The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1807-02-05 00:00:00


investigations, I shall suppose, fir the sake of argu-
ment, that I accede to that propositam; and that it
Is possible, that the Noble• Lord may be able to
satisfy the House, that there is no ground for lw
adopting the measure I propose ; and that he shall
be able to satisfy the House, that the plaa alread,
pursued is sufficient few- the purpose intended ;
that therefore the coon or ought to be satisfied,
without any thing farther. If all this is to he ac-
ceded to, does it follow, that because the result of
a d: hate does not alter a measure, we must arquieace
in the proposition, that there is no nece-sty for in
quiring into its merits ? I submit, that in orJer
have this subjea discussed, the Papers should Ise
upon the Table; but this is to he refused to Mem-
bers of this House, until they snail show, that
measure they are to propose upon [isms, is such a,
can meet with the countenance, approbation. and
protection of Ministers. This is sayiag nothing
more nor le-s than this—that the want of the tits-
cu.sion is to preclude the Papers, and the want of
the Papers is to preclude the di.cussinn. (Hear
hum ! hear him ) Is thus the way, Sir, in which
this House is to be treated upon such an important
subject ? Is this the way in which our tights and
privieges as Members, are to be infringed ? I cer-
tainly should not be disposed to deny, that if this
Paper, or any other, can be stated to be one that
would be prejudicial I. the public service by its ex-
posure, the statement of that circum,tance to the
House, would be a sufficient ground for its rejection
Nay, I would even be willing to go this length, and
to say, that if there did not exist any probability of
good to be derived, it should not be a subjeuf of dis-
cussion at all, and that that would be a sufficient
ground for rejeCting any such application that may
be made. But the Noble Lord, and those'who ad
with him, seem to be so confident of their measures,
that they will not even permit the House to delibe-
rate upon them, or to tell them, that some measure
of more utility might be adopted. I certainly can•
not conceive why, in any view, the N)ble Lord
should decline the discussion. If the measure he
has pursued be a wise one, then it will the better
bear discussion and examination ; if prudently
adopted, it will then be seen, that prudence exists
in it. and that what they had in view was likely to
be attained. The Government of the country will
thereby gain reputation, and their conduit will ap-
pear satistatlory to the public. Butt, Sir, should it so
happen, that any other charader attaches to their
measures, that they are not perfesfly judicious, or not
Likely to attain the object intended, is it not proper
that they should give us the best made of reetifying it?
If, in the principles which their plan avows, it should
appear that there is a defeel, that it is a measure of
weakness and inefficiency, then I may conceive that
there may be a desire to shrink from the discussion
of it, and to prevent the consideration of it in the
most free and regular manner. We may fairly con-
sider, indeed, that there are no real nor substantial
grounds upon which my present motion can be re-
sisted. If it were stated that any serious conse-
quences were likely to ensste, it was the duty
of the Noble Lord to have shown so, and
then I should have had the means of knowing
whetlh r it was my parliamenury duty to bring
the matter forward upon this occasion; but
the manner in which he resists it, goes to
establish a principle, which, I think, can never
be acceded to. lie appears thus to adopt the very
mode to provoke that discussion, which, if dan-
gerous, he ought to have prevented. Although it
be impossible for me to conceive just reasons for
the Noble Lord resisting my proposition, yet
there are two, which, I believe, may be stated
as the true ones. It may, perhaps, be sesirable to
show to what extent the Noble Lord's power of
persuasion in this House can go, and how far he
can prevail upon the Members of it to submit their
faith and their consciences to his assertions, and

confide ill the declaration of what he says is wise
for them to do. If this be his objeft, 1 am sure
there could not be a more favourable opportunity
to make the experiment. He (Lord Howick) will
say to them, " I will show you to what manner you
are to follow me. (Hear Ana ! 4ear Atm !) Yon
have heard the satisfaCtory reasons which I hav:
always shown you, and I will now show you
the fertility of my genius, my understanding,
my argument, and my further cogent reasons ;
and point out to you the steps which I was
always desirous you should' follow. Our former
plans must be abandoned. and I will call upon you
now, upon the faith which you have always shown
me formerly, to tread back the steps which we have
always opposed together. But that change will not
at all impede your conviChon ; only have the dis-
cretion to follow the same standard you followed
formerly, and I shall be satisfied." If such, Sir,
be the nature of the Noble Lord's argument, the
present is curt sinly a proper opportunity to address
his followers in the stile I have Alluded to. There
is another reason for his opposition, and one which I
lament, as being a more dangerous one, because it
would lead to an abuse of authority, not for the pre-
sent time alone, but to continue for a length of time,
in a manner that ought not to be tolerated by Par-
liament. To establish, as a precedent, that people's
reasons and understandings must not be convinced,
and that they must be forced to adopt a proposition
which they cannot trust to a legitimate decision.
would Ise a principle, which would prove fatal in the
lung tun to those who :at upon it. This might be es-
tablishing a principle. which might art-rwards be ap-
plied dangerously, that we are to rejelt the produe-
ton of a patter, without inquiring into the nature of
its contents. In this case, let us contemplate what
would follow as to the consideration of negociations
for peace, or treaties of ally description, that may
be entered into, and in which, perhaps, the import-
ant interests of the country may be abandoned. lo
such Gases, arewe tohave nothing but genet al grounds
of conjeCture Are we ts be told. on all ore,' sioos, that
we cannot, or must not, state objeChons, as we Cations
produce papersor documents on wilich to foun-ltheast
Are we I 3 be refused redress, because we cannot at
first make out a case to satisfy the Hou -e Al to
the propriety of producing papers, whole that very
inability is necessarily ocoasioued by that very non-
prodation of documents Now, Sir, I pr, kg- that 1
wish the House would eerinusly relied before they
establish any precedent of this sort I know that the
Noble Lord ipposate told us the other day. that no-
thing like any taunt, proceeding Nom this side of the
Howse. would lead him to alter his line of conduct,
as to what must be done in other places. I tlo not

I, . ... I.'-... 1i...