The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-02-04 00:00:00

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PARLIAMENTARY INTELLIGENCE.

HOUSE OF LORDS, THURSDAY, Ft'. S.

This day Parliament assembled for the despatch of business.
His Majesty's health not pertaining Kim to attend in person, the
Session was opened by COMMINOOR.
At twelie o'clock Lord 0 w TOT a, the Lord Great Chamberlain,
examined the cellars and vaults under the Speaker's house, and
ilthet gem of the building, as hrtustotnary at the memnencement
of every !tension.
At two o'clock we observed many of their Lordships arriving,
and at hill-past two the House assembled. By this time many
I,adies,'lnTell dress, were admitted into the body of the House.
The Lords Commissioners, viz. the Archbishop of CANTER-
NCR the LORD CHANCELLOR. the Earls of WESTMORLAND.
DITIIIrrtIIIIIRT, and Hitanowar, having taken their nests on
the Weelhack,
The LORD CHANCELLOR ordered that the Commons
Mould he summoned to the bar of their Lordships House, to hear
his Majesty's Commission for opening Parliament, and the Speech
read.
In a few minutes the STEAX Et, attended by a number of the
the Members of the House of Commons, appeared at the bar.
The Commission by which their Lordships were empowered to
open Parliament having been read,
The 1A...1R0 CHANCELLOR rose, and delivered his Majes-
ty's most gracious Speech to both Houses, of which.tbe following
ii a copy t--
" My Lords mid Geefkmee,
" are commanded by his filajesty to express to you the
gratification which his Majesty derives from the continuance and
progressive increase of that public prosperity upon which his Ma-
jesty congratulated you at the opening of the last Session cf
Parliament.
" There never was a period in the history of this country, when
all the gnat Interest" of the Nation were, at the same time, in so
thriving a condition, or when a feeling of content and satisfaction
was more widely diffused through all classes of the British People.
" It is no small addition to the gratification of his Majesty, that
Ireland is participating in the general prosperity.
" The outrages, for the suppression of which extraordinary
Powers were confided to his Slajesty, have so far ceased, as to
warrant the suspension of the exercise of those powers in most of
t be districts heretofore disturbed.
- - -

" Industry and Commercial Enterprise are extending themselves
in that part or the United Kingdom.
" It is, therefore, the more to be regretted, that Associations
should exist in Ireland, which have adopted proceedings irrecon-
cileable with the spirit of the Constitution, and calculated, by
exciting alarm, and by exasperating animosities, to endanger the
pease of society, and to retard the course of national improvement.
•• His Illajesty Mies upon your wisdom to consider, without
delay, the means of applying a remedy to this evil.
" His Illujesty further recommends the renewal of the inquiries
instituted last Session into the state of Ireland.

" Majesty has seen with regret the interruption of the trap.
quillity in India, by the unprovoked aggression and extravagant
I.retersions of the Burmese Uovernment, which rendered hostile
olerations against that State unavoidable.
" It is, however, satisfactory to find that none of the other Nati►e
Powers have manifested any unfriendly disposition, and that the
bravery and good conduct displayed by the forces already employed
sorsiost the enemy, afford the most favourable prospect of a sue-
c•'tfof termination of the contest.
Gentkmen of the Gesso of Commons,
" His Majesty has directed us to inform you, that the Estimates
of the year will be forthwith laid before you.
" The state of India, and circumstances connected with other
parts of his Majesty's Foreign Possessions, will render some aug-
mentation of his Military Establishments indispensable.
" His Majesty has, however, the sincere gratification of belief,.
tng, that notwithstanding the increase of expense, arising out of
this augmentation, such is the flourishing condition and progres.
e:ve improvement of the Revenue, that it will still be in your
Tower, without affecting public credit, to give additional facilities
to the national industry, and to make a further reduction in the
":urfttens of the people.
" My Lords and Gentlemen,
•' His Majesty commands me to inform you, that his Majesty
continues to receive from his Allies, and generally from all Princes
and States, assurances of their unabated desire to maintain and
cultivate the relations of Peace with his Majesty, and with each
other, and dist it is his Majesty's constant endeavour to preserve
the general tranquillity.
. . . .

" The negotiations which have been to long curled on, through
his Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople, between the Emperor
of Russia and the Ottoman Porte, have been brought to an ami.
table issue.
" 11i, Majesty has directed to be laid before you Copies of ar-
rangements which have been entered into with the Kingdoms of
Denmark and Hanover, for improving the commercial intercourse
between these States and the United Kingdom.
" A Treaty, having for its object the more effectual suppression
of the Slave Trade, has been concluded between his Majesty and
the King of Sweeden ; a copy of which treaty, as soon as the mi-
t:cations thereof shall have been exchanged, has been directed to be
laid before you.
_

'• Some difficulties have arisen with respect to the ratification of
the Treaty for the same object, which was negotiated between his
Majesty and the United States of America.
" These difficuhies, however, his Majesty trusts, will not finally
impede the conclusion of so beneficial an arrangement.
" In conformity wih the declarations which have been repeatedly
made by his Majesty, his Majesty has taken measures for confirm—
ing, by Treaties, the
,commercial relations already subediting be-
tween th,s Kingdom and those countries of America which appear
have established their separation from Spain.
" co soon as those Treaties shall be completed, his Majesty call
dirc-A copies of them to be laid before you.
" His Majesty commends us not to conclude without congratu-
liting you upon the continued improvement in the state of the
A grictiltural Interest, the solid foundation of our national pros-
perity; not without informing you, that evident advantage has
been derived from the relief which you hare recently given to com-
merce by the removal of inconvenient restrictions.
" His Majesty recommends to you to persevere (as circumstances
may allow) in the removal of similar restrictions; and his Majesty
direct.' us to assure you, that you may rely upon his Majesty's cor-
dial co-operation in fostering and extending that commerce, which,
whilst it is, under the blessing of Providence, a main source of
strength and power to this country, contributes in no less a degree
to the happiness and civilization of mankind."
After the King's Speech had been read. the Gentlemen of the
House of Commons withdrew, and their Lordships immediately
adjourned during pleasure.
At half.past tour the House re.aasevnbled, when Viscount
Srnawnroan was introduced, end took the oaths and his seat as
an English Huron. The Noble Viscount's supporters were bonis
Patturtaz and STOWELL. Dr. Btoostrtztrit, the new Bishop
of Chester, also took the oaths and his seat. The Duke of
Nonrote attended for the first time since the passing of the Bill,
to enable his Grace to perform the duties of Earl Marshal in
Mpeyson. He preceded Lord STRattcerono on his entering the
ouse. -

At five o'clock the Ratio( LIVERPOOL moved the first read.
ing of the Select Vestries' Bill, pro jbemO.
'rhea tbeneluitted the woolsack, and.
reed hie Majesty's Speech to the House, which was afterwards
read be the Clerk at the Table ; at the conclusion of which,
Viscount DL`DLEY and WARD rose to move the Address.
( We regret exceedingly. that, in consequence of his Lordship stand.
ing with his back towards the Bar, and speaking at times in a very
low tone of voice, we heard hint imperfectly, and lost many pas-
sages in hie address, which was throughout warmly cheered.) Ills
Lordship commenced by observing that be rose to move an humble
Address to his Alajerate, in answer to the gracious Speech their
Lordships; had just heard. Any apology that might have been
deemed necessary to come from the humble individual who then
lied the honour of addressing the House, was rendered a,me.
what ruperfitious, under the circumstances that caused him to rise.
like had risen, as many Noble Lords who bad preceded him
;n the Jury he was then performing, had done, in the midst of a
long, pmtracted, and doubtful war, in which sueeese was pur-
chased by sacrifices that no other country but England would
scarcely hare endured—if even when the war was ended by a
series of the most astonishing and brilliant successes that evn
proceeded from any course of measures, he had had the honour'
of addressing their Lordships on an occasion like the present, he
should here felt that then an apology was necessary from him
to their Lordships; knowing full well that his abilities would have
been unequal to the tat.k that he had now undertaken, at the time
to which he alluded : for, brilliant as the close of the war was
(anti where was the Englishman who could look back upon that
period without feeling an honest pride at the honour that his
country then gain d%) their Lordships would recollect that all
classes of his 31ajeqty's subjects were suffering the greatest pries-
thew. All the great interests of the country were more or less
affected, and the effects of the sacrifices that had been made
during the war were felt in all their rigour. But his task was
now Indeed a light one. Ile did not address their Lordships
in the midst of a dnutitfill, arduous, and blood y contest—nor in
a time of peace, surrounded by diterees and difficulty, the effec:s of

1 •

„ •

that contest; It was his good figtutie to ffave bccsslon to ad-
dress their Lordships only in the language of congratulation,'
for at no firmer period of her history did this country ever
exhibit a mere commanding attitude.; and (her prosperity at
home was equal to her high station in the sale of nations.
After a war of upwards of thirty years' duration, ending bell.
bandy, as the last war had dogs, still peotlucing difficulties
that were felt in the early year. of the pence, that required all the
firmness of Ministers and energy of the country to or/acme-1w
thought that he was not asking too much of Noble Lords for
their unmixed and unanimous congratulations on I state of
prosperity that neither this nor any other country ever attained
to. N there was any person (and there must be many Noble
Lords whom he was now addressing), who, like himself,
had his attention first drawn to public affairs at one of
those arduous periods of the late war, when It appeared im-
practicable to proceed with safety or retract with honour, and had
watched with anxiety that great struggle, impelled as it wu by the
genius of a great warrior and statesman. must feel unmixed sada-
faction at the present state of the country ; and when he recollected
the sympathy that was shared by England in the midst of her pres-
sure, with other powers suffering under the iron rule of that ex-
traordinary person, the contrast with her present situation was still ,
more striking. The manner in which this country had come out
of her great difficulties was not the lupe rearaskoble ; for, if any ,1
deviation from the Constitution had bean U her by the
pressure of circumstances, she had Neu vigour to
her pristine state. All branches of the arid elide g, every
domessec interest was encouraged and implowlogouut chat world
which was discovered some centuries since, and We° only inhabited
by savage nations, and which not only abounded In meals that &l-
imed avarice, but in those mare usefbl productions that sustained
industry and foetwed lb* feesndation of boundless prosperity, was
opened to the country. These causes had produced their natural
effects ; the people of England were now enjoying public content-
ment, proportioned to the great prosperity they were enjoying.
There never was a period when the spirit of mischief was so sub-
dued, when tranquillity so entirely pervaded all clatters of the com-
munity, when obedience to the laws was so apparent ; not that
mean and cringing obedience that servile herds adopt through fear,
bat that manly, rational, and well-advised obedience that proceeds
from freemen. The prosperity of the country was apparent at all
points. The finances evinced it in a diminished taxation and in-
creasing revenue. The documents to prove this branch of prosperity
were in every one's hands, and were subjects of notoriety. There
were countries in which the public revenue bore a greater propor-
tion to its expenditure than in this t but it should be recollected
that in England the public faith had never been broken ; there
was nothing now to contrast in that respect against the public pros-
perky. The war that heal caused SD largo a portion of taxation
had been undertaken on the highest principles and purest motives,
and the only criticism that could be passed upon the finances was,
that the country had acknowledged a larger debt than she had
incurred ; and it was not amongst the least gratifying circumstances
of the present prosperity that it had been reared on the soundest
principles of commerce and political economy. It was usual
whenever new principles were applied, that they should proceed
gradually ; hut in the late application of new principles the
cour.try had been fortunate, inasmuch as they had produced a good
effivt at once. lir would instance the measure regarding the silk
trade, in proof a what he had stated. The result of that measure
would be to raise that branch of manufacture to a level with the
great staple trades in cotton and iron, and England would corn-
mand every foreign market In that trade. In answer to these re-
sults, it had been said by some who were inimical to all freedom
in trade, that England was prosperous under the old system. In
reply, he would maintain that the great commercial prosperity of
England did not arise in consequence of the restrictive system,
but in spite of it.. Ireland hardly in a less degree shared the pros..
perity of England. She had increased in wealth and industry.
Discontent had gradually given way to knowledge and order. It
had been too much the fashion of late years to speak of Ireland as
an ill-used country. England, it was true, at the period when she
first conquered her, and for many geticrations afterwards, had
governed Ireland as one barbarous country governed another. It
was true, that after the conquest, Protestant England governed
Catholic Ireland in a manner that little accorded with justice;
but whatever might be said to the contrary, he asserted, with-
out fear of successful contradiction, that Ireland had of late years
attracted the anxious care of the Government and of Parliament.
and had been treated with great partiality and kindnees. Ile would
not deny that that course of conduct in some degree implied an ac-
knowledgment on the part of England as if she were sensible that
an arrear of kindness was due to her, and she has latterly been doing
much to reduce it. He wished to avoid controversy as much as
possible ; but yet, when Ireland must claim so large a portion of
their attention, and the Catholic Question would necessarily occupy
so extensive a share in the discussions relative to abet country,
he felt he could not avoid adverting to it. Ile had always thought
that the tranquillity of Ireland depended upon the emancipation of
so large a proportion of her people as the Catholics formed ; he be-
lieved it to be a necessary foundation for effectually establishing the
peace of Ireland, and it was a step that sooner or later must take
place. lie did not blame those Statesmen who had hitherto opposed
the claims of the Catholics. They might have opposed them in con-
sequence of entertaining serious apprehensions for the security of
Protestantism in cue the Catholics attained power. They might
have apprehended danger to the church and religion. They might
unjustly certainly, but naturally with such feelings say the Catho-
, lies were separated from the Constitution, and any Minister would
formerly have said to a Parliament wishing to emancipate the Ca-
tholics, " Consider you are now on the vantage ground : if you
give them power, they will play over again the game that they have so
often amused you with before." Those statesmen who have hitherto
opposed their claims, and have looked back for arguments in sup-
port of that opposition, have not been likely to have their prejudices
removed by recent circumstances* The Catholics have not of late
done much to remove prejudices that formerly, perhaps with jus.
' tire, existed against them. What any reasonable man would have
predicted had taken place. Men remember the cruelties of the Ca-
tholics. It was a prejudice, he would admit, but it was a natural
one, and connected with many just principles and sound feelings,
and he regretted that there was so much in the conduct of the Catlio-
lies to give strength and bitterness to these feelings. Their conduct
was certainly on the verge of the law, and if this contest was carried
on in any other way than in that of argument, they would have
their share of affliction, in common with the Protestants.
'They had only one means of doing good to their cause,
which was, to conciliate the Protestants. A majority of the
property and education of Ireland was Protestant. He did
not deny that the Catholics, by force, might overcome superior
power ; but how long would their victory last, and what would be
their state afterwards ? They wanted partiejpation in political
power, but by such a course they would aspire to and procure only
anarchy and disorder. The Catholics could only be relieved in
effect from their disabilities by moderation. What would be the
result of their put conduct he could hardly say ; but he feared that
they bad lost those who were wavering, and shook those who were
firm. However, although no person looked with more jealousy on
the conduct of the Catholics than himself, he hoped that when the
question came before them it would be treated with coolness and de-
liberation, and to consider whether the situation of the Catholics
was just. It was not this Minister or that Viceroy that was to be
considered in this question, but whether it was a state in which the
Catholics could continue, and whether a less evil would not result
from emancipation than rom the constant turbulent spirit the with-
holding it produced. The Noble Lord then adverted to the state
of the Continent with reference to this country, which he
introduced by several observations that were quite inaudible
to Us. As far as we could understand his Lordship, he said
that the Continent WWI divided into two parties, the remains of the
old Jacobins and the ultra-Royalists, who had established in France
a worse system than existed in that country before the Revolution.
Many of them, his Lordship observed, were extravagant in their
principles in support of legitimacy ; the other class of politicians
had narrow and illiberal Ours respecting all governments that sup-
ported monarchical principles, or that had any of the elements of
an aristocracy in them ; but these politicians united at one point :
they were all of them actuated by a bitter hate against this country.
The French hate this country as much as their jacobinical prede.
emote, who had crouched to Napoleon's Throne, and having failed
in making England an Imperial province, they envy her greatness,
and look with jealousy on her vast power. Their political attach-
ments being jacobinical, they hate the English monarchy, aristo-
cracy, and people. If any attempt should be made as overturn the
balance of power in Europe, he trusted that England would not
be wanting in maintaining her rights, but he hoped that we should
abstain, as we had hitherto done, from an open rupture. The
Noble Viscount again adverted to our recognition of the Southern
American States, and maintained that the course pursued by the
Ministers of Great Britain was candid throughout the transaction.
The indefeasible rights of Sovereigns, he observed, was attended
to by the British Ministers in the recognition of South America,
in a manner that was not attended to by those of other Powers
during the struggle of this country with her North American
Colonies and in Ireland during the rebellion. This country
l towards Spain throughout the whole of this business
with the greatest delicacy and good faith. She refrained so
long as a contest at arms continued, or any hope of a settle-
ment of the differences between the mother country and her
colonies existed; but when that hope ceased, what reason in
good faith towards Spain (and certainly none in good policy to-
wants this country) could or ought to operate against a recogni-
tion ? The colonies might be mourchical, aristocratical, ollgarchi-
cal—with that England had nothing to do. They could maintain
their independence, much better indeed than Old Spain could sup-
port hereell. The colonies could maintain themselves for all do.
meatic purposes ; Spain was compelled to have foreign troops in
her country to maintain her very existence. With regard to
oardeasting the conduct of England on • recent occasion with the
conduct of other Powers at the time of the North American contest,
be woold only, for the purposes of refuting such weak and con.
temptable sophistry, call their Lordships' attention to the state of
the two mother countrins; not that it could bolneceasary to do so,
for the most bigoted Minister of the most despotic Sovereign of the
Continent, could scarcely have the assurance to draw so sophistical
a comparison. The Ring of England, in contending with the
North American colonies, had an army, a navy, a revenue—in a
word, he was a Hing. Spain, on the contrary, was sunk now to
the lowest point of degradation in the scale of matins, without a
ship to go to sea, without a dollar in her exchequer, without an
army. without commerce, his country torn by internal dissensions.
This shadow of a monarch, surrounded by foreign troops, was to be
compared to the {King of England, when contending with America.
The fact was, this country had seized upon the precise moment for'
incogrotion, when insurrection had ended, and lawful Government
had begun. He feared that lie had occupied too much of their
Lordships' time, and tnerefore he would not touch on any other
topic, .but merely move that the Address be read.
Lord GORT observed, that in rising to second the Address, it
was unnecessary for him. after the speech of his Noble Friend, in
which he detailed the ffourishing state of the country, to take a.ge-

\

THE BRITISH

PRESS.

neral view of the
he hoped that boohoo t.....f0r
mud; but :l it aicitm
Id wits
en,
likely to occupy so
of the attention of
subject. The distbriEuished at the head a the Govern-
meat w upon that
meat of that countryltad eandtesialimeelf to the satisfaction of all
unprejudietis&ose. Lord
tresaing sit best he had = had been placed in a dia_
hboself from it in a manner
that could sot to pip Ma dm Mem of all who had ilia wel-
fare of theit camerae Win. It vss but justice to the Noble
Marquis to remind tholstLordshlps, that when he got to Ireland
neither life nor property wee secure hip by the judieious measures of
Lord Wellesley, aided by Parliament, the deluded were brought
back to a sense of duty. The Insurrection Act had answered all
'its operation ; the value of land had increased, and if the lower or-
the purposes for which it was intended, end had been diminished in
ders were not led astray, the country would flourish. He wished he
could end here, btit be must speak of the existence of a body as.
setting ell the powers of Parliament. They had their Committees
of Supply and Finance, and assumed all the functions of Parlia-
ment. Ile should not now discuss, in the most remote manner, the
Catholic Question, but he must observe that the Catholic Parlia-
ment (a laugh) sent forth the most inflammatory speeches; it told
the people that they were slaves, andapoke in the most dictatorial
tone. The two Parliements could not exist t either the Catholic or
legitimate Parliament must cease I and, in conformity with his
Majesty's Speech, he felt that the question must be brought to an
issue. If they were inclined, it would be easy for the Catholics to
turn the tide the other way, and make the people contented inured
of irritating them. If the Catholics came to that House, they
must come as petitioners, and he hoped their request would be at-
tended to ; but before that could be the case they must bear the
olive branch in their hands. His Lordship observed, that he would
not trouble their Lordships further, and concluded by seconding the
Address.
Lord KING rose and said, that he joined In all the observations
which had been made by the Noble Lord who moved the Address,
so far as they went ; and he was also ready to declare his assent to
the contents of the Royal Speech, which had been read to their
Lordships ; but he certainly regretted that his Majesty's Ministers
had not gone farther—he wished they had advised other topics to
have been embraced—considerably more could have been said.
Lord LAUDERDALE rose to order. The House was in the
most singular situation he had ever witnessed. An Address had
been moved and seconded, which neither the Mover net Seconder,
nor even the Officer, or the Noble Lord as their Speaker, had read
to the House, so that their Lortlialtipe were about to discuss a sub-
ject without having it befbre thtew.
The LORD CHANCELLOR observed, that it was not in.
cumbent on eithee the Nebte !diver or Seconder to reed the Ad-
dress.
Lord ESSEX (as we understood) said, it was a very novel doc-
trine to hear froth such high autberity, that neither the Mover nor
Seconder were required to read the Address. He contended that it
was the part of both Mover and Seconder to do so, and that it was
also the duty of the Noble Lord himself, as their Speaker, to read
the Addiesa to the House.
Lord DUDLEY and WARD said, that he certainly should
have read the Address, but that he understood it would have been
read by the proper officer. If he were wrong, he begged to apo-
logise to their Lordships, and he was assured they would pardon
him, as he was but a young Member cf their House, and not very
well acquainted with its forms.
Lord LIVERPOOL said, that if his Noble Friend (Lord
Dudley and Ward) had omitted to observe the forms of the House,
by not reading the Address, he (Lord Liverpool) was tho indivi.
dual whose fault it was, for he certainly had told his Noble Friend
thee it would not be necessary for bim to read the Address, as it
would be read to their Lordships by the officer. But if their
Lordships were strictly to adhere to the rules of the House, he
would contend that the Address ought not only to be read by the
Mover and Seconder, but by the Lord Chancellor himself, as their
Speaker.
The LORD CHANCELLOR begged to explain. It eer.
tainly was not the form to have it read by the clerk ; but he felt
that it was his own duty to read it, and he apologised if by any
means it had appeared to their Lordships he bad not paid them
that strict attention, which it was always his most earnest wish to
do. [His Lordship then read the Address, which was, as usual,
merely an echo of the Speech from the Throne.]
Lord KING said, thee had now before them the purport of the
speech of the Noble Viscount, and of the Address which that
Noble Lord had proposed for their Lordships' adoption ; and he
(Lord King) begged to re-echo all that had been said on his Lord.
ship's side of the House. If their Lordships on that side intended
only to go so far as the Noble Mover had advanced, why then
no hies remained for those Noble Lords who were on his (Lord
King's) side of the House, to do than to declare their assent to ell
that they hid or might hereafter say ; for the opinions as yet ex-
pressed were but an echo of those of himself and his Noble Friends
around him. But he could have wished that his Majesty's Minis-
teethed embraced a wider range, that they had counselled his Majesty
to have taken a more comprehensive survey of the importanttopies
which affected the interests of the empire ; he could have wished
that they had referred to the agricultural state of the kingdom, and
had alluded to the Corn Laws ; but as they had not thought proper
to do so, he could assure them that they would this Session have a
full share of their attention called to that subject. As far as the
Speech was the Speech of the Chief Magistrate of England, he and
his Noble Friends on this side of the House were willing to give it
all the merit it deserved. He certainly seemed to think that the
state of Ireland was not that which either the interests of this
country, or the deserts of that • people, demanded. Notwithstand-
ing all that had been said for that ill-destined land, it still presented
to the world the extraordinary spectacle of a majority of tne people
labouring tinder every species of degradation • that six millions of
subjects, who had a right to enjoy an equal share of the benefits of
the Constitution, were debarred from participating of them, and
were still suffering all that misgovernment which it formerly was
the lot of their forefathers to deplore, and the system of the Govern-
ment of this sountry to uphold. The state of Ireland was indeed
an anomaly in the politics of Continental Europe. In no other
State in Europe, save one, was the principle of exclusion on religious
11 grounds observed. The only legitimate Government on the
Continent that made the question of faith a political question
eras the Sultan of Turkey, but he (Lord King) believed he was no
better successful in his efforts than we had been with regard to Ire-
land. The Greeks were to him as the Irish were to us. iYhen
the Greeks applied for freedom of religion and a participation in
the rights of Government, the Sultan, in his wisdom, determined
to have a divided Divan ; his own opinions were, perhaps, not al-
together unfavourable to the Greeks, but he gave up the guidance
to his Ministers, and on that most agitating and important question
he yielded to their dictation, and suffered himself to he bearded by
his own servants in his own Divan ; thus his good wishes were
rendered useless to the cause of the Greeks, and yet, upon the
whole, he was a very good Governor. The next man in power was
the Reis Effendi, who seemed to know something about the politics
of Europe, and who had applied himself In earnest to understand
the interests of the Turkish empire. This Minister was the only
man of genius in the whole Divan, and he would certainly have
done much good to his country if it had not been for his bi-
goted colleagues. In him was the friend of -the Greeks, but
in those were their sternest opponents. The poet had said—
" Then is the rage of the vulture,—here is the love of the turtle."
And thus did this Reis Effendi,ar,d his colleagues in the Divan, ap-
pear. Then, of the other chief scribes, there was one who presided
at the head of the police, and he was averse to the Greeks ; his
political creed held him to the ascendancy of the High Kiosk ;
but, upon the whole, he was not a bad man. Then came, on the
other hand, a certain individual, who would treat alike the
Turks as he would the Greeks, sod the Greeks as he would the
Turks. Now that same influence over the Reis Effendi had lately
succeeded in dismissing a very useful man from the Divan ; he ad.
ministered at the Grand Kiosk, end he had, too, a tine and voluble
voice, but—" Vox et preterea nihil.." If fortune did sport, it was
not the fault of friends ; no doubt the Reis Effendi did all the
kind offices that former recollections called upon him to perform.
Some would remember that

" IChen his speeches did fairly drag,
Cheer him ! cheer him 1 cried old Bag." 1
And this wu an earnest, no doubt, of what the Reis Effendi would
do for him when in favour with the Divan. Then, going on, there
was, on the same side, the great Aga of all the Janissaries, who was
an enemy of the Greeks, and a sworn opposer to all attempts at intro-
ducing them to a participation of the privileges of the Turks ; sod
yet he wan of their own soil, and himself a Greek in part. But if
Ile was the Capital) Pacha of the Divan, and therefore in duty I
bound to protect them, there was their great Mufti, or, as he
(Lord King) would style him, the Head of the Lawyers, who was
strenuously opposed to the Greeks. Ile had long held his station
in the Divan, mid so much atteched was he to that situation, that
lie had a perfect horror of all change ; if lie heard of a reform in
the State, a reform in the laws, a reform in the church or High
Kiosk, he was instantly on the alarm ; and so frightened was lie at
the corsequences, which his imagination pictured forth as flowing
from those changes, that all his power and pathos were called forth
to ward off the calamity. So thermoses was his hatred to ail kinds
of change, that indeed they say he was the champion of all abuses
hum the only principle that they had been of long continuance, and
it is asserted that he was the most coasummate intriguer of the
whole Divan. In the case of the Greeks he did this : he was so
alarmed at the measure agitated and at length effected by the Di-
van, of admitting the Greeks into the Turkish army, that he raised
a cry, which was similar to the one in this country of " No
Popery !" He (Lord Kin') admitted, however, that in the midst
of all this, he was • man of professed principle. God forbid he
should say otherwise ; for this Learned and /fitly Mufti had a most
scrupulous conscience when it did not interfere with his worldly in-
terests. He turned out an intolerant Minister and let in another,
whose opinions of the policy to be observed towards the unhappy
Greeks were liberal and altogether favourable to their cause. But,
somehow or the other, lie never did, during that man's administra-
tion, compromise himself at all on the question of Greek Kmanci-
tion, but always ranked himself among their meat earnest oppo-
nents, and with that endless train of hangers-on, expectants, and
mob of grateful objects of this bounty which his high station ena.
hied I to dispense, he had hitherto succeeded in keeping the
Greeks in a state of servile bondage ; and so long as this iotiuence
is possessed by him, it is to be feared he will use it to that end ? for
bone of those humble dependents who form his retinue, whatever
' might he their private sentiments, dare utter them ; were they to
do so, he (lord King) had no doubt that their incensed master
would, in live minutes, bring up a clause to gag them. But, in
order to complete the picture of this divided Divan, they get a man
of one set of opinions to mope the Address to the Sultan, and ano-
ther to second it, in order he (Lord King) supposed, to keep up
the harmony of this discord. Now the moral which he would
draw from this was, had they • divided Cabinet ?—lf they had, he
would remind them that the Greeks of the Archipelago had, by
consequence of that divided Divan, emancipated themselves, and
if their Lordsbips continued to follow the Turkish system, be

iimaniftemonionemineommiwtoommimmisimmli•emim
would say to the Catholics of labland—" tie, and de ye likewise:" '
said their Lerdshipe would find that that oppressed body would
soon follow the example thus afibrded them.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN said, that it was with much
satisfaction he had heard the Noble Lord who had moved the
Address, in a strain which his Lordship was peculiarly happy of
commanding, deliver sentiments which he was sure eloquence of a
far inferior order than his (Lord Dudley and Ward's), would have
prevailed on their Lordships to assent to. In one part of the Royal
Speech, allusion was made to a measure which, in point of policy,
was as wise as it was beneficial to this country. When a measutc
was resorted to by his Majesty's Government, he was sure it was
rot his wish to contemplate with any other but an impartial and
candid feeling; and the measure that had now been done by them
was one which he had long felt to be most necessary and and he was
fully persuaded that the recognition of the States America
had been done upon the fairest and most honourable principles.
When he looked to that quarter of the world which was the most
sterile in point of commerce, but at the same time the most perfect
in point of principle, he could not withhold his rimed of praise to
his Majesty's Ministers for the wise and prudent step they had
taken. Whatever might be his love for commerce, he was sure his
Noble Friends would not. any more than himself, for the sake of
any commercial advantage that might be acquired, think of recom-
mending any treasure that would in the least tend to a violation of
principle, or interfere with the rights of other nations, for the put.
pose only of promoting the pecuniary interests of our own. II e
was sure it was from principle only, and not from any commercial
advantages, that such a measure might offer, that his Majesty's
Ministers had advised the recognition of the independence of the
late Spanish Colonic.. of South America. He rejoiced also at this
circumstance, from the concession it made to the great political, or
rather he shouldsay natural, axiom that every people had an inalien-
able right to form their own Government. He rejoiced, he repeated,
not because he thought this Government gave or meant to give any
preference to any particular form of Government, either democrati-
cal, or monarchinal, or aristocratical, but he rejoiced because this
recognition on the part of Great Britain acknowledged the right of
the people to establish their own Government, in opposition to the
policy of that body of Sovereigns on the Continent, whose principles
are diametrically opposed to this. 1t afforded a distinguished ex-
ception to that system in which so many of those Continental
l'owers were so unhappily engaged, and in which he trusted they
never would succeed. Ile did say that the measure which his Ma-
jesty's Ministers hail accomplished, entitled them to the thanks of
the country. This was the principal feature of his Majesty's
Speech, and to which the Noble Lord who had moved the Address
had referred. There was, however, another topic alluded to in the
Speech from the Throne, and which he (Lord Lanadown) con-
sidered deserving very great attention, but to which his Noble
Friend had not in any manner addressed himself. Indeed as yet
he felt that it was not competent for him to say any thing on the
subject, for want of the necessary information ; he, however, would
hope that some explanation would be hereafter given to the House
that would assist their Lordships judgments in deciding upon the
propriety or expediency of the measure. It was stated in the
Speech that the unprovoked aggression and exuavagant preten-
sions of the Burmese Government had rendered hostile operation
against that State unavoidable, and that circumstances connected
with other parts of his Majesty's Foreign Dominions would ren-
der some augmentation in Ma military establishment indispensible.
What the Burmese had done lie knew not; more than that which
the Speech communicated, it was not, perhaps, competent upon
him to know, until :he proper information and documents hail been
made and laid before the House. He had heard, however, that
13,000 men formed the complement to be added to the In-
dian army. It appeared to him that the state of India, requiring an
increase of 15,000 men, was a circumstance that could not but ex-
cite considerable interest in the minds of their Lordships, especially
when they reflected that it was in a time of peace that this augmen-
tation in our army was called for. He thought that this was not a
subject where suppression on the part of his Majesty's Ministers
ought to be observed in their communications to the House. He
would not suppose that there was any wish on the part of the Mi-
nisters to keep back any portion of the facts which had been made
known to them respecting our Indian possessions, and he should
therefore feel reluteant to say more, especially in the absence of all
papers relating to the subject, and of all allusion made to it by his
Noble Friend who moved the Address, than that he trusted every
infonnasion would be afforded to their Lordships which the import-
ance of the question demanded. Having disposed of these points,
he now came to one that interested their Lordships most—he meant
that part of the Speech which alluded to the state of Ireland, but
more particularly to that part of it which referred to the Associa-
tion that had been footled to effect, u those of that body declare, by
all legal means, their emancipation, but which the Speech described
as having adopted proceedings irreconcilable with the spirit of the
Constitntion,ar.d akculated, by exciting alarm and by exasperating
animosities, to endanger the peace of society, and to retard the
course of national improvement. Their Lordships moat undoubtedly
felt great regret, that in a time of peace and prosperity almost un-
known,when commerce was finding new ports for its merchandise ;
when trade and manufactures at home were in their branches extending
themselves ; when agriculture was reviving, and every thing as-
suming the aspect of permanent prosperity, and when that particu-
lar part of the United Kingdom which these things were so mate-
rially benefitting ; their Lordships, he repeated, must naturally
feel deep regret that still there should have occurred circumstances
that should induce his Majesty's Ministers to adopt any rigorous
measures, of the necessity of which their Lordships were not suf..
ficiently informed. But should it be deemed proper by their Lord.
ships to support those measures when they shall be made
known, he had only to exhort their Lordships not to believe, that
by merely removing any of the externals which affected that
country, they would be removing the causes of them. This would
be a delusive opinion ; there must be something more than out-
ward show that affected the situation of such a body as the
Catholics of Ireland—and. circunistanees arising from the con-
dition of five or six millions of people, placed, with regard to
the Church, orally different (Hear, hear.) he would say from
what any kinder people were ever placed in. He would therefore
entreat their Lordships not to conceive, that whatever measure they
might adopt they would be at all remedying the evils to which it
was intended to he applied. Remove one symptom as they would,
another would come, and a war of legislation would arise. Upon
the question of the remedy to be proposed, he should form the
best opinion that he could; but he should say, that whatever
might be the object of the Association formed in Ireland, or what-
ever they might purpose, it was more safe that it should operate
through known and open channels, than through secret ones. If
it should be sought to screen from the public eye the movements of
this great body—if these communications between the Members of
the Catholic Association should be attempted to be carried on by
means that were private and unseen, then indeed rr.ightathe alarms
of the timid be excited, and the alarms of the weak justified. But
those communications, and that systematic arrangement which had
been alluded to, in order to be deprecated, were not attended by
any such fearful consequences, because they were open &ad avowed.
He would rather that public opinion should flow through open and
known channels, than circulated in the dark labyrinths of plots
and the lurking avenues of intrigues. It was not the outward and
visible sign that their Lordships had to dread, but the secret, half-
hidden movements of discontent. Openness of conduct declared
an honesty of purpose. The freemasonry which they had to fear was
the freemasonry which was created by their Statute, which taught
them to recognise each other as fellow.sufferers in the same cause,
brothers in the same expatriated decree, and which taught them to
evade their Lordship's laws, and assemble together in council to
comment on hardships they were enduring for conscierce-sake, for
what laws were there that could restrain men from adopting
measures which were only intended by them tote the wears of
attaining what they believed and knew to be their rights ? Not
measures, he trusted with his Noble Friend, for mischief, but for
recognising that station in the Empire to which they sincerely
felt themselves entitled, although it was too true that those mea-
sures had caused a degree of agitation which he hoped would not,
under all the circumstances, continue to operate. Be their Lord-
ships' measures what they might, it would be impossible to allay
that iteration which existed until some mode had been adopted
coinmensurate with the demads of so large a portion of the people
as the unsettled part of Ireland presented. lie should be prepared
to consider every measure that might be proposed by his Majesty's
Government with that disposition to adopt which the urgency of
the case required, and with the consideration that was due to his
own judgment on a question so vitally important to the tranquillity
of the country, and so pregnant with political consequerces.
Lord LIVERPOOL rose, and said he certainly felt reluctant
to address their Lordships on any subject that should give rise to
discussion, but it was impossible to hear the topics to which thd
Noble Marquis had alluded without tanking some observations ;
and in the first place he hoped he might congratulate their Lord-
ship, that whatever might be the diversity of sentiments with
regard to other subjects, and however wide might be the
judgments of Noble Lords us to the policy pursued, or to
be pursued towards other parts of the British dominions,
yet with reference to this country, no difference of opinion
whatever existed. lie could not avoid alluding to what had pau-
sed, both daring end since the war. Were it net fee the great con-
trast that the present state of things afrunled, he should think him-
self unjustified in occupying their Lordship's time and attention in
adverting to such topics, but he could not avoid so far alluding to
what had passed, that afterall the difficulties of the war with which
his Majesty's Ministers had had to contend, both with foreign foes
and domestic opponents. in measures of finance and in measures of
policy, they still had had equal difficulties to encounter and over.
come in a time of peace. Domestic dissensions had been to be ap.
peasui, and financial embarrassments to be • emceed. There was a
time when a belief was almost universal, that it was impossible to
return to that.state of fair currency again from which the safety of the
country had made it necessary fora while to deviate, and at the
1 same time to keep inviolate the public faith. Their Lordships
were aware of the clamour that wu raised by the people, the opi-
nions that were exressed in both Houses of Parliament, and the
outcty that issued front the Press, calling upon them to restore the
metallic currency at all hazards. Their Lordships were also aware
that they were called upon to reduce the borders of the country,
and to release the people from the galling weight of taxation, bat
which they could not do in justice to the credit of the nation, or
to those by whose aid the war had been so successfully' carried on to
a glorious issue. In ti.e ands' of these clamours and impassioned
fills, their Lordships determined to do tai which justice de-
inanded of them, in opposition to all the denanciatiosis that were
fulminated against theta. And their Lordships succeeded in pre.
serving the public faith, and at the acme time restoring the me-
tallic currency to the country. He did not deny that the task was
Herculean, and required all the wisdom and policy of the Itrithh
Senate; but thank God they accomplished it, and they now found
themselves freed from all their embarrassments, and arrived at a
state of public prosperity to which no nation, perhaps, upon earth
ever did before. Their commerce was flourishing and extending
Itself to new Continents ; their agriculture and manufactures were
alike prosperous, and their revenue progressively increasing. Tire

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