The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1824-04-13 00:00:00

IRISH MILITIA.

CbL DAVIES gave notice of his intention to bring forward
a motion ow Wednesday, the bth of May, respecting the Irish

----CONSOLIDATION OF THE STATUTES.
Si I' M.-RIDLEY gave notice of hie intention on 1 hursday, the
Net of May, to move fora Committee to consider the expediency
of consolidating the statute*.
FOREION WHEAT.

Mr. HUSRISSON gave notice that he would, to-morrow,move
for leave to brirg in a Bill to allow the holders of foreign wheat to
mOvert it into flour for foreign exportation.
ALIEN BILL.
Mr. Secretary PEEL then moved the order of the day for the
shied treading of the Alien Bill.
Mr. LENNAIID regretted that he had been absent at the for-
Mee stages of this obnoxious measure. The House had been given
is understand that this was the last time it would be agitated in
Parliament: but gratifying as that announcement was, it ought not
to induce the opponents of the Bill to forego or relax their endea-
r:Wl to prevent its re.enactment even fur that limited period. It
was a manse essentially hostile to the principles of the British
tkinstitution, and in its effect immediately directed sgairsl those stn.
hatunate persons, in whose sufferings, they, as Englishmen, were
bound to armpit he; and for whose benefit, he would ask, was
the measure called for? For those who manifested an midis-
rased hatred of the power cf OUT country, and the principles of
war Constitution. The existence of the Alien Bill was at the same
time considered, both by the oppressor and the oppressed, as an
induration of the feelings of the Britiali Government, and on
tiers part an act of adhesion to the Continental despotisms. He
was sorry that there should be anything in the state of British
pretty nuw that rendered a measure necessary, which, in the days
of a Popish Pretender, aided by all-the force and intrigues of the
enemies of the House of Brunswick on its immediate atomism as
the throne, It had not been deemed fitting to require. Hetlbqg now
succeeded in consolidating our own liberties, we ought radio, as
lend our assistance to those who were straggling with the spirit of
oar ancestors, than in the event of their failure drive them both
from our once tree and hospitable shores into the hands ortt their
persecutors. The general opinion on the Continent. wb fie
policy of England was discussed, was, that the Alien Bill was the
imk. of our connection with the despots of the Continent. He had
baud several official ultras refer to it. as the proof of the disposi-
don of the British Government. In pursuance of the progressive
system cf internal interference, demands might be made on the
(invernthent of this country under this Bill, which they would,
be had no doubt, reject with becoming spirit and dignity; but he
would rather they should stand on the higher ground on which
they would be placed, if they could, in refusing compliance with
adds • requisition, return the plain, honest, and English answer—
" The British Constitution will not allow us to do what you ask."
(Ross, hear.) He gave the Right Hon. Gentleman ( Mr. Peel)
credit for the mildness with which the powers of the Act bad been
tutercised ; but its effect had not been confined to those who had
been banished the country. It was a question of feeling. All
were liable, though few had actually suffered. What must have
bean its operation on those who, having sacrificed all they held
dear in the world, fur the establishment of a liberal political system
in their own counthee, found themselves, on their arrival here, in
a state of abject submission to the will of the Secretary of State ?
Would they not be inclined to say, that what we prized so highly
tor ourselves we denied to others? They would find that in the
midst of ode own freedom we had made a disposition spaially for
them. With these objections pressing fully on his mind, he should
move, by way nt amendment, that the Bill be read a thud time
that day six months.
Mr. LEYCESTER said, there could be no doubt that if this
Bill had been that evening presented for the first time, it would
have been rejected with disdain and indignation ; but such was the
lures of habit and the danger of suffering bad measures to pass,
that though the arguments were on each renewal weaker, the mere
circumstance of its having passed before had such weight with the
House, that he was almost apprehensive it would be fastened on
she country tor ever. The only. pretence now urged for the Bill
was to prevent conspiracies against foreign sovereigns. If there
was any likelihood of a cor.spiracy of that nature, he trusted that it
would take place on British ground; but whenever or wherever it
might occur, ha hoped that the favours of Providence would attend
i:. (Hear, hear.) It was not the business of the British Govern.
sent either to support or to subvert the dome of Ferdinand, and
CAI Bill. according to the argument of the Right Honourable (fen.
anew) (dr. Canning), constituted them the conservators of the
ompotion of Ferdinand, and the upholders of the horrors of the
Colonel PALMER stated, that being one of the half dozen !nth-
victuals mentioned in a late speech as opposing the general voice of
the House and nation in praise of the measures of the Government,
he rose to defend his opinion, and declare his objection to this Bill ;
eeosidetinftlet to be only a further measure of that weak and disho-
Addis * ey which aggravated the danger of the country. For
One eras objett of the Ministers ? It was not the security of
46•1Porweiveressenti but diem of the Allied Powers, and to COll.
Witte these whose conduct they had reprobated in the strongest
anus of indignation in the last Session, but whom in the present
they bad not only flattered by their praises, but had actually invited
to buy possession of the country of which they bad so basely and
treacherously made themselves master. But putting all hone ur,
truth, or coneinency out of the question, the effect of the melt.
sure totally defeated its intention ; for the indignant but honest
language provoked by the discussion, and eirealated throughout
Europe by means of a free press, must goad the bostili y of the Al.
lies. their hatred to England, and their efforts to destroy that liberty
iecompitible with the principles they had csu.blished on the Con-
tonne and had pledged themselves to maintain. The 31inistere,
in the face of reasoo, common sense, and all the acts and divine-
"tons of both parties, still boasted of the good understanding be-
twixt them ; but how was it possible these despotic powers could be
actuated by any more favourable sentiment than contempt for a Go-
'eminent, which, whatever might be its own feeling, was unable
to control the feelings of the nation. Treethese reasons, and from a
conviction of the hourly.increasing dander of the country in this
cause, which admitted of no compromise, and wherein the Minis.
tens, from whatever modem, were aiding and abetting by their
conduct the avowed object of France and the Holy Alliance, the
Rom Member once more ventured to address the House upon the
subject. And first lie must return his sincere thanks to his Right
Roo. Friend below him, for his answer to the speech of the Right
Boa. Gentleman ; for it was the weight of his judgment and opi-
bum of the state of Euro;se, the conduct of the Allied Poweis, and
their designs against the liberties of England, which had encou-
raged him again to steed up in their defence, and would, he trusted,
justify every senti rent he might utter before he resumed
kb seat. Bat the question of foreign policy was so involved
ID the system of the Government at home, he must necessarily
refer to both in support of his argument, and would begin by an.
snaring an Observation of the Noble Lott, who, in the late debate
upon a partiall question of Reform, had so pointedly alluded to the
case of the city which he (the Hon. Member) represented, and to
whom he must declare, that for the same reason which bad
ilvesiced his vote in the case of the city of Edinburgh, he would I
have voted for the destruction of every close and rotten borough
represented in that House ; for he considered all half measures,
whether of foreign or domestic policy, nut only to be useless, but
danger us and deceitful ; and so far he agreed with the Right
How Gentlemen. who, as the determined enemy to all change of
the existing system, had openly declared he would consent to no
cromproulise whetevu betwixt the present state of the representation

" Who steals try purse, steals trash ; 'ifs something, nothing;
'Twas mine, 'as his, and has been slave to thousands ;
But he that filches ?row me my. good name,
Robs me of that which not matins him,
• And makes me poor indeed."
So the poor Spaniard, after bravely fighting in his country's cause,
until his last hope forsook him, was now called by those who
prayed for his success, a coward a fool—nay, worse, an idiot.
tor who but idiots, in spite of all they had seen, and was still
before their eyes, could prefer absolute monarchy and King Ferdi-
nand, to the 61mi:too( constitutional liberty ? But was ever

? bus -- as-
sert/oil so utterly , and unfounded—so revolting against reason
and common sense, or so foul a libel upon the wisdom and justice of
the Almighty ; for if true, it at once reduced human nature below
the level of the brute creation. And who was the author of this
libel ? Where had he formed this opinion ? Where had he im-
bibed his knowledge of mankind, and of the Spanish character?'
la the senate, conventicle, or public feast ; the !Bible Society, or',
Caledonian meeting? But wherever it might have been, or who.
one he might be, the Honourable Member would repeat it to be
Use, and state the evidence to prove it. Look at General 31ina—
was not he a Spaniard ? Lock at Ws brave anny—were not they all
Spaniards? And were thus no other Minas in Spain ? Were there
rot thousands of his countrymen, to whom God had given the same
Met and understanding, and who, is Mina's place, world have acted !
• ballad done throughout?- But they could not all be leaden;
and Intenist those who had been, what country bore the bell ? He
mall answer, Spain. For, of all the heroes of the present day, in I
Me drinks, and he believed in the eye of God, there was not so
sire and psi a man as Mina. But, be this as it might, he was
at bast as Warn man ; and, of an others, the most competent to I
speak to the character of his nation. What then said Mina, and
nary Englishman, Frenchman. and others, who had been upon
the spot, and with whom the Honourable Member hard convened
upon the subject ? One and all declared, that with the exception
of the priesthood, there was rot a man, or rather a mind in Spain,
but hailed, not hated, the Constitution. Mina too declared (as the
Honourable Member had contended), that if Ministers had sent but
boll their ships to Cadiz, and by repealing the Foreign Enlistment
Bill, had only unlocked the Este to let out British beans to the
came of injured Spain, the flag of Constitutional Liberty would
Dove he flying upon every fortress in the kingdom ; this too, Mina
declared was all they stood in need of; for, 1111 to sending troops
to Spain, he was convinced with the Honourable Member, it wouldhave been better for both countries, that a British soldier had never
entered it. And Ministers had confirmed Woe by their own

_
opinion _
arguments • for who, in a late debate had reminded the House of
former jealousies betwixt them, as a warning for the future? The
proverb said liars should have good meatories, and so should
politicians, who could make use of the very arguments used
against themselves when delfts that which they now pretended to
be the wish of their opponents; for when they sent troops to Spain,
their opponents said to them, " if England were invaded, would
B h soldiers stomach that Spaniards should defend her? Then,
why in the ease of Spain, should the proud Spaniards be less
jealous than themselves r Such were the arguments of common
sense, which, if Ministers bad then consulted, would have saved Spain
from France, and millions upon millions to their own country. So
much for theirjagment of the Spanish character ; and what did
they my of France? They prophesied and prayed in the last Session
that the fully and madness of the Bourbon Government should re-
coil upon its own head ; but if they really believed and wished it,
why not have made assurance doubly sure, by casting their trident
and thunder (as they had called them) into thescale of Spain ; the
. fart was, they dared not, as France knew but too weU • for her
Ministers were neither the madmen not fools they had been called;
nor like those modem Machiavels. who had inherited the feeling
of their prototype, without his brains. The French Ministers, on
the contrary, in the conduct of their wicked policy, to which they
had been driven by the Engly,h Government arid the Holy Alli-
°zee, had acted throughout with ability and caudal', feeling, at

of the people and • complete and radical reform. Upon this issue every step, the pulse of the British nation, whilst her own Minis.'
the Hun. Member would enter the lists with the Right lion. ten were lying on their hacks, bound hand and foot. For how
Gentleman, whenever that question should be renewed; and in the stood the fact ? Had God listened to their prayers by delivering
meantime hoped that his Hon. Friends would make up their minis Siena from her enemies. and their predictions of thedownrall of the
le a measure, which, if their own picture of the danger of the Bourbons had been fulfilled, the same ruin must have fallen on them.
many was true, could be the only remedy for the evil. For selves ; for how were they to have commenced another revolutionary
what could their eloquent* avail, unless they would act as well war under their recognizences of 1:00 millions to keep the peace ? It
as speak ? Why mum these Spanish questions, and complain of wastitterly impasse-de. What, then, west° be done? Honest Minis-
less of honour or danger to our liberties, unless they can redeem sera would have seen at once that Reform was the only remedy ; but
the one, and save the other? Why talk of their recognisance to these, who looked only to themselves, had *old thereverston of the li.
keep the pence, unless they could suggest the means to pay it off? berties of their country for annuities upon their own lives. For, by th s
Why vent themselves in impotent abuse, insulting those who could last set of their wretched policy, they had so strengthened and se-
Dot call them to account, but might their country ; or why turn cured the power of the French Government, that nothing but re-;
Job's comforters, and remind the nation of her danger, instead of form or revolution could enable England much longer to defend '
setting their shoulders to the wheel to help her out of it? For herself; re France, at the present moment, wielded all the feree of
what prevented them ? %'hat infatuation, what lethargy, had military despotism, under the meek of civil liberty; for what with
seised them ? What ghost stood in their way ? What night-mare her elections, septennial Parliaments, and other imitations of the
sat upon their breasts, and in spite of all their efforts pinned them ; same precious system, she had just finished a fac.simile of the
down ? For himself, he saw nothing but the dang rof his mane ; mock English Constitution. As to England, the Hon. dlember
try, and could look to nothing but the means to save her. In her !had only to hope that the nation, before it was too late, would open
cause there was no sacrifice but he would make—no hazard but he its eyes to the conduct of Ministers, and the real danger of the
would encounter ; and all the reward lie sought was the glory of mutiny; for at prevent he must confirm, that of all the duper, upon
her service. In her cause. he would say with Hotspur— earth he considered John Bull to be the greatest, and could find no
" By heaven, methinks it were en easy leap, better paniael to his character, conduct, and present situation,
To pluck bright honour from the pale-fac'd moon ; looking to the state of Europe, than that which he should conclude
Or dive into the bottom of the deep, with stating. The Ministers, as all knew, had an unlimited power
Where tathormline could never touch the ground, over the purse of the people, but not their liberty of speech. As to
And pluck up drowned honour by the locks.— the first, to do them justice, no gentlemen of their vocation could be
But out upon this half-fac'd fellowship !" more active, or understand their business better; and if, in picking
For unless his Hon. Friends would pall lengths, and make all sa. , John Bull's pocket, they could only stop his mouth, all might go
critic's of private interest for the public good, there was no salvation ton smoothly. But here lay the rub ; for John resembled a certain
for their country. Virtue subs wohilitos was the motto of his heart, ! animal in the act of being killed, whose only defence was, to set up
and he hoped too deeply written down to be erased by any temptation , • cry which disturbed the whole neighbourhood, whilst all he got
which the vanity of this world could offer it; and it was there alone, ; for his pains was the hearty wish of those within reach of his voice,
and not to the niotios in their shields, that true nobility, ands high- that means had been found to sum it. And thus it was with Mr.
minded aristocracy, would refer those who once looked up to them, Bull; foe, whilst the Ministers were bleeding him to death, he,
and who did &oath' whenever their conduct and example deserved' too, set up a rev, which was heard throughout Europe, and nata-
l:. The Hon. Member was convinced, that he appealed to those ! rally a'anned the combined Powers. who said to the British Go.
who were influenced by the same feelings with himself, and ss in- ; vernment, " Use him as you please, for that is your atfair, but stop
dividuals would make those sacrifices which they deprecated oedes- his mouth, as that is ours, and, unless you can do this, by the
paired of as a body. He was convinced for instance, that the noble , Holy God we must do it for you."
patron whom his lion. and heartiest Friend had represented, and not ; Mr. HENnIAN rose. Never, he said, duce be had bad a seat
the people, in his late motion tor reform, would readily sacrifice his ' in that House, had he suffered this Bill to pass without taking a
priva'e interest for the public good ; nor did the Honourable part more or less active in opposing it. All the arguments against
Member say it front his personal esteem of the individual, but be- it were strengthened and confirmed by the experience the House
cause the whole tenor of his public and private life gave the i had had of its effecut. But, as he was apprehensive that the
assurance. So too would a host of others, the flower of the : speakers on his side were ,11 to wear out the patience of
of the nation, and who, in thus corning forward, j the House by renewing the enons which it had been
,?,
't
would carry the whole country with than—not that he their duty so often before to limit to the House, he wished
claimed the monopoly of his feelings, nor any merit but that they had been spared this task, and the means of doing so
that of treading in the steps of those who had set the example— were fully in the hands of Ministers if they would have agreed to
and above all that individual who, upon the
.question of Reform, do now what they bad admitted it would be right to do two
and upon all others involving the honour and interests of his coml. years hence. (Hear, hear, hear.) Under these circumstances,
try, had over stood forward, whether in or out of that House the he was obliged to render his hopeless opposition ; hopeless,
limiest, warmest, and most consistent friend, both to the down he meant, as to the fate of the Bill only, certainly not
and people. But to return to his Noble Friend and others who as to the effect he expected from discharging the duty he owed to
could not agree with them upon the subject of Reform. What his country, and to the world, in obedience to the impulse he felt
was the difference of their feelings, unless that they were conscious on finding oppression formed into a system without a met:meow
of their own worth, but had a bad opinion of the world ? whilst the justify it. (Hear, hear, hear.) By these long and renewed objec-
Hun. Member and his friends thought better of mankind, and that tions, however, several concessioas had been reluctantly extorted,
others might be as honest as themselves; for they believed that valuable as admitting in principle all they (the opposition) had
God had implanted the same feelings in every human breast, and contended for, and as inducements to proceed in their course. it
that nine-aim' only made the difference—not the education of col. was some consolation to find that it was now agreed on all hands,
lees or schools, nor even writing or reading, but simply the telii. that the power of expelling aliens formed no part of the inherent
camel of example and good government. reading
contended that the prerogative of the Crown. (Hear, hear, hear.) No one now yen.
government of a nation was like that of any smaller body; nor I toted to dispute the conclusion at which his Hon. and Learned
could a better earallel be found than in his own profession. Sup- Friend the Solicitor-General had arrived at the close of the debate
pose then a nation and a regiment, and tile moral character and con. two yearssince, that in all the law books there was not a single
duct of each to be equally good and unexceptionable ; only put a decision, not a single arrant, not a single recognition by statute,
Fool at the head of either and it must fall to pieces. Let the system that this power of expelling aliens formed soy portion of the pre-
of each be perfection itself, "of one entire said perfect chrysolite," rogative or the Crown. It was gratifying, as the result of their
again lie would say, put but a Fool at the head °reicher ; its honour, opposition, to find, that what even Blackstone had stated to be part
pride, feeling, name— of the royal ive, was now admitted not to be so, and that
" Yes, all that it inherit, shall dissolve ; the treatment of ins was in future to be regulated solely by the
And, like the baseless fabric of a vision, acts of the legislature. He had understood the Right Honourable
Leave not a rack behind." Gendeman (31r. Canning) to have avoided that part of the question,
A knave in such a case was infinitely preferable ; for without a and confined himself merely to the statement that it was a flatter of
heart, if he bad judgment, lie would learn that honesty was the indifference whether the expulsion was inflicted by the Crown
better policy, and might at last discover that honour, chivalry, and alone, or with the concurrence or Parliament entirely at the beck
• straight course was the best road to his ambition ; but a fool had of the Crown. But the intention of that Act of Henry VIII., that
neither heart nor head, he neither saw nor felt beyond the circle of we piss Ora of servility by which the King's proclamatioos were
his own contracted mind, and with the vanity of the knave, with. authorised to supersede all manner of law, was alone sufficient to
out his sense, give him only the power, he never failed to abuse it. prove that the will of the Crown was not equivalent to the
The Honourable Member hoped that in that House he had been voice of Parliament. The Right Honourable Gentleman would
no egotist ; and that the silent votes which, during sixteen years, have seen in that very Act the distinction which he was con-
he had given in almost every instance upon public questions, might founding, viz. with respect to the exercise of the prerogative in
protect him from the charge, if, in support of his argument upon regulating the concerns of the Government and the proceeding
this imi °resat subject, he referred to his own experience for the by Act of Parliament. The Act of Henry VIII. was unnerves.
fact. The case he would quote was that of the regiment to which vary, if one was equivalent to the other ; it &hewed at least
he once belonged; and which, from the worst possible state of that the legislative authority was in some degree a check on the
drunkenness and neglect of duty, was in the course of only a few power of the Crown. But this was more clearly proved by another
weeks brought to the highest degree of discipline and good order. Act in that reign, in which the Parliament was so utterly degraded.
And how was this effected ? Simply by justice, firmness, humanity, The Act to which he now alluded demonstrated to his satisfaction
and common sense. Governed by these principles, this regiment that there could be no inherent prerogative in the Crown to banish
(as stated in evidence before • court) was considered as a pattern to aliens. He alluded to the 22d Henry VIII. cap. 10, passed to ba-
the service; and so continued as long as such system lasted. But nish the persons calling themselves Egyptians, an outlandish
the system being again changed, the same corps, which had been people, as they were described in the Act, who practised palmistry
the admiration of the army,lensme its reproach, and the object of and other arts, and who were in sludaily habit of committing lo-
th, severest censure of its leader: and 00 it had been with this lanes, and altogether acting as very dangerous inmates in the
country; fur she was once, in every sense of the expression, the realm. Yet these persons were not left to the exercise of the pre.
greatest nation in the world ; but alas how changed l She now rogative, but an enactment was specially passed to enable the King
stood degraded, insulted, despised ; a bankrupt in character and to proceed by proclamation to drive them out of the coo: try after a
fortune; and what was worse, last even to the sense of he own limited period prescribed by the statute. If a doubt could have
dishonour. Nor was it his own opinion that he urged, but that of remained, duo Act must hays alcoved it, because the gipsies, of
Europe and the world, and especially that Government, whose all other people, were those lest entitled to constitutional considers-
strength and resources were the main-spring of those combined tion ; and yet, even against thenstitivernment could not set with-
powem, which without a aimw of system must work the ruin of out power given by Parliament for that purpose. It seemed, there.
the mountry Let the House look to the policy and intentions of fore, as if the Right Hon. Gentleman had discovered only this, that
the French Government, and their opinions and criticisms on the the sovereign authority of the State had the supreme power of act-
speeches of Ministers upon the Spanish and South American gar... ing with regard to aliens according to its discretion; and so it
bons, and it would find, whatever the case betwixt the Govern- ought with regard to every Member of that and the other
menu and the people, that, betwixt the Governments themselves, House of Parliament. Every native subject of the realm might
viz.—France, Spain and the Holy Alliance, on one hand, and be dealt with as the State deemed fit. The question was
England on the other, that England, neither in justice, honour, as to the mode of exercising that authority. Were aliens
nor consistency, had an inch of ground to stand on. But to return to he placed under the protection of the laws, or were they
to the present system. It was supposed to be the law of nature to be left at the mercy or the three Secretaries of State, acanand
that all nations which rise and flourish must, in their turn, decay. perhaps by considerations that could never be brought to light, and
Ist the Hon. Member contended that nations might always flourish, fairly discussed in that House or elsewhere ? Some years ago k
boost for the moral causes of their ruin. For Governments were had been proposed to extend the powers of the Bill only to such
meal structures, easily damaged or destroyed, but might always aliens as had resided in this country a less period than 10 years.
be repaired or rebuilt as long as the materials existed. See Spann, The amendment was then scouted, as calculated to defeat the oh-'
ler instance I Was ever a noble edifice in such a state of ruin ? jeCt of the whole measure. But now a clause to that effect had been
P look at what she was and what she is ! But still the materials admitted, and every alien who had resided here for seven years was
existed ' • for it was the same country and the same people. Nay, a to be excepted from the operation of the Act Those who ad.
better ; for it had been the education and improvement of the peo. vacated the ancient hospitable system of England, particularly
pie, struggling not only against the ignorance and barbarity of claimed it fur the victims of recent revolutions—for the Spaniards,
dick ruler, but the open hostility of the combined Powers, and the the Neapolitans, the Sardinians, and all those who had lately been
basest treachery on the part of England, which had produced the expatriated for their endeavours to give freedom to their country.
class of boner and contusion in that devoted country. These were the objects to which the ancient hospitality of England
Ir :tree has. an break even an enemy when fallen ; and how Was directed. But now they were left to suffer all the persecutions
touch nine bass, not only to betray a friend, but to blacken his clue of their enemies, and were only tolerated in their asylum in this
' racier, to excuse your own conduct. Not only to tear him from his country at the mercy of the British Government, acting, perhaps,
country, friends, children, wife, and all that is dear to his aline- on the representations and at the instigation of their persecution.
tions, but even to deprive him of the only consolation in his mis. Ile felt reluctance in placing as large a power in either of those
fortune. Hoe: Persons who held the offices of Secretaries of State. He
_ .

could not consent to place it in therhanda of the Colonial Secretary,
when he recollected his conduct during the imprisonment of Be.
naparte at St. Helena, and his subsequent treatment to the few of
his domestics who still remained true to him in his fallen fortunes.
Those persons, at all events, were entitled to some attention—to
some sympathy; but they were not even allowed to set a foot on
British ground. Not only that, but the Colonial Secretary ex-
ercised a power not invested in him by any law of this country.
lie seized the papers of a literary person, to which he had no right
and no privilege, any more than be had to wise those of a mew•
candle r - when merel to his business.

Man, merely relating to In all these
cases the Noble Secretary had abused his authority, been guilty
of injustice, and a violation of all law. He (31r. Dentnan) was
at a loss to conceive how ...Kb an arbitrary power was to be
placed in the hands of any persona, or how any Minister, in a
constitutional country, should wish for it. He knew not
what those qualities in any individual were, which could render
its possession safe to the subject; and in the absence of any posi-
tive means of making such a discovery, he could only look to the
temper in which such awer was called for. The Right Hon.
Secretary (Mr. Peel), who had introduced the Alien Bill. came to
the House of Commons with a surprising degree of levity. He
called for this Bill as a mere matter of course, and without any ap.
parent feeling of that responsibility which the possension of such
power should command. It was a power which ought to be dis-
claimed by every many and thie .11 reason aired t•r its owl.
nuance in his hands was, thallfe had not grossly abused it
When the measure was bethre called for, just the same rein= was
stated, if reason it could be called ; the same levity was also ells.
played by the Right Hon. Gentleman ; and he (3ir. Denman) was
not, therefore, inclined to continue in his hands such a power.
With all proper respect for the liberal opinions recently expressed
by the Right Hon. Secretary for Foreign Ankles, with every wish
to see hint in office as long as his colleagues continued in power,
and with every hope that the liberal views he had taken might pre.
dominate with the other 31embers of the Cabinet, he (Mr. Den-
man) would not continue, even in his hands, so formidable a
power, without that guarantee which he did not offer, namely,
that the Alien Bill should expire at the end of two years. It
was not his (Mr. Denman's) object now to enter into the dim.
treating story of the state of Spain. It was not his object to cri-
ticise the origin and causes of one of the most infamous aggressions
ever made: it was not his object to ceusure the Congress of Verona,
nor the conduct of the Right Honourable Secretary for Foreign
Afiiirs, in saying; " Come what may, that the British Govern-
ment would not interfere for Spain ;" be would not enter into any
- -

deman—but there was another part of hi. ebnciuct to which he could
not lend his approval: lie had accompanied the e: ion of his
regard to his Gallant Friend by a statement to the Fr:nch Govern-
ment which was at once ill-tnned and unnecessary. When Sir
Hobert Wilson went to Spain, the Right Honourable Gentleman
apologised, though no apology was asked; and he gave redress
for • wrong which was not complained of. Tim French Govern.
ment should have been put to the proof as to any offence commit.
tad by his Gallant Friend. It would have been mate time e
to have made an apology when it was celled for, and not an
ar
defer to the French Government. There wan something said of
what was to be done if Sir R. Wilson fell Poo the hands of the'
French, because Grotiue and Vattel had said that subjects at • 1
neutral Power might aid the cause of au invaded Power, with whom
we were in a state of amity and peace. That was a hint which
might have n een spared. It was introducing a strange pima of
frankness towards the French Government ; as if, forsooth, that
they had anything to do with the internatioal rights clefi•nded by
(iridium and Vattel; as if that Government were entitled to any
courtesy who had violated every law of nations, and under the
falsest pretences been guilty of the most atrocious actions recorded
in the foulest page of history. All that frankness, all that unre.l
recited ap.doey, might have been glared. They were also told that
it was not correct to speak of foreign governments. They were
even lectured upon the impropriety of mentioning their names ; but
let it never be forgotten, that England was cite only part of the
world where their atrocities could be mentioned, and their baseness
commented on. It was only in England that the people on whom
they trample could give utterance to their indignation, and where
tile unexampled mittettiefs they set abroad could be fearlessly sub-
jected to proper animadversion. Let the House ever recollect what
Mr. Fox said of the historian Ilunte, who sjftened down the crime
of princes, and who, by doing so, removed the only check upon their
conduct. Some of these princes might wish to stand well with poe-
teriry, and if their names were to be handed down only with the
gloss of panegyric upon them, every dread would be removed from
them, and they might perpetuate every vice with security. The
House of Commons of England would represent posterity; there th:
force of public opinion could be gathered, there the truth could be
spoken, and criminate, of whatever rank or station, could be men.
tioned an their crimes and enormities deserved. ( Hear, hear, hear.)
He found that this Alien Bdl was to expire in two years, and if that
to be at an end, he asked where was its necessity now ? He admitted
that aliens might be made the particular object of particular laws;
but why be made subject to the arbitrary will of any one indlvi.
dual? Why not, as in all other cases, define what tonna in the alien
should be met by certain punishments? Why have him landed
on his own shores ouly to consign him to torture or to death ?
All other objects of regulation were defined by law; and why
make the unfortunate alien the only miserable and solitary
exception ? The opinio is of the three Secretaries differed as to the
causes which required the operation of the Alien Bill. H- knew
nothing of what was said by the Secretary for the Home Depot-
ment on that subject, but he did know that the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman defended the attack of Austria upon Naples; though he
(Mr. Denman) believed that the Foreign Secretary held a different
opinion. Each of the Secretaries had his own view, and each
pulled at the alien after • different fashion ; like the man with two
wives, one pulled out all the black—the other, all his grey hairs,
and between them wee nut left one of any colour. Meer, and •
laugh.) When the Alien Bill was formerly about to be passed.,
Mr. Pitt asked the advice of the Learned Sergeant Hill, who was
against the right of exercising such a power, either in the Crowe
of the Government. Sergeant 11 ill wasan eminent lawyer, though
in many respects ignorant of the world ; yet Mr. Pitt also took his
opinion on the celebrated question of the kegency. Ile (Mr. Den-
man) did not now recollect the precise case submitted to Sergeant
Hill; but he did recollect that great lawyer asking the gentleman
who submitted the case to him, if Mr. Pitt had a majority in the
House of Lord*, to which he was answered that he believed he had,
or could obtain it. The Learned Sergeant proceeded to ask him,
it he had • majority in the House of Commons, to which he re-
ceived a similar answer as in the case of the Lords : then said the
great lawyer, what signifies it to you what the law is on the subject ?
(Hear, and • laugh.) He (Mr. Denman) knew very well how
Hon. Members spoke of other laws, and how they passed them.
He remembered how the law was passed which made a piece
of paper pass for twenty shillings ; how we flourished and
grew great under the Usury Laws, the Game Laws, and the
Pour Laws. Gentlemen were anxious that these laws should
not be altered. The traffic in human flesh found also sup-
porters ; and Strafford, who paid the penalty due to his crimes,
said, during his destruative career in that country, " While things
are going on so happily at home, and gloriously abroad, let us not
make any alteration." So said many Gentlemen now with Tempe .t
to this infamous Alien Bill. The fairest portion of England's his-
tory could boast of no Alien Act. From IWO to the commencement
of the American war, there was no Alien Act ; English hospitality
was then Omen to the oppressed and persecuted foreigner. Now,
however, he was left to the mercy of the three Secretaries of State.
One great fallacy prevailed in the argument at the other side,—for
it was contended that this power was only vested in these indivi-
duals. But suppose any foreign government shculd say—we know
of plots going on in England against us--we know that in St.
Martin's-lane, or some other place in London, some of our sub-
jects are concerting plans against us, what could the Secreta-
rial answer, if they were malted upon to deliver up those plot.
ten ? If they had no Alien Act, the answer was easy—while
they had, could they refuse to deliver up the alleged offend-
er, without giving cause of quarrel, perhaps of risking • war
with that Government ? While the Alien Act continued,
he thought each a demand would be ramonable, and he asked what
else did it exist for? The Government should avoid being placed
in such a dilemma; they should get rid of this Bill altogether.
Suppose angry language to take place in any of these negotiations
to deliver up an alleged offender—suppose the foreign government
to say, that such a refusal was against the monarchical principle—
suppose, as they always said, "Oh ! give us up this one angry, im-
petuous, obstinate plotter," the designation given always by tyrants
to the subjects whom they oppressed. Suppose the individual given
up, did not the House know that on every future occasion a alinßar
demand would be made? Then, he said, get rid of the Alien 001,
and you could at once save your honour and protect the per.
secuted. Suppose France to give us the same advice that
she gave to Spain, we wouhi be left no other choice than
that of war, or the baseness of a dereliction of our duty. The
tyrants of the world should not be allowed even the indirect
pottergnuited to them by our Alien Bill. It appeared indeed that
gwe could havegot rid of it, but for the opportune and reasonable
discovery of a plot, about a fortnight before the Alien Bill was
again brought forward. What a seasonable plot! Where, he
would be glad to know, did that plot originate ? Did its occur-
rence justify the Parliament in re-enacting the Alien Act ? The
1 plots which were recently drawn to light in this country were the
laughing stock of the world ; but still they were made the cause
of suspending the liberties of Englishmen. How did we know that
the late plot was not the fabrication of the French police? But it was
a fortunate discovery for the two Secretaries, who seemed like the
two Kings of Brentford, smelling at one nosegay. (Hear, and •
laugh.) Ile did not believe that Lord Sidmonth was connected with
Oliver, any more than the two Secretaries with the French plot ; but
he believed it to be only a pretence for keeping alive the Alien Act,
and that for foreign objects. It was admitted by the supporters of the
Act, that it was not the bat measure to effect the objects they had in
view, and then be said that less inconvenience would arise from

delay than from passing a measure admitted to be incomplete.
Soave regulations could be devised to meet any danger from the
alien; anything was better than an arbitrary power iii.ted in
whomsoever it might be. His Noble Frietd (Lord Althorp) was
told the other evening, that there were coasiderable difficulties in
producing such a measure, and he was requested to try it; but why
should his Noble Friend have that duty imposed upon him ? It
was the duty of the Government, and let them try it. The govern.
meat, however, adopted the clumsy expedient of giving arbitrary
power, in place of cowstitutionally meeting necessities by carrell-
potxli
' ' --He did -

. - a
, —.omfing 1 measures. ie L— not deny . that the Secretary foe
the He nent exercised judgment mercy in those cases
erla
m an
submitted to im with respect to convictions in this country ; but
then every one knew the grounds on which his judgments were
exercised. Not so, however, in the cane of foreigners; nothing wan
revealed ea to the causes of their consignment into the hands of
their oppressors. Let mercy and judgment be shewn the foreigners,
eeially when he trusted himself to the justice and hospitality
of England. For these reasons he should vote for the amendment
of his Noble Friend. (enc.. of •• Question !")
Lord J. RUSSELL said it was somewhat consoling to think
that the Allen Act would not be much longer continued, and that a
better and safer measure was to be introduced with respect to the
residence of aliens in this country. No man could wish to see
this country endangered by their residence here ; but it was worse
than idle to talk of a conspiracy taking place here against a foreign
Government. To constitute • conspiracy there must sot only be
actors, but a subject to be acted against ; and anything
that might be said by foreigners at taverns, or at their lody.
ings, could only be considered in the light of talk ; it was
a shadow without any substance ; and no foreign Government
had a right to ask what the conversation was, much less to ask for
the delivery to them of an alleged offender. As long as the alien
conformed to our laws, lie should be protected, and they should
be allowed the same liberty of speech as we have. Hostilities
might easily occur between Continental States, because of their
contiguity; bat the same thing could not be said of maritime
countries. He did not wish to see this country involved in sat;
but at the same time, he must always object to our lending any
aid or assistance to arbitrary governments.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and a division took
place—
Foe the third reading
Against it -
Majority in favour of Ministers
• from

- 93

. - .so

consideration of the offer and refusal of our mediation : but withotit During our absence .. the gallery we understand a division
entering into such detaih, he certainly would not entrust the powers took place upon the motion of Mr. Denman, that the term of two
conferred by the Alien Bill into the hands of even the Eight Hun. years he struck out, and one year inserted itt its place.
Secretary for Foreign Affairs. He still thanked the Right Hun. For the motion, 47 ; Against it, 11l ; Majority, CC
Gentleman for his interference in the awe of that much-injured in. BANKRUPT LAWS.
dividual, Mr. Bowring; although upon that subject, too, he did On the motion of Mr. I'OUR'PENA l', the House went into a
not see the necessity of those consultations which were held with Committee on the Bankrupt Amendment Bill.—The Bill war
the French lawyers. The release of Mr. Bowring should have read clause by clause, and the report was brought up, and or.
been demanded as a right; and he (Mr. Denman) 'could now like dered to be taken into further consideration on the 3d of May.
to know, if the opinions of the French lawyers were adverse to CHURCHES.
that release, what the conduesstf the Foreign Secretary would Upon the order of the day for the reporting the Church Bill
bare been ? On another subject too he had to thank the Right being brought up,
Honourable Gentleman: he alluded to his handsome conduct to- Mr. HUME said, he could not allow the vote for expending
wards his (Mr. Denman's) Gallant and Honourable Friend, not money foe the purpose of building churches to pass without objec-
now in his place, the Hononrable Member for Southwark. The Lion. He had stated his reasons for objecting to the grant at length
language of the Honourable Gentleman on that occasion did honour I upon a former occasion, and he would merely repeat at present-has
to himself as well as to the Gallant individual to whom it was ap. objection upon this account, that he had the authority of the Mi.
plied; and hr (Mr. Denman) was sure that there was not a gene- meters for asserting that the money would not he wanted for the
roils mind In this country, or in Europe, but felt and sympathised space of three years fur the alleged purpose, and that, in the mean
with him. He trusted that this conduct would read a lesson to time, it should be applied for the surport of the clerical establish-
the members of the Holy Alliance, and that they would find, while roet. There were, he believed, few instances, none within these
attempting to disgrace hint (Sir R. Wilson), by stripping him of fifty Yeats, of money being granted by a vote of the House, and not
that orders he so meritoriously obtained, that the people of Eng- expended within the yea ; and were it for this reason alone, he
land would not aid them in an unjus...and so ungenerous a mode of would give his vote for the rejection of the measure. He was hos.
proceeding. He repotted his thanks to the Right Honourable (./;:a. the to the increase of the po see and irilueuce of the Eatablialutieut

the granting of the half million would haws the easct hseseeeie.
this authority, which was already too powerful fee the fetes
rests and welfare of anciety, and which was always found
have a most baneful effect. There was another circumstance to
which he would allude, he meant the increase of diameters. The
increase was taking place daily, and could not be prevented even by
these grants; it was caused principally by the zeal and assiduity
with which the dissenters peiteermed their duty. Their numbers
were increasing from day to day ; and if the members of the ens.
Milled religion diet not make a better use of the pulpit and desk,
they would nut derive any advantage front the additional number
of churches, of which there were enough already. He thought the
half million could be much better applied. and he would tleemenne
more that the report be received this day six months.
Mr. WARR?: would offer a few observations on the subject.
He was rather disposed to dissent at first (ruin the motion desired
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the grant of the half mil-
, lion ; but when he considered the importance of the aubjece—when
he considered the arguments advanced upon all aides, he had no
hesitation in saying that he felt disposed to vote in favour dm,
measure. respect to the lion. Member who teethed down, be
was wury he had indulged in some asperities on the me nbers of
the Established Church. lie was SIM such was not the intention if
the lion. Member, but he would appeal to his condoler, and ask
him if it was sight to say that the dissenters inc.-eased
and their meeting-houses were full, when the churches of the-
, established religion were empty ? This wu not the case; it meted
i never be the case, if the duty in the churcoss were well Gee.
"(Hear, hew.) He never pretended to value churches by the stone
and wood of which they were composed. He had ever (filtered,
maintained that the duties of the pulpit and desk shieuld fee weft-
fultfilesd. The stone and wood would be productive but of Ijdlr
good. He, for one, was mum anxious that • Bill should be-
bronght in to give satisfaction, in some mode or the other; and he
had therefore voted in favour of the Bill brought in by the wee_! ceeaor of the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, who bad,
, about six years since, attempted to give sonic kind aright to thee
f :licit Ministers to the people. But the present Secretary for the
Home Department and Lord Stowe!, hod by an amiable comm..
versy beaten their colleague out of his favourite measure. Consi-
dering the want of religious accommodation, he WAS bound to be
guided by the documents upon the table. He was bound to lesy
attention to the applications from different places ; and he was
bound to admit that a full and fair case had been made out by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer; and though lie was sure of being
met with the objection by the lion. Member for Westminster,
that if all were to be accommodated the money required would
be twenty millions, the only rejoind.w he would make to this
was if lie was not able to du all, should he thenrefore be ruined
teem doing as much good as lie possibly could ? Ile trusted in any
thing he had even said or done, either within or without the Hollte,
he could not be rendered liable to the imputation of illiberality to
the dissenters. Ile was most anxious to grant them not merely
toleration but indulgence. He would throw the avenues of every
civil right open to all the dimmers ; but he would frankly admit
he preferred the church iee which he was bred. The dissenters, as
it was natural, hail the saint feelirg upon the subject ; they would,
be made no doubt, add to the number of their cherches and ef their
religion; but when the question was, it the Par Lament of Englarie
felt disposed to add a 11111 a half a million for building of churdies,
and where, in his opinion, the necessity of the measure was made
out, he felt it incumbent on him to support the proposition. lye
would not give a silent vote upon this occasion, as he felt it near.
nary todiffer in opinion from those with whom he generally acted,
and for whose opinion he felt, on most occasions, deference and re.
sect. ss s

Mr. Alderman BRIDGES supported the motion.
Mr. EVANS thought the grant would be productive of mush
good. He approved of the idea of the late Chancellor, who wished
to vest the election of the clergy in the hands of something like a
Corporation. If the plan were brought forward at present be would
vote fur it.

Mr. W. SMITH thought the increase of dissenters in the
country was assumed as a fact ; it was by no means proved. It
was also said that meeting-houses increased because there were no
churches; this was not the case He knew a town where there
was no meeting-house, and yet the church was not full : the resat
was, the business of the church was not well done. Upon the
other hand, is the town he hail the honour to represent there wets
not fewer than 37 churches, and yet there were more dissenters
than perhaps in any other town in the empire. The number of
dissenters depe-ded upon some circumstances natural to the
place. It was 1111 t owing to any defect on the part of the
clergymen of the established church, whom, he believed, to
be In general a most respectable body of individuals. As
to the mode of electing the clergy, which was objected to as being
a degradttion, he did not see it in this point of view. Those who
saw degradation in the mode of election were, in his opinion, mis-
taken. There was, he thought, more of Christian humility than
degradation in having a portion of election in the choice of a clergy.
man. There was, as it had been remarked, nu unbecoming can-
vass in going from door to door ; the dissenting ministers am
elected, and there was nothing of this kind ;'those who thought es
were not acquainted with the mode of election. He was not ac.
quainted with the plan of the late Chancellor. He thought it should
be inquired and discard if there were not a better way of laying
out half a million of army than by this grant to the building of
churches. He would vote against this sum being raised hoes a
burdened people.
Sir It. FERGUSON would repeat a remark he had toads
betore. It was concerning a parish in Edinburgh ; the population
of which increased by 50,000, and in consequence of this increase
the oripioal Church Income too small ; a enapel of Ease was then
built, it was also too small, In two years after two additional La-
peh of Ease were built, and clergymen were elected by a 03112.
mittee. The gentlemen elected were men of education, probity,
and talent ' • one third of the each was reserved for the very poor,
tor those who were actual paupers. The lowest mechanics paid a
small subscription, shoot two shillings a year; and the result was
5001. a year were go en fir the support of the clergyman ; and they
had 10,0001. in the funds. This he thought was decisive about
building Chapels and electing Clergymen.
Mr. BIRCH said a few words. The lion. Member was Mae.
djble in the gallery.
Sir ISAAC COFFIN said, that as an orthodox member ef the
Established Church, he felt it his duty to support the present vote,
The number of devil-killer throughout the country was dreadfully
on the increase. It behoved the House to be on the alert, and to
guard the interests of the church against the Methodists and Div-
semen who sought to undermine it. They were seen rooting le-
lows that they found their ray into our kitchens, and even to out
cellars the spoke from experience), and the consequences were
prostitution and dishonesty througisoisq the country. (Immense.
laughter.)
Mr. BUTTERWORTH did not intend to reply to the obser-
vations of the last speaker. He rose to advert to the %minter!
Society, which had been spoken of in harsh terms on a former MD.
ing. He was ready to bear testimony to the important services they
rendered. Though not a member of that body himself, he knew
that they sent their members into villages, and where no other
Christian denomination was to be found, and there they extended
the advantages of education and blessings of religion • they rescued
many from a dark moral state. Ile *as sorry to hear the dissemi-
nation of the Bible spoken slightingly of. If the Bible was the
book on which reliance of faith were to be placed, then it should be
supported. For his own part, he approved of the Liturgy tithe
Established Church, and thought it quite consistent with the spa
of true religion. Some satisfactory regulations ought to be mate r to
the nomination of clergyrion„ps many objectionable characters were
found to officiate in sonic of them. 'f here was a friend of his. whe
subscribed 1,0001. to the building of a chapel; but when it was bal.
he could not enter on account of the character of the clergyman.
A right, or at least some intluence its the nomination, ought to be
given to persons who contributed a certain sum towardss the recta
of the building. It had been proposed to dispose of some titbit
money in the building of schools ; for his part he thought the
ta-
crease of schools would go on with the increase of churches, sad
that religious instruction and moral education went hand-ia-
hand together. Of the Dissenters he would say that there were to
be found amongst them men as loyal as any in the country ; and
he regretted that Gentlemen in upholding the interests of the Esta-
blished Church, should feel it necessary to do so by casting unjust
and unmerited censure on those who may happen to differ Item
them on points of religious belief. ( Hear, hear.)
Mr. T. WILSON supported the grant, on the principle that as
our population was on the leaner, and as our churches were in-
sufficient to contain them, it was necessary to supply them with
churches and means ofreligious instruction, otherwise they would be
left to be provided with those oilcans by persons who differed In
their opir.tons the established relikon of the country.
The gallery was then cleared for a division. •
Fur the grant . 1411 Against it - 30 1 Majority - 114
On our return to the gallery—
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved for the
bray bringing up of the Customs Act Bilk—Report ordered on the of