The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-29 00:00:00

person. Its sentiments are, however, the only real
concern of other countries ; but these are not
always easy to ascertain, through the lengthened
phrases in which they are involved. A tribute
to the energy and patience of their forefathers, in
securing their own liberties, appears to be the
basis of a declaration, that while America will
always, both by words and acts, encourage the
downtrodden in struggling for freedom, yet Ame-
rican example will always be the great power of
its advocacy of human rights. With marvellous
inconsistency in so bitter a 'slavery-man, he re-
marks, however, " that no example can be power-
ful for lasting good, whatever apparent advantages
may be gained, which is not based upon the eternal
principles of right and justice." As the General
strenuously maintains that the American Union
is based upon the right of Slave States to buy
and sell men and women, like cattle, for labour or
for prostitution, as the case may be, and upon the
duty of Free States to aid them in so doing, we
should like to know whether he regards selling
men, and kidnapping the fugitives for bitter
bondage, as "eternal principles of right and jus-
tice." He thinks their forefathers erred, however,
in supposing that the Union could ever become
too large. Their stars have multiplied threefold,
and they still cohere, and co-operate harmoni-
ously. In connection with this fact, a limit
is given, as we understand it, that Cuba
may be safely added to the Union, and' may
be a great advantage to it ; but it is indicated
that it will be obtained by dollars and not by
piracy, and that any violation of the law of nations
would be treated by him as it deserves to be.
European nations are also warned that they may
not extend their jurisdiction on that side of the
Atlantic.. The Great Republic may purchase
Cuba, and take huge slices of Mexico, but it
must have no competitors in the auction, and no
imitator of its military acquisitiveness. It would
seem, according to MONROE and PIERCE, that the
most peaceful colonisation or acquisition of the
vast unoccupied portions of South America by
European Powers, would be considered a cases
belli by the huge Northern Republic ! •
All the world is duly warned not to touch an
American. Poor and untitled though the Repub-
lican may be, the stars and stripes protect him
whithersoever he may wander ;—he may stand un-
abashed even in the presence of Princes, " with a
proud consciousness that he is himself one of a
nation of sovereigns." The General should ex-
plain a little here for the sake of foreigners who
read his Manifesto. Does he mean that
all the whites are sovereigns of slaves t be-
cause we are accustomed here to think that
such sovereigns ought to blush before every Eng-
lishman out of Newgate. Or does he mean that
the 20,000,000 whites are sovereigns over their
own limbs and actions, because we are much the
same. Perhaps he means that they are a nation
of sovereigns, because they elect their own Sove-
reign. We can assure him that we, too, have
the Sovereign of our heart's choice, and that two
events, at least, in our history have shown the
world that we will have no other. To us, too, it
seems somewhat like boasting, that every man has
a one twenty-millionth of the national sove-
reignty. We really need a microscope to discern
the infinitesimal dignity. After touching on the
army, and objecting to a large standing army, but
commending the Military School at West Point,
to which he was once opposed ; after praising the
skill and self-devotion of the navy ; after pro-
mising the most rigid economy, apprising them
that he cannot find offices for all his partisans,
and that he will eject no more Whigs from minor
offices than State necessity demands, he comes to
what is apparently one main object of the speech
—the defence of Slavery and the Fugitive Slave
Laws. He permits no mistake here. On this
subject he is a perfect STRAFFORD. His plan and
advice is THOROUGH. The slave-catching laws
are to be " unhesitatingly carried into effect
in the Free States. " The Union" is, as it has
long been with him, the object of an admiration
quite as " enthusiastic and fanatical" as the zeal
for the rights of the slave which he denounces.
And all this, on the part of the present and past
generations, he denominates a self-sacrificing prin-
ciple ! Self sacrifice for 20,000,000 of White
Americans to sacrifice 3,000,000 of Black Ame-
ricans to Federalism and dollars. Yet even General
PIERCE dare not look this iniquity in the face.
The word " slave" does not occur in the American
Deed of Independence, nor does it in the General's
speech ; for in his inaugural Address he discards
the odious monosyllable, and baptises it with the
long pretty name of "involuntary servitude." In-
voluntary servitude ! Bless us—what next ? Is
"domestic institution" worn out ? Surely we
shall bear of involuntary Generals and Presidents
next. We know not whether it will be regarded
as " European interference on that side the
ocean," but we cannot tolerate such corruption of
our language anywhere. We, who made 'the
language, mean by "involuntary" what is done
unintentionally or without choice, not what is done
against our will. If the blacks are all in servi-
tude only involuntarily, as soon as their wills come ,
into action again, they will• be off from'servitudeV
and fugitive slave laws are an absurdity: -Air
American President can do mueli, -but he eanilOtl,
even on .behalf of the "Union," remake our
language. If he will be the President of a Slave
Republic, and "thank PROVIDENCE" for it, he
must learn to call bought men not " involuntary
servants," but slaves ; and labour performed
under the lash and the cart-whip, not involuntary
but " compulsory servitude."