The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-07-02 00:00:00

TO THE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND.

Jts NE 28, 18267
FELLOW-CATINTITIBIEN,-1 cannot longer defer addressing
you, and yet I write amidst the pressure of so many engagements,
as to be quite unable to reduce into form the many topics that crowd
upon my mind. Accept and excuse a hurried sketch of some of the
'neat preeminent features of the cause of our insulted and betrayed
country.
Lord Liverpool baa insulted us by his charge of divided alle-
giance. To use a modern judicial end elegant phrase, the charge
is " false an hell:" and no man living could better know that it
etas false than Lord Liverpool who used it. There is not a Cacho-
lic In Ireland but feels indignant at the charge. But of what value
is indignation, unless it prompts us into active exertion, by every
legal end constitutional means in our power, to get rid of the
Mitticer who thus added bitter insult to the grievous injury of post-
poning the restitution of our long and unjustly withheld rights and
libretto ?
This is one feature in the modern picture of Catholic affairs. It
is in vain to shrink from contemplating it. Its influence is as pow-
erful as it is pernicious.
The next great topic fey consideration is the speech attributed to
ti.e Duke of York. The Heir Presumptive to the Throne might
hate been silent upon a measure involving so much of exaspera.
troy on the one hand, and bitter feeling on the other; arid he
might have been thus silent without obtaining any great credit for
decorum or delicacy. But, if decorum and delicacy on this sub-
ject have been flun„.. to the winds, arid if the lick Presumptive
has been represented to us by an interested faction to he a fiery
portion, no matter from what motives, sacred Heaven! what
muse be the disposition of the Catholic who could, at such a
moment, endeavour to weaken the miserable residue of the Catholic
strength, by flinging amongst us all the materials of distrust and
ilissention?
The speech attributed to the Deke of York has been variously
reported. The reports differ extremely from each other. I trust
they are all erroneous. I have too much respect for all that is vir-
tuous in the reigning family, and I have too much affection for the
principles of the British Constitution, not to hope that all the re-
ports of that speech are false. In truth, they contain the admix-
ture of the greatest imaginable absurdity, with the vilest profana-
tion of constitutional principle. The construction put upon the Co-
ronation Oath is to the last degree absurd. So absurd, Indeed,
that no man in the House of Commons, for example, could assert
that construction, without being content to be set down as s dolt
and a driveller, by every human being who heard him. 111 s a
cruel absurdity, as ;it relates to the Royal Family, because it di-
rectly
.attributes to the late George 111. repeated and multiplied
perjures. It is-also, in another point of view, actual high truismr
against the present reigning family ; because it directly contradicts
the ground-work of the Revolution which brought that family to
the throne. That Revolution was justified by the apprehension
that James IT. would enforce his individual opinion upon religion,
in contradiction to the national belief. He therefore lost his throne.
There has been long a favourite Whig toast in England, expressed
in the form of a prayer, in which I most heartily concur—" That
the example of one revolution may, not only in our times, but for
ever, prevent the necessity of another."
Rut to descend from matters of theory anti abstract constitu-
tional reasonieg, let us consider the conduct of the Duke of York
rrerely in Its practical results. We have been already menaced
by the over-valiant Marquis of Anglesey. and his Hussar., and
we have been ordered from high authority actually to despair of
our country.
In these dismal circumstances, the only sources of hope can be
found in firmness, temperance, and union. Temperance, to be
sure, is a goat thing at all times, but perseverrnce, firmness.
and unanimity, are the genuine resources of all men deserving to
be free.

But, alas. the tocsin of dissension has been sounded ; the stand-
ard of discord haNbcen raised from a high place ; and it has been
&Tidally announced in the government newspaper, that division
and distraction are to visit our councils, and are to be inseparable
Iran our Intim proceedings.
This, fellow-countrymen, is an awful warning. The object to
be attained is intrusted to a skilful hand ; and to long practice is
combined that species of perverted and sophisticated ingenuity,
which, while it is incapable of anything in politic, great or good,
is admirably calculated to do mischief, and entail permanent evil
on the Catholic anise.

The under.growl of poor Jack Lawless, and his few and foolish
partisans, may he, as it has been, a mere source of laughter and
ridicule. It might ease for a moment, but it could do no perma.
nem harm. But Mr. W. Bellew stands in a very different situa.
vol. lie is connected in the nearest ties of blood, or of affinity,
seith Mlle of the first and highest families in Catholic Ireland.
Many' of them have, from various causes, much confidence in his
I^gal skill. It has been said, and it is probably true, that he has
good qualities in perste life to attach his connexions to him ; but
If these awe: inns do not distinctly and immediately separate from
him in polecat life, the most mischievous consrqur.ces to the
betties of the Catholics must flow from his conduct.

Catholics of Ireland—Mr. William Bellew deserves none of your
conlidenze. Since the year 1792, he has received permanent pay
from every insulting and oppressive Administration which, for the
last 33 years, ruled and scourged unhappy Ireland. He certainly
has two, and I firmly believe three pensions. The lint he acquired
in or about the )ear 171'2, when a party was formed in the Catholic
body to assist the then Administration in opposing any further coo-
cession of their just rights to the Catholics of Ireland.
His second pension was obtained, as 1 understand, by his aerriees
in procuring a party of wealthy Catholics to accede to that vilest
and worst measure which ever afflicted wretched Ireland—the Union.
He was promised the place of Chairman of a County, but a scruple
having arisen assn nominating a Catholic to that office, he was, as
I understand, compensated for a place which he never enjoyed, by
a second pension which he badly earned.
His last pension was obtained immediately after he had, at a
meeting of the Catholic Board held in the Stationers' Hall, in
(lapel-street, taken the lead of a party who endeavoured to inflict
a vote of censure upon the Catholio Prelates of Ireland for haling
opposed the Veto. Mr. William Bellew on that occasion paid Ave
guineas to hare the privilege of speaking. He used that privilege
against the Catholic Prelates of Ireland ; bat although defeated by
easjoriv ot 83 to 18, he did not throw away his money. Oh !
no ; for tt appears by Parliamentary document 'since published,
slat on the very day fortnight after that division he got sin addition
to his pension of no less than 160/. per annum, making. I believe,
altogether, pensions enjoyed by him to the amount of 71r0/. per ann.
Perhaps lie may have a third pension—or perhaps, as political
gratitude has been defined to be "a lively sense of future favours,"
lie is only politically grateful to the Administration of which Lord
Liverpool is the dignified head, and his Royal Highness the Bishop
of Osnabiargh the great glory ; and which Administration may
deem it at once more prudent and more humane to make use of
partitions or bribes to distract our councils. and render nerveless by
division our best resolves, than to employ the keen swords and
prancing steeds of Lord Anglesea's hussars, to cut us down, and
then trample upon us for falling.
Be that as it may, Mr. William Bellew has once more ventured
forth. lie has published in the Patriot an opinion on tioulburn's
Catholic Aotociation Aet ; and he—a Catholic as lie says, and
an [Adman as he certainly is—has had the—l would almost call It
political its piety, to speak respectfully of that Statute ! Respect
for that Statute !! 1 Never. We will obey it, Mr. William Bel-
lew-1 assure ycu we will. We will not infringe a letter or line of
ft: but respect it—that is what we never will; and although we may
forgive its authors, we never can forget the vile infliction, until we
obtain, as I trust we shall soon obtain by constitutional means, its''
total repeal. I trust we shall, if unanimity reigns amongst us, and''
peace and harmony guide our temperate, firm, and manly councils,
convince the people of England and the Parliament itself, that to
allow that Statute to remain longer on the Statute-book would be •
disgrace to the legislation of the empire.
There is however one consolation; the Statute is fortunately
most lame and defective in its construction. By endeavouring to
attain too much it has fallen short of its object, and without Wring.
ing one single letter of its provisions, or bringing ourselves within
ore single clause of its penal enactments, we can form a link and
chain of connexionbetween all classes of Irish Catholics which must
mitigate the horrors of our degradation, whilst we seek for Eman-
cipation itself by whey but equally legal constitutional means, still
left to us expressly by the new penal law.
As to the opinion Itself, some preliminary questions arise. It'ho
was it that laid the case before Mr. William Bellew ? Who paid
his fee ? And above all, who called on him.to publish an opinion
hostile certainly to Catholic rights ?
Leaving these questions unanswered, I proceed to the opinion
.tself ; and I have the pleasure to say, that it proves him to be
-- One of those s who smatter
About a job, and miss the matter.
He hits not touched the point respecting which the Committee of 21
were appointed. He Insanely shown his inclination to do mischief
without the ahility, hi this instance, to achieve it; and his publi-
cation has aequhed imoortance only because it plainly is the signal
for distention ainonrn. as; it Is, I repeat, the tocsin fot domestic
strife. Here comes tor:h the very atlas of dissention, and his
opirfion is nothing more than • declaration of war in • forensic form
aid fashion.

I write for two purposes. The first is to caution the Catholic!
against any attempt by Mr. William BellLw to raise • party'
•mongst us—" Hie niger est : hunt tii Romaile eaveto."
My Second purpose is to explain why I do nut at once develops
my plan. Alas! the Parliament is still sitting. I want no rider
un °minium% Bill. It is enough 'shave tioulburn himself return
to ua, as °recourse he will, without his bringing over another sped.
men of rr.al legislation.
'The moment the Parliament rises the New Catholic Association
eau start into existAtce. I pledge myself solemnly as a lawyer
Ike It will not int•inge the recent atatme, or any other law ; and
ytt that it will perform many and most useful functions, and
&arm the combined gratitude of the Proiestants and Catholics of
I require but a few days longer in order to redeem this pledge.,
l'aumot, at this moment. develope my piers without rentlettng thus.
to be defeated by additional laws.
teCoonmittee of Twenty.one will begin its sittings in a day or.
two. Its Report will be ready_ immediately at the close of the pre.
seat geNsioo of Parliament I ark for confidence hut for a few en.
siting days, and I pledge myself to :hese three things
. first—That the published ot' Witham
appear, k m himself,
Catholic
Necondi

the subject. My countrymen may rely upon it that these pledges
shall be faithfully redeemed. Let me only implore of them to re-
ject. with scorn and contempt, every attempt to scatter dissension
a ...ongst us. Let us all recollect that we owe it as a most solemn
and sacred duty to our country and religion, to act with temperance,
but, above all, with firmness and union.
I have the honour to be, Fellow-countrymen,
Your very faithful servant.
DANIEL O'CONNELL.
LAW LIVivELLIGEAtE.