The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1810-05-12 00:00:00

teisuriw"—isTbe House metaled, and leave was giftil to
bring in the bill accordingly.
Committees ware appointed to inquire into the
Estimates alGreat Brom.

Mt, GRI,NriLL rive metier. that be would, ou Monday,
'wove for Copies a the Correspoudenre between His Ma-
jesty's Monsters an.l the Commissioaers of Assessed Taxes,
Mafia, to retrospective Sartliargas.
• • Mr. Comma browestusti t►e Report elite Embezzlement
w►ieh was received. The amendments were ordered
fu beenyrossad, wad the lilt to be read a third time se

Manley -twat.
Si, Jone ANITZUMEII brought op the Report of the
Casomittee ue East Irdi• Atkin. ()tamed to be printed.
The Foreign lice• Bill was read a third time sod passed.
The West laths Inerreace Bid was reedit t►ird lime and
passed.
Sir R. WARD, it the •become of au Hoo. Gentleman,
postpmed the motion relater to the 'Navy Estimates mid
♦dditional Semmes, to Monday nest.
SPANISH PAPERS.

Mr. Sutaioausitid, that, understanding the
Papers for which he had moved, could not be pro-
duced so speedily as he conceived, he found it in-
dispensable to postpone his motion with respect to
Spain and , Portugal, from Friday week, to Friday
fortnight. He supposed, that, in the interim, the
priming of the papers would take place, and super.
cede the necessity of a further delay. He war the
atore incited to this postponement. as there were
other papers upon the subject, which should be,
laid before the House previous to its discussion.
SiR F. BURDETT'S ACTIONS.

• The SPILAKER informed the Ho►►se, that he had
received a letter from Lurd Moira, muting. that he
had received name of an action from Su Francis
Burdett, in enum.vieuce of, which be gave three.
fiats to Mr. harrow, his Coutual, to act in his ale-
relive ; and did not require the interference of the
House with respect to the scam►. The letter was
ordered in be entered on the Journals.
_ _ PRIVILEGES OF PARLIAMENT. _

Mr. D. (71:1;11b7oi;ihtup the Report of the
Committee appointed to consider of the proceedings
in the case of Sir F. Burdett. The Report stated,
that the Committee had taker' measures for the
purpose of collecting all the precedents respect-
ing this case, and found that there were many in-
'tenets co-ncident with the conduct of Parliament
in the case of Sir Francis Burdett. It was a repe-
tition of what tied bean the uoiforsa obserrince of
the House of Commons in yaws of insult and in.
dignity. The recognitioa uf the rights and privileges
of that House war a topic into which they did not
then intend to enter. Many instances were ad.
duced. from the reigns of Henry VIII. asst Charles
H. of the similar mode of conduct adopted in cases
where the House had been treated with contempt,
The cases of Topliam, Judge Pemberton, cud Sir
Wan. Williams. were Win r:ed to. The Report
concluded with a statement, that it appeared to the
Committee that the Coaduct of the parties, iu
bringing the actions against the Speaker and Ser. I
jeant-at-drins, vt..s en infringement of the privi-
k,s ~1 that House ; that the comm,tment of the
Solicitor in the case would not be • means of

stopping the proceedlags; and that it appeared lie-
cessary that the Speaker and Serjeantoit-Arms
should appear in the *dim). sod directions be given
for their defence in the said action.
Mr. Davies Gunn concrixed. that this report
should be taken, instemer, into the consid.eratioe
of the Heim. There were three courses, which,
on referring to Innen higher opinions than his own,
he found the House could, on this momentous
OCee.ioh* pursue. They might proceed by inhibi-
tion to the Courts below, not to act in a, cze.e where
their privileges were concerned ; and this course
he would have preferred, bet that, on searching
for precedents, he discovered, that it rots not the
line chalked out by our ancestors. There were,
then, two ocher mat •s of proceeding. more conge-.
• Dial to former. practice. The inn, to proceed
against the persons of the prosecutors. and their
agents, for infringikg upon their privileges, rather
than iii defence of the Gentili; and tins was a
caws,- sincrioned by the whole preceding practice.
of Pirlialmnt in this way. Expediency might,
however. restru.o them Gum taking up the matter
in this high oanii.,r, and toe only other course left
for them to pointy, was, bird° something by which
the Court of Law in which the action WAS brought,
should be regularly interned of the nature of the
cause, and impliciation, in it of their !warders,.
Of .1-ing this there were two modes; either to put
in s pl.-•• of abatement, or • a Rhea in her. Were
they to adopt the latter, and plead their privileges,
in hay of the jurisdiction of the Court. much tune
would be reipaired before the matter was filially
bruught to issue. If they fixed on the former,
which, under all the cireuinstances of the case, he
felt it his iln.y to recommend, nu time was to he
lost, as to-morrow wns the last day by law for pit-
ting in the pies. 0 i these considerations, he
moved "That the Report be now laid on the table."
Lord MILTON understood from the rcpurt, and
front the present motion, that it was ittiendrd to
defend an action against the Speaker, as the organ
of the House. If the Speaker did appear in Court,
and. after that, the Court should proceed, ht
called on Gentlemen to consider, in what a strange
situation the House would lee placed, defending an
actin*, involving its privileges. to an inferior Court,
front which an appeal, in the common course of
law, might be made to the House of Lords; and
thus their privileges come under the decision of
that other branch of the Legislature ? How alarm-
ing was this aspect and prospect. Were they, after
the lapse of a century—after the decision in the
Ayle.braty cause, to give up. all that they had then
gained, and submit their privileges to be tried in
the Hodge of Peers ; a thing which. by the Comiti-
tutting, could not be submitted to. without de-
stroying those privileges altogether ? Upon so
important a question as this, it well became
them to puttee ; particularly after having, by their
own imprudent and improvident act. constituted
a Committee to recommend legal pleadings. %Vas
it to be borne, that their privileges should take the
chance of tieing overturned in the Court of King's
Bench ? He begged of them to avert so dangerous
an experiment. But thongh thii was his strewn.
he did not go so far as to think it would be ex-
pedient to commit the prosecutor's solicitor, &c. in
the present state of the proceedings. They ought
not to suffer their privileges to be frittered away by
coming before inferior Courts; but yet, he did not
think it would diminish these privilege,. if they re-
mained as they were at present, without taking the
step recommended by this motion. If they took
no steps, they would not be in a worse situation
than they were now; bats if iiiey suffixed their

Speaker to go into a ldwer (loud, they surrendered
their privileges for ever....(Here„-alludiiig to AS ex -
preasion he•hesrd used bj' Laid reilkstone; who
sat near him)—Lord Milton. continued : Hie No..
Me Friend skid, illegal privileges—(Near. hear)—
He denied the fact.' The House had. exerciied.
no illegal privilege. This Law of Parliament was.
of as much weight, and es much to be respected,
as the Common Law or the Statute Law. By
tienching upon it, as much as by incroaching on
the other two. would the Constitution of the coun-
try be deteriorated. if once yielded to, one of their
privileges after another might be questioned in
Courts of Law ; and thus, by degrees, that might
be destroyed, which alone supported the liberties
of the people against the Crown: It was true their
privileges might be used improperly; hut it did not
thereVre follow that they were to be arraigned in •
Court of Law, nor did it therefore follow that they
were altogether to be subverted, which were the
safeguard of the people's liberties. and the bul-
wark of the Constitution.—(Hear, hear.)—Ht
trusted the House would resist the inroad. whether
.eroning from clamour out of doors, or from a Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. Heaven avert the day
on which their Speaker went to plead before an-in-
ferior Court, for on that day, with their privileges,
their liberties would be extinct !

' Lord. FOL[UTONC had not intended to trouble
the House at this time, but from the allusion to
am espasssion from him, overheard by the Noble
Lord who spoke last. Hedid contend, that there
might arise a state of things in which their privi-
leges might be disptited in a Court of Justice. If
they went the length to which the arguments used
on this occasion seemed to go, and if they would
justify every exercise of power for which they could
hind a precedent, then they mightdewhatt ver they
pleased, end the person suffering under their act
could have no, rt.-toady. To exemplify to• what
length. this might be carried, he would suppose an
extreme case, for it was by supposing extreme
caws shine, that principles could be tried. Sup-
pose, fonnilingtheniselves on precedent,they should
commit a person fur a limited time, was it to
be conteeded, that the subject could have no
remedy against this arbitrary measure ?—sSup-
poi.e they were to fine or to piilory a person,
should the person aggrieved have no remedy ?
Suppose they hail chosen to puni.h Mr. Gale
Jones, as they had once punished a person, by
putting him ou horseback, with his face to the tail,
thus conducting h.tn to Charing-cross, and, after
having •put him in the pillory there, committed
, him to Newgate for life ; could not that exercise
of poser be legally disputed ? if they chose again
to exercise this right, it was monstrous to contend
that they could thus treat any man. without
ameuable to a Court of Justice. And yet it • ould
he the case. were they to plead against the juris-
diction of the Courts, in preference to putting in a
plea in bar. With regard to the Report. lie la-
mented that ever a Committee had been appointed
to Rite their opinion on this subject. He wished it
had been left to the course of law. without the in-
terfetence of the House at all. He did not, how.
ever, quarrel with tir4teport ; though it appeared
to hen to be deficient in that species of information
which the House most required from the Cons-
minter. It produced a case in the third year of
Charles the First. which went directly against the
opinion it recommended a for in this case the House
had altered its cause, owing to proceedings in a
Court of Law. The MI of, Rights had been
often. referred to during these diacusisious, and per-
ticnlarly that passege which declared that the pro-
ceedings of Partisan-at were not to he questioned
out of Parliament. lint the case before them had
nothing to do with what was done in, but what was
done out of, Perlis ent.—( 1k ar. Rear.)—Fle main-
tained that it had not ; for what had the breaking
open of Sir Francis Burdett's doors to do with whit
war done in Parliament ? The Report, in stating
the case of Sir John Elliot, &c. had omitted a very
material partiof that case, namely, that the House
of Commons, not content with their own &elan.-
tion, sad the declaration of the Hann of Lords,
against rise decision of the Court of Kiog's Bench,
hid brought a writ of error Into the House of
Lords, to have the sentence protionticed reversed.
This proved that this Monte .tif Lords had &Jeri'
called on by the House of Commons itself, to de-
cide on its privileges. The Report also stated the
case of Sir Francis Pesabertrin; and he was our-
prised that, after the.consideration of that case, any
man could wish the •Speakee to plead against the
jurisdiction• of a Court of Law. It was held in
that case, that if the Speaker pled, the Court was
to consider. eat the: privileges of the House of
Comments, , bat. whether the person against whom
the action was brought had acted according to
these privileges ? He held that the privileges of the
House were knows, to lawyers; and though the
opioion of Lord Coke was often rooted, to chew
that they were known to hut few Parliament men;
yet Lord Coke,s in an after-passage. explained
the reason of this to be, that few persons would
take the trouble. to learn their uatare and extent.
but any one might do so who would take that
trouble. He approved.of the suggestion, that the
Speaker should plead to the Court in bar of the
action now brought against him.
Mr. Wnersatiati observed, that the plain ques-
tion before them now was, whether the report
should lie upon the table? and he would have in-
terrupted his Noble Friend, to remind him of this,
hot from a desire not to break in upon his speech.
He was averse to this premature discussion, and
thought the Right Hon. Gent, opposite, (Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer,) and his Friends, who had
broeght them into their difficulty. ought to state
' their opinions, and not now be allowed to gather
from the feelings on the other side, the mode in
which they might procure • vote to bear them
through. He wished to confine the present discuss.
sion to the point of order. and on the ulterior course
of proceeding, before they gave their opinionsou
his side of the House. to hear what the-Chairman
of the Committee had to propose. •
Mr. W. WYNN agreed with thedast -epeelier,
that a premature discussion of any of the points
connected with this subject was to be deprecated,
butt it was impossible to sit still or suffer any other
subject to intervene, after hearing the very extreon.
dinary doctrines advanced by the Noble Lord be-
hind hint (Lord Folkston.) lu opposition to that
doctrine, he held, that all the privileges of the
Rouse must be discussed in the Houses end no

where else's nod that when they first departed from
Shot, their ruin began. The Noble Lord supposed
'extreme cases—but he saw nothing contrary td
reason in the House having the power to tine now,.
as they had in the year 1669 fined White 10001.—
Tlidouly thing to be considered was the time when
IL was proper to exercise these rigbti. Ho
Nlen'ted that the Court of King's -Bedell could
interfere to wordy any arouses that might be
committed by the House. It. was she opinion of
Mr. Fox, that it was the most absurd thing
sable to argot' from extreme cases, in discussions
on a subject like the present, since, by' the nicety
with which the coMpouent pares of the Con-
stitution ivite'balanced, aitd'theie action upon each
other, alf eitredie cases were prevented.
For iu-
stance, the King might order the first regiment of
Guards to go into the House of Lords, and take
their seats as Peers; but the other'brauches of the
Constitution would soon remedy thy, extreme ex-
ercise of the power of the Crown. He laid it dorns.
as a first principle, that the High Court of (atolls-
Inept was the source of power. As all human in-
stitutions were liable to error, they might Oct
wrong; but it did not, therefore, follow, that there
could be an appeal to an inferior court. Do as
they pleased, there must at last hr a power in the
state, against which there could be no appeal ;
(hear' hear ! ) and as well might the Noble 'Lord
talk of referring to • Quarter Sessions to reverse
the decisions of the Court of King's Bench, as of
referring to the Court of Kiug's Bench to re-
verse the decisions of the Commons' I lotise of Par-
hanient. —( Hear ! hear ! )—Should any Judge en-
tertain an action against their privileges or pro-
ceediuga, he wad amenable to Ahem, sod liable to be
punished on the Bill of Rights. Tho Hoit. gent.
then alluded to the precedent 'eatattialted in the
instance of his etre:Hera ancestor, Sir W. Williams,
against whom the Court of King's (tenets gave
judgment; but which judgment wits immediately
afterwards reversed by the House, aid.tommol. or-
dered to be repaid to Sir William, out of the pith-
lic money. In the first instaace, however, the mo-
sey wets directed to be paid by Sir Roinert Sawyer,
who opposed this; and, through his interest, the
Bill was lost, after a second reading in the House
of Lords. Another cctioa was brought aping
Sir William Williams, by Lord Peterborough. fur
scandalous lads4rnat sama ; but this was afterwards corn-
promised. Would they. on these precedents, decide
that that House should sobluit to be tried b) an in-
fere* Covert Neither could they do so, 011 the
precedent in the ell 4. of 'Popham. Sec. in which
Parliament was prorogued, during the time the
Serjeant-c-Arms was in the country, executing his
wyrrant. Burdett milled witnesses to prove. that
force was used every tune he mounted his horse ;
and it was for the assaults committed by the Ser.
jeant, after the power from which bus warrant was
Arrived had ceased to exist, that the action against
him was carried into Court.

The ArroutitYLGENeast. applauded the Hon.
Gentleman who preceded, for his manly answer to
the arguments of the Noble Lord, and for his ex-
cellent and constitutional exposition of the Pri-
vileges of Parliament, with every word of which
he perfectly agreed. The argument of the Noble
Lord was founded on this, that there toiled be an
abuse committed by the House of Commons,
against which there was no remedy. While men
were men, it was true, error could never be eradi-
cated ; but carry the Noble Lord's principle, on
this subject, a little further than he had done, and
see to what consequences it would lead. Suppose
all the Courts in the country should abuse the law
--.-Suppose the Court of Common Pleas, front
some secret corruption, should der:isle, contrary to
a law, to the oppression of an individual—he op-
pealed to the Court of King's Bench, which (he
hoped he would' he • pard!lneil for using amb -a
supposition, even for mite ofiegitment) paratking
in the feelings of the ,ofter Court, should come to
similar decision.—From 'thence the wronged suitor
carried his cause to the Muse of Leads, whose
judgment was ultimate and decisive, and thiy. in•
fluenced by the general.Cortiiption,sidatuld tonfirm
the iniquitous verdicts of the inferior Courts.
Supposing all this, he would ask, whet remedy the
angering individual could have ? aCknow...
hedged that no Court, that no country could
exist where such profligacy prevailed ; hatheentele
an extreme cam of abuse ed• privileges osiglit take
Once. could-it thence be argued, that, there.
fore, sneh privileges ought not to exist at all ?
--Could this. argunient• be sustained, it would
not only put an end to the privileges of the House
of Coatroom, but to all powers of judicature, and
the privileges of every other Court. He again
warmly commended the arguments of his Ho-
nourable Friend (Mr. Wynn) who had well con-
tended, as well might the Quarter Sessions be
appealed to to decide against the House of Lords,
isa the Court of Kiag'i Bench exceed its legal
constitutional limits, and controul the limb!
of Commons. The House was the sole and ulti-
mate judge of its own privileges and of their extent.
No Court had any jurisdiction to decide on their
*salience or extent. They were to be judged by
this House alone. No other body had the power
to decide. Nut but that their privileges might be
incidentally brought before another Court, which
Conrt, however, could not look to their privileges,
but to their decisions upon them. It was by these
that the Court would be hound to deride. •

Mr. Pousamse izminded the House, that the
question before them was simply for laying the
Report on the Table, to which he thought there
could be no-objection. He regretted that this was
not more contemplated,, as it was most injurious. in
this very important question. to have a premature
debate on ulterior objects. He had opposed the
appointment of this Committee, whose Report being
laid upon the Table, would have no more effer.t
upon this great question, than if he threw (kW
hat upon it ; but he hoped,- after items Intl there,
Ministers would muster up courage puffirient to
tell the House what plan they were to expect to
proposed by them.
The question was then put and eerrierl. - •
Mr. IA Gionc, in pursuance of the task irs-
ported upon him, toile to propose another siverioolo•
the House! He bad hoPed,however ralyb• theacee
tlemen opposite had differed in opinion espeelling
the appointment of the Committee, yet that when
it was aponitited, by a gre4t majority of the Mouse.
they would have contributed by their assistance
and advice to direct the cousse winch the public

good rendered it most expedient to pursue, it
appointed in that hope, he still thought Slur s
the Committee bad madetioass.ttti
nhHihtihoca)herneeeteier,wart
iwehronrideuhpi
ipinotdeceigrh enticed,ioabt ,mtnaswes
t.
ilemen would not have looked ,on
d
h
)
as
spectators of the difficulties in which they
*dered the House to be involved, or have d prise;
moroeutuus
e
• peech, rels.
tits to the three modes in which the House INltjtt
tot acve preferred
:PTleesdinlighueeiesnd!eutitlah.uni Noble hT
inginibEhfydice lbhav:iediNlrtbrel a irliGieitn:ollo
in antrer
queut of
'against Mr. Abbott, es an individual, by beam, alai
not iu the character of Speaker of the Ilouss of
Commons, would be. that the,Court, unspprizecl of
this circumstance, and the involution of their pn.
villegrs, would permit toe action to go on. Were
the House to adopt the second course, and reining
the Solicitor, &c. others, if not the persons core.
emitted, would go on with the *Won to an unlimited
extent. There waa then no oar course but to Ku
into the Court, in a certain degree, in so fir as
✓ude, that the privileges of the House were convert,
ed iu the action. Ceder these coliaidersimus, and
for the reason& he had.alresdy given, preferrung the
plea in bare to the plea iu abatement, he would coo.
chide by nemil/2. TIIAT USN SPURR.' AND SEM
J_BANT SE TO ANTE/111 AND PLIED TS
TNN SAID ACCIIISS.' The Noble Lord opposite
(Milton) had roe nnmendeil that they should take
no
steps at . II ; hut if this advice was taken, the
consequence would he. th it the Court would pro.
need with the cause, and judgment to the full ex.
t• nt of the damages laid, would go by Mundt. If
• the Gentlemen oppoei.e 6viidetsined the steps now
✓u
commended, they ought. es Members of Kills-
-went; not to wrap themselves up art silence, huer,
fur the good of their country, state what course
appeared to their judgments to be better. new
might say the Hodse was under difficulty, aid
hr was free to confess they were ; but it was a
difficulty not wising out of the rase itself, but out
of the imperfection of the Constitution, ia, aot
anticipating and providing a :Ain't leo eats a
cam—Meer, heui, frost tie Opporiliois at./
—Hr repeated, that it was au imperfective, not
to foresee and provide against the extreme CDs of
an individual so dents as to resist the authority tuf
the House of COIDIIIOiI%. But it was 800, as Gen-
tlemen who cheuered„ltin nii4ht contend, at all de.
pendent upon this particular case. Last Sento.
these gentlemen were not sparing of commitments;
and sunder resistance sod similar legal proceedres
might have arisen out of these as out of this; the
same difficulty would have ensued. Therefore, it
did not depend on the committal of Sir F. Burdett,
hut on the nature of the thing itself. He conduit.
ed by moving, " That it was the opinion of the
House," &c. In the terms stated in the prog.ess of
his speech.
A question being put from the opposition side of
the Humor, as to what was the sub.eqiieuit proceed.
nig he haul to propose, Mr, thous ,toted, that,
if his present motion was Receded to, lie would
then oticr another. " That THU A rrortNEI.GINF.
ESL SHOULD DE INSTRUCTED 110 IMPLSD
SPICASES •ND NT."

Mr. Pow/lower understood these motions to be
made in concurrence with His Nl+ ty's 51p,t.ter,.
and in conformity to the opinions they emertriurd
on this subject. He wished to know if he ass
correct iu this supposition. and that the room pro.
posed was that which tbey would recommend to
the. House

.The CHANCELLOR of the EieHeQUER in reply
had ti hesitation in an. venlig this ire,.
-lion with u decided yes; would the Right Honour.
ob* gentlemen, bud- he put the question to him.
have given a emoilar answer ?—(!fear !)
Mr. Pox:maim said. if he, as the Right no.
nnurable Gentleman had done, had brought the
House into any difficulty, he would he 'divined of
Imnself if he WAS nut the first to give it iiiteadrice
how it might be extricated. ( Hear ! hear!) Whet
he would say on this most momentous question, he
inquired not whether it would he popular or um.
popular. Ile did not know whether in the House,
or out of the House, it would he approved or dis-
approved ; hnt this lie did know, that unless the
House came to (-coons dectiociii, a decision which
.his duty to his country bound Imuto enlorce,
as
far as his ablities would go, the liberties of his
country were in his opinion at 1111 end. To him it
appeared wideninhler that the House of Commons
possesses) the privilege tot:canna for libel. 'nun,
mg inn, he never should refrain from declaring his
sentimental.; and touch as he esteemed the opium&
of the people, he would treat them as he would
and had treated the King when he was hie servant
—he would serve them both, but he would flatter
neither., (Hear! hear!) The first principle of
law which he would lay down was, that the House
was the sole judge of its own privileges. l'he /louse
alone could declare what was their nature—
wasah their exteat.—in what manner they should be IA.
ercited• No Court, however high, could or ini4lit
to be allowed to meat :le with their decisions. (Hear!)
The next principle of law he submitted was. that
after the House had declared what its priileges
were, ell Courts were bound to pay respect mil obis..
darner to that declaration, as soon es it should he
made known to them. That these opinions might
not be said to rest on his own authority, which
could not carry with it much weight, he hod taken
rather an unusual liberty, and brought seisiral
books down with him I. iiie House. Froth these,
the highest and best of authorities, contaiiiing the
opinions of the greatest, the wisest, and most eh..
lightened men that ever hired, it would be sem.
that, they held the PROW doctrines he now, at eon
that
humble distance. maintained. He hail brought the
hooks with him, that, in their own words, he might
submit to the Hone the sentiment' of these ireuer-
able and illustrious authors, rather than bY gnek'"
e‘trActs, which might alibi, ct hiio to the charr
a partial or etrbied selection. The first towhich
he called, the attention of the House, was LOA
Hide's T'reetise m the‘nriglial Imetitatim, P. e
,
, and Joripdeetim of PieetiomMt. From this L
treNenoebedutsettF:lueltz'llgoetengewlispf aiiags:igisuesedria. P'ipnatrowirih:laiet;;l:files.ittiewla4ofjeePrrec4l7:4lrii:
dew lems et emmetudiame Portimteette. was
•
fined to be the law of the land, sod that ever!
Member of Parliament had it judicial aut.borlq!"''.
Autruledged and confessed by ledges is tors°o

parliaments, These opinions of Lard Hale were
drawn front the eminent authority of Lord Coke,
with whose sentiments they were in the most perfect
He had heard it said out of Parliament.
unisou•
that these great men bad too much reverence for
the Parliaments of the day iin which they lived ; and
to opposition to them, the writings or Judge Black-
1001dre frequently quoted. From this anthor he
give no extracts, but he would read, in his
0," words, au explicit contradiction of the err.
meets encleamou red to be deduced from his writing's.
(Here the Right I ion. Gentleman lead from
ect Bl
that
t'one's Cowsientories, opinio to the eff
the privileges of Parliament were large and inclefi-
nite,l When Judge Fortescue was questioned es to
the event of these privileges, by the Hots*. of
Lords, he refused to answer, on the ground Asti/
was not et to question that, of which the House
itself must be the sole and only judge. That the
House was so high mid mighty, that law they might
male no law; and that their privileges ought not
of,,,fefined, as being intended to protect the lame-
ties of the people fain the incroachments of the
Crown; if they were defined. the Executive Go..
verwuritt would be enabled to devise new cases out
of the legal definition, by which they might harass
refractory Members. Judge Blackstone further
said, that no catalogue of their privileges should
be ..tnek up for the information of all persons, as
to define was to subvert the Constitiition of the
Honpr. After this, he hoped he would never again
hear Blackstone quoted, as saying Out the law
of Parliament was not the law of the land. The
next work of which he should read a part WU
a tract on the authority of Parliament, by Sir
R. Atkins, who, in his Ggah page, said, that Pnr-
honed had three several powers : as a judicial
tribunal, as a legi'l hive body, and as the tom-
ohms magassa regal.—But U. these enlightened
tines it war argued that snch powers were so hostile
to the laws of mature. that Parliament ought wit to
eery them. This was no new discovery, whatever
Grialemen might think of their sagacity in striking
it Old.—(Hear). It was maintained, as ably as it
was now, a hundred years ago. In the case of the
Queen against Petit, Idnil Holt, on this ground,
ha differed in opinion front the other eleven Judges.
Lim! Holeergued, that if each power was allowed,
the House might neclare what they liked, to which
there could be #o stop. "Trite,' said the other
eleven Judge., " but it is the law of the land—the
law dike Wt il entrusted to Parliamem, of which
it rennet PW.PEsurned thatsit wig do wrong, und
change the law." No mail could Writhe diame-
ter of Lord Holt in greater reverence than lie did.;
but at the same time in which his Lordship lived,
there were other eleven Judges of as great abilities,
wilearned iu the laws, as friendly' to the liberties of
the subject, and whose characters stood highs and
without impeachment or iuquitutiorr of corrupt or
improper motives for then; )i ii ions they held ; awl
wbeu hr Wowed this weight of authority ageiost
as inditidaal opiuion, he most say, that it was
greatly outweighed. The faunilstion of Ler.'
Halt's argresent was, that there ought to he ao
onlimitted power in this• countrv. With nil de-
ference to this opinies, he must; beg to dissent
from it. It .was not whet ow* to -lie the
lee ; but v lint is. the. Iww? There Wise be
some discretionary pown• vested somewhere in
the Government of a tetsittry, and as God
had made man, every human constitution was
kable to error. The verdicts of the Judges -of the
inferior Courts, if wrong,. might be repealed in the
House of Lnrds, tine superior tribunal ; or if thew
verdicts were pi overt to proceed front corrupt mo•
tive., the judges might be pnaished by the House
of Command. lint who should cult -Parliament to
aeenunt. He might be answered, the people? But in
what way were the temple constitutionally to de this
When the Members of that Howe went hack to their
constituents, then the people had the rented) •iii their
ow', hands, awl by reelecting or dismissing their
prestinetives, ring lit curetse all the cookout the con-
stitution of the country geve-theens It Will not the
right remedy to take away the privileges of the
Impel" branch of the legislature.- because is) some
instance these privileges might be gime& The
address sewithmeldKibnig., if
o Parliament-
idimin h
arsiiament- were distrusted, to
If the House,
from its construction, did not
tent:t. the pu sthe
then redress was to be sought by all legal and
constitutional memos, to
form: but it was • • procure
t aetettary
re"
umrates. as well -as silly, to
liostezpctotithil e,_
nototherit course. ,It wits said that the
commit for libel; but where did
or could they find the law tin
11
nth ? t point. but in
the Acts] of the
Lookiug at this, from
the
Inge of the ist Volun
couldl be obtainedtswhich,anxious for all the ariaforthemirajtionunntailles;
on the subject, he had rie.
(erred) to the latest period he had found nume-
rous
inier:etaieices_eecorded of committal fee slander.
i
thendeciiroui ofJudges
House
do nothing but look at
itself for their directions
sod, to use a legal phrase, he was, by that means,
"'Teed from giving .
anlmm
sent time, there hadgbeeoon. Before the pre./
the Constitution of thea country,menasmuch
attached
to
devoted to the liberties of the people, alatie, asat
any now
bring. And yet, when the petition of rights was
Passed, did any one say, hen, indeed, are excellent
Provisions made against the encroachments of the
Crown, but I desire the same against the House of
ozerb lan
foe hiss protection of the people ? Tnere
C„anto
war no
Bfilist; those day when the

~ .~

i • '

lifierties at the list of their own liberties and
like,. They did hoevay define or circumscribe the
privileges ohlie'floutie of Commons; and when he
' fodhd chit tir-bc the cos.., his hands trembled too
1 toilets to act. if hisdranced to tear down that PAC-
liarneitity*Constktution, they thought the hest in
the Wdeld'.—rnear. Itetir.)-7He could not agree to
the doctrine of contempti now held by 'some. Of
old, such OPluiotis did not prevail. The two Houses
originally sat together, and possessed the power, .
' which wee indispensable to their existence, ton pre- •
serve the 'lndependence of their meetings, and to •
' int-dice respect in their proceediogi. It itits dui*
sitti.ig together,' he imagined.' that gave rise to
' the expiession 'of Sir J. Atkilis;thitt they inissesseil
' the seine poweri separately.'. He held the same
' Opinion ; and that when aspirated into. two
,' chabmers, each chamber ' posieased the power
of the originally united- body. 'The twit great
authority he should refer to Wei that of Lord
Chief Justice Wilmot, a Man Orthe utmost ithi,
lay. of the Most ' peached integrity, and a
warns friend to the cease of 'phblic libtrty—its a
judgment he hind prepared, but from Ciniutostames
never proliouticed. It held that it was the power
of all Court,. to vindicate their own authority.--a
power coevel with their institution, tiod tifillikrdr-
liamettt must have the same postai...' It.'inis ,thee
Lei Terra. and as Much within tbehlegeitelittics, i
and Istrleuendent of it, as if that charter did net meisq4
As for Mogan Char et, if they give it the generator/Ft.•
strubtion now attempted to he mit upon it: on Man '
who knew aught, either of the law or the colietitu-
don,;-eroilel look iiround them. without seeing thet it
was in the 'tame way tifiiversalty violated ; ond that
there were shan'other Cans in4)irbich the 31thject
watt committed to prison dfilkit trial They
might as well sty that the tlitien'Caw, and the
Encloit.tstieal Law, Wete of no salhitrilV, es th.y
were not contained in ilfaßto...C'hafta. and were
tomtit distinct front ie•Thei iiiiilii iii Tell contend
that these laws overthrew all the right's and libirties
of the people. Lord Chief Justice Wilmot litated,
that he hail inquilreilMost Mintitely into the tiolri.
act, to disco.* the -ollion'Oftliis law of Oarliaingut.
From these inquiries' tie giti.foonir, the' it was as
ancient as the Common Law, with which it there:-
Tote acted Vokrjunctly'strul io close alliance. It was
the univernil oi le, front time. immemorial. that
Judge's in'theiti **tint Codrts might attach tier'ile.
fences '' fetishist ' their juiisdleiinn ; anti in the
.ante mariner, the House Ll Commons must have
the acknoidedg. rf right to eery 'their pri.iler:s in-
to exircution, in the Way‘they deemed most proper.
The JUdges punished libels on iliviiisclirM in the
execistioo of their office,by a: tiehaesit ; though, in
that case, the fonctisiis of Juil4e, Juror, and exe-
cutioner. were united. Vet this Was never objected
to, or called in 'question. by taulinatent. ;t was
said. that there was an absurd. ly in a Maio's
combining, or in a liody:i coMbiniuglit iiiielf. the
functions of /anise, jatror, and prifißottir of
the law; in its own case ;Nut lie the opinion
of i•s abaurdity what it might. the tact wee, that
m at a imethiniathcalid exist in` the iiidges, nod he
roultf”conteni in Parliament' also: . He %toted,
at' much Inngih', the authority of Lord Chief "us-
Ace Crania; in, inoport of his opinion. j accOrditeg
tie' whom, n it ',Amino.. of the spite ii of laW;io this
cciuntry. that theca who were guilty of eontemltts,
seta. slitobil.l be tried in • suminary manner." They
should take 'all the ',item together. Trial hi
Jury tens indiirtably one port' of it ; hut At-
tachment was another; in& they might Alepeill
upon it, 'that 'Trial by Jury would be burped
• in the same rave with th..• authority of the
Courts id which it was ranched. --7(lfear, Aiir.l
In another plAce the ante eft tinathority. *sited:
how could the dodges go on t? re aiacharge of
•, their functions, if they were pi le igslrittl as blPei
dilifiloo.oUrsille. 11114 unjwst.-41400fil they .ptind at
Atha 'door of a Grand Jury;' in iside'r,bekdow eljetbie
tbeir'-character's sere to •Ise iiipfieatsel f' itimeidd,
,they mahout io the dell'y ;rid fortuelite of 4 verdict.
i sobjget to the' influence of' popilliordeltisiou; for the
piiipMe i,iraiteeiti ag their clrd! lip the reptitation
which dudesenotilly'attapked) Hiseng stated
his opinion of the low' a-parluotelat thtis Tar; an I
quoted suchinstances itt,sopport et that opinion,
;he thought it uniiremiotry to adtfanylnOre upon
that heist; but the nuthatch or:Yolks Blackstone,
who; tfintigbiltioled iwfavistirif the tooderuppi Mons
upon this subject, had said upon other pruoitiples in,
the case'of (liver. He was now coine to the case
ithmedintely before the floe*, and to di manner
in which Toe thought it hest to proceed. It was not
his isitention to suggest any thioo by way'or am-,
:vice,itie‘tlie house, but merely to give up epoujon
ate the' &timer in` which he would himself have
*tat 'if pliked iti a situaticin:ivhiefi celled fqr it.--
Aejliemot %lief bad no right 'to gallppon him for
so opitioit; for whatever olUmpi he bad yet tie-
' cloMd u' Vie subject, was resisted by the Right
Pp. Getitleniin'?'aud Over-ruled by fir Ibusgee—
he principle,•\iperi which he :h'pUld act,. in a case
iketlie preseot, would be, to go as near as ito-sills
, the old course Of prOceeding--/Aeor. hear ;)--40
follow the exaniole of their ancestors. as clomly,as
the 'eirvuinvtunces would permit. In siiiite of what-
&rev onions might attach to hint for, the sera;
ledginent..he would say, that if he was in o silos-
!ion in which he was called upon to act, be 'amid
advise, that' the Attorney, serving the viarroot,
should 'be committed—/Hear, bear.)-HC vrot(ill
not be deterred frilim declaring this, by ontappie-
hension of the consequeoces, however anasous he
might he to possei• the favour of the public... foe-
terity shbold not have it in their pow.. to My 4
him. there was a tnsn who. in ' his anxiety Inv po-
pularity. lost sight of the privileges of die MOO of
Commons=/ Hear, ben./—He was mot sure that
such • step would stop the pro'eeedings in the ac-
tion ; but as it was the course aflopted in all for.,
mer cases, oft tee.,. who had. gam before them
were in the habit of committing in such caws.,
he would' wish that they should J. 50 t 00•7"
The neat poiut to :consider was, what should be
dole by the Speaker himself ? It struck many am •
monstrous meetly. that the Speaker should plead
in an ration brought against him for having dii-
chisrgevE his duty to that house; that hr should
appear in Court for the puipmeof inemering for
an exercise of its privileges. He tlinughr, neMr-
thelesst, that the Streaker should appear and plead,
1 to that action-111"u. bear.)—lli. Waited chit
OM** sot a proceeding so fraught with danger
as was apprehended. With re.pect to the propriety
of committing the Solicitor, he hail not • doubt

upou his mind. If a man haul been committed by
hint for a contempt of the Court, wisiledie !tad the
honour of holding the Great Semi of Ireland, and
that an Anothey had served him with a process. iu
consequence of such, comnsitineitt, he would nut he-
sitate one moment to commit the Attorney also., k
That he would certainly du, but, at the same nine.
he would appear to plead to the actinn. (thar,hear.)
=lie would plead to it upon this principle, that
the, Court belowsluntld have jurisdiction to this
extent that ,they should know upuu what grouuds
the action was brough., god upon what plea
it was to be defended ; a knowledge at which
it could not .otherwise arrive. As' to the course
for which some Gesetleines seenied to contend,
he did Mt .know how,-it was to.-be acted on.
Would any one say that a prohibition ought to
be issued le the -Courts'. He had server met .with
such a line of preceding:in, the coterie of his read-
ing. nor had he heard it mated, froth the experience
or the.reading of any other man. Was the Speaker
to send a letter to the image. COMManding bath not
toheer it .He 'Duet my, that if he;was the Judge
to witonveucb- • letter.was addressed, with all his
attachment to the privilege, of that House, and all
ha'relitlet £O6 the Speaker. he would feedit his duty
to pay bo 'attention whatsoever to such *letter, nor
is desist frost thehearing.of the cease, entit.the
plea had given-him/to understand thot it was a trial
Jvolvaitg decision ttletti the privilees of the
nuse pliceiquioas.. If, ultderit false ides of pro-
tecting thins privilege*. they went, to issuee,pro-
tosthe Courts below, then, indeed, the •
prole might with- jtistice ',reuse them of trawl.
ana eppression. (Hoar). The Speaker, he thoogitt.
inform the Judgee. by plea. thatithe had acted,
in the iintanerfor which them ctiou smimmaibauught, in
his capecityas Sp. aker ; Fie should add to this state-
ment. that the action hermit of sue* a nature, they
(the indgest. had .no power to entertain it against
hint, or to decide upon the priviltegeo of the House.
If the ,Conti thee lent on to try the cause, if' it
persevered in (lending upon their privileges or upon
the warrant of the Speaker, he would own, with the
same frankseas that he hid hitherto avowal his
*pinions, that by such !reelect the Court would
exceed its jnitsdiction.--(//ear! Aral- !)—But he
could "en imagine that it would do so ; he
could not suppose that' the Jurl,;es would feel
?Irish to violate their duty. ancl.act in bostitdy to
the known lees' of the lands—Meer / beer 1)
Ilavitig stated his opinions thus hanlly, no man
could accuse him of b- ing actuated by the feir of
exeitittg popular disapprobation, or of seerifiettig
his duty to any unworthy motive. (Hear! heir 1,1
He hail no hesitation to say that such were his sen-
nonage ; and if the people of Englaud, forgetting
their good ~:use and the principles. of the celestite-
tioie shoislil be prevailed impala to take a part agemst
the privileges uf that House, they might deirend upou
it, that they were Retitle wither the impulse of a most
dangerous ileinsera. and lending themselves to
cause deterlll4.lVe of their prosperity. The present
question should not be euttasierell mesely its refer-
mice to "lie present House of Commons, but to
every future House ; lint to assent circumstances
but to all possible eircuinstant-a in which the
country could be placed. Should it be thought
-theterstilegef so eirliti4 to their welters. WeretOg
laufh,fair tho „people to bear, let theta remember,
, that their curators had borne them ; (hear, Leer;)
theiewho in other times contended against arbitra-
ry power with such noble zeal, they who possessed
*pints so unheaslin teand principles so consistent with
!freedom. they wboseaver.ion to ell unjust restraints.
(asset keeseak,strotng as that of their descendants,
they hied borne thein. Upon the privileges of that
'flause depend the liberties of the people. However.
a momentary delusion might bias their judgments,
sod warp their Acuities, (her would discover thisat.
last. and recognize in the Reuse of Commons. their
mural; prosector, and opn.titational safeguard
against arbitrary power. What. was the Crow's to
be considered as the defender of their rights ?
Were the people to turn their eyes to that
as to their only goitre of hope and of defence ? He
veugroted. the Crown, as an ingredieut ria that form
of Gov rnment, which he considered the best on
earth ; but, from its nature, front the structure of
the hiseven 'Mud, and the tentleney of power to
**tend itself, and to trespass, it never could be re-
garded as the safeguard of the laxities of the peo-
ple. They would find in • history, that it had not
heretofore acted in that capacity. No other King.
perhaps, beside the present. had given them decided
testimouies of anxiety for their privileges. and for
those parts of the Constitution which acted as
checks upon the prerogative. It was out of the
nature of things, that, t.,inittitationally speaking,
the 'king could be held in such a light. They
might as well expect that he would come down
to the House, and give. up all the powers
with which he was legally invested, as that he
srouitt beeome the aseertor 'of the liberties of the
peewit,. Speaking is IL conektutional light, and
with the fregdeet et an Engli.hinao.. be would
triathlons that there'never was o more objectiontible
doctrine avowed, br pmts which' was fraught With
coesequenees ois injurious to the nation. Heins
stanctil the evinces of the Howse ofStoart, had
their jealonsy,lo the .righto.oftlisopeople ; Welded;
ing therefrom, that, theuich aeriece of a different
character, unit different political notions, now sat
site lite throne, they should still keep its view the
passel nli y of meeting hereafter those of a similar
description. If it was the opinion of: the people
that the. flonse of Commons Ail net:do its dutyt,
that its eetitstursit4 were too much at variance 'with
the country, and that it was too Mood) an bistros.
meet in the hands of Ministers, let-it be 'uttered
rood modified, if it was the desireloit the nation that
it should ; bat let theta not seek flue swetechou
from the Crown which they could crily Ind in a
House of Commons.—(Heartlie.v)-.4. if the,
privileges of the HOUSE of Chnilbrotli weft to Ise
"t restricted. whet was to beetheir liounduet; should
the people be the Judge,. of art moon to which
they. mere taba carried, ee elutelds(m.memed now
to be the oppion of, away), the Oven pf
Bench decide? It was in,Nrain to say that they
might do so in the present ease. and not Fn every
' other. If they were to this, open what prin-
ciple mould they refuse to try any-that was salmi t.
ted to them; it anglaise made a question. after
sieh a peteedeot, whether theliste bad a right to
comittlf le plena% for bestingW.Slesietinta it-Arms,
the Serjeatit having provoked and insulted him t It
would bring all their privilege* into that state, that
the Court of King's Bench would have aright to de-

cw lodueld"ben tthheemCevouerrtyoothe, dernaniedrthe resolguroilarei all such
cases. But, suppose that public opinion was to 62
the limit of their jerisiliction, it was not difficult to
see what that would end in. Some might vault it
expedient that certain privileges should be allowed,
but there would not be wanting' those who would
limit them still farther ;- the strtiggle between the
candidates for pnbhic favour would at length
amount to this—oho should restrict them most ;
anti they would go on bidding against each other
at this auction of popularity, until they had re.
dared the privilege and powers of that House to au
state which must sink it into nothing ; they would
go on advancing With rapid steps to the colt-
fusion of democracy, and from thence into tlitt
state from which there is no deliverance, hit in
the Government of a single person. (hear ! hear 'j
Let them remember how near they had hi:cot to
that situation before, when the unfortunate Charles
suffered for his errors; when all good men, who,
wished to bring the Constitution, to its proper rune,
were turned out of that House, and none but tie
salad* and the interested were permitted to remelt,
/Hear, hear);—men who talked of' freedom, but
meant despotism; se who sought the Lord," butt
found a crown—Mew. heard—lt because the di
to take elesson from times like there, and to regu-
late their coudact at the present day. With a slew
to that lesson, of crime and danger, with wit -li
their history. presented them, it became the people.
with such instances before their eyes, and woe t:•e.,
experience of the benefit, of the Constitution rti:l..r
Initial they lived, to be cautious of corninitt.t.g
theisiselvea in such a contest as the preset:'. If
they suffered themselves to be urhled, un ler suet,
circuinstauces, they would suffer the gresttf'st eds.
rattles; but they would traffer them unregrettel,
wipitied, and unrelieved..—(Loral and repeateti
Cries' of hear.)
"Mr. Aosta said. that after the etoquerii, • lumi-
nous, and crinatitutiotest stitech which they had just
heard, (hear. heard it would not be necessary for
him to trespass on their time. There wag not a
principle, a doarine. or an illustration, which did
not go home to his feelings and his judgmeut ; th. 4
he was persuaded to Ott of ties House. (Hear,
hear.) He could not, howerrr, let the quession gi
to a division, wohout stating his oninton on tie
Course .that should be pursued. hop 'd that
hereafter they would he able to assert t'utr oils
privilege., without the inconvenieuce of entering
a plea ; and thought that, for this purism*, it Rests-
lutinn, declaratory of their privileges, should he en-
tered into. He agreed in the principle of hI,
Right lion. Friend, that whets their privileges were
attacked, it was necessary that they should tike the
course they had always adopted before ; and
though it was. now rath4 late to resort to it, be
wished that it 'should' be adopted.
The CliSilca4cia Of the Excuequea
'pealed Mr. Piesoithy, in very warm terms, upon
the general tenor, as well as the elovieu. e of his
speech. Still, however. he could not refute from
expressing his surprise that he should hive resolved
to withheld his as .;stance front the Committee,
when. according to his own confession, they were
embarked in a common cause. the assertion and
4ttiirwt of which was tietemewe to ..he liberties of
the country. It it was his opinion that the Com-
mittee was intent upon a wrong course, which he
could not have succeeded in altering, he now found
that the course which it recommended was one ire
which he himself agreed.—( Hear, hear.)—lle
(Mr. Percent!) Was apprehensive, from the rnan•
net in which the Right Hon. Gentleman het usked
him whether that was the course which he would
recommend ? that he was desirous of pinning him
in order to oppose him ; he was haepy, how-
'ever, to find that he was mistaken. 'the Right
Hon. Gentlest*, had laid touch stress upon the
unfortunate simation in which the House was
placed; now, what was this unfortnusts notion ?
It was the situation in which the) would always be
placed, in every exercise of their privileges. (Hear,
hear.)—Had any man an idea, that if Sir Frauds
Burdett was brought to the bar to he reprimanded,
this action would be avoidsd, or that he would not
have placed the House in a situation io which it
would be neeessis.y for it, to assert its dignity by
some such measure as that tai which they were now
driven. He (the Chancellor of the. Exchequer)
was one of those who did nut regret that it was come
to this crisis, that they would shew they had the
power to protect their privileges. If he objected to
any thing in the Right Honourable Gentleman's
speech, it was that which attached so mach import-
ance to the difficultics of the !situation. The diffi-
culty was not such; he was confideot,•that any
Judge of the land, on hearing the case stated,
would say, if it is a question of -privilege, I cannot
try it." TheCtrueti it was true, might try whether
it was a proceeding of Parliament ur not ; but as
to the right of Parliament to order such proceeding,
it was what it never would try ; he, therefore, had
on
apprehension ; in the situation in which they Sere
placed, let them adopt the course which they
were compelled to pursue, withoit whiuiug.—
Such greet apprehensions of teaching their prin.
Peels appeared to imply a doubt of their soundeins.
When the subjeet came before the Juolges, the
question would be whether the action was islooght
for a conduct adopted ruder the autnority of the
House ? It might also decide wlwther the plea
stated the circumstances in due form. Even sup-
:posing they had not acted effectively, in not cum.
. witting the Attorney, such a measure could now
,be taken with. more propriety than before. They
souk' also be right to consider, before they adopted
. lit even now, whether they should do iu one case
Sethat they might not be able to du in another. If
theAttoruey who had served the notice was corn.
wetted, he might employ. another who would
comment* ao action without notice, or stating
thesgrinstsis oldies enough to be istitsislittl with
committal . • Ise.i.fes they womb' only h..ve to
wait till s.— end of the gesome et that time the
*Fiend Solicitor would be liberated, and cep. ;le
himself of prosecuting the actum. He trioorin
that the House would pursee the wisest chaise in
adopting the advice of the Committee without pur-
suing the cosines pointed out by the night Hon.
Gentleman and his Hen.. Friend. T..ore were
cases in which the Noise diticied preeseutio..s by
other tribunal*, but in so doing the House bad dis-
permed with, not abandoned Its right. He went
into other cases, illustrative of this peel en, sad
cop:Mani with expressing his snisfection, that
however they might dtter spots imisticidar paws&

seen language in those days, when the acts
an which British liberty was founded, were framed.
Neither dud they then say, that in a free country.
the Representatives of the People were not the fit.
test persona to be intrusted with that discretionary
Power, which must. somewhere in the Government.
• he entrusted.— r lieor.)—.Yet, in theft days, the
glorious days of the Revolution. lived Lord Somers,
the head of a great party in the State. sod of whom !lemon would venture to say, that he was aot devot.
• thy attached to the liberties •A the people. In those
tits lived Sir John Jekyll and.W in. Maynard, mem
ceidirsted for their love of liberty and devotion to
the interests of the people. Did these great men.
when the Kentish Petition brought the question of
P` `Dirges to issue. did they call for • definition
of the privileges of Parliament. or for the infringe-
ment of the privileges claimed ? No ! they were
too sell acquainted with that constitution they had
O'f'd to fortis, aud to which they were so firmly
•
"14.'hf•d. Thus he had sot only the sulictioni of
the for the doctrines he had advanced. but
"as sit
pported by the greatest men the country
ever to boast..-the rata who had myriad hoe