The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1826-04-28 00:00:00

TOLLS IN IRELAND.

motion as be sought for. For this reason, he hoped he should then
be envied if he declined entering into the subject more particularly,
as on Tuesday next he intended to make a motion. with a view to
bring before the House the present state of the British Shipping
and the Navigation of the Country, when he believed he could chew
that thevystem of reelprotity had not rethieed tic trade to that pe-
rilous state described by the petitioners. 'lt was quite enough for
I him to know that the shipping interests were in a slate of doubt and
alarm, in order to induce him to give a fuli exposition to the House
of every mutter connected with those interests ; and he tritaied
that, even if he should fail in rcno.ving the alarm which existed,
lie could, at 4:1 events, satisfy the House that it was without hams

dation. ( Rear.)
Sir ,i)t. W. RID (XV said. that as the Right Honourable Gen-
tletrom had expressed Id* intention er bringing the sultj,,ct betUrc
the Rouse on Tuesday twit, he should merely state that he hclieved
the sentiments expressed by his 'lmmutable Freud, whom the
Right Honour Ode Gentleman had a'•luded to, did not convey any
censure to-mil:lts him for hie absence anion that occasion: Re (Sir
:R. W. Ridiey) was aware that the Right Honourable Gentleman
was engaged upon a Committee on the day in qnonon, and, there.

fore, could net have been present.
31r. W. 'Wlll'l'3loll E moved for a return of the number of
Aliipi tuvling to and from British ports during the lastiien years.
distinguishing British from Ynreign, together with the amount of
tonnage. Also. an account of the quantity of Corn imported and
exported during the tame perial, with its value. and distinguishing
that which hail been imported or exported from Ireland.

Agreed to.
LAND TAX—CATHOLICS.
Air. II EMT; presented a petition from Wiliam Itnnt, of the
perish at Marviebone, relative to the had tax paid by the Catlin.
lies. It stated that the double land tax, which had been imposed
upon the Catholics prior to the year 1741. had, in that year, been
done away with, and yet it hail continued to be collected, notwith.
standing, up to the present day. The Earl of Shrewsbury had
paid since that period upwards of all.OOO/. in double land tax. Sir
Beddington had also paid largely, as had other Catholic
geed-omen in the same way. Ile (Mr. Hume) believed that it re.
litircd no legislative enactment to act the matter right. as the
Commissioners had the power or doing it of their own accord; but
as they had net done so, he bog ~.m1 to call the attention of the
Right Hon. lletol mum opposite in the question.
Mr. C. W. WYNN said that any one of the gentlemen alluded
to might doubtless have obtained ceders', had they appl.ed during
the years intervonieg between 1791 and 1798 : but be believed that
in IPA the Ima tax was made perpetual us it then existed. The
subject was fali of ditlieulties. The Commissioners could not now
call upon thine who hail contracted for the land tax for further
contribution, and ye! the defie eecy must he made good in some wpy.
lle confessed tdat at that moment he was at a loss to conceive how
they could he tol.eved. . .

(:,1 wa‘ 17 ell aware that the subject was not without j 44
difficulties, but II; thought it a question whiet deserved the moat
serinus con•itteratinn.

Mr. U. W. WYNNE said that lame portions of property so al-
mated had be-in to !ivlividnaln who. of course, paid propor-
tionally Lion for it in canacipieilee of the land tax. and it would he
unfair that they •ltonld hemlit by a measure which justice might
dictate the conz.i.,ion of to others.

The oro;tion Wl% then ordered to he printed.
31r. 111.. ME moved for a return of the number of Prorates exe-
rifled by the :riterdl'l of London and litltllesex in January, Fe-
bruary, and March. VOL—Agreed to.
POSTAGE IN IRELAND..

- - ...........
Mr. S. RICE said, that year dur year hopes hail been held out
that the people 01 Inland would be relieved from the enormous
rates of postage which they were sithjrct to, and yet that relief had
been continually postponed. Ile 'vale,' to ask the lion. G•mtle-
man opposite l hlr. !terries', if it was the intention of his Majesty's
Government to give the relief so anxiously prayed for ? lie then
gave notice of a motion on the subj.-et for Tuesday next.
Mr. lIERR IFS said, that the Treasury hail been in expecta-
tion of the Report of the Commissioners, which would enable them
to effect the dt-tireil alterations, which Report they had not yet re-
ceived. They only hesitated, lest, by proceeding before they re.
eeived the Report, they should create unnecessary. confusion.
They had recently learned, however. that the Commissioners could
not furnish their Report for some time, and had, therefore resolved
to undertake that portion of the required alterations, without wait-
ing for the Report, andtto assimilate themes of postage in Ireland
as nearly as possible o those of England, in proportion to the
distance. _ . .

..... „.
3lr. S. RICE said that the answer was so satisfactory, that be
would withdraw his entice of motion.
SILK DUTIES BILL.

. ..... .
On the motion of :11r. C. (3RA NT. the Houser esolved itself into
s Committee upon the Silk Duties Ilill.
The ChtWe% were then agreed to; after wli:c.h the House re•
sumed, the Iteput was !nought up, and ordered to be taken into
further consideration on Tuesday next.
It EFORNI IN PARLIAMENT.
. . .

lewd JOHN RUSSELL role, in pursuance of the notice which
he hail given, to bring before the House the question of a Reform
in Parlianteet. The motion with which it was his intention to con.
dude a as precisely the note as he had twice before brought under
discussion, and witheperiod of the year was tile same—as the circum.
'lances of the reontry were nine the same—pence and tranquillity
reigning with all its European relations—he had almost determined
to resit the rn.c neon the reasons which he had already given in its
support, fully assured as he was that they were powerful enough
to carry conviction to the hearts or those who were not interested in
believing otherwise. Lein, however, it should be imagined that lie
brought the question forward to afford matter for declamation, he
felt it necessary to state such reasons as must render his object in-
telligible to every eye not corrupted or biassed by individual in.
terent. The ground upon which he hail formerly stated, and should
still state, the necessity of Parliamentary Reform, was the absolute
indispensability that allGovernmente should conform themselves to
the existing state of the people to be governed. Even in Turkey,
where the Sultan had the power of cutting off' as many heads as he
chose every day, yet if he neglected appearing at the Mosque on
a Friday, most probably an insurrection would be the consequence;
there rho Government was adapted to the people, and when it in.
fringed upon established principles, notwithstanding its despatie
power. it ran the most serious risks. This country had arrived at
a pitch of wealth and knowledge. never before attained by any
country in the world. There was a mass of intelligence diffused
through all classes of society, to an extent which hitherto had
never existed. Ile had shown upon a former occasion, by a variety
of details, the extent to which that intelligencehad spread itself
during the last thirty years, and therefore he would not again te.
peat those details upon that occasion. lie would only state those
derails which established the feet. that a people more capable of
exercising the elective franchise to advantage never existed, lie
should next proceed to the examination of the state of that House,
and what he had to say upon that subject he believed would be
found to be as little capable of contradiction as the capability of
the people of this country. The majority of the Members of that
House, instead of bring elected by a large number of the people,
were nominated almost sulely by individuals, so that in point of
fact the body of the people represented by that House was much
smaller than it wasa century ago. He did not mean to say that
this country wan in the state in which an Honourable Member
(Me. Abercroinby) described Scotland to be Kuper) a debate some
.11011 time sine. He did not mean to say that it was in so la-
mentable a situation as to afford no opportunity for the expression
of the sentiments of the people ; but it would be found that the
votes of that portion of the House which was returned by a large
number of akerturs w we invariably more than overpowered by those
.of the noniea of individuals, and those who obtained seats—he
would give Ate job its proper name—by bribery. If this then
were the case-lif there was such a discrepancy between the electors
and the elect as that the usual principle was reversed—that, in
la fact, the it. body it was which represented the lens, he believed
that one deer or other such a vitiated state of representation must
occasion der most serious calamities. Ile appealed to the
House if effisere wan any thing in all this statement which
could justify an imputation that it had been brought forward as
matter (of declamation, anti should be thrown aside accordingly.
Nothirt of all that he had stated could be contradicted in prin.
ciple, or denied in fact. No man would stand up in that House for
the purpose of contradicting the facts as lie had then stated them ;
forked the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) who, he per-
ceived, was then absent from the House, had upon all occasions
seemed to take them for granted; and it' such were the admitted
fast, ate would then assert that the people had a right to demand a
reform in the representation of the country. There was one portion
of the subject which he believed had not been touched upon before,
and which he would then shortly allude to. He meant the origin
of the representation of the people in Parliament. The first Par-
!lament in this country was assembled by Edward the First, and it
consisted of Knights and Burgesses. The Knights were elected
by the freeholders of their respective wander. It was at one time
supposed that only those who held in chief from the Crown could
have a vote in the elections, hut more accurate research established
the fact that the right was in the freeholders generally. 'Those
elections were so popular. and the collections of people so no.
merous at them, that in the reign of Henry the Eighth it was
thought proper to prevent their coming together in such numbers.
So much for their popularity. The practice was to issue writs to
the Sheriff's to return Knights for the counties, and Burgesses for
the boroughs. The Sheriffs obeyed, and every borough which
could bear the expense of sending a member was made to do so ;
and those who constituted the electors in those boroughs were all
of the inhabitants, and not a select number, ns at Rye, from which
place he had yesterday presented a petition, and where 211 persons
represented thousands. He could produce authority for the fact
which lie had just stated, which he believed could hardly be con-
tradicted—legal authority, which he believed lion. Gentlemen on
the other side of the House would not be disposed to contradict.
The Lord Chancellor had seid,in the Inverness csee.that he appre-
hended there would be but little difficulty in showing that formerly
all of the inhabitants were burgesses. What then, he would ask,
was the principle upon which the first House of Commons was
formed in this country ? In the first place there were Knights,
who represented the landed property of the kingdom, and in the
next place, burgesses, to represent the bnroughs. In point of
fact there were some boroughs so small as to be unable to
maintain the expense, and they were relieved from the burthen; but
those were not relieved who were rich enough to maintain their
representation. It had been suggested that a statute might be
framed in conformity with this principle, by which the small bo-
roughs would be exempted front the burden. It might be unde-
niably proper to do en ; but he leered that those small boroughs
would consider it as a jest upon them, as in fact their whole chance
of riches depended upon their pending Members ; the eleetlou
year enabling them to support the poverty of the ensuing six years.
What he had stated clearly ptoved the ancient right of the people
to elect such persona as they thought most competent to speak their
sentiments in that Hou Our ancestors could never have thought
of such a thing as an uninhabited borough returning a Member to

Mr. SPRING RICE said that he had to present • petition from
the town of Galway, complaining of the conduct of the Corpora-
tion, and of the Court of Chancery in Ireland. The petitioners.
who represented the population of Galway, which consisted of
40,000 persons, complained of the misappropriation of the tolls, b
appropriating them to purposes for which they never were intended.
The charge against the Court of Chancery was of so extraordinary
and objectionable a nature, as at least to call for examination and
inquiry. The subject had once been brought before Parliament,
but had been defeated by the introduction of some words in the
Bill. The subsequent year, application was made to the Court or
Chancery in the matte►, and the Chancellor suspended the proceed.
inp, in order to give time for a second application to Parliament.
The franchise of Galway was vested In the freemen and the free.
holders; and it was, of course, the interest of the Corporation to
teiZtve: as many as possible of the right of voting. This waa
by the Magistrates connected with the Corporation, who re.
fused to register the freeholder, thus preventing them from voting
as effectually as if they had it in their power to deprive them of their
franchise.
After • few words from Mr. DALY, which were inaudible in
the gallery, the petition was ordered to be printed.
SHIPPING.

Mr. ELLIS presented a petition from the proprietors of ships
resident in North Shields, and engaged in the carrying trade, pray.
in; that the House might take their case into consideration, and
ratan their property by means of protecting duties.
Mr. PORT MAN. made some observations which were in-
audible.
Mr. HUSK ISSON said that a similar petition had been pre-
sented about a week ago. of which no previous intimation had been
given to his Alajeaty's Ministers, and their absence upon the occa-
sion had been alluded to in rather enmeasured terms. Upon that
day, however, he had been engaged up stairs upon a Committee
until fire o'clock, at which hour he was obliged to attend to official
duties elsewhere, but be was enabled to return again to the House
at six. It was absolutely impossible for Ministers to be in their
", places upon all occasions, unless some previous intimation were
given. He wished to state on that occasion, that he did not think
the presentiment of a petition a proper opporginity for going into an
important discussion upon the navigation o the country; and the
Honourable Member for Taunton (Mr. Baring), therefore, might
bars chosen a more convenient opportunity for eliciting such infer.

THE BRITISH PRESS•

Parliament. They would never have dreamt of such places la Old
Sarum and Gatton voting away the money of such places as heeds
and Manchester. Their idea wo, that Members should be re.
turned who should enable the Sing to raise subsidies, to carry on
his wars, and to judge of the extent to which their Constituents
could lend their pecuniary aid to the Government of the country.
What was the result of that species of Government? He would
say it produced the greatest good—it produced those liberties which
were now establialied. An Honourable Member opposite, who
was in general t great opposer of Parliamentary Reform, said upon
a former occasion. that he knew nothing of those ancient Parlia-
ments. except that they were called together for the purpose of vot-
ing subsidies, and were then dissolved. The Honourable Member
was certainly mistaken in the view which be had taken of the con.
duct and operation of those Parliaments • they not only voted
subsidies, but they often refused to vote those subsidies until they
had obtained from the Crown valuable privileges; they did more,
they established the liberties of Englishmen. So early as the
reign of Edward 111. Parliament had the right of voting the pub-
lic money, and the Parliaments of those times established that
valuable privilege of the British Constitution, that no man should
he brought to trial, no man deprived of his liberties or property,
but by verdict of his peers. All those great principles of freedom
which this country now enjoyed were established by those ancient
Parliaments. This was clear from the facts which history unfolded,
end induced a modern author of considerable eminence to say, that
instead of saying the liberties of England were procured by the sword
of their ancestors„ja would be more correct and consistent with the
face to say those liberties were purchased by the money of our an.
testers. The good effect of those principles was observable in
the difference which existed between this country and France In
early times. In the reign of Edward VI. theilifference was pointed
out by Sir John Fortescue. Sir John Comvn, and Lord Bacon. The
English were represented to be soldiers of the best description, and
ready to fight with the ardour of freedom in defence of their liber-
ties; while those of France, who had no such inducements to stimu-
late them, were very Inferior in those attributes which constituted
the soldier. IS was no innovation on the Constitution of the
country to seek a reform or Parliament. In asking Parliamentary
reform. they only demanded that which the ancient Parliaments of
England had established. Having so far adverted to the origin of
those principles which were involved in the consideration of the
question, he would come to the objections to the measure. He would
first advert to the objection which the Right Hon. Gentleman op-
posite (Mr. Canning) sometinsee put' forward—that the great
prosperity of the country was %lemon why no change should be
made in the representative tryst -^ of the country. Taking advan-
tage of a season of prosperity, the Right Hon. Gentleman would
came down to the House with a favourable statement of the
financial comfit on of the country; and after a flourishing display,
ask, "Is this the House of Commons you wish to reform?" That
was not a point which had much influence or weight upon his
mind. lie would argue the measure upon gene-al piinciples, with.
out any reference to that particidar view of the question. If he
was to take that argument into consideration, it would rather in-
crease than diminish the strength of his cause. 16 in a season of
distress he should say that the difficulties of the country were pro-
duced by the defective representation of the people4such an argil-
merit might excite discontent, but could not fairly be said to have
reference or connexion with the question of reform in Parliament.
There was not at any distant period great distress throughout the
commercial interests of the country. Parliament met, in come-
oueuce of that depressed state of the trading iniereste, to de.
vise a remedy. A measure of relief was proposed to that 1
House and twilled. No sooner had the House adjourned In
the Easter holidays, than those interests revived in confidence 1
and energy, and expressions of satisfaction were heard from
those who before had begun to despond. If at that time
he ( Lord John Russell) should say that the evils which
prevailed, and the distresses with which the country was visited,
was owing to the state of the representation of the country, he
would be thought to have (a:ten an unfair advantage. He thought
that all such arguments could by no inference bear upon the ques-
tion before the House. He thought the prosperity of the country
could be traced to far more ancient enactments. In his opinion it
was founded on Acts of Parliament which were passed five hundred
years ago. It depended on the security of property, which was
established and protected by the trial by jury. He knew certainly
that many Acts had been passed by that House, which were calcu-
lated to impair that security, and to check the prosperity of the
country. An Act was passed in the year 1822, to which Ministers
themselves attributed much of the distress which prevailed. But
that distress did not originate in a defective representation of the
people, but in mistaken views of policy, and in the erroneous opi.
nions which were entertained by Government. He could not think
that die prosperity or distress of the country by any means occa-
sioned by the state of she representative system of the country.
The second objection which was brought forward was, that this
measure would infringe on the right of private property. That 1
right should be protected, but it might be interfered with for the
promotion of the public good. If a case was made out of a neces-
sity for a change, he could not conceive why one form should not
be exchanged for another more adapted to the constitution of the
country, and which was completely consistent with the ancient
constitittion of the Representation. If private"groperty was to be
interfered with, he, for one. if compensation wastlaimed, would be
quite willing to indemnify the parties who thould be exposed to
loss in consequence of a change. If. however, it was insisted that
the right of property should not be invaded, lie would remind the
House that several Acts had been passed that Session, which in-
vaded that right The Liverpool and Manchester Rail-road Bill
interfered with that right. An individual whose property inter.
fired with the projected line of that road, petitioned that House
against the violation of his property by that rail-road. His bouts
was, however, under the authority of that Act of Parliament,
taken down and razed to the ground, and his property destroyed.
There was another Bill now passing through the Houge,for making
improvements in the metropolis, which would encroach on the
property of many private individuals. Compensation would be
offered those persons, which if they refused, they might go to a
compensation pry, and if they were not satisfied with the award
of that jury, their houses might be knocked down and razed to the
ground. He was quite at a loss to discover why the right of pro-
perty could ,be invaded in there instances, and why they should
treat with greater kindness the question of Reform. What motive
could they have for treating the boroughs with greater tenderness
than any other interest. He was anxious to afford compensation in
every possible way, and to afford as much as would be security to
private property. Another objection of the Right Honourable
Gentleman opposite was, that if a change was made, it would tend
to disorganise the system, and subvert the principle of mutual con.
trot, which was so salutary in its effects. In support of this
view of the case, they brought before us the terrors of democracy
and the violence and horrors of the French Revolution. If he
wished to establish the principles of republicanism, such reason.'
ing might apply to the case; but as he only asked for a reform as
established by the ancient Parliaments of the country, he con-
sidved them niece declamation. Irony attack was made on the privi-
leges
of the House of Lords, and he, in furtherance of that attack,
were to instancethehorrorswhich were perpetrated by the aristocracy")
of Venice, such a lineof observation would not be considered appli.
II
cable to the subject. If an attack was made on the prerogative of the
Crown, and he was to refer to the crimes and atrocities practised by
the Emperors of Rome, it would with great justice be said, that 1
thole observations had nothing to do with the subject. When, there.
fore, he only asked for a reform, those who brought forward the
dangers of democracy as a reason for withholding that, argued in
vain. The Right Hen. Gentleman, anti those who opposed this
measure, say that the system works well. If lie could agree to that,
it would be, in his opinion, a poor inducement to oppose the melt-
sure ; but he did not think that di system worked well, and he
lir
was convinced that sooner or cat they would feel its bad effects.
He would repeat what he had id on the debate on the Catholic
question, and on the Bullion bp-estion, that the House acted
on those questions as the repr4entations cr the people. Hon.
Members voted on those queriontfrom their private convictions.
The same thing might be said of Atte Privy Council, but in those
cases there was no question at Joke between the people and the
Crown ; but when the question wife of an opposite description, he
was disposed to think the conduct of the House would be different;
and when such a question was befelfb the House, he found a great
majority of the representatives of the people were on the popular
side of the question. lie made that observation from votes of that
House, within his own experience. It was not an individual
solitary observation of his own, but be gave it as stated by 31r.
Fox, who, when defeated towards tile end of the American war
by Lord North, said that five.sixths of the representatives of the
country were erith him: The House did not act towards the con-
clusion of the American war as the representatives of the country
should have done ; that was the real discrepancy between the votes '
of that House and the wishes of the people. We know that dis.
content did exist at that period, and that laws of coercion were en.
acted to restrain that discontent. It was well known that efforts
were then made to evince by force and violence the sentiments of
the people. A new course had been adopted by the present Mioi.
sters. They to a great degree cot:nuked the wishes and opinions
of the people. A great change in the conduct of Govermenthad been
effected, of which lie could not give any greater proof than by recalling
to the recollection of the House the line of conduct adopted by On.
vernment in March 1819, when his Hon. and Learned Friend, the
Member for ‘Vinchelsea, proposed three resolutions for the adop-
tion of the House, which stated, that the distress of the country
was increased by the policy which was adopted in our foreign Ms-
thine, and from the excessive taxation with which the country was
burthened. H s complained, that by the foreign policy of the 31i.
nistry such commercial advantages were not procured for this coon.
try at front her influence the people were led to expect. When
those resolutions were proposed, the orders of the day were moved.
and the propositions negatived ; but since those resolutions were
proposed a great change Inel taken place in the policy of the coun-
try ; yet hall of what had been since effected was contained in those
resolutions. (Hear, hear.) But because they were then proposed
by a Member of the Opposition, they were not attended to. The
Government only adopted half measures, which reminded him of
an observation of Fontenelle, who said that, if both his hands were
full, he would only open one. If the measures adopted by the re-
presentatives of the people were different front their wishes, they
would protest against those measures. Ministers had done some
good ; would they now stop short, or by proceeding in the steps of
improvement, give a virtual representation to the country ? If in.,
consequence they found themselves in any difficulty. he would
assure them they would Bud no solution of that difficulty so
good for them, as that they should have next session a Perlis-
intent which ready represented the people of the country. From
such a Parliament they might expect an overpowerlng sup..
port ; but if they did not pursue such a cause, he was not sure
that they would receive it from a Parliament differently consti-
tuted. 'They could reei.4epend on the support of those who had
gone with them in That hill-already been done. It was well known
that many were hostile to what had been done, and to what was to
follow. Before he sat down• he would state the nature of the mo-
tion he bad to propose to the House. lie would take one hundred

of the smaller boroughs, which should send one Member to Parlia-
ment instead of two, and he would fill up the places of those Mem-
bers by dividing them among the counties and larger towns. He
would not say whether that was the best plan which could be de-
vised. All he would insist on was, that there was a necessity for a
reform in the representation. There were two methods of effecting
that reform. One entire, by reconstructing the House of Commons;
end the other of a more limited nature, that of accomplishing a
partial reform in the representative system as it et present existed.
The principle of partial reform had been frequentlY advocated, and
had great authorities in favour of it. is Chatham approved of
the principle; and in the system of reform which had been intro.
duced at a former period, it had been adopted and aced on by hie
Pitt, and strenuously supported by Mr. Fox in all his speeches on
the question of reform. In a speech which he delivered in that
House in the year 17113, he used that illustration which was so often
quoted, that a house built by degrees, and had parts added to ft at
different periods, would be a more convenient dwelling than one
which was constructed at once. It was not his intention to pull
down the house, but to amend what was defective; to repair those
parts which hod suffered decay, and to adapt the whole to the pre-
sent time. lie would conclude by moving, " That a reform in
i'arliament was deserving the serious consideration of the House."
Lord ALTHORP said, that in rising to second the motion of ,
his Noble Friend, it was unnecessary for him to waste the time of
the House with any arguments which could be only calculated to
weaken the force of those which had been brought forward by the
Noble Lord who had originated the question. He did not think " Utinam noster esset."
the representation was such as it ought to be. He would not say Tbroihrmtaht,w alini Hon.eid 1
toit Member
should
transplanth n had
t b
praisedtim
teeg n that rosrelovitaht
forgotten
tlelyr were
notions
institutionstiiei
origofiale
America,n
lr y
er b!t le
ouni.t
that the Government did not work well. in the most despotic whatever merit they possessed was to be ascribed to England,
countries the machinery of Government worked well; but his object f
was by a fair and salutary representation to secure the privileges of rived, when their ancestors were induced to leave the lend of their
the Constitution. He would second the motion.
Mr. J. DENISON then rose, but he spoke in so low a tone of to a more genial soil. He, therefore, was disposed to quern I with
voice, that we found great difficulty to collect what he said. As the Hon. Member for Newcaltleeunder-Lyme, for adverting to the
well as we understood the lion. Member, he said he felt consider. democratic spirit of the American institutions as something new,
stile diffidence in addressing the House for the fine time on a sub. whereas, in fact, there was no nervily in its
He introduction,
reafflorthilteeitilies..
jest of such great importance. e could not promise to put the mocratic principle had been carried across the Atlantic by those
subject in a new light, when it had been before placed in 'mode men who left the land of their nativity. but totak with them the free.
more
nruch
skilful than his own. The Noble bud had argued the dom of their birth-right. Such was the opinion of our ancestors,
on general principles. He, too, would look at the mu- and thus had it been transfused. into the American insionto,ns.
sure in that point of view, and on those general principles he would That was the opinion in this country at the title of the Revelu ion,
dissent front the motion which the Noble Lord had proposed fur the and before that period ; and it was only necessary
adoption of the House. The Noble Lord had adverted to the con. for of Ergland to be convinced of the fact. i The Americans had
in ohrieleirat,opuletea,rni
tothtahtetchieemlanztte;tatopitiii: haastlpac:v7tisn4betehne
duct of the Right Honourable the Secretary f r Foreign Affairs, only to take :. leaf out of that History, to lerik into the storks of
and that of the Government, on the question of Reform, and Selden, and to read of the heroism of Hampden, of Sideity, and
argued that Government were bound to proceed so, far as to
support his motion. Was it, he world ask, because Govern. directing the affairs of this nation. He did nue therefore expect that
runt Wee sensitive to the existence of abuses, that therefore noveltyo f
Russel,
would
they were to furthet and adopt the principles of the Noble Lord e English Coned union. When the question o lit form come under
They had corrected what they considered necessary to correct, but consideration, it was usual to France and to merica' and he wit
the resisted
they were in his opinion entitled to the confidence Of resisted the present motion on Principle; sod fir what they more immediately conversant with France tit it with America, he
had
should advert to that division in preerence te America. Now, in
the country. Ile would ask was there anything in the state of that France the mode is not exactly similar to the system of repre.
House to warrant a change ? Was that House more corrupt than notation in England, for there the officers annee:ed with the te-
eny of its predecessors? He was in the !louse when the Hun. turns of the representatives were completetytuncler the control of
Member for Westminster (Sir F. Burdett we believe) said he never Government, and recourse was bad to inethoift of pet-veiling el( ce
eat in a poor' House Of Commons than that he then addressed. tors from exercising those privilegee, sled' would not erly I e into.
!fad, lie would inquire, the influence of the Crown lately increased ? lerable, but ridiculous, in this country. He could quote tint or three
He did hot think it had. The Member fur Staffordshire (Mr. Lit. instances of that kind, but it was notorious to all who visited that
tleton) had introduced a Bill to correct what was defective in the cOrntfY, that the Government interfered in the leetions to ee eater,
Constitution of Private Committees. and that Bill met with 'support that would not be borne in England. Tit French Goeerentern
from his side of the House, and with the foil consideration seemed (to use a phrase he had already meittio eil) to have taken a
of the Home. Every thing had been done to satisfy the wishes of leaf out of the History of England. and were ntinuing by comae.
the people. Ile was willing to give credit to the Noble Lord for eon what they had established by force. Th
f had succeeded, not
i
the sincerity of hie views for improvement ; but he could not he because the aristocracy was or them, but cause there was no
convinced that the practical Parliamentary Reform which he had pro. aristocracy against them. They have cut it into shred, and patches.
posed would give satisfaction. Reform in the representation should The most in'amous bribery prevailed in the Fretirti elections.
go on the principle of producing greater uniformity. One mode England had her l'elhams and Walpole'', but Frahm had eeceecle.
of Reform would be, to give greater extension to the popular re. their we:Attest stretches, and resorted to expedients of most elm edit(
presentation, and the other would he to the representation of pm- character. They did not scruple to destroy bridges and to stop
perry. Tit France the elective franchise was founded on the princi- ferry boats, in order to prevent electors from voiiregettsch anti
ple of property. A high average rate was necessary for the exer- similar metes were resorted to, which in this country coals never
cise of that privilege; the expression of the sentiments of the lower be countenanced. Bit an allusion had been made to an ;I/serva-
orders,. which was necessary in a free Government, found no en. tion of his Noble Friend (Lord John Russell). What Kie,Noble
trance. (Cheers.) To proceed on that principle, they should dia. Friend hid said did not affect the purity of election, but ref err
franchise a large proportion of the present electors of this country; to the good character of the Opposition. Ile (Mr. Hobhous
but lion. Gentlemen knew how dangerous it would be to change could not conceive how the House of Commons cool* be re
that system. The other would be to effect reform on popular prin. dered more corrupt than it was. In fact, it was Ilalli MSS?
ciples. Ile would draw an example for that from a country for all that his Majesty's Minister wanted lie possesve, ~
which,, in many respects, bore an affinity to our own. only wished for a majority, and that lie was sure to ffimnia
He meant the United States of America. There was in while the House was constituted as at present. (Hear, h r. h
the constitution of that country much of what was to be admired, in contradiction to that oeininn, the conduct of the Hous eil
hut :he contended that too great an extension of the popular prin. triumphantly referred to, in the instance of the propositi le
elide would demise property of a beneficial influence. In times of ing the salary of the President of the Board of Trade. But wh
excitement it would render such a 'latent a contest between one set that cure Wa+ adduced, it was forgotten hose.the persons
of principles against another ; but the popular party would over. in favour of that motion were compromised ; for it was. tool
wielm and annihilate the other; no expression of sentiment that the House would not concur in so corrupt a mease as wait
would be allowed, end violence would decide the question at issue. then proposed. But, if the votes were to be analysed, what a cu.
The Members at Washington assembled rather as individuals who rtous result would he found on that occasion. Out of 87 Members
wereahe repreeenfativia of so many local situations and interests, who then vetted, 37 were actual placemen and pensioners. 10 were
than les the counsellors of a country whose object was a promotion connexions of the placemen, and there was only one County Mem-
of the general good. There were, however, no such distinctions her in the list. He thought that instance, of die single Coienty
here; we Were obliged to legislate in reference to the whole system. Member having been in favour of the motion, deserved great wen-
He feared he might be fatiguing the House. (Cries of "Go on.") tinn. It should be considered that this was the last session of the
It appeared to him that no reform was calculated to satisfy the party present Parliament, and that can furnished a strong argument in
nomeopoing forward desirous of change, unless it were grounded favour of short Parliaments. He did not mean to offend, but when
on MS principles to which lie had adverted. It was on those thinking on the objections evinces by elembers to rove for the sae
greased+ he would oppouany alteration of this, if they pleased ins- lacy. he could not avoid the recollectien of the saying of Bea*
pure; but still most efficient assembly. We could boast here the Swift, that " they were willing to give to God the devil's leavirgs."
IFrencylorineiple of property, controlled by the American principle They showed some signs of grace at the eve or the eepiring Podia-
or democracy, and the latter was checked wholesomely by the aria- ment, and repented of the transgressions committed in the preced-
toasty of the country. This House was constituted, as it appear. ing periods of its life. They had exhibited at last some indication
,eed to him, of all those elements which were calculated to render it of acting in support of the purposes for which they lead been not
' efficient. It was open to the introduction of all parties, all princi. into the House. lie would not further analyse that which had been
plea were discussed in it, and it allowed of the expression of every justly designated by the Hon. 'Member for Taunton (Mr. Benno
. opinion that could be expressed usefully. It 'hots. by referring to as the black job. But the Hon. Gentleman opposite ( Mr. De. e,
the prevalence of this freedom, that he accounted for no one par. ninon) seemed to think if the Reformers did not take precedent h(I , 1
liament ever greatly differing from that which might have pre. France or America, that they were left destitute and could net
ceded it; they pursued their even tenour ; they hod long sustained apply to any other places. But that was rot the case, for there
themselves in the manner which was now compUined of'; and he was a variety of plans. The Worthy Alderman (Wood) had net;
would say— he ('lr. llobbouse) had another; and :tie Hon. heather Mr Bur-
" Hic jam tercentum totos regnabitur annoy." ham (Mr. M. A. Taylor), whom he refire it il not to observe in his
He would have them still firm in principle and moderate in place, could furnish a third. What he wished was to apply the
' counsel ; in fact, lie would have the House preserve its present fine edge of the wedge, and he would expect in time to eet in the
characteristics. lie was not blind to the inconsistency, nor was he remainder. (Loud cries of hear, hear.) lie would candidly admit
insensible of the incongruities, with which the system had been that such was his wish, and if they got in part they would un-
charged ; but he should fear disturbing this complicated machinery doubtedly persevere. But it should not be insinuated that Reformers
'by endeavouring to remove them, lest in doing so he destroyed had a covert meaning, which they were afraid or ashamed to avow.
that part which was most important. . GurConstitution was not They did not entertain those designs of spoliation and plunder
constructed in the simple Grecian style of uniformity; it was to be which were attributed to them. The Reformers had too greet
admired rather for its:venerable Gothic principles. stakes in the country to possess such sentiments. They had more
Mr. ROSS made a few observations in opposition to the motion, property to be lost in such a case than the preens who insinuated
but sou t) sec low a tone of voice as not to be audible in the gal. the objections, and they possessed at least as much character which
lery. 4,4 understood the Lion. Gentleman to compare the present they were reluctant to sacrifice. (Hear, hear, hear.) It wan
constitutilto of the House with what it was in the first session of therefore unfair to impute such motives as influencing the
George the First, when two hundred Members held four hun- reformers. With the Hon. Member for Orford (Mr. Ross) he had
dyed offices tinder the Crown, from which they derived emo- ro sentiments in common ; but he nave credit to the Hon. Member
elensefit and the Crown influence. He thought it worthy of for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Denison) for the liberalite of his
glaservation that several Gentlemen, on the side of the House sentiments. The Hon. Member for Orford had referred to the
tVoire which the motion of Reform came, had themselves held Avi Arorern. On that point he would only say, that if the pre-
various offices under the Crown. Much had been said, both on the sent system was approved of, it would be unnecessary to refer to
present and other occasions, on the influence of the Aristocracy ; our ancestors, but to abide by what they considered so vied.
but it should be recollected that this had been Considerably de- Th-y need not recur to History for what all knew. But the Ron.
t creased by the increase which it was known had taken place in the Member for Ortbrd had given an °pillion aboqt electors and had
population. This had had the effect of dividing influential families. denied that bribery prevailed to spy extent. and was undiervieg
Ile rejoiced, however, when he saw wealth represented in that of consideration. When the Hon. Member wits making such sec
House; and talent—that talent which by its honest industry had assertion, be did not observe the countenances of the Right Rem
accumulated capital—he rejoiced to observe that also make its way. Gentlemen on the Treasury Bench, who could not forbear trots
Lord GLENORCH V spoke from under the gallery, and was smiling. Ile (Mr. Hobhouse) would not go to Leeds or to Man.
also heard with difficulty. lie did not mean to have taken part in cheater in proof of the danger of bribery affecting the ell:beef
the present question, but he was now induced to do so in conse. electors, but he would proceed to the borough of Orforti, the
quence of the manner in which the Edinburgh petition had beenf electors of which had the kindness to return the lion. Member who
answered by the other (the Ministerial) side of the House. He had had that night favoured the House with the expression of his SO.
thought that mischief in practice would have been mnsidered on its timents. The Hon. Member was of opinion that the persons far
own merits. Ministers had certainly given them gro*nd to hope that whom the right of voting was requested were of %nth a ragged and
they would attttid to any specific grievances ; but what did they do in despicable character that they were undeservitig 'of the tens'. The
the case of Edinburgh ? They got rid of the question on this very contrary, however, was the fact, for those who were now entitled
principle. That, therefore, which it was thought gave the petition to vote for boroughs went to the 'awnings without any other care
the greatest chance•mf success proved its greatest obstacle. This than to vote as they were desired, • The grievance was, that pent,
showed beyond doubt that there was no ground Ibr hoping they of proptity and consideration in the county did not possess those Mir
could effect any real gond, unless they could first adry the general vileges which were ribum4 by those whom he had just described. He
principle. The course Ministers pursued seemed v/y like that of wished that there either Momild be a reform of Parliament, or that the
an individual who had no objection to keeping tile company of mockery of the present' *Om should be admitted. He did not
thieves, because they did not find their hands in the* owu pockets. like that the formality if the thing should be retained, while the
(A laugh.) Those who advocated the principles of the present practice was at variance with a fair representation. With respect
motion were ehaeged with having a desire to overthrolr the valuable to what had been observed in regard to placemen on accepting a
hhitittlekles of wo linnem".- Thos-ehate wnemeselitnelless . . place • going beck to_ their ronsti: items there waiosome mistake.
flee
All they asked was, that the House should be metered • Cron- When the Right 110 n..., opposite (gel Canning)had vested his
stitution our ancestors intended it to pesos. They sou to ten- seat for Liverpool by the acceptance of
der it more suitable than at present to the times in whi we live. to his former constituents', but he preferred going to one of o'4
Was It necessary to remind the Home a the imperfect state of the convenient places, which would as soon send to that House King,
representation by referting to Leeds. to Birmingham, to Mulches- . Log as anybody else. the reason assigned in the advertisement of
ter, and the numerous other large towns, which did not enjoy the the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) for refusing to return.to
privilege of returning a single large
? If they were to direct Liverpool was, that he could not consistently discharge his dote
their attention to the condition of Scotland, it would be discovered as a Minister and u a representailve vf that phee. (Ii ear, hear.)
that the principle of representation in that country did not, as in. He understood the meaning of tin' •s ji.us," of the Right
England, depend on the possession of property, but on the feudal Honourable Home Secretary (Mr. Peel)llt bet it did node
a place, he did not return
nature of the tenure, by the operation ofArhieh, the-power of re. the fact.' As to the Statutes of Bribery, they were r
turning all the Representatives of Scotland wassfined to a existing corruption ; ' and Sir John Barnnr?l, in excellent male
number of electors not exceeding three' thousand e believed when representative of London, in Mt, whiled Sir their repee‘
that the authority of Mr. Pitt would be regarded sis very high on They led to forgery and all kind of mlichiff: Mr. Burke, who
ed
the opposite side of' the House. Mr. Pitt had stated, that the was frequently quoted on both sides of. he House. hid ''bse7,„,
change in the ',ltem of representation shoule correspond with the teat the House of Commons WWI not fit fbr popular puree'es• .'"
circumstances of the times ; and if Right Hon. Gentlemen op. it then be called a Parliament for the purposes of w'orki'ng att'ic's
posite felt the veneration for Mr. Pitt's ehttraeur and talents which wanted ; hut not be styled, in mockery, a representation of the
they professed, he hoped his assertion on the Subject of Reform people. The Right Hon. Member for Montrose (.Mr. Hume) sledwould not be unheeded by them. A learned foreigner (Mentes- by some strange fatality was absent from his place, (a It'llello b"')
quieu) had observed with his usual sagacity, that the Constitution said that if the Members did their duty reform would be allot
and liberties of England would perish when the legislative depart. That Hon. Member ought to have known the proceedings of t'
trent should become more corrupt than the executive. The feeling House better. and to be aware that the Al in istry could alwor 8e
re.
of the people of this country eras decidedly in favour of Reform, cure a majority equivalent to any increase of independent item-.
and he would therefore ask the House to comply in time with the hers; while the House was constituted as at present. In tile 124,,
wishes of the nation, and pay amnion to the national wishes, be. of Fox and Pitt that was the case, and m it continued, far if 7
fore the period of danger prWleted by the learned foreigner (Mon. were added to the Opposition side, the Ministry were sure poi increase
tesquieu). in his Spirit of Lams, 'Would arrive, and preclude the their ambits by ten. In the debar( s of 1821.22 ahch were
possibility of adopting any ralutair or restorative measures. He caused by the Honourable Member for Alontrose,
should conclude by stating tftt -the motion of the Noble Lord the constant attendance nearly killed many of the Members, and
should receive his mostdllll support. he (Mr. Hobhouse) was almost Is martyr in the attemrt. t-
Mr. HOB,HOUSE said, as it seemed to be the understanding laugh.) It was all ldown and to sat
nee era, is to come ,„__..l
that two Members should speak successively from each side of the " aye" in echo to their friends. TM' Beam should come "7
House. he hoped to be excused for rising Immediately after his the Crown. The best way, he thounte, was to admit that 31!nnlos't
Noble Friend. He also wished to thank that Noble lewd for the tens possessed the power, and he,felt grateful that they 1,1." ,to
moderation of hie speech ; bat he could not exactly second with more frequently abused it. (A laegr.) If they were inctineat e
him in the allusion which he had made to the case of the honest do more wrong, they would be • sore of support. Whet, 11,
man who unluckily found himself in the company of thieves. The Ministers opposed the Act fortrendering Horne Tooke rheihlet?
Noble Lewd seemed to think that there was no cause of cemplaiet seat in the Home, he expiated his obligation and thanks that the_
until the man found their hands In his pockets. The case however Minister did not order him to be hanged up in the lobby, as see
'Gil r. Hume)
was not illustrative, for the people had found hands in their might have done if he pleated. The Mipistere did sorfictunt"' to
pockets. (Hear, and a laugh.)_ However harsh the expensive a bait, allow themselves to be baffled, as in the cote of theme
ir
might appear, the fact wits us; Tbe Honourable Member opposite for the Presideot of the Board of Trade. They someti
(Mr. Denison) had apologised fee addressing the House In muse. a little oil to the wheels, in order that the sense ef Pte

(pence of the infregneney_of his claimini their attention. Now,
the ceases, why-he (Mr. Hobliousekrecrialted to be excused on the
present occasion for occupying the time of the House, was of a con.
teary nature, as he had so often voices on the subject that he was
apprehensive of wearing out their patienile. (Hear.) The Hon.
Member hoped to he excused for speaking so seldom and he (Mr.
Hobhouse) apologised for having so often tresibissed on the at:en.
don of the House.' But to adopt a phrase in use among the :scotch
Reformers, he wished to " iestify."- From what had been said by a
Gentleman at the opposite aide, he knew dot how to come into con.
tact with his positions, except by reduaing the question to the
simple point of its necessity or non-necessity : pput that Gentleman
did not pay any regard to the phenomena which were apparent to
others. He (Mr. flobhouse) thought that .a e Hon. Gentleman
ought to pay some respect, and deriVe instruation from, the Inge.
nious mode adopted by the lion. Member (fir Newcastle-under.
Lyme (Mr. Denison), who seemed' (miute adppteil the advice in
the heathen mythology, when (hid puts the following words into
the mouth of Apollo, in reply to Phaeton's request to guide the
chariot of the sun= . .

" Nitor in adversum : necline, qui cetera, vincit
Impetus : et rapitio contrarian' evehor orbi."
He seemed to struggle against the etre* 11, until the violence of the
current bore him along with the maai. The lion. Member for
Newcastle-under-Lyme had shown so much liberality, and evinced
so much desert, that he 01r. ilobhouse) could not avoid say it.g of
that lion. Mennbcr— _

mu round with the mashine. In 1824 the Chancellor of the
Wight: -enler had ascribed the prosperity which prevailed to the wis.
alien the prosperity WAS no not SO apparent,
-.ltho iarlioment ;
dwindled into ,the
palpable, the reverie ought
::%;'-inf(ergr'etl. There were three ease!, of finance opera.
proved the manner in which the House and Mule
, which
treated. In the year 11119. Mr. Vansittart roomed
tic sere.;,,king fund, when the eyes of Members were opened
new to the errors of that introduced by Mr. Pitt,
he.chtehetirmptitn:nPley inla• that it had been only a sham sinking
toad •
al Vansittart. however, gave a statement of anew and
; fund whereby it was manifest the former had been
oil•• r 1
el„einng ee a complete wee or years. The second operation
K.Anted theresolutions of 11l I. and Mr. Vanaittuot, who has since
another riser.. has been defended as not having founded
41::tlieont— w a
tiouerl the principle. The absolution of that ;financier in such
lac. from the error wiActi. he had committed. was another ',road
• loin of the 'loose. 1 he third objectionable oneration wan that
contriesere known by the appellation of the dead weight.
measure width hent them and the country was " the dead.
•,:ono nns,,ed on tie ?Ph of April. 11122. without a division.
N,,,:nhstarding appearance of unanimity. however, people
acre began to see the nature of that precious Measure. The
;;.3.len-0,:.r. for Winehester. ( Mr. Pallier). the lion. Member
f r Taunton :ring). with Mr. home and three or font other
came down and divided the House. But the divisions
"T.! no rem credit to the lion. (louse. On one division there
vas only 25 against the measure, division only rind on the last • .
witu:d any one believe that the measure which, in 11122, lied
beta (woried by the small numbers which he had just At-tied, was
tti, wow measure which the never-to-be-ennuih.quoted 'secretary
f, •
. (rev . Iffairk declared, only a few nights ago, to be so ah-
r
stir that he could never understand it? (Hear, and laughter.)
Heine. flohhouse) heard the Right lion. Gentleman (Mr. Can-
pi7o make the declaration himself. Surh was the manner in which
t it Anse • ' • ril measure, which weighed down the industry of the
r in•rr. had passed. We ought to endeavour then, if possible, to
~tat for such stranee anomalies; rind there was but one means
e Joing so, and (hitt was by admitting that the wisdom of Praha-
-1: was neither more nor less than the folly of the Minister of the
It did Pot sinrify ear farthing who the Minister was, or
rlt were his earth: s. From something like a feeling of rag.
...nun), and generosity, ind..ed„ it seemed that the most incapable
n inter was preferred, and it was reckoned that the more stupid
i.e was the better. It might he said of the Treasury supportets—
" Of whatsoe'a descent their Godship be,
Stock, stone, or other homely pedigree;
In detence his servants are as bold,
As it he hail been hots of beaten gold."
Artl so 01, v were (pi iic Rs hold ; and though their God was not of
beaten pt
lie they benefit eti quite as much as if he Was.
He now came to the consideration of another branch of the guru
ti„u_ihut concerning military men holding seats ; and he thought
it cntilil riot be degied that they felt a great repugnance to vote
a`sinst 11 inistere on certain questions, in apprehension of the con-
e •nences. 11, would rot enter into the case of his Honourable and
in:::ant Friend (Sit R. ‘Vilson), nor to others which were familiar
bum ; hit smithd welch experience against insertion. It was
so:d that the Duke of York was impartial ; and so he was, to a
.rain theme : lint wits it not notorious that when military men
e,re to to vote upon certain questions, their reply was,
1 em,'t vote on that question; you know I ern in the army."
Itt etna questions they were as staunch as other Honourable Gen-
tie,u,n, and were to be found as uniformly in the ranks of the Op-
t niti : but there did prevail amongst them something like an
arml.-neion that they might be marked, and the existence of such
a fee! it supported the proposition that, rateris par Pts, they
ointiti ant to hare a seat in that House. There were no less titan
persons having nhices tinder Government, or being in-
liniotele connected with it, that had votes in that House. Ile had
riaer a^ analysis of the nixioriiies on fourteen great questions, and
it tint:eared that those mitiorities were made up wholly, or in a
reat par.. from the eighty-nitre persona who were placemen, or
e'e intimately connected wilt (internment. lie had also made
ane;;lrr analysis which was more curious—an analysis of the man-
ter in which llonotirahlti 3lembers had voted on thirty-six great
cuestiors ; nn these thirty-six questions it appeared that, of
the 31embers for the forty counties of England, where the
mule of election was popular, twenty-five Members voted
for Cie Ministry, seventy-four against them. and ten some-
timrs one way and sometimes another. Of the Members for Araks,
where the nude of tlrction was not sn popular, 13 voted for Mi-
nisters, 9 against theni. and one occasionally one way and some-
times the other. Of the Members of cities and boroughs which
were open, it super ed that 57 had voted for Ministers and 1117
azainst them. Rut lie now came to those Members who had dc-
cidc.l all those great questions—to those who were returned by the
Ineinince of individuals. of' whom it appeared that 1.11 voted for
the Ministrr and only 12 against them ; 3 of this class of Mem-
bers anted sometimes for and sometimes against Government. and
21; Metnhers not at all. The Univer.ity Members were uniformly
fn-o voting with the Ministers. (Ilear, hear.) As to Sentland
ail I,e: tad—of the Members for the Counties and Royal Burghs
nf sitland, 25 were Mond to have voted for Ministers and I 1
w.iPest than. Of the Comity 3lemlient for Ireland, 24 voted for
ant 14 ag.inst ; and of the Members for borough% in that
21 voted for and (tole 7 against Ministers. He
eve tar enough to show that on all great questions the place-
r :a toted for Government. and that the close boroughs returned
r! ,e nlee. men. It was not necessary to enter into a detail of the
ST'S •n govern the House. and, by that, the country. Every
i.td.e?r.dent nuts, shrink even from the contemplation of
those rrns--arts of which Mr. Pitt, in youthful and uncorrupted day,
had s.id. that they rendered it impossible for any Minister to be
nn honest man. These were the arts which that Statesman's more
eign:tied and consistent tallier scorned to be familiar with, and
loActi to the Treasury only at a distance. A poet, who was too
teach disposed to be melancholy, and who was therefore charged
with being misanthropical. had said, " God hides in hideous night
the human heart," and he believed that much of what was hidden
tithe world in general, (tithe vices and infirmities of their species,
was known to the Minister. What Minister was it that had said,
it Was well so few arrived at the highest offices of the State, because
so few were acquainted with the vices of mankind ? That sentiment
Ind been expressed by Walpole himself, a Prime Minister of Eng-
find. In his (Mr. Hobhouse st boyhood, he remembered to have
hard that expression commented upon by a Right lion. Gent, the
priacinal cause of whose fall from power was his refusal to garble
erections. and secure Parliament. sons to make it exclusively his
own. That Sinister, who, if the expression might be used, was
sacred to ridicule, because he refused to contaminate his fingers
with a bribe, concurred with Walpole. And though the corrup-
tion of the present day might he done in a more correct manner
than in the days of ‘1 alpolc, the practice of corruption was quite
es extrusive. Ile called upon the Secrctaries of the Treasury to
done the assertion. Was it not an admitted fact, that there was
Do otter mode of keeping together that phalanx which supported
Government on recta- question, but the influence of favour' either
granted or p-orrisial. It was perfectly notorious the Honour-
able Menibers, by their votes in that House, gave a receipt
in hill for the favours granted to themselves or their re-
latives. This was not the course which ought to he pursued
I.y a high.minilid ge-try, living under a free form of Government.
la vain the R•glit Hon. Secretary for Foreign Atliiirs (Sr. Can-
ning) es,id that he scorned a majority of plaremen. lie knew full
well that he must follow the steps of his predecessors. In vain
aniiN his eenins, his experience, and that eloquence which never
fa ;to ebraptitre his atttlience, he brought into operation to stem
the te-rent. These would weigh but as a feather in the scale if he
t',pe uled or them alone. The Right lion. t;entleman would fall
he had before fallen, if he was stripped of his Parlia-
ine::tary power, or if that power was reduced, and he sought to
charm by the words of naked wisdom. (Hear, hear.) Ile wished
to spin: one feet. which perhaps was not generally known, and in
wh.rii tit! force of Parliamentary influence was exemplified in the
preen of the Right lion. Gentleman himself. The Right lion.
Gentl •ntrn had brought a proposition before the Home on the 34
Jure. 1:::12, connected with the Corn Importation Bill, He had
r!o7ose.l wn:tt was so well known as the grinding clause. That
em-.. was opposed, for the country ntembers. by the mouth of that
nest sonorous organ (a laugh). the Hon. Member for Somerset-
sh:re (nir T. Lethbridge). Ministers supported the proposition,
te,wever, and apon coming to a division the numbers were, for
griedire tha country 149. for not putting the country into a
IThif's• 41. On the 10th June the claim was brought up, when
0:0 31srepois of bondonthery, then the manager. rose, and, with-
nst any argument, or. entering at all into the Ties-
hon. stated that he had altered his mind, end recommend-
ed the Right honourable Gentleman not to push his threat,
bit to defer it until it could be introduced as a separate
The Right Honourable Gentleman refused to coop to
any compromise, and resolved to try his strength ; and what was
the result? Upon a division there appeared for the clause, ayes
21; and lei by the sittlilen alteration in the mind of the Ministerial
lariat of that day, there appeared against the clause 116; but the
iltiglit lion. Gentleman Mid only get 21 to vote with him. (Hear,
bear.) Ile (Mr. llohhouse) was one of those who had the horourof
gint.g out with the Right llonourable (+cattleman. They had whit
was formerly called a hackney-coach majority, and went out cheek.
by.jowl. ,Laughter.) Stich was the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Secretary Canning's) fate, and such it would again he if he dropped
frown his present station ; or. more hapless, he would find that his
thunders, instead of being
he left in welcomed in the heaven of power, would
the regions of disaster. (hear, hear.) He knew that much
tbat was disgusting anti unpleasant was inseparable from the shut-
lion of Ministers, in conseqoence of the mean traffic they were
compelled to drive; but he could not conceive any thing more noble
than the station of a Cabinet Minister in a reformed Parliament.
. nseious of the excellence of his own motives, he MUM be certain
- to
nt. 04tti:li ngthe•upport of the H arm over which he was
thepresiding—
!!* destinies of an empire which challenged the admin-
• lion of the world. With what pride could such a Minister enforce
• IlleaMres of generous policy ! With what confidence might be ap-
: peal to the representatives of the people ! Their support would be
..the reward of bit virtue, and during his life he mig.tt hope to enjoy
those honours usually bestowed on the absent or the dead.
When the page of history was unfolded, his name would
be recorded in the brightest passage. These perhaps would be
looked upon as the reveries of a student rather than as the sober
views of a practical politician. Ile might hope, however, that there
was a time when this mat desideratum would be effected. Eng-
land might yet havea Awe Parliament. At all events he had the
satisfaction of knowitiktliit reform was gaining ground. He was
not saying at what particular period this great event was likely to
occur. hu: he had a right to Ray that the question was gaining
ground in public opinion. Whatever class was distresuied fled to
it form. The agricultural and manufacturing interests, in Pima,
tied to title when the malignity of the system rendered their own
eases dangerous. In making this observation it was right he should
add, that he did not wish to have Parliamentary Reform brought
show ht unfair means, lie had alrealy seen much effected in the
way of alarm, and it was net to be r oridcred at if he sipectod more.

There was a reform in our system of criminal jurisprudence. In-
trodueed by the Right lion. Secretary (Mr. Peel). He had seen
the antiquated absurdities with which our commercial policy was
encircled withdrawn by another Right Honourable Gentleman
( Mr. liuskisson) ; and last, though not least, the Right
Honourable Gentleman at the head of the department for
Foreign Affairs, had burst the hands which bound down
this country to support the despots of the Continent (cheers), and
for a time put this country in opposition to the liberty of man.
kind. The idlest dreamers could not have conceived any reforms

more important than those; but he did not despair of a still
greater reform. It was, perhaps, ton much to expect that Perlis.
meta should reform Itself. History afforded no instances of bodies
voluntarily resigning power. The instances of individuals who
had made such a sacrifice were indeed rare. The Dioclesians
and Charleses were rather wearied than satiated. Larson non

saticii. History afforded but one instance of a Washington ; but
when he beheld the Grosvenors, the Russells, the C,avendishes, and

other noble families in the rank's of reform, it vas not too much to

suppose that the Right lion. Gents. opposite might one day afford
their support to the measure, and promote that great reform which
would prevent a recurrence of that delusive system of representa-
tion which at present prevailed. The lion. Gentleman concluded
by apologiaing for trespassing so long on the attention of the
House, and sat down amidst loud cheers from the Opposition
benches. _ _

Lord L:GOWF:R next addressed the House, but was for some
time inaudible in the gallery. We understood the Noble Lord to
say that he should feel greater reluctance in opposing the motion,
Whim Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) could assure him that at
subsequent stages he would not meet with interference from others.
There could be little doubt that in the plan of retorm he would

meet with unhidden 114%ociattm The ;perch of the Honourable
Member for iVestminster (Mr. litthhoute) made that evidenL

Could the Noble Lord assure the !louse that when reform was
• • •

commenced their course would not be accelerated, and that they
would not deviate from the straight path laid down ? Upon the
broid ground of expediency, he opposed the insertion of this
wedge into the Constitution. In spite of all the evils alluded to,
he looked up to the system under which he lived with something
more than submission—with warm approbation. (!fear, hear.)

When he looked to the page of history, he saw that our system
of Government was not to be valued more for the good
it effected than for the evils which it preven:ed. The system
of other countries was too often to drive down the nutritive
juices which arose in society : the system of England was to
encourage all useful improvements, and in this no other land
could compare with it. It was true there was no immediate con-
nexion between the manufacturers of Manchester, or the fleets that
crowded the ports of London and Liverpool, and the borough of
Old Sarum rind Gatton, but experience hal demonstrated that the
existence of Iltwoughs was not inconsistent with national prosperity.
It was argued that the extension of education throughout the coon.
try required a co-extension of improvement in the representation of
that House ; but it wits forgotten that the country possessed securities
now which did not exist in former times. There wcs the power of the
Press—that mighty engine, in reference to which it had been said
that we ought now to proceed to Reform, because our every defect
was exposed, ant? very lineament laid bare to the view. Butt did
not this publicity t away the necessity of any additional security ?
Did not that engine; which worked with a power which nothing
but its own vices could subdue—that engine which, as Gibbon said
of the Roman Empire. left no place for refuge to those who pro.
yoked its animosity—did not this power, he asked, produce ample
security ? If this country was as destitute as it once was, there
would be greater oecmsity for adhering rigidly to the fonts of our
Constitution. When revolution was more ready than complaint,
and rebellion came instead of remonstrance—when, to use the
words of a celebrated modern writer, " Clamours had edges, and
the sword was more'powerful than the pen," it was necessary that
Members should be more the local agents of those who sent them
there than they were at present. Bat if time had ptoduced corrup-
tions, it had also produced improvements. Time was itself agreat
reformer, and to it might be applied the passage of the poet, ending
with—t. Time adds more beautied than he takes away.' (Cheers.)
Mr. R. MARTIN next addressed the House. but was inaudible
for several minutes. He said that as we were on the eve of a ge-
neral election, he claimed the patience of the House whilst he ad-
dressd a few observations. Ile was assailed by a system of organ-
ised treachery in the county which lie represented (laughter, and
symptoms of impatience), but he would not attribute what he
elieuld suffer to the votes he had given. The lion. Gentleman
here entered into a review of his parliamentary conduct, which
he defended as having been at least sincere and consistent.
Let those who so strongly advocated Parliamentary Reform begin
by effecting the reformation of their own boroughs, before they
called upon this House to adopt it as a general measure throughout
the empire ; and then it would be seen how such things worked,
which would serve as a guide to Parliament, and enable them better
to form a judgment what to do with the general question. ( Hear,
hear.) Ile had, himself heard the late Right Honourable George
Ponsonby declare in the House of Commons, that the man who
would touch the Cunstitution, by attempting at a Reform, would
be s mischievous politician. Ile had on elate occasion voted In
favour of separating the office of Treasurer of the Navy from that
of the President of the Board of Control. Whether this was
hgreeable to the feelings of that corrupt Corporation which had
lately warred against him he knew not ; but this he would declare,
that whether lie should fall under the conspiracy that existed
against hum, at the head of which was one who was indebted to
him (Mr. It. Martin) for his seat in that Howie (loud cries of
" Hear, hear"), or whether lie should ride triumphantly over
them, he should feel that the vote he gave on that question was
perfectly jog and prom.
General PALMER said he had no intention or troubling the.
House with a speech upon the question; but considering the
notice which had been token of him by the Honourable Member
for Oxford, and other observations lately mode upon the represen.
union of the city of Bath, he was desirous of saying a few words
on the part of his constituects anti himself. As a friend to Reform,
although the representative of a close borough, he had stood in the
same predicament as the lion. Member for Caine, in his late
attempt to amend the representation of the city of Edinburgh.
But whatever might be thought of his conduct, he had voted with
a sincere desire to carry the question, anti as he had done by Edin-
burgh he would have done by Bath, has her case been brought for-
ward. How far in this he had consulted the feelings of his consti-
tuents would be soon for them to determine; but considering the
personal attack lately made, lie would take the liberty of observing
that the CO/ of Bath had given the only example of a close
borotigh alike independent of the Crown, the Administration, and
the Aristocracy of the country ; and of which, as one of its Mem-
bers, he could declare he had not a single vote at hit command,
hut was indebted fur his seat solely to the free will of the electors.
It might be true that the greater part belonged to the medical pro.
femion ; but if Hon. Menthes would " throw physic to the dogs."
he hoped, at least, they w •ald give his constituents credit for their
conduct, in not availing themselves of their unconstitutional power
to promote their private interests.
The lion. W. LAMB rose, but, in consequence of the noise in
the House alai the low tone in which the Honourable Gent]
occasionally spoke, we could not catch the purport of many
observations. We understood him to say that as this quest',
ben brought forward at so late a period of the Session and of the
present Parliament, it was evidently manifest it could not be at
all practicable for the House :o give it that full consideration which
the magnitude of the subject involved in it required. It was much
die fashion for those Honourable Gentlemen who advocated Reform
to speak in terms of condemnation of the existing system, and to
point out every defect that belonged to it. He did not mean to con.
tend that the Government or the Constitution were from errors; there
could be no such thing as a Government that was in every par.
Ocular unassailable; but it was not enough to say that errors did
exist ; it was necessary that those who complained of the system
should prove that those errors would not be committed if that which
they proposed and advocated were to he established. (Hear, hear).
The Hon. Gent. then noticed the arguments • hat had been made use
of by the Honourable Member for Westminster, respecting
the Sinking Fund, which was first introduced by Mr. Pitt, and ob-
served, that when that eminent Statesman brought it forward, it
was carried without a single dissentient voice. It was true the plan
that was subsequently proposed by Mr. Vansittut was not so una-
nimously supported ; but he would ask whether the resolution that
was moved by that Right Hon. Gentleman, absurdly or wisely,
was so very much behind the general intelligence of the people at
the present moment? (Hear, hear, hear, from the Ministerial
benches.) With respect to the analysis which the Noble Lord
(John Ruasell) had given of the votes in this House, on various
occasions, by the supporters of Ministers, one great and material
part of the argument had been omitted, which was, whether those
votes were wrongly er rightly given, and whether the decisions that
were consequent upon them were or not for the advantage of the
country. Ile believed they were in many instances perfectly right,
and did not think the arguments of the Noble Lord at alleonclusive.
But the great objection which lie had to the measure of parlia-
mentary reform was, that it was not in the power of human fore-
sight to see shat benefits would be derived from It. It could not
be known whether the evils which it was proposed to remedy would
not as often occur, anti that even in a more aggravated manner
than they did under the present system ; nor whether the Wean-
mere predicted from its adoption would as frequently arise.
It in short did not admit of human foresight to perceive whether
It might not terminate in a democracy. or of sonic other form of '
Government essentially different from that of a limited monarchy.
Although he had the greatest respect for his Noble Friend (Lord 3.
Russell), and although this question had been brought forward by
him upon better grounds and sounder principles than by any man,
be he who lie might (hear, hear), that had ever introduced the sub-
ject before him, yet he (Mr. W. Lamb) could not agree with the'
Noble Lord in adopting a course so very doubtful in its results,
and so extremely unlikely to attain the object that was sought to be
effected by it. (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord (Glenorchy) who
spoke from the bench behind him had said that he did not want
democracy ; and the lion. Gentleman ( Mr. Hobhnuse) had declared
that he did not want revolution. But it happened that we did not
always want what we got, nor did we get what we wanted. The
question was, what would the measures of the House produce?
It was his opinion that the power of the people of this country was
incteasing. lie begged to be understood most decidedly, that he
would do nothing to diminish that power, nor at the same time
would he do any thing in order to increase it. As to the argument
of intimidation, he would say, that if there was any such thing as
intimidation, it was not on the put of Government, but of the
people. (Hear, hear.) Why, the motion which at this very ma-
meat they were discussing, what was it made for but for intimida-
tion? (Loud cheers from the Ministerial Benches.) Yes, it was
preparatory to a dissolution of Parliament, and was for the sole
purpose of creating a topic for attacking Government on the host.
inv. (Hear, hear, hear.) Danger was not necessarily all on the
side of Government. (Hear, hear.) Neither was corruption all
on the side of Government. (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member
for Westminster (Mr. llobhouse) had talked much u to the mo.

THE BRITISH PRESS.

fives which had an influence on the minds of those who supported
the measures of his Majesty's Ministers. The Hon. Member
could only form his judgment by the nature of the votes that such
Members gave. it being impossible that he could know their mss.
tires. Now, if that Honourable Gentleman had a right to
form a judgment of motives, he ( Mr. %V. Lamb) had also •
right to do so: end he would say, that in the course of
his Parliamentary eauerience he had seen many. massy, many
votes made in abet House in concession to the feelings of the
penile, either for the sake of deprecating hostility (bear, hear),
for the sake of avoiding • contest, or for the sake of saving ex-
pense, which were (he in his conscience believed) totally contrary to
she opinions of those who gave them. (Hear, hear.) Them lie con-
sidered to be votes of as scandalous and corrupt a nature as any that
were ever given in support of the Crown or of the Ministers.
(Hear. hear.) He did not prefer • despotic to a democratic Go.
vemment—quite the contrary ; hut he did say, that the Sultan of
Constantinople. the Schah of Persia, the Dey of Algiers, acted
under a greater responsibility than the leaders of a democratic as.
senility. (Hear, hear. hear, from the Opposition hrnchea.) With
regard, however, to the measure now before the liouse, he would
say that it was a matter exceedingly.diflicult. aril one upon which
it Was almost impossible to form a judgment. It was in itself so
uncertain that it was quite unsafe to go upon as a ground for any
legislative measure. He should therefore strongly urge the House
not to vote for it. its uncertainty was so great, that it was impos-
sible they could see their w.y in it; but, as fee as they had that.
power, he believed the effects of it were likely to be most per-
nicious. (ilm, hear.)
After the Hon. Gentleman sat down, a pause entitled. but no
Member presenting himself to the House, the question was loudly
called for.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose to reply. His Lordship ad-
verted to the different arguments that had been urged against his
motion, and contended that there had not been anything advanced
which went at all to disprove the necessity of the measure he had
mooned.
Strangers were then ordered to withdrali, and the House divided.
The numbers were—
For the motion 123 I Amino it 24 t Majority 124.
THAMES IVATERM EN.
On our return to the gallery we foundUllr. Alderman WOOD
on his legs, moving for leave to bring in 'a Bill for the regulation
of the watermen on the river Thames. from Gravesend to Windsor ;
his sole object, he said, was to remove the restrictions which pre-
vented watermen from plying on Stindays He also wishe I to intro-
duce a claim, to oblige those who hitt% out boats to employ an
experierred waterman on board.
Air. PEEL, concurred in the general objects of the Bill ; but
there were some clauses in in_
which he thituglit drained to be
looked at with attention. 11'hen the Worthy Alderman wished to
allow ',mermen the liberty of plying on Sundays. he (Mr. Peel
Was quite ready to agree with him. The scruples which prevented
them were too severe : but he could not give hie ascent to other
clauses, which interfered with the important. interests of other
parties. He advised the postponement of the Bill for another
year.
Mr. M. A. TAYLOR advocated the general objects of the Bill,
and expressed his hope that the Worthy Alderman would give up
the latter part of it.
Mr. Secretary PEEL was not sure that his Hon. Friend had
understood him. With that part of the Bill which went to re-
move the restrictions from the Watermen he quite agteell ; hut the
Worthy Alderman proposed another clause, to prevent hired boats
from being navigated withouout a waterman, to which lie could
not give his assent.
Sir J. SERRIC.IIIT and Sir J. IVgovTE3LEY supported the
Bill.
Mr. ELLICE hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman would re-
lieve the otpression of the watermen, many of whom were lying in
Coltlbath-fields prison, from inability to pay the tines fur plying on
Sunday.
Mr. G. LAMB supported the Bill.
Mr. Alderman WOOD declared his readinees to alter the Bill
so as to meet the views of the Right lion. Gentleman.
Leave was then given.
111 ND EMEA NORS.
Mr. Secretary PEEL said lie had intimated his intention to post-
pone his Bill to consolidate the laws of larceny, in order that he
might beable so to enlarge its provisions as to include the mischievous
destruction of property. But a clause had been passed last Ses-
sion. relating to stealing in gardens and orchards, which he would
not leave in its present state. By that clause the offence of stealing
fruit in an orchard was made felony, and in terms so compre-
hensive as to include the offence of the school-boy. So harsh an
enactment did not protect property ; on the contrary, people chose
rather to connive at the offence than to bring the offender to punish-
ment. It appeared to him that a law ought to be made to give a
summary conviction, and to enable the Magistrate to punish by
fine or imprisonment, at his discretion. Such a law would afford
protection to property, if the House would agree to pass a short
Bill. Although he was unwilling to make a separate law while
contemplating a general Statute, he was disposed to bring in a Bill
to amend the law relating to stealing in orchards.
Mr. SYKES thought a naw Act unnecessary. Before the offence
had been made felony it was pirnieheble as a malicious trespass, in
the way which the Right lion. Gentleman thought advisable.
Mr. Secretary PEEL thought the Malicious Trespass Act in.
sufficient ; it did not punish the receiver of the goods ; it was in-
tended merely to protect property from intrusion, and imposed no
penalty beyond the damage done.
Leave was then given.
On the motion of Mr. Secretary PEEL, the second reading of
the Alien Registration Act was fixed for alonday next.
CRIMINAL CODE.

Mr. Secretary PAL moved to postpone till tomorrow the
reading of the Criminal Law Bill. He wished to make some
alterations, et the suggestion of his Hon. i.nd Learned Friend the
Member for Peterborough. The alteration did not appear to him
necessary, but lie wished not to provoke disputation on a subject
which ouubt to meet with general concurrence.
Mr. DENNIAN thought that the clause in the ormnt Bill
which required the indictment to follow the words of. the Act was
very objectionable.
Mr. SCARLETT said he believed no lawyer reqnlred to be
informed that a reasonable affinity to the context of a Statute was
sufficient to support an indictment. .
Postponed till tn.trofrow,
IRISH CHURCH RATES' BILL.

On the motion of N. the Report on this Bill was
brought up. and the amendments agreed to; and the Bill was then
read a second time.
Mr. GRATTAN then moved ■ clause to enable vestries to
assess die parishes for the relief of the aged and infirm.
Mr. J. SMITH deprecated the adoption of a system which would
afford only a temporary relief, and might lead to the introduction
of poor laws. Nothing lied been done, and nothing had been at-
tempted to be done, by Government for the relief of the poor Irish ;
the Commissioners of Inquiry had confined themselves to a few
liAsi.and a few recommendations on the state of the Irish peasant..
rWhen the influx of Irish labourers continued so much to reduce
the wages of labour in this country, the Gus ernment was called on,
in order to protect the working classes here, to mitigate the dis-
tresses of the Irish poor.
Mr. GOULBUBN objected to the motion, on the simple
grounds that even it it were right to introduce the Poor Laws into
Ireland, it was not right to intnaluce them obliquely in a clause
of five lines. They ought, previous to discussion, to be solely and
singly the object of discussion. The Honourable Gentleman should
look to the conduct of the Irish Government when distress pre-
Tailed in that country, and to the various useful works which they
had promoted, as well as to the improvement in the general ad.
ministration of the laws which affected the poor, and then it would
be seen how much Government had dcne for the country.
Whenever the subject of the Poor Laws should come substantially
and separately before the House, he would not shrink tiom de.
livering his opinions, but until they were introduced in some such
way, he could not enter upon the discussion of them.
Mr. V. FITZGERALD opposed the clause.
Mr. MONCK thought some provision ought to be made for the
poor of Ireland, and he wished to remind the House that such a
measure was new to that country. By the 11th and 12th of his
late Majesty a compulsory ptovision was made for the poor of Ire.
land. He thought the clause before the House moat mild in its
provisions, as it left the assessment to those who had to pay, and
who must be the beat judges of its necessity.
Mr. DAWSON oppaAed the clause, which was then negatived,
and the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be read a third
time this day (Friday.)
Mr. 1111G(IDElsi brought up the Report of the Charing-curls
Improvement Bill, which was ordered to be engrossed, and read a
third time this day (Friday).
Mr. TENNYSON moved the third reading of the Spring Guns
Bill.
Mr. CALVERT wished to have one of the clauses modified.
Sir G. CH ET W YND opposed the Bill; he thought the pre-
sent state of the law would answer better.
Mr. It. COLBORNE opposed the Bill.
Mr. Secretary PEEL said he was not generally unfavourable to
the Bill. It was quite necessary that protection should be afforded
to persons and children, who, from not being able to read the notice
of spring-guns being set, might become victims on that account.
At the same time he thought the clause which imposed the penalty
of manslaughter was too severe, Inasmuch as it affixed the punish.
ment of death to a crime—that of affixing a spring-gun which went
off and did bodily harm—to an imprisonment of three months. He
must also say that the Bill ;could have been more accep'able to him
if it had only gone to spring-guns placed for the protection of game.
Mr. W. HORTON said he would vote for the Bill if it was
limited for the period of one year, as it was intended to introduce
an Act next Session to legalise the sale of game, which, if carried.
would render the Bill under consideration unnecessary.
Mr. G. LAMB did not see the validity of the objections which
had been taken to the Bill; for himself he would say, that it had
his most hearty concurrence. The only objection that he could pos-
sibly imagine to it was, that it would prevent the shooting of some
persona by the guns they themselves had placed to shoot others.
Mr. GOHLBURN said that he should hereafter propose en
amendment, that instead of " in any
,place whatsoever," the words
" in woods, grounds, and open fields' should be introduced.
Mr. 7. SMITH supported the Bill.
Mr. C. W. WYNN said he should not oppose the third reed-
ing, if his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Goulburn) proposed his amend-
ment in the subsequent stage.
After a few words from Captain Gowpow, Mr. Evawe. and Mr.
J. P. (Isairr, the plltrida, cleared foe • division, 'ben there
appeared,
For the third reading - 24 Against it . 26
Maprity against the third reading 1
The Bill was consequently Inst.
The other Chiles of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at TWO O'CLOCI.

1 •