The Sun.
London, England, 1865-06-02 00:00:00

of the legislation of the last 35 years. (Applause.) And
not only this, gentlemen, but in another great chapter of
politics—l mean the foreign policy of the country—they
have endeavoured, while observing every international,
at the same time honestly to extend the hand of sympathy
and friendship to the promoters of free institutions in the
world. (Applause.) Now, by whom is it that this change
has been brought about ? Has it been brought about by
those whom Mr. Raikes asks you to support ? (No.) No,
gentlemen, it has not. It has been brought about mainly
by the direct action of the party termed the Liberal party
while in possession of the Government ; but partly, also
I may be permitted and I am bound to say, by the
example and the exertions of men like Mr. Canning and
Sir R. Peel, whose minds were too large for the contracted
space in which they found themselves, and who, be-
cause of the benefits that they conferred upon their
countrymen, lost the confidence of their party. (Applause.)
But the party of which they lost the confidence was
that party which Mr. Raikes invites you to support.
Now, I don't deny—on the contrary, I rejoice to believe—
that in that party there are not only many excellent men,
many high, generous, upright, intelligent, enlightened
men ; but the great and beneficial change which we have
seen, which has rendered our people more happy, our laws
more respected, our institutions more secure than those of
any people in the world, are changes which have been made
not by the agency, but generally in opposition to the endea-
vours, of that party. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, I have
detained you very long (cries of "Go on," and applause),
and I don't think that there is any reason why I should
detain you longer, but if you like I will say one word upon
a subject which I know interests you much, and on which
I heard the remarks that fell from my son—l mean the
franchise. Now gentlemen, as far as I can understand, the
position of that question in Chester is very peculiar, and
the constituency of Chester, if I am rightly informed, is
very differently composed from the constituencies—l mean
the town constituencies--of the country in general. As I
understand the matter, out of about 1,900 or 2,000 voters in
Chester, about 900 are supposed to belong to the working
class—that is to say, not very far short of one-half of the
whole. Well, now, when we look over the country at
large, so far is it from being true that one-half of the whole
constituency is composed of the working class that the
working class only forms an exceedingly small fraction of
that constituency. It is very difficult to estimate the fraction
exactly, and I will not pretend to do so, but I believe that
if we take the whole constituency of the country at about
1,000,000, some think that the working men in that
1,000,000 do not exceed 50,000, and I believe hardly any one
thinks that they exceed 100,000. Now that in my opinion
is a very small portion of the constituency to be composed
of working men. Gentlemen, I frankly own to you, lam
against all sudden and sweeping changes. The characteristic
of our country is to go forward surely and steadily; but I
confess I lament that the mind of the country is not more
prepared than at present it seems to be for a sensible ex-
tension of the franchise tgthe working man. (Cheers.) lam
not speaking of Chester I frankly own that I am by no
means sure that a better system might not be invented for
Chester—prospectively, I mean. Of course, lam for dis-
franchising no one, but for the future I am by no means sure
that a better system may not be invented for Chester than
the present system, which practically as I understand, ad-,
mits the working man only in the character of a freeman,
and no man can deny that the working men have a large
share in the constituency of Chester, but certainly no Go-
vernment with which I have ever been connected, and no
statesmen with whom I have ever acted, have ever thought
that it would be wise to introduce laws which would at
once hand over the majority of the votes In the country
into the hands of the working men. Now, I say that not
from mistrust. I had 13 years' experience of a workingman's
constituency in the borough of Newark. It was not a very
large borough, but when I went there there were 1,600
voters, and out of them between 1,100 and 1,200 were work-
ing men, but those working men never dreamt of voting
together as a class, or of setting up as a separate interest.
But still, gentlemen, I say go surely and steadily. (Hear,
hear.) Those scot and lot constituencies have been extin-
guished. lam very sorry for it. 1 wish those old scot and
lot constituencies had continued. It was a good old sound
English franchise, and it secured this effect—that if there
was a question in which the working man had a peculiar
interest, in those boroughs at any rate, they had, when the
occasion arose, the means of making their wants and wishes
clearly known; and that, gentlemen, I think, was not a bad
thing but a good thing for the constitution. (Cheers.) Now,
we are in this predicament. I believe at this present
moment a smaller proportion of the working men enjoy the
franchise than enjoyed it 30 years ago at the time of the
Reform Bill. But what changes have taken place ! If the
number of electors in the working class has diminished,
what has happened to the working class itself? Has it
diminished or has it increased ? Has it deteriorated or has
it improved? Is the education of the working classes
worse ? No ; it is infinitely extended, Is the loyalty of
the working classes more doubtful ? No ;it glows more
fervently than ever. (Hear, hear.) Is there a feeling of
greater hostility towards the Government? No; as I have
the best means of knowing. (Hear, and cheers.) No ; so far
from mistrusting the Government, the Government is the
very agent which they are like to make guardians of their
savings. Has the character of the working classes been
especially tested in the interval ? Yes. It was tried in the
fire of affiiction—in that fire of affliction which burned in
Lancashire when, in a day, the employment of the people
was swept away, and yet public order was secured. The
laws were adhered to, respect was paid to more fortunate
classes, want was endured in silence and patience, with
heroic fortitude; and I must say that proofs of confidence
such as those ought to have some influence on the spirit of
the privileged classes, to induce them, not as a matter of
abstract right, but upon practical grounds with a view to
strengthening the laws and institutions of the country, to
make some sensible, some liberal, though some safe ex-
tension of the franchise. (Hear, hear.) It would be futile
to enter into what should be the form of that extension. I
agree it would be most wise to include in that extension
all those who, being not holders of property, but equal to
the possession of the franchise, are excluded from it. That
is a measure, gentlemen, which has received aid from a.
very distinguished gentleman—from Mr. Disraeli. He calls
it "lateral extension"—extension sideways. That is a very
good thing, but it is not enough. There should also be
given to the country at large an extension downwards, the
effect of which would be that in the borough coestituencies
in general the working classes would exist as a sensible
fraction or portion of the constituency, and that their voices
would be more freely and truly heard in the House of
Parliament, and their feelings would be more warmly
enlisted in the interest and welfare of our common
country. (Loud applause.)