The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1819-06-29 00:00:00

ti•re the Catholics of England or of Ireland to pre-
pare expeditions in favour of Philip of Spain, or
of any other Catholic Prinre ? Whatever volun-
teering then was permitted was in direct confor-
mity with the principle►, policy, and wishes of the
Queen. Look also to the reigns of James and of
Charles. The system of volunteering in time of
peace was then permitted; but it was on row side
only, and in accordance with what was supposed to
be the policy of the state, lie, however, would
not sav how far that policy was well or ill manifest-
ed. With respect to James, it was known that
Philip of Spain had assembled an army of upwards
of 30,000 men in Brussels. fur the purpose of
driving the Elector of the Palatinate, who had
married James's daughter, from his states. James
sent emissaries to Brns•rls, to ascertain the objects

e.f those military preparations, and to apprise
Philip that if they were intended to be employed
- against his son-in-law, he could not remain so in-
shtferent spectator of the contest. On that occa-
sion, a British regiment, consisting of 2,400 then,
• ♦olunteered to go to the defence of the Palatinate.
Weer was not Oleo absolutely declared by Philip,
sod it should be considered that before this re4iiiirtit
bad volunteered for foreign service, hates had ex-
iereased his feelings in fay..ur of the cause the volun-
teers had esp:oeseel, and this force, although eio.an-

ttalty'composed or volunteers, were yet in n great dr-
grre supported at the public expense. A Parliament
we, stem after called, which assigned funds for their
maintenance, and gave permission to raise more
troops for the promotion of this war. Hut would
tiny one pretend that this was the best mode of pro-
'seeding, or that became u British Monarch ? This
was the first public event in which James was en-
gaged, and it became him to act with energy and
firmness. The eyes of all Europe were fixed upon
and being the first Sovereign who had united
England, Irelinol, and Scotland, much wag expect-
. d 1..0in the union of their connhined strength, and
it was necessary for him to make a demonstration
or his power ; but a hat slid he do ? Ile merely
perntltted 2,400 men to volunteer for the defence
of Ins son-in-law, against en army of 31,000 men,
send by this act he disgrared 6iutarlf in the eyes of
.En rope, and skewed Philip plainly with what hu-
mility he would hear to he insulted. James skewed
shat lie Intel neither the policy of a statesman, the
tactics of a soldier, the ferlinus of a parent, nor the
honour of a gentleman; yet it was by reference
to his conduct that the principle of volunteering
e•os sought to be defended.—(l/car, hear,hear.)—
III; Ullllllll son, Charles, had permitted 6,000 Bei-
rli troops to enter the service of Gustavus Adol-
phus, when that warrior entered Germany, and for
this permission it was secretly rtipeila•ed by Charles
. . .

that (;motiivus should restore his brother-hi-law, the
Elector, to the Palatinate. This engagement was
kept secret for fear of offeloiling the Emperor. The
latter, however, did not resent the conduct of
-Charles in perniittiiog 6,000 British subjects
10 rriirr the service of the Swedish Monarch, fur
fear of bringing down on him the whole force of
the British empire. Gustavus, however, forgot to
fulfil his engagement, and Charles re:•alled his sub-
jects; but as he was unwilling to have the stipuL.
lion with Gustavus made public, he did not re-
monstrate against the non-fulfilment of the Treaty.
It ass impossible to speak with harshness of the
.ertors of that unfortunate Prince. Whatever they
sear have beet', lie atoned for tie it► by his melan-
choly Cote, hut it might be permitted him to say
that the unfoitutoute Charles was seer ton ready to
be direrted from the direct course of action at the
first glimpse of difficulties. I/Acuities too lie had
to coo. minter, for lie was elogaored in the only conflict
v hick a Boiiish Moearcl7 nerd entertain fear,
atant.ly, a war against the liberties of his subjects.
Ho might Eave rsi.teil with confidence in any fu.
toga our, if lie combd have been induced to throw
himself upon the affections of his subjects. The
Nolite Earl then commented at some length upon
the impolory of such a mode of expressing the
1161161)1es of the Goveiiiineot, mod alluded to
c ise which occurred in the reign of Jimire, whim
prit ate voolunieering was permitted, even cantrary
ihe lost iuterrst. of the coomitry. At the time
%%Iwo ilie truce load expired bet wetli Spain and
the (Tinted Provinces, James ass endeavourilig
to Irving to a conclusion his treaty of mar-
liege between the I &stoma and Plitoce Charles, and
to gratify the Court of Spain he gate permission to
vaise 4,000 men w his dominion- for the Sp wish
service, to be employed against the Dutch. Thus
was Great Britain aiding the country it was most
leer iiocrem to oppose, owl depressing that which
it was most her noterist to assist. When thus this
system was seen employed sgaitiet the best interests
of the country, ought it to he left to 1w exercised
the discretion of indisiduals, and not he placed
in the power of the Crown, to he exercised by
the advice of its responsible 'Moister. ? Ile oh-
eerved, that every government was respcnisible
to other shafts fur the non of its subjects, and
when treaties are concluded between states, the
blame ought not he thrown on the municipal laws
a a country, if those treaties cannot he maintain-
ed, and if the municipal lass were not sufficiently
strengthened to enable the Government to uphold
its foreign relations, the Ministers of the Crown
ought toot to be held responsible for the result. This
country• had always been justly jealous of the ex-
istence of a standing army. It would never permit
a foreign (AM to hold a high command in this
country in time of peace, without the authority of
Parliament; and would it endure that a foreign
Prince or adventurer should enlist and maintain a
force within it, without having at least previously
received the license of the Crown, or having the
advisers of the Crown responsible for their employ-
suent ?—/Hear, hear./—Whet must toot be the
difficulties sod the danger► of such a state of the
law ? To obviate such as inconsistency was the
object of the present measure, and so deeply was it
founded in justice, and strengthened by expediency,
that he concluded with a perfect confidence in the
oisiloin of the Iluuie, by moving that the Bill be
committed.
Lord Ilot.csND—.lll all proceedings between
man and mini, when tidos of the parties assumed
to art upon a higher principle of justice than usually
marked his conduct, Inn actions became naturally
an object of stilecion. If any such person asserted
that his conduct was influenced by certain high-
flown notions of natural equity, and at the same
time appeared to disregard bus natural interests, his
motives must, if avowed, be odious, if not criminal.
Aiuch, he feared, would be found to be the case with

respect to the promoters rt this Bill. they affirm•
ed that their Pole object was to correct au anomaly
in the law, that disgusted with its severity, ■nd
shocked by its incongruity; they were suddenly
struck with a desire to remove the inconsistencies
of at leapt one part of our criminal rode of laws,
mid were impressed with such a wonderful passion
for symmetry. that they came down to Parliament
to have the laws reduced to a state of regularity
and order. It was, however, asserted, that this
measure was supported by a Treaty made with
Spain, but this Treaty most prudently was not read,
for if it were, it would be found that we were
not in a state of neutrality, and that the
sole object of this Bill was to give to one of the
present belligerent parties aim undue advantage. It
was UISO carefully kept out of tile view of the (louse
by the Noble Lord, that this measure was OPPONC(I
to the beat interests of this catiotry. With regard,
however, to one of the clauses to the Bill, namely,
that which went to repeal the :lets of Gen. 11., to
that lie most iinplicitly seceded. But those Acts
did not, in his mind, affurd any pretence fur the
enactment of the present measure, for those statutes
were adopted without any reference to the principle
stated by the Noble Lord—that of maintainiug the
neutrality of this country ; bat in fact they were
framed solely with regard to our 41 ttttt estic economy.
Oise of these tl/1114 adopted undoubtedly with a re-
ference to the Pretender, but both were framed 41
Pines when war was on the point of breaking out,
and o hen it was apprehended that British subjects,
for whose services their own country might have
occasion, would, previous to the ronsmrnc-tiseut of
hostilities, enter note the service of foreign lowest-
tries. There was one point of the Noble Lord's
speech, ohich, considering the source whenor it
came, lie bad heard with great surprise : lie found
that the miuthorit• to winch this country was to ,
look for the law or nations, was the Congress of the
United States of America. IVe were to look to
those petitions oho, it bad often been asserted, knew
riothitoe about the principles of internatimial I4W,
for the rule and practice that ought to regulate
the conduct of this country !—(Hear, hear, mud
some toughter, from the !Apposition Bearhes.)—
The Noble 1,1011 11411 spoken with great harshness
of dames 1., but the utmost that could be made of
the charge was, that James was more suing; to
preserve to Isis subjects the blessings of peace, thau
to plunge them into the dangers and calamities of
war. Ent rye') this harshness of the N able Lord
to•sards James, seemed preferable to the candour
With which the Noble Lord assailed the character
of his son, the unfortunate Clisrles, among whose
errors it had been imputed, tltot he had born oil-
•in ;ly engssged in a war against the liberties of his sub-
jects. Throughout the speed of the Noble Lot
there p►evailed one great fallacy. He asnitucil it,
that, if this Bill were thrown out, and the Acts in
George 11. repealed, no law would then exist in
this country to prevent British subjects from en-
listing in foreign servit•r. This was ad error ; there
would still terrain law a surcient to enable the Go-
vernment to 11111intuin a strict nentualtty. " This,"
said the Noble Lord, " I shall maintain, without
fear of contradiction, notwithstanding the novelty of
the situation in which I am placed ; for here :nu I
standing up fur the preirigative of the Crown,
in opposition to those whose duty it is to
uphold and preserve i►."—(/-tear, hear, hear, from
the Opposition peaches.)—This, too, he should
maintain without referring to German Ju►irts,
with whom the Noble Earl seemed so unwilling
to hold coofertiice, and its saying so lie meant
not to imply the slightest dowespect to those
great autholitirs, but lie should maintain hie
poei-
tsuu on the stronger ground of the expelierice of
seeetal centuries. Another fallacy which ran
th ttttt gli the speech of the Noble Earl was, that the
Government of a (votary was responsible for the
acts of all its subjects. This was lost the case.
All subjects of Great Illitain, when they entered
into the service of other powers, were entitled
only to the belligerent rights of those with %%hum
th-y might have enrolled themselves Pi touts.—
Tilos doctrine indeed the Noble Lords opposite had
themselves maintained on a recent occasitto, he there-
fore should 110 longer detain the House with the
consideration of it. The Noble Lord had himself
Paid down that impartiality between two belligelent
powers was what constituted neutrality. This had
beets manifested by the Elitist' Covet iiment in the
present instance us far as could be required. A
proclamation had been issued by the Government
proltibitiog British subjects from embracing the
quatre I of either party, and no mote that; this was
necessary. He spoke within the hearing of the Noble
and Learned Lord on the Woolsuca, who might con-
tradict him aim spoke incorrect ; but this he would
affirm, that if, after the issuing of that proclamation,
any suliject of the Crown were to neglect its provi-
sions, he would be guilty of a misdemeanor, mid be
punishable by foie and imprisonment. It lad berg
observed, that the Congress of the IThited States
of America had passed similar measures, and these
were 'Petitioned as an inducement to the British
Parliament to adopt the present Bill. Ent there
was a vast difference between the United States
of America and great Britain ; the President of
the United States did not possess a similar power
as was ertjoyed by the lung of Great Britain.—
(//ear.)—The Noble Earl had said, that if this
law were rejected, and the present statutes repent-
ed, there would be tin imputability no the pout of
the Govel ttttt ent between the controdieg partied, be-
cause while musty thousands mould join the Patriot
standard, not Duo would be found willing to range
hintsclf on the side of his Catholic llajest•. A
pretty confession was this in favour of our ally ; bait
surely in t01(111 s case the laws of the country were
in no respect to blame, this circumstance arose from
the feelings of the people, whirl' were warmly ex-
cited in sympathy for the puflioings and the ex-
ertions of the people of South America. He pro-
leased himself unable to perceive the force of the
argument founded by the Noble Earl on the' dif-
ferences between the Protest:tots and Roman Catho-
lics, nor did lie see how the print iple of permitting
enlistment* in the service of both the coutendiug
pal ties was affected by it. On this !mint tie need not
refer to German Jurists, although on these lie might
remark, that although some of them might seem so
go too far, yet they uniformly expressed them-
selves in favour of that system which the Noble Earl
seemed to think new its Illisortswry, nod which hurl
been uoiforielly !Hustled by mill the i‘logintelis of this
country to the year 1736. Such was the principle
pursued in 1604, when complsiuts heiti rudde by

the Dutch that British subjects sieve enlisted in die
service of Spuin, the King replied, that he forbade I
not his subjects to enlist to the• service of either
rpe,i,:ttly.a—stio/te/eafrro,mheia,
of State at that time to the I)tateli
ing that the King gave equal permission to both
stat-
le
j
to.r)d—The
Lord then
I ny
Indies to recruit within his dominions. When a l
similar
the Spanish Government of the Netherlands, be.
objection was made by the Dutch to
rause its subjects
Munster against the Dutch, tale (tavernment
had artisted the bishop of
1,
the Netherlands replied, that the same facilities of
raisimig troops, &e. should be extended to both I
lies. Perhaps, however, the Noble Lords typo-
iite might say, that these were old times, when the ;
system was balanced between Protestants and Ca-
thiuhro, and mint worthy of attention; but lie would
ref, r them to more modern times, mid to Mr.
Pitt's administration, which would of course
merit their higher esteem. In the year 1791,
dill not English subjects proceed its consideralde
'soothers to support the people of the N vibes-
lands against the Emperor Leopold ? The re-
cord, of those times were not sit venerable as those
to whiclt 11:11 already alluded, and he was
aware that the book lie was about to quote was •
1111011 moos, but notevidistambitg this, it was ever I
considered us high •ittlitority in soulless of tact. Ile
alluded to the Annan' llegister, mid it was noto-
rions floodlit Register of 1791 was written by a
particular frivol, and under the imenedoste inspec-
tion of Mr. Burke, and that the individual who wiote
it, the late Dr. Lawrence, was us capable as CV,..11 Mr. •
Hooke liantelf, to radially the smut of the eyelets
then Fussing, mod to convey a correct impression of
the feelings and rintiples by which they weir go.
vented. Oil the subject of the voleinteering which
took place in Englaiitl, on that occasion, iii favour
of the people iir the Netherlands, 1/oictor .rfrilre
111114 xprv-scs liiinsell:—" The spirit of enter-
prise and *partial ardour which have at all times
strongly marked the character of the English, in-
duced many officers to pass over to the Low C -
tries. To suppoit the cause of their old friends
and near neighbours was highly congenial to their
reeling.; mid as the Court of England ut that
time was known to hold feelings not very dis-
similar, no opposition vas made to their wishes.
In the Netherlands they were ret rived with
open arms, and were, for the oncost port, quickly
appointed to comonailds, awl as molly tot ilism
were possessed of considerable influence in their
respective enuoties, they were righted to raise a
body of m,:l under the title of the Ilstirsh 1 egian,
which was altogether composed of Eo•glish and
Irish." As lie spoke solely Ca. the cause of truth,
he did not mean to urge any thioog heyouol its just
value ; lie did nut nit to say that this was a
great diction upon the law of nations, but it
sheaved the geueral feelings of the people of
this country on all interesting (occasion. But
liiiw would the present inessure affect the Crown
of Spain ? It was notorious that there were
in the service of Spain whole legions c posed of
British subjects, and although it was always, lie
believed, the policy of this country to refuse
license to such persons, ytt such legions were
always maintained. The Noble Lords suppos-
ed that if the common low were not sufficient
to give efficacy to Treaties concluded between
Girt Britain and other comitries, it Was necessary
to alter the municipal laws of this ellUotry to fulfil
this object. If this principle sere once *Omitted,
to what an extent might it not be carried ? The
municipal bows of this county would thereby be
placed at the discretion of ;lily foreign power with
which we might chance to form it Treaty. It might
lie fount, necessary, in poirsteitice of this principle,
to interdict certain brunches of our commerce, to
prevent the emigration of our starving peopleond
to reduce the country to such N state as load
61'141 extoresseel loy one of thos.t Getman Jori.ts,
obi eiviiods est eastellum. 'flip should change the
Ilaw of the !Hood as it may sent the pleasure of his
Most Catholic Nlajests, tor the. Amphictremic
Council of the United States of America. Fur-
ther measures might still be thought necessary.
The Ktug of Spain, or any oilier Monarch, might
say to us, t' Your laws ore weak and ineffec-
tual ; you still have a free press, which is
emotionally t mini% enemies against my power
and dignity. While this cmotioues, your laws ore
useless, yon must place re-gismo Over your press,
you must alter the whole frame and coiostit idiots of
your country, if you sincerely desire to maintain
your relations with my kingdom." This, it was
true, might sound so extravagantly, that 110
Minis-
ter in this country would listeio to it, but when they
had lesuctiosied a prim:tole against themselves, be
what argument could they refuse this further coo-
resSl4lll ? Referriog to the ternis of the Treaty with
Spent', he asked by what ingenuity men could he
argued to teurlike stores, mud expressed ti
wish that what had been said upon this potion
at the last Congress might be emote peddle. lie
controlled, that the present measure could toot
be considered to arise from a deity of neutrali-
ty ; but Parliamesit, of course, was competeut
to miss the Bill, owl alter the laws all It Might
think !Proper for regulatiog the Internal economy
of the kilogiloin, or for aoloptiog soy general
system with regard to foreigit powers. Bost all
he bad been emleavonring to impress mil the
Douse was, that the present Wits is cx-
prdlrncy, which
the Dome might adopt in reject.
As a question of expediency, they, however, were
also bound to consider the motives of adopting such
a measure, which, even by the confession of those
Who support it„ was it' sumo degree a sacrifice of
the Poen:slot of doe country. If it were then a
I sacrifice, they were bound to inquire bow far they
were called upon to woke it, by any conduct
in favour I,l* this country on the port of the indivi-
dual bur whose utlvontage die measure was proposed.
lie was extieniely unwilling to express his feelnigs
wills 'rood to the King of Spun' individually—
great, and manifold, and oirocious as his 'lnterim-
duct had been, lit folioed.' still consider Ilion as the
representative of a great and gallant nation--
lie sl Id consider hums milt. Fritlinand VII.
For the people of Spain he entertained the highest
respect ; minty persons of that country were dear to
his heart, and of these, mill, with very kw exceptiona,
were tolling within dungeons, although they had all
disting`tiished themstlves in their endeavours to re•
store that Monarch to his throne. The Noble
Lord them ex enured the conduct pursued by the
11ing .of Spum. towards this country, which, lie

contended, uniformly evinced an unfriendly dis-
position towards the interests of Great Britain.—
lie saw nothing in the proceedings of the King of
Spain that entitled him to »or sacrifice on the part
of this comitry, and • Sacrifice, ton, which not
only involved the best interests, but still worse,
were opposed to the feelings of the people. With
respect to the conduct of the lislf-pay officers of
this country, as alluded to by the Noble Lord,
he should not speak lightly, particsilmly when he
must he aware that the feelings of ambition which
now Ird them to seek danger in a foreign country,
had been incited and fostered by the. Government
of their own. Ile then alluded to the distressed
stair of the manufacturing interests of t hi. coun-
try, and lamented that a tnisiinderstanding on the
',art of the Noble Lords opposite, as to what
constituted the duty of neutrality, 511011111 hi-
dove them to apply to Parliament to sanction •
measure which tended to deprive the country, in its
utmost distress, of a rich and increasing market, to
whO 1; ii email have looked with confidence.

The Earl of WEsTuotit.shu said that in dis-
cus•ing this question, Government had nothing to
do with him conduct of the {inn( of Spain. If that
Nlmeirch hod injored this. country, the litter had a
remedy, sod would always, he trusted, he able and
;silting to assiat its own but he could
never think that a breach of neutrality was the
proper wait• of tiv►oginl; an injury, if aura
had been conimitted—(llenr)—tieither could lie
think thit this Bill was so likely to prevent
111111 l ercial enterprise as had heel, insinuated,
when its only object was to keep peace with a
neighbour, aod inevent this country from being
embroiled lii the quarrel which existed betwieit
Spain and Situ Ili America. So fir from neutrality
being likely to he best upheld hy the conduct re-
commended by the Noble Lord, he had reason to
know that iii many of the islands alluded to a
sorting feeling presailed, that if the Government
did not interfere, in the roomier in which he trusted
it would interfere, commerce would be greatly re-
sttieltd. A 4 to the emigration which this clourrel
occasioned, he was clearly of opinion, that as the
strength of ti country consisted in its population,
the Government ought to be empowered to prevent
the departure of those persons who ought to be
peculiarly entitled to the protection of their own
Sovereign—he meant the valiant men who had sliewit
so much fir►nness and conduct in the field.
There were iwo systems of neutrality—one of
which might he called (miens simpliriter, and the
other (micros eortfederrarts. Spain stood to Eng-
-141111 in the latter capacity, and England was bound
to fulfil her part of the condition. As well ►night
she say that her laws would tint allow her to inter-
fere, as that the Executive Goverionent of Spain
might hereafter say she could nut compel her lit 111.•
je.Cl4 to accede to the abotition of the slave trade,
notwitb•tandutg her stipulation on that subject.—
It might lw asked. why this inteiference was toot
made sooner ? Jis answer was, because it was
IR.rd, ill the first place, that mediation would have
had effect ; and in the next, that the notice of last
year would have prevented such ca operation 114
not/ prev.ailed, and which ►endered it necessary to
adopt the present measure—a measure which he
earnestly hoped the !loose would adopt.
As suoti as the Noble Earl sat down a converse-
lino arose respecting the limper period for morn/
iiistructions to the Committee.

Earls Sprxern mid GREY were of opinion that it
was comporist fur any Noble Lurd now to inure
iu-
sti 'curios to the C *ttee.

The Lout) CIIANCEI.I.Oa and the Eirl of Livr.a.
Poor. were of ()pillion, that as the immediate motion
before their Lordships war, that the House should
resolve itself into a Committee on the Foreign En.
listment Bill, the next question would be, that the
House do now resolve itself into the said Com-
mittee, then would lie the period for moving
instructions when the Acts of the gth and '29th of
George IL were ordered to he referred to the
Committee.

The Marquis of LAvnowl, at considerable
length, opposed the motion. Ile stated, that in
consitlt•ring this Bill in sits object and its its details,
lie could not refrain from proomincing it to be a
measure not warranted by either the policy or the
expediency of this country, but, sits the eontrary, its
lie thought, introduced sit the inuoigatitsii mid by
the desire of a foreign !power. Tile nt•t'a+ton of
this Hill had, he had no doubt, striern from
the applicatiou or the Court of Spain ; it auto,
therefore, on the right of ILO power to make
such a demand that be would first coil the •NtrWuut
of ilieir Lordships, and sub-roptesitly on the exile-
ilieuey oust propriety of nureoloo4 to st;ch a rrifte.i-
too. If their Lortkhipp were of sipmion as to the
first point, that neither the law or nations our the
supulat• of the Tsraty between Spain and Eng-
land justified the I'o►tner in making the oripiisitiosi,
than it would he time to consider the other propmia
bon. The Noble Earl (Itorrowb%) had set out with
protesting against the opinion of the writers of the
law of nations. whom Ise called Getman Juitsts,and
his argument wesit also tsgaiii4 the po'itty invariahly
pursued by the Sovereigns at• tlii. country ; so that
lie book care to put mit of the question, in his view
of it, not only the opinion.. of the niost competent
judge., but the fact of the invariable policy that
had characterised this country, lie then quoted
the opinion of Al.lriesis, whose wok was a compen-
dium of till sillier writers on the iIrIIICIpICS4 of Nell.,
trislity. That writer had laid down that every Si.
verrigii had a right 111 11111 r of peace (or eveil of war
with third partic.) to refuse military aid on any
rr-
quisition to be used against Si power with winch lie
was in amity. lie bail a right to refuse warlike ex-
sir to tolerate their fortonlion under his
eye, but that author never went the Irt•gth of saying,
that private individuals may not embark, if they
please, in the cause of any other country not at
war wills their own, and at the per,' of their own
responsibility. He thought it quite clear, that no
writer sin civil law had ever goose that length. He
then deisied that the policy of Queen Elizabeth
had been as the Noble Eirl haul stated it—one
which merely permitted her subjects to give what-
evil. hid they pleased to Protestant states; but sle.
Med it to Catholics. Neither could he agree with
him in thinking, that it N:l4 us feeling of cowardice
that induced James 1, to give aid to his son against
Philip Il I, when lie raised asi army of '2,800 snen,
to serve as volunteers abroad. That piqued
himself on being Is jurist; it wits the fasl ii ut his
age, arid if the law of nations then interdicted Isis
subjects from taking part in the wars of other

Ile ftr. 14 1,•i„.

inclined to think .Is.rie. would never Irive
throe volunteer■ to have embarked Int the Cittit

Hiinnry would lwar bun out in us.eri tint?.

the first period when an attempt was made to esta-
blish the principle that the ',objects of one foals
could not privately and individually assist those of
mother where their respective potentates were lint
at war. Hi-would venture to state, Wet for the
last four centuries, and down to 1792, when U.,
Netherlands resisted Jn:eph 11., there newer was
period in which British subjects were not rte.; i,..1
in giving this succour, as individuals, to other
states ; and he defied airy mall to strew ham in what
instistice any government had interfered to prevent
them in the 171'4111/er now proposed.—(Hear,hear.)—
With reference to the Treaty of 1814, Eigla;ol
was asserted to be interdicted from giving to the
Spanish Insitrgants " arms or munition of war."
This was the first time he had heard that men were
to In. considered as munition of war.—(lle.l7. I
But even iii that Treaty not a lino was given that
it was necessary to alter British law to give eiy.er
to its provisions, nor was this discovery made until
four years after the Treaty had loom laid before
Parliament. The plain inference then was, that
, neither Spain nor Ministers had at the time :soy
idea of asking or conceding this alteration in the
existing laws of the land ;he was therefore of -
111011 the stipulation fur this alteration must hate
been made or understood at a subsequent per;oit,
and not steered upon in the sense in which it wan
%lOW contended for at the time by the colitract.
ing parties. This wag the only way lie could '
account for their silence upon it for hair years.
lo a treaty of commerce it generally happened that
subjects of the contracting parties were interdicted
from issuing letters of marque, hut here there isas
no treaty of commerce, and yet the same result
Was called for by one of the parties as if such a
treaty were in force—that is, this country sties to
a. reject all private aid, on the pert of individus, to
South America, while yet Spain was to receive
arms and ammunition from England, to any ex-
tent she required, and her expedition was ear
:I,llllllly motilg for these supplies :at Cadiz.-
(" lVo," from Earl Bathurst.)—lle was glad to
hear that the Oldie expedition was not waiting for
military supplies from this country ; lie legoil
they had not received say, or were likely to rears:
such. Let them get supplies if they could from in-
dividuals without the saliction of Goveritineut, let
thrin just hove the mine means of gaining
assistance as the South Americans. There would
he the plan of neirtraltry which this country ought
to adopt, and not one which, by throwing the
whole scale of Government into the one side, till
utterly dettoom ing every aid to the other, ciesse
' what Jfinisti rs conceived to be neutraldy, tint
hr Would call a canting, hypocritical, anti sliufil
neutrality, that would justly britig down on pas
country hatred and contempt.-4 lear)—...
thought the old Government of Spain hail ra
right, either by law or by Treaty, to claim lean
England the departure from the micient course of
British law, which was now pressed for adootine.
flow far then it became expedient to interfere on
the ground of policy or equity, remained to be
considered. He fully admitted, that the sacred
law of justice should be observed towards
; the contending parties, and that no commercial
principles should be suffered to induce u departure
; from those paramount views ; he also agreed that
; 110 sense of consideration towards a number of Bo-
; list) subjects engaged in this warfare should operate
; its this case, though in justice the country shaurd
not unnecessarily check the spirit of those men, or
debar them from any ulterior views which the (sir-
(constancy, of the world may lay open to them.
' But though lie was ready to admit that neither the
policy which commerce may call for. or the inter-sts
of NOV particular class of individuals, cieated a sufE-
: cieitt reason to induce the country to depart from her
uticient maxims of policy, yet he thought flint
verument, in the present lariguishing state of coin.
erce, hot, upon light grounds, or through
i external influence, call upon Pailiament to (quiet a
measure which would have the effect of blocking life
from nriiiol industry and enterprise a C.awarl of trade
in the pre-rut and prospective state of the country,
I of such ON/intent value to its best interests. Tio
Noble iMarquis made au eloquent and impassioned
spinal to the [louse, to consider what would be tii •
effect in the page of history upon the character of
Fmglatid, if than measure were possed into a Lie..
Was there a man in the empire who kid at
• the existing state of Spain and her Smith Acre-
neon Colonies, who believed that the latter could
ever he again compelled to live under the yoke
of the mother country ?—(Hear, licar.)-11'44
it likely that the South American., now that
they asserted their rights—now that sonic of them
I loot tasted the fruits of liberty, would ever agar,'
; sufFer themselves to be snail- the victims of the
kggratolisentent of Straits ? No in nil coma i,he
was CuUviaced, ever again anticipate from the
in which the conteeding parties were non pi a Cert.
that the Colonies could be compelled to sick
; hack into their former state of political de-
-1 prudence. From the nature of such 11 'lrti4gle
some time may elapse before the Smith Artier.
cans became competent to maintain their in-
; dependence, but sooner or later that day or 'lnd-
,Penitence must arrive—(Hear, hear.)—What thee
would not be the humiliation of Flighted, to
; find that her great name, so famed for asserting her
non liberty and the liberty of others, wan alai,
among the great nations of Europe, iilentilie/1
with the attempt to subjugate men who weir,
determitied to br free—that iu that odious title:mit
she had not alone confined liereelf to aid
; to his views, hut had also conseuted, at his rcipi.•i.
! time to alter the ancient laws of her own state, for
the purpose of making them hear with greater bore
I against the interests of her own people ?
humiliating it would be to find that the only iileo-
! tity which England had with the noble struggle of
the South Americans, was one linked to at he
I3lfl of pains and penalties—a Bill, too, whiell
placed British subjects not under the thaposel of tie
prerogative of the Crown, hut at the mercy oh c,"-
• formers ? Every mart- who had a kart lo
reel fur the etrugglas of a brave people. enat"""'"
mg to shake off the yoke that bowed them to the
j result, would complain of this conduct on the put of
England towards an interesting people.—(Hear.)—
' The Noble Marquis concluded an eloquent speeeo
Iby stating, that if the parts of the proposed Bi!I
were separated. some of them should have his

1