The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1803-05-28 00:00:00

longer any .chance of assistance from the Conti-
nent, and none of its interests td provide foe.; It
was only when we had to consider of no more than
terms for ourselves that we found ourselves•more at
liberty to make concessions, :aid even of British
objeds, in order to avoid the evils of a protracted
war. I assure the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Fox) that
What I have said has been spoken with the utmost
sincerity, and not with the slightest view of referring
to former discussions, nor for the purpose of allud-
ing to any variations in his sentiments. I sincerely
think that it is of infinite importance for the coun-
try to remember the principles on which he support-
ed his motion of this evening, as his opinion cannot
fail to have all that weight in the nation to which
his high charaCter and eminent talents are so justly
entitled. It Is still of the more consequence that
this eninion should be known, as many Gentlemen
in this Houseeunder the.shelter of his authority, have
carried the opposite principle much farther than ever
I have knoll n him to do, who openly rejoiced at
onr being disencumbere a as they call it, of
all such alliances, who publicly rejoiced when they
appeared no longer attainable, are now ready to
maintain, that nothing could be more unjustifiable
than,to sacrifice any British objeats, however small,
to continental purposes or alliances. I have al-
ready said, that all foreign powers I were not so
Much British objects as that any encroachments on
them could be, in all cases and circumstances, con-
sidered as grounds of war. War must be the less
desirable on such occasions, and, perhaps, even not
justifiable, when it may not be likely to attain irs
objets. It was for this reasons, that he saw many
great apprehensions pass without any serious inter-
ference on the part of England. let these Gentlemen
learn and be aware of the authority in which it is this
night admitted, that British objets may sometimes he
advantageously sacrificed for continental purposes;
and that whether in war, or in the course of negotia-
tions, which may lead either to war or peace, it is
the duty and policy of this country to avail itself
cal any disposition it may find or excite in any of
the great powers of the Continent to act in concert
with it. I cannot but very highly approve of the
temper and discretion with which the Honourable
Gentleman abstained from applying the eflult of the
• mediation he recommends to the particular objeCts
in dispute between the too countries. The Honour-
able Gentleman has adverted to another objet, of a
nature as important as it is desirable, which I should
be extremely happy, if I mild look forward to with
any confident or sanguine mtpeEtatiOn. The Hon.
Gentleman expressed his hopes, founded on the hu-
mane and magnanimous charafter of the Empeeor
of Russia, would extend' his influence more generally
and comprehensively on the general peace and secu-
rity of Europe ; that-the other powers should re-
main in their present situation ; that those who had
lost by the war should put up with their losses ;
that these who had gained advantages should
not be allowed to entertain any means of ex-
tending them. Certainly,. if, by a league be-
tween the great powers of Europe, these grand
objets could be accomplished, if there could
be found any means of uniting with or en-
grafting on the proffered mediation of the Emperor
of Russia in the present differences, any pxospeft or
chance of perpetual peace, and general guarantee of
the interests of all. I should consider that, for so
desirable an object in this dispute, something less ad-
vantageous than otherwise to the interests of Eng-
land, would be considered as inadmissible. Be that
as it may, I think we are all agreed that we ought
• not unnecessarily to separate ourselves from conti-
nental conneftions and alliances, but be ready, to link
ourselves in interest with them again, either in war
or peace, whenever an opportunity may present it-
Self ; and I readily concur in the opinion, that the
Emperor of Russia would be the most advantage-
ous, powerful, and most natural ally for this coun-
try. But if we shall be left singly to struggle against
a dangerous and implacable adversary, if reduced
to fight alone in order to counteraft the hostile views
t f France upon British interests, I would not indis-
creetly
part with any of those great and subs!antlal
securities which had been gained by British valour,
and which Britishvelour would still, if necessary, re-
tain. I would not throw away any of the advanta-
ges we now possess, either by continuing hostilities,
till some accommodation may be agreed upone or
the retention of these securities, which in the pro-
secution of the war must be produftive of
the most beneficial effeets to ourselves, and may,
under a variety of possible circumstances, induce
some powers of the Continent to shake off their
fetters, to unite and to make a common lapse
withous. In'that case we should reap a double ad-
vantage for retaining them; and at all events, the
• retention cf such important securities would, at
• least, hold out an encouragement which may, sooner
or later, have an effeet upon the powers of the
Continent favourable to our interests. But not-
withstanding this, I am very far from recommend-
ing to the people of this country to hope, or even to
dream, that this contest was nut to be their own„ or
to suppose that the struggle will, in any case, rest
with the powers of the Continent, unless they con-
sent to be reduced to tl.e same degree of debasement,
degradation and misery, to which so many countries
and states have been subjeeted chiefly by their own
• weakness and timidity. Feeling then the force of
the grand principle which the Honourable Mover
• has so candidly admitted, and confident that the de-
termination of Ministers not to lose any chance of
effectual mediation which may present itself, it the
Honourable Gentleman be led to believe that there
remains no immediate necessity of pressing it, I am
in hopes that he will not persevere in his motion, nor
suffer it to be put to to previous question, which,
however, I think was The 'best mode my Noble
Friend could have taken to get rid of it. The reason
• why lam so anxious for this is, that the inference
.• which might he drawn from a division would be,
that one side of the house was less disposed to adopt
the system of mediation and conciliation than ano-
ther ; and that the acceptance of the mediation
would cone more graciously, and with greater ef-
' feet, if the Government could •not be supposed to
have been forced into it by a hasty interference of
the Parliament."
Mr. FOX—" The Right Honourable Gentleman
has thought proper to advert to discussions and opi-
• nions, advanced in former times, which have not al-
, together the closest reference to the present. Even
the last war,,opening with so many prospefts, and
terminating ao appears to me an argument
why the proffered negotiation-ought te be accepted.
• At the commencement of the revolution, and before
we were ostensibly unconneded with the approach-
ing hostilities, an application was made from Pans,