The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1810-03-06 00:00:00

r,l
took plat's.end ttey broight iu stteir Inffe
,' perpetuate their mow passer ever the rights
';their eount.s4.. and the rale of then Soteregn.
his the, „„sa more dangerous and • more IM."1-
1 et i 1 .1 thin the other so much declaimed againat.
itel
hitiese V 11.11.3 he could not vote for the previims
oration, but ai•er that we* disposed of, he would
s. resolution, not to permit any
ish to see stbMtvds
lilitary Commander to approach the Throne,
ith his Reports through "Y but the Couetitutional
Authorities'.
Mr. Ilsoutiuku explained.
Lord Fouirrour felt. in union with the lion.
Geotleinara au the floor (Mr. Bankes), and (moul-
dered the cry of seelet influence as a htt,thcar.
Advice might be given secretly ; but before it
could be c. ustitutionally noticed. it must produce
an otter( act. Nn hum in ingenuity could trace en
act to its motive, and Ministers could only be re-
somrsible for the act itself. Thioking tit.. on the
one side, tieitiler could he subscribe to what was
.rid ill fiIVOLIC of Lord Chatham., It was said to be
verV uujtut.to impute motives to the Noble Lord;
but be unrt impute motives, from the line of
oidlict pursued, which we+ the only rule fur
:lir guidance of their judgineut.—From this he
smolt WA impute any but the worst motives.
and a desire secretly to poison the Royal mind
against the Navy. The 6rot paper contained
an opi„joil or speculation, of which, the Noble
Lord had kept no copy, and even on his szainnia-
te, be stated. dist the very remembrance of it was
rased from his mind. (Hear !) He could conceive
nothieg more clandestine than this.—The paper
was left for it month, and then withdrawn for the
pupae or obliterating all the speculative matter
and all the discussion ou the facts -tasted (which
mitt be ivingioed from t hese facts) (hear !) and
the. g was pectinated to the pu ilic—n bare narra.
eirensanganees, without continent or opinion.
ibis was enough to rouse suspicion. and nothing
but bad motives mold produce such conduct.
Lord Chatham was guilty of a clear and deter-
ioiuste offence. He bad acted in this affair, not as
a Peer, the hereditary Counsellor—not as a Minis-
try the elected adviser of time Crown, but as a
tienritl of the Army. (Hear!) Hit did not think
ttet. COUiti, as traded on * Learned Gentlemen,
der to statute or precedent—but the case was evi-
,l_,A; a subvert:iota of the Constitutiou. The Con.
?:ticion was, he believed. founded on common
se; anti would common sense warrant the con-
itnit of Lord Chat liana, in taking the advsutige of
hi. easy seeress to His Majesty, to press a military
ripset un bins ? There was another poiut, which had
mot yet attracted much attention. A standing army
had ever been contemplate" with a jealous eye by
the Consiitiitioit, and the omitting army had now
increased to it strength little unknown to our
aere,tors.- It was therefore the more dangerous for
to itparate their *Mikity f their lend
(lame. It ought also to be recollected that, the
, wow,. ,ii* fineign troops iu our pay ex'•cetled all
that coal rtcr have lercu imagined, and that a
i;rr:nau •er ceintnitvlial a distract in this count-
ire. If one General then had access to His Ma.
lly not soother, or sciy not all ? Much
it, son. easy foresee would Ire derived front
• 01 a i.r .ence. To pr. vent which, he would feel
to vote for the original motion.
Mr. Aims' immersed noon the House. that the
~fritluti bow before them was one of vital cause-
: scum to the Constitution. In the view he should
lake of it leo party motive could enter—and bathed
any private carisideration could induenee him, it
111Y13 be of a different kind ! for fro„ having met
Lord Chadians i.i private life. he was inclined to
regard with a taiourebte eye an individual of such
.4rotet.eas of mind and agreeable manner& But
these things had no weight with him, and he had
as chive left but to deliver his opinion as the
ishject appeared to hia.view. He would in doing
tats strip it of all extraneous matter and look
at it constitutionally. And here he could not help
etpresong his surprise at the questions put by his
Learned Friend opposite (Mr. Stevesa), for whose
vane,' and judgment. he had the utmost re-
otety and by the Hos. Gent. below (Mr. Bankes.)
accioairatence with cotatitutsonal subjects,
mat ever give weight to his opinions in that Honor.
They asked "Where was the charter, the stature, or
Wilt Ism 10 po:4i upon this subject?" Did not
these lion. Geotlemeu know, that the common law
of the land was unwritten; (hear!) and it was
strong., that a lawyer, or old Member of Podia-
Oulu, should put seek a question. It was not the
:letter, Out the practice of the Constitution, which
had been broken in upon by Lord Chatham. He
had committed a breach upon the practical consti-
tution which oar ancestors enjoyed. and which, if
sot asserted now. would be lest for ever. With
all hi, re.peat fur the opinions of the Hon. Goo.
t!rtial (Mt. Wilkes) he must widely diger from
11% in his constriction of what was the Comb-
rattail. He wis. indeed, surprised to hear frau
t?it Hoa. (ie.tticinan, that the advisers of the
(.'D.II were not cults s:de in giving mlvice. if that
dice was not acted upon—(Hear). lu the reign
L. the. most despotic Monarch—in the reigns of
ikry 11. and ll:chard 11. the Stuarts, and par-
'lollit'y Charles 11. what was the constitutional
rtlitieluts watchful for but to prevent the Royal
Potriwil—not to wait for the Overt act.
I; Ras as upon p inciple that the law of treason
founded. It punished for the intention,
Aid not wait for the act, which was to ler
Moniteli in the dust, whose being knit Cie
Ittle politic"! and swti,l fame towother.—
T
th's p 1,4 Nilo not strii tly conneated
• 1.1,j. t, it had in isle such an impression
i it it he WOlti-iwilt b, illustrate it by
" any one was to advise Ilia
Nilestv rn y.
,ieori the Habeas Corpus Art;
1! alai-,ty,know ilw Constitution bet-
wtr. ill
I nom
Art in pursuance of
,
mill it I, • ..iintrit.ka that the
not 3 around far par-
rcrenve n
epublic reinsure %--
din.
he 'mated HO
IL _hill Lord Clietliiim's Nairattve, laud
Iwo
0.2 Answer to t tie Address, to prove to
t sn fart overt act was, eroilieittrd against the
nin• ot of thi• c.. 0 otv—(kar
.1 hear !)
r Challiala gave u, l•ts. Narrative. At the b 114.
fr 4.111 the dibtraele.l state of the
alight cosily be excu.e'l that his eql.
flaa;..alced
•for no accounts ; but *hen Lunt
shoey gum Secretory of State, mad the

-light Hun. Gent. /Mr. Perm/sal) Climeellor •f
the EXCilegiltir and 'first Lord of the Tenney, tbeti
it behoved I hens to have called for this explanation,
or indeed the Noble Karl ought to have offered it
of his own accord. Bin Ills Majesty ought net to
have n prii are 'serntairr fir piddle documents. No-
thing could Lor more *titter.; ve of the Constitution.
14e entirely coincided with his Learned Friend
(Mr. Brougham) whose speech ou thir occasion
did !din sa much credit. It was no right to catch
him up, hecuuse he used the expression of " Cabi-
net," if he was correct in his principle, which he
most assuredly was. Leak to our history from the
most ancient period, through the tins iif the Tu-
dors, the Pluntagenets, suit the U mon of the
(louses; they would find that the King, :it the
head of the indices, always acted by advice, anal ne-
ver did any act of his own. During that ',tried,
the official ssatem was. nut formed. but still re-
sponsibility rested with the advisers. There
then existed • Privy Council. who were the
sworn advisers of the Clown. Were they then, at
this time of day, by a Learned Lawyer, and an ex-
perienced Member of Parliament, to be asked fur
statiites and records ? Good God ! surely these
oracles of the Constitution, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox.
had taken the knowledge of that Constitution with
them to the grave. What avoid Mr. Pitt have
said, had he lived now, to hear these quest ons
shout the Constituttuu, be co well observed. and
so much respected? And he might say, baring
enjoyed the most confidential intercourse with
that other most exalted Statesman, that the opi-
00000ns he was now delitc: nig, were those entertained
by hies. Under the Tudors, when the King was
every thing, and the Parliament nothing. and yet
the racial system under them and the Stuarts grew
to maturity, and the advisers came to be better
known, the Secretaries of State, the Lord Treasur-
er. or First Lord of the Treasury, the Lord High Ad-
wiral,or First Lord of the Admiralty, were acknow-
ledged and looked to as these advisers. This was the
system till the Revolution, when the Bill of Rights
was paned, when freedom of !perch was established
in that Muse, and when their privileges were eon-
firmed. When the system was perfected. what was
dead before, was vivified, and the official servants
of the Crown were called oil, from time to time, to
answer the House fur the acts of the Monarch. To
perfect it they had ugly to give a character to the
office of King. While speaking on this subject, he
was sure he could slot be misunderstood to men
any thing disrespectful towar.hs the King, for
whose beneficent reign and endealing qualities no
man felt more grateful than he dad. He spoke
not of the person, but of the office of b.ing.
Look at Blackstone, said it w ',add Ise found (there
laid down, his (the King's) continuity, uhiqui.y,
and perfection. The King could alt, no wrong.
—This maxim was tint to be taught tow bat to
children at school. From this Maxim other nations
imagined that nothing could be more tyrannical
than our monarchy ; hut we understood its bless-
ings. and that it enabled us to carry on the business
of the nation on the responsibility of lkliuisiers.-i-
Any thing contrary to, or taking away from, llsie
responsibility, which had so grew° up, and was
perfected ire the Constitution, was Si act against
the Constitution. Then npply these principles to
the present case, where they would And that the
name of the Mosarch was brought into the
question, and intirefesed with the reepousibility of
Ministers. It might be said that Lord Chatham was
responsitle, but in so far es secrecy was re.
geared, in so rout+ was time respousibility of
Ministers taken away, and the act was 000100.
stannous& This we, laid down in Blackstone;
in Coke's 4th Report; and in Coinyn's Di-
gest. and was as plain to him es it was nessiiile
to be. In all our history, there was no j 'errant
for such an answer as thle, nobwrithstaintli.tg the
many addresses that had been carried to the Throne.
This was a presumption that a similar case bail ne-
ver occurred. Du; independent of these considera-
tions. the conduct of Lord Chath an was to be re-
prehended, as producing • double Government, and
c.osequently a weak Govern met, and uurecognized
by the Constitution. One known bad practical
consequence bad already ensued from it, trembles
others of which they were not able to judge the
extent. The Address of the first Corporation of
the country, and perhaps of the world, was formerly
no mean thing. But now en Address had been
presented by the city of London os the 40th of
Deceinber. Lord Chatham arrived on the Itith of
September, and presented We Narrative on the I4th
of January ; and yet Ministers had so little commu-
nication with him, their colleagse, as to be utterly
neacquaiettd with the facts on which they gave
the answer to the city. He denied the right of Lord
Chatham' to go in person to the King. It was not
allowable in those days—
" Wks Martlioreagii conquer% and Godolplllia planed."
And still the slime constitutional rule held, that
the General in his communications should lay
down his character at the door of the Secretary of
State's office.

The SOLICITOR-GRIICIAL was of opinion, thst
the greater part of the Learned Gentleinah's speech,
opposite, who spoke last, was irrelevant to the pre-
sent spiestion. Ile hoped there wan but one feel-
ing, when an who was necusert, was not
present ; the vote then asked might prevent hint
from holding, at is future time, any situation under
Government. He trusted the House mould listen
with attention, while lw delivered Ins sentiments,
aml gave his reatious for tiring Ins vote. Where
WWI the tniconstitteiunality in preparing the narra-
tive. or skittering it in secrecy ?—(flear! /wail)
—lle slid not stand tip to defend the Noble Lord—
/I/ear ! dear!)—but he wontd corder it was an
unintentional error ; and no tnan could say it was
done with it had design. He wished them to look
pi the mind of Lord Chatham, and examine his
motives. He was willing that it should go under
the stric'est scrutiny ; ret he would aver, that,
however indiscreet the Noble Lord might he, there
was no clandestine secrecy. He ss-al willing that it
should be examined by the moat minute criterion,
as he was conti lent it would silly bring converts to
his opinion. However uoiaithful the Noble Lord
might be to his colleagues, they could arst attribute
a a ilful corrupt mot ire to hire. The Narrative was
delivered on the 15th of Jam to His Majesty. It
was mile out iii Sep.ember ; if malice was in his
mind, which is generally carried into isuasediste ex-
ecution...l)llld it have been ke:4 back such a leag•h
of time ? There was notivug improper ja keeping

the Narrative from September to January, as it way_
only drawn with the design to defend himself. (Hear!
hear!) Thar was the coucluition he, the Solicitor..
tieorrel, drew, that such wad the 'ranee of its
origin. Another utgitateot, which preyed it a as not
arligeent or perimMent •• creey. that it was nuly
naked to in' withheld for tile joeseot, was, that, on
the 14th of February, Lord Chatham requested, in-
lotted of its being kept secret, that it might gain
pohlicitj. It was impiosible that he could .rapt to
make a private chard.- against the Navy, and after-
wards wish it to be prnmulg ted. The wish of the
Noble Earl was, that both Narratives should come
out together. (Heir ! hear !)• He wished them to
hear ; he wished his sentence to be made tosiblie.
The Noble Lord (Chatham) waited for the Narra-
tive of the Naval Commauders. which only caused
the temporary secrecy. W hat service would it be
to him, to have all the favour that could be expect-
ed from the Royal protection, if he was condemu-
ed by the public ! if his narrative ley in the 'acre-
toire of his Sovereign, it would not prevent him from
bring accountable to hiscouutry, it lie acted impro-
perly. He wished to satisfy the House, however
erroneous his judgment might be, that he was ac-
tuated by a panity of opinion. A Noble Lord op-
posite (Lord Temple) had spoken much of secret
iialiiience behind the Throne,• and hr wished to
cover the name pf Temple, who was charged with
using the means in the reign of Charles the Second.
The Noble Lord ought to have recollected how the
charge was scoffed by the relations of Sir William
Temple, that he could have advised the Cabal. He
was not then in the character of a Minister or a Privy
Counsellor; but, to use the language of the day, he
crept up the back stairs and ad •stered his poi-
son. Ile admired the feelings of the Noble Lord,
and, lie was sure, all the House would sympathise
with him. The Noble Lord's feelings led him so
far that, instead of argument, he gave full vent to
them, to elucidate, that the name of Temple had
never been behind the Throne, or used influence.
Wbile the Noble Lord and his friends were iu office,
they never complained of thus secret influerce;
but after they were removed, they began to court-
der that not any thing could have interfered with
their transcendent talents hot secret influence;
they thought they were moored upon u rock, which
nothing could move them •from ; although their
olkaded Monarch gave the daunt:eel, and the peo-
ple at large approved of it. Ile would not say
approved, for it was too light an expression; but
the public voice demanded it. Ho concluded by
voting fur the previous question.
Mr. Poisoner—sr I rise with some diffidence;
after the eloquent exordium we have heard from
the Learned Gentleman opposite, who last sat
down. He talked muck of secret influence, and
argued most ably, of which the !louse sintst be as
sensible as I inn. (Hear ! hear !) Ile has spoken
as if he cleared the Noble Ea.' of Raving used se-
cret influence; he was cleared of all charges. To
me it does not make a partieleof difference ; if he
is ouly guilty of the charge in the first resolutiosh
he is entitle.' to receive the censor, of this House.
The Right Honourably Gentleman (Mr. Perceval),
mid, be would not defend Lord Chatham, yet he
would support. hlm. I would wish to know what'
part of his conduct he Owls fault with I will tell
him, as ha moms delicste; because it has been re-
prehensible acid unconstitutional : but their inn-.
sired>, aaunot fusel words to express it. Another
Honourable Gestletnan *lase floor (Mr. Mutes)
has tote' you. be cannot agree that the conduct of
the Noble Lord has been illegal : I never heard it
contended that it was. I do not contend for the
; but I will prove the unconstitutionality,
and I will show that one can exist without the
other. Lord Chatham is a Cabinet Minister and a
Privy Counsellor; and, by having access to His
Majesty's ear, he might have poisoned it against
the strength of the nation---the navy. That this
has not been the case, is owing to the Monarch,
whose better judgment would not admit the venom.
I say there never was any thing so abominable or
destructive. ' Suppose, for argument, that the
Noble Lord hail advised His Majesty to have sent
an army into this House. and done as Cromwell
did; allowing it had not been acted upon, yet
would the adviser he justified? As the Honour-
able Gentleman (Mr. Betakes) argued be would be
justified—l then justify the present resolution ow
constitutional principles, and no other, although
the Honourable Gentleman stated the Coustitu.
tion had gone through many editions. I ma con.
rimed the one he his read must be erroneous
—lt never has yet fallen into my hands—l would
recommend him to try another edition. I coo-
teud Lord Chatham's conduct has not been such
that a free country can give countenance to. I
do sot think his deceased father or brother, how-
ever I may venerate the conduct of the former,
should be introduced as a shield to protect the mis-
conduct of the present Rail of Chatham. Although
I differ much in political sentiments from Mr. Pitt,
I am convinced. from his great mind, if he was now
existing, he would approve of my efforts. Did he
not, when, at the head of en Administration, and
the present Noble Earl at the head of the Admi-
ralty. dismiss him. not thinking him equal to fill
the office? I would whale my Learned Friend, (the
Solicitor-G a I,) to read the history of Charles
the Second attentively, amid he would find that
Sir William Temple was not one of the Cabal,
but a strong opponent to it. I am desired
to excuse Lord Chatham, by my Learned
Friend, b. cause his case is indefenailde, that
he had no malignancy, and to judge him merely
on his intention. 'Then I will ask, was it to injure
himself that lie delivered the narrative to Ilat
Majesty ? (hear ! hear!) Was it tight that it
should be given to Ilia Majesty, without nity notice
to the Naval Commander ? The Noble Lord, in
his evidence, stated. as his reason for nut civing
it in October, that he thought it would not lt• pro-
per to give it, without out. from the Naval Con..
minder. Yet, he gave it in January to his
Mejtsty, with the injunction of secrecy. If
he NMI doing what was right, or whet others
thought right, would there be occasion for the
mystery? it he had any other feeliug, would hr
have delivered it in that mysterious vies.? I think
there is alto something in Lord Chat lustia'a memory,
cliff:rent from other mesa's. (Hear ! hoar !) I s iv
different. because 'hero are few MOO who caliaot
recollect the tram...at-6*m of r few days twil.re. II s
I nolship would be off n led if sit-cooed of irnhc-
eddy ; yet he becomes his uwn accuser, fore when

asked what wee the alteration made in the Nor-
s..tive, or the substance of it, he was wet able to in-
f yne. This ittbodedt appears mast ♦xtri- .

ordinary. His conduct has free
.61406 t uncoil-
; stitutional.—( iieer ! hew Itnnlid nut take
'any thing this midst could roe JIM so
draw that expression. His coradoet goes to midis .
the Monarch emposerible, sod his Miniate re
the contrary. By the Constitution of the rosemary
its Monarch is left in regret security, be can do
110 haTOl ; he was in perfect security aid safety
but how iufringed en if dust Hesse waste everturek
the preseut inuontion, and lay the foundation fee
strippiil the King of his panty ? Take the bark
from a tree and you will expose tt to decay. I coo-
tend, give to the Crown every thing it ought to
have—give it its natural support, but don't parolee
that which has upheld it shove all natio/is ; but
make it once ersponsihle, and you strip it of all its
beauteous robes.--(Heer hear Honour-
able Gentleness* (Mr. Bunke.), was not seam
that that court. sy was cemetery, that one Minister
was obliged to hirers' soother what be intended to ,
disclose to His Majesty in his (-beet. This Ido
not argue or contend far. for I will know that every
Peer, every Privy Counsellor, much lent • /Insis-
ter, has a right to demand a private anthem, of
Ili. Majesty; but this could net excuse a Coinusau-
(ler of an army from giving iota the hand of hie
Sovereign a Narrative, with the express wish that
should be kept secret from his colleagues sad the
whole world ; at the same time it wrest to °rimiest*
&service that the universe envied, sod this cautery
owed its protection and existence to. It is to that
great part of our Constitution that we have been. I
meow that we can follow Ninnies,. and that they
are alone revonsible. Ido trot believe that,. are a
more intriguing race of persons under thchearvens
then those of this country ; hut the Conetitstioe had
wisely provided for them; their Sovereign lens placed
in a s.tuutiou thit nothing of the nature could se.
rite to hum. It is more is-eras:l: y for us to guard
him, turd prevent ail iiirtiads tato that seeuvit:,,
which puts him so much shove all (Aber Mepsiciis.
Tue breach lot- Lieu., made an open day,- let ne mop
it in Oa bud : if not, it will require au outstare to
deprive of ihr bh ItSO.llll. Leek around yes, clot
your a -a to the Contioen:, cud is then. an swat-
hut this, governing the affair, of the tintiso,
which can lie called free What ever height imirty
may have run, bas there not teen the reales;
corer°, the greenest eumplec. tcy preserved. Own
one to the other, except in a late instance. (eke?!)
—lt is the surprise of aeteureited Europe, teat
in a free Government there leen be so Slue* 'M►
lastion; then do trot' let us aillingly 'hive it die.
turbed ; but alien it is branght to siew, forced via
your conviction, that • part, and that which eon-
secretes and li,nits the whole, has been infringed,
that we are as r. ally. nay, more jellous of the
highest part, than we are ler our owe prerogatives.
1 call upon you. in behalf of the-e. smerstors who
handed j on you.
this Comeitutinc, to try to pre-
/erre its purity by your votes this eight; de OK let
high rank dazzle you, for our Coastitsdien says
justice must be done to all meth and that all emu
are *meltable to the law. (flaw I hew !) I Atoll
detain the House but • very few memento, and
that is to assert, under the strongest
that Lord Chatham has onset streogdy infriegva eb
the constitution, by preventing his Nereatiew fir
His Majesty without the Imowledp of his erst-
leagues, sod respiring the Masan+ be keep it
secret."

Mr. Catrttstre 1101, that he would pat out of his
view many of the topics used upon the other side
of the House. He would begin with segeitting the
Noble Person, whams conduct wits the subject of
discussion, of those malignant mid improper mo-
tives so liberally attributed to him. He was sere
that no maw, standing in such a siltation as he oc-
cupied, could be ineueneed by such motives ; but
it was sot upon the question of motive that the
point rested ; it was a question of Conatitsitios—
and though the individual alluded to was endowed
to the country by Mood and name, they would not
he justified in making such a man a splendid sun-
tasty in the Constitution. (Thar!, He must
be sup ject to the same authorities to which ethers,
undertaking such cLninands, were subject ; for no
situation, no rank, should be a screen front ',spun-
sibility. He was perfectly aware that his vote upon
the present, as urn a fernier night, would sot be
altogether pleasing to the Hon. fientleatas, in con-
sequence of the narrow ground upon which he
would eun•ider it to be granted; but without mess-
ing soy disrespect to the Hon. Geatleutais, be
would say, that, among his motives for supporting
the present quesitioa, to agrei with him was sot efts.
laugh!) On the contrary, he felt it some-
what of au inconvenience to be obliged to tree
with him in this iustancr. One thing there was in
the lion. Gentlerenn's speech, which he could
not he:), Oiserring. and that was. the opinion which
he seemed to entertain, a. to what ass the Piro, ri
and what was the narrow part •of the utility,.
The broad part. set7ording to him, was the petty
party •feeline ; and the narrow pin. that which in-
volved the Con4titistional consirlerttico. lie (Mr.
Canning) regretted that this question was brought
forward. He regretted it, hticiitose, if decided one
way, it must strip the royal name of that irrespon-
sibility, which was uncnristitutionalle allied to it
lie regretted it also, as tending. if decided the other
way, to censure a noble person, whose conduct was
to he discussed afterwards, together with others of
h.s colleague.. But while he dui so. he had tio
titian to affirm', that the subjects were not ut
interwoven, as to include each other. or that
it could he inferred, from their censure of ha
conduct. in the present iii.tancc, that they were
guilty of prejudging him in the iti.tunee I ere.
after to be submitted. The tir•t resolution id' the
Honounible Gentleman, directed csud tip mud
fairly the tratisnetions as they had token rikee
hut the second, which refeire,i the pae;.hinent
consequent upon sub leitiwartii-,s, ~,
trio severe ;
inflect. he mould t i,:rer that Or, was one of
hut. how-ver t.i nii.:l:l thoi.k otron that
those
(hear! heir ! he arr.. r. entildl not vote fee the
questions which Pa, liavicit not notice
ClUrb -n .on ins (NM. 'licit. if it could oat he
called unennstitiition if, • 4a it teem against the
ctiee of the Const!tuti•ut—Should they twice ete
notwe of such (wand—with a view to the lutenist
of the,.own—w tilt n view to the inter:et of the
Person e,neerneit, fee whims it wweld be
will, if blame did attach, that the roam degree