The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-03-22 00:00:00

the establishment did not pay its own expense, but that could be
no reason for manumitting them. unless it could be shewn that their
manumission would telieve the country front the weight
of their support ; for surely they could not refuse to them
support if they were unable to provide it for themselves ;
for his van, he rather thought their manumissions would prove
a bounty to idleness; it would induce them not to work, but
rest solely on Government for support. *f he Right Honour-
, able Gentleman went on to say that however unsuccessful the
attempt hail beer, still the obiect in view aad the motive, were good
'in making the experiment. 'f he House must see the dangerous
consequoitees of any premature steps in so delicate an affair as the
present. The interests of every man having property in slaves was
intimately concerned, and therefore he deprecated any hasty steps,
at all events let time be afforded for a further trial.
M. PLO3I ER said a few words, which were inaudible in the
gallery.
Mr. W. SMITH denied that all the slaves, for whose support
the present demand was made, were all able to work, as a great
proportion of them were helpless children. The Honourable
Gentleman concluded by saying, that the clearest inference that
could be drawn from the whole matter respecting the Commissioners
was, that all who wished to have their property well managed
should go over and take care of it themselves.
Mr. W. HORTON deprecated the continual system of attack
made by the Honourable Member (Mr. Hume) in his department.
With regard to the manumission of the slaves, be thought no
measure more likely to endanger the West Indian interest than
letting loose the Government slaves.
Alter afew words from Mr. W. SMITH and Mr. HUME, in
explanation, the vote was agreed to.
The nextitern was the sum of 7.3811. is. 10t1. to J. W. Lush,
Esq. Chief Bailiff of the Tower of London, to defray the expenses
of his office for the year 1825.
Mr. HUME objected to it. There were, he contended, fees paid
to the officer more than equivalent to his trouble. These fees were
always, after the good old practice, doubled by every succeeding
officer. At present the fees received from persons going to see the
lions, as it was railed, exceeded 3,000/. or 4,00 W. a year. .
Mr. BERRIES said afew words in explanation, after which the'
rote was agreed to.
IRISH ESTIMATES.
Mr. GOULBURN moved an estimate, the exact nature of which
we did not understand.
Ale. HUME said there was one particular in it to which he
must object ; it was the salary to the Dublin Aldermen. (Hear.)
Ile saw no reason why the Aldernien of Dublin should be paid any
more than those of London. He begged the Right Honourable
Gentleman to postpone the item altogether to some future night, as
he was unwilling then to detain the House, and he felt it his duty
not to let the vote go uncanvassed.
Mr. GOU!aIURN replied, that the charge for the Aldermen
was in accordance with an Aet of Parliament.
Mr: HUME thought that no reason for not objecting to it, with
is view to an alteration in the plan.
The consideration of the vote was then postponed.
EXCHEQUER BILLS.
Oo the motion of Mr. BERRIES, a sum of 820,0001. was voted
to defray the interest on Exchequer Bills.
The House then resumed, and the Report was ordered to be
brought up on Wednesday nest.
COLONIAL TRADE.
The House resolved into a Committee of the whole House to
take into consideration the resolutions respecting colonial trade. and
for affording increased facilities to our commerce and navigation,
of which Mr. II USKISSON had given notice.—He proceeded to
say, that although the resolution which he intended proposing was
entirely in accordance with his Majesty's Speech from the Throne,
and although it was strictly in accordance with the expressed and
r:corded opinions of the House, in respect to the removal of those
restrictions on trade that bad subsisted for some length of time,
still he feared he must trespass on the indulgence of the House
while lie entered into the motives which produced the alteration of
system. When he considered the many and various interests af-
fected, and the alarms excited, when he looked to the predilections
and prejudices that were attached, then it was, he thought, reason
for going more at length into the question than otherwise would be
necessary—( II ear. )—I f the alteration which he should propose were
in opposition to the well-grounded opinion of the country—if he
did not feel that the opinion, as far as it went against the new
system, was erroneous, he certainly must pause before he brought
torssard the measure ; but that new system lately introduced was
not innovation, it was improvement—an improvement keeping
pace with changes now made necessary by the change in the cir-
cumstances of the country,--(hear, hear.)—and when these circum-
stances changed, it became the duty of a practical statesman so to
alter his policy as to keep pace with the changes of time and of
circumstances.—(Hear, hear.)—He was no &defame for innovation.
With this degree of qualification he, however, was an innovator—
it was when he had the sanction of new circumstances for the an.
plication of new measures.—(hear, hear.)—lie felt that the expe.
ritnce of every day proved the necessity for that departure from old
notions of trade ; still, however, there were :at interests at stake.
and it therefore behoved the House to weigh the matter before they
came to any resolution, or made up their minds upon it. The Right
Hon. Gentleman went on to say that originally he intended to
bring three propositions before the House that night. The fist
was respecting the Colonial Trade, with a view to the removal of
certain restrictions that bettered the Commerce of the ('olonies.
The second was relating to the prohibitory, duties on Foreign
Manufactures, and the duties on the Exportation of 'taw Manu-
facturing Materials. The third proposition which he intended to
submit, related to the Shipping Interest of the Country, and was
with a view to the adoption of certain nieasures for its improve-
ment. When, however, he looked narrowly into the details of the
several questions, and when he considered their importance, the
interests involved, and the opposition likely to be raised to some
of them, he felt it advisable to postpone the two last, and for
that night confine himself exclusively to the first. And he
would again entreat the patience of the House while he entered
at some length into the colonial policy of the country. This
was a most important branch of commerce; it was most fn.
portant and, interesting too to those who looked at the long-
established rules that strictly interdicted all interference with co.
lonics except to the Mother Country, that upheld such a monopoly
and prevented all others from either serving or being served by
them. Indeed, the only light in which colonies appeared was what
might possibly be extracted from them, without the least regard to
a reciprocity of advantage. If the House wanted an illustrauon of
such a system, let them look to Spain, the country that carried it
to the greatest lengths, and was Of he might use the expression)
the most exclusive of all others. (Hear.) And yet, perhaps, if
other countries were narroaly observed, they would not appear
much less jealous. Every country more or less cherished the Idea
that all the rest of the world should be shut out from their respec-
tive colonies. So universally did the system prevail, that it actu-
ally became a part of the international law ; and Prize Courts. in
accordance with the principle, had not unfrequently decided that
neutral vessels conveying the produce of Colonies even to the
Mother Country, were legitimate prizes to the vessels of that
very country. Had no changes taken place in the colonies of
Europe within the last few years to make departure from such a
course necessary ? What, was there nothing in the state of Brazil ?
What was the present situation of Sr. Domingo? And, if a
greater example were required, the House had it in the great Con-
sular and Continental State of South America. He a suld pass
from these countries forming colonies, and would ask the House
what must be the result of a consideration of those it still re- ,
tained—the extensive island of Cuba, for instance, and Porto '
Rico ? It was a matter of serious importance to weigh well the in-
fluence these changes must have on their own colonies What,
could it be possible that any one would say that there was not a suf.
ficient case made out ; or, that in the midst of so many changes
this country should make no corresponding one ? Ile thought Eng-
land, as well from a regard to her own interests, as from a feeling
of partiality to her colonies, should generously reciprocate the
blessings of commerce; and he asked, where was the man who
could deny that such a course would not be beneficial to themselves,
as well as to the colonists? He was sure the House would sec the im.
policy of going on further in the old course, and of continuing and,
as it were, perpetuating& system of monopoly so totally in opposition
to every principle of freedom of trade. Such a system of policy
must eventually weaken the attachment of the colonies to the Mo.
they Country, a circumstance which no man in his aenses could call
practically sate or politically wise. (Hear, hear.) Ile entreated
the House to turn its attention to the revolutions that had taken
place within the last so years in that expanse of country between
the St. Lawrence and Cape Horn ; and he called on them to I
adopt such measures as would meet the changes that were occurring.
It was necessary to pursue some course with reference to the coma.
nental and insular commerce and navigation of this country as
would enable it to meet the growing commerce and navigation of
other countries, and particularly of America ; and it became those
who had the charge of the commerce of this country, to weigh well
and consider the best means of ensuring that object. With respect to
the subserviency in which colonies were kept, he believed he might
safely say, no country exhibited greater perseverance on the one
hard, and relaxation on the other. To show how groundless were
the apprehensions entertained of the ill effects of the contemplated
measures, he would beg to refer the House to the state of Ireland.
That country, until the year 1780, was held in the character of a
colonial dependency. Only forty ears ago it was proposed to give
her a direct trade to the West Indian Colonies; it was proposed !
also to allow her to export glass to foreign countries; yet the I
Ilouse would perhaps recollect how great was the opposition given
to these proposals: it was declared that she had already received '
sufficient boors; that if more were granted its effect would be to
make her ask more, and that eventually she would eat up the con-
coerce of England ; but that, in tine, if it were not impossible to !
satisfy her, she would be then perfectly so, and ask no more conces- 1
sions. What did the House think England, in the fullness of her
liberality, granted to that country ? he would tell them:
England was at that time at war with America. and privilege
was given to the Irish to export butter and beef to the Colonies.
That was certainly great liberality, but it did not stop there. Ire-
land sent troops to fight for England to America. and in return she
was allowed to export as much of her manufactures as would
clothe her own soldiers. and provisions enough to support as many .
eoldicrs as She had in her owu pay. (laughter, and cries of "Hear,
(tear.") At that time there were petition,' from various parts of
England, and it would be worth while to look into them, to see
how far their predictions were accomilislicd. One of them was
from Glasgow; it prayed that no concessions, either for the
present or for tie future, be mails to Ireland ; that any con-
cessions must materially affect not only the interests of Great
Britain but also those of Glasgow. (A laugh.) Above all
he deprecatul granting to Ireland any the slightest interference
with the sugar trade of the West Indies, to which the afore-
said port of Glasgow, as appeared from the petition, claimed
an hereditary right. (Laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman pro.
ceeded to say that a similar petition was forwarded from Manchester.
The third petition 1113 from Liverpoi, a town which, had bat then

THE BRITISH PRESS.

lately risen to a State of prosperity and commercial opulence, and
it was represented in that petition, that if those proposals were
adopted that town and port would be reduced very speedily to its
original insignificance. 1t was not very surprising, therefore, that
with these statements, so earnestly made in this House by such
!exile.; of mercantile anti commercial men, it became impossible to
sustain at that time those proposals for benefiting the trade of Ire.
land. In the year 1779, after the defeat of these first proposals, a
very limited proposal was made, it being confined merely to that of
allowing Ireland to purchase sugar for her own consumption from
the West India Colonies ; but that also VMS rejected. Soon after,
however, circumstances occurred which made a different policy ne-
cessary. At the end of the year 1779 the American war broke oute
and then very State necessity made it necessary for the Government
to yield to that opposition which under other circumstances it would
not have done. (Hear, hear.) In consequence therefore of this
event, these oppressive restrictions continued up to the period when
that Act was repealed. He would not go through all the details of
what had been done towards effecting the melioration of our policy
towards Ireland ; it would be sufficient to say that we had gone on
from time to time removing one restriction and then another. Pre-
judice by degrees had given way, until about two years ago we
had been enabled to remove every obstacle to what might be called
the Union Trade, and that, proceeding in the same course, we had
now ultimately:established what might be emominated a free coast-
ing trade for that country. (lieu, hear.) He had now taken a
. •
cursory view of those principles which had been acted upon towards
Ireland, and he would ask any •Honourable Member in this House,
or any person who had at all observed the effects of the mime thus
pursued, whether any of those dangerous tesults which had been so
tearfully progoosticated had happersed.either to the shipping,the ma- .
nufacturirsg, the agricultural, or auy other interest of this country ?
He would ask whether, after all that had been granted to Ireland,
Fengland had at all suffered ? nay, whethee after every concession
that had been made, England had not whaled in the advantages as
well as Ireland herself ? He would address himself to that town
which he was proud of having the honour to represent—a town
which in its rise had exemplified in their fullest extent the great
benefits resulting from a system, of unrestricted commerce—he
would ask his constituents whether any circumstance had contri-
buted more to that resuh, or had aseissedinore to the growth of
that port, than thine concessions? He would ask whether it was
nut owing to this very trade with Ireland tint that very port, the
ruin of which was pretended to be seen in the dawn of these mea•
sures, had attained its present greatness? (leitle hear, hear.) He
flared he was entering at too great a length into these matters (hear,
hear); but he felt himself labouring under very great disadvantage
when attempting to exemplify the benefice resulting from the
principles of free trade, by the state of Ireland ; forest tic time this
policy was adopted towards that country, and since, there base been
niany circumstances calculated to retard the great benefits which
would otherwise have resulted to th it kingdom—the civil discord
which unhappily existed in that country—the late protracted war,
that bad so deeply involved this country and the whole of Europe
in things uncongenial to the repose of commercial-pursuits—all
these circumstances have tended to lessen the good which would
have otherwise been felt by (inland from a system of free trade ;
and yet under all these disadvantages it hail derived a most material
benefit, and without those measures must have remained in a state
of extreme distress. He would now turn from Ireland, and look
at those provinces which not more than forty years ago turned part
of the colonial territories of this country. He would refrain en.
tering upon the circumstances which led to the separation of those
parts from the Mother Country. He was sure a relation of them
would not reml any teeing either of glory or of pride. But
although these circumstances might kad to reflections not irrele-
vant to the colonial question, yet apart from that he would ask this
Committee whether there were any Gentleman who really thought
that that separation had been attended with any disadvantage to
apr internee ? If there were Gentlemen who considered the people
or this country to have been sufferer from that event, he would
ask them to reflect on the importances of preserving those colonies
whose commerce formed part of our own, whose marine formed
part of our own, and whose people were an integral part of this
country. He would ask whether it was not proper to endeavour to
give them the benefit of a free trade, and to increase their
strength by uniting them in one common interest, and retaining&
firm connexion between them and the British Crown ? Seeing
then in what a united state we now were in point of navigation
and commerce; looking at the interests of the other colonies be-
longing to this Empire ; looking to the commerce which ere long
must show iself on the seas by those newly created States whose
independence we have recogeized ; and looking to the interests of
England,as a maritime a andcommercial power,he trusted he should
not be considered as harbouring any feeling unfriendly to other
States if he were to consider by what fair means the protection of
that navigation and the increase of that commerce might be effected
and secured from other countries. From all that he had observed,
and from all the experience which he had liad,he had come to this
conclusion, that a systein of exclusion and monopoly tended to im-
pede and cramp the prosperity of the colony ; and he considered
it to he a legitimateinference from that principle,that any thing that
tended to the prejudice of the colony must be prejudicial to the Pa-
rent State; for that which improved the colony was advan.
tageous to the Parent State. Begging of the Committee to bear in
mind the general inference which he had felt himself bound to
draw from the premises before hint, lie would now proceed to state
what was our present system with regard to those colonies,
and how much further lie wished the Committee to go. By tits
Acts of the 3cl and 4th of his present Majesty, we had admitted
the United States to trade with oar colonies with only one or two
restrictions, namely, that the article of commerce should be the
production of the country so trading, and the ships national ships.
Ily these Acts the intercourse was limited between those countries.
By another Act we have admittid a direct intercourse between the
colonies and the whole continent of Europe, without any other re.
erection or limitation except that of carrying on the trade in British
shipping; but at the same time it would be seen not confining the
trade to this country. The House would perceive, that in point of
fact, when he conceded to America the trade with our colonies,
it was with the United States, because the other States of America
had no shipping; well it might have thought, therefore, that this
would have beets received by them as an indulgence ; for they had
offered os nothing in return ; no reciprocity of interest was at all
made the basis of these concession? ; it was therefore with no little
surprise that after this indulgence we found the United States pass
a law that the shipping of British merchants trading with the
United States should be subject to certain impositions and
restrictions, until this country should concede to their shin-
ling a like freedom to our colonies, or any ether country. These
atter words were particularly remarkable, applying, as they
did, to every part of the world except this kingdom. This was
really putting the matter upon a principle that had never been acted
upon by any country before—that of saying that this country had
no right to say that our own ships should trade with our colonies
in preference to those of other nations. When the information of
these enactments on the part of the American Congress reached
this country, we had but one of two courses to take--either
to forbid the intercourse of the United States with our colonies
altogether, or by laying like duties upon American shipping
going into those colonies. But wishing to take the moat mode-
rate course, and understanding that the United States had a
desire to effect a negociatiun, it was determined to propose a
more comprehensive measure, and such as he was going to
submit to the Committee. If the result should be that we placed
the United States upon the same principles as all other coun-
tries, and gave them the like privileges with the rest of the
world, they could not have any reasonable ground of complaint;
and if after all they would not consent to this equitable
arrangement he then thought and hoped that the West India Co-
lonies would be able to do very well without their trade; a cir-
cumstance however, which he should be very sorry to see resorted
to. But he hoped he might be allowed to ask this question. that,
when America adopted this course,thinking perhaps that we could
not avoid acquiescing in their curer's:ant and unreasonable request,
lie would ask whether we were justified in holding front other
Powers these privileges we had so freely granted to the United
States ? Were we more jealous of the ships. of Europe trading
with our colonies than with theirs? Were we more jealous of those
of Sweden, Hamburgh, et any other ship.' of Germany, than of the
ships of America: lie thought not. He thought that, looking at
the interests of the colonies, and also of this country, we ought to
encourage the intercourse between the pons of hurope and the
West Indies ; and that we had as good • claim upon the trade of
Europe as any part of the world whatever. lie should therefiire
think there could be no objection to grant to their shipping the
benefits of trade, with those colonies at least, to the same latitude as
to other countries. But he owned it was his opinion we ought to go
further. Ile was prepared to state that in his judgment we ought
to establish the trade of the MIMICS with the different parts of
Etirope upon the sante footing as was now carried on with Guernsey
and Jersey, subject to certain prohibitions suggested by the nature
of things; such as fire arms to case of war, and also as to certain
staple commodities of the colonies. Subject to these prohibitions,
lie thought we ought to admit free shipping with all our colonies to'
all Europe under the same regulations as had been required from
the United States; namely, that the cargo should belong entirely
to the country carrying on the commerce, and that the ship should
be a national ship. The result of adopting this course would be
this; that retaining to ourselves all the commerce between colony
and colony, which would, in short, be reserving what might
he called the coasting trade, which was the coarse he believed
adopted by all other countries in regard to their colonies, we should
be giving a right of free intercourse between idiom colonies and the
rest of the world. Of (mum it would be necessary, in order to
cant this, greatly to enlarge the list of articles to lie subject to
ditties and to increase the duty on others. It would he necessary
to impale certain moderate protecting duties on those articles which
formed the staple of the different colonies, as it would be obvious
that by allowing a free trade with the colonies, many articles wonld
be brought that were the produce of those colonies, and therefore
it would be prudent to protect such. There were some which now
paid at the rate of seven and eight per cent. ad valorem ; he should'
propose to extend those duties to twenty, and some to thirty per
cent. The imposition of these duties, ItoWever, in their detail,
must depend upon the local legislature. The most that we
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the warehousing system, as at present so usefully acted upon in this
country, by allowing goods from all parts of the world to be de-
posited, so that they might at any time be retorted to for supply in
case of need, add also for the convenience of commerce with other
nations, lie apprehended this wualel be found very beneficial to
Spanish America, where it might be expected a good market would
be lotted. It .vtis therefore desirahle that there should be certain