The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-01-29 00:00:00

EDINBURGH FOX DINNER.

[Abridged from the C/a sagrsw Free Press of Tuesday.]
This annual festival was most splendidly celebrated at Edin-
burgh last night. From the announcement of the intention of Mr.
Brougham to accept a dinner during the Easter recess, it was not
expected that so large an averublage would talcs place on this occa-
sion. About 260 gentlemen sat down to dinner, and among them
we observed some of the most distinguished friends of liberal prin.
ciples in Scotland. Mr. Jeffrey, the Chairman, was supported on
his right by the Doke of Hamilton, and on his left by Sir A.
Maitland Gibson, of Clifton Hell. Mr. Moncrief, the croupier,
Wag supported on his right by Admiral Fleming, and on his left by
Sir William Hamilton. Among the company the most eloquent
members of the Scottish bar might be observed, and several members
of the Legislature.
After the cloth was removed, the first toast was—
" The King," (with all the honours) —" The Duke of York and
the other Members of the Royal Family."
Mr. Jeer ary—l have now the honour to propose the peculiar
and appropriate toast of this day, the Immortal Memory of
that illustrious Patriot and distingutshed Statesman, to commemo-
rate whose eminent virtues and public services we are aseembled,
to strengthen onrselves foe contests which we have yet to sustain in
the cause of liberty, by the recollection of his intrepidity, and to
derive encouragement in the course of this struggle by the contem-
plation of those honours and remembrances by which all such
struggles, even when unsuccessful, must ever be rewarded. You
will not wonder that I feel somewhat overpowered with the weight
Of such s subject. and labour tinder considerable difficulties in
knowing how to address myself upon a topic great enough in itself
to task the highest talents ; and though the most striking aspects
of which have been rendered familiar to most of you in this sery
place, by a rower of eloquence of which I wish to avoid all coni-
parison, there is a question which has been put to me lately, which
the occurrence of this day naturally suggests to a stranger, and will
occur of itself to many of ourselves, the appropriate answer to
which will be the best introduction to the toast I am now to pro-
pose. Why the friends of rational libertysheuld hold their meet-
ing on this day? Why identify our notions of freedom with the
name of that individual? and why the name of a Statesman
who for a short period was invested with the splendor of
office and of power, should still be the watchword for tla, to
maintain the psi:triples of the Constitution and those of ra-
tional liberty? The =slyer all should he prepared to make;—
it is not a difficult one. The most obvious and sufficient an-
swer is, that the eminent public virtues and public services of
that individual, entitle him to the honour paid to him now. Ilis
indef.t.igable perseverance, his uneonerierable intrepidity, and
splendid eloquence, and his unimpeachable integrity, have placed
him in the first rank of the Stamsmen of latter days, and no indi-
vidual could be named, who, through more trying times, main-
mired the principles of the Constitution with more unsubdunble
tiortitude, and more distinguished ability. For these accomplish-
ments he is eeiti led to mir grateful remembrance ; but it occurs
to toe, that too little notice is taken of the singular importance
of the services he rendered, considered with reference to the cha-
racter of the time they were rendered. The liberty of this
country was established in MIR, not so much by the laws
they possessed, or the verbal recognition of the rights then asserted,
as hy the example given of the deprivation of one line, and the
establishment of a new line of Princes, whose throne was esta-
blished in the acknowledgment of our rights. The effect of dila
was that all the influence of the Crown woe thrown on the side of

freedom—that the advocate% of divire right and passive obedience
were looked upon as more hostile to the interests of freedom, than
the representatives of the people. In the course of time, however,
after the oppression of tut rebellions, the hoped of pretenders grew
cold, and the devotion of a few adherents was grsdualiy extin-
guished. And accordireely it is quite plain from this page of
history, while the Whig par., were, upon the whole, the proiemi-
eatirg part of the State, about that period a reversion took place,
to meet the effect of which required all the talents of a distin-
guished leader of freedom ; from this petend to the con.
elusion of the war in the year 1746. indications of this
change were quite visible, and after tile accession of our late
Sovereign that change took place in the affections and dis-
positions of OOPe about the throne and about • the period in
which 31r. Fox entered Jiro male life that reversion was
, nearly at its height. and required some masterly spirit of elo-
quence, of ability, of firmness, and of strength eemigh to oppose
the new features which despotism &named. In hint there were
united that perspicuity of mind that descried the new Form of dime
ger, by which the liberties of the people were threatened—that inde-
fatigable perseverance and versatility of talent in which he had no
rival. Front the moment. accerdingly, that heentered public life,
up to the period when he died, his existence may be mid to have
been employed against corruption . • and by the force of his talent
and example, and the lights which he threw from his vigorous un.
derstanding, he raised up in Parliament, and out of Parliament. a
vigilance and loyal spirit of resistance to authority, to which
all his follower must look with deference as an ex umple. it is no
part of mine either to detail or to present you with an abridgement
of his services : one thing only I have to state to you, that is, that
the whole character of his genius was eminently popular t that there
were mixt in his exertions—strenuous and eager as they were—less
of the spirit of faction, and love of aggrandisement, than ever min-
' gled in any human contention. Though born of a distinguished
race, and of noble fame, he was united by a single-hearted kind-
ness with the interest and rghta of the lowest 'subject of the realm ;
and even to the danger of his public power, bestowed large portions
of I is tine to rnaintaia .rights that served nothing to promote his
own aggraidizenient. The only remaining point of the imaginary
questien asked, is, why have we rallied under the banners of an
teneeceettaful statesman ? why meet publicly to celebrate principles
which left oar great author ger entity without immunities; that left
him without any testimonies of Royal munificence; 'heath title or
dignity ; that condemned him through life to labours and toils ? In
a meeting like this, there is no toed to answer such a question. Ile
was no: uesuccessful in any sense of the word :—the man who be-
stewed on his country the bleseirgs of the libel few, and who dis-
solved the bends of the African negro., and who tended to wash
out the stains of the white trafficker, was not unsuccessful in his
career. But he was not unsuccessful in a wider sense of the word,
if it be true that through the whole of his career he is to be looked
back to as the person who tended to liaise the public agaieet the
strong foot of Royal innovation ; itch if to him titture greerationt
look tip as the guide to steer them amidst their difficulties, without
trampling on the one band on the rights of the people, or enc.-mob.
ing on the other on the bulwarks of the constitution. Ile has
in these views been eminently successful, and much more so than
those whose acts leave no trace behind them but vain monuments
and tinsel ornaments. The possession of thole principles, I
speak it boldly, never was the ready way—the short or sure way
to distinctions of power. I would net discourage the younger
portion of my hearers, whose triumph is coming—and which must
come ; but for those who like myself are growing old in the ser-
vice, who entered upon it without hope, or without the risk of any
other rewards than those which we have freely received ; the good
we have done consists merely in the ill we bare prevented (great
applause) and restraining those who have rot governed well from
governing worse ; and by our example, and by our reasoning, end
by our bold and public professions' endeavouring to spread abroad,
and to raise and foster that general fortituee and strength—that in.
telligenee of their own rights—that resolution not to be passively
oppressed, which must make this Government impracticable. Few
among us cart hope to have any noticeable 'hare In the large and
brilliant honours that envimn the name of Fox, but each of us in
our humble sphere may honour ourselves by honouring hint—
(great applause)—by professing this disinterested feeling of public
good, by the conessisien, that we feel sufficiently paid by privation
and toils. I trust I have said enough to answer the Imaginary qua.
ties which I proposed to myself in the outset, and more than
enough to satisfy you who have come here satisfied of the pre-
priety of dude:sung this day to the public profession of those
'principles. I hate already detained you too long from the interest.
tog toasts with which we are to be favoured, and for the sake of
which 1 have risen. I beg leave, therefore, to propose to you
" The immortal memory of the Rieht lion. Charles James
Fox."—Tune, „Charlie is my darling."
The Ctiat 3)l4ol—The toast which I am now about to propose
does not require any introduction, and stands in need of no cont.
meat—and I am sorry to say cannot with truth and safety be given
in any other country to Europe, " The People and their Rights as
established at the Revolution, 1688." Ido not mean to comment
upon it, and will detain you with but a word. 1 think it worth
while to notice, that, in this country alone we are not indebted for
our rights to the gracious pleasure of any Sovereign or any other
individual. They do not emarate from the bounty of a gracious
Monarch—they were wrung from abdicated Sovereiges--they are our
rights, which we have established ourselves, and which it is fitting
and necessary that we should at all times be prepared to guard. If
the nature of all power is to extend and strengthen itself, when
once establisted, and to increase all other power, unless checked
by the exertions of rival power—therefore if the liberties of the
people be innovated by Monarchical encroachment, I should be
more inclined to blame the people for cowardice than to blame their
Sovereign. ((treat applause.) What we obtained was not a lee
gacy to spend, but a dignity, a situation, a trust, and • duty, which
we are bound to preserve; in this sense, I give you the toast which
I have announced, and which 1 repeat again,
' " The People," lee. &c.
The Chat RYAN—I now propose "The health of his Royal nigh.
nes% the Duke of Sussex, the strenuous supporter of shoe'
pein-
ciples which placed his family on theihrone:"—wetave rights, and
so has our Sovereign, and PO have the family of our Sovereign, and
ends of the families as have most distingthshed themselves in de.
fending the rights of the public, should be by that public defended
in their rights.
Tune—" London March."
" The British Navy, the natural defenie of our country."—" The
British Army."
Mr. 3lowcatteew—The toast which lan now shout to propose,
is one which I feel so certain will receive the approbation of every
person present, that I should act prudently for myself simply to an-
nounce it, but it relates to • subject of so great ieterest and
importance, that you will believe it requires! is few words by
way of preface. Those principles which were so beautifully ex-
emplified in the life of Mr. Fox, are, in a general view, so connect-
ed with the rights and happiness of human beings, that they may
be applied to the conditions of any people, and to the political mete
of any people, under whatever circumstances they may be placed.
The Constitution of England has grown, thruiteh many gradations
and struggles, to that state of limited Monarchy, in which it
was established at 1888 ; and while we by no means wish to think
or to say, that this is the best for any nation, we say that this is
calculated largely to secure the bleedings of peace and liberty. We
arc entitled to say, that in the sound principles of the English
Constitution, Parliamentary Reform is a natural quality in that
Constitution. I am well aware that there is great difference of
opinion with regard to the particular mode by which it should have
carried into effect; but to allege this as a reason for not taking any