cious. It is insisted that deportation would probably en-
hance the wages of white labour, and very surely would not
reduce them. Thus the customary amount of labour would
still have to be performed. The freed people would surely
not do more than their old proportion of it, and very probably
for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to white
labourers, bringing their labour into greater demand, and
eu enhancing the wages of it. With deportation
ecvonensetgoualtilmyited extent, enhancing wages of white labour is
mathematically certain. Labour is like any other commo-
dity in the market ; increase the demand for it, and you in-
crease the price of it. Reduce the supply of black labour by
colonising the black labourers out of the country, and by pre-
cisely so much you increase the demand fm, and wages of
white labour. But it is decided that the freed people will
swarm forth and cover the whole land. Are they not already
in the land F Will liberation make them any more nume-
rous ? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole
country, and there would be but one coloured to seven
whites. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the
seven ?

Is it true, then, that coloured people can displace any
more white labour by being free than remaining slaves ? If
they stay in their old places they jostle no white labourers.
If they leave their old places they leave them open to white
labourers. Logically there is neither more nor less of it.
Emancipation even without their presence would injure and
displace white labour and white labourers. If there ever
could be a proper time for mere arguments, that time surely
is not now. In times like the present men should utter
n)thiug for which they would not willingly be responsible
through time and eternity.
There are many communities now having more than one
free coloured person to seven whites, and this without any
apparent consciousness of evil from it. The district of Co-
lumbia and the States of Maryland end Delaware are all in
this condition. The district has more than one free coloured
to six whites, yet in its frequent petitions to Congress I be-
lieve it has never presented the presence of free coloured
persons as one of its grievancee. But why should emancipa-
tion South send free coloured people North? People of any
colou • seldom run, unless there he something to run from.
Heretofore coloured people to some extent have fled North
from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and
destitution ; but if gradual emancipation and deportation
be adopted they will have neither to flee from. The old
masters will give them wages, at least until new labourers
can be procured, and the free] men in turn will gladly give
their labour for the wages till new homes can be found for
them in congenial din es and with people of their own blood
and race.

This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests
involved, and in any event cannot the North decide for it-
self whether to receive them ? Again, as practice proves
more than theory in any case, has there been any irruption
of coloured people Northward because of the abolishment
of slavery in this district last spring? What I have said
of the proportion of free-coloured persons to the whites in
the dis•riet is from the census of 1850, having no reference
to persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by the
act of Congress aboli-hing slavery here. The plan consist-
ing of these articles is recommended, not but that a resto-
ration of the national authority would be accepted without
its adoption, nor will the war, nor proceedings under the
proclamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of
the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoption I
doubt not would bring restoration, and thereby stay both.
And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that
Congress provide by law for compensating any State which
may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been
acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would only
be an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments
apply to both. This plan is recommended as a means not
in exclusion of, but additional to all others, for restoring and
preserving the national authority throughout the Union.
The subject is presented exclusively in its commercial as-
spect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more
speedily than it can bo done by force alone, while it would

At the Liverpool Assizes to-day Thomas Ed-
wards, a butcher, was indicted for the murder of
Isabella Tongue, a woman with whom he had been
cohabiting for upwards of 11 years.
The woman was a prostitute, and lived in a court
off Norman-street, Liverpool. Before she became
acquainted with Edwards, the deceased had, it ap-
peared, an intimacy with a man named Sullivan.
Sullivan, however, had been compelled to leave the
city, and only returned in November last. Then
the connexion between him and Tongue was re-
newed, and in consequence, Edwards became
dreadfully excited and jealous. On the 27th of
November Edwards came home in the evening, and
on finding that Tongue had been out with Sullivan
all day, he became very angry, and began to drink
ale and rum. During the evening he went out and
got more drink, and finally lay down on the sofa.
Early in the morning Sullivan and deceased returned
to the house, and Edwards angrily asked where
Tongue had been all day. The deceased made no re-
ply, but Sullivan said to prisoner, " What is that to
you P She has been out with me." At this time Ed-
wards did not say any more, but sat near the fire
with Sullivan, deceased, and other women. The
deceased notic, d that Edwards had a knife with
him, and she, therefore, feeling alarmed for her life,
suggested that Sullivan and Edwards should go up
stairs to bed together, and that she and another
female inmate of the house, narnei.. Wilson, should
sleep together below. Sullivan and Edwards did go
up stairs, but the prisoner almost immediately re-
turned below, and (according to the depositions of
deceased) demanded money from her, which she re-
fused, declared that she would not prostitute herself
for him any longer. The prisoner then stabbed
Tongue furiously in the neck and other parts of the
body, and she died very soon afterwards. When
stabbing her, he exclaimed," I will be hung for you."
The evidence adduced supported the charge.
Mr. Pope, for the defence, elicited that the pri-
soner was drunk, and that deceased had had an ill-
will to the prisoner. Upon these points he corn-
, mented strongly in his defence.
The jury returned a verdict of guilty, with a re-
commendation to mercy.
The prisoner was sentenced to death.

CHESTER CIRCUIT.—CHESTER, Dee. 16.
(Before Mr. Baron Bramwell.)
TRIAL OF THE BIRKENHEAD RIOTERS.

This morning the several prisoners, 18 in num-
ber, were placed in the dock, charged with the riot
and assaulting the police at Birkenhead, on the
evening of Oct. 15th.
The names of the prisoners are respectively,
Patrick Fahey, Patrick Fahey, jun., Thos. Buckley,
Michael Fahey, John Gorinan, Hogan, Hoare,
Fynan, Lennon, Thos. Larkin, Catherine Larkin,
Martin, John Tracey, Thos. Shoolin, Elizabeth
Curtis, Bridget Burnes, and Margaret Maggin.
TheprisonErs were all defended by counsel.
Mr. Groves, Q.C., for the prosecution, having
opened the case, and stated the circumstances,
which will be fresh in the public mind,
James Birne, examined by Mr Brandt, also for
Ihe prosecution—l am superintendent of police at
Birkenhead. I remember, on the Bth of October,
a placard was posted announcing a meeting at the
Debating Institute, near Trinity Church. There
was a disturbance, the church windows and the
windows of the institute were broken, and it was
agreed to adjourn the meeting to the 15th. In the
meantime we had made preparations to defend the
nei4hbourhood on the adjourned meeting on the
15th, In continuation the witness deposed to the
disturbance which took place near the institute by
the mob, and to the manner in which the different
members of the police force were injured, and seve-
ral shops and other property destroyed. This was
all after the meeting in the institute had been
broken up.
In cross examination by Mr. Welsby, who was
for the defence, the witness said that the magistrates
did all they could to dissuade the promoters of the
discussion at the institute from holding it on the
15th of October, the night of the riot.
Inspector Burgess deposed to being present
amongst the mob on the night of 15th October, near
the institute. A man, who he had since found out
was a priest, was leading them on, and witness heard
him say, "We want peace, and we'll have peace;
but no Garibaldian meetings here." There was then
a shout of " Hurra," and three cheers for the Pope,
which the priest called for. Witness was afterwards
attacked and knocked down insensible.

In answer to his lordship, the witness said that
the priest, after the riot, came to his (witness's)
house, and told him that he was a priest, and had
saved his life. Witness could now go to Birken-
head and point him out. He knew he was a priest.
Several police officers were next examined, and
the case was proceeding when our parcel left.

OXFORD CIRCUIT.—GLOUCESTER, Dec. 16.
(Before Mr. Justice Mellor.)
The business of the Gloucester Assizes com-
menced to-day at 10 o'clock. Altogether there
were about 50 prisoners for trial, including three
murder cases, but a great many pleaded guilty in
the course of the day.

THE TICKET-OF-LEAVE SYSTEM.
Mr. Justice Mellor, in the course of his charge
to the grand jury, said he thought the system of
tickets-of-leave had been k uhjected to undeserved
censure, and that the practice of granting such in-
dulgences gave prisoners an opportunity of reform-
ing their habits. He expressed his opinion as in
his charge to the Worcestershire Grand Jury last
week, tlat the reformation of convicts after they
had attained a certain age was hopeless. The ticket-
of-leave system was based upon the idea that if a
man was sent to penal servitude he might by habits
of self-restraint, by good conduct, and by conform-
ing with the prison rules, get a remission of part of
his sentence, and the expectation was that the pri-
soners might carry the habits of discipline and self--
control to which they had been used away with
th ,rn. Supposing that no hope of remission was
paced before their criminals, they would probably
he indifferent how they behaved, unless compelled
by other consequences to conduct themselves pro-
perly. Although the hope of a ticket-of•leave ope-
rated upon the mind of the criminal, and induced
him during the time he was in prison to cultivate
habits of self-restraint and self-control, yet he
was far from saying that it was a successful ex-
periment. His own experience went to show
that after a certain age reforMation became
hopeless, and it was those criminals who, if sent
abroad, might, under new scenes, find some in-
ducement to change their mode of life. He added
that the ticket-of-leave system was a rat problem

1111DDLIISEX SESSIONS, Dec. 16.
(Before the Assistant-Judge.)
Thomas M'Cairns, 19, servant, William
18, waiter, and George Butt, 18, waiter, were in-
dicted for stealing in the dwelling house of Alder-
man William F. Alen, a silver teapot and other
articles of silver plate, value £250, his property,
the said Thos. M'Cairs being the servant of Alder-
man W. F. Allen.
Mr. Cooper prosecuted ; Mr. Warton appeared for
M'Cairne, the other prisoners were undefended.
Geo. Seymour, police-constable 311 S, stated that
on the night of Nov. 20, about a quarter before 12
o'clock, he found open the area door leading to the
kitchen of Mr. Alderman Allen's house, 6, Peters-
ham-terrace, Kensington. He could see it as he
walked along the pavement, and he got assistance
and entered the house. In the butler's pantry he
found the plate chest and cupboard open and the
plate strewed about. He proceeded to make a search
of the house, and on going to the back bed room he
found M'Cairns with his hands and feet tied toge-
ther lying on his left side on the floor, and a large
white cloth tied tightly round his head. Having
removed the cloth he found the handkerchief pro-
duced pushed into his mouth. On asking him bow
he came in that condition, he said he was waiting
for the butler, who was out; and hearing a noise as
of men breaking into the house, he armed himself
with a sword stick to meet them. Shortly after-
wards he met two men, and having accosted them
one of them struck him a violent blow on the chest,
and the two together succeeded in gagging him and
, tying him as he was found. He pointed to a fan-
light over a side door leading to the back area, and
he said they had made their entrance that way. He
said he had locked the front door, but that they had
got in after 11 o'clock. When the butler came
home Mr. Allen was called. When witness passed
the house at 20 minutes past 11 o'clock the area
door was shut, and there was a light in the front
kitchen. When he returned at a qaarter before 12
o'clock the light was gone, and the area door open.
There were no marks of violence on the area door,
and it must have been opened in the usual way.
Inspector Cross, T division, said he examined
Alderman Allen's premises at a quarter-past 12 at
night, in consequence of his attention having been
drawn to them. He found the fanlight over the
side door in the back area was open, and the cord
was broken. There was a gimlet in the fan-
light outside, but no violence whatever Lad been
used, and it was then quite evident that the cord of
the fanlight had been broken by some one inside.
There was no trace of any one having got over the
wall. The back area door was locked. He was
satisfied that no person had got in at the fanlight,
from dust that was still remaining, and the general
appearance of it. He found that a cupboard had
been broken open which had contained glass, and a
portion of the broken lock was on the table. The
day after, the prisoner (M'Cairns) said he found the
file now produced in the cupboard.
Wm. New said he was butler at Mr. Alderman
Allen's, of No. 6, Petersham-terrace, Kensington,
where the prisoner M'Cairns was footman. He
(M'Cairns) had been there about six months. On
Thursday, Nov. 20, he went to the theatre, and left
M'Cairns in charge of the house during his absence.
The plate closet was also left in his care, he having
received the keys of it before the dinner was served.
On his return from the theatre he found that all the
silver plate, except three articles, was gone. The
teapot, sugar tongs, and other articles produced, be-
longed to his master, and he valued the plate taken
at £250. The house ought to have been shut up
before 11 o'clock. He told M•Cairns on the Tuesday
that he was going to the theatre on the Wednesday,
but as M'Cairns said he wanted to go out on Wed-
nesday, to oblige him he put it off until Thursday.
He had frequently seen the other prisoners at his
master's house. He found the key in the plate chest,
but it ought to have been in the pate closet.
Elizabeth Love stated that she was cook in Mr.
Alderman Allen's house, and on the 20th of Novem-
ber the prisoner Butt came to the house and had
supper there. He left about 10 o'clock; but during
the time he was in the house he was with M'Cairns
in the pantry.
Samuel Jacobs said he lived at No. 5, Park-side,
Knightsbridge, and is a jeweller. On Wednesday
night, November 19, Butt came into his shop and
asked him to buy a ring, which he tried, and found
it was only brass. He then asked if he would
buy some silver, and he told him that he would.
He inquired the price that he would give, and he
told him he would give ss. 6d. per ounce for it.
He then asked him if he would buy £2OO worth,
and, on being told that he would, Butt said that if
he bought it he must not put it into his window for
show, but must melt it down. He made an appoint.
ment to come with it on the Thursday night, but he
did not come. On the Friday he was absent from
home, but from what his wife told him he went to
the station-house and returned with a policeman.
The policeman waited outside, and he found Wallis
and Butts near his shop. That was about 2 o'clock
in the day. The prisoner Butt entered the shop, and
taking the silver teapot produced from his pocket,
asked witness to weigh it. He did so, and then
Butt left the shop, returning almast immediately
with a sackful of silver plate. He weighed it, and
it was upwards of 400 ounces. He then called in
the police-officer, and both prisoners were taken
into custody.
Alexander Williamson, police-constable 133 B,
said from information he received he watched Mr.
Jacob's hcuse on the 21st Nov., and he saw Butt go
into the shop and offer a silver teapot for sale, and
he was afterwards followed by Wallis, who had a
sack of plate. He saw them go into a back parlour,
and he followed them in. He said that he was a
police-officer, and that he should take them into
custody. On searching the prisoners at the station-
house he found on the person of Butt a piece of a file
(produced), and on comparing it with the piece
found by Inspector Cross in the plate cupboard, it
exactly corresponded with it.
Fredk. Williamson, Inspector of Detective Police,
said he went to Mr. Alderman Allen's house and
saw Mr. Cairns, who repeated the statement he had
made to the witness Seymour. He asked him when
he went out last, and he said on Wednesday night,
and that he went to see a friend named Thurbrun.
After the other two prisoners had been given into
custody he went again to Petersham-terrace and
told M'Cairns that they had got the thieves and all
the property, and he said that he was very glad of
it. He then told him that he should take him into
custody, and charge him with being concerned in
the robbery, to which he made no reply.
Jas. Freeman said he kept the Ship publichouse
in Carnaby-street, Regent-street, and knew the pri-
soners Wallis and Butt, who were brothers, their
real name being Thurbrun. M'Cairns was with
them at his house on Wednesday night, and they
had something to drink together.
Mr. Warton then addressed the jury for the pri-
soner M'Cairns, and said that he was a young man
of unblemished character, and he believed that there
, was no part of the statement that he made to In-
spector Cross but what was strictly true, and if
things were to go on in this Way it would be no en-
couragement to servants to protect their masters'
property, supposing that in doing so they might be
bound and gagged while resisting a plunderer. It
would be a poor return for their fidelity if they were
afterwards to be charged with felony for having re-
sisted a robbery. He should call some witnesses
who had known him from childhood, who would
give him the highest character for honesty and in-
tegrity, and having done so, he hoped it would have
a proper effect on the jury, and that they would
return a verdict of not guilty.
Several witnesses were called, who gave him an
excellent character for honesty, extending over a
long period.
Wallis said ho was at Mr. Freeman's, and was
not out on the night of the robbery.
Butt, in his defence, said he met a man in the
street, who asked him to sell some plate for him,
and that he would give him £lO for doing so. He
assigned as his reason for not selling the plate him-
self that he had a former transaction with Mr.
Jacobs, when he sold plate for £25, and he could
only get £2O from him. He also said that the re-
mark about melting the silver came from Jacobs,
and not from him.
The Assistant-Judge summed up the evidence, and
The jury found all the prisoners guilty, recom-
mending them to mercy on account of their previous
good characters.
The Assistant-Judge sentenced Wallis and Butt
to be imprisoned for two years, and M'Cairns to be
kept in penal servitude for four years.

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