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La,VDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 12, 1865,

Now that the clamour and excitement of the elec-
tions of yesterday are over, it is worth while to
examine into the addresses delivered by some of the
more conspicuous members of the Ministerial party.
Two of these, the Colonial Secretary and the
Attorney-General, have already obtained their seats,
and have accordingly given an explanation of their
views to an admiring audience. As might have
been expected, whatever divergence there may be
in their sentiments, they both concur in extolling
the prosperity and happiness of the country, which
are, of course, exclusively due to the merits of its
Administration. Mr. CARDWELL, referring to the
wars and commotion of the past six years, re-
marked that "It has been our good fortune,
through all this period, to maintain and enjoy the
blessings of peace." We have, he considers, as-
serted our own rights, respected the rights of others,
and have guided our conduct by the strictest prin-
ciples of non-intervention, of justice, and of inter-
national law. The justice has been after the
fashion of that charity which begins and ends a
home ; the international law has been the subject 01
constant dispute ; the strict principles of non-inter-
vention have led to the practice of very one-sided neu-
trality. Mr. CARDWELL takes credit to the last Par-
liament for the encouragement which it has given to
the Volunteer movement, but whatever praise is
due on that account must be divided equally be-
tween the two parties. When the right hon. gen-
tleman talks about peace having been preserved on
the one hand, and the dignity, honour, and inde-
pendence of the country having been maintained on
the other, the mob at the hustings may cheer, but
the fact is that with a war expenditure we have
forfeited the respect of foreign nations, we have
sacrificed our allies, have broken our pledges; and
while we have imperilled the present peace of
Europe, we have sown the seeds of future wars

which no cowardice on our part may serve to avert.
Sir ROUNDELL PALMER, indeed, goes further than
his colleagues in his estimate of our recent foreign
policy. He declares that with regard to the re-
doubtable Danish question we could not have done
less, and we ought not to have done more ; and he
considers that the country owes Lord RUSSELL, for
his adminitration of foreign affairs during the last
six years, " a debt of gratitude, hardly if at all less
than she owed him for his brilliant achievements in
the field of domestic reform." The gratitude due
for the noble lord's exertions in both direc-

tions during the last six years is, we
should imagine, nearly similar in degree.
In both cases he has professed largely and practised
little. He has assumed a bold and resolute air
while he has acted with timidity and vacillation.
He has refused to allow others to do what he could
not make up his mind to do himself. Sir ROUNDELL
PALMER claims credit for the " moral influence"

exerted on behalf of Denmark, being apparently
quite oblivious of that awkward epistle indited in
Germany by the " moral" friend of Denmark. If,
as our Ministers contend, they have endeavoured to
maintain the honour and influence of the country in
foreign councils, it does not say much for the results
of their labours that their threats, remonstrances,
and arguments should produce not the smallest
effect. A resolute front, shown at the first, an un-
hesitating avowal that England would never suffer
the dismemberment of Denmark, would have settled

the question. As it is it was no great wonder that
Lord PAL3IEPSTON'S assurances that " Denmark

could not stand alone" and Lord RUSSELL'S threats
were equally ineffective in arresting the march of a
single Prussian soldier. Doubtless the Cabinet

of Berlin was a good deal better in-
formed as to the state of affairs and the

sympathies of the English Ministry than the
misguided English public, and Herr von BIs3IARK
knew very well that the expose of Prussian ambition
in the Commons and the thunders of the despatches

were, if very far from being the words of imbeciles,

...
at lewd " full of sound and fury, and igglifYing—

nothing." For any Minister to claim credit for the
foreign policy of the last six years is certainly a bold
measure. It is carrying the war into the enemy's
camp, and taking a stand upon the very weakest
point, and it needs all the eminent legal ability of
the Attorney-General to support such a hopeless

position.
In the discussion of financial questions the
speakers had more right to felicitate themselves
upon the results achieved. Much of our present
prosperity must of course be attributed to the
buoyancy of the revenue, which has withstood so
severe a shock as the cotton famine ; but the wise
application of the principles of Free Trade, and the
gradual remission of the public burdens, have very
much facilitated that growth of trade and extension
of commerce to which our national prosperity is
due. Since 1859, says Sir R. PALMER, more than
fifteen millions of taxes have been taken off ; the in-
come tax, the sugar duties, and the tea duty have
been largely reduced ; the duty has been taken off
paper and hops, and the duty on fire insurance largely
diminished. At the same time the exports and im-
ports of the country have increased more than one
half, and the excessive expenditure has been slightly
reduced. There is still a good deal to be done in
the latter respect, and we must hope that the new
House of Commons will show a proper vigilance
regarding the superabundant outlay at the Admi-
ralty and other official quarters.
Mr. CARDWELL'S own especial department, to
which he naturally made reference in the course
of his address, gives happily no ground of uneasiness.
The visit of the Canadian delegates to this country
only served to cement the cordial understanding
existing between the North American settlements
and the mother country ; and, although the great
confederation of the provinces is not yet a fait
accompli, the obstacles in its way are due to local
jealousies, and not to any coldness or hesitation on
the part of the home Government. Mr. CARDWELL
has shown himself fully sensible of the obligations
of England to her colonies, as well as the vast
advantages which she reaps from her position as a
mother of nations. "To England alone,"
observes the right honourable gentleman, "is
it given to see her sons settled in the
most distant parts of the globe—to see the inde-
pendence, and industry, and enterprise which cha-
racterise our race developed under other suns, and
bringing forth at other extremities of the earth the
same fruits that they produced at home." To apply
to the government of our vast and varied depen-
dencies the same principles which at home have
proved so eminently successful in securing the
greatness of the country and the happiness of the
people should now be the great object of colonial
administration ; and we are glad to find Mr. CARD-
WELL expressing his full and cordial concurrence in
so well-grounded a system of policy.

Mr. FITFGERALD'S speeches are always worth
stening to. He is well informed, and possesses
that readiness and aptitude which are so valuable
in a public speaker. On more than one occasion
he has puzzled the Ministerial phalanx, and spread
dismay and confusion among their ranks. Yester-
day the nomination took place at Horsham, and
some interesting speeches were made. Mr. FITZ-
GERALD began by saying that he belonged to a party
which was liberal, though he did not placard it
about everywhere. As for the term " Liberal," it
was, he truly said, a very vague designation, and
embraced persons of all shades of opinion. Mr.
FITZGERALD criticised the course pursued by Mini-
sters, and declared that they had not fulfilled their
pledges, and worked for " peace, retrench-
ment, and reform." As for the Liberal
party having the entire credit of reducing the taxa-
tion of the country, Mr. FITZGERALD showed that
such was not the case, for there had been a great
increase in the expenditure since the Conservative
budget in 1839. As for Reform, that is an inex-
haustible subject for those who would parry the
attacks of Liberal opponents. Well may Mr. FITZ-
GERALD inquire if his opponent is in favour of Lord
PALMERSTON—who is against all reform--or whether
he agreed with those who advocated Radical reform
and a large extension of the franchise. The hon.
gentleman was able to point out several measures
for the benefit of the working classes which his
party had been mainly instrumental in carrying,
and indeed in this respect they deserve great credit.
The bills for regulating the hours of labour, the
proposals made to improve the condition of factories,
and the sanitary steps taken to ameliorate the places
of labour, are never warmly supported or sanctioned
by the Liberal party. It is always easier to declaim
about Reform in wholesale fashion than to adapt it
in detail to matters which interfere with private in-
terests. Mr. I-ItmsT made his statement, but he did
not differ materially from Mr. FITZGERALD, except
in upholding and supporting the Government in
all that they had done, and in excusing all
that they had not done. Mr. FITZGERALD has

a claim on the support of the electors, because
he has faithfully fulfilled his duties, and in
difficult affairs has displayed zeal and ability.
Mr. GAWTHORNE HARDY also spoke very well at
Leominster. This gentleman, in a smart address,
showed up some of the artful dodges of the present
Government, and very truly said that it was Sir R.
PEEL, and not the Liberal leaders, who passed the
repeal of the Corn Laws. The celebrated meeting
at Willis's Rooms he also commented on, and re-
marked that the damaging speeches of those on the
Liberal side caused the withdrawal of Earl RUSSELL'S
pretentious measure. Mr. HARDY rightly called
the declaration of Ministers for the extension of the
franchise a " mere piece of humbug." As for Mr.
BAINES'S measure, that was lately opposed by Mr.
LOWE, Mr. BLACK, Mr. HORSMAN, and other soi-

disant Liberals. The ballot was opposed by many
Liberals, headed by Lord PALMERSTON himself.
All this should really open the eyes of the electors,
and they should not suffer themselves to be taken in
by such wily manoeuvres and clap-trap. If the con-
stituencies really want these extreme measures car-
ried they should remember that no supporter of
Lord PALMERSTON'S policy will lend them a helping
hand when the day of division arrives. If they are
content to wait the tide of events, and trust to the
voice of public opinion making itself slowly but
surely recognised and understood, in what re-

spect are they bettered by being represented by
lukewarm Liberals than by advanced Conservatives?
The extension of the franchise, the abolition of
church rates, the ballot, and many other proposals
of a similar character, are just as far off now as
they were when Lord DERBY was Minister, and
Lord RUSSELL organising his prudential and plau-
sible schemes. Mr. DISRAELI never slid a truer
thing than that " England does not love coalitions,"
and all those who have joined in them have staked

their political reputation and lost it. Lord PAL-
MERSTON has ruined his prestige for foreign affairs,
Lord RUSSELL has shelved Reform, and the Radical
members have had to relinquish their pet projects
for an indefinite period. It must be confessed that

the independent members are very much to blame
for all this, because they persist in supporting Mi-

nisters through thick and thin when any crisis

occurs, and whenever danger lurks in any motion
before the House, and so the occupants of the
Treasury benches grow quite reckless, and think
they can do what they please, and leave all awkward