The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1826-02-25 00:00:00

putations are as vulgar as they are unjust. Why is it to be supposed
that the application of philosophical principles, of a refined philo-
sophy to the affairs of common life—why is it to be supposed that
that implies an obduracy of feeling? You must deal with the
affairs of men according to settled principles—you moat do so
with these ahstract principles as they are imparted anti made up
with those aflhirs. But the doctrine by which his Right Hon.
Friend is met, what is it but the same doctrine by which the life of
Turgot was assailed? It is the same doctrine and 'spirit which at-
tacked Galileo; It is the doctrine and spirit which has at all times
been employed to roll hark the title of civilization ; it le the doc-
trine and spirit at all times employed by those whine minds were
incapable of reaching the heights from which the views of human
life can be taken with advantage; it is the doctrine and spirit
which affords a miserable revenge to them who cannot comprehend
greatness, whi:h imposes on them the sense of their own inferior-
ity. (Cheers.) I am not to learn that there is a faction in this
country, small in this country certainly. (Cries of no, no.) lam
not speaking of political factions, I talk of philosophical cabals,
who think that all advance of improvement, and all progress in
political knowledge, is a retrogradation to jacobinlam. (Hear, hear,
hear.) But cannot the concurring and increased knowledge he.
mowed by experience be applied to the affairs of mankind,
without those who apply them being liable to the charge of
risking the safety of society? The duty of a British Statesman is
marked as much in the internal concerns as by the external rela-
tions of this country. (hear, hear.) If, on the one hand, he has
to keep up the dignity of the nation with foreign states, by keep.
ing that middle course which reconciles power with liberty, so, in
the internal affairs of the country it is his duty to take care that.
in not running after any wild theory, he should reject any applica-
tion of sound knowledge. It is his duty to press into the service of
the state with diligence even principles whole excess is dangerous,
but whose spirit is conservatory. If we, from prejudice, pride, or
narrowness of spirit, 'brink back from improvement because It is
innovation, we may live to rue it, and a time may come when we
may have resisted it a little too long, and may be obliged to submit
to innovation although it may not be improvement. (Hear. hear,
hear.) ksay it is this that my Right lion. Friend seeks to avoid;
and although I will share his responsibility, I will not claim
to partake of his merit for haviug taken this course. It
is in this spirit that he has conceived his plans, and it is in this
spirit that he has entreats: this House to legislate ; and from that
legislation I anticipate increasing prosperity. But there are other
attacks made upon us. Ve have abandoned, forsooth, the min.
plea of Mr. Pitt, and have adopted those of our antagonists. But,
Sir, are people who titter these charges so utterly, so crassidly
ignorant of history as to conceive that a liberal commercial policy
is the principle, and formed part of the creed of Whiggism ? God
forbid that I should withhold due praise from those who are opposed
to us in the more vulgar divisions of party, and who have suspended
their divisions to concur with us in doing good to their country,
Looking back to the proposition, it is directly untrue. As tar as
Toryism is connected with this question, it will be seen that when_
ever a Whig Administration and a Tory Administration have had
to do with foreign politics, the Tory is to be preferred for his libe-
ral System. The only attempts at a connexion with France are
those of the treaties of Utrecht, and that of the year 1784. The
treaty of Utrecht was proposed by a Tory Administration, and re.
jected by the Whigs, and on the ground of national opinion. In
1786 who proposed the commercial treaty with France ? Mr.
Pitt. Who impugned it * Mr. Fox. Ido not mention this
for the purpose of blame, but only to show that when people
were determined to find a stick to beat a dog with, how little care
was taken in the selection of it. I speak not of it with a view to
censure, but I speak of it to show how very rashly these topics of
blame are adopted, and how utterly false is the ground upon which
is supposed to be erected the superstructure of the charge that we
have retreated from the principles of oar great master, and are
going into the enemy's camp. No man who has observed the I
signs of the times for the last three months, but must
have seen that an evident retrogradation in the policy of
the country was contemplated--I mean that headlong
tendency in some persons to renew the Bank restrictions. Here
again we are departers from the policy of Mr. Pitt, because we will
note pursue the course which that eminent man had adopted under
different circumstances, and because we are determined not to be
led into examples misquoted and misunderstood by those who urge
them upon us, and which no wise man will adopt again. But it is
quite singular how disposed persons are to admire and quote in any
great character those actions which are rather the exceptions than
the rule. If I admired anything less in Mr. Pitt than another it is
the measure of that restriction alt. Bat there is that sort of per-
Ilene worship, like that of the barbarous nations who see the sun
In its meridian of splendour with indifference, but when in its eclipse
they come forward with their cymbals and festivity to adore him.
So ere there those who admire Mr. Pitt only in the momentary
obscurations when he ceased to shine, but never regard him in the
splendour of his power. But, Sir, I admire him lot the glorious
I light he has thrown around the political character of his country,
for the good he has spread over the empire, but I do not feel myself
bound to follow in the defective paths of his Career, or to
go with those who tread in the only tracks in which, by acci-
dent or the slippetineas of the time, he may have trodden
awry. (Loud cheers.) If I have said enough to satisfy the
Mouse that with my whole soul 1; adopt my Right Honour.
able Friend's system of policy, and with my whole strength I will
endeavour to maintain it, I have succeeded in the purpose for which
I rose, and I will not detain the House on a subject of which, being
master himself, he has made them as much master as I can pretend
to; but I should be ashamed if 1 had not taken upon myself a share
of the responsibility, leaving, however, to him the full and undi-
vided praise."—(The Right Honourable Gentleman sat down amid
loud and long-continued cheers.)
Lord ,I. RUSSELL rose, but was for some time inaudible in
the gallery, In consequence of the noise occasioned by Members
leaving their seats after the speech of Mr. Canning. He found
that this debate had become one rather of the general policy of
the country than of the particular application of the principle to
the silk trade. He disagreed so completely with those opinions
which had been brought forward in support of the motion Le-
fore the House, that, whatever might be his opinion as to the
particular question to which the motion referred, he felt himself
compelled, since the discussion had embraced the question of
general policy, to vote against it, however much was the feeling
which he entertained for the distresses and sufferings of the people
in various manutictu ring districts : a feeling which, he was assured,
was as strongly entertained on the part of his Majesty's Govem-
meat. At this moment he felt it his duty to declare that, in his
opinion, there was nothing which the proper regard for the in-
terests of the nation would induce Ministers to do, which they
would leave undone ; and that none, even of those who
spoke most lousily of the distresses of the country, were
really mare anxious on the subject than his Majesty's Minis•
tens. (Hear, hear.) Upon these grounds then, and feeling that he
could nut consent to go into the Committee proposed without
shrinking in some degree from those, broad principles of general
policy which the Government were about to introduce in the com-
mercial polity of the country, he eheuld fed himself compelled to
vote against the motion. At the same time he could not sit down
without expressing the deep sorrow he felt at the distresses of the
country. He could not avoid observing that there never was a
period wherein so great a change was effected in rte laws and gene-
ral system of the tenantry, with so little opposition and with so little
inconvenience as had been accomplished by the present Administra-
tion; he was afraid, however, that the case of the silk trade was to
be an exception to that rule. But undoubtedly the suffering that
was prevailing, and likely to be extended in that branch of manu-
factures, was not to he attributed entirely to the law which was
past two years ago (hear, hear), but to accidents which, could not
be foreseen; and although' the evil might have been nggravated by
the anticipated operation of that law, yet he was convinced that its
retnedydel not consist in Government retracing char steps or alter-
ing their course. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. ELLICH Me to reply, amid loud cries of " Queetion." '
He did not else for the purpose of answering the many urguments
that had been urged against him, but to diselnim the grounds upon
which other persons hail placed the motion which he had felt it his
duty to bring forward. He did not bring forward this proposition
with any view to repeal the principles which the Right lion.
Gent. (Mr. Huskhson) had introduced on other matter,. lie never
intended it to be with s yiew to an eternal prohibition of
foreign silk ; his object was to obtain a reconsideration of the
subject before the measure of Ina was finally carried into effect.
He mought Ministers should gives little more time for reflection.
Ho would not have asked for a Committee if he had not thought it
would have been bendicial en the country. The operation
of the pending law would not only aid the silk menu.
facture, but every branch of manufacture in the king-
dom. He hoped, since the Committee was denied him,
that the President of the Board of Trade would bring forth this
details he meant to propose as to the silk-manufacture, without
lons of time. He had learnt with satisfaction that it was the inten-
tion of Ministers to remove the duty on dying articles, and par.
ocularly on the article of soap, which was one of the worst
duties that existed, and cost more in its collection than any other.
He hoped some better mode of collection would be adopted.
The gallery was then cleared fur a division ; and the numbers