The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1819-04-17 00:00:00

TfIE CATHOLIC CAUSE.

The approaching discussion of the Catholic
Question is looked up to with gveat and 'tutorial
anxiety. The friends of toleration entertain the
most satiguine hopes of b toccess,..shilst, whatever
remains of bigotry in either country, has roused
itself into a kind of desperate activity ; but that
very activity only tends to spew how Pw sod how
unimportant are the enemies of the measure. We
learn front The Courier, that Mr. lit Ar. will, oti

the approaching contest, take the lead, " The
Champion of the British Constitution !" that is, the
champion of bigotry. of injustice, anti of i tali.
ranee. We fear, indeed, that Mr. PEEL will not
be able to defend " The British Constitution."
He has certainly very feat ful adversaries to contend
with;—the first men in the Cabinet—the first mon
in the Senate—many of the highest of the English
Protestunts--almost all the Protest:lnt Nobility
and gentry of Irtlatid. are opposcd to Mr. PEEL

OH this mom entous quedtion. These Statesmen,
upon whose wisdom dud integrity %he Courier so
often dwell, with delight dud satisldetimi, dte
opposed to Mr. PEIF:I.--.—Lord CASTI.ENEAGN,
Mr. CANNING. Lord HARILOWIT, I{OIIINSON,
Mr. GRANT—MI are determined to oppose " The
Champion of the British Constitution." With their
eyes open to all the consequences that must follow,
they are yet determined to support the Catholic
Claims : it mast follow (in the opinion of The
Courier, at Inuit) that they dre the bitter enemies
of the Constitution. %Vr leave it in The Courier
to reconcile tli.. charge with the praises which,
night utter night, lie bestows on the conduct of ilium
Minister,.

It i 4 rtslly melancholy to find the enemies of the
Constitution iu the Councils of the State—it is
really afflicting that no Minister, nu Statesman of
experience or ability, will contlesceml to defend
the Constitution of thr country—it is rata g to
see the safety of the country resting on the single
exertions of Mr. PEEL. Who is Mr. PEEL
Ile is nut a Minister—he was never tried in r mi-
nisterial capacity but once, and lie failed. With
ordinary talents—with inordinate vanity—a mind
clouded with bigotry—and a heart naturally con-
tracted mid cold—his administration in Ireland
displayed but little of the wisdom of a States-
man, little of experience, considerable ignorance,
and no generosity. It commenced unfortunately
with the love of faction, and its progress and con-
clefsion was marked with fanunr, with fever, with
bigotry, misfortune, and discontent. This gclitle-
man is now selected us "The Champion of the Con-
stitution." What is the Constitution I—when was
it founded ?—by whom war it framed The Con-

Iptitutinn of England is no modern institution.
Our Catholic ancestors purchased and enjoyed the
blessings of liberty, and they betineathed those
blessings ►n their children. Magna Charbt—the
NV'S of EUWARD--4he 'rim' by Jury—the protect-
tug principles of the Common I.aw, the birth-
right and the glory of Faii4lislitnen—were ruin!. ed
by our anrc•tnrs, as they are now enjoyed by our-
selves. 'Flue institutions of England have essen-
tially changed, but the Constitution has nevrr
changed. The Church became corrupt, hence the
Reformation—the STUARTS became tyrannical,
hence the Revolution; but in the change of the
dynasty, and in the reformation of the Church, the
principles of the Constitution remained unr hatiged
—they guided and the induced reform. Thr Con-
stitution, its fact, produced the Reformation ; hut
the Reformation could not have created the Con-
stitution, because it existed for ages before. It is
In insult to the pride of Englishmen to say, that
before the year 1.517 they had no Constitution;
that they have been only it nation of three cesiturits.
It it an historical falsehood ; our ancestors pos-
sessed the Constitution which we inns inherit, and
which we are called on to share with those who
bravrly ibifrodticl ble•sings may he extended
Irlitilolll bell% Impaired. Liberty, like learning,
may be unparttil to others with t impovein.long
the source Irons whence it epilogs. It is the glo.
innot maxon a the Constitution of England to
giant COIIIIIIOII privileges to all—it tildiors slavery
—it abhors injustice—it is townd il on the liberty
of the penisle, awl on this foulsilutiott alone can it
rest.

But it is said, Chit the Church is in danger—

the cis has been often raised, but it call ho longer
avail the advocates of slavery—the people of Eng.
land are too enlightened to he deceived by this
ridiculous cry. Thmik Heaven, the Church rests
on a firmer foundation than that of intolerance
The Doctrines of the Church of England are those
of piety, of universal benevolence, and iii.versil
charity. The genius of that religion recoils from
whatever is oppressive and unjust, it is therefore an
abomination and an impiety to disgrace the sacred
name of Religion, by making that name subser-
vient to the vile purposes of a selfish and intole-
rant faction.

The cry of Church in danger, is, in truth, an
impudent and unmeaning cry. How cais the
Church he rodatigered by the encincipation of
loyal soil faithful subjects of the ? Are the
revenues of the Church in danger ? Those revenues
are reified by the law or the kind ; and until the
King, Lords, and Commons, in Parliament assem-
bled, totes fere with those revenues, they ore sacred
and safe. Again, is it feared that Protestants, in
the event of emancipation, would change their
faith, soil become Catholics ? IVit hunt pretending
to decide on abstract points of doctrine, we believe
that the measure of emancipation, if it would have
any, would lone 44 contrary tendency.—As long as
the Catholic religion, or any other religion, 'roper-
secutorse, it will have admirers. We an believe that
there are many Catholics in Ireland who NOUN
now scorn to renounce their religion; yet if the
penalties were removed, if the pions admiration,
the hole and groerous sympathy which mess feel
for that religion ',reduce of those penalties, sere
once dust tubed-81.d those affections ern only he
disturbed by removing the laws that I gist them
into bfe—then the nsinda of mess would look lido
the doubtful and extraordinary doctrines of their
faith with a inure jealous sod impairing eyt• : ma.,y
would inquire—soave might hesitate—some might
altogether reminisce the Catholic religion (or our
score congenial to their notions of philosophy and
revelation; they might do so then with prophesy
and wills honour; no unworthy sly,picion would he
ag:sisist thrm—sio base or sordid intention
could be fairly imputed to them. We do not asy
that if toleration were established this would Lau-
pen—we only say that if toleration were established,
it nsiglit happen—nod until toleration be estaldisli-
eil, it never can: so that if emancipation will have
only influeisce upon religion, it must be decidedly
ill favour of the Protestants.

The Church of England, in truth, has enemies
to contend with more fearful and mine formidable
than the Catholics; the Presbyterians are enfight-
tiled and persevering—the Methodists, with 1111 the
enthusiasm tf a new stet, ardent, artful, and plan-
'dile, have already thinned the Protestant ecnigies
gation, and sir spreading their branches Cu and
wide, not only over England, hut over every slugs_
ter of the world. 'fhe Church of England, with
its i tttt nense revenues—its high establishments—its
dignity and power, has yet within the last twenty
risers lust many thousands of its members, who
have deserted to the Methodists; yet. during that
time, we nsight safely Soy that scarcely a single in-
dividual renounced the Protertunt io favour of the
Cuthuli^ religion. We should be worry to tee the
Church of England weakened—we would deplore
its fall as a national calamity—but how is it to he
supported I—nut certainly by frond and into-
lerance—no, support it rather by the purity of its
govettiment—the truth and charity of its &irility
—the learning, the piety, and the perseverance of
its Ministeic Bain& every odious and bugotted
sentiment from its councilo, and us its light 'liens
its the ni:y to heaven, let its practice on earth in-
culcate nothing but prose and good-will.
It is slid that the Cumulus quiartnin is not a linea-
tion of toleration. %% lost else is it Wens.

lif%ll*

ti AO, iu :h broad and liberal sense, be said to eat
io a comitly %vliere men, for no other cause than a
sincere Nllii conscientious adherence tokheir
are denied the honours, the advantages, and the
rights of the Constitution ? But if it be tint IN
question of toleration, it is a higher queation—it is
a question of justice. Let any mou living judge
of tine conduct or the Catholics us subjects, ■s
citizens, and as soldiers—let him judge of their
conduct honestly and impartially, and will be put
his hand In his heart and say, they do not deserve to
1)- raised to an equality with their fellow men.
Ile could not say it. Their merits at.: known—
they are good and useful citizens—they are brave
soldiers—they ore loyal and faithful subjects. In
what contest have we been engaged which they
have tint a••istrd ?—what victory have we achieved
that has nut barn purchased by their blood Here
are their merits—here is the living evidence of
their actions. Now what can their enemies say on
the other hand ? What crime can they fairly im-
pute to the Catholic people of the British empire ?
Let them not go back to remote and ignorant

times—let them not ransack the graves of the dead
for arguments against the liberties of the living—
but contiiiing themselves, as they ought, to the
conduct and character of the Catholics of the pre-
sem day, what argritnent can be urged against the
liberties of that body, grounded upon the conduct
of that body. We defy any rational mind to pro-
duce a just reason against the measure. There are
some men, we know, who are not ashamed to say,
that whatever might have been formerly the policy of
yielding to the claims of the Catholics, that now that
policy tin longer exists—the storm bus blown over,
the danger has passed away, we are now in peace and
seculity, and it Is not necessary to emancipate
the people. But this argument is illiberal and fal-
lacious. We have indeed triumphed, but we
should not forget threw who assisted us in the con-
test ; they walked by our aide in the path ofdanger,
and as m ark er,ity they shared our perils, so now
thry Niaooiti slider our honour and our liberties.
Brit is the calm that now hangs over us to last fur
ever ? Ales ! the situation of Europe, e•e situation
of the world, forbid the hope. The um. ttled state
of France—the tremendous power nod (insatiable
ambition of Ri-la—the jealousy of Austria—the
proverbial perfidy of Prussia—and, above all, the
formidable power and hostile station of America,
in whose bosom our citizens have been murdered—
in where conduct our pride has been insulted—in
whose warlike preparations our security must be
elarmed—all those ciessidernticns forbid us to hope
fur lasting tisriepidlity ; and however desiruble
peace may be, a melancholy necessity culls upon
us to strum null arms in our hands, for ee do
not kerne v. hat moment we may be called upon to
tree them ; we do lint know what moment we may
lee called upon to tight for all that is. dear amid
•.aluable to tie freedom and happiness of our coun-
try. If that crisis should arrive, how consoling
would it be to see ell the people of the British
Em-
lrire Willed, hand and hand—bound by the links
of social trifection—determined to stand or full in
defelice of then common rights and their common
cuuntry.
The snlject is an important one—the opportu-
ttity of iserfornntig u wise and gracious act is pecu-
flatly favourable—the approaching discussion will
be the must interesting that has been ever had of
the question. Mil the Cod of Justice illuminate
the l'out.eds of the nation !—may he inspire them
with his heavenly wisdom to do what is right !—may
he lead them to that derision which may best pro-
mote the glory and safety of the country, the pros-
perity of trite religion, and the peace, the happi-
tires, and the r,r.rtiffirl of !Han !

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.