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4

and Melly have yon been perseceted ! and how ho-
nourable in your sufferings." The next outrage to
which he adverted was the manifesto published by
the French Minister at Hambnrgh, which for some
time became the centre and focus of the plots and
.conspiracies of rebels. The hostile mind of the
First Consul was in no instance more glar-
ing than in the person he selected for this mission
to I lansburgh Was he a Tyro, a perfeet novice in
plots and machinations ?He was Rheinard, con-
versant in all the scenes of the French Revolution,
and who possessed the confideuce, and was the ac-
iomplice of all the leaders, from the sanguinary
committee of Robespierre to the time of the throne
being occupied by his friend the First ConsuL His
Lotthhip, after enlarging on a variety of aggra-
vating circumstances, through which we have not
now time or room to follow him, concluded with
announcing his intention to give his negative to the
proposed resolutions.
The Earl of GROSVENOR also expressed his
approbation of many of Abe principles advanced by
Earl Fitzwilliam, which appeared to him so incon-
testible, particularly what regarded the right of that
house to offer its advice to his Majesty ; that he
mint to move the previous question in preference
to meeting the motion with a direCt negative. He
admitted also, and enumerated many justifiable
causes of war, of which Ministers might have
• availed themselves if they had not been Influenc-
ed, by a strong desire to maintain that peace
to which they had acceded. He argued upon
many points .to slew, that . the conslie9 of our
adversaries left us no alternative, but that of
accepting the quarrel; and that, though we
should have stood upon grounds of .more advan-
tage before we made so many important cessions,
than it was possible for us now to do, after having
made so many important cessions ; yet, we had no
little reason to congratulate ourselves on Malta re-
maining still in our possession. He would, by no
means, give his assent to the present resolutions,
which, if carried, would, consistently with the Noble
Lord's own professed determination, be certainly fol-
lowed up by a direa impeachment. • For this reason,
and seeing no fair ground of charge against the
Ministers, at the same time, that all the resolutions
could not well be negatived, he considered himself
as following the best course in moving the previous
question.
Lord DARNLEY thought it his duty to oppose
the last motion, and support resolutions proposed
Isy his Noble Friend. He animadverted on the con-
:Met of Ministers in framing the address of the
Douse in reply to his Majesty's Message, in such a
manner as to secure the unanimous concurrence of
them all. In some cases, he allowed, that unanimity
might be of advantage, but he could not see that it
was equally nesirabk at a time when there was
more need of discussion and deliberation. The li-
stistei s had not, in his opinion, properly sustained the
national dignity and charafkr which he conceived to
have been compromised in many instances ; and in
the case of Switzerland, it would have certainly
been more dignified to have altogether abstained
from any open ipterference, when it was not he.
tended to put it to extremities, and no apparent
chance of its being otherwise successful. After
dwelling on many of the topics which had before
been argued upon, he concluded with declaring,
that he should vote in favour of the motion.
Lord BORINGDON said, he should be happy to
concur in any measure that might give Ministers
more strength and energy ; at the same time, that
he did not think they had compromised the dignity
or interests of the nation by forbearance. In the
year 1795, the House had carried to the throne its
expressions of regret for the failure of the negotine
titer for peace at Paris. Again, it carried to the
throne its expressions of regret for the failure of the
peace at Lisle ; and, in 1800, it repeated the same
expressions of regret fur the failure of the negotia.
tion of peace at London. It must be thence pre-.
sumed, that there was a desire, on the part of this
country, to preserve peace ; and it consequently be-
came the duty of Ministers to take their measures
accordingly, and not to be precipitate, or to break
off the negotiation in a hurry. Modoration
and forbearance, therefore, were the course which
sound policy required they should pursue. So far
from weakening the country by such a proce-
dure, it had produced a contrary effect. It
was true, indeed, we had given up possessions,
we had surrendered the Cape and Martinique,
but, it was no less true that by waiting, and
our system cif moderation and forbearance, we had
got with us the heart of the country, which was ,
worth fifty islands or territorial acquisitions to any:
extent. Notwithstanding, fifty ads of insult and
aggression committed against Europe in general,
and thus country in particular, there was not one,
until Malta come in question, on account of which
the country would have gone heart and hand to
war with France. A Noble Earl had asked, whe-
ther the designs of France upon Egypt were of a
novel nature ? He admitted they were nut. The
conquest of Egypt was an old and favourite plan of
the Cabinet of Versailles ; it was a speculation of
France during the whole of the last century,
and it was very natural that Bonaparte should
entertain a peculiar predelkiion for that colony;
but previous to the Report of Sebastian;, and
the conversations of Bonaparte and Talleyrand
with Lord Whitworth, these was no evidence
whateva of any kind of a new and immediate
design against Egypt upon the part of France.
It was, therefore, a plain intelligible case, that un-
til peace became certain and secure, we should re-
tain Malta ler the purpose of defeating any attack
upon Egypt. At the same time, however, that he
said this, he admitted, that he did not approve gee
nerally of the conduct of Ministers ; but notwith-
standiug he did not approve of every case with
which they were conneaed, and though he thought
the present crisis called for more abilities, yet this.
should not prevent him from approving those parti-
cuiar measures, far which he thouo. t they deserved
praise. He regretted that at sue a crisis, a greet
portion of the talents of the country was excluded
from power, and he .should be happy to concur in
any measure for introducing it into his Majesty's
councils, in tyre hope. that it would impart new vi- ;
sour to the Government, and enable it to put a
sipeedy and honourable end to the contest.
The: Eael of FIFe spoke a few words, but in so
use of to be Audible below the bar.
linke cif CIiMBEILLA ND said, be was isr
duced, to Os e ineptly br. one expression which fall
from the .1‘ Lord who spoke. last bat one. The
Noble ford Tad said, that lie did not approve saf•
cheeonslusit of ;ilisistets sensually, and seemed to

• •

hint that the manner in which they came into power
was one of the parts of their condud to which he
excepted. " Never,!' said his Royal Highness,
" did Ministers come in more honourably."
The Earl of SUFFOLK said,if it were not for the
partition of... Poland, a printe of the Hbnse of Bour-
bon would now be upon the throne of France. It
was therefore to the fatal policy of Ministers who
countenanced that measure, we were to impute the
present state of things. He then quoted several au-
thorities condemning the condud of Ministers with
regard to the treaty of El-Arisch, and Lord Gren-
ville's letter in answer to Bonaparte's proposition in
1600. With regard to the conquest of Egypt, Mi-
nisters could claim no merit, for it was notorious
that they bad sent out orders to countermand the
expedition. The whole merit therefore was due to
Sir Ralph Abercromby, who had persevered in the
enterprize. So much for their military talents. As
to their principles he could not forget that they
went into the Cabinet with Catholic emancipation
in one hand, and the 89 articles in the other. He
had often heard the word Jacobinism echoed within
the walls of that I louse, but he did think it was of-
ten worse applied than it might have been, if
used in relation to some parts of the condut of Mi-
nisters.
The Earl of WESTMORELAND—" I hope I
shall be excused in answering the charge brought
against Ministers, if I can chew that it is not founded,
-
and that their conduct has not, as has been stated,
tended to compromise the power, the honour, and
the interests of the country. The war is a war of
insult and aggression on the part of France, and
has been brought on in no degree whatever by the
condud of his Majesty's Ministers. ' I hope I shall
not be contratlided when Tessera that France has laid
it down that a refusal to surrender a place is not con-
trary to the words and spirit of a "Declaration of
war." In the case of Malta, she has expressly con—
tended for this principle. The First Consul and M..
Talleyrand have both maintained it in their several
conversations. The complaint then, is not that we
have commenced lipstilities, but, that we did not wait '
until it suited the convenience of France to go to war. '
Are we not denounced to Europe and the world. as
the violators of treaties, and a nation with whom it
is impossible to maintain peace ? Are we not de-
nounced to Europe and the world, as a nation
whose interest France has determi..ed to subyert, as
a nation over whom she would exercise external
and internal dominion ? Was it then the duty
of Minister; to wait patiently until the storm
was colleted over their heads, and until the mo-
ment when it should burst upon them, or to
anticipate its fury, and endeavour to guard against
its effect. But admiting that we were not placed in
that situation, with resped to both the letter and
spirit of the Treaty, surely it should be our objet to
secure Egypt and the in.lepeedenca of the lonian
islands. See then. the situation in which Ministers
were placed by the menace of France, to add both
to its possessions!. It surely then became the duty
of Minister* to consider the importance of Malta,
with a view to prevent the execution of 'these threats.
The importance of the place is ;not, I :,elieve, de-
nied by any one. It is the key of the Levant, and
a belwark for the proteElion of Egypt. It is pecu-
liarly different from every other station. In the
case of every other station, the moment you with-
draw your forces, the fleets of • France and Spain
may. repel,/ their operations against any point within
the Mediterrant an,until relief arrives tram thiscoun-
try ; but in the case of Malta, it stands in the way
of any hostile enterprize against Egypt, in any of
*he countries upon the Levant. The question now
is, war with or without Malta; for war would not
be long delayed, even though we should consent to
surrender that island. War, with all the advantage
of the means of affording preted:on to our allies,
without loss of honour, and in a station for the
defence ofof our most valuable possessions, or the al-
ternative of peace, accompanied with the sacrifice
of the laws of hospitality, and the right, and liberties
of the country. 1 hope the country is not reduced
so low in spirit and means as to barter such things
for such a peace. I shall now proceed to examine a
few circumstances which are generally urged of late
in debate, and require an answer. In the first place
the inability of Ministers is a common-place eche
within these walls. This discovery has been a good
deal dwelt upon by a Noble Lord, who, no doubt
from the greatness of his own talents, is taught to
think lightly of others. The Noble Lord has disco-
vered this inability in the Naval Department. Now,
for the refutation of the charge, look to the condud
of Ministers, for it is by their conduit they wish to
be tried. At the time Ministers came into power,
the country was engaged in war in every part of the
globe. Look then to the victory of Copenhagen,
Look to the naval vigor- at Gibraltar, and to the
event of the campaign in Egypt. These, 1 think,
furnish a satisfatory answer to the charge of inca-
pacity in the Naval Department. The next point as-
sailed in their conilud is the treaty concluded sirith
the Northern Powers. This measure, however, re-
ceived the approbation of Parliament, and therefore
cannot be a fair objet of censure. The next charge is
the Definitive Treaty ratified upon the 23d of April,
and whichalsoreceivedtheapprobationof Parliament.
What test, I should be glad to know, can Ministers
have of their good combed, except the approbation
of Parliament ? and what ad of their wise and able
administration has received more approbation than
the peace ? I have also to say that the peace re-
ceived the most zealous and universal approbation
of the people. It is not, therefore, fair to censure
that peace, and to wound the Minister who made it
, through the sides of the Parliament and the pub-
lic. The next charge is, that the peace was made
upon an assurance of good will and sincerity upon
the part of France; in short, that we were to have a
sort of a'zolden age grow up again among us. I never
heard any such expression made, nor knew any such
hope held out. For the contrary I appeal to the
Address of this I louse upon the occasion. It was
then said, that upon the whole it was better we
should make peace ; that we were unable to make
an impression upon France ; that it was therefore '
wise to husband our resources and wait until an
f opportunity shall present itself of restraining the
ambition and aggrandizement of France. In line, it '
was thought wise to make peace when we • were at
the zenith of our power and glory, and in this sen-
timent the Parlianteatand. the country concurred.
Now what was the first, act of this peace which is
now -complained of ? It disbanded 70,000 militia,
it disbanded 20,00 g fescibles, and all the seaman
who returned home. On the 23d of May the peace
received the approbation of Parliament, and yet at
An time Portugal and Spa* were as mach is the

power of France as the), are at present. The terms
of the treaty were, that all the cessions in Europe
should take place within a month from that date,
and consequently upon. the 23d of June we should
have surrendered Malta. In the interval, I admit,
many offensive and insulting alts were done by
France ; but was it the duty of Ministers to have
broken the treaty then ? What would have been
the case if they had gone to war at that time on
account of Malta or the many offences of France ?
The country had evinced the greatest joy at the
peace; Lauriston had been just draWit in triumph into
London, and the town was a blaze of illuminations.
What then would have been said if Ministers, at
that moment, incurred the responsibility of going
to war ? The next period of time at which they are
charged with misconduel is the zra of the subjuga-
tion of Switzerland. The justice of the Swiss cause
affeCted, I allow, the feelings of every man in this
country. It was, however, expedient to ascertain
whether the other powers of the Continent would
concur in our views, and the state of this country
made any attempt extremely difficult. The result,
however, was, that before the end of a month, the
unfortunate Swiss were unable to resist ; but still
our interference had so far succeeded that the idea
of annexing Switzerland to France, as originally in-
tended, was given up. But why retain Malta and
give up the Cape? To this I answer, the Cape is
not now of so great advantage with a view to the
security of our possessions in India, as formerly when
we had not Ceylon. It has been said to be a good
station for our cruiser ;s but judging from the small
number of captures made from it an the late war,
there is no reason to presume that it has that advan-
tage, the foreign commerce of the enemy in that
quarter being inconsiderable. The next period at
whials it is said the peace ought to have been
broken off is, the commencement of the hostile
discussions that lately took place between this coun-
try and France. But did his Majesty make no
communication at that time, which could produce
an hostile feeling ? I lis Majesty stated,_ that there
was something going on upon the Continent which
he did not approve, and recommended that pre-
patations should be made to resist it. The next
point at which it was said we should have gone di-
reCtly to war was, upon the mission of the Commer-
cial Consuls, or, as they would be more properly
named, the Military Consuls. The tondat of Minis-
ters upon that occasion, cannot, I think, reflea any
disgrace upon them, for they refused to admit them.
Viewing then all these things in their fair and pro-
per light, I do think, that a little forbearance on
the part of Ministers upon these several occasions
was their duty, and that it was not their duty to
force hostilities, or to give up the repose of peace,
while their remained a chance of its continuance.—
Now, my Lords, I come to examine another part
of the subject. It has been said, that his Majesty's
Message of the Bth March rested upon fallacious
grounds, in assigning for cause, considerable arma-
ments fitting opt in the ports of France and'Hol-
land. The armaments, which are notorious, were
sufficient for .tlle purpose. In the first place, an
armament was 'admitted in the Texel for the pro-
fessed (Ned of carrying 8,000 troops to Louisiana.
Noce a fleet, that could carry 8,000 men to Louisiana,
would be sufficient to carry three times as many,
that is, 24,000, from the Texel to the West of Eng.
land. There was also an expedition of 3,000 men
fitting out at Havre, which, upon the same princi-
ple, could convey 9,000 troops to this country ; and
another of 2,000 at Brest, which would be adequate
to the conveyance of 6,000 across the channel.—
To these was to be added, a large armament
fitting out in the Mediterranean for the convey-
ance of a force of 25,000 men, so that if the First
Consul meditated an attack upon this country or
Ireland, he had thus the means prepared for 50,000
men to carry it into execution. And if he had the
means, what security had we that he would not use
them. This lover of Peace, and observer of Trea-
ties, this grand Pacificator, the First Consul of
France, is the very man who attacked the Ottoman
Porte, in violation of a treaty, and attempted to
wrest from it the province of Egypt. Against such
a, man, if Ministers had not prepared for resistance,
what could they have said in their justification ?
Upon the subjeCt of the Negotiation, it was not ne-
cessary to gay any thing, as the country seemed to
be generally agree.' upon the propriety of its ter-
mination. Had we obtained Malta for only ten
years, it would have been a great objed, as it would
have afforded an opportunity to amend the treaty,
to have obtained reparation for the insult to our
honour, and stipulated in favour of Holland. But
it was asked, why insist now upon the retention of
Malta, when we had before agreed to its cession ?
—To this he should answer, that it was the
duty of Ministers to forbear until they should be
able to carry the opinion of the country along with
them. We had gained many advantages by the
peace. It was eying to it that the Spanish fleet is
not now in the port, of Brest ; that the French fleet
is dispersed and wasted. By the peace also a per-
feCt conviCtion has been produced in the minds of
the people of France, that we do not wish to plun-
der their property and divide their territory, and
that the peace is sacrificed to the ambition and va-
nity of an individual, who having enslaved a great
part of Europe, cannot bear the freedom of this
country, and wishes to extend his dominion to every
quarter of the globe. On our part we have a fleet
and army greater than at the commencement of
any preceding war, and we have also this essential
advantage, of having convinced the world, by our
forbearance, that the present war on our part a
war of necessity."
Lord MULGRAVE rose and deprecated wasting
the time of the House, and embarrassing the Execu-
tive Government, by entertaining such notions as the
present, when the time of the House and of the King's
servants could be so much more usefully employed
in proposing and deliberating upon wise and •
vigo-
rous measures, such as would be suited to the im-
portant and critical situation of the country. The
Resolutions which the Noble Earl had read to the
House, were retrospeBiie in their nature, and cal-
culated to degrade his Majesty's Ministers in the
eyes of the people, as well as to hold oat to
the contemplation of the -First Consul, that
though that House had been unanimous in their de-
termination to' support his Majesty in the just and
necessary war in which we were engaged, by the ut-
most exertions of their wisdom in calling forth the
assistance of all the resources of the country, yet the
very next step they took was to enter into a prelimi-
nary and hostile debate among themselves, upon;
the consideration of what was past and irrecover-
able, instant of jice losing s morn4sn in going to the

paramount consideration, that which was most nr•
gent, and the most expeted, by the whole empire ;
namely, the strengthening our military establish-
ment, by raising immediately' a large number of
additional men, and adding to our revenue by new
taxes so as to increase it to as great an extent as the
circumstances of the country would admit. Sure
he was, that animated as the people, and indignant
a the coodud, of the First Consul of France to-
wards this country, disgusted with the uniform sys-
tem of aggrandisement, aggression, arrogance, in-
sult, and oppression manifested by him towards
Great Britain, ever since the Treaty of AMiens
was signed, they would chearfully contribute to
their utmost to support the national honour and
the .dignity of his Majesty's Crown and Govern-
ment. His Lordship pursued this theme with
great energy and eloquence ; and after an abun-
dant display of patriotic sentiment, calculated to
inspire the country in general with the most ardent
spirit, said, so injurious did he feel it to waste
their time, and weaken the hands of Ministry by
idle and ill-timed disputes about what was past,
that the most effedual and ready means to put
an end to the entertaining such injudicious dis-
cussions, he moved, "That the House do now
adjourn." He heartily wished that the motion
would be immediately put, but he was conscious
that he could not prevent Noble Lords from pursu-
ing their arguments. He hoped, however, that the
motive which he had explained as the ground of
his motion, would impress the House with the ex-
pediency of putting an end to the Debate, and
therefore he moved in form, 66 That the House d.
now adjourn."
'I he Earl of CARLISLE reprobated the proposal
of such a motion when the House were employed
in the discharge of one of their highest and most im-
portant constitutional duties, an enquiry into the con-
dud ofiiis Majesty's Ministers, in the course of a ne-
gotiation which, through their negled, had led the
country into the state in which it then stood—of
adual war with France. He also implored the
House to consider of what a situation they placed
his Majesty's Ministers, if such a motion should be
carried. They would be deprived of the oppor-
tunity of clearing themselves, if they could
,clear
themselves of one of the heaviest sharps that ever
was brought against Ministers. Wits that fair ?.
Was it candid to them? To sad nothing of the at-
tempt to deprive the House of their undoubted right •
tb exercise one of their best and most valuable con-
stitutional functions. His Lordship urged the
necessity of' proceeding in the present debate, and
allowing every Noble Lord, who thought as he did,
to 'state the grounds on which they conceived his
Majesty's Ministers deserved the severe censure pass-
ed upon their conduct, and enable them to make
their defence. It was more necessary that this
should be the course of proceeding, because, al-
though his Majesty's Ministers had talked much of
their acknowledging their responsibility, and being
ready to meet enquiry ; yet the word rerponsibility,
sia applied to Ministers, appeared lately to have lost
its meastrag. The good intentions of his Majesty's,
Ministers, whenever their conduit was called in
question, were set up as an excuse for it, though
it was fir from being an adequate one, or
a constitutional defence. The word responsibility,
had been better understood by our ancestors.
Cardinal Wolsey, who was undoubtedly a great
Minister, towards the end of his life, felt what re-
sponsibility in the King's servants really was.
Lord Strafford, in like manner, paid the price of re.
sponsibility for his vandal. Other Ministers and
great Officers of State, for their mal-prattices, paid
the same price ; and k was highly necessary that
the Ministers of this 'day should be taught how
awful and serious a thing responsibility was.—
One Noble Lord in the debate had said, if
you mean that his Majesty's Ministers should
be dismissed, why do not the Noble Lords who
move and support the string of Resolutions,
move to impeach his Majesty's Ministers at
once ? Did that Noble Lord recoiled, that accord-
ing to the pra'lice of the Constitution, that House
could not originate an Impeachment; it must be
brought up from the House of Commons. His
Lordship added a good deal on the incapacity of his
Majesty s Ministers, and observed, the want of ca-
pacity was a State crime. He should, lie said,
vote againt the Motion of Adjournment, and fur
the original Motion.
The Earl of CA RNA RVON, in a warm speech,
reproaated the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers
both at the time of the Definitive Treaty and dare
in g the whole of the negotiation which had since
taken place. He said it appeared from the papers
on the table, that they knew, when they sighed the
Definitives Treaty, that the article respeding Malta
could not be carried into execution, and when they
defended the Preliminary Articles, and assured the
House, that the peace was likely to be safe, secure,
and permanent, on the ground of their knowledge
of the amicable tone and temper of the First Con-
sul towards this country, at the time that they
could not but be aware, that the very reverse was
the fait. The Definitive Treaty, therefore, in-
stead of having a wise, an efficient, and sincere
treaty, was a treaty founded in delusion and
fraud. His Lordship said, Ministers were highly
Criminal for having not only deceived the House by
Eiving them repeated assurances, that every thing
pacific was evinced in the condo& of the Chief Con-
sul, where they knew to the contrary, but by uncon,
stitutionally withholding, in the most unconstitutional
Manner, the information which they had from time
to time to have communicated to Parliament. His
Lordship ended with declaring, that he should give
his negative to the Motion of Adjournment, and
vote for the resolutions moved by the Noble Earl.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH began an animated
speeFli, with a vehement attack on the Noble Lords
apposite to him, who from day to day rang the
changes on the hacknied charge of the incapacity of
his Majesty's Ministers, their weakness, and their
imbecility ; so that, forsooth, in a moment of great
emergency, they were to learn capacity from the
incapable, strength from the weak, and knowledge
from the completely ignorant, and to be removed
from their situations in order to make room for those
utterly unqualified to become Ministers, and were
inexperienced, and not likely to support those cha.
rafters at all. With regard to what had been said
of the seizures and condemnation of several Bri-
oirwdsaro. rnnefidt abylegthiteimmatvencicaiupse
Bri-
tish ships, that measure, he would tell the Noble
opposite to
NlVlalim,goVewas al
Law, and was warranted; as. every country was,
in afting upon her &wit laiss, in reused to the
seizure and condemnation of such ships iiS eft-