The Sun.
London, England, 1865-02-11 00:00:00

We have now before us the text of President
DAVIS'S letter to the Southern Congress with refer-
ence to the proposed appointment of a Commander-
in-Chief of the Confederate Armies, and it fully
bears out the impression of magnanimity and
patriotism which the summary of its contents made
upon all who read it. So far from being in any
degree jealous of the popularity of LEE, or from re-
senting the dignity which it is designed to confer
upon him. JEEFERSON DAVIS takes some pains to
demonstrate to the representatives that he has from
the first shared their opinion that LEE is the proper
person to have the general direction of their forces.
He reminds them that when General LEE assumed
the command of the army of Northern Virginia he
was likewise the head of all the Confede-
rate armies, but that he declared the incompa-
tability of retaining the two offices. Either
he said he must be relieved of the 'active
duties of command in the field or of the general
direction of the other armies. For some time the
President, who has never failed to do justice to the
merits and abilities of those in concert with him,
resisted this request, but at length he says he be-
came satisfied of the necessity, and therefore, since
the choice was left to him, he decided upon reliev-
ing LEE of the general command, believing, he says,
that the safety of the capital and the success of the
cause depended in a great measure upon LEE'S
opposing GRANT at the head of the Virginian army.
Since that change, however, DAVIS has frequently
wished LEE to reconsider his resolution, but the
General has unhesitatingly declared that the double
duty was more than he could properly discharge.
From. this it appears that LEE will not even
now immediately assume the office of general
commander unless indeed the prolonged in-
action in Virginia induce him to change his mind
and to endeavour by a concentration of purpose and
skilful strategy to turn the tide of Confederate
disaster in the South. LEE is too shrewd a man,
and too clever a tactician, not to appreciate the
importance of checking SHERMAN'S further advance,
and of saving Wilmington, if possible, so that he
may be tempted by consideration of the importance
of these objects to accept the direction of the mili-
tary affairs of the Confederacy. He may, perhaps,
be influenced by the evident desire of the Virginians
themselves that he should leaVe their State to other
care, and betake himself where his presence is so
much needed. There is evidently no great alarm in
the Old Dominion respecting the immediate move-
ments of GRANT'S redoubtable army. According to
the terms of the President's letter, the appointment
toenr
ml y
swai t s
that L'S
heOnWnevePrlieast
shallure, fboer hfeeusnadyspirnaeetxipearbesles
by General LEE to assume command of all the
armies of the Confederate States, without Withdraw-
ing from the direct command of the army of Northern
Virginia, I will deem it promotive of public inte-
rests to place him in such command." Davis seems
to consider the direction of the Virginian force as
more important than the command of the other
armies of the Confederacy, a conclusion which may
very much be doubted, since promptness, vigour,
and concentration have been sadly wanting in op-
posing SHERMAN'S march. The manner inwchoinchtrtahset
President speaks of LEE affords a striking
to LINCOLN'S conduct towards azononee.,,wle doeshiomhe
suspects of being a" rival near the
not forget in his letter, which is ostensibly addressed
to the President of the Virginia Senate, and the
Speaker of the Virginia House of Delegates, to pay
tribute to the unflinching devotion and untiring
energies of that State in the national cause. To
prove the sfitinectrehriety of his promises Mr. DAVIS has
signed the bill creating a General-in-Chief, and,
owfhcoouisrateo,
hue
It is now confessed is.
post,but
in one opinion as to the man
much talked of
mission Washington
ngtaon
uthtatetr
ur
BfailLtiße's,
and that he has returned from Richmond convinced
that there no preent hoPe of a peac settlement

of the dispute. When he started, according to a
Washington despatch on the subject, he was con-
fident, of success. The war was to end and the
Union to be restored, though what bonne bouche he
had to offer the Confederates, in order to obtain
their consent to what was in fact a wholesale
surrender, is not easily seen. At any rate
Mr. BLAIR'S return has not fulfilled the expecta-
tions of his departure. Following the Washington
fashion of depreciating the enemy, he declares that
he found wrangling and divisions in the rebel camp,
that the leaders are so distrustful of each other that
none dare assume the responsibility of making
terms; Davis watched on every side by enemies,
who at the first sign of weakness would spring for-
ward and overwhelm him ; peace men plentiful
in Richmond, but dare not avow themselves. All
this sounds very impressive, but the reader is tempted
to ask—What are they all afraid of ? If President,
leaders, and population generally are all prepared to
come to terms with the North, what hinders them
from doing so? But Mr. BLAIR says that by rea-
son of his watchful enemies, DAVIS dare offer no
terms except the recognition of Confederate Com-
missioners, or an armistice of from 30 to 90 days.
Neither of these proposals, we are informed,
could receive a moment's consideration, and so the
mission was a failure. In the North, meanwhile,
great irritation exists on the subject. The Radicals
declare that the whole scheme was a trick, and has
only resulted in benefiting the South, and it is de-
termined to introduce a resolution in the Senate
calling on the President for the production of all
the BLAIR-DAVIS correspondence. We have al-
ways expressed our conviction that the mission
would end in smoke, but the North have no cause
for surprise or anger. DAVIS and his people, not-
withstanding their pretended differences, have de-
clared from the first with singular unanimity that
the one condition by which they would stand or fall
was the independence of the Confederacy, and,
therefore, had they failed to reassert this to
Mr. BLAIR, and to make the recognition
of their commissioners a primary step to
negotiation, they would have been virtually
surrendering their cause. Nothing now remains,
says the despatch referred to, but the vigorous
prosecution of the war, and the consequent disin-
tegration of the rebel Government. The disintegra-
tion of the Washington Government is quite as
likely—perhaps more so—in spite of Mr. LINCOLN'S
stern band ; and if there is disaffection at Rich-
mond, there is certainly not much content in Wash-
ington or New York. The same account declares
that the Southerners are buoyed up by hopes of Eu-
ropean recognition, and believe from the action of
the Northern Congress towards Mexico that the
French will be provoked into recognising them.
They might go further, and anticipate a similar re-
sult from the conduct of the United States Go-
vernment towards Canada. Sir J. WAisn's re-
marks in the House of Commons last evening,
however much smoothed down by Lord PALMER-
STON, expressed pretty accurately the convictions of
the English public with respect to our relations
with• America, and there can be no doubt that the
proceedings at Washington are watched with
anxiety and suspicion in this country. We have
no great reason to trust either their moderation or
their friendship, neither are we prepared to be too
easily satisfied with the diplomacy of our Ministers.
The experience of their Danish policy is too fresh
in our minds for that, and the popular representa-
tives had better keep a close supervision of official
proceedings, or perhaps some fine day Lord PAL-
MERSTON may walk down to the House of Commons
and inform the members that Canada has been
invaded, but that until London is threatened it will
not be necessary to interfere.

WILLS AND BEQUESTS.

(From the Illustrated London News.)

The will of the Most Noble Henry Pelham, Duke
of Newcastle, K.G., P.C., D.C.L., of Clumber,
Notts, and of Portman-square, was proved in her
Majesty's Court of Probate by two of the execu-
tors and trustees—viz., the Right Hon. William
Ewart Gladstone and the Right Hon. George
Warren Baron de Tabley, power being reserved to
Lord Robert Clinton (the testator's brother) to
prove hereafter. The personalty was sworn under
£250,000. The will is of considerable length,
and there are six codicils. His grace has charged
his estates with liberal annuities for his younger
sons, as also for his graces brothers, Lord Robert
and Lord Thomas Clinton, appointing his son, the
present duke, residuary legatee. To each of his
executors acting, he has left £2OO, and to his valet a
legacy of £2oo.—The will of the late Earl of Mor-
ley was proved last week in the Court of Probate,
at Exeter, by the executors, the Countess of Mor-
ley (his widow) and Mr. Augustus G. Stapleton.
The personalties are sworn under £30,000. The
whole of the large landed estates are left to the pre-
sent earl, his only son. To his wife he leaves £BOO
a year for life ; and to his only daughter, Lady Ka-
therine Parker, he leaves a legacy of £2,ooo—in
both cases, in addition to previous arrangements.
There are no other legacies.—The will of Mr. Geo.
Dodd, F.S.A., formerly M.P. for Maidstone,
late of Grosvenor-place, was proved in the Lon-
don court under £200,000. The executors and
trustees appointed are Messrs. Joseph W. Thrupp,
W. H. Bodkin, Lewis Powell, M.D., and
Alfred W. Holmes, to each of whom he has left a
legacy of £5OO, as well as an annuity of £2O each
during the period they are acting. To his wife he
has left a certain rental from a portion of his free-
hold estates for life, as also a legacy of £7,000 and
an immediate sum of £5OO, and has appointed her
residuary legatee of the real and personal estate for
life. To his son, George Ashley Dodd, he has left
his leasehold estates on his attaining the age of 23,
and to his daughter certain freeholds on her attain-
ing the age of 21. His son and daughter are also
reversionary residuary legatees. There is an 'annuity
of £2OO to his wife's mother, and a further legacy
to his executor, J. W. Thrupp, of £l,OOO, and lega-
cies to his servants. The following are the charitable
bequests :—To the Royal Institution, the Artists'
Benevolent Fund, St. George's Hospital, Middlesex
Hospital, and Lock Hospital, each £100; Society
to Relieve Small Debtors and the Dramatic College
each £5O ; and to the Royal Humane Society
£2OO.

The will of Mr. James Raydock Hill, of Newbold
Firs, Leamington, was proved in London on the Ist
inst., and the personalty sworn under £120,000, the
trustees and executors nominated being his sons,
Mr. James and Mr. George Hill, and his son-in-
law, Mr. F. H. G. Nicolls. The will is dated 1863
and he died on the 21st of December last. The be-
quests are confined to the members of his family.
He has left to each of his six daughters legacies vary-
ing from £lO,OOO to £12,000, and has made a libe-
ral provision for the daughter of his late son Henry.
The residue of his property he has divided among
his four sons, to whom some specific bequests are
likewise made.

In the will of the late Lord Manners, given last
week, the title was incorrectly described as Baron
Sutton, his lordship being the grandson of Lord
George Manners Sutton and nephew of Archbishop
Sutton,

THE BISHOP OF LONDON AND ME. BELLEW. A
gentleman named Forster, who appears not to like the
readings of the Rev. J. M. Bellew, has written to the Bishop
of London (enclosing some of the rev. gentleman's adver-
tisements), inquiring whether it is with his lordship's '
sanction or approval that a minister of the Church of
England in his diocese is permitted to offend public decency
by such exhibitions. The Bishop has replied as follows :
"I have received your letter enclosing three advertisements.
They refer to a question respecting which the law has not
pointed out that a bishop has authority to interfere, and as
at present advised I deem it expedient not to take any steps
iA the matter."