The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1822-12-07 00:00:00

SUbIAURY 01, I'HE PARtfAMENTAR 1'

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

The spirit of investigation which chsracterites
the present age, and gives so forciblt a stiasubss to
literary exertion in every department of art sad
science, induces us to present to the public •
series of remarks on the Constitutional History of
Great Britain. We will state the reasons which
influenced us in the selection of our subject, and
the motives which induced us to offer our observa-
tions through the medium of a daily publication.
The free institutions of England, the privilege
of public discussion, and above all, the toleration
of religious opinions, by cherishing a restless spirit of
curiosity, have opened a vast field of inquiry in phi-
losophy, moral,, and politics.
To the last-mentioned topic we propose to draw
the attention of our readers.

:"I'lle'itoleoi 'struggles between prerogative and
privilege which commenced with the accession of
the Stuart family to the Crown of England, and
continued to their final expulsion, form one of the
most interesting eras in the annals of our country.
The object in dispute was to determine the political
constitution of • great nation ; to define, with
marked exactitude, the authority of the Crown;
and to secure, by firm and impenetrable bar-
riers, the rights and freedom of the people.

Postenty owe an eternal debt of gratitude to
those illustrious patriots, who exposed their lives
and property in resisting the tyranny of James,
end securing fur their descendants the blessings of
civil and religious liberty. Nor have the people
of Great Britain shewn themselves undeserving of
this invaluable legacy; in no country are the prin-
ciples of government better understood, and the
administration of public affairs more narrowly ex-
stained ; and though the Constitution has lost
much of its pristine purity, the injuries which it has
sustained are not to be attributed to the decay of
public virtue, but to the iguorance, or corruption
of weak or unprincipled Ministers.
The Revolution of 1688 gave rise to the great
national division of IVhiggiem sod Toryism. The
Whigs anti Tories of the reign of William the Third
were the legitimate descendants of the Roundheads
and Cavaliers of the reign of Charles the First,
and comprehended under their respective banners
the whole of the political world. The Whigs.
though supporters of monarchy, were conspicuous
for their attachment to the democratical part of
the Constitution. The strength of their party con-
siord in the vast body of religionv sectarians, who
dissented on various points of practice and doctrine
from the established church. They also drew to
thei► standard the republican followers of Herring-
ton and Sydney, who, despairing of success in their
&ding schemes of government, consented to co-
alesce with the Whigs, not become they admired
their principles, but from an implacable detesta-
tion of their rivals.

The Tories consisted of the adherents of the
exiled family, and the high churchmen. This
united party were inflamed with the bitterest ani-
mosity against the Whigs, and though they had
conceded some of the more extravagant notions of
royal prerogative, their intolerance and hatred of
the Dissenters remained unabated.

From this period of our history the two rival
parties, into a hich the political world is at present
divided, dite their origin, and from this era Gr►.at
Britain made rapid advances in intellectual im-
provement. The collision of opinion elicited truth;
men of superior abilities devoted their talents to the
service of the State, iii laborious investigations of
the laws and constitution ; the public eagerly
sought for instruction on questions of such vital
importance, and the most intricate problems in
government soon became familiar to the lowest
classes of the commuoity. Nor was the desire of
information confined to questions of political inte-
rest; music, poetry, painting, sculpture, and the
rest of the fine arts, were cultivated with equal
success.

These advances in civilization are principally to
be attributed to the liberty of the press; but this
powerful engine acquired its strength from the ex-
istence of parties. The emulation of the Whigs and
Tories gave rise to a sharp-sighted and watchful jea-
lousy, which extended the liberties of the subject,
and preserved the balance of the Constitution.
Every infringement of popular privileges, and
every encroachment on the royal prerogative, were
instantly noticed, and brought before the tribunal
of public opinion. If either side had obtained a
complete ascendancy, and annihilated its compe•
titor, the nation would have been deprived of ■
moat efficient protection, and have been left a prey
to the caprices and arbitrary dominion of their
rulers.

From what has been remarked, we may conclude
that the existence of parties is essential to the
national happiness sad peeeperity, and that it is the
interest of the people so to 'valance them, that they
may act as mutual checks on each other. There
are two classes of persons who may be disposed to
dissent from the opinions we have formed of the
existence of parties. Lord John Russell has hap-
pily described the first under " Mock philosophers,
sentimental women, and effeminate men, who are
always making lamentations over political divisions
and contested elections." The second compre-
hends those violent and enthusiastic politicians,
who, hurried sway by the frenzy of their passion.,

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