The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1824-05-12 00:00:00

ALIEN BILL.

Lord HOLLAND presented a petition from the Lord Mayer,
Aldermen' and Common Coancilnien of the City of London, in
Common Council assetubled, praying, that the Bill now before
their Lordlisips' House, under the title of the Mien Bill, may not
pass into a law. It was stated by the petitioners that when internal
danger existed, and Bills similar to the present had been before
Parliament, they did not approach the House with petitions like
that which they now offered to their Lorships' consideration ; but
under the altered circumstances of the empire the petitioners could
regard the nature of the present law in no other light than laying
tl e country under the imputation of being a party to the conspiracy
*.lgiittllt the independence of nations.—The petition was then laid
on the table.

The Earl of LIVERPOOL, in moving the second reading
the Alien Bill, observed, that the subject of the measure then be-
fore the House bad been so often under the consideration of their
Lordships, that he did not know whether it was necessary to go into
all the details that were connected with it. Ail the arguments that
could be used respecting this measure had been so frequently urged
by himself and others in her defence, that he was unwilling to weary
tbdr Lordships by a repetition of them ; but thus much he would
say before he offered another remark to the House, that if there
had been • change of circumstances, as the petition which had been
just presented by the Noble Baron opposite insinuated, he saw no-
thing in that change but additional' reasons, which convinced bis
ntind of the necessity of the measure; for he was bold to assert, that
every circumstance that bore upon this question since it was for.
nicely discussed, tended to prove the advantage of it. A great deal
had always been said about the right of the common law to remove
aliens out of the country, and he had never heard any arguments to
shakehis opinion on the soundness of that right. He never thought
otherwise than that the common law gave the right to the Crown of
expelling not only alien enemies, but any alien, from the shores of
Great Britain ; but then those who thought with him and himself
had always contended that the operation of the common law, as ap-
plied to aliens, was so cumbrous, that it was in a certain degree
imitative ; for their Lordships were aware that foreigners could
only be proceeded against for the purpose of sending then nut of
the country, by the common law, tby a bill of indictment. .');he
Allen 11111 was first introduced so the seethe of Parliament in the
year 1792, which was not a time 'twat, but of peace, and a period
when the Executive were anxious (and he could state it from Ile
own knowledge> to avoid a war; but he did not mean to say that
there wen not reasons for adopting the Bill then introduced for tee
purpose of rue:ding against the danger that was gathering around
this country. Ii was of importance, however, with reference to the
measure of 1792, to consider that it we yodelled after France was
at war with England, which was unnecessary, for a country could
imprison Ni.:n enemies, and consequently had the power of send-
ing them away. He stated this to chew, that if it were thought ne-
canary to 000tinue the measure of 1792, when the country was at
Tit with France, and a summary mode of proceeding against aliens I
preknted itself, in consequence of that state of things, how much
mote necessary it was to continue it now, if he should prove that'
circumstances rendered expedition necessary, when the slow ope-1
ration of the common law, if this measure were given up, could
only be brought to bear against them. But they were not then dis-
cussing the Bill of 1792, or what was necessary to be done at that
time. Their Lordships hod to look to the situation of the country
in 1t34, in relation to this question. In discussing this measure,
he begged distinctly to state to the House, that it was not done to
make foreign powers; it was a British measure, and purely
fee British interests, anti he would say for the greatest of British in.
teats—the peace of the country. Their Lordships lived in times
when a grmfrage for political speculations existed, and revolutions
is malls (reentries had grown out of principles that had arisen in
their own time. A Noblellaron, a Noble Friend of his, who had
strenuops/y and coestaeny opposed this manure, had admitted on
former occasions that they were living in an age in which there was
as great a mania for political reform as there was for religious re-
focm 3wo centuries ago. After ohat many of their Lordships had
seen during the last twenty-five years. and after the country had
been engaged in a war of twenty-one years' continuance, which had
grown out of a revolution that had shaken Europe to her centre,
and above all, when he recollected what this country had gone
through in consequence of that war, for the purpose of checking
opium that had bem considered, and justicuisidered angerous
to the well-being of civilir.ed society, and well-organised fitment-
!Mils, be should never be ashamed of •upporting a measure that
indfik itsehject the protection of the peace of countries, and even I
families, against the baneful influence of opinions that had spread
doolatioe wherever they had gained the ascendency ; and he was
the mike inclined to support this measure, as it enabled the Go-
vernment to protect peculiar districts from turbulent aliens, for'
there might be instances in which the country generally might not
be affected by their machinations ; but still the conduct of such per-
Nos might affect countries, or even families, and destroy
their peace_-s fact that ought to be considered in discuss. I
lag this question. He might quote the opinions of per-
uke of high authority in support of this measure, but they
might .tes,couilideeed as the doctrines of ultras ; he could, at the
same time, however, quote the opinions of those who entateined
who were called liberal sentiment*. He remembered a Right
Ilonteemble Gentknout, who was always held up by Noble Lords
opposite se as example worthy of imitation, when he spoke of
madetionsey movements, was always impressing upon his hearers
the necessity of maintaining peace under any circumstances, and
that any measure was almost preferable to war. Ile used to
say, that any course adopted towards aliens short of actual injus-
tice, In Miff to maintain peace, was preferable to the alternative
of war, and this celebrated quotation was constantly in his
mouth, Iniquissimani paean juatinimo hello prefero." No per-
mei was more inclined to condemn the interference of foreign powers
with the internal affairs of another country than he was. Ile
did so upon the firm conviction of its injustice ; and he equally
condemned the National Conventionof France, in the height of
their jaeobinism, as he did the governments of absolute powers in
the plenitude of their authority, for their interference with the in-
ternal affairs of other countries. With these feelings, be thought
it ply necessary to recur to the fact, that they lived in times when
they might expect to see revolutions in other countries, some of
them from right and others from wrong feelings; and it
was their Lo lips's duty to leek to the peace, external and inter.
nal, of this country. He had seen no ineumee, from the year 1792
to the present time, that foreigners had not flown to this country for
refuge when their own have been distracted by internal dissen-
sions; and he should be the last to refuse to any potion so situated
the rights of hospitality. lie felt that he had the greater right to
allude to that fact, from the circumstance that no foreign power,
that he was aware of, had made an application to this country re-
spectieg any foreigners, excepting the Instance in 180'2 from France.
No Mreigner, therefore, could expect that, visiting this country, as
an exile, be would not be received ; but he did thick that ahem
ought not so be allowed to make this country a place for carrying
on conspiracies. They knew that they were in no danger of being
molested, if they conducted themselves as quiet and peaceable sub.
/ate; but if they made it the scene of conspiracy, Government
ought to have the power of expelling them from it, not only for
the sake of the eounoy at large but for individuals. The practi-
cal Onestion was, whether there was anyp danger of this power being
abased ? If there was not, the protection it afforded to the country
was an equivalent mains' any other objection that could be urged
%that it. Since he last spoke on this subject, the arguments that
bad been formerly urged in favour of it bad been fortified by what
had passed elsewhere, not immediately but collaterally. It bad
bent asked, if an alien ought not to possess the power of menus.

ing his opinion as to a contest that might be going on in another
part of the world? But he (Lord Liverpool) was not of that
new school, the disciples of which held, that when this coun-
try was neutral, it was justifiable fur her subjects to take
part with either of the belligerents. His sentiments were di-
rectly the reverse of this doctrine; and if such a thing were
barely possible, he thought it a reason, and a strong reason, for the
measure, that the country might be guarded against the machine-lions of Cflespirstorn, that might destroy the beat efforts of the Go-
vernment to maintain peace with another power. He would Owe
this measure on the ground of British interests and British seen.
rite ; in connection with which was to be considered, that it might
be the means of enabling her to continue at peace with foreign
I powers, and to maintain her good faith towards them : indeed in
some instances it would be impossible for the country to maintain
its good faith without the measure. But he would ask their
Lordships if any abuse of the Bill was row reasonably to be
apprehended ? As far as the Government was concerned, it could
be of no benefit to them ; for what advantage could they derive from
it ? If Ministers were to consult their own ease, they would be far
more pleased to be without it. If their Lordships parted with this
measure, they parted with a power which alone could revent ma-
chinations against the country from being curled on with impunity,
for, as hefted before said, the operation of the common law was too
slow to be effectual. A provision had been introduced into this
Bill, which in his opinion had done away with the substantial ob.
jection that had been made against it. Those foreigners who had
established themselves in trade and professions in this country for
the last seven years, were to be exempt from the operation of thia
law. lie entreated their Lordships to look at this question in its
true light, as purely a British one, the object of which was the
preservation of the Just power of the Crown and the benefit of the
country,
Earl GROSVENOR contended that the Rill was uncessalist.
tiseal, end the encouragement given to foreigners at former periods
ofthe hinorysehilly was a proof of the accareey ef his as.
diit "were aware, that although the measure
might not be brought forward expressly under the influence of
foreign powers, it might have been introduced at their instigation.
It had been said by the Noble Earl opposite, that this power had
' not been abused ; but he maintained that the measure itself was
' a general abuse; and he thought one case might be cited that had
at least the appearance of abuse, which was sending away the
females from St. Helena previous to the death of Bonaparte.
Whatever he formerly thought on this question, he felt that under
the present circumstances of the empire he should be doing an in-
justice to his own feelings and to the country if he did vote against
the measure.

The Earl of DARNLEY stated, that he had formerly dissented
from this measure, but he was then prepared to give it his decided
reprobation ; for he might say, that aliens were encouraged, under
false pretensions, to came and settle here, and then they had to
encoar.ter this Bill, which was disgraceful to the character of the
country. Ile had spoken with foreigners in other countries as to
their coming to this, and one in particular he had asked why he
did not return to his friends in Engh.nd ? His reply was," Never
so long as your Alien Bill exists." Therefore their Lordships
must see, if strong grounds did net continue they ought not to pass
it. His principal reason for rising was to ask, whether it
nu the intention of the Noble opposite to let it ex-
pire at the conclusion of the operation of the present Bill?
He (Lord Ihirniey) had understood that it was intended to suffer it
to expire. If that was not to be the case, he knew not when it
was probable a rate of things would occur which could make it ex-
pedient. The Noble Earl (Liverpool) had stated that evening
that the object of the Bill was to prevent foreigners from combining
against foreign Governments, and that he called an exclusively
British object, because nothing ought to be suffered to interfere
with the tranquillity of the country. He (Lord Darnley) did not
believe that such a conspiracy was likely to happen as would induce
a war between this country and any other state. But supposing,
for the sake of argument, a dangerous conspiracy to be hatched,
had not all the Powers of Europe Ambassadors at the English
Court ? and, on their representations, in a case of extreme ewer.
gated could there be any doubt that the Noble Earl and his ed.
leagues would be justified in taking on themselves the responsibi-
lity, under the control of Parliament, to send the plotters out of the
country ? In extreme cases there could be no doubt that suds a
power existed in the Crown, and in none other ought it to be titer.
eised. Why, then, was Parliament to be called upon year after
year, on false pretences, to pass this Bill, by which the reproach of
the poet was yet warranted—
" Britannoe hospitibus ferns."
go strong were his (Lord IL's) objections to the Bill that be avow-
ed, even if the pledge to suffer it to expire had been given, be should
still feel it his duty to appose its renewal.
Lord CA LTHORPE said, that on every former occasion when
he hail opposed this Bill, he had never had any apprehension that
its powers would be abetted for any vexatious purpose. Scarcely
any Government would feel so disposed, and he was confident that
among his Majesty's 11l inisters there was too mush real British feel.
ing to warrant any alarm as to their inclination to abuse the great
powers with which they were by this Bill intrusted. It appeared
that there had been a misunderstanding aniang the continental
powers as to the degree in which doss country was willing
to CONltice with them as to certain great pante of foreign
policy, and it might lead to mischief if it was supposed that
the British Government might be called upon to alai them in
their designs, by removing individuals who were obnoxious to
C them. eruanly if the foreign policy of this country remained
as it war; and if there was • clear declaration on the part of his
Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, of the determina-
tion of this country to pursue hereafter British objects, hide-
pendently, and without regard to the individual wishes or
desires of any particular State whatever (hear, hear), it was pro-
bable that there might be a greater necessity for the removal of
obnoxious foreiv,ers than formerly. The wars that had latterly
taken plate, and the degree ic which individuals had consequently
become eeposo4 to the resentment of foreign Governments, had
created in them a disposition to seek a refuge here, which was de.
nied them at home. Ile admitted that the increase of foreigners
in this couptry had arisen, too, certainly from the conduct of
foreign powers towards their subjects, from the too frequent deser-
tion of the pledges given at the time of their restoration, and the
disappointment of the hopes and expectations then formed. (Hear.)
There could be no doubt that the great influx of foreigners into
this country had arisen from the abandonment of the promises of
the Sovereigns, to form Constitutional systems of Government;
and he should not therefore be anxious to support a Bill that
would confer any boon upon them: but as he 'believed that this
Bill was essentially reeoncileable to the spirit and genius of the
Constitution, and would, he trusted, always remain, as it had been
hitherto an object of. peculiar jealousy in both Houses of Parlia-
ment, he was of opinion that it was a power that ought to be com-
mitted into the hands of Government.

The Earl of CARNARVON said he was a little curious to
know what could be the grounds of the peculiar change that had
taken place lately, as to the policy of this country. He had ex-
pected that the Noble Earl (Liverpool) would that evening have
stated that the grounds which had first induced his Majesty's
Government to introduce this measure were now so diminished
that it was probable that this would be the last time it would be
his duty to apply to Parliament for its renewal. He bad this etc-
pectation, because he had heard, from various quarters, !fiat such
were the sentiments of his Majesty's Ministers. The House
might judge, therefore, how much he was surprised to hear the
Noble Karl declare that this was a time when there existed sponger
grounds for renewing the Bill than at any former period. The
Noble Lord who had last addressed the }louse had alluded to
something liberal in the policy of his Majesty's Ministers ; and the
Noble Earl at the head of the Treasury had distinctly disclaimed
any connection with foreign Courts in the exercise of the powers
of this Bill, and had stated that it was required for objects pent-
barb, British. But at what period had not the Noble Earl
held the same language? The Noble Lord (Calthorpe) had ad.
vetted to the causes which had crowded the British ohm with
refugees from the Continent. If, indeed, the passing of this Bill
would induce the Powers
.better to keep the pledges they had vin.
laced, and remedy the grievances under which their subjects suf-
fered. (Hear, hear.) If voting the Bill perpetual would induce
the Sovereigns of Europe to such policy, he (Lord Camarvon)
would with cordiality support it. He bad expected that the Noble
Earl (Liverpool), on moving the second reading, could have at
least said that the danger it was intended to obviate had nearly
passed away; but, on the contrary, the Noble Earl had stated
that there were greater regions now for its adoption than when it
was first introduced ; that there was now afloat a spirit of experi-
ment as to politics, as some centuries ago there was as to
religion. But how, admitting the correctness of this statement,
could the Noble Ear! expect, by means of that piece of paper (the
Alien Bill) to check the progress of revolutionary principles, or
suppress the spirit of political experiment ? Did the Noble Earl
expect that a body of foreigners holding these doctrines would
come here to teach their principles in broken English? If danger
was to be apprehended, it must arise from Englishmen ; for there
was no nation less likely, to be affected by foreigners than this.
The Noble Earl had told the House that the Bill was in some de.
gree altered, because a fresh provision had been introduced ; but
with his principles, he (rd Ccmarvon) knew not how the Noble
Earl could call upon the House to vote thin provision. He knew
not, indeed, why the Bill was to be ameliorated in that respect and
in no other. From all he had heard, he was disposed to believe
that it was evinced in this instance as in so many others, that his
Majesty's Ministers had been led to the result by the advents opo.
ration of antagonist muscles. There was perhaps a difference of opi.
nion in the Cabinet u one party had opposed the renewal altogether ;
the other had said, " at leaxt give us half a bill." The Bill savour-
ed more of a compromise than a well-digested measure of
ture. By one clause any alien was excepted who had contimilleryte--
sided for seven years in this country. Suppose the case of an indivi-
dual who had passed nearly his whole life in this country, but who
hail lately absented himself fur a few months to visit the Continent,
would he be exempted from the operation of the Bill ? If it was
wished to give Government a great and important power over aliens,
subject to certain limitations, the latter ought to be carefully eon.
Mitered and atturately expressed. Why were seven years chosen
as the period for entitling an alien to exemption ? Was it because
it was supposed that it took about the same time to learn the art of
living the life of a peaceful subject as to become versed in the nips-
tery of shoemaking, or any other trade to which that was the ordi.
nary period of apprenticeship? or, was it because within that space
there must be one general election, the moral lessons of which were
such that no foreigner who had once witnessed them, however

tilled he might be with wild theories, could afterwards raise
his hand against the institutions of the country. If forcignms
could thus gain a seulement by residence, why not by mar-
riage? Under tF.s 11111 a .woman might he torn from bee
husband and children. Nt'hy was this pdlier'suffercd to remain ?
It was not that Ministers had not had time to go into the details of
the measure, nor that attention bad not been drawn to them, be-
cause they had been repeatedly rendered abjecta of dismission in
both Iloueesof Parliament. Their Lordships could not be told
that Ministers had not had done to digest the Bill, unless it was
confessed that it had been a natter of doubt whether they shoald
come down to Parliament at all to ask for it. The probability was,
that sotoething in the shape of a Bill had been drawn up to satisfy
one party without giving °Mame to the other. Ile (Lord Caner-
von) therefore called upon their lairdships, for the sake of their
01611 dignity and character, In put an end to it. If it was really
wanted for any great national object not yet indeed explained or tie-
scribed, the Bill should be better considered. Clovernment should
have such power given to themes was necessary, and, ail those per.
sons should he exempted whom it was cruel to expose to its opera-
tion. lip Majesty's Ministers appeared considerably indisposed
to discuss the measure, but he trusted they would come forward and
state some reasons why it should pars. IVas it supposed that no-
' tiling less than the bodily cyclamen of some foreigners holding
dangerous theories could render their doctrines inoffensive?
There had, it was true, been of late a set of itinerant politicians,
who met first in one town and then In another on the continent of
Europe, and who had never staid long together in any one place,
without having their assembly followed by some great public ea-
! 'amity. (Hear, hear.) If it wen with a view to prevent yuch a
congress limn bring held in the* Wands that this Bill was asked
for, he (Lord Carnarvon) would, ilkiroPootion to hit
Ministers, not Indeed give a vote in Mama at the Bill, but retire
without voting against it. When he considered, that from the Re-
formation downwards to the reign of William and Mary, no such
power had been vested in the Crown, n period so long and so pecu-
liar, he felt bodnd to persevere in opposing its renewal at the pre-
sent MOTIVOt.

The Earl of WESTMORLAND said, that after the challenge
given by the Noble Earl who had just resumed his seat, he should
take the privilege of shortly stating the argument wily the measure
at this time was peculiarly neors try. The Noble Earl had stated
his hope, that the Bill would not have been again called for; but he
(the Lori of W.) would take the liberty of saying, that instead of
the hope expressed by the Noble Earl opposite, he believed that
apprehensions very generally existed in the mind of the public,
that it would again become the imperious duty of his Majesty's
Ministers to bring forward this measure. The Noble Earl had
insinuated, that expectations had been held out that this inmate
would not be persevered in. Ile (the Earl of Westmorbutd)
knew not on what these expectations were founded, unless. indeed,
on part of an argument lately used, that some such measure would
be permanently necessary, but as to what sort it must depend
on the circumstances of the times when it was brought for-
ward. The grounds on which this Bill was necessary, were
simply and distinctly English grounds, with no reference us.
other countries, except so far as related to the preservation of pencil
with other countries, and the general tranquility of Europe:-.
that peace and tranquillity formerly so much the object of admi-
ration with the Noble Lords opposite, but now, as it would seem,
no longer so. The Noble Lords, an if cloyed with enjoyment,
omitted no opportunity of advocating that policy by which we
should embroil ourselves in the quarrels of ot counntries, eon.
testy to the interests of Government, and equally contrary, he was
sure, to the feelings of Parliament and the nation. The Bill waa
necessary on three grounds.-first, for preserving the peace in this
country; secondly, for preserving our relations of peace and amity
with other countries ; and lastly, for preventing those distractions
in other countries by which the tranquillity of this would he en.
dangered. The hippy condition of this country saved the awes-
shy of arguing the measure, as fuss related to our own internal
tranquillity; but there had been periods, and might be again,
which would furnish strong arguments in its favour. With regard
to other countries, it was clearly not consistent with the laws of
nations for any country to have, both peace sod war at the same
moment—the Government at peace, and the subjects at war. He.
held that the Government of a country, whatever its fern might
be, wan responsible for the conduct of all the persons in its domi-
micas, whether they were its own subjects or those of other States.
He could not comprehend how the Lord Mayor of London could
be at war with the Grand Seignior, while the Government sas at
peace with him. Government was bound to prevent acts of hostility,
whether committed by its own subjects or by aliens. It became
necessary, therefore, that it should hive the power of removing
aliens. (Hear, hear, from Lord Holland.) lie was applying his
argumentsto this measure only, and considering it separately. Ile
was not mixing it with any other. This was note question of free
principle/1. but should be treated absolutely as a question of neu-
trality. The object of the Bill was, that this country might be able
to conduct itself neutrally as to all description of states, and there-
fore to enable it to become a place of refuge for all persons driven
by the political circumstances of the times from their own
country. So far from considering the Bill to be in the
slightest degree injurious to aliens, he believed it was adeulatad
to afford the greatest protection to foreigners. Though it
affected many, yet few had suffered from it. This fact was pd-
mitted on all sides, and Lord Bacon had well said of law, Stu
its principle was sit peas ad pescea. tisnor ad mum percents,.
This law had brought no oppression on individuals, and lad
tended to preserve what was so essential to the country—its nen-
trality and amity towards other states. Nor had it much frightened
foreigners, because great as was their number resident here, use
much greater extent were freeborn Englishmen, living on the
Continent, subject to much stronger laws; yet it had not been hued
of that any Englishman had been afraid of travelling oft the Con.
anent, on account of the arbitrary power to which be was then ex.
posed. The Noble Earl concluded with repeating his opinion,
that the Bill was necessary to preserve our own peace, and equally
necessary to enable us to afford hospitality to the refugees from the
Continent.

Lord HOLLAND began with observing, that the necessity of
this measure had been so often under the consideration of the House,
that be felt the justice of the observation of his Noble Friend (the
Earl of Carnarvon), that on account of the frequency of the debates,
it would be unnecessary and irksome for him again to travel over
the ground which he had taken oa former discussions. He would
not, therefore, trouble their Lordships with the objections which he
had from time to time repeated during the 20 years the subject had
been before the House. But when he considered that the Noble
Earl who had introduced the Bill, and the Noble Earl who had jug
eat down, had laid grounds that evening, not only so different from
soy on which they had hitherto recommended the measure, but di.
reedy at variance with, and in contradiction of, their former
arguments, it became his duty to mark that difference by
some observations. The tone and ground now taken were
such as on former occasions they had felt it necessary always
to disclaim. That there wax • wide difference, he would coin.
pet the Noble Earl (Liverpool) himself to acknowledge.
He alluded particularly to the period at which this Act w* tint
Mi, for it was not so interwoven with the constitution—not re
nt the memory of man, that the date of its origin (1792) was
not perfectly well known. Let their Lordships look at the pream.
ble of the Act then passed, and mark the carefulness which, even
in those times of passion, had been manifested to shew the urgent
and imperious necessity for adopting it. The words of the pream-
bie were---" Whereas there has been a great and unusual resort of
aliens, from which much danger is apprehended to the public tran-
quillity." It was not a little or accidental danger that then in-
duced Parliament to adopt a law so averse from the general
feelings and constitution of the country. It was only because
" much danger" might arise to the public tranquillity that the
Act was passed. Soon afterwards war took place. He would not
say that he approved the enactment even then; bid he acknow-
ledged the power of the Crown to send away alien enemies by
proclamation a proceeding certainly as cautious and circuitous as
that with regard to other aliens. It might be convenient., therefore,
to continue the Bill during the war. Peace come, and the Bill
was renewed. From the meagre preamble of that Bill he could draw
no conclusion ; but he remembered that the Noble and Leaned
Earl on the Woolsack had distinctly disclaimed the very *incl.
pies now adopted as the ground for passing it. The object of the
measure, as then stated by that Noble Lord, was to guard
against revolutionary principles, as acting on the tranquillity
of this country ; but be bad a borer authority for stating
that as the object of the Bill than his own recollection, or
even any argument of the Noble and Learned Earl on the
Woolsack. That was a period difficult in many respects.
There was a concourse of aliens hostile to the then exist.
ing Government of France, with which we were at peace, and we were
suspected of a predilection to their principles. Those persons availed
' themselves as largely and factiously of the protection of the laws as
it was possible for men to do. They published writings instigating
the assassination of the patties then exercising the Government of
France. M. Otto, the Ambassador of the French Government,
presented a remonstrance to the Noble Earl (Liverpool); and what
was his answer? Such as became an English Minister:—" Vou
may prosecute the parties in a Court of justice. We have, with.
out enacting any extraordinary laws, sufficient to prevent the in-
fringement of the law of nations by our subjects ; you may promo.
cute them, or our Attorney-General shall.' M. Otto hinted at
the Alien Bill; but the moment he whispered that it was possible
that he might go souks in the benefits of a British Act of Parlia-
ment the Noble Eel slapped the door in his face. He who was
before so meek became furious ; he left the little pad of humility
on which be was riding, and vaulted at once oa his war horse,
where he looked formidable and threatening to the hart's con.
tent of the most warlike of the enemies of the French Government.
He (Lord Holland) begged leave to read what the Noble Earl had
said on that occasion ; and he should do so the more readily, be.
cause every word of that correspondence proved how little this Bill
was calculated to maintain peace with other countries. The Noble
Lord then proceeded to read M. Otto's letter, in which he alluded
to the Alien Act, as giving the British Government authority to
send away foreigners who had dreaded Governments at peace with
England. Observations to the same effect had appeared in the
Monitear, the official organ of the French Government. The
Noble Lord then read the answer of the Noble Earl, then Lord
Hawkesbury, in which it wee stated that the object of the Alien
Act was to prevent the disturbance of the internal peace of the Bei-
tish dominions, and that to exercise it as desired by M. Otto
would not be warrantable, especially as the parties were liable to be
prosecuted in the ordinary courts of law.
, The Earl of LIVERPOOL—Have you got the remainder of

The Earl of LI V EBPOOL—T will said for it.
Lord HOLLAND resumed. The Noble Earl had then spurned
at the idea of making the Alien Act subservient to such purposes
as it was now contended for. The meagre preamble of die new
Bill afforded no knowledge of the ground oa which it WU mewed,
tied the Noble Viscount (Sidmouth) who then introduced it was
specially careful to act in coisistency and conformity with the
preamble, by abstaining from glvirg any sound reacts or pann-
ed view in support of the Bill; but nevertheless it happened. that
the Noble Vioeunt had disclaimed the grounds on which it was
now argued. Words now appeased mere espetde of Producing
conviction then acts In wool,. he (Lord Holland) admitted the
object of the Bill was purely. British. There had been en objection
lately taken to male the British Constitution • hated:mid re gorilla
to those who were not included within its pale and he had .the
same objection to make British laws ancillary to the purposes Of
foreign powers. That allusion had reminded him of another word
bandied about in the saute debate. The Noble Earl (Westmor-
land) had stated that the Bill had three objects, which in fats re-
eolved themselves into one (a laugh); one object was to peaces the
peaceof this country, another to prevent the interruption of Nan-
quillity abroad, and he forgot what the third was, but they all
amounted to the same—the preeereutien of peace generally, which
was said to be a truly British object, because it was truly British to avoid unneccessey war. - By the same mode of reasoning, it
might be truly British to go on raft knees. read beg some feeentre
as • boon from dm Allies, because British interests might be pee.
mead by its ineiament. The Noble Lord then Remodel to dis-
CUM thg4,lCiple of the Bill with reference to therupport it hod
from experience, example, and general reason. This amulet, this
peseervative, this jewel, this charm, by which we were for ever to be
prevented from again going to war, w Mch was Necessary, as the
Noble Earl (Westmorheilead stated, because the Goverment
desired peace, had been einginally raked up in a dunghill of
glare:Lc:sures, by one who was at that moment rather tin-
y than peacefully inclined--ene of whom he mielit,
perhaps, without forgetting the respect due to his memory,
properly designate es a fighting code (A laugh.) Mr. Pitt
scraped up this jewel in December, 1792. Were die halcyon
dava of peace then beginning Why, in January, 170, com-
menced the longest, most bloody, said most expensive war, in
which the country was ever eagagnl. (Hear, hear.) The Noble
and Learned Lord on the Wiedvack had stated, that there was
no law relating to marriage urn! Lord Hardwickes Bill, and so
argued the Noble Earl (Westmorland), that this country was in-
capable either of enjoying or preserving peace until the Alien Bill.
(Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding his present horror of interference
with other countries, he had supported all the atrocious men-
surer for which the country was now bleeding and pining, yet nogil
in leis anxiety to prevent war for evermore, he recommended i&
measure which Mr. Pitt introduced only three weeks before be conn-
nienca! the dreadful war against France, under the effects of which
the country was still suffering. Vet, in the judgment orate Noble
Earl, this Bill was the true and only mode of preventing war !
What ! had we never had peace before ? Had we-never beard of
James I. ? The loagest period of peace this country had ever en-
joyed was under that King ; and yet in what respect was
his reign most remarkable as to limier:en and foreign na-
dons ? There ha been no time before or since, wherj this
country had received so many refugees -no time when so many
British subjects took part, and from opinion too, in foreign wars.
Sir Robert IValpole, too, preserved hislong peace without an Alien
Bill. Let tile House look at the example of the countries most
successful in enjoying pease. Which were they ?
Switzerland, and the Papal Government In Europe, and latterly the
United States in America. Holland preserved pewee from the
peace of Utrecht till the Americas war, a period of seventy years.
What a wonderful Alien Act they must have had ! What pass-
ports and difficulties for foreigners ! He would read &description
of the general police of Holland from one of our ablest statesmen.
The great principle of these States was, to make -tthe country a re-
fuge for all miserable men. (Hear, hear.) Such was the opinion
of the Suites of Holland, as stated by Sir William Templet such
was the alleged principle of Holland : bur, upon that priuciple she
did not proceed ; for, when the delivering up of the regicides was
demanded by Charles 11. that request was not refused. Imthis re-
spect did Holland assimilate her policy with that of the Holy Al.
hence. In Switzerland a different argument was adopted mil acted
upon. Switzerland refused to give up her regicides. Their peace was
consistent; whether since that period they had been oimpeUed to,
adopt a less geeerous system of policy it was not for him then t 6
state. The Noble Earl might say, that all these arguments
were very fine; but we mean to preserve a course of policy purely
British. Well then, if the Noble lotd mean to argue this quo ton,
he had no objection to meet him upon that point. Hew did
this argument weigh when examined If die provisions of the
Bill were worth anything they should be applicable not mRCI to
foreigners but to our own countrymen. And how did they
apply to our countrymen? A gentleman, with a hard Clime,
colninences some scheme, or executes some purpose, peculiarly un-
grateful to the French Government: he is sent out of the country
without notice ; and on the next day there came forward another
gentleman, who did precisely the same thitig, and what was his
reward ? The French Ambassador might complain, but now, ac-
cording to the reasoning on the other side, there was none to meet
the evil. In the case Mirror on the part of Englishmen. what an-
swer then was in such a case to be given ? The Freoch Ambassa-
dor might say, and justly, " I have nothing to do with your eases.
The ter•olay a gentleman, formidable in his appellatiom did
somethiogi and you sent him away : now here is an instance in
which another man has done the same thing, and you refuse so to
treat him." Therefore it was clearly absurd to meat that there was
iii this law anything fair or equitable. But it was said on the other
aide bya Noble Lord (Lord Westteuriaed), that the passing of this
Boil would be most serviceable to foretieners. It seemed to him
that that argument was borrowed from the Noble and Learned Lord
on the Woolsack, who stated the other night that the refusing to
concede privileges to the Dissenters was the most efficacious mode
of preserving their liberties.
Fortunati sus si bona aotint.
But the Dissenters unfortunately were likely to remain as insen.
sible to the advantagea conferred upon them by the Noble Lord in
the way of argument as were the foreigners, who were introduced
thatmeht by the Noble Lord opposite to the special protecdoo of
the Alien Act. He objected to this measure—lust, because it was
not a statute likely to serve British objects ; secondly, became we
bad preserved peace without it ; and lastly, because to its anise-
qumoes it was likely to embroil and not to tranquillise the country.
For these reasons he sincerely hoped he would not be so disinge-
nuous as to say he expected more ; but he trusted this was the cost
night such a measure would be proposed, and that it would at length
become evident to the nations of the earth, in the phrase of the
poet. that
" England was designed
To be the common refuge of mankind."
Lord LIVERPOOL explained, that in the zorrespendence re-
fereed to by the Noble Lorit would, in the latter pan of it Innen,
that it was distinctly stated, that no alien shall tee scut out of this
country for the publication of any sentiment regarding their aban-
donment of France. He had sent for the document on this subject
and obtained it, and from that it appeared most clearly, that if
any machinations were achieved by these persons against their re-
spective governments during their refuge in this country, the King
would think it just to take ell measures necessary to induce them
to leave this country. With respect to what had been stated in
another place, or suppos.ed to have been stated, there never had
been the least reason assigned or fancied by the individual (Mr.
Canning) to whom the sentiments wereatributed, that some per-
manent, though, perhaps, different measure on this subject might
not be deemed ezpedier.t.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said, he hoped the Noble
Lord would believe him when he 'nine) that it was not his inten-
tion to occupy for more than a few minutes their Lordshipa' &mo-
tion. The grounds upon which in 1793 this measure wag adopted,
were quite distinct from those which now prevailed, sod he was
perfectly convinced, that had not this measure passed at that pe-
riod, many Noble Lords who now sat in that Houee, mead not oc-
cupy the places they now had the honour of filling. If they
compared the provisions of this measure with those which
were enacted In 1793, their Lordships would perceite that there
was a difference as to the residence of foreigners and the liabilities
to which those who harboured them were subjected No*, as to the
power of the King to send aliens out of the country, he never gum
timed, nor could any lawyer dispute that power. Theiefere,
though die privilege might be inexpedient and inconsistent, it was
clearly not unconstitutional If ii ought not to exist, they would
do well to take it away, but it it ought to continue they should
render it effectual

Lord UtOIIVENOR and Loral lawruPoot. mutually ex-
plained ; after which the Ilouse divided. The numbers were—
Contents—Present . 461 an
Proxies - 34
Not.Contents--Present - 17 L
Proxies - 191

Majority -
The Bill was then read a second time.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, TUESDAY, MAY 11.

At four o'clock the House proceeded to ballot for a Committee
to try the merits of a petition against the return of a Member ler
Hossiney, in consequence of which the gallery was not opened until
half past four o'clock.

ST. CATHERINE'S DOCKS.
Mr. Alderman HEVOATE presented a petition from the porters
of Billingsgate against the building of the St. Catherine!. Docks;
and another from the inhabitants of the pari.h of St. Paul, Shad_
well.—Laid no the table.

sir %I .C0M.,111.1q. presented a petition from the Chamber of
Commerce in Plymouth, in favour of the St. Catherine', Docks
Bill,
Air. P. GRENFELI. presented a similar petition from the mer-
chants of Penzance in Cornwall.
Laid on the table.