The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1824-02-21 00:00:00

USURY LAWS.

Mr. Sergeant ONSIA/H7 moved the second reading of the Bill
fertile repeal of the I'sury Laws.
Mr. CALCRAFT hoped, that, late as it was (eleven o'clock)
hi, Learned Friend would not press his motion. He was desirous
of offering his opinion on the Bill, as he had the misfortune to
differ with several of his friends on the subject ; but he could not
discuss the merits of the Bill at that late hour, which he was
anxious to do, although hsconfestord that he had but little expecta-
tion of defeating the measure in that House. Ile would take the
liberty of proposing to his Learned Friend to name an early day
for the second reading, and then it might be committed. when a
namable time afterwards might be given for its consideration,
and his Learned Friend might then proceed as rapidly with it as he
pleased.
Mr. Sergeant ONSIA)W, in reply, said, that if it got over the
period for going the Circuits, it would lose many of its opponents
as well as supporters, for he could assure his lion. Friend that he
lied been pressed to bring the question early forward, by those who
were hostile to the measure, as well as those in favour of it.
They might go into the Committee, and take the debate on the
Report.
Mr. C,ILCRAFT wished the debate to take place before going
into the Committee.

r. Seri( can t ONSLOW observed, that on Monday the state-
ment of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was to be made; on
Tuesday an important discussion on the Court of Chancery ; but
that if iriday would suit gentlemen, he would postpone the second
reading to that day, which was finally fixed.

SURVEY OF HOUSES.
Mr. MOIIHOUSE moved for the copy of any letter which might
have been issued from the Board of Taxes to the Surveyors of
Taxes, ordering a survey of houses.—Ordered.
Mr. II ERRI ES moved for a copy of a Treasury minute, dated
December, 11W, on the subject of the survey of houses. The Hon.
Member also moved for a copy of a letter from the Commissioners of
Tucson the same subject, dated the Alth December, 182 .

TOBACCO DUTIES.
Mr. HUSKISSON presented $ petition from the tobaceo-manu-
faeturas of Liverpool, praying the Dome to lower the duties on
tobacco.—Laid on the table.

THAMES ARCHWAY.
Mr. HERRIES presented a Petition from certain gentlemen
making an archway under the River Thema, which was referred
to the I:emulate sittiog on the subject.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
Mouse adjourned, at eleven o'clock, to Monday.

A UST OF THE MAJORITY OF TIIIRTY-EICIIT,
Who Toted, on the Ilith of February, against the Production of a
List of the Number of Catholics appointed to Office in Ireland,
in Twenty-six 1 ts wider Government, since the eau.
Ingot the Act in 193, which opened the door to ()theta of Emo-
lument and Honour to all Classes of Catholics, except to the par-
ticular Offices under that Act enumerated :

Astir', Sir J. I). Gilbert, D. G. Phillimore, Jos.
Brogden, James Harvey, Sir Elitib Phipps, E.
Brownlow, Charles Heber, R. Portman, C. B.
Burgh, Sir Ulysses Dill, Rt. Ho. Sir G.F.Robinson, Rt. Ha. F.
Canning, George Buskisson,R.Hn.W.Ross, Charks
Cholmley, Sir NI. Berries, J. C. Sandon, Viscount
Clerk, Sir G. Horton, Robt. W. Somerville, Sir It. M.
Cooper, R. B. Enatchbull, Sir E. Tremayne, J. H.,
Copley, !IrJ. S. Long, Rt. lin. Sir C. Trench, F. M.
Counenay, T. P. Method, Sir S. B. Wallace, Rt. Hn. T.
Denison, _ Ommanney, Sir S.W.Wetherell, C. Solid.
Vorbes, Sir Charles Palmerston, Lord tor-General
Fremantle, W. 11. Peel. Right Hon. R. Wynn, Sir W. W.
TELLEits—G. R. Dawson and Right Hon. 11. Goulburn.

A LIST OF THE MINORITY OF ELEVEN,
Who voted with Mr. Orattan for the Production of a List of the
Number of Catholics holding Office in Ireland in Twenty-six
Departments :
Brown, Dom. Hamilton, Lord A. Lamb, lion. O.
Cavendish, Lord Hobhouse, J. C. Monk, J. B.
H. F. C. Hume, Joseph Newport, Sir John
MU, 0..1. W. A. Hutchinson, l In. C.H. Wood, Matthew

TELL': as—Viscount Althorpand James Grattan.

PRICES OF BRITISH
Bank Stock 9:74 8#
3 pot Cans Reduced. 924 14 Si
per Cent. Cons. 911 3 4
34 pew Cent. 104 101
4 per Cent. 1024 4
New 4 per Cents. 1063 j
bong Annuities, 22# 9-16
Imperial 3 per Cents. 914
Rank for Account
Cons. for Act. 91$ 4 4

TOCIDS YESTERDA Y.
India Stock,
India Bonds, 79 pr.
India for Account,
South Sea Stock. 104
South Sea Old Annuities 921
South Sea New Annuities
Ex. Bills. 1,0001. 44 49 pt.
Ditto, MM. 44 49 pr.
Ditto, Small, 44 411 pr.
Lottery Tickets, 19L 19s.

PRICES OF R/REION
Austrian Scrip, 1019 i 10 pr.
Ditto for Acct. 10110 9} 101 pr.
Ditto paid in full
('hilian Bonds, 8I) 14 00.
Ditto for ACCOUTIt 81 } 1
Colombian Bonds, 89i 70} 70
A 109
DU. for Account, 694 70} 70 i 4
1 884 !I 84 9}
Danish Bonds, 98A 9 8}
Ditto Marks Banco, 104 }
Mex. Scrip, 74 0174 4 I 4 I

7 ti 3 7 Pm-
Do. for Account qi MU IN 7
Neapolitan Roads, dtii 6
Ditto fur Account
Portuguese Bonds 90li
Ditto Scrip, 3i aii pr.
Dutch Bonds

STOCKS YESTERDAY.
Prussian Bonds, 1/3tl
Ditto fur the A. count
Ditto Bonds (1&2), 93.,1
Russian Bonds, 94 44_
Ditto fur Acct. 94i 4
Russian Metallic Smelt
Spanish +3 per CL Coos. Si.
Dittofor AccJunt 24 811
ul
Ditto 170 & 2.15 Bonds, 24
Ditto 3 per Cents. (1823) 1 18
18
Ditto for Aect.
AnFlo Mex. Alines
United do. 2 pr.
Fr. Rentes, 98f. 38c. 23e. 75e.
Do. Scrip, lei pm.
Do. Ex. 231.

COURSE OF EXCH.
Amsterdam C. F. 12 2
Diuo, at sight . 11 10
Rotterdam - 12 3
Antwerp . . 12 4
Ilanlburgh . 37
Altana . 37 6
Paris, 3 days' sight 25 60
Ihrto . 25 80
Bourdeaux . 25 00
Berlin - 7 10
Frankfort-on-the-3116n 130
Petethburgh 9
Vienna . . 10 10
Trieste . - 10 10
Madrid . 36
Cadiz . - 35
Bilboa 5,
Barcelona 35
Seville - 3.5
Gibrshar - - 30

NUE YESTERDAY.

!fegh..l

f icnos

1 Venice - - 27'
3lalta . . IA
Naples . . 11/1
Palermo - 115.
Lisbon . 51.
Oporto . . 51.
Rio Janeiro - IV
Bahia . - 61
Dublin - 81 Cork •

rittSh reoo.

The Ilarrisit Pass* commenced publishing yesterday morning
at half-past five o'clock.

LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 182.1.

The Paris Papers of Wednesday, and the Etoile of Thurs-
day, reached our office last night. The Journal des Debuts,
and th,r other French Ministerial Papers, triumph at the
rise of their rentis above par. Such an occurrence, the
former paper says, is new in the annals of French Finance.
Thus Ville•le has thrown Louvois and Necker completely
into the shade. Under the ancient regime, this Minister's
journal asserts, the renles never passed eighty-four; and,
under Napoleon, never were higher than ninety:fbur. It
was reserved (this journal, with singular modesty, adds)
for a Constitutional Regime ! anda Royalist Minister (what
a contrast!) to see the renter at par. How much of this
great consummation hss been accomplished by a fete ener-
getic holders on the Stock-Exchange here, and the gentle-
men of another religious persuasion, we shall not attempt
to say ; but the French journals will acknowledge
no auxiliaries,—all, accordii.g to them, is due to the
constitutional regime and the royalist minister. The
Moniker has no intelligence of any importance. The
Etude contains Ferdinand's last Decree on the trade
of South America. But this is mere waste paper.
How can the Spanish Tyrant, or his Ministers.
regulate the trade of a Continent, over which he has
no longer any control ? How can he establish Cus-
tom-houses " where duties on importation anti export-
ation shall be imposed," where, with the exception of,
the Castle of St. Juan de Ulloa, Spain has not in all
Mexico a single strong place or possession beside In the
same spirit of assumption, the fifth article of tilt Decree
declares, " That there shall be determined by jegulatlons
" on this matter, what advantages, preferences, and fran-
" chisel, should be granted to Spanish trade, navigation,
" agriculture, and industry." The conclus of this'
Decree is equally imbecile:—" The American Spaniards
" (it says) will see in these measures a fresh proof of my
strong desire to increase their prosperity ; the European
" Spaniards, the firm resolution to secure to them the
" franchises and preferences to which they have a 1"
" right; the bona fide traders of all countries, the,
" intention of preserving and favouring existing mer-
" cantile relations, and the advantageous employ-
" ment of their capitals ; and lastly, friendly and allied
" States and Sovereigns, a public testimony of the price I
" attach to the preservation of the harmony and good
" understanding which unite us." This Decree, and
those which have preceded it, are an idle and vain-glorious
assumption of authority over Southern America, which
will never be realized. That Continent is now beyond the
power of Spain. But these manifestoes have been con-
certed with the French Cabinet, and not put forward with-
out deliberation and purpose. The supremacy of Spain
will not be abandoned without a struggle ; an effort to
recall it, of some sort, under the Councils and with the
aid of France, will ultimately be made. These impotent
Decrees arc but the heralds of such a measure, which,
when made, will be completely powerless and unavailing.

The Estimates have been put in motion unusually early
this Session; but the Speech delivered from the Wool-
sack, on the opening, announced that that they were
already made up. Lord Palmerston, last night, moved
the different Army Estimates, an abstract of which we gave
in our paper of yesterday. The numerical increase pro-
posed by the Secretary at War, was 4,360 men.

The increase of charge attendant on this additional levy,

the Noble Lord stated would be - - -
From this sum he stated, he hoped to be able to make a

£158,000

reduction of - -
Leaving a total inereme on the estimate of only

. 65,000
- 103,000

From which awn, there was a further deduction to be

mode of

60,000

Which the East India Company agreed to pay, on the
contract for their proportion of the half-pay and pensions.
Thus, Lord Palmerston stated, the increased charge, by
these deductions, was diminished so low as 43,0001., on an
effective increase of force of 4,560 men. The vote pro-
posed by the War Secretary, met the opposition of Mr.
Hume. The tranquillity of the Colonies, he stated,
formed the alleged ground fur increasing, in a time of
peace, the military force of the country. He contended,
that while peace prevailed at home, and our foreign rela-
tions continued friendly, the proposed increase was unne-
cessary. Any increase in the Colonies might, Mr. Hume
contended, be supplied out of the present disposable force
of the country. Our military establishments, he added, were
now es large as in 1817, when the elements of a protracted
war still existing, formed some excuse for the heavy expense.
The ferment in the Colonies was created, Mr. Hone con-
tended, by the indecision of Ministers. They k pt (he
said) the population in these islands in a state of suspense,
and would not declare whether they would emancipate the
slaves or not, or yet indemnify the proprietors; they thus
were the creators of the discord which they now consis-
tently called on the House for forces to suppress. Mr.
Hume stated his protest against the principle of making
this a military nation, in place of what nature had intended

it to be—a great civil and naval power. If, however (the
lion. Gentleman stated), increase was necessary, why not
add fifty men to each regiment already embodied, and thus
the heavy expense of staff and bands, agency, and other
charges, would be spared the country ; or if an additional
force be essential in the colonies, let it be sent from
the force already in this cotrntrt, where no necessity
existed for its maintenance, in the present state of
internal quiet. The number cf men moved for by the
Secretary at War, for the sereicetlf Ate present year, was
73,000 and odd; and Mr. Hume moved, as an amend.
ment, a diminution of 10,000 nicts;—thus• making the esti-
mate for the year only 03,000, exclusive of the forces in
India. General Gascoyne declared his opinion that the
system of reduction had been carried too far. Several regi-
ments, be said, had been absent from the country seven-
teen, twenty, and even twenty-five years ; this lengthened
absence, be contended, arose from the impossibility of
sending out forces to relieve them.—Colonel M'odehouse
instanced a case, which appeared to make a deep impression
on the House, of one regiment, which, during its residence
in Barbadoes, had lost twenty officers and five hundred
men.—Mr. llobhouse declared himself strongly against
the mischiefs of a standing army. ('harks the Second, the
most arbitrary of Sovereigns (the Hon. Gentleman stated),
was suffered by his Parliament only to retain about him
.5000 men. ('onciliatory measures, Mr. Hobliouse stated,
ought to be tried in Ireland ; and if that policy were
pursued, the large force now kept up in that country might
be sensibly diminished. We do not conceive the present
military force proposed, of about 70,000, men at all diapro-
portioned for so great a country, and with such extensive
possessions, as this. Prussia, comparatively a second-rate
Power on the Continent, has at this moment four times
that force on foot ; but her disjointed provinces are kept in
subjection merely by military tyranny. Great Britain
never can bear the waste of human life, or become a great
and ambitious Military Tower; in this way she cannot
contend with the despots of the Continent: her military
renown now stands deservedly high, purchased in many a
glorious and well-fought field ; but her power and safety
consist in her insular situation, in her navy, end the
indomitable spirit of her people: they nre her great and
best protection. Further conquest she does not want ;
her possessions now extend throughout the globe, and
are watered by the dews of both hemispheres. To
consolidate her power, and make her people happy,
should be the great object of her Government. If a
different policy were pursued towards Ireland, the force in •
that country might be sensibly reduced ; a few constables,
as in England, would keep the peace, where a regiment
now is necessary. Ireland costs this country near four
millions sterling above her own revenue, the entire of
which might be saved, if Ministers would only sincerely
enter on a just and necessary course of conciliation in that
fine island. We wish, now that Mr. Canning is in
power, and with the whole influence of office around him,
that he would introduce some of those measures which I
filled up his leisure hours, while free from the cares of
Government. With how much more effect, and more i
apparent sincerity, might he not propose them now! When
his distant and splendid exile to India was contemplated, a
legislative measure of this sort was the last act of his
political life, and the parting bequest he sought to con-
summate. His second year of office is now passing away,
with profound tranquillity in every part of Europe, and
nothing of the sort has yet been thought of. Does high
office act like the chill of the torpedo, and benumb every
former feeling of the. Foreign Minister ? Or is he so sur-
rounded by hostility and religious Prejudice, that he sees
his best efforts would be in vain? If so, what can
Ireland hope for? What an hereafter i predicted to that
country ! Her legislation is to be that of bayonets, and
force the only argument made use of. Twice twenty
thouannd men will not, under such circumstances, keep 1
that country tranquil ; and Mr. Canning may live to see
the policy his ambition advocates as fruitless as it iA
ruinous. It is needless to say that Lord Palmerston's reso-
lutions were carried by a large majority.

There is such a thing as hedging a bet, and there is
likewise such a thing, it would appear, as hedging a pies-
tiun. The process is not precisely the same in both cues,
but it is pretty near it. In the former case, the Better so
contrives to cover his stakes, as, be the result either way,
he can neither win nor lose. So the Debater—when he
finds himself committed on any great political question,
which beings his " nearest and dearest" interests into
jeopardy, contrives so to manage the discussion as to edge
out of it (that is, to slide out edgeways, for that is the
genuine term, and not hedge, which is a corruption)—that
let the debate take what turn it may, neither party can
claim anything from him; he slips out of the promises
given to the one, without embroiling himself with the
pledge given to the other. A very exemplary specimen of
this dialectic skill was exhibited by Mr. Canning, on Mr.
Grattan's motion respecting the religious persuasion of per-,
sons holding offices in Ireland. The subject was too grave
for a well-timed witticism; it was too solid for an attk
joke to make any impression upon it. There was no alter-
native but to cut and run ; and he did both, but not with
his usual adroitness. His speech was like one of those
made dishes, in which the eight or ten ingredients which
it contains are so equally compounded, that the dish tasks
of nothing. Mr. Canning distributed the zest of his argu-
ments with such even-handed justice, that no flavour was
predominant ; it suited equally the guests on both sides
the table, each being left to season it to his own palate.
No honest or candid man affects to believe, at this time of
day, that any concession made to the Catholics will endan-
ger the Protestant Establishment ; the Orange party
themselves have no such apprehension. It is hardly pos-
sible to instil terror now into the mind of an old nurse, as
to the papal supremacy ; but the Protestant Peers, and
their patronage—the sycophants, pensioned and promised—
the holders of unknown and unknowable sinecutes—the
host that feed and fatten on the perfidious prodigality of
the Irish Church Establishment;—these are the pest de-
positaries of that persecuting and exclusive spirit by which
Ireland has so long been governed. It is, as we have said
again and again, that Government is the patrimony of a
particular class—it is here that the evil exists. Certain
Protestant families possess the patronage of all appoint-
ments to office; their right is pussrssian, and their principle
isforce. They do not declare this in terms, but they main-
tain it in effect. And all this is defended, not by appealing
to the good sense, but by practising on the weakness and
prejudices of the majority in this part of the kingdom.
But the delusion is fast wearing away; and the many, who
on this subject have been misled into error, are beginning
to retrace their steps. The truth is not so remote from
observation as once it was. The state jugglers in Ireland
have exhausted all their art. We would support with our
best wishes, and with all our means, the Protestant faith;
but we would also support, with equal warmth, the rights
of the Catholics, as British subjects, to all the franchises
under the Constitution, to which, by the rules of justice
and their own deserving, they are entitled.—" I love the

I Church," says PETER PLYINLEY, in his admirable Let-
ters to his brother Abraham, on the subject of the Irish
Catholics. —" I love the Church as well as you do,
but you totally mistake the nature of an Establishment,
when you contend that it ought to be connected with the
military and civil career of every individual in the State. It
is quite right that there should be one Clergyman th every
pariah, interpreting the Scriptures after a particular manner,
ruled by a regular hierarchy, and paid with a rich propor-
tion of haycocks and wheatsheeves. When I have laid this
foundation for a rational religion in the State—when I
have placed ten thousand well-educated men in difhrcnt
parts of the kingdom to preach it up, and compelled every
body to pay them, whether they hear them or not—l have
taken such measures as I know must always procure an im-
mense majority in favour of the Established Church ; but I
can go no farther: I cannot set up c. civil inquisition, and
ray to one, ' You shall not be a butcher, because you arc not
orthodox;' and prohibit another from brewing, and a third
from administering the law, and a fourth from defending
the country. If common justice did not prohibit me from
such a conduct, common sense would. The advantage
to be gained by quitting the heresy would make it
shameful to abandon it ; and men who had once left the
Church would continue in a state of alienation from a
point of honour, and transmit that spirit to their latest
posterity. This is just the effect your disqualified laws
have produced."—There is a force in these observations
that takes our judgment captive. A man's religious creed
is no ground to exclude him from the acknowledged ad-
vantages or distinctions of the government under which he
lives. Our Constitution is no respecter of persons; it
places every man on an equal and equitable footing with
his fellow-subjects ; it knows nothing of that proscriptive
spirit which has been for centuries exercised over the Irish
people, and which insults their understanding as well as
their sufferings. The present Lord Lieutenant, we are
well convinced, is no party to this system. If left to the
guidance of his own liberal and manly mind, he would
change its nature, its object, and its principle. But to be
effectively serviceable to Ireland, he must be effectively
supported in the Cabinet. The double and deceptive sys-
tem that at present prevails, is neither wise nor honest.
When the path of political rectitude is so widely open be-
fore him, it is beneath a mind like Mr. Canning's to
pause upon his course even for a moment. Let him call
to his classic recollection, the writer who has said, and
with great truth, "In ipad dabitatione et deliberatione
scelus eat, etiamsi ad scelas non perreneril."