The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1803-05-24 00:00:00

riff to
oired
before
Holland
conquest

stele
reign
out of
this et aor,
would .as House ivhettier ' Vgregati
of ace'. .itions by France be not „.ficient groilnd
for not executing the treaty of Amiens ? I come
row to the second point, whether the tenth
article respecting Malta can be carried into
tied, according to the letter and spirit of its pro-
visions. (Here the Noble Lord detaikd the ar-
ticle, after which lie proceeded as follows).—Now
how due' the case stand?? Several of the /aariee
have been abolished, and the Pope is to nominate
the Grand Master. In times of old, when Popes
made and erred Kings, when they deposed Princes
and absolved subjeds from their allegiance, in such
times a Grand Master, nominated by a Pope, .night
be entitled to some resped and attention. Pin %Who
is the present !lope ? I'he creature of the infallible
Bonaparte, not a Pape who could depose him from
his throne, but one who holds his authority at the
First Consul's will and pleasure. Is he then a
Pope, under whose care we should place Malta ?
From the moment the infallible Consul of France
should think fit to excommunicate such a Pope,
there would be an end of the power and glory of
his Holiness. The monkish history does not ley
within the line of my profession, my attention has
been lately called to it by the ioint in question, and
I have happened to discover, i at, in monkish histo.
iy, there is not so sore and to der a point as the in-
terterence of a Pope with the Knights of Malta :
the noniination of the Order, as Grand Master, of
the name of Valuta had ffended the Knights,
who sumennaed him before them to answer for the
Offence. He refused to appear, and the Knights Jr-
posed him, and appointed another in his place.
Upon this, Villeret appealed to the Pope ; bat, al-
thoush every species of intrigue, influence, and cor-
ruption was used, his Holiness could not procure the
rein stetement of Valuta until after the death of
the Grand Master Appointed by the Knights upon
his deposition. It is also .t pert of the con-
stitua n (.f the Order recognized by the treaty,
thit the sevaal commanders shall support them-
seheisoind jointly conti iOute wale maintenance of the
Paler ; but only a few now remain. and of that
Few, their revenues are not sufficient to afford them
a I uncheoli, much less to support the Order in a state
of iedepenaence. Iron) thence it will be seen, how
far ie. loth article of the Treaty of Amiens be
predicable. Now, my Lords, we are conic to the
third point ; I me= an avowal of hostility on the
part of France. What has, I ask, been the avowed
°Neel of the First Consul. respelling Malta and
Egypt! In his insolent candour. in sincere impu-
dence, he avows his intention to seiee Egypt sooner
or later, that is, the first opportunity. In corrobo-
ration of this avowal, neat comes the report of Co.
lonel debastieni, the Commercial Agent. M. Tal-
leyrend, in a conversation with Lord Whitworth,
declares that Sebastiani's visit was for a commercial
purpose. But how does this commercial Consul
proceed in his course of commercial rivalry ? He
views the fortresses of the country, and he endea-
vours to excite the natives to rebellion. Such is the
agent of Bonaparte, who calls for the execution of
the Treaty of Amiens • a treaty which guarantees
the independence of the lanian islands, and the in-
tegrity of Turkey ; both of which, in his tour, he
endeavoured to violate. These are the grounds of
aggression upon which I would not deliver up
}Latta ; but are they the only grounds ? No, he
began with desiring us to send certain persons out of
the kingdom, to put down the liberty of the press,
to alter our laws and constitution, and he has
ended by insulting oar Ambassador. This is the
precise course which the Government of France took
with respell to Naples. These demands complied
with, the next step would be to require olos to ab-
stain from any coersive measure against such of his
ii../ajesty's subjects as should declare themselves
partial to the present order of things in France. We
aiould then have Napper Tandy ease of the French
Commercial Agents iii, one of our ports, and Arthur
O'Connor would be the Commercial Pro-Consul in
the city of Landon. We are to put down the liberty
of the.press, but the First Consul is to be at liberty
eel publish a libel in a Foreign Gazette against this
country. Upon this it is to be observed, M. Talley-
rand does not say that M. Rheinhard was not au-
thorized to insert the libel alluded to in the Hew
lurk& Correrp edevos. lie only says to Lord Whit-
worth, that the First Consul was surprized on
being informed of the subject, meaning thereby his
.surprize at the clumsy manner in which Itheinhard
had executed the order, hut by no means disavowing
that he received instruetions for that purpose.—
I trust this country will exert itself, and over-
throw the many headed hydra of French usurpa-
tion, ambition, and incroachment. Ad with that
spirit which becomes you, and you will lay this
monster at your feet. Teach the nations around
you, that ii they have the spirit to defend their
rights, dignity. and independence, this country
will support Weal j but if they will not exert that
spirit, tins country has within itself the power to
repel the aggressions of the French Gus-cement,
and the time must come when Bonaparte will wish
to blot from his memory the idle threats with which
he has insulted anglaasi, and when be will dread
the just indignetioa of offended Englishmen.—
Upon a full review of all the circumstances which
have led to the renewal of the war with France, I
have only to add, that I never gave any apinion or
vote with so much seuefeetion as for the address to
his Majesty.
Lead MELVILLE.--" My Lords, every thing
I Mains to have :sic) has been so completely antics
'rated by the Noble bad who has just sat do -
that I thall have occasion to trouble your L
ships but for a very short time. I rise only to e
press my own sense of the question upon which tilt
war with France has been renewed. Nobody hes
, railed in question the propriety of this country pre-
serving the independence of Malta. Nobody is dis-
r- - to contend there can be any doubt, under all
E
.•
' circumstance, Telenet to this country and France,
• the 10th article of she Treati of
d
Amiens is in-
--capable
--tapable of being carried kites execution. ibis I
eikauta have thought it Daceapiry to have proved, if
a Way Noble Lord had thought proper to have called
7.-"; haft point in question. The Treaty of Amiens, with
-Meal 1,0 the /Oa article, was incapable of lee'
.

_ • •

~i • .

—.scut:ed. and the. *otidtta if the French tiat:on
hes revealed aisy adequate substitute for . it.
Witlexesped to the guarantee ortipain, or the gua-
untied' Pittisia, wheat reliance tan 'be placed on
r ; and as to rhos guarantee of what is it ?
a the guarantee of France against :0 encroach-
of tnuece. The only possible guarantee
have been the united efforts of Great Britain
Bonaparte. I believe the jerkiest alliance be-
this Country and Russia is for the mutual be-
nefit of bath. I am convinced the best thing that
can happen for Russia is, that Malta should be in
possession of Great Britain, because it is the only
country in the world which is in possession of a su-
periority of naval force. It is therefore the only safe
custody under which that island can be placed. It we,
merely for this purproe I wished t 3 say a re* words.
On perusing the papers my chief difficulty was to
relieve my mind from those prejedices I hal enter-
tained. I never can forget the melancholy hmirs
felt, when, upon reading, the definitive treaty, I
found that there was a question of giving up
Malta. I conceive that our possessions in the East
Indies depend on the possession of Melta.—lt was
by the means of Malta that Bonaparte was enable.:
to accomplish that gigantic enterprize which gained
France the posseesioli of Et:yet. It was b.- gaining
the island of Malta that Great Britain recovered
possession of Egypt. It is iineossible that any great
or gigantic en7eriniee cal ba conducted ageies.
Egypt, while Bait is:lai is in the hands of Great
Britain. Whim I Inn!: to our possessions in the
East Indies, when I look at the island of Malta, as
a great tower in the Medi:err:in:ail, where it can
display itself, and hold out protection to the Medi-
terranean, the Adriatic, and the Levant ; when I
consider the present situation of this country, the
comedian it has with Egypt, and when 1 con-
sider the general interests of Europe, I cannot
but congratulate your Lordships and the country,
that there is an end of that part of the Treaty of
Amiens, which, if it emitl have been executed,
would have rendered it impossible for this country
ever after to have rendered any assistance to Malta.
If we are now going to war, and it is avowed the
object of the war is Malta, I wish to speak my sen-
timents on the subjed. I hope we shall hear of the
Island of St. John of Jerusalem being governed by
no other but a British garrison. 1)o not let the
country think we arc going to fight for a small oh-
kit when the question is, Whether Malta is to he
kept possession of by Great Britain, or is to be given
to the French ? It. is a question on which all that
is dear to us exists ; it is every way worthy of ani-
mating a great country. It is a question that ought
to go to the country team paired ; wars mutilated,
but stan.:iiiet thi tn. :no.td b isis t,f the right of this
country to keep Teirriscreeh I congratulate
your Lordship t 'eat the:'e is an end of the subject, ex-
cept as to keeping Ma:ta as a British possession, and
that there is an end of the Knights of Malta. What
was the situation they were in at the time a British
force first landed at Malta? The Knights of the
Order of ht. John of Jerusalem could not be restored
without the greatest injury to the inhabitants of
Malta; they were considered as a degraded Order
who had sold themselves to the enemy. I believe,
of the two evils, the people of Malta would rather
be given up to the French Government itself than
to the Knights of St. John. When we came to
Malta the Maltese were blockading the French in
that garrison, which had been given up to them by
the Knights of St. John. Under these circumstances
it would be a matter of deep regret to them aid us,
if the Knights of the Order ofJerusalem were to be
restored. There is an end of the question ; there is
no existence of the Order; no right. no interest,
therefore, to prevent Great Britain from asserting
its own right to retain Malta, and give to the Mal-
tese that Government most palatable to them—a
British Government. Let us settle the situation of
the Maltese ourselves. There are no persons in-
terested in the fate of the Maltese but ourselves.
We are the only persons interested in settling the
Government. Let us then do it now, that in case
any question should. arise in future we may say
its Government is settled, and that our protec-
tion is pledged for its support. My reason only for
rising is, that I may be expressly understood with
regard to my apprehension of what is the ostensible
°teed of the war. It is for retaining Maita for ever
in perpetuity. that it may be garrisoned by a British
garrison. If we vote an Address to his Majesty,
let it be known that we do it under the idea that we
are going to war for the sake of' Malta, and in or-
der to establish its Government on such a founda-
tion as will enable it to afford proteetion to the Me-
diterranean, the Levant, and the Adriatic. 1 repeat
that there is no protection for Malta, but Great Bri-
tain, because she alone possesses a naval Corte. No
other country, unless it had a naval force superior
to that of France, could be adequate to giving pro-
, ten ion to Malta.
The Duke of RICHMOND spoke in favour or
the Address. His Grace delivered himself in so
low a tone of voice, we could not distinctly hear his
observations.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN, after a few
observations on the subjed of the freedom of the
press. which he declared in many instances was
carried to a degree bordering on licentiousness in
this country, said, he should confine his observations
principally to the points which were most prominent
in the Declaration of War. With regard to the
introduetion of Trench troops into Holland, it was
nut so much our right to interfere ; there were other
powers more materially interested : for instance,
Austria and Prussia had also a right to interfere,
and so had Russia ; for any arrangements on the
Coati:tent must materially teed them. As to
what has been stated as a just grounds of war,
as far as respelled the mission of Sebastiani,
and his letter, on which stlch particular stress was
laid, he would ask if this and every other coun-
try were not in the habit of collecting information
on similar subjefts, and, as far as could be colleded,
with similar views. With regard to the views, as
stated, which the French Government had on
Egypt, he thought that they had been entirely fruse
trated, and no longer- an oed of apprehension.
He was ready to admit, that Europe was hi such a
state that no man could call his property.his own.
and that 'some steps should be taken for establish,'
ing:matters on a better ground -of security. Base
With. regar4 to .Malta, hi did not-attach suCh impore
'twice as Was generally assigned to it ; for it may be
renteibbeisele thet,, (our or five years ago, an offer
hairbeen made-by the brand' Mester to aide it to.,
thls Country,' 141. kb* offer was refused. He does
'nee -prt!ond to' say, that Malta is of no importance ;
bras Wottld paiatePels that it was imprudent of us

.-

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o to war for what was Areal), in our possession ;
if in our possession, why go to war for it? He
not wish for a protradion of the negotiation; but,
e the door was still open to accommodation, he
f'
ght it should not too suddenly be closed. But,
*hen once shut, there was no person would go to
greaterkmigth to supporthis king,and royalfamilyahan
he would: And if, ask was too probable, we should
have to contend with France, he hoped we would pro-
fit by experience, and remove any grounds of unea-
sin-ss or disadeation at !some. 'lto this he princi-
pally attributed tare causes of the American war,
and if any claims or grievances remained unredress-
ed, he thought they should be immediately adjust-
ed, to insure unanimity in all•his Majesty's subjeds.
The Duke of NORFOLK was not inclined to at-
tach that consequence to Malta which was in gene-
ral the case. He supported the peace of Amiens,
on the simple grounds that it was the best peace that
could be got, considering all the circumstances con-
ne.i.• I with the case. It was with a view of sup- ,
porting that peace that he rose; but if we were
driven into a war with France, by the ambitions
views of the First Consul, or instigated to war by
toy other pawer whatever, he was confident there
was no. A single E Iglishrnan that would not stand
-marl against an invading army with that spirit
4n I loyalty which cliaraderizes the nation. But at
the smut" time he consida.red peace so invaluable a
blessa.v., :liar it should be retained if possible.
Lord MELVILLE explained ; he said, that the
Treaty of Amiens Was incapable of execution, and
that• it led to new arrangements, which arose from
circumstances which those who framed that Treaty
could not possibly inresee.
Duke of NORFOLK explained.
Lord KING agreed with the Noble Lord, who
said that the door should be kept open as long as
possible to negotiation. He also said, that we should
not go to war for what was already in our posses-
sion. This country, he contended, could not expel
to make any impression on the power of France ; we
should not 'consider France as a nation consisting
of in ailateeparts, but as one eat, united, and col-
Wive empire. He trusted, that we would not en-
ter into a premature contest. He would wish to
see proofs so clear and decided that all England, nay
all Europe, if possible, should see that the aggres-
sion was on the part of France. He did not con-
ceive that Malta should be considered as a ground
for war, if considering the whole of this case in a
prudential point of view, and particularly as it re-
gards our commerce. lie was of opinion that the
war should be forced upon us, and that it should
not be one merely to corre.st the errors of the last
ministry. As the door to accommodation was still
open, he would as an :amendment move, that after
certain words, he should wish to have inserted,
that his Majesty should be empowered to call
forth the resources of the United Kingdom, and
at the same tinie to express the satisradion with
which his faithful Peers felt, in a hope, that yet, as
far as the honour of his crown and the interests of
his people would admit of, an accommodation may
take place.
Lord STANHOPE spoke to order.
Lord KING repeated his motion, that after the
words " his Majesty's commands," all the other
words be left out, and that certain words be inserted
therein.
Lora ELLENBOROUGH denied that the
ground of war, as had been stated, was the Island
of Lampedosa. As to Malta, though the ostensi-
ble ground for war, yet the real cause was very
different; for, was he asked as to the real grounds
of war, he would say, that we were going to war
for our dearest rights, our independence, and our
privilege of legisLiting for ourselves ; and are we to
be dktated to by any foreign power or foreign
usurper (a cry of hear! hear!). Are we to say, that
the island, which is the security of our East-India
possessions, is to be given up, or retained, at the
option of France. is the question reduced to this,
that we are going to war because we retain what is
essential to our happiness ? or, that power is to
force us to relinquish it ? As to the Treaty of
Amiens it was rendered incapable of being per-
formed, because we either retain what was essential
. to our happiness, or that we relinquished it because
they had not the power to force us to it. Austria
was the only power that agreed to the guaranteeing.
the independence of Malta. As to the conduct of
. Sebastiani no person could view it in an indifferent
point of view. If the First Consul had not declared
that his favourite and ultimate views rested on
Egypt, he would not be the first to promote the
war ; but when this island was known to be
the shield of our East India possessions, he did
not think there was a Memoer in the 'louse that
did not feel the necessity of the war. As to Swit-
zerland, it was certainly a violation of every right,
. and his Majesty's Ministers regret that they could
not, though inclined, oppose the progress of the
. French army there. And yet we are asked what
:we go to war fur. The subjognition of Swit-
aerland, and the annexation of Piedmont, arc not
considered of any consequence, but the island of
sLampedosa is struck upon as a subjesl of hos-
tilities, a ten year's war had just now been ter-
- urinated, under the particular protedion of Pro-
vidence. As to the war about Lampedosa, no
person will give it a moment's credit, for the war
we are now engaged in is a war of necessity, and
notwithstanding the desponding tone of voice in
which some Noble Lords may be inclined to speak,
yet he would rest confident, that the justice of the
cause would sandion the address. And when lie
recolleded the names of Agincourt, of Cressy, of
Alexandria, St.. Vincent's, and Camperdown, he
had not a doubt but the right arm of Great Britain
was sufficient to defend herself. ,
Lord MOIRA entered into the merits of the sub-
ea, and was peculiarly happy
.in contrasting the
„sings of peace with the horrors of war. War he'
;compared to the blict of the wilderness, which leave
no trace behind except that of desolation. As to
what had been said by those who were advocates fur. •
the liberty of the press, he said there was a French
Paper published in this country, most notoriously
.tor the purpose of blackening the French Govern-
ment 1 and it was well known that the Government
had powers to send those
.014 of the'coura.
try. The point an which rose' was the Observa-
tion made by an illustrioos Prinste, who had very
forcibly urged a question. whether 'British society
was to remain the citric, or wait to be influenced by
the pitiful influence of French capriole ? As to the in-
juries cm the pits Of Fiance, he was ready to admit
that the whole prospect poortrays an incorrigible
disposition on the part of that power. But why the
stress should be laid on Malta he was at a loss so do;•
. .

. ....._ ~..~.......w .. , ..;

.r. Zr-1r►:1 16'16

rto the Treaty of Amiens.. by that treaty to 41XieCUM
allude, SwitAtainar.lll4 ihtawi4 wr. (Meek . pr,
das independent powers. What 'ft:lowed next. ith.xt
re two mouths were at an end ; the conqoest of rantee e
.and was accomplished by France ; I say the • either ;
'nest of Holland, for what else can I call the It is dig
of a rowury which is obl4ed to admit a foments
soldiery and' to prueide for its maintenance would t
If its own finances. I .?tall content nip& with and Bo
enunteruims: but withnig going Tether, I tweets tl
Id ask the House whether ken this aggregate nefit of
eqmisitions by France be, not sufficient grrnind can hat