Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1857-06-20 00:00:00

THE NORTHERN TIMES.-LIVERPOOL, SATURDAY, JUNE 20. 1857

religion, rear their own slaves, as our farmers
multiply their breeds of cattle. This is a sore
evil, which lies heavy upon the conscience of all
kind and Christian men and women. How can
we rest quietly in our beds, while we think of the
horrible misery endured by creatures who are
certainly human, but whose crime is, that they
differ from us in the hue of their skin ? The
heart of humanity has been bleeding and torn
for the sufferings of the poor African, ever since
CLARKSON and WILBERFORCE raised their voices
in his behalf. The wonder is, and the shame
is, that civilised nations have borne this so long,
and that there has not, ere no been a crusade of
humanity organised to sweep this accursed thing
from the face of the earth. If it is self-interest
that supports the system, or the apprehended
money loss to the estates consequent on freedom,
this shows where we are to direct the blow and
apply the remedy, We do not suppose that
the slaveholders believe their own argument
touching Africans not being men, but an inferior
race expressly organised by the hand of nature
to be made beasts of burden. This may figure
in a fiery speech, or may be secretly uttered in
confidential conversation ; but it cannot be put
forward without a blush; and it is not believed.
But the money loss is a serious argument. "If
you manumit our slaves, you confiscate our
property. If the nations of the earth will have
Sugar and Cotton, then the enslaved African
must toil for them."

To this we quietly and confidently answer,
No. The extinction of Slavery is written
in the decrees of Providence. The spirit of
humanity will not suffer it to live. We are
satisfied that a great change in this matter is
impending over America. When things are at
the worst, they sometimes mend. Meantime,
what can England do practically and effectually
towards the exinction of this horrible evil and
prolonged crime ? In the first place, as has
been suggested, why should not our war vessels
watch the approaches to the island of Cuba itself,
instead of sweeping over a longer range of
African coast. Our gun-boats were not ready
for the Baltic, but they might do good service
in the West Indies. They might be so manned
and armed as to cope with the fleet slavers.
Out of our eighty gun-boats, if we had to send
sixty to China, we might spare twenty for
Cuba.

A court of appeal to try all cases of slave
property, or suspected slave property, should be
set up within our dominions in Jamaica. If the
judgment, as at present, is given on Spanish
soil, we can easily divine how the scale will
incline. The screw ought to be turned on
Spain, and if she will not keep her promise, she
ought to be placed beyond the community of
civilized nations. The horrible evils of Slavery
and the Slave Trade, are too serious for the play
of diplomacy. When the captured Slave is set
free, suitable arrangements must secure his
working as a free labourer, else he lapses again
into Slavery and helplessness. Bat our chief
reliance for the extinction of this horrid trade,
and the crimes and miseries that attend it,
would be the introduction of free African
labourers instead of Slave labour. Political
economy has proved that, in the long run, free
labour is cheaper than slave labour ; and self-
interest will make, or has made, the same
discovery. If, therefore, a regular and legiti-
mate trade could be set up, by which free
African labourers could be conveyed wherever
they are needed ; this seems the most likely
method to put an end to the Slave system. So
long as there is Slavery in America and Cuba,
there will be a Slave Trade; the demand will
create the supply, in spite of our African
squadron. Let intelligent, enterprising men
work their estates with free labourers, intro-
ducing machinery, and modern improvements,
treating the labourer as a fellow creature—and
Slavery and Slave work will be driven out of
the field. This would be the- effectual solution
of the problem. No outbreaks of the slave
would then be feared; no wicked fostering of
internal feuds among African chiefs; a great
source of immorality and corruption to the
white as well as the dark man would be dried
up; marriage, property, religion, could be
permitted and encouraged among the sable
race ; and every African might enter on the path
of civilisation. Mercy is twice blessed, blessing
him that gives and him that takes. Free labour
is as sound in policy as it is just and humane
in morals. We should all of us throw our
energy into this great field of moral agitation.
It is surely a fitting and a Christian work to bid
the oppressed go free. But though Slavery and
the Slave Trade have ceased within the British
dominions, there can be no assured freedom to
the African while these are permitted anywhere.
By wise and well-considered means we have to
work till the world shall be as free as Britain,
and the sun in his course shall not look down
upon a single slave.

IN another portion of our impression of to-day
will be found a letter from Mr. JAS. M'DoNALD,
together with a number of affidavits bearing on
the circumstances connected with his recent
incarceration in Birkenhead Bridewell. These
documents are a triumphant vindication of Mr.
)NALD'S conduct. What will the Birken-
head police have to urge against his truth-telling
statements, supported as they are, by the
voluntary declarations of respectable witnesses.
We are informed that these affidavits could hive
been multiplied to a much greater extent.
What the magistrate will say in justification of
his decision in this case we are curious to learn,

Had Mr. JOHN DEAN CASE complied with Mr.
MMONALD'S request, for an opportunity to pro-
duce the evidence which we now publish,
as a matter of course Mr. M'DoNALD would have
been acquitted. That, however, might not have
suited the purposes of certain police officers.

Mr. M'DoNALD's case discloses a fearful
instance of tyranny. A body like the Birken-
head police, combining together to bid defiance
to all interference with any of their members,
however gross their conduct, cannot be longer
tolerated in this country. Such a combination
is a reproach to our free institutions. It is
ridiculous to talk of Continental despotism,
when we have at our own doors such a body of
petty tyrants—men clothed and paid by
the public, to watch over and protect their
interests—depriving a citizen of his
liberty—immuring him in a dungeon—
excluding him from all means of producing
witnesses to prove his innocence, and by ex parte
evidence inducing his judge to pass a sentence
upon him, which, if carried into effect, would
have been the means of ruining him for ever.
We repeat, the whole proceeding was a
disgrace to the eolice of Birkenhead, and a
scandalous mockery of jnstice. But the case can
not rest where it now is. Some steps must
be taken to convince the Birkenhead police and
the Cheshire magistrates that although they are
invested with the most arbitrary and despotic
authority, it is not to be exercised for the grati-
fication of private vengeance. It is not the
mere injury done to Mr. M‘DoNALD that calls
for the serious consideration of every lover of
constitutional liberty, so much as the principle
involved in this gross outrage.
It is not because a man has reported a police-
man for misconduct, or that he is suspected of
being the author of an article condemnatory of
Orangeism in a police force, that he is to become
a marked man ; to be waylaid, as it were, and
deprived of his liberty ; compelled to consort
with felons, and restored to freedom only on the
payment of money. We cannot use language
too strong to denouuce such a proceeding—
it was altogether outrageous. However, the
triumph of Mr. M'DoNALD's enemies has been
but short lived. His conduct—his character--
is now before the world, and it stands out in
bold relief when placed in juxtaposition with
that of his defamers. Unable to silence Mr.
M‘DoNALD on the one great question of which
he has been the champion and the chief, his
enemies had recourse to the dernier resort of a
despot's persecution ; but, as that failed, they
must have revenge, and slander has been their
favourite weapon. But they have been paid back
with interest. What will Mr. SAMUEL HOLME
say or do when he has perused these affidavits on
behalf of Mr. M'DONALD ? If he possesses any
gentlemanly feeling in his constitution, he
will not wait for the next meeting of Council to
make the amende honourable to Mr. M'DONALD.
This is the only reparation he has in his power
to make at present, and we shall look forward
with some degree of interest to the course he will
pursue in the matter.

CANADIAN EMIGRATION.—THE WELLINGTON FUND.--
When the war ceased, s considerable numher of artisans,
who were engaged at Woolwich, were necessarily throe el
out of employment. The Wellington Fund Emigration
Committee have sent a considerable number of these
artisans to Canada frrom this port, and this day the ship
Henry Cook, sails with them for Quebec. The whole
party consists of 276 persons, 29 being single men—she
others being married, and having families. Mr. J. M.
Walthew, the well-known Australian emigration agent,
was selected by the London Committee to manatee the
ship, and arrangements of the emigrants; and for his
jedicious and well-regulated arrangements, he received
due acknowledgements from all concerned. Mr. Thomas
B. Parker, the Secretary of the Family Colonization
came down from London on Monday, and inspected the
ship and all her arrangements, and expressed his entire
approbation of all that had been done for the comfort wed
co avenience of the passengers on board. The emigrants
were forwarded by special train from North Woolwich on
Wednesday evening, and were takes from Lime street,
where Mr. Woods, the chief superin endent, had busses
ready, and transferred to the ship, where tea and refresh-
ments were provided for them. They were presented with
tickets of the Grand Trunk Railway to take them from
Quebec to Toronto, where arrangements are made to get
them employment.
THE REG ATTA. —A yachting match on the Mersey is
always an object of interest, and our glorious river seldom
witnessed a more lively scene on its bosom and its shores
than we witnessed at Wick Ferry yesterday. The weather,
what shall we say about it? for the sailing Yacht., it was
all that the most enthusiastic waterman could desire. As
one of your facetious advertisers says, " A thing of beauty
is indeed a joy for ever ;" but yesterday we were not
restricted to view one thine of beauty only—all around
us vaas loveliness itself. We had, within a few yards of us
the magnificent new royal yacht, the Victoria and Albert,
the worthy ocean home of our beloved Queen. It was not
necessary that this noble specimen of our supremacy in
naval architecture should be subjected to the criticism ef
pr -itessional men. She has only to be seen to be admired ;
in fact, a more chaste, taunt, and beautiful ship never
swam on the waters of the Mersey. At Rock Ferry we
found that the Messrs. Hetherington had very liberally
and discreetly knocked their toll-gate, at the head
of the slip, down, and left their splendid pro-
menade open to the public, free of charge. This
is a step in the right direction, and we hops their
considerate liberality will meat with its just reward.
It was truly refreshing to see the company, consisting, as
the great bulk of them did, of the better class of artizans,
tradesmen, and others in the middle and humbler spheres
of life, enjoying the cool breeze, inhaling the health-giving
air of Cheshire, and enjoying themselves in such a way as
to cause no sorrow on the morrow. All appeared orderly.
happy, and harm ,nieus. Amongst the thousands congre-
eated around the neighbourhood of the hotel and ferry we
I .
did not see a single drunken or disorderly character. As
one of your "penny-a-liners" would express it, there was a
galaxy of beauty and fahien. We merely say that there
was a moat respectable t urn out of w li-dressed and well-
conducted gentlewomen, whose happy faces were rel.lent of
honour, virtue, and modesty. The fresh breeze, although
highly favourable for showing the sailing qualitics of the
yachts, was adverse to the rowing department, and al this
is always the most popular act in regatta dramas,
considerable disappointment was felt ; however, it
is to be hoped that the " blustering railer," rude Borers,
will he in better t,meer to-day, when no doubt the All of
Liverpool will find means, by hook or crook, to reach the
Rock Ferry. The Charm won the cup, value £2O. The
Sallie was well up. Mr. Brass y's yacht, the Cymba, won
the race of the day. The Pilot, No. 4, distanced all her
co:npetitors, el hough the schooner-rigged craft was close in '
her wake. There was considerable confusion about the
starting, and an absence .of aneans for procuring cerrect
information as to the actual performances of the various
yachts which is much to be regretted, and for which we are
indebted to the committee ; and it must be our apology for
not giving further details of the days proceedings. Toe
parties engaged in affairs of this kind know full well that
but for the publicity given to their proceedings by the
press, they would excite but little interest ; and they have
only themselves to blame if, through their indifference (I*
inertness in their own 'affairs, matters are passed over,
which, under other eireenWances, we might be happy to I
chronicle.

THE

MERSEY CONSERVANCY
AND DOCKS BILL.

(FROM OUR OWN REPORTIR.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, JUNE 19.

The Select Committee resumed its sitting at twelve
o'clock this day, Sir J. Graham in the chair ; the other
members of the committee all being present.
The examination of Mr. Shuttleworth was resumed.

At the request of Sir James Graham, the witness
promised to prepare a return showing the money received
from the Dock Committee for land bought of the Corpora-
tion from 1811 to the present time.
By Mr. Burke : I was examined at great length before
the committee appointed last year to inquire into the local
charges upon shipping, in reference to the Town Dues.
The evidence which I gave appears in the minutes of the
evidence taken before the committee. In the course of
that inquiry, it appeared from Domesday Book that the
site of Liverpool was vested in the kings of England, and
it remained in that possession until the reign of Edward
111., when it went to the Dukes of Lancaster, and was sub-
sequently merged in the crown in the reign of Henry IV. In
1628, in the reign of Charles 1., the Town Dues were sold
to the City of London, in consideration of certain advances
made to the king by his predecessors, and the city of
London subsequently sold them to Richard Molyneux,
the ancestor of the present Earl of Sefton, subject to the
Payment of a fee farm rent reserved to the Crown. In
1761, about which time Sir Richard Molyneux was created
an Irish peer by the title of Lord Molyneux, an Act of
Parliament was obtained which empowered Sir Richard
to purchase the reversion of the fee farm rents from the
Crown. In 1672 a lease of the tolls for 1,000 years was
purchased by the Corporation of Liverpool; but the
burgage and ferry rents were reserved. In 1777 the Cor-
poration purchased the reversion expectant on -the deter-
mination of the lease, and thus became sole owners of the
fee, including burgage and ferry rents. The Corporation
also became owners of the lordship, and town and anchor-
age dues—a moiety of which had been leased to them as
far back as the reign of Henry VII. The anchorage dues
consist of a charge of is 6d on foreign ships, Is 3d on
British ships on a foreign voyage, and is on every other
British ship. The Town-dues are a small charge some-
times levied on the packages, and sometimes on the tonnege.
So far back as 1571 the Corporation were in receipt of a
due of this description.
At the request of the learned counsel, Mr. Shuttleworth
here read a description of the various tolls collected by
the Corporation contained in the report of the Commission
on Shipping Dues in 1854, which, he stated, gave a fair
account of charges.
Examination resumed : The commissioners who made
that report visited most of the ports in the United King-
dom, and upon two occasions held an open court of
inquiry in Liverpool. They called on the corporation to
give written replies to a number of queries upon the sub-
ject, and I supplied the answers. I now hold in my hand
a report which I drew up from the report of the com
missioners, from which I find that Town Dues are levied
in a great number of ports throughout the kingdom.
The Shipping Bill last year proposed to deal with all
these ports, and not with the case of Livcrpo( 1 Wone.
If dues are wrongfully levied, any person upon whom
they are levied_has the power of compelling the persons
by whom they are levied to prove their title to them
in a court of law. In the courts of law the whole legal
question might have been raised. So early as the reign
of Philip and Mary, the Corporation, who were lessees
under the Molyneux family, disputed the title of that
family ,to the dues, claiming them themselves as lessees.
Sir Richard Molyneux filed an injunction to restrain the
Corporation from receiving the dues on their own account.
They set up their title against their own landlord, insisting
that the dues belonged to themselves and not to Sir
Richard. i!lThe application for an injunction was heard in
the Duchy Court of the County Palatine, and the decision
was that the dues belonged to Sir Richard Molyneux, as
lessee of the Crown, and not to the Corporation. In 1692 a
dispute arose between the freemen of the Borough of Lan-
caster and the Corporation with respect to an exemption
claimed by the freemen from the payment of dnes, but no
decision was given in the case. The freemen, however,
have continued to pay the dues from that time to the
present. In 1700 there was a similar dispute between
the freemen of London and the Corporation. The right
of the Corporation to levy the dues was not questioned,
but the only point raised was whether the freemen of
London ought not to be exempted from payment. The
case was tried in the Exchequer Chamber, and it was
decided against the Corporation that as freemen of
London they were exempt. In 1799 a question arose
whether the exemption applied to all freemen of
London, whether • resident within the city or not.
The Court of Exchequer heard the case, and it was
determined that the exemption only applied to freemen
resident within the pity. In 1830 for the first time the
question of title was raised. At that time several
of the merchants of Liverpool associated themselves
together, in order to try the question of the'title of the
Corporation to the dues. There were, however, two
parties among the merchants. One thought the Corpora-
tion were entitled to something, but that the dues on
certain articles were excessive; and the other held that
they were entitled to nothing. The trial came off in
1833, before Lord Denman. Issue was joined upon the
title generally, and not upon the question of excess. The
case was gone into upon evidence at great length, and
the decision was in favour of the Corporation for the
whole amount claimed. A bill of exceptions was ten-
dered on the part of the defendants, but it was never
prosecuted; and the statement that it was not prosecuted
because a compromise was entered into is not
correct. Since that time the title of the Corporation
to the dues has never been disputed. When the Municipal
Corporation Act passed, it was a matter of considerable
complaint that the freemen were exempted from the pay-
ment of the Town Dues. By that act the Town Dues
were specifically recognised as part of the borough fund.
A question of the right of the corporation of Exeter, to
levy dues upon vessels entering Teignmouth, was tried in
1844, before Mr. Justice Coleridge, and the decision was
in favour of the corporation.
Sir James Graham said—He was very sorry to interrupt
the learned counsel, but if the committee were to inquire
into the Exeter case, it would be necessary to ascertain,
mutalis mutandis, whether it was identical with the case
of Liverpool.
Mr Burke said—The two cases were analagous, and he
proposed to show the decision which had been come to
where the question of right had been fairly tried.
Mr. Webster thought it would be impassible to enter into
cases of this kind, unless all the facts were made known
t o the committee. . _

Sir J. Graham remarked that there were other cases
for instance, Hull and the Humber—Newcastle and the
Tyne—in which the question of title had been raised ; and
if the case of Exeter were to be inquired into, there was
no reason why the other cases should not also be brought
before:the committee, and he need not remind the learned
counsel that if that course were followet4the inquiry would
be interminable.
Mr. North thought it would be better that the learned
counsel should be allowed to take his own coarse.
Lord Henniker agreed with Sir J. Graham. He knew a
case himself—the case of Ipswich—in which the circum-
stances were very peculiar.
Sir Jas. Graham, after consulting with the other mem-
bers of the Committee, said it was their opinion that the
Exeter case should not be inquired into, and the evidence
relating to it was then ordered to be erased from the
short-hand writers' notes.
Examination resumed—The solicitor to the Earl of
Sefton, who was examined before the Shipping Dues
Committee last year, produced a statement relative to
the tolls, dated 1566, and stated that the dues were dealt
with by the Molyneux family as ,private property. An
attempt to resist the tolls was made a few months ago.
A. number of goods were shipped at Garston, about six
miles from Liverpool, in the Mirage, and the agents re-
fused to pay the dues. On being applied to they said
they were only agents for gentlemeh at Manchester, who
had requested them not to pay the dues. I consequently
took out a writ against them, and applied for the name
of their solicitor. They replied that they were only
agents in the matter, and expressed a hope that I would
not sue them, but their principals, Messrs. Smith and
Co., of Manchester, who were anxious to try the question. .
Accordingly I wrote to 'dews. Smith and Co., represzoit-
ing the circumstances, and telling them that if they took
upon themselves the responsibility of shipping the goods
and refusing to pay the dues, I wood take out a writ
against them instead of their agents. 'Several communica.
tions passed between us, and at length, on the 20th of
February, I,received a letter from Messrs. Smith and Co.,
in which they stated that in consequence of the present
position of various bills in Parliament, they had advised
their agents to withdraw the objection in this instance to
the payment of the dues. The dues were consequently
paid, and no dispute as to the title of the corporation
has been raised since. No other case besides that of
Liverpool was investigated before the Local Dues
on Shipping Committee last year, though the
reference to the Committee was general and not
special. The Committee made no report, but mt rely re-
ported the eyjdence to the House. A report, proposed in
committee, aySpears upon the minutes, and in that report
it is stated that the question of title was not a question
to be decided by a parliamentary committee, but a
majority of the committee refused to adopt the report.
Tolls are levied for the benefit of the county of Chester,
upon ships navigating the river Weaver. A. bill has been
introduced this session to compel a reduction of the dues,
but the committee unanimously threw it out.
Mr Burke said he had no further que Ilona to put to
Mr.
Shuttleworth, and

Mr. Webster then proceeded to cross examine the wit-
ness, who said : I have no return of the value of the Cor-
poration property. Mr. Robertson Gladstone moved for
such a return, in the Corporation, eighteen months ago. It
was ordered, but has not yet been completed. I am,
therefore, unable to give the committee any account of the
extent or value of the Corporation property.
Mr. Webster : It has been said that it is worth £6,000,000
• Is that true?
Mr. Shuttleworth can form no estimate, but I should
53.7 that £6,000,000 is a very exaggerated estimate.
Mr. Vebster : Have you any return of the value of
the privileges conferred upon the freemen in eonsequenre

of their being exempted from the payment of Town-
Dues?

Witness : No, 1 have net. The income of the corpora-
tion, irrespective of Town-Dues, is about £90,000 per
annum.

Mr. Webster here cross-examined Mr. Shuttleworth at
some length, in reference to the purchase by the Corpora-
tion in 1828, for £lBO,OOO, of 206 acres at Wallasey Pool,
and also in regard to the scheme of Messrs. Telford,
Stephenson, and Nimmo, for dock accommodation at
Birkenhead. _ _ _

Mr. Shuttleworth continued : I was not concerned in
these matters at the time, but I took the statement of
Mr. Foster, the former Town-clerk, when I gave evi-
dence before the Shipping Dues Committee last year,
and I told the committee that I had no doubt that the
object of the purchasers of the property in 1828 of
Messrs. Laird and Tobin was to prevent the establish-
ment of a rival port on the Birkenhead side of the Mer-
sey. I stated, however, in my examination in chief the
other day, that though statements of such a nature had
been circulated with regard to the intention of the Cor-
poration, they did not appear to be well founded, inas-
much as the Corporation, soon after the purchase was
completed, took steps for the formation of docks at Bir-
kenhead. The Corporation have constantly proposed to
build warehouses. Sack a proposition was made in 1799,
and again in 1841. The Albert Dock Act of 1841 was
the first act in which the Dock Committee obtained power
to build warehouses. Prior to that date the warehouses
had been built by private individuals, who bought land on
Corporation leases or upon land of their own. I am not
aware that the Dock Committee ever proposed to build
warehouses, but that the Corporation vetoed the proposi-
tion. Prior to 1841 there was a very strong contest upon
the question of warehouse accommodation between the
shipowners and the w ,rehouse interest.

kr. Webster : Did not the trading interest support
the erection of warehouses and the corporation oppose it ?
Witness : The corporatio❑ did not oppose it as a body, or
otherwise the Dock Bill would never have come before
parliament.

Sir J. Graham ; Then the Town Council, as a town
council, took no part in the contest ?
Witness The question was discussed in the Town
Council, but the majority of the council must have approved
of the proposed powers, or, as I have just said, the bill
would never have cornp before parliament ar all.
By Mr. Webster : The warehouse
.question was one of
the questions discussed at the municipal election, and no
doubt it was made an election cry. About the year 1838
the Corporation became o Nners of the Birkenhead Ferry
Hotel. The purchase comprised the hotel, the land ad-
joining. and the ferry. I cannot say what the motive
for effecting the purchase was. In 1843 the state of the
landing-place at George's Pier was much complained
of by the people at Woodside, and in the end the
Dock Committee resolved to construct the pre-
sent landing-stage. I don't think I ever stated that
the Corporation knew nothing of Mr. Rendel's
plans for docks at Wallasey Pool until 1844. The
objections or the Corporation to the bill based on the
plans of Mr. Rendel were two. The first was, that the
construction of doeks as proposed at Wallasey Pool
would cause a large abstraction of water from the tide
of the Mersey, which they considered would be prejudi-
cial to the channel of the port ; and the other was,
that the bill proposed to deprive them of the right to
levy Town-dues. The whole question before the Parlia-
mentary committee in 1844, as far as the Corporation
were concerned, resolved itself into the question of the
alleged interference with the sea channels.
Mr. Webster: But was it not put of Mr. Rendel's
scheme that a -large portion of the water shonli be re-
turned each tide into the Mersey,
Witness : I believe it was.

Mr. Webster : And was it not contended that the water
so returned would be even more beneficial to the sea chan-
nels than the water running off from Wallasey in its then
state ?

Witness : Yes, it was. Between high and low water
the coasters used to beach on the shore at Walla-
sey Pool. The Liverpool Docks Bills have been
opposed by merchants and traders of the port on the
ground that it was objectionable to continue the exten-
sion of the docks to the north. The bill of 1865
contained a clause to consolidate into one estate
the docks on both sides of the Mersey; bnt they have taken
no steps hitherto to carry the clause into effect. The clause
was notinc!uded in the bill introduced by the Corporation
last year, and the reason is this :—lf the estate at Birken-
head had been handed over to the trustees of the Liverpool
Docks they would have become responsible for all
the expenses and interest,'and they considered that they
were not in a condition to take such a responsibility
upon themselves, because, if they did so, they would
necessarily entail an increase of the rates on the Liver-
pool side of the river. The cost of completing the
works according to Mr. Rendel's plan may be about
£400,000, but I am not in a position to state the actual
cost. Mr. Hartley's estimate for the construction of the
works at Birkenhead, by the bill of the Corporation this
year, is £1,412,000. The corporation agreed to pay half
the expenses of the rating bill, in conjunction with the
vestry, in 1849. The bill was not prosecuted. In point
of fact, it never went to a second Beading. The pa-
rochial authorities promoted a second bill—the Con.
poration Rating Bill, which was withdrawn on the Cor-
poration agreeing to pay £12,000 yearly to the watch
rate—a rate authorised under the provisions of the Munici-
pal Reform Act towards the police expenses. In ordinary
cases the watch rate is paid out of a borough rate, but we
have no borough rate in Liverpool which would come
within the meaning of a borough rate under the Municipal
Corporations Act. Since 1850 no watch rate had been
levied. I think that the title of the corporation to levy
anchorage dues is the same as their title to levy town dues.
I was informed last year that anchorage dues are levied on
the Mersey by some persons who have no connection with
the corporation, but I do not know of my own knowledge
that the statement is correct.

Mr. Webster : Can you tell me of any other case in
which a right to levy anchorage dues over the same dis-
tance is exercised by two different persons ?
Witness: I cannot; but I never heard, until last
year,that anchorage dues were levied by any other persons
than the Corporation. The right of the Corporation to
levy dues is not 'confined to the boundaries of the
borough, but they assert their right all over the port of
Liverpool. The ancient grants bear out this claim, and
if there is anything ambiguous in the grant it is ex-
plained by ancient and common usage. The Town-dues
have been levied upon new articles of import which
had no existence when the grant was made. Ido not con-
sider that the aotion of 1833 was compromised. The
defendants presented a bill of exceptions, but the bill was
not prosecuted. The only thing the Corporation agreed
to give up was their costs. I believe that if the case
had been tried, and the decision had been in favour of
the Corporation, the reductions which the Corporation
subsequently made in the dues would still have been
made, The reduction of the dues took place after the
trial. It was stipulated in a letter to Mr. Hornby that
the dues should be reduced on the bill of exceptions
being given up.
Mr. Shuttleworth was then examined by Mr. Bremner
on behalf of the pilots, and stated that in the year 1800
the number of ships entering the port of Liverpool was
1,371, and the tonnage 450,000. In 1856 the number
had increased to 29,000, and the tonnage to 4,320,000
tons.

The witness was re-examined by Mr. Locke, but
rilthing of consequence was elicited.
The committee adjourned at four o'clock.

BANK RUPTS.

•
Ebenezer Price, Victoria Road, Elaiston, Upholsterer.
Edward Belson Dudley, Worcestershire, Inkeeper.
Thomas Bruce Cooper, Tork-place' Old Kent road, builder.
Henry Remington, Railway-21am FenchurclaNtasatter and
Engineer.
William Booth, City Central saw 'mills, Upper Whitecross-
street.
William Gifford, St. Ives, Huntingdonshire, Sadler and
Harness maker.
William Rawle, Liverool, Broker.
Walter Loflge, Almondbury and Iludder4field, Cloth manu-
facturer, and merchant.
William Ebenezer Bincott ; C Glamorganshire, Whole-
sale Tea dealer and Provision merchant.
William Reynolds, Pontypridd, Glamorgansbire, Draper
and Shopkeeper.
Charles Worters Broughton, Southampton-street, Covent
Garden. Tailor.
Frederick Baxter, Nottingham, Silk Throwster;
William Stock, Newton, near Warrington, Lancashire,
Glass manufacturer.

At the Convocation held in Oxford, on Thursday last
the Rev. Dr. Mame and the Rev. Thomas Cowan, of this
town, were admitted to the denees of D.O I. and M.A.,
The Rev. T. S. Pain also took the degree of M.A.
ANNUAL EXCURSION OF THE HISTORIC SOCIETY. —A visit
to the Arts Treasures Exhibition at Manchester has been
decided Upon by the members of this society, and arrange-
ments have been made for a speci d train to carry them by
way of Chester and Warrington, where many of the country
members of the society are expected to join the excursion.
(See advertisement.)
ACCIDENTAL DEATHS.-0a the 3rd inst., a man named
William Rirnmer, who was engaged about the Pheasant Inn
stables was hurt by a horse kicking him, and he died
yeserday from the result of the injuries. A boy named
trickle, about eight years of age, was missed from his
home on Friday, and yesterday his body was place.' up
from the Canal, Inquests will be held in the above eases
this day,

TELEGRAPHIC NEWS.

[By British and Irish Magnetic Telegraph.]

THE BESSARABIA. FRONTIER.

At five o'clock yesterday (Friday) evening, the
Plenipotentiaries representing the great powers,
assembled at the foreign office, Paris, for the
purpose of signing the convention respecting the
* new frontier of Bessarabia.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
_ (By British and Irish Magnetic Telegraph.)

HOUSE OF LORDS. FRIDAY.
The House met at five o'clock.
RETIREMENT OF BISHOPS.

Word Redesdale drew attention to the resignation of the
late Bishop of Norwich with a view to show the necessity
of making some definitive arrangement for the retirement
of prelates and the status and privileges, especially in
regard to seats in Parliament which they should hold
afterwards.
The Lord Chancellor argued that the law at present
was sufficient to etable a Bishop to resign his see, and his
seat, being held in virtue of his Episcopal office, terminated
with his leave of that office. A stipulatior had been made
by the late Bishop of Norwich for a pension on his re-
tirement. The noble and learned Lord intimated that but
for the abrupt termination of the last session, a general
measure would have been introduced respecting the re-
tirement of prelates.
A discussion ensued after which the Smoke Nuisance
Scotland Amendment Bill went through committee.
—..The Transportation and Penal Servitude Bill was read
a third time and passed.
ti,The House adjourned at half past seven.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY.
a The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock.
ADULTERATION OP FOOD.
P'" Mr. Schofield gave notice, for Thursday next, of a bil
for the prevention of the adulteration of food.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
In answer to Colonel Gilpin,
„„ Sir George Grey said that the Government were no'
prepared with a measure upon the subject of weights and
measures, but a bill dealing with the question was brought
in by the member for Stafford on the previous night.
FAIRS IN IRELAND.
In reply to Mr. D. O'Connor,
Mr. W. Herbert said a bill on the subject of fairs and
markets in Ireland would shortly be laid on the table by
him, but looking at the present state of public business, he
did not think there was any prospect of passing it in
the present session.
DESIGNS FOR PUBLIC OFFICES.
Sir B. Hall, in reply to questions, stated that the
successful designs for public offices would be exhibited in
Westminster Hall, after the decision of the judges (which
was expected on the 25th) had been given. At the same
time the models for the Wellington Monument would be
exhibited in the centre of the hall.
On the motion that the house, at its rising, do adjourn
till Monday,
The motion for adjournment was agreed to.
THE GENERAL VALUATION OF IRELAND.
In answer to Mr. Grogan,
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said it was not
intended to make any change in the mode of raising the
expenses of carrying on the annual revision of the general
valuation of Ireland.
SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE TRADE.
Sir Charles Wood said it was the intention of the
government to increase the number of cruisers on the
coast of Cuba for the suppression of the slave trade.
THE ROCHDALE ELECTION.
f General Thompson presented a petition from John
Newall, parliamentary agent, stating that a sum of £5O
had been offered to Alexander Rothwell, a witness in the
case of the Rochdale election petition, by Peter Johnson,
of Rochdale, to induce him to go to New Orleans; in order
to avoid giving evidence before the committee.
The petition was read by the Clerk at the table ; and
John Newall was ordered to be called in. That gentle.
man accordingly appeared at the bar, and in answer to
questions put by the Speaker, confirmed the statements
contained in the petition.
In reply to a question from Lord Palmerston, the wit-
ness stated that his informant expressed himself dissatis-
fied with the offer of £5O, thinking £lOO not too large a
sum. (A laugh.)
Alexander Rothwell was then called, and stated, in
answer to questions, that he came to London to get out of
the way of the agents both of the petitioners and the
sitting member. He came to London in May. In London
he met a Mr. Lord, who took him to a public
house, to Peter Johnson, who offered him the bribe of £5O.
He was to meet Peter Johnson at the same place that
evening. He had received money at the Rochdale election
from the agents of Sir A. Rameey. He borrowed the
money to come up to London. Since he had been in Lon-
don he had not received anything from Mr. Newall.
Lord Palmerston then moved that Peter Johnson be
ordered to attend at the bar forthwith.
WMr. H. Macauley observed that it would be unprece-
dented to ask a man whether or not he was guilty of
misdemeanour.
Sir G. Grey said that tampering with witnesses of that
house was a high misdemeanour, and punishable with
great severity; and he apprehended that a man ought not
to be proceeded against for the offence without his having
an opportunity of being heard.
The orders of the day were then proceeded with.
THE BOMBARDMENT OF GREYTOWN.
Lord C. Hamilton asked what steps.had been taken by
her Majesty's Government to obtain compensation for
British subjects residing at Greytown, whose property
was destroyed when that town was bombarded in 1854?
Lord Palmerston could not help characterising the
proceedings as violent and cruel, reflecting no credit upon
the government who ordered, or the officer who executed
the order. The question, however, had to be considered
as one of international law, and the law officers of the
crown decided that the inhabitants of Greytown had no
claim to compensation.
Lord Lovaine remarked that the British Consul's house,
with the flag flying, was set on fire, and condemned the
cowardly policy of England towards the strong power of
the United States.
Mr. Roebuck ridiculed the explanation given by the noble
lord, that it was the duty of the country to protect Grey-
town from conquest, and to allow bombardment without
interference. The conduct of the American Government
was dishonest, and if the offending power had been China
instead of America, they would have heard immediately
of insult •to the British flag, and reparation would have
been enforced.
Mr Bentinek observed that there had been for some time
a want of determination to resent outrages committed by
the Ameriern Government, and condemned that policy as
more likely to promote hostilities than to avert them.
The Attorney-General denied that in any case the right
to demand satisfaction for outrages by America had been
given up by England, and expressed regret at the course
which the Government had been compelled to take.
Mr Disraeli considered the explanation of the Govern-
ment most unsatisfactory, contending that it was a viola-
tion of international law to bombard au untortified town.
• The French Government had sought redress though the
English Government had failed to do so, but he believed
that public opinion being brought to bear upon the matter
would lead to a different course being adopted.
Lord John Russell approved of the course taken by the
_ Government in regard to the claim for compensation, but
thought that explanations should be demanded, as to the
insult to the British flag. The case of China had been
referred to, but our conduct there had been most flagitious,
and so totally oppoied to justice, that it was a precedent
he hoped would never again be followed.
After an uninteresting discussion upon miscellaneous
Subjects, the house went into
COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.
ViThe following votes were agreed to, with more or less
discussion—£39,69l for royal palaces, £60,000 for public
• institutions, £26,669 for furniture, &c., £75,781 for royal
parks and pleasure-grounds.
The Chairman then reported progress.
THE ROCHDALE ELECTION.

THE SUPPLY OF CJTTON.

countries which have been enumerated. But the only
place to which we can look for an immediate, a continued,
and, in a moderate course of time an adequate supply, is
India. (Hear, hear.) To this it must come at last.
(Hear, hear.) India was a cotton-growing country, and
a cotton manufacturing country, long before Manchester
was known I might almost say, or at least before it had
assumed anything of its present position, or had dis-
tinguished itself in the manufacture of cotton. (Hear,
hear.) India can still supply your wants. (Hear, hear.)
I shall not enter into that question myself, because there
are other speakers to follow; but it has been suggested
that India can supply not onLy what this country wants,
but everything which America wants, if there should
come a period, as come probably it will, when the whole
system of slavery will be done away with, and America
will have to look to some other country, possibly to supply
even her own wants in cotton. (Hear, hear.) Now,
gentlemen, all I have to say is, that I consider it is your
duty to support this association. (Hear, hear.) There is
no use in a number of gentlemen coming down here and
making speeches on this platform, and endeavouring to
excite you about what you ought to be already in a ferment
about. (Hear, hear.) You ought to be exciting us and
compelling us as your representatives in parliament, and
the other members who honour you with their presence,
and many other members who, although not present, will,
I am sure, be glad to aid the meeting to do something to
forward the object in view. They tan assist you, but then
the effort must come upon your part. (Hear, hear.) You
must make known your wants—you must speak in a loud
voice, or else nothing will ever be done. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. OLIVER. HEYWOOD seconded the resolution in a
ledo,theiped and able speech.
The CHAIRMAN then sailed upon Lard Stanley to support
the resolution.
Lord STANLEY in coming forward, was received with
enthusiastic applause. He said : Mr. Mayor and Gentle-
men, I am sure it is unnecessary for me to say, as
Mr. Turner and Mr. Heywood have said before me, that I
have come here for the purpose of listening, and not for
that of teaching. It would, indeed, be presumptuous upon
my part to suppose that I am capable of instructing the
community of Manchester upon a subject with which the
interests of Manchester are so vitally bound up. But Ido
wish to hear what, upon this subject, Manchester has to
say. I wish to confer with you—l wish that we should
take council together—l wish that we should join in
devising suoh remedial measures as the present emergency
may seem to render needful ; and having devised these
measures, I hope and trust that I shall be enabled to join
with you in enforcing them upon the legislature, and upon
the executive of the country: (Hear, hear.) NOW, gentle-
men, fhe first point that I think it right to note is, that the
importance of the question now before us, namely—the
deficient cotton supply—is not temporary, but permanent,
and that it has ever a tendency to increase. This can be
proved by half-a-dozen figures—they are very short
—which will afford the best evidence of what I am con-
tending for, and which, therefore, I may be allowed to
read. I take up the last report of the Inspectors of
Factories in the United Kingdom, and I find that the
horse-power of those factories was, collectively, in 1850,
134,000 ; in 1856, 161,000. I find that the looms of the
United Kingdom were, in 1850, 301,000 ; they were last
year, 370,000. I find that the spindles were, in 1850,
twenty five and a-half millions. Last year they were
thirty-three and a-half millions. These figures show an
increase of about thirty-three per cent. in a period of
seven years. Now, even those statistics do not afforded
a full measure of the rate at which our productive powers
are increasing, because, as we all know, machinery is
driven at much greater speed now than it used to be some
years ago. I have tried to obtain information upon that
point, and I find it stated upon authority, on which I
think I may rely, that the increase of speed may be taken
as averaging about the proportion of seven to six, when
compared with what it was eight or ten years ago. Now,
putting these two calculations together, the increase in the
number of spindles of thirty-three per cent., or rather more,
and the increased speed at the ration of seven to six, you will
have indicated a total increase of the productive power,
to the amount of between thirty-nine and forty per cent.
Taking another test. I find it stated on official authority,
that in the manufacturing districts the increase of the last
year,lBs6, over 1855, was over 2500 horse-power, and about
10,000 additional hands employed. Now, I have only to
assume, what I think I am entitled to do—that the 2,200
and odd cotton factories in the kingdom, have borne the
same proportion in the increase of their productive power
to the 3,000 factories of other descriptions. eI have only to
assume that the cotton trade has kept.pace—as I believe it
has done—with other branches of manufacturing business,
of late years, to show that the increase in the productive
power of that business isan increase of about forty per cent.
If I take again a test of a different kind—l mean to say
the imports of the raw material into the United Kingdom
I find that the amount of cotton imported in 1841, was 488
million lbs.: I find that the amount in 1856, was 1024
million lbs., showing a consumpion which has, in 15 years,
more than doubled. (Hear, hear). Now, it is important to
us to inquire whether this is an exceptional or whether it is
likely to be a permanent state of things. In my mind it
is not exceptional, but likely to be permanent. (Cheers.)
I say nothing of the vast regions of the world still to as
great an extent as ever wholly unknown to us, but which we
are now opening to our commerce. I say nothing of Africa,
of central Asia, of China, or of the Indian Islands,
because, whatever speculation we may form as to the
future, there is no very large increase of trade to be ex-
pected from these quarters immediately. But, I would
tako these countries with which we are already dealing to
a great extent. I find that the 'United States are doubling
their population every twenty-five years : I find that some
of the British Colonies are increasing at an equal rate of
progress : I find that the French people are throwing
themselves into commercial pursuits with an energy and
an enterprise which we all know them to possess, but
which they never had applied in an equal degree to those
pursuits before. (Cheers.) We see that the continent of Eu-
rope is generally peaceable, and, so far as material prosperity
goes, we see that it is prosperous. Seeing these things mid
looking at the present and the future,' think it would be
difficult to predict when the limit will be to the develop-
ment of British commerce. (Hear, hear.) With our
coal, with our iron, with an uulimited supply of capital,
of industry, and of mechanical skill, it would really seem
as if the districts of Lancashire were dsstined to be what
they are called, the workshop of the world. (Hear, hear.)
Why, at the present moment it is a matter of statistical
calculation, that if you tale Manchester Exchange for one
centre, and St. Paul's for another centre, and if you draw
a circle with a 30 mile radius round each, you will find a
larger population included in the 30-mile line surrounding
Manchester than you will find in that surrounding London.
(Hear. hear.) Now I do not mention these circumstances by
way of boast ; I name them for this purpose. I name
them in order to show that it is not enough for us to make
provision for the inquiries of the present—we must also
make provision for the certain requirements of the future.
(Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, to what extent is the
community—l do not say Lancashire alone ;I do not say
any one class—but to what extent is the whole com-
munity affected by a rise in the price of cotton ?
We are now paying for cotton Bd. per lb.—that
is to say, taking the consumption of last year at a gross
sum, we are paying for our raw material the amount of
thirty-four millions sterling. The price of cotton leafs been
as low as 11 per lb., and in our present circumstances,
taking it as 1 have stated, the difference between the price
at 4d, and the price at Bd, is a difference of seventeen
millions, or pretty near the annual cost of an European
war. (Hear, hear.) To pat this into more intelligible
figures, one may say, that every penny increase per pound
in the price of cotton, causes a loss to the country of four
millions and a quarter, or not very much less than the in-
come tax of Sir Robert Peel yielded at the time when he
first put it on. Ido not know whether it is worth calling
your attention to this fact connected with the subject. I
quite agree with what has been said—that this is not a
local, but a national grievance. (Hear, hear.) At the
same time yen will observe that all manufactries and all
branches of business hare of late years shewu a tendency as
it were to concentrate themselves together round some local
centre. (Hear.) The woollen trade of late years ha's been
concentrated in Yorkshire, the worsted trade in Yorkshire,
and Worce-tershire ; the flax to a great extent in Ireland,
the si'k business in Cheshire, Derbyshire, and Nottingham,
and the cotton business' more exclusively than ever, has
been concentrating itself in Lancashire and the adjoining
districtetiof Yorkshire. Ido not mean by this merely
e.,lrat we all know, that the actuel amount of business done
in Lancashire is greater, but also that the proportion which
that business bears to business of the same kind done in
other partwof the country is greater now than ever it was
before. (afar, bear.) Well, then, gentlemen, we have
seen that tete demand is increasing, and that it is likely to

increase. We have seen that the price is rising. We have
seen the vast loss caused to the community by a Might in-
crease of price, and we have seen that that loss falls pri-
marily, though not exclusively, upon this and the adjoining
county. (Hear, hear.). I may just note here, in passing.
that the difficulty which we experience from the rise in the
price of cotton is likely to be much more severe than thet
which would be felt from the same cause in foreign coun-
tries, and for this reason, that in England our cotton manu-
facture being conducted with greater efficiency, that is to say,
with greater economy than it is in other notions, the met of
the taw material constitutes a larger proportion of the
entire cost of the production in England than it deos in
any other country. (Hear, hear.) Now, as I take it, the
state of things of which we have to complain ranges it,elf
under two heads. We complain of the insufficiency of the
supply, and we complain of the precarious nature of 'he
supply. The first of these points, tilt fact of the insaffi-
cient:supply, is obvious. The mere fact of a rise in price
proves it, and upon that, therefore, I need not dwell. The
second question, namely, the ptecerions nature of the
supply, involves some political considerations, but these
considerations are so obvious that I need hardly teach
upon them. In round numbers, we take three-rourths
and more of our entire consumption from the United
States. I need not say that to take so large a proportion
of an indespensable article from one single source of supply
renders us practically and entirely dependent upon the
country, whence it comes. Bear in mind that this is
not a question merely of the probability or improba-
bility of that which we all trust and hope is
impossible—a war between the countries. There are two
other Causes either of which might have the same effect.
The one, which I confess I do not regard as very probable,
is the possibility of social disturbances in the Southern
States of America. The other, which is far more probable,
and against which no human foresight cm guard, is the
possibility of a failure of the crop in that country. Now,
you will say that, separately, thechance of any one of those
events—the chances of war, the chances of a rising in the
Southern States, the chance of a failure in the American
crop—is very small. But recollect that which every child
knows, and which is a mere matter of calculation, that
however large may be the odds against either of those
events singly, the chance as against them collectieely is
only one-third of that amount. I do not want to over-
state this part of the case. Ido not for a moment deny
that the dependence of two nations, commercially situated
as England and the United States are, is by the very
nature of the case mutual. I do not deny tha
there is a state of dependence which necessarily tends to
international peace, and is so far an advantage.
I only say that, carried to the extent to which that de-
pendence is, and liable as our supply is to be interrupted,
—not merely by politicil events, but by an accident against
which no foresight can provide—the dependence is greater
than is either desirable or safe. (Hear, hear.) Bear in
mind, after all, that the state of things to which I have
referred is one of comparatively recent origin. There are,
I am told—for I speak upon better authority than my
own—old men now living, as my Lord Lyndhurst, for
instance, who can remember the time when not a single
pound of American cotton vas sent over the Atlantic to
this country. (Hear, hear.) I believe lam about right in
saying that the length of time during which we have been
dependent upon America for our supply does not date
further back than the life of our present prime minister.
Bear in mind, also, that this state of dependence is far
from diminishing, it has been increasing year by year. I
shall not weary you with figures upon that, point, but I
look to the year 1801, to the beginning of this cen-
tury, and I find that at that time of all the
cotton imported into the United Kingdom, America
contributed forty-five per cent. I find that in
1826 America contributed seventy-two per cent., or
less than three fourths of the whole. I find that in the
years 1852-3, and 1854, taking an average of those years,
the proportion contributed by the United States, was
eighty per cent., or four-fifths of the whole. So that you
have not merely the fact of commercial dependence, not
merely the fact that that dependence has arisen within the
life of many people now living, but that it is an evil, and
a danger, actually increasing from year to year. (Hear,
hear.) I come now to what will probably be considered
as the most difficult as well as the most practical part of
the subject. Is there anyaemedy which we can apply for
that state of things ; and if there is, what is it Now,
although I think it is to one quarter principally we shall
have to look, I do not think it desirable to look to that
quarter solely and exclusively. (Hear, hear.) I think
there are various parts of the world into whose capabilities
for cotton production it is at least worth our while to en-
quire. I saw that a meeting was held the other day in British
Guiana, evincing a great interest in the subject, and shew-
ing an anxiety to see whether they could not do something to
relieve at the same time their distress and ours. A. question
which parliament will have to ccnsider upon other grounds,
but which bears materially npon this subject, is, whether
any means can be taken by the Government of this country
to furnish the British West Indies with supplies of more '
efficient labour, and with that labour in greater quantity
than they have received in the last two years. The immi-
gration of coolies from India into,the West Indies has been
successful, so far as it has gone ; but the number of immi-
grants has been comparatively limited, and their stay only
for a Efhort time. They have to come and to return a die-
tance equivalent to one-half the breadth of the globe. I
name it merely as a matter to be considered, and not as
one upon which I would now venture to express any defi-
nite opinion.—Whether all the means we have hitherto
applied for putting down the African slave trade, having
proved only partially successful, we might not more
effectually destroy that trafic and at the same
time benefit ourselves by sanctioning and recognis-
ing an immigration of free Africans, under such
conditions as the government might devise for
the purpose of guarding against any abuse to which such
an emigration wonld be liable. (Cries of " hear, hear.")
Now, turn to another part of the globe. I attended a
meeting held on the subject of the cotton supply, a few
weeks ago, in London, at which Mr. J. B. Smith, whom you
well know, read us a very interesting lecture, and in the
course of that lecture he told us of an experiment under-
taken, and, so far, successfully carried through, by an inha-
bitant of this town or this neighbourhood. Th experiment
was, to encourage the native chiefs upon the west coast of
Africa to cultivate cotton on their own account, supplying
them with the seed, and with the requisite instructions,
and to take their cotton from them at fixed prices. Mr.
Smith read the details of the experiment. It was not upon
a very large scale, but so far as it has gone it appears to
have been singularly successful. Now, t think the associ-
ation would not waste its time if it was to inquire into this
branch of the subject, and if there is a possibility of doing
anything there, then I have no doubt that instuctions
might easily be obtained from government to all British
authorities resident in those parts, to assist and
encourage, to the utmost Of their power, those who
might be willing to embahk capital in such an undertaking.
(Hear, hear.) I say nothing of the capabilities of Algeria,
because it is under another government and beyond our
power; nor do I say much of Natal, nor yet of Australia,
because although I am told there is nothing in these
countries, either in climate or soil, unfavourable to cctton-
growing, still the circumstances of a new colony are such,
the demand for the actual necessaries of life so great, the
prices of labour are, as we all know, so high, that although
these countries may be useful auxiliaries as regards the
future, I am not sauguine as to either doing much for us
at present. (Hear, hear.) But there is another part of
the world in whose affairs I think we may usefully interest
ourselves—l mean the Turkish empire. (Hear, hear.)
It is well known thet in the last cen ry Turkey sent
cotton to this country. It is well kawn that Asiatic
Turkey has vast districts well suited for the purpose
of cotton-growing, and that all required to open those
districts to the English markets is, first, access to the
sea, and, secend, a better security than the
cultivator has hitherto had. Now, the latter is a political
question, and, as such, if British capital comes to be in-
vested in that part of the world, I have no doubt our
government will take it up. With regard to the opening
of the cotton districts, there is one scheme now before the
public of which the main object is to secure a direct and
speedy communication with India. I mean the Euphrates
Valley line of railroad, which traverses about 150 miles
from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates, and there joins
in with the navigation of the river, or may be continued
by rail down the Euphrates Valley. I have nothing to
do, speaking in this room, with the political aspect of the
question, or its possible effects upon India. I think,
however, that the scheme is worth your support and en-
couragement, on account of the fact that the proposed lice
passes through cotton growing districts and will open
to British enterprise a vast tract of country, which is at
present absolutely closed. I believe the promoters of the
plan have already obtained a partial guarantee
from the Turkish government, and are noviOpiak-
ing every exertion to obtain a similar guarantee from
the Government of this country. B it, after all, gentle-
men, whatever we may do in the various parts of the
world to which J have referred, can be only upon a compa-
ratively small scale. (Hear, hear,) I do not venture to
say what are the prospects of success in each case res-
pee ively. I only say that each of the subjects is worth
investigating, is worth analyzing, is worth reporting on, in
order that if nothing can be doae, we may at least be
assured that it is from no want of care or attention upon
our part. (Hear, hear.) But after all it is to India, to
British India, that we must at present turn our attention.
(Loud cries of hear, hear,) In India we have the Govern-
ment of the country iu our own hands. We have a people
singularly docile, submissive, and not unsuited for incluse
trial pursuits. We have a command of labour which is
practically unlimited; and, notwithstanding the opinion
commonly entertained in this country of the populous state
of India, there are still in that country vast districts,
vat!; tractii. of land, which are c,naparatively P. !bully

uncultivatee, (Hear, bear.) There is, I really believe,
in the mind of any rational man no question whether the
cotton supply of India coull be made larger. The only
qeestion is, whit means should be adopted to meke it so.
And here, if I may be permitted, would offer very
humbly, but very earnestly, one word as a suggestion to
the members cf this association. Theelndian field is a
very wile one, and to any person who takes-an interest in
public affairs; one peculitrls tempting. No doubt there
are great social, and political reforms. which may b
ultimstely. if not at present, possible in that country. The
subject of the double government, the subject (n Ind an
police and juditature, the subj, ct of the Lined revenue, the
creations relating to the wars which from time to time
have heen.un ertaken.--thee are all topics of the grea s
importance end interest, end upon which in the proper
place I should be the last person to deprcelte discussion.
Bat they are very wide suhjec. s. They are comparatively
vry little known in England, that is, the amount
of accurate knowledge respecting them is but small ; and
they are subjects so wide and so extensive that I am afraid
if we, in the interest of cotton growers or cotton consumers,
attempt to go into them, we shall find that we are wasting
and dis-ipating upon many questions those energies which,
if we want to ;ender them as effective as they ought to be,
it is our busieess to concentrate upon one. (Hear and
cheers.) To one of the points I have mentioned I would
allude for a moment, because there is in the public mind a
certain degree of misapprehension about it. We hear a
great deal of the impediment which the means of collecting
the land revenue offers to the cultivator in India. It is
said that the revenue is levied in an arbitrary manner, and
that, therefore, the cultivator can make no profite, because
they are taken away from him by the government. Now,
I am not going into the question but I believe that in past
times there have been, and until very recently there were,
great abuses in that respect. (Hear, hear.) But I have
heard lately, from the highest authority, that in the
cotton-growing pies of the country, in the presidencies of
Bombay a, d Madras, the plan of a fixed assessment for
thirty years has been adopted. a plan which is equivalent
to a thirty years lease to the tenant, and which, undoubt-
edly, if it is bona fide carried out, gives sufficient security
and sufficient profit to remunerate the cultivator. (Hear,
hear). Ido not say that there is nothing which may be
amended in respect to that matter. I say only that I.
believe the worst abuses which had been complained of
are either removed or are in process of being so. But
the two Indian requirements with which we have to deal,
and with which it is in our power to deal practically, are
the two great wants ; the want of communication, and the
want of irrigation. (Hear.) In India—and there are some
here who can speak with more practice, knowledge than
I possess—water is money, with a supply of irrigation
almost any soil would be productive, and without it no soil
would produce anything. The native prieces and
sovereigns of India in times past—people upon
whom and whose governments we are accus
tomed to look with some contempt, as being merely
barbarous—understood this practically, much Letter than
we do. I shall not weary you with details upon this ques-
tion, but I can illustrate it by a single fact, which came
under my own personal knowledge. The province of
Mysore has only come within the last 20 or 25 years—l
think only within the last two generations—into the
hands of Great Britain. It is, therefore, a fair sample of
what has been done by native governments. The area of
Mysore is 36,000 square miles. The number of tanks arti-
ficially made for irrigation, and the greater part of them
made wholly or partially by the government, is 27,000.
The total area of tanks, and the surface kept artificially
under water, for the purpose of irrigating, is 1,800 square
miles, or one-twentieth part of the whole. Now, these
facts I can vouch for. I can give you my authority for
them. It was a gentleman, a very distinguished
officer, who at that time was, and I believe still is.
at the head of the Mysore Commission—General
Cobham. I took it down at the - time, and
on the soot, and about it there could be no mistake. I will
give you one more instance, and then I have done. Sir
Emerson Tennent, who was employed at Ceylon in an
official capacity describes one of the many artificial tanks or
lakes which were there constructed in times of unknown
antiquity, by races not unly wh, se existence but whose
memory has passed away, for the supply of water to the
surrounding country. The one be examined had en
eEclosure of ten miles one way, by twelve or fifteen the
other. The retaining walls were seven miles long, and an
engineer, who was with him, computed that the cost of
putting up that wall alone would have amounted to
£900,000, with all our modern appliances and means of
engineering. He states that there are in the northern part'
of Ceylon, iu districts now waste and desert, thirty other
tanks of somewhat similar construction, and of varying siz ;
some of them larger than that which he visited. These
facts you will find in Sir Emerson Tennent's book
upon Ceylon. These are two samples—Mysore es it
is —Cey ion as it was Of what was done
to supply the material wants of the country by chiefs and
sovereigns, whose mode of government in every other
respect we might probably, with great justice, condemn as
barbarous. We hear a great deal in this country of the
Ganges Canal. No doubt it is a great work in its way.
No doubt it is very creditable to England to have under-
taken and to have carried through such a work. But put
the Ganges Canal by the side of these ancient public tanks,
of which I have spoken, and then compare the immense
resources of the British empire with the probable resources
of those who undertook those ancient works, and see on
what side, if we argue justly on the matter, the balance
ought to preponderate. (Hear, hear.) Now, when we
speak of matters of this kind, what is the answer which
we receive from the government of India? "All this is
well known already; we know how desirable such works
are, but where is the money to come from for their con-
struction ?" Now, Ido not answer these objections
merely by recommending greater economy in the adminis-
tration, and stricter maintenance of peace with our neigh-
bours. (Hear, hear.) These are very good things, and
I believe they should both be more attended to than they
have been. (Hear, hear.) But we can not now go into
discussion of those subjects without provoking a great deal
of political controversy. I believe that the question of
roads and the question of water supply may be detached
from every other. (Hear, hear.) If they are to be dealt
with effectually at all, they must be dealt with by loans.
(Hear.) Now, I can quite understand that there is in this
country a great aversion to the idea of increasing public
debt either at home or in India ; and considering the man-
ner in which debts are usually contracted, and the pur-
poses for which they are contracted, that aversion is not
unnatural. Of course, it requires no argument to show
teat if a State borrows one hundred millions to lay. out in
war, or to lay out in supplying deficits of civil adannistra-
tration, the State so borrowing and so expending, is
three millions a-year poorer from that time forth for ever.
(Hear, hear.) But it is quite a different thing when
you come to talk of borrowing one hundred milliions, at
three or four per cent, as the case may be, for the purpose
of invee ing it in an undertaking, which former experience
shows, is certain to pay something like 10 per c.nt. (Hear,
hear.) In that case, there is no national, loss-1 here is
no dimunition of the national capital. On the contrary,
whatever difference there may be between the return
obtained, and the interest which has to be paid, is so much
clear gain to the government and to the community.
(Cheers.) Now, this is a matter which we cannot afford
to pass over, because it really goes to the root of the ques-
tion. If the Indian government is to wait to open up the
communication of India, and to develope the resources of
India until it can afford to do SD, out of the income of the
year, the Indian government must wait for ever. (Cheers.)
If we are to wait until we are rich, for the means of
becoming rich, why, we must remain poor until the day of
our death. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) These ought, I
think, to be no confusion on the matter—There ought to
be no confusion between the debts incurred for the pur-
poses of public works, and the debt incurred, necessarily
incurred, in wars, •or for general purposes of adminis-
tration. (Hear, hear, and cheers) The one should be kept
entirely separate from the other, because in the one case
it is an investment, in the other a dead loss. (Hoer, hear,
and cheers.) And, although I know that financiers enter-
tain a great objection to such a plan, still, I cannot help
saying that in my judgment—l do not give it as worth
much—loans contracted for such a purpose, it being certain
that it will yield a return which will more than cover the
interest, ought not to be charged Upon the community for
ever, but converted into terminable annuities, and paid off
at the end of a reasonable time. (Hear, hear.) Well, now
one word more and I have done. I feel that I have de-
tained you very unwarrantably—(cries of " no, no," and
"go on.") One may be asked—" If these things are so
self-evident, if the benefits to be obtained are so self-evi-
dent—if the thing is obviously desirable to be done—what
is the need of all this pressing, and why has the Indian
government not undertaken it long ago ?" now, my answer
is, we should not judge of the state of India by the state of
England. There are very few Europeans resident in India
who have any, other than an official connection with the
country. (Hear, hear.) It is not worth a man's while
who goes out as a young officer, or a young civilian—and
bear in mind that officers and civilians even at this time
form the great mass of the Anglo-European public
—it is not worth the while of those whose con-
nection with the country is purely official, who aro
limited in point of time, and who are looking forward to
the prospect of a return home, to throw themselves into
movements of this kind with the same zeal, the same
ardour, and the same enterprise with which you, whom I
address in this room, would take up a movement which
immediately and directly concerned yourselves. . (Hear,
hear.) It may be said that the natives ought to
do so, and perhaps the time may come when
the public opinion of the native community •will
have greater weight than it has, But at present that
community has very little voice, and very little influence

in the administration; and therefore, I say, unless these

questions are taken up in Englanti,w and unless
they are- taken up here with reference to Eng-
lish interests, I am not very sanguine of their

being taken up with effect at all: (Heiir, hear) Now
this seems to me to be one of the most practical functions
which this association can perform, to get information

upon these points (Hear, hear.) Let us avoid political
discussion-. _ Above all, do not let us get mixed up with

Indian politics. (Hear, hear.) Lst nfikeep to those two
subjects alone—the roads of India and the irrigation of
India. (Rear, hear.) I had somehow passed over what I
intended to say about Indian roads, lot me therefore just
make this one remark. We are in d nger of being misled
upon this subject by the precedent and example of England.
We think that bscanse costly lines of rails, intended for

very high speed, are buit Able to this country—which, bear
in mind, had, befbre railways were constructed, a enapleto
canal communication suitable for all purposes of heavy

traffic—we are apt to think that because high speed and
costly railways are suitable to England, they are
equally suitable to the wants of India. Now, I
believe—and when I say I believe I am only
quoting the authority cf those whose opinions are much
more valuable than mine—l believe that system of pro-
ceeding would be a great mistake. (Hear, hear.) In
Colonel Cotton's book, some most valaab'e information will
ba found upon the subject, and I think it would be well
worth the while of the Association to s ate simply, briefly,
and make public in a popular form, some of the facts and
arguments contained in that book. But I would say in
one word that what is wanted for India is, not so much
costly and rapid lines of communication laid down in a few
parts (tf the country, hid down from point to point ; but
what is wanted is a comparatively inexpensive, even
although it may be a comparatirely slow system of commu-
nication, extending over the whole face of the country.
(Hear, hear.) In short, in this matter, at present what
we ought to fellow so far as we can, and where differences
of soil and climate do not stand in our way, is not the
example of Fnglaud, but that of the United States
of America. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I believe I
heve now gone through all I had to say, I
shall not detain you longer, I can only 4,dd that
I have joined this association with feelings of cordiality,
and with a most earnest wish to promote the object which
it has in view. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers) It in-
volves no political antagonism ; it does not set class
'ageinst class; it aims at no victory except the victory of
English knowledge and intelligence, and energy, over
apathy and ignorance and sloth. (Cheers.) We do not
ask of the Stare to conquer fresh territo ies for our use.
We ask the State to make use of those which it already pos-
sesses. We do not rejoice in—we do not desire—the political
subjection and humiliation of the native population of India.
What we do desire is to compensate, so far as is in our
power, the people of that country for the loss which we
have caused of their political freedom, by enabling theta
to share in the material prosperity of the race which has
conquered theirs. (Cheers.) If we say that to promote
the prosperity of the people of India is also to promote
our own interests, we are thus only saying in a prac-
tical manner what we all know to be true in each man's
case, that *that which is our duty is our interest also.
(Loud and enthusiastic cheers.)
Colonel WILSON PATTEN, M. P., supported the resolu-
tion, expressing sanguine hopes of the issue of the project
regarding India, and statiag the result of an effort made
for the purpose of growing cotton in Tangier.
Dr. GEORGE Buss; of Bombay, addressed the meeting
in explanation of the capacity and resources of India for
the objects in view.
Mr. THOMAS S. MORT, late member of the Legislative
Council of Australia, urged upon the attention of the
meeting the suitability of many parts of that country not
only for the growth of cotton, but also to produce silk and
to rear the vine.
The resolution was then put and unanimously carried.
Mr. EDWARD WATKtN, M.P., proposed the second reso-
lution in an able speech. The resolution was as follows :
—4' That this meeting hails, with satisfaction, the forma-
tion of the Cotton Supply Association of Manchester, and
pledges itself to use its best endeavour to promote the
objects of the association ; and that the petition to the
House of Commons, now read, in support of the con-
templated measure of Mr. J. B. Smith, M.P., on the affairs
of India, so far as that motion has reference to an increased
supply of cotton from that country, be adopted by this
meeting."
The Petition was read, which set forth the views and
objects of the Association with regard to the cultivation
of cotton in India, and the reasons which necessitated the
steps at present taken.
Mr. JAMES PLATT, M.P., seconded the resolution.
Sir ALEXANDER BADMAN, M.P., supported it in a few
words.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER BusuELL, of Liverpool, was also called
on to speck to the reselution, which he advocated on the
grounds of philanthrophy and humanity, as well as those
of expediency, in a brief but eloquent and forcible speech,
which drew down loud applause.
The resolution and petition were then unanimously
adopted.
Mr. ASHWORTH moved a vote of thanks to the members
of parliament and strangers who had attended the meeting,
which was carried by acclamation.
The proceedings closed with the customary vote of thanks
,0 the chairman.

THE ATLANTIC SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH. —The alterations
Mahe United States corvette Niagara, Captain Hudson,
are nearly complete, and to-day she is to leave Portsmouth
for Liverpool, to ship her portion of the great Atlantic
telegraph cable. Six cabins, a portion of the steerage, and
a portion of the engineers' department, the bulkheads of
which have been taken down, have been thrown into the
area reqiiired. There is a circle in the wardroom, occupy-
ing two-thirds of it at least, which has been enclosed and
planked almost to the beams. There is a flooring also on
the deck, and this will be covered with sheet lead, and be
laid with about 500 miles of cable. The stanchions under
the beams are secured by iron trusses; „the fore-hold is
also undergoing the like alteration, and one of the coal-
bunkers in the fore-hold has been knocked away to give
additional room, temporary bunkers having been, made—
one on each side on the main deck. A guard is being
made to cover the propeller and protect it from fouling or
being fouled by the cable. Captain Hudson and Lieutenant
C. H. Wells were entertained by Rear-Admiral Superin-
tendent Martin at dinner, in Portsmouth dockyard on
Tuesday evening.
THE LORD LIEUTENANT ON TOLERATION.-011 Tuesday,
the Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of Carlisle, was present at
an examination of the pupils in attendance upon the
Marlborough-street Schools of the National Board in
Dublin. When the business had concluded, he addressed
a few words to the teachers, having first congrtu-
lated them upon the satisfactory results which ha l been
exhibited during the examination There is one
practcal suggestion which I would ask your leave to
make to you before you all disperse on your several paths;
and it is this—l am happy to Fee amongst you who now
sit before me, as well as amongst thoss who are gathered
behind me, members of different religious persuasion!.
Now, I trust I should be the very last person to call upon
you to undervalue the importance of yaw different religious
convictions; but I think you will yourselves have been
able to ascertain during your sojourn here how much
rood and worth there may be amongst the members of
different persuasions--(applause)--and you will have
derived no better lesson here than if in your future lives,
you inculcate those results of your own peppy experience
upon those who will be placed under your charge. Inculcate
upon them the love of learning, for that is your special
mission as schoolmasters ; inculcate upon them the love of
God, for that is your foremost duty as Christian men ; and
as a branch, a main branah of the love and the measure
of your own experience here, inculcate upon them the love.
of one another, and may the blessing of the Almighty L
always with you;'
WHAT WALICER MUM Dee—He must get leave front
the Adminlitiation to snake private war upon Costa Plea
and Nicaragua, for the recovery of his boats and the re-
opening of the Transit line by fillibusters at the point of
the bayonet. That the present .Aeinainieraion will feel
disposed to engage in war with Central America, for the
restoration of the Transit Line and the steamers to Messrs.
Ceirrison and Morgan and Walker, there is no reason to be-
lieve,more especially as Costa Rica and Nicaragua are making
arrangements to re-open the Transit with Amerieen capital
and under the immediate protection of our own government.
Costa Rica and Nicaraguastand ready, and will soon offer to
make a special treaty with the Government of the United
States for the protection of the Tran,it,.and will guarantee
all well-established rights and charters made to citizens of
the United States ; but this treaty must rest upon an
equitable basis, and will provide equally 19r the rights of
all the three nations upon the basis of non-intervention
and suppression of piracy in every form. Great Britain
would undoubtedly favour such a treaty, and would
willingly become a party to it ; but the national jealousy
of our people will snake it prudent for her to remain as
much as possible in the background, and claim only
for her own subjects the same rights that are ac-
corded to citizens of the Unittal States. Efforts will
be made by the leaders of fillibusterism to persuade the
administration that a large and influential party in
Nicaragua desire their return, and wish to have the
government of Walker re-established. That a disaffected
faction does exist in Nicaragua there is not the least
doubt. This party is composed of persons who latterly
united their fortunes with those. of Walker, and are con-
sequently regarded as toties and traitors by their own
countrymen. They are generally persons who have a large
admixture of negro blood, some of them West Indians
and other foreigners, who settled and acquired property
in Central America.—New York Times.
•