The Sun.
London, England, 1865-11-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—An Empire such as ours must expect a
few surprises. All kinds of phenomena find scope
on so magnificent an area. Every year, probably,.a
total eclipse, or an earthquake, or some dreadful con-
vulsion of nature occurs in some part of the Queen's
dominions. Occasionally a British island subsides
and is lost sight of beneath the waves, or a similar
rock emerges into light, and is taken possession of
by the post-captain on the nearest station. As to
wars, rebellions, complications, and difficulties, there
is no end to such events, and we only hear of them,
perhaps, when they are either forgotten on the scene
of the occurrence, or too far gone to be stopped.
The most ingenious speculation would fail to tell us
where the next was most likely to turn up ; in fact,
one quarter of the globe is about as promising as
another. It is not always easy to trace our liabili-
ties on a map. More than a hundred years ago,
when the Duke of Newcastle was Minister, it was
urged upon him most strongly in a certain emer-
gency that " Annapolis should be defended." The
Minister could not resist the argument. " Oh, cer-
tainly, certainly," he cried ; " Annapolis must be
defended, certainly. Pray--pray where is Annapo-
lis ?" The perplexity of that famous statesman must
have been felt by a goodly portion of the public at a
piece of intelligence just arrived. Thus runs the
story :—The Jamaica packet, when nearing the port
of her destination, encountered a rebel steamer,
called the Valorogue. The Valorogue fired into
the Jamaica Packet, upon which the British steam-
ship Bulldog, being close by, approached, and
inquired the cause of the attack. On hearing
the explanation the captain of the Bulldog threa-
tened to sink the Valorogue unless she desisted,
so she desisted accordingly. On this, Salnave
ordered that all the people who had repaired for
refuge to the British Consulate should be forcibly
removed. The captain of the Bulldog incontinently
demanded satisfaction, and failing to obtain it began
to shell Fort Cirolet, after which he sank the Valo-
rogue according to promise, and an armed schooner
into the bargain. He also blew up the powder maga-
zine and set fire to the town ; but, unluckily, in
the prosecution of these vigorous operations, he got
into trouble himself, for, somehow or other, the Bull-
dog, in the course of her manoeuvres, ran upon a
reef. There, too, she stuck fast, in spite of all at-
tempts to release her, and at last the captain, rather
than see her fall into the hands of the rebels, set fire
to her. Hereupon, President Geffrard placed a
steamer at the captain's disposal, and on board this
friendly vessel he and his crew were carried off,
though not before two or three had been killed, and
four times as many wounded, in the engagement re-
corded. Now, there will assuredly be one question
in everybody's mouth—What in the world does all
this mean? Who are "the rebels ?" Who is " Sal-
nave?" What flag was the Valorogue flying, and
why upon earth should she attack the Jamaica Pac-
ket, especially with a British man-of-war alongside?
Where is " Fort Cirolet," and what is the " town"
that was bombarded ? Are we at war with any
State, or have we infringed our neutrality between
any recognised belligerents ? Above all, where did
it all happen? Was it in American or African
waters, or anywhere in the East? There is only one
intelligible incident, one homely feature, one fami-
liar name in the whole story. The Bulldog was evi-
dently a true British animal of the purest bread and
stanchest temper. In all that she did we recognise
the national stamp. She fastened upon her adver-
sary, and made her teeth meet in his flesh ; she held
on till the last, in spite of plunging and tossing, till
in the end her own life is lost, and that finishes the
battle with total destruction on both sides. But
what is the piece of work which has cost us a fine
man-of-war? Well, the affair occurred "off Acul,"
a bit of description which will probably recall the
Duke of Newcastle's " Annapolis" to the reader's
mind. Acul, then, is a little town situated on the
north-western coast of San Domingo, and in this
piece of information a great many possibilities are
undoubtedly conveyed. San Domingo has been
divided, and contested, and partitioned, and re-set-
tled so many times, that it is hard to say how many
Governments, or Pretenders, or Nationalities, or
Powers the island may contain just now. Acul, too,
is in the Hayti division of the island, where the
negroes set up an empire ; but what the Jamaica
packet was going to do, of what she was suspected,
and why she was attacked, we cannot pretend to
say. Perhaps there is a Congress of black Fenians
sitting somewhere in Hayti for the encouragement
and assistance of blacks in Jamaica. Perhaps the
Bulldog was keeping an eye upon these proceedings.
One thing, however, must needs be allowed—the
" rebels," whoever these enemies may be, did cer-
tainly begin the fray by firing into the British
packet ; indeed, according to the narrative, there
was no previous altercation, and the blow came
before the word. Under the circumstances there
was even a certain amount of moderation in the first
attitude of the Bulldog. She only showed her teeth,
and begged, as she might reasonably do, that the
Valorogue would desist from cannonading a vessel
under her protection. But what was the purpose of
the mysterious Salnave in removing " refugees," and
what was the satisfaction which was demanded and
refused ? Whose powder magazines have we blown
up? Whose town have we destroyed? Who are
" the rebels" whose " losses" in the action were so
" heavy r, It is obvious to surmise that we must
have done some legitimate Government considerable
service by thus destroying an arsenal of the insur-
gents, but have we done anybody else any harm or
made enemies of any other people ? It is a pretty
little predicament, and very characteristic, we must
say, of British history. Our naval forces have been
engaged, and we appear to have won a battle and
silenced every antagonist ; but we have lost a man-
of-war, and her captain and crew are dependent on
foreign hospitality. When we last hear of them
they are on board a strange steamer, going some-
where or other,—it is not said where ? What is to
be the upshot of it ? Have we heard the last of it ?
or is there more to come ? We may possibly have
asserted our national honour, and accomplished
something advantageous at the cost of a six-gun
sloop ; or we may possibly have entangled ourselves
in an affair which was none of ours, and which will
bring us no profit. Let us hope, not only for more
explanation, but for more satisfactory tidings.
POST.—The answer returned by the Prime Minis-
ter to the Bradford memorial on the subject of Par-
liamentary Reform removes all doubt as to the
policy of the Government in reference to that ques-
tion. Speaking for himself, Earl Russell adheres to
the opinions he has repeatedly expressed ; but as a
Minister of the Crown he is not prepared to bring
forward a measure intended to effect a change in
the representation unless it is fully matured and
founded upon well-ascertained facts. This announce-
ment will give general satisfaction, and serve to
abate the feeling of uneasiness which was reluctantly
admitted. The question remains in statu quo. It
has doubtless been considered in the Cabinet, and
the decision arrived at will, we would fain hope,
convince the most sceptical that the illustrious
statesman who identified himself with the interest of
his country presented no obstacle to its progress.
Tbis is due, if not to the memory of Lord Palmer-
ston, to the political character of those who
thoughtlessly committed themselves to assertions
wholly averse from the truth. It may be assumed,
that Parliament will readily assent to any proposi-
tion calculated to provide what is required—a full
and fair inquiry, and evidence to proceed upon ; and
the best service the advanced Reformers can imme-
diately render to the cause they profess to have at
heart is to observe the example of prudence which
has been set before them. There is a certain re-
sponsibility attaching to the Government of this
country which they fail to apprehend, and it is only
by conforming to public requirements that they can
qualify themselves to take a leading part in the Ad-
ministration. They must learn, at least, to respect
the national institutions and abide by them. They
must put away their theories, subscribe to established
principles, and renounce the idea of assimilating the
condition of England to that of any other State ;
and, if they are not able to make these sacrifices,
they must not be disappointed if the nation turns a
deaf ear to their appeal. It should be understood, too,
that the decision of Government:is not susceptible of
modification, that is to say, there is no ground for agi-
tation. Ministers may, if they think proper, adopt
the suggestion of appointing a royal commission, but
any way the question cannot be entertained until it
is ripe for a solution, and this delay is rereally in
favour of the claim. If it had been determined to
press Parliament to a vote, the reformers would
simply have lost an Administration which they could
trust. It is morally certain that a motion for a pre-
liminary inquiry would have been carried, and to
threaten a dissolution under such circumstances is
worse than idle. Earl Russell could not advise her
Majesty to exercise the royal prerogative for the pur-
pose of forcing a measure upon the country. Mini-
sters have, in fact, taken the only course that was
open, and in following out the policy of Lord Pal-
merston their conduct will commend itself to public
approbation and support. It remains, however,
matter of regret, if not of surprise, that, on these
conditions, the Administration should be compara-
tively weak in the House of Commons. Altogether,
perhaps, the accession of Mr. Goschen is barely an
adequate compensation for the secession of Sir R.
Peel. Mr. Lowe and Mr. Horsman are formidable
critics, and Sir Robert Peel is quite capable of de-
livering an incisive speech. Of course, unattached
members may fill up the gap ; and the Attorney-
General, if he should be again, as he was once in
the late Parliament, betrayed into rising before Sir
Hugh Cairns, might count upon Mr. Coleridge. But,
anyhow, the last words which Lord Palmerston used
to throw into the scale will be missed, and Mr. Glad-
stone cannot possibly answer everybody. It may
not have been practicable to strengthen the debating

power of the Government, though, looking at the
Liberal benches, the omission would seem to need
explanation. Lord Stanley's time is not yet
come, and it is easy to understand that he could
not join the present Administration unless its
foundation was sensibly extended ; but Mr. Lowe
and Mr. Horsman are differently situated, and
if the Reform difficulty be compromised there
is apparently no impediment in their way. How-
ever, it is improbable that the Opposition will
venture to attack a position fortified by the ad-
journment of the only question on which the
Government might have been overthrown. There
can hardly be any dispute as to the form of inquiry ;
that it is a matter which the House will, no doubt,
decide upon its merits. A royal commission, em-
powered to report generally on the subject in all
its bearings, appears to be the most suitable agency.
No partial investigation would be satisfactory. The
claims that have been put forward, and the inge-
nious schemes that have been devised to meet them,
had better be eliminated. They would only dis-
tract attention from the points that have to be con-
sidered, and the simplest instruction might suffice.
Given a competent commission, and it follows that
the report, whatever it advised, would be exhaustive.
This will take time, of course, but that is not a

consideration. The country has exhibited no im-
patience, and the interests involved are not of a
nature to be trifled with. If there was no alterna-
tive between remaining as we are and proceed-
ing in the dark, the election might be made at once.
But as there is another outlet, and as we have
drifted into a rather aggravating political dilemma,
it may be expedient to see what can be done to
prove to those who habitually depreciate our system
of government that the institutions of this country
are both strong and elastic. It should also not be
forgotten that, in effect, the author of the Reform
Act proposes to have it reviewed, and, if possible,
revised. This is highly creditable to Earl Russell.
We are not all of us ready to make the admission
whicti is to be implied. There can be no doubt,
however, that the representation established thirty
years ago might be improved, and, if it is to be
changed at all, there can, we apprehend, be no
objection to any change that may be deemed desir-
able. The chief difficulty that is experienced in
framing a measure for the extension of the fran-
chise relates, as we understand it, to the mainte-
nance of the balance of power. Now, it is conceded
that we are not bound to the existing borough
suffrage, nor, for that matter, to any suffrage, and,
for the purpose of inquiry, it might be convenient
to suppose that the Reform Act was repealed, or
even to go back to the antecedent state of things.
In short, the examination cannot be too compre-
hensive ; and, if this be an argument against enter-
ing into it, all we can say is that it is no part of
our duty to gild the pill we have not prescribed.