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observa‘
lima without comment, and his first desire was to
'Set the minds of their Lordships algtitispon the
tree state of the question. Upon this point his
Alejesty's Speech. and the speeches of the Noble
• Mover and Seconder of the Address, were perfectly
. sniitinct and explicit. Never, indeed, had he beard •
dearer commentary upon any point than the speech
faf itte..Noble Mover of the Address, contained upon
the ineotage in the King's Speech, which related to
Hue subject. His Majesty informed the House
that he should " lament if certain occurrences that
have lately taken place in Italy should eventually
lead to any interruption of tranquillity," but that
whatever may be the result, the policy which he.
should putsae was a aystens of peace. This as-
satance was no doubt given with a view no less to
the true interests of the Continent of Europe than
.to those of this country in particular; but anxious.
et nerally, as his Majesty and the country would be
so avoid a war, under any circumstances, there was
• none which they would be more backward to en-
gage in then a war founded on the principle of inter-
Seieoce in the affairs of other and independent States.
He was not one of those who conceived that interfer-
ence in the domestic concerns of other States,
tusght not, under peculiar circumstances, be very
oil the contrary, be had always mini.
tamed that cases might arise when such nuttier-
trice should be necessary, even for the purpose of
self-defence. This, however, was not the time for
entering at large into the consideration of the sub-
ject ; he had no objection to discuss it when the
proper opportunity should arrive, and from various
circumstances that had arisen, the time, he believed,
was not fir distant when the British Government
should be required to speak out upon this very sub-
ject, anti give to Parliament and the public every
irifornistion respecting it. But what did the Noble
Earl desire? Was his object the observance of a
strict neutrality ?--(" No," from Earl Grey.)—
Did he then desire that this country should right or
wrong plunge into a war, and takes decided part with
one of the contending Powers i—(" No, no," from
Earl Grey )—l-le hid then mistaken the Noble
Earl's purpose, but fur his own part he declared that
lie should never shrink from. the discussion of this
particular topic. lie was not one of those who conld
commend a revolution solely because it was. resole-
Imo. He could drew distinctions between a revo-
lution wherein a nation heal thrown off • tyrannical
Government, and one wherein a wild and causeless
opposition had been raised against a mild and be-
neficent Government. He should carefully consi-
der the probability of success, and the chance of
improvement, nor could he overlook the considera-
tion that no two countries could be placed
• eumstances exactly similar. The best policy, how-
ever, which in his mind this country could pur-
sue, was an abstinence from interference in the
pending quarrel, and, that no measures ought
to he adopted but in the true spirit of neutrality.
To the proposed diminution in the military esta-
blishment of the country, the Noble Earl had also
referrtd. This reduction ocght to he received as an
evidence of the sincerity of the professions contained
iii his Majesty's Speech, when it gives the assurance
of pacific intentions. It had been felt expedient to
revise the whole of our establishments; and he had
the satisfaction of stating that he entertained hopes
of a considerable saving being effected during the
• present year. He also hoped that the time had at
length arrived when the expenses of Me year might
he provided without creating any new stock. This
was the first year since the peace on which such
could he said, and it might afford some satisfaction
to reflect that this was not the case with some coun-
tries that had enjoyed the blessings of peace, with
far less interruption than had fallen to the lot of this
crittetry. With respect to the late prorogation of
Parliament, the Noble Earl had said that the man-
ner "of it was wholly unprecedented. If the Noble
Earl had referred to the proceedings in Parlia-
- went in the year 1781, he would find that the
course then pursued was similar to that recently
adopted. It was on the occasion when the
Irish Parliament had somewhat unexpectedly
thrown out the Commercial Propositions which
had been transmitted from this country. But who
Gould 'oppose that any disrespect was intended. to
Parliament by such a proceeding? It may be re-
collected that it had been intimated in another
place that unless the Bill then pending before their
Lordships passed their House, the call would not
be enforced in the other House. The fate of the
Bill did not render the call necessary ; there were '
therefore not many Members of the House of Corn-
scans in attendance in town, and his Majesty was
advised that it would he more expedient and more
respectful to defer the expression of his thanks for
the provision of the Civil List, until. he should
meet his Parliament full et the openisig of the pre-
sent Session. With reference to the provision for
the Queen, a proposition on the subject should be
made in the other House ; but should this question
give rise to any difference of opinion, it would be
most couvenient to discuss such differences sepa-
rately, It was a great satisfaction to him that the
Noble Earl should have found nothing expressed
Su the Speech to which lie could especially object,
and that his anent to the Address was recomputed.
by qualifications of so indefinite a assure as those on
winch he had beet. commenting.
Lord HoLuatto said that it was not his wish to
enter into an extended discussion of the topics con-
. tainted in the Address, nor should he undertake •
detailed examination of the system of government
to which his Noble Friend and the Noble Earl op-
..posite had alluded. Upon the words " system of
. government," the Noble Earl seemed to feel some
difficulty, he could notunderwand the meaning of it,
and seemed to complain of his Noble Friend (Lord
• Grey) for not having been more explicit. This
difficulty, however, wits to him no subject of cur-
' &i.e. It Was not • weeder that those who one day
proposed one measure end abandoned •it the next.
who acted upon expedients, and governed their
vitalises by .motives of momentary convenience,
should feel a difficulty in understanding
.• ."I • what' a system of government oonsisted. Still
• fest • wonder wee- it that they should not coup.
prehend. the ware g his Noble Friend's de-

lion, nor by the use , any arguments. rot_ ivoer
to show the inestimable advantages that must flow
to all parties from the restoratiem of such waysteta
but there was onepart of the Speech front the Throne
which, if he were to pass over without an explicit
declaration of his sentiments, he should not con•
ceive that he had performed the duly of an honest
man. The Noble Lord then alluded to the
measures pursued by the Allied Powers to
compel the attendance of the King of Naples
at Laybach, cud complained, in warm terms,
that tlio-e Poweni which had been enriched by the
taxes imposed upon the people of this country,
should now threaten to interfere in the domestic
concerns of other States, and that the British Go-
semiarid should content itself on such an occasion
with a simple expression of its regeet, lest such
events ►night lead to war. The Noble Earl oppo-
site (Lord Liverpool) had gratified die House with
a view of his general principles upon the right of
interference in the affairs of Foreign States, but
the Noble Lord never stated. that he disapproved
of the principle, or complained that his Allies,
who were bound by Treaty to consult with him
upou the tessera' character of their proceedings,
should now, iu contempt of his opii i i ~, is, resolve
to pursue their own purposes. It was mere
taut to say, " Would you. involve ibis country
in war?" He was as unwilling as the Nublv
Earl to embark unnecessarily in a foreign war,
but he did not think that th►e Noble Earl had
as yet reduced this country so for, lied made
its character so contemptible among nations, that
a serious remonstrance proceeding from the Go.
vernment would not be attended with► a decisive
effect. He was here standing up as the advocate of
the Noble Lord, and he was conviticed from an im-
press►on of the pusillanimity that uniformly prevailed
its the councils of Austria, that if the British Go-
. sisteateut remonstrated. with the Cabinet of Vienna,
she Austrians would. not venture to stir one
:step in Italy. The British► Government, however,
coutented itself with a vague expression of its re-
gret should the violent conduct of the Allies.. lead
to war. No comparison in respect of importance
could, of course, be instituted between the present
'Mins of Naples, and the circumstances that
preceded the great French war ; but he well
remembered that when the Duke of Bruns-
wick was marching upon Paris, the very same
language was used. It was no doubt bad to
become • party to the iniquitous and infa-
mous designs of those crowned conspirators, yet
still it would be much more manly and more
consistent with the ingenuousness of the English
character to acknowledge such ■n union openly
and fearlessly, than by silence, or by circumstances
still mute suspicious than silence—by having a fleet.
most conveniently in the Bay of Naples for the
purpose of conveying the old King from his loving
subjects, to countenance the notion, that if not a
party, this country fully concurred in an underhand
inaniier in all such enterprises. The inference that
the Allied Conspirators will draw was•one most ho-
nourable to the British character;. most honourable
to his Majesty's Ministers; most honourable to the
Crown and to the country in general. They would
say, "Aye, the English would go to war if they
ceuld—ihey would give us assistance, liut they are
so poor: we have so effect milly cajoled them out and
their money, that they cannot afford tie one subsidy."
He might apply to such a condition the words of.
poet, whom he might quote, as one of our most
religious Monarchs had said that -the book nit hit
with great propriety be laid on the table of the most
delicate and chaste Lady

" The Doctor understaod the call,
But had not dwaya wherewithall."

So it might be said of the British Ministers—they
well understood what was desi►ed and expected of
them by their Allies, but, like the poor Doctor in
the poem, they have not the wherewithal! to
gratify their longing..—(Hear, hear.)—He ob-
served that among the papers published on the
subject of Naples, was a Report by the Duke
of Campo Chirro, in which it is stated that a
Treaty was concluded on the Nth of June 1815.
between the Emperor of Austria and the King of
Naples, to which was annexed a secret article, by
which the King of Naples stipulates with Austria
that he will make no alteration in his institutions
subversive of, or inconsistent with, the principle of
monarchy, or opposed to that system of govern-
ment which Austria had established in her Italian
dominions. Austria, it seem•, knew what the
words " system of government" meant, al►hough
the Noble Earl opposite was ignorant of their migni.
fication. If that article really formed a part of that
code—that. unwine code of international law which
was then established, and if it were communicated
to the Noble Lord and his colleagues, he must say
that in their representations to Parliament they
had acted insincerely, doubly, and disingenuously,
for the character which they endeavoured uniformly
to impress upon that code MIN that it was framed
for the purpose of defendirg the weaker Storrs from
the tyranny and encroachments ofi the strong. This.
country had, us he conceived, a strong case for re-
monstrance with Austria; fur, suppostug that while
Austria was preparing fo► this expedition against
Naples, England were to say to her, You.seern
to be very flush of rash;. you are raising money on
very Avowable terms, fur the purpose of carrying
on a crusade against the people of Naples. We
have a little account to settle with you. He
just before you are generoua, and be so good
as to pay your debts."—(A laugh.)—Such ■
proceeding reminded him of a 'passage in the
mock tragedy in Tom Thumb. He could ima-
gine the Emperor of Austria setting out upon his
expedition, attended by u a hole host of adulators,
who abound nu where more than in a German
Court: one of these, like the flatterer in the illus-
trious tragedy he had just named, might say to the
Emperor,
" Simile progress of your soul pursuer
.when England might, like liuneumunca, add,.

• a Sr, I've an action against you:" _
-.which action, be it khown, amounted to no less
than seventeen millions sterling.—(iienr,
I:he Noble Earl hid in the course of his speech.

attributed ill the distrait.s of the country to the ie..
creosedsprodectien of corn--(Laughter)—but the
true calm of the distresses of the country was the
payment-of the dividends of debts which -had been
contracted at a low rate, and must now be paid at
full value, since the destruction of that system of
fraud, under the name of a paper currency, which
had so lung overwhelmed the nation. When pressed
by nixes, and labouring under distress, as was that
night at length admitted by the Noble Earl, the
people might derive very great assistance from
turning into money those aeliotut of the Emperor of
Austria, which Mr. Pitt told the country were so
far superior to the French al:signals. The Noble
Lord said he had been explicit. Explicit in whit t
He had very unnecessarily expressed his opinions
about the propriety of iutrrfering with Foreign
States; but fallen as the power of this coun-
try was, lie yet believed that if the British
Minister were but to contract his brow with
reference to the iiivasion of Naples, Austria
would not stir one step in Italy. Lord Holland
then ad vet ted to the gt thous establishment of the
Constitution in Spain, and remarked that the Noble
Duke opposite (the Duke of IVellington), under
whose auspices it had at first been created, or who at
least had acted in concert with a Government formed.
by it, must have felt deeply indignant at hearing any
persons affirm that the Spanish Conatitution was
such, that no Government acknowledging its princi-
ples could maintain the relations of peace and amity.
He acknowledged that the Spanish Constitution con-
tained many errors, but if any Furrig,ii States, bar-
barians from the north, were to presume to dictate
any changes in it, he would rather chug to its
errors, such as they were, than alter a single one at the
bidding of any Foreign Monarch, aided by his hordes
of bar, bariairs.—(lleur, Gear.),-He rejoiced that the
army had been instrumental in Spain and Naples
in effecting the revolutions. He trusted that riot
even the Noble Earl would venture to censure the
glorious army who on the plains of Hounslow threw
down their arms, and declared that they would not
fight in the defence of a King who had trampled
upou the laws and the constitution of his country.
! Mass gratifying that those who would look to mi-
litary force as the most effectual security for their
power, who would lean upon spears for defence,
should find that they had misplaced their confidence,
and that the spears might be turned against their
own sides. lie had heard it broadly asserted that
although the Allied Sovereigns at Troppau did not
expect to receive from Great Britain any actual
assistance in their crusade against Naples, they had
been promised moral assistance. They were glad
to accept even these conditions, for they felt that
they could rely upon the wishes of the British Go-
vernment, and they thence hoped that circum-
stances. might arise to convert these wishes, and
this moral sass stance into some more positive act
of friendship. After dwelling u; this point,
the Noble Lord said that lie should conclude by
.•asking the following questions
" Are the diplomatic differences that subsisted between
Great Britain and Naples arranged, and is the Gentleman
who now resides at Naples the accredited Minister from
She Court of Greatißritana

" so, is be instructed to give au assurance to Ibe people
of Naples that nothing which they cao do in modifying,
arranging, and improving their domestic affairs, can be
displessiug to the British GOVPTI/Mr01?

4 Was there any secret article d to the Treaty of
the 12th of June, 1815, controllitur the Kine of Naples to
the as rancement of the internal affairs of his kingdom; and
if so, was it communicated at that time to the British
Government ?"

The Earl of LIVERPOOL declined to give any
answer to these questions; but said, that if the
Noble Lord wowed make them the subjects of a
specific motion to the House, be should have no
objection to give to the Noble Lord and the House
every information which could be required.
Lord ELLENItoRoURH ob.erved upon the greater
merit that belonged to one who prevented war, then
to the General who triumphed in it even for his
country's glory, and congratulated the Noble
Lord (Holland) on having discov,!red that war
might be prevented in Italy by the British Minis-
ter's frowning, or asking Austria to pay her debit.
The Noble Lord, however, seemed to forget his
own former opinions, that an Emperor could not be
sued for a debt except at the head of an army.—
Ile hoped that the Noble Lord would specify the
terms in which the interference of Great Britain
should be couched.

Lord HOLLAND repeated, that the object he
required might be obtained by a remonstrance on
the part of the British Government, which they
who knew ally thing about the character of Aus.
trian Councils must know would set Austria doubt.
ing for et least six months.
Lord ELIANDOROUGH congratulated his Ma-
jesty's Ministers that in the opinion of the Noble
Lord their influence was yet so powerful in Europe,
that a single expression of their opinions would be
sufficient to check the progress of the greatest mili-
tary power on the Continent.
Lord HOLLAND, in explanation, disclaimed such
a conclusion being drawls from his words.
The LORD CUANCEI.LOR,=I It is very plain
that if one Noble Lord were Austria, and the other
Noble Lord were Naples, it would be very difficult
to prevent them from interfering with each oilier."
The Address was then put from the Woolsack,
and carried without a division.
After which the House adjourned.

always au advantage, and he knew many instances sir*, whicitLfontemphtted the reslaratiwn wr that altribi
ahetein one law had dose more mischief than could systat of.cmilidenod between' Aso— roveruasent and crease
be compensated by the enactment of nine others.—: theyople; thiaold-fishioned, good-humnered prin- true c
f ( Vies of hear, hear, front the Opposition Benches.) .reiphi:whiettiormerly. au Irsistad in this eoustry, and paymt
--1)8.4.ing from these subjects the Noble Earl which the Noble Lord and his colleagues had contra
'(rey) alluded to the relations of this country been so instrumental in dissolviog—(Heor, heur.) full vi
Foreign Court*, Ind ip.n this topic he could He should not now, by indulging in wry deviant,. free*
Lot suffer the observations of the Noble Earl to lion, nor by the use of any argument*, endeavour . had us