The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1826-08-23 00:00:00

THE BRITISH PRESS•

hand, considering that the whole nation is bound by law to arm
itself with the zeal of the faith, and to find means to resist, under
the auspices of religion,
the enterprises of the enemy, that it has
convincingly shown in the late wars that the enemy owed his supe-
riority only to the exercise to which his troops had been RCM% •
turned; that since the wars of 1202 (1787). attempts have been I
twice made to introduce exercise into the army ; that the corps of
Janissaries leas shown itself unfavourable to the military msneeu-
area ; that it has disapproved them, and al:yays opposed them ; and
ihat several Sovereigns, who deserved to live as long as the world,
have been the victims of the obstinacy and the ferocity of this
corps.
" In this state of things a General Council has been convoked in
the Palace, from which the decisions of the law should eniannte ;
he august Viziers, the learned Ulemas, the Pedschals, t Ministers
of State,) and the chiefs of the Janissaries themselves, were sum-
moned to it ; it was considered that the suppression of the Janissa-
ries, who were an ancient corps, had never been thought of ; that,
however, they had long since been in the habit of sometimes
obeying, and sometimes exciting sedition, as their caprice dictated;
that they persisted in their ignorance; lowly, that the enemies.
whose eyes were always upon us, seeing our position, had con-
ceived the idea of attacking us on all sides.
'• The holy union of the laws having been convoked in the Coun-
cil, a noble Fetwa, the rmacation orthe light of fife law, and ac-
companied by a llodochet (legal document), signed by all the
members of the Council, proclaimed the following decision :
" a view to revive the word of God, and to render vain the
stratagems by which the infidels have obtained their superiority,
the Mttssulmans also, on their side,
" 1. Shall arm themselves with the zeal of the faith, and shall
submit to subordination.
" 2. Shall learn the military exercise, which is the only means
of resistance to be employed tinder present circumstances.
" And, lastly, in order to obey the general wish and the public
voice of the nation, the corps of Janissaries, without any change in
its ancient statutes, and without any infringement of its privileges.
shall furnish 1:i0 men from each company, to be incorporated with
the new exercised troops; known by the name of ilmalor cskintlicf
(disciplined infantry)."
(The continuation to:morrow.)

The following article of intelligence from Darmstadt is
deserving of some attention, as it shows how soon those
things are despised which men sometitnes hazard limb and
life to acquire. Those who consider a Constitution as a
panacea for all evils in politics will most certainly be de-
ceived. There are no general cures, as radical reform was
said to be in times past, and the cancelling of the nationa►
debt in times present :
DARMSTADT, GRAND DUCIIT OF HESSE, ITG• 10.

The following official article has been published here :
" Much has been said in the public prints of the lukewarmness
which the Electors and several Arrondissements of the Grand
Duchy have shown in the exercise of their constitutional right of
election. Some facts may have given cause for this accusation, but
it is far from being so well founded in general ass has been pretended.
The great majority of the Hessian people continue to be penetrated
with the most lively gratitude towards their Sovereign, from whom
they have received the benefit of a Reproentative Constitution
adapted to the spirit of the times. If the first enthusiasm on this
subject has here and there become cool, it is because people had
conceived exaggerated hopes, so that the result of the two First As-
semblies of the States has not been able entirely to answer their
expeetatious."

The situation of Europe at the present moment is,
perhaps, without a parallel in history. It can only be com-
pared to the period of the early legislators in Greece, when
the diferent States began almost contemporaneously to
imitate the example of Sparta, in establishing their sepa-
rate systems of organized liberty. Like Sparta in Greece,
this country in Europe set the example of popular legisla-
lation, and showed by the stability of her Government the
incalculable advantages of free institutions. The only
point of difference in the two cases is, that the imperfect
form of the Republic, in the former, has given place in the
latter to the limited Monarchy—a form the best adapted of
any for securing the liberty and tranquillity of a country.
A Republic may exist in the midst of Republics, or at a
distance from other Powers, like the United States of
America; but the inaptitude of this form of Government
for attack or defence must render it quite impracticable in
the larger States of Europe. To pursue our parallel of
Greece, going back a little to our school-boy lore, we shall
find that the liberal feelings in many of the States took
their first rise in the breasts of Monarchs or of Royal per-
sonages. It is needless to mention the various legislators
of Sparta, Athens, &c., who all appear to have exerted them-
selves for the promotion of their country's freedom with a
degree of enthusiasm which, a hundred years ago, would
have seemed to the greater part of the world absolutely
incomprehensible, but of which, in our own day, we have
seen many illustrious examples; some of them not inferior
to these of antiquity. The object of these remarks is to
show that the efforts of all the friends of liberal princi-
p'es ought now to be directed to the propagation of those
principles, with a view to their effect upon the minds of
the Sovereigns themselves, instead of turning their atten-

tion to the dark schemes of designing conspirators, or to
useless and unstatesmanlike projects of carrying points
by force which could be carried much more easily
and effectually by mere address. An inclination to allow
certain names and forms, for which politicians struggle
much more frequently and bitterly than for any
thing real and substantial, would probably enable the'
friends of political freedom to effect most of their really
beneficial objects with the consent and concurrence of
those whom they now consider as irreclaimably opposed to
such improvements. Such a disposition would at least re-
move one great obstacle to success; and we have no doubt
that in the end everything desirable will he accomplished
by the regular authorities, as at present constituted. The
principles now at work throughout Europe are of an im-
perishable and growing nature; and a government which
should act in opposition to them would be as sure to repent
its conduct, as one which, like our own, conforms itself to
the course of the stream, is sure to promote its own inte-
rests in promoting those of the nations around. It becomes
the Ministers of England to avow the principles of Eng-
lishmen ; and Mr. CANNING would have been unworthy
of the distinguished situation which he holds if he bad

ease, it would commit an outrage against legitimacy in the
person of Don PEDRO, and an insult to England in the person
of her Ally. England did not dictate the Portuguese Char-
ter to Don l'Enao ; it was neither her duty nor her wish
to do so; but she will support the dispositions of Don
P1..1)K0 with all her might, unless he shall himself erase to
enforce them. It is true, as some of our contemporiries
I have lately asserted, that no sudden transformation will
take place in the state of a cation in consequence of a
Constitution ; and, no doubt, in many cases disappo!nt-
ments may take place similar to those mentioned in the
article from Darmstadt, which we have given elsewhere;
but, whatever may be supposed to be the coolness of many
foreign nations on this subject, it is still a design worthy of
England, and honourable to an English Statesman, to pro-
mote the cause of civil liberty throughout the world.

We understand that a large gnantity of diamonds has
been received by his Majesty's ship Briton, from Rio de
Janeiro, as well as several large consignments of Brazil
wood from Pernambuco, and 35,000/. in Bills of Exchange
front Bahia, on account of the interest and sinking fund
of the Brazilian Loan.

We have received the Colonial Times, Hobart Town
paper, to the 7th April inclusive, by the ship I,:•ng, Capt.
Less, which sailed on the 11th. The hush-rangers appear
to have been completely repressed. We subjoin the final
state of the proceedings against Mr. BENT, the Editor of
the Colonial Times, with the remarks which he has pub-
lished on the subject :
SUPREME COURT, HOBART TOWN.
WEDNESDAT. MARCH 29.

Mr. Bent this day appeared to receive the judgment of the
Court, in compliance with the notice we mentioned in our last to
have received from Mr. Stephen.
The acting Attorney-0:11ml (Hone) rose, and applied for the
judgment of the Court upon Mr. Bent, upon the Ist, 2d, sth, and
19th counts of the second information upon which ho had been
found guilty of printing and publishing. in September last.
Cuter JUSTICE—AIr. Bent, hate you anything to move in
arrest of judgment?
Mt. Ross —No, your Honour.
CRIEr JUSTICE—Mr. Andrew Bent, you are brought up to re-
ceive the judgment of this Court, for printing and utb tithing three
libels. It is not my Intention, at this time, to make any observe-
lions upon the law of libel, or as to the freedom of the press; this
was done upon your trial by the Attorney-General, so clearly, so
fully, and RO ably. that it would be useless my adding anything
thereto. It cannot but be highly libellous to impute to any Govern-
ment a wilful system of mad-administration—that its acts are
wicked and corrupt ; and such charges are evidently contained in
the articles published by you. mentioned in the Ist, al, and 10th
counts. M ith respect to the ith count, I must admit, that the
bellous nature thereof is not so apparent—l admit that it is by no
means plain ; but it went to the Jury, whether the expressions
were used with the intention charged in the information, aed they
found that they sere so. The words were, speaking of a public ap-
pointment "as a non-doscript job," and the Jury found that this
was libellous. If libels upon the Government are considered
higldy criminal in Engl•tod, how much more so must ell such be
in a Colony constituted as is this, at such a distance from the Pa.
rent State? 1 recollect that you urged in your defence, that you dad
not compose any of these libels. I confess I can discover but a
veer slight difference between the person who composes the poison,
and he woo disseminates it. There is another observation, that in
these libels general charges alone are made against the Govern-
ment. No particular instance of mad-administration is mentioned.
Now if such charges were made against an individual, how could
he meet them ? And how much more difficult would it be for a
Government to do so? If you had stated particular facts and cir-
cumstances, those who were alluded to could either have replied,
or the falsehood of the charge would have become apparent. This
is not the case of u tingle libel, but of three, and the argument that
you were not the composer of any of them is. as I have said, en.
titled but to very little weight. I am bound, however, to take all the
circumstances of the =ere into consideration, in the exercise of that
discretion as to punishment, which rests, in cases such as the pre-
sent, with the Judge. I have done so, and the sentence of the
Court is, that you be imprisoned fur three months, that you pay a
tine to the King of two hundred pounds sterling, and that you enter
I into recognizances for your good behaviour, yourself in two hun-
dred pounds, and two sureties in one hundred pounds each.