The Sun.
London, England, 1862-05-14 00:00:00

7HE AUSTRIAN CHAMBERS.

A letter from Vienna, dated May 9th, says that
on the 7th inst. Count Rechberg, the Minister for
Foreign Affairs, acknowledged to the Chamber of
Deputies that the policy of Austria in respect to
Italy had been ill-judged. The debate, which was
of equal interest and importance, was opened by M.
Kuranda, one of the representatives of this city.
In substance his speech, which was of great length,
was as follows :

" We are called on to vote supplies for the Fo •
reign Department. If we grant the various sums
demanded we shall tacitly express our confidence
in the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and it therefore
appears desirable that we should previously obtain
an insight into his opinions on several matters of
importance to the empire. Since the eatablishment
of the German Confederation Austria has had four
political epochs. Daring the whole of the first
epoch—that of Metternich—Austria was the great
champion of reaction. She believed that any free
movement in Germany would be highly pernicious
to her, and she acted accordingly. In the year
1848, when the second epoch began, the different
German nations convoked a German Parliament at
Frankfort. Notwithstanding the unjust treatment
which Germany had received at the hands of Aus-
tria, her sons were invited to send rt preeentatives
to Frankfort. The invitation was accepted, and it
was owing to the Austrian members of the Frank-
fort Parliament that there was not a complete rup-
ture between their own Government and Germany.
When Prince Felix Schwarzenburg took office the
third epoch began. The Prince, a very bold and
energetic man, played a great game, and won it.
His success made him haughty and overbearing,
and he was solely intent on increasing the power
and influence of Austria abroad. He speedily did
away with the constitution of the 4th of March,
1849, and by restoring the absolute system he
alienated the friends which Austria had acquired in
Germany and elsewhere. The fourth epoch began
when his Majesty the Emperor again gave a constitu-
tion to Austria. There have been very many changes
of men at home ; but Austria still has the same
representatives -abroad. After such a thorough re -
form in the interior of the empire, there ought to
be a corresponding reform in the foreign policy of
the Government. We must, therefore, ask the
Minister for Foreign Affairs whether he has told
his agents in Germany that, the Constitution being
a reality, they have to act in accordance with it.
The next question to be put to the Minister for
Foreign Affairs relates to Italy. Had there been
no treaties of 1815 there would hardly have been an
Italian question. Ever since Austria has been an
Italian Power she has been in difficulties. She has
been obliged to maintain enormous armies, to have
recourse to military interventions, to convoke de-
spotic congresses at Tropau and Laibach, and en-
ormously
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eto violent
to
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rrreerffae se
efforts
titseh
ste
to maintain
nationalv iia fr adne
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at. her a
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sults
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Zurich.
srnul i
cihtns.
Our diplomatists displayed their total incompetence
at Zurich, for wo should now have no territory in
Italy had we not retained possession of the redoubt-
able Quadrilateral. In my opinion, however, it is
no great misfortune that we have lost our so-called
Machtstellunq (political position and influence) in
Italy—that we Lave ceased to be an Italian Power.
Venetia we must hold and defend to the very last!
Not in order that we may have power and influ-
ence in Italy, but because Venetia (the Quadrilate-
ral) is the bulwark of Austria, Bavaria, and South-
lo be expected that the
gn Affairs should consi-
nFootret
der the Treaty of Zurich waste paper, but he will
AerunstGriearnm
do well to recollect that these are not the times for
Minislln. t elrt fiosr
a policy of restoration in Italy."
When Count Buol was Minister he was in the
habit of making use of the pen of M. Kuranda, but
as soon as Count Rechbnrg took office all connection
between the Foreign Department and the editor of
the Ost-Eeutsche Post ceased. It is therefore much
to the credit of the Minister for Foreign Affairs
that he displayed no irritation while his policy was
animadverted on by a man for whom he has a posi-
tive dislike, if not a strong antipathy. The sub-
stance of Count Rechberg's reply is as follows:
~ M. Kuranda has touched on matter of extreme
delicacy, but I will reply to his questions in as
straightforward a way as I, in my y capacity of
Minister of the Crown, can venture to do. The
Imperial Government is firmly resolved to maintain
the union with, and also to uphold the position of,
Austria in Germany. (A few cheers from the par-
tisans of Government.) The diplomatic agents
abroad have obeyed the instructions given them, but
if they should cease to do so the Imperial Govern-
ment will know how to bring them to order, and to
punish them. M. Kuranda has given the House to
understand that the Prusso-French treaty of com-
merce was a surprise' for the Imperial Govern-
ment, but it will be seen that we began negotiations
on the subject several months ago. When the
papers relating to it are published, it will appear
that the rights which Austria acquired by the
treaty of 1853 have been strictly upheld. (A few
faint cheers.) In respect to Italy, it may be said
that the meddling in the internal affairs of that
country has been attended with most unpleasant
consequences. The fruits of that policy have been