The Sun.
London, England, 1862-08-04 00:00:00

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L 7

THE SUN.
LONDON, MONDAY, AUGUST 4, 1862.

We have long known that news from the seat, or
seats of War, through Federal channels, was, what
the Federal authorities wished it to be. Over the
seat of war, indeed, the PRESIDENT and Mr. STAN-
TON are as sensitive as if it were the seat of honour,
and if blows come rather hard, they veil the facts
by the fig-leaves of the press for so long as that will
last. But we had hardly suspected that we should
not, with due allowance for exaggeration, "bun-
kum," and the like, have a fair account from the
press of what passes in the cities of the North,
where it publishes its information to those who, a
few hours before, were many of them witnesses of
what it describes. Yet such seems to be the truth.
A most trustworthy American correspondent assures
us that if he had not gone to that great mass-
meeting at New York, he should have
thought from the chorus of the papers
the next morning, that it was a mag-
nificent success ;" or a "sublime uprising of
the people," or a " demonstration the moral effects
of which would influence the fortunes of America
and Europe for ages to come," that "at least
100,000 patriots were present," and there were
what one of the speakers called for " five acres of
cheers". The fact being that there wore not five
acres in the park; that eight or ten thousand were
the outside of the numbers who sauntered leisurely
about to five platforms erected for the speakers, the
ladies—unprotected females many of them—
not finding their crinoline any inconvenience
among the straggling individuals who were to have
been a dense crowd.
The truth seems to be, as the same observer
states that the Federal reverses have been suffi-
cient to damp and discourage, but not sufficient to
arouse, gad WCLELLAN'S army been utterly
routed or teptured, the North would have arisen as
one man, but half
beaten, half successful, the admi-
nistration gets the
blame, confidence in it is low,
recruiting goes on slowly, and public feeling seems
to be pausing whether it shall lash itself again to
give up an ,
fury or impracticable undertaking.
Indeed the latest telegram
from New York via
Halifax, tells us that much
public public d
and that the P e`
spondency exists, Pub lic appear in-
clined to take more gloomy views of the _
position of
affairs, than at any time since the eoruele
ecement
of the struggle.
Of late Mr. LINCOLN himself has been acting as
Commander-in Chief, and it now appears that he
had indirectly much to do with the late disaster,
The people at first called for the dismissal of the
Secretary for War, Mr. STANTON, because he had
not sent reinforcements in time. It was Mr. LIN-
COLN himself, however, who anxious for the safety
of Washington countermanded the order for
M'DowELL with his forty thousand men to rein-
force M'CLELLAN from Fredericsburg. But for
this, if the Prinee DE JOINVILLE'S account of the]
battle be correct, the Confederates would have been
utterly routed, or more probably have never ven-
tured the attack at all. General HALLECK has now
been appointed Commander-in-Chief of all the land
forces of the United States; and the people seem to
approve it. Why it is difficult for us in England
to see. At the battle of Pittsburg landing, though
his gunboats repelled the enemy, BEAUREGARD
showed himself the best general, and the evacua-
tion of Corinth, in the face of HALLECK, was
accomplished without the slightest lose, or even
without HALL-Revs knowledge. The Americans
ought to know beat, but nothing yet has shown to
others that HALLECK 18
markedly superion to
M'CLELLAN.

As to the actual fighting. the
greater part of the
armies on both. yids have gone, itvo_
ld seem, into
slaw= qurters; Hero and time 1 Attie mcrre•

ment is seen. The Federals, if report be true, have
destroyed parts of the railroads on which Richmond
depended for supplies, and this may keep "Stone-
wall" JACKSON from advancing on Harper's Ferry
or Washington. In the 'West, however, and the
Border States the Confederates show greater
strength. No impression, even by the united Fede-
ral fleets, can be made on Vicksburg. In Kentucky
and Tennessee the Confederates are active in a
guerilla warfare, and if Nashville is a little more at
ease, they have made a successful inroad into
Missouri, and captured a place of the name
Greenfield. This Border State which seemed pretty
well secured, is now obliged to summon out and
organise afresh its entire militia to resist the Con-
federate guerillas. We are not, however, to look
for any decisive action for some time, at least not
in Virginia; the two armies there have both
sustained such losses, that with this and the state
of the weather, they are not likely to resume opera.
tions for some weeks or months. There is, how-
ever, a rumour of something great to be attempted
by the Confederates in the West ; and while the
rivers are low is the time for them to move. We
do not see while the gunboats are at a disadvantage
even on the Mississippi, or while they are occupied
uselessly at Vicksburg why the remains of BEAU-
REGARD'S Corinth army should not seize on and
recapture New Orleans with General BUTLER and
his 15,000 men. The dull time, however, seems to
have come to America, as well as to England.

GARIBALDI'S admirus—and they count by the
million—will regret the error into which he is
blundering. It is comparatively a matter of indif-
ference whether the proclamation just put forth in
his name is authentic or not—the document now
coming to us via Turin, and purporting to have
been issued by the Italian Hero from Bois Fieuggi,
in the province of Corleone, in the island of Sicily.
Already GARIBALDI has expressed his views far
more plainly by word of mouth than he is now re-
presented to have done pen in hand. A single sen-
tence taken almost haphazard, either from his re-
ported address to the Sicilians at Palermo, or from
that other speech of his delivered still more recently
at Marsala, might be pronounced far bolder, as a de-
claration of his intentions, than the whole of his Bois
Fieuggi Proclamation. In the latter instance he
seems to content himself with mere generalities.
" Young comrades !" he cries out to the recruits
now clustering together (not in overwhelming
numbers !) under his banners, " the holy cause of
our country unites us again to-day, Without
asking where we are going," he continues rather
ambiguously, " with smiles upon your lips, you
have hastened hither to fight against arrogant
foreign rulers. I ask only of Providence to preserve
me your confidence. I can promise nothing but toils
and troubles, but confidently rely upon your self-
denial ; for well do I know you, oh ! mutilated
remnant of glorious battles ! it is unnecessary to
ask of you bravery in the fight, but I must ask you
to preserve discipline, without which no army can
exist." And so on—with absolutely not a word
more explicit as to the meaning of this new move-
ment. In effect it is the very vagueness of the
whole document that almost induces one to regard
it as apocryphal. It is so different from the direct
home thrust of that cry for " Stilletos" raised by
GARIBALDI at Palermo, or from that still bolder
signal for ‘Nar given by him afterwards at Marsala,
when he exclaimed, more than once, " Rome or
Death !"

Meanwhile the KING himself has spoken out, in
no way ambiguously. Words could not be more
explicit than those put forth in his MAJESTY'S
name on the 3d instant in the form of a Royal
Proclamation. Addressing himself not to any one
section of the Italian multitude, but to all alike, to
the 25,000,000 indiscriminately, VICTOREMMANUEL
calls aloud, through this remarkable document, to
the whole race of the Italians. "To my People "
the proclamation is grandly headed. "At the

time," says the KING, " when Europe is rendering
homage to the wisdom of the nation, it is painful
to see young people, carried away by illusions and
forgetful of the duty of gratitude to our best allies,
make of the name of Rome--that name which is
the desire of all—the signal for war. When the
hour for the accomplishment of the enterprise shall
arrive, the voice of the KING will make itself heard.
Every other summons is that of rebellion and civil
war. The responsibility and the rigour of the law
will fall upon those who will not listen to my
words." Than which—could language, by any pos-
sibility, be plainer ? The words quoted above in
italics virtually pronounced GARTBALDI—of all men
in the wide world, GARIBALDI !—guilty of treason!
A traitor to that cause of which he has hitherto been
the foremost champion ! And while the KING thus
declares point blank against the present rash and in-
sensate designs of the Hero, the Provisional Prefect
of Palermo—his MAJESTY'S representative there in
Sicily—issues thence almost simultaneously a local
proclamation, declaring, with an almost painful
significance, that " the Government cannot renounce
its mission, cannot permit any name, however dear
to the country, to usurp the prerogatives of VICTOR
EMMANUEL." Meanwhile, all along the Roman
I frontiers the French troops have reassumed the
positions they had but so very recently evacuated.
The imperial squadron hovering off the Roman
coast being at the same time put upon the alert,
and the officer in command of it instructed to act
in any emergency that may arise with the utmost
decision and promptitude.

GARIBALDI, in truth, is quite manifestly—so far
as we can judge of the facts—overreaching himself.
A host of armed patriots at his back might doubt-
less enable Lim to accomplish what he purposes to
accomplish. But—is he not "counting without his
host ?" A few days will show how the great
General's mind is influenced by the attitude now
assumed—in direct antagonism to him and his
doings—by King VICTOR EMMANUEL. The Govern-
ment has been against him in word and in deed for
some time past. Ministers have spoken dead
against him, days and days ago, from the Tribune
of the Turin Chambers. The civil and military
aveetryhorities, instructed by Ministers, are doing their
utnaost, north, south, east, and west, to put
down the
new
ew Garibaldian movement, to prevent
the enroll:"
thetloifeany more Garibaldian volunteers,
histo btaouwlkards
any
new
of Marsala at every step of
hither
more daring adventure.
trifling
I,..colleagnes
zzi aod hal waived aside the oppo-
and proelairt,in'
sai
tAi
oRnI Bo.AfL DRIA
ThTtiAs
, as a matter
`"Pcirt ersisti •
p ng his
of comparatively •
devoted to l3 himself to the
stand
been
the e.,
-4se of VICTOR
A last, however, the ING h
Ei517:5:73:t
with GARIBALni,
constrained to to
his Ministers, to uphold the dignity of
his by
Crown
of his Government. 5,
and the independence
being at length the royal resolve—the anxiety
break
k
next is, to observe how that royal resolve affects
the bearing and, we will add, the loyalty of
GARIBALDI.

How profane it Was of Mr. LA'ARD to laugh
when Mr. DISRAELI, on Friday
night, described
the successful fight of his Holy Tory Alliance. We
are sure the hop, member for Bucks looked grave
enough as he rehearsed the 21czgnifto,.:, of the Tories
and tb,e CLurch.lovir could the kon4.-zwzber for

Southwark look so very differently—or was it the
very gravity of him of Bucks, when talking of the

Church, which forced him of Southwark to smile or
something worse. Recounting the deeds of his party
during the session, said Mr. DISRAELI, "I will say at
least for the gentlemen who sit on this side of the
House that this is a session to which we have no
reason as a party to look back to with regret. We
have, in the first place, this session, after long years
of difficulty, and sometimes almost of despair, tri-
umphantly vindicated the status of the Church of
England." (Hear, hear, and a laugh from Mr.
LAYARD.) This was too much for him who once
vindicated the crucifiers of the Lord, but who now
vidicates the status of the Church—Church not of
CHRIST, but of England. We hope Mr. LAYARD
comported himself penitentially under the re-
buke which immediately followed—" An hon.
gentleman opposite, who I believe I may call
a minister, sneers at this assertion. There are few
great things left. Among them is the Church, and
we have done this in a manner the most satisfac-
tory, because we have done it by Parliamentary
discipline, which is of no value, however perfect,
unless it is established upon the basis of sympathis-
ing public opinion."

The party represented by Mr. COBDEN see what
they have to look for io the leader of the Opposi-
tion. A great part of them are not, like Mr.
merely, they are politicians :
i
reforms interest them as mach as lowering
tlehbeeßrDincome-tag, and amongst those reforms the
elevation of the status of all Christian Churches
is an object as important as that of ex-
tension of the franchise, or of saving a few mil-
lions a year. Not indeed that we depreciate these
last. We have contended for them both through
evil report and through good report, and shall con-
tinue to do so. Just now, however, Mr. DISRAELI
sees fit to glorify himself as vindicator of the
status of the Church ; and we wish the Liberal
party to understand what that means.

We need not say that the Church always means,
in their mouths, the Church of the TUDORS and
STUARTS—the Church settled by the ir)table Act of
1662, which turned out two thousand excellent
ministers because they could not conform to a
liturgy made avowedly as Popish as possible, that
they as Protestants might be unable to declare
their "assent and consent" to everything in the
Book of Common Prayer. By "the Church," the
Hon. BENJAMIN DISRAELI and Co. never mean all
the Christian men of the country, but all the Chris-
tians who worship by the Prayer-book by which they
themselves worship. TheChurch,according to the cen-
sus of 1851, comprised less than one-half the Christ ian
worshippers Gf this country ; all the other Churches
of this country, which cost the State nothing,
having been found on the Census Sunday to have a
majority of worshippers. Mr. DISRAELI'S boast is,
that he and his maintained the status of this
minority Church.

Now, what is the status so successfully defended
by him ? Why, just a status of religious oppres-
sion and intolerance towards the churches of the
majority—a status of civil superiority, because of
their conformity to the Parliamentary creed and
rubrics of 1662—a status of religious tyranny, in
fact, because they have contrived to get all power
into their hands. The creed of all passably liberal
men, in these days, is, that no man ought to be at
the slightest disadvantage, before the law, because
of his religious convictions, or his religious worship,
or even his no-worship. We all surely believe, now,
that religion is an affair solely between a man and
his Maker, and we justly regard it as a remnant of
medieval ignorance and bigotry if any man would
assert civil or social superiority over his neighbour
because of his peculiar religious belief. In fact,
" religious equality" is, we may say with Lord
STANLEY himself, " the creed of the 19th century,"
and civil inequality on account of religion is, so far
as it goes, persecution. It is not indeed the gallows
and the stake—we may be thankful for that,
but the men who would depress the status of all
other Churches, to keep a supreme status for their
own, are just the men who, in 1662, would have
sent the Puritans to gaol, and at an earlier period
have furnished the materials for LEaslNG's splendid
picture of JOHN Huss now exhibiting in the Egyp-
tian Hall.

We say this advisedly. Softened and enlightened

by the spirit of the age—by the hard fact, also,
that their Church is in a minority in the United
Kingdom—the Church status party, with the Hon.
BENJAMIN DISRAELI as leader, would not burn the
Dissenter—would not imprison him even, or put
him in the stocks—would not even fine him for
neglecting attendance at the parish church, unless
now and then, if he happened to be a poacher and
neglected prayers for hares ; but what of this ?
Small merit this in an age which half shrinks from
capital punishments altogether. The spirit of a
man is shown by his going as far as he ca❑ in any
direction ; and all the age will allow Mr. DISRAELI
is, to fight hard for the remnants and rags of bye-
gone superstition and intolerance; and this he
and his do with all their heart and soul and strength.
This said status of the Church which, by
the way, he reduces to a " thing," if it be a
" great one," means, as illustrated by the DIS-
RAELI exploits of last session, the power
to force the members of other communities to re-
pair the buildings in which the members of Mr.
DISRAEII'S Communion (if indeed it be his) wor-
ship; power to make them whitewash his church
walls, play his organ, pay his sexton, wash his
priest's surplice, and furnish bread and wine for the
priest to consecrate and give to Mr. DISRAELI !
Our readers must excuse our stating the naked
literal fact, for this, and nothing else, is what Mr.
DISRAELI means when he demands that Church-
rates should be retained as they are, and collected
with the poor-rates. He wishes—it is an undeniable
fact—to eat and drink the sacrament, but for dis-
senters to help to pay for what he eats and drinks,
as well as for what they use themselves ! This he
thinks a proper "status" for such a "great thing,''
as the Church of 1662, in A.D. 1862.

Other specimens of "status " relate to parish
burial grounds, which, though they belong to the
whole parish, he thinks should be limited to the

religious use of Ms Church—to trusteeships in

grammar schools, which though the deeds often
mention only that the trustees shall be "godly and

religious men," and prescribe no creed—cannot, he
thinks, be in the hands of godly men, unless they

be men who swear to the TUDOR and STUART Book

of Common Prayer, since his Church only has the

status of being "godly and religious"—to marriage
laws, which, because his church has a superstitious
prohibitory canon which Free Churches do not re-

cognise, compel all other churches to conform to his
church ; finally, " status" extends even to indeli-
bility of orders, the status of Ms church requiring

their priesthood and the civil disabilities belong-
that men, once made priests in it, can never get rid
ng to actual service in it, though they may re-
nounce that service, and become averse to it.
interested in
Indeed his party think the status of their church
vindicated the at ofthat t
being interprkeeteePdinign fiedveel
meaning of the DrsittEra flourish that he and his
rsyfdo ra itsy
Epnrgi el
issths
sS utchlae,
have
grea
allreb'