The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1826-05-20 00:00:00

lion of its actual value, the dollar was made to circulate for moss
than it had done before. These practice's were n
he
ter system. lint enormoua injustice would have been d
convenient, and Government had determined to substoiii
dollar done
British currency been introduced at once, and the rim
between man
away with. It would have disturbed all the transactions
and man. (Hear.) The principle adopted was to make the coin as
nearas possible to the real value of the paper issue for which it was
to be substituted. Had any other principle been acted upon, it
nt7uetehaadhtet.
would have produced ruin to the colony. The Government, he
repated, had pursued a most biters' policy towards the colonists.
the outstanding debt amountedllS.loo.ooo rla dollars, and 1,870,0110
had been lent out in the colony, in paper issue. Now if the Go-
vernment was avaricious, they would have called In the debts, and
had them paid in dollars of the value of 45., and paid off the re-
mainder of the debt with the surplus; but Instead of this they would
receive the debts in a deprecia,ed currency. Had Government put.
sued the first course, the colony would have been ruined at one
blow. (Hear.)
Mr. BARING observed, that what had fallen from the Hon.
Gentleman opposite convinced him that he (Mr. W. Horton) had
not gone into this subject with his usual care and attention. With
much of what the lion. Gentleman had said he (Mr. Baring) per.
fectly agreed; but it appeared to him that the Hun. Gentleman did
not see the essential points of this case. Unless an equitable ad.
justtnent were made between debtor and creditor, according to the
value of the rix-dollar when the debt was incurred, it was obvious
that some injustice must be done either to the one party or to the
other. It was the object of the petitioner that such an arrangement
of all contracts existing at the time when the alterations were in.
troduced by Government in the currency should be made. But as
he sheuld be prevented from doing any thing upon the subject
during the present Session of Parliament, he had only to ask from
the Hon. Gentleman that nothing definitively might be done with
respect to the Cape of Good Hope, till an opportunity had been
edited/at for a full inquiry to be entered upon.
After a few,words from Mr. William Smith, Mr. H. Gurney,
and 31r. Herries, the petition was read and ordered to be printed.
DISTRI ts'SED MANUFACTURERS.
Lord MILTON rose for the purpose of asking a question of his
Majesty's Government, which he took the present opportunity of
doing, seeing that the Secretary of State for f oreign Affitirs was in
his places He had applied to the Right Hon. Gentleman two or
three days ago, on the subject of the expected motion of the Hon.
Member for Coventry (Mr. I'. Moore), who was not now In the
House, and who, there was reason to believe, would not per-
severe in bringing forward his motion. The Right Hon. Geode-
man would recollect that on that occasion he (Lord Milton) de-
clared it to be his opinion thatthe complaints from the manufactu-
ring parts of the country were of a general nature, and of such a
nature as would have justified the Interference of Parliament on
their behalf. As it was nut likely his Hon. Friend (Mr. P.Moore)
would make the motion of which he had given notice, that a Par.
liamentary grant should be made for the relief of the distressed
districts, he (Lord Milton) thought it desirable that the House
should not separate without inquiring what opinion his Majesty's
Ministers would have entertained on that subject, if It had been
possible to have brought it under the consideration of the House.
Mr. Secretary CANNING rose to answer the question of the No-
ble Lord, but from the very low tone of voice in which the Rt. Hon.
Gentleman spoke, many of his observations were inaudible In the
gallery. We understood the Right Hon. Gentleman to say that he
had no objection, on the former occasion, to answer the question of
the Noble Lord, but he s as sure that on one of such a nature, and
upon which, within twenty-four hours, be might be again called
upon to state the decision of Government, on the motion of the
Hon. Member for Coventry, it could not be required of him to
have done so. Hs was very far from meaning to say that there
were no passible circumstances, or that no possible case could arise,
in which it might be expedient for Parliament, under the pressure
of an overruling necessity, to interfere directly by granting pecuniary
relief to a case of local distress; but, en the other hand, it must be
a case of very overruling necessity indeed (hear, hear, hear), and
one for which ano more legitimate provision could be made, and
to alleviate which all the efforts of the people, and every other aid,
had failed. It must be a case, too, where the prospect was that the
evil was likely rather to increase than to diminish, that could
justify a departure from that principle which prohibited any in-
terference of Parliament to provide relief for the distress of a partial
and local description. He trusted that the nature of the present
distresses in the manufacturing districts did not belong to that class
which constituted such a case u lit had just stated. No one could
be insensible to the present situation of those districts ; undoubt-
edly the distress which prevailed there was very great, and he be-
lieved had been borne by the people with a most exemplary pa.
tience and forbearance. (Hear. hear.) That consideration alone
naturally raised in every body's mind a most anxious desire to con-
tribute to their assistance, and that even at the expense of a
general principle of policy, if no other means existed. But
it was perfectly true and notorious, that private charity had
flowed in a stream that showed its source to be so copious, that in.
stead of supposing it to be near exhaustion, to him it appeared
that it had only yet began to tiow. Many gentlemen present must
know, as he himself knew in his own private circle, that in several
instances, the charity of the benevolent was restrained at the present
moment only by the uncertainty of Parliament being called upon
by his Majesty's Government to interfere for the relief of the
maattflacturing districts. After the fullest consideration of all
the different and conflicting view* which had been taken on the
subject, he was now able to declare that It was not the intention '
of Government to propose to Parliament soy such grant. He was
convinced that the grant, if made, would have the immediate effect
of stopping that resource which flowed through the channels of
private charity. Betides, he 'was warranted at this moment to
say, that by the accounts from all parts of the distressed districts
things had begun to assume a more cheering and favourable
prospect. But sure he was, that whatever were the distresses that
still prevailed, the source of private charity was equal to their tale-
viation, through the exertions of Mate persons who laudably made
it their business to apply themselves to the consideration of cases
requiring relief, and to the distribution of that relief. Amounts
from those persons said that there was every reason to hope that
the worst had been experienced, and that there began to be a fa.
vourable turn; not, however, so favourable as to justify the with.
holding of private relict—(Hear, hear)—but sufficient to negative'
the existence of an overruling necessity for Parliament to sin
against all established principles, and to incur the excessive incon-
veniences on future occasions, which were better to be Imagined
than described, by originating a precedent that would be holding
out a prospect of relief in future cases of distress, which might be
so extensive and of such a nature, as to make It wholly out of the
power of Parliament to confer. lie begged to assure the Noble
Lord that there was ever as much of compassion as of a desire to
act consistently with the soundest principles of the Constitution in
the deliberations of Government, in coming to a decision on sub-
jects like the present; but he was persuaded, most conscientiously,
that the decision they had come to was a right one, and lie only
stunted that the House, whatever might be their °pint m as to the
correctness of that decision. would believe that insensibility
formed no part of his Majeaty's Government. ((Ayers.)
_ ABOLI_TION OF SLAVERY.

Lord A. HAMILTON presented a petition from Glasgow and
its neighbourhood, which was signed by upwards of 28,000 per.
sons, praying for the abolition of slavery in the colonies.
His Lordkliip also presented a similar petition from the parish of
Hecopsm, in the county of Stirling.
Mr. BLAIR said he had received a letter from a most respect.
able individual of the city of Glasgow, saying that a petitiou had
been got up a fortnight ago in that city, professing to be signed by
38,000 persona, but which he declared was a complete job got up
Methodists and Dissenters; that the Clergymen of the Established
Church had nothing to do with it, and that ninety-nine signatures
out of a hundred were those of school-boys, colliers, and low opera-
tives without property.
Lord A. HAMILTON wished to know upon what authority the
Hon. Gentleman spoke; for he (Lord A. A. Hamilton), had re-
ceived a letter stating exactly the reverse to be thecae. (Laughter.)
His letter was from Mr. Thomas Adatnson, who 11a one of the
Anti-Slavery Society. (Laughter.)
Mr. BLAIR bad no objection to tell the name of the writer of
the letter in his possession. It was signed Charles S. Parker, who
he understood from the Hon. Member for Glasgow was a moat re.
spec able inhabitant of that city.
Mr. A. CAMPBELL said he had been Informed that school
boys had been repeated to sign the petition, and that they had ac-
tually written their names five or six times, which was a statement
he believed to be true. (Laughter.)
Mr. HUME observed that such charges as these were usual. But
he also had a letter from Glasgow', from a gentleman who he was
bound in fairness to state had an interest in the West India Co-
lonies, who represented the petition to have been signed by persons
voluntarily, and that no improper means had been resorted to to ob-
tain signatorts.
Mr. BROUGHAM never remembered a ease In which the pub.
lie feeling wet greatly and generally excited, and In which peti-
tions poured in on every side, but that charges of this description
were constantly made. Suppose, however, that school-boys had
signed this petition, it surely was not meant to be inferred that they
bore auy proportion to the thirty-eight thousand signatures.
Mr. T. WILSON alluded to the placard that represented a ne-
gro in chains, and said that the manner in which these petitions
were in general got up was by such improper appeals to the feel.
logs of the people as did great discredit to a good cause.
The petition was then read, and ordered to be laid on the table.
Lord STANLEY presented a similar petition from Manchester.
The petitioners also alluded to the difference of duty on the sugar
produced by free labour and by slaves, and hoped these fiscal rela-
tions would engage theattentiun of the House.
Mr. PHILLIPS bore testimony to the respectability of the per-
sons who had been active In getting up this petition.
Mr. WARRE asked the Honourable Secretary for the Colonies,
whether Government waaln possession of such a representation as
enabled it to say whether the free black would not produce more by
his labour than the slave ?

Mr. W: HOR fON said, Government had not received any in.
formation that would justify him in saying that the black free man
would work for wages.
The petition was then laid on the table.
Mr. BROUGHAM held in his hand a petition on the same
subject from a town in the county of Westmorland, the signatures
to which would illustrate the fact which the Hon. Member opposite
had stated respecting the great influence of sectaries in getting up
the petitions; for the first name that occurred was that of the Vicar
of the parish, and soon after came the name of the Rector of the
neighbouring parish. He had also a petition from another place—
Balked', which was a further illustration of sectarian influence ;
for in that there were the signatures of two clergymen of the Church
of England; and among the others was the name of one not at all
given tosectsrian habits.
Mr. T. WILSON—I never alluded to all this. (Order, order.)
Mr. BROUGHAM—But the Honourable Member for the city
of London will please to remember that there are oae or two other