The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-02-22 00:00:00

recognition of their rights; every portion of the 'people ova.
panantly and most confidingly awaiting that act of justice to be
does them. which had then so lately been prretesed : that most re-
ap7ctable Cethetie Hierarchy was strongly and finely attached to the
Government ; the population was governed peaceably, nithriut any
coercive measure being resorted to; in abort, every • eeling of
hope and good tell had bean called forth in the minds of the ee-
-1 chalice of 'missed towershe this country. That, then, was a period,
when his 3laieety's Ministers might have granted all that was de-
manded. without the least appiehensinti of danger to the State.
Such was the frail:cot' mind then extsting, that every concession might
have been made, every boon given, without disturbance, even
without one extraordinary movement, save that of pleasure on the
part of the Catholics; every thing might then have been done to
have healed the wounds that had been inflicted, and satisfied the
claims that were made. If, instead of such now being the keenness
oe that nation—if, instead of confidence and patience having marked
their cenduct—if, instead of quiet and good order having dis-
tinguished their demeanour, they had been thrown into a state of
thane, their feelings estranged, and their patience exhausted—if
the affairs of the Catholic Body were now fallen into the hands of
persons who would otherwise not have ha 1 to do with them, to
what were we to attribute it? Whet wee the real cause of ail this ? It
was that they had been racist wofully deceived; it was that the Catholic
mind had been disappointed, and their hopes banished. When the
Catholics became most earnest in their appeal to this country, what
was the consequence? Why, domes lowa were enacted, ami new
penalties impose!. Therefore the Catholic body was now placed
under the direction of those men who felt but one sentiment in
common with them, and exerted over them that legitimate power
which consisted only in dominion of knowledge, dominion of talent,
and dominion of patriotism; and who would ultimately lead them
in that direction to which talent and patriotism invartaely tend.
Such was his (3lr. M. Fitzgerald's) firm opinion, unless this couse
try, by a wise and salutary policy, prevented them. But was the
Bill now before the house likely to effect that? It seemed that
this measure went upon a calculation of the forbearance of the
Catholics. It appeared to have all its efficacy rested upon the
glod sense, love of country, and natural ties of kindred of the
Roman Catholic people. It appealed to their entearance, and
their loyal silleeiesion to tie laws, end to flee law also as (soon
es passed. Now if this were ground upon which the Ministers
legislated, Gond God! would it noe be better •for then to avail
themselves of that moderation for which they felt disposed to
give the Catholics credit, by tryine-whether any mode of concilite
tine could not be effected with such men? (Hear, hear, here.)
Did the Minisem doubt that such a course would now' lucre
the desired result? Did they apprehend that it would fail
of destroying the Catholic Association ? He (tie. Maurice
Fitzgerald) would say, that that alone would dissolve it.
Grant them their demands, and they could not afterwards be coin-
bincd ; he would say, :Feat by such a co iciliatoot measure being
adopted, the materials of the Association won't(' be dispersed an
away ; nay, it cottI•1 never again be rept-Allred ; for the essence of
it would have been destroyed. Why, the Catholics had a deep in-
terest in the prosperity and quiet of the country; they had a great
stake in it; they, like ourselves, were filling all ranks in so-
ciety, following as various purseits, and would, therefor:, be
as anxious to preserve peace and good trader As the Protestants
themselves. But there impeded to be an opinion entertained
by some, that the Catholics had a secret design. Some
Gentlemen seemed to let it out now and then, that their ap-
prehensions recce from thee suspicion; they imputed an ulterior
object to the Catholics- But could any thing be more erroneous
than the introduction of such an opinion in the discussion of the
Catholic Qiestion ? Their claims were open and avowed; th'ey
were defied and well understood, and yet Gentlemen resorted to
imputing motives which were all disclaimed, in order to support
their opposition to the Catholics. They apprehended the ascend-
ancy of the Church of Rome, and the sunjogation of the Pro-
testants. But what had been the doctrine of the Irish Attorney.
General upon that 'abject ? Why, that Pro•eaant Asendancy
could not he secured without concession. Bat he (Mr. 31. Fitz-
gerald) would gay, that the Catholic Bady had always avoided the
question Having admitted to its fullest extent the danger in
which Ireland was, he was inclined to look abroad fur a source of
aegravation of that danger. Perhaps Gen•lemen would be dia.
posed to think that he made some concession when he seise that he
locked with a considerable degree of alarm at the spirit
of Catholic proselytism that prevailed in Europe. (Hear, hear.)
He declared that he believed such a spirit did exist to a great extent
on the Continent, and he had no doubt that many persons enter-
' tained most despotic ()ejects in the furtherance of that spirit, and
would rejoice to see all the ancient power of the Pope restored, and
would gladly revive the Catholic usurpation in its most hideous
form. lie believed that no disposition to promote these ends ope-
rated more strongly on any part of the Continent than in France.
If so, were we not right to suppose that all this had a most per.
nicious effect on Ireland ? Would not such a disposition. known
to exist in France. tend ultimately to direct die thoughts of the It iah
to that country? An lion. Member who bad spoken on this
question had alluded to the time when the Catholics of Ireland
should all be made proselytes to the Established Religion,
at which period that Honourable Member would grant
them their right's. If we were to await the arrival of that period,
then the Catholics might consider themselves as for ever excluded.
Ifauch be the feeling to be observed towards them, then he was
no: surprised at the continental papers setting up England as a mo.
del of intulesance ; and whenever we spoke to them in the cause of
freedom, pointing to Ireland, and telling us to look at home—to
look at Ireland. Now, did Gentlemen suppose that these things
did not reach Ireland—that the people of Ireland did nor read the
French papers, and have the influence of thin kind of language act
upon them ? Unquestionably such was the case. He did not know
hat the Bourbon of France, note ithetanding all that this coun-
i try had done for them, would not, out of very gratitude, feel
more disposed to lead an army of Catholics to overthrow the
power of England, than the late possessor of their throne.
He did believe that Napoleon would never have waged a re-
ligious war ; but he did not entertain the same opinion of
the present papa) power. He saw it already announced in
their various newspapers. They have said to us, • You are inca-
pable of going to war, becanse you have a magazine of dan-
ger within yourself, that would paralyze all your exertion's."
But he would not stop at their papers ; he would go still
further, and say that he had ao doubt the present King of France
would soon form an Irish brigade. A late Monarch of that
country had one, and that brigade served him to the last. They
were among his very best and staunchest supporters. At that time
there was no strong feeling upon religious matters prevailing in
Ireland; now that feeling raged at its very height. And
yet amidst all this they looked to us, they sought to be
of us. (Hear, hear.) They were saying now to us,—" We
value your Constitution beyond any thing we know, we ask
to be incorporated with you, to participate of those institutions
which we admire and prefer to all others." Ile (Mr. M. Fitz-
geral(l) believed them, fur he believed if they felt otherwise, the
leaders of the Association would have checked those opinions
which have thus been so loudly and honestly expressed. It was
from their being thus incorporated with us--it was from concession
alone that we could hope to advance the prosperity of Ireland, or
secure the aflectioes of her people. But if this measure should pass,
the next question was whether it be practical. No doubt lawyers
might devise a means which would dissolve the present Asso-
ciation ; but did they think they would avail much by doing NO ?
In opposing this Bill be did not mean to justify every phrase or
expression that might have been uttered by the persona against
whom it was to operate. In speaking of phrases, he wished to
make a correction of a statement by a Noble Lord, in having attri-
buted to him (Mr. M. Fitzgerald) an explanation of the meaning
of a word which had often been mentioned in that House during
the present debate, by stating that it was necessary a person should
know the Irish language, in order to understand that word. Now
it so happened that he knew no more of the Irish language than
the Noble Ertel himself probably did. What he f Mr. fit F.)
meant was this, that it required a person to be an Irishman to up-.
derstand the phrase—" By the hate you bear to Orangemen we
entreat you to be peaceable." That was, it required a person to knew
the dreadful enmity which mutually prevailed between a Cacho! it and
an Orangeman to know the real import of the word "hate." It simply
meant this—" not by the hate you should bear, but by the hate that
you do bear, and have borne, to an Orangeman. we exhort you who
peaceable." The word was not to excite hatred,tor that unfortunately
existed already, but it was by that very hate that they were alij
to be peaceable. But in reference to the Bill now before the House, he
would again say, the Ministers might put down this public As.
socistion of the Catholics, but (lid Gentlemen believe that the
present measure would provide fur all other cases ? (Hear, hear.
bid they think that the influence of the Association throughout
the parishes of Ireland, would be done away by the operation el
this Bill? The Bill might, indeed, check the language which
had been so much complained of, but it could not destroy
the moral influence this Association had effected upon the mind.
The expressions of individuals he would cot undertake to defend ;
neither wax it necessary. Who, he would be glad to know, would
undertake the defence of every expression uttered in that House,
which was frequently stronger than any ever attributed to the mem.
bars of the Catholic Association? (Hear.) Lord Castlereagh had
said, that he would rather see "good Catholics in that House
than bad Protestants." In this opinion every reasonable person
must concur. But his principal objection to this Bill was, that it
would be ineffectual even for the professed purposes of the pro-
moters of it. How could the discussion of Catholics be prevented
unless it were intended to introduce. which he presumed it was not,
a clause to prevent the members of this Association from dining
together ? If such a clause was not made part of the Bill, how
could it be expected that they would not thus endeavour to evade
the Bill ?—and did they, who dreaded violent language, suppose
that the language of Irish Gentletnen 'meld be less violent after
dinner than before? (Hear, and a laugh.) Whether this Bill
passed into a law or not,—or whether the discussions of the Ass°.
elation were reported or not, the danger, as it was by some consi-
dered, would still be diffused through the country, and the more
extensively diffused by reason of the inflamed state of mind which
the disappointment consequent on the passing of this Bill would
create. Whilst the grievance continued, there should always be
some channel to express and convey. If the Association were put
down, the organs of expressing the grievance might assume a new
shape, but it would still exist—
non deficit alter.
As to the resistance of the measure, from that he entertained no
serious apprehension, but very serious alarm was to be entertained
from the needles and vexatious prolongation of the causes of dis-
content in Ireland. (Hear, hear.)
Colonel TRENCH rose amid cries of " Question." He was for
several minutes inaudible an the gallery ; we understated him to
say, that the Catholic Association had exercised a most lm-
lroper influence over the peasantry, by exciting them against their
andlords, who did not approve of the proceedings of Catholic
Association, or who manifested an indisposttino towards the mess
sores of the Catholic Rent. As the Right Hun. Gentlerusa who
had just sat down .ad adverted to the late that bad teen done