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London, England, 1826-05-24 00:00:00

THE BRITISH PRESS,

ad proorience IMO placed is a sew and unheavii.of eltuatien they
were pointed eaten thepersons who stood in the way of public re.
hef, h was not to be considered what effects the measure might
poises, but what It had produced. It had been seen how it had
been discuseed t the country. and although the Noble
igarl had said would come to the general quewion next
year with great Wooster& he (Earl Grey) could not see how, after
the eroteuregeMent which had leen gigot to public clamours, it
would be mitbiWe to approach the general question with calmness
ar hilipartiality. Whatever odism or obloqiiy might he attachad to
his opposition. he was determined to bear- It he cou'd he pernlitelert
that the measure would be prodnetive of the slightest relief. he
would lend it his support; but he believed, that so far from heir:;
beneficial, It would litevitshly be mbichievous. Positione had been
shifted a good deal during the diecussions : what was at fleet a con.
tingentdanger, afterwarde became an iniminentenet tlie.i the north.
cut blew and destroyed it.e crier, and the Nable Earl opposi,e
Ohs Earl of Irivertmol) related instances which came within his
recollection, of crepe destroyed by winds ; bin although
the wind was certainly unpleasant, it had rot cv:n ricstroycd the
hams of an early honest. Ile had received infoemation
loom awe individoes who were the best authority on the seshject,
the one was Mr. Coke and the other a Noble Lord in that ilotiee,
and both the informants agreed that there never was an anrentratice
of greater abundance. 'Pie came was trite of Ireland. In the
-onuity with which he was best acquainted, which was statue
sgri-
cultaral county, he mean: Northusubnlwitl. 11. e general opinion *ea
that there was as greet a stock of corn with the farmers and 'nee-
dtants as was ever known. They had also hopes of an early harve‘f,
aid stated thar • great quantity of wheat had born sown. Ile
would ask the House if it apprehended danger was not reduced to a
mere possibility ? and. onsequently no case was made out to *op_
port the measure. He thonght that Ministers ought IR' her to hare
acted en then own reepensibilify ; that mode of proceeding wild,'
hive had the advantage of not cavities alarm ; but the present
moisture, after all, would he, when acted upon, All act of power ;
against law. But the Noble Lord on the opposite si.le had lino
',Jiffy of an inconsistency in bringing forward the measure. by
limiters the quantity to he imported. If tee income were intended
to guard against a contingent necessity, how could it he known
that quantity would be sufficient ? Ti noglit to be, in that coy,
Indefinite and enlimited. Ministers heti therefore failed to make I
out their cane. But lie hat another oltiertion to the measure. If
Parliament could give prispeCtirely 3 ii .sir to dispense :vita the
laws, they ought to give it oil after a very nature exaeenation
touch leas ought they to give 3 inisters the opportunby of putting
dal.ooo pounds into the 1 reasify on the eve of a general
election; such a step rithout inquiry might be detrimemal
to the Constitution. He would be set down as an ignorant person.
but he ovoid declare his incapacity to co.npeehend the doctrines of
political economists. However true snore principles night abstract,
eddy appear, yet so imperfect was human eirseity, in short woe
human foresight, that circumstances cro.e ever' meinent which de.
ranged all previous calculations; nor was the Retort of Inqiiiry
gone over; ft might suit 3linisters in g-t rid of Parliament as I
soon as possible. hut when a grave question of great importance ,
to the co nmunity, he womb' not say to sgricalturiste„ was to I
be discussed, he did net think the Parlisnient ought to separate ;
at so early a period. It woalit be limier to en into an inquiry
than to adopt a measure through confidence in 3linioeis. lie
had no particular objection to place cor•tilence in the Noble
E (Earl Liverpool) although the Notele Earl (lid net merit
his confidence. lie had been a tenet tine il..saliefiel
the Noble Earrs principles of goverthoent, alge.egli he had of
late been less displeased with them even at the eleventh hour he
would prefer to (Hews the question. Ile remembered the ilincue-
eon on the Caen Laws in 1815 : at that time lie was favourable to
the reduction of rite duly on importation, and he thought that at
present the public were entitled to such a roles- inn on account of
the reductions of burdens on the agriculturists ; bat ii all laws. ant
particularly in lain relating to subsistence, there was no greater
evil than fluctuation ; it would produce the nicest detrimental :greet*, 1
The property of individual!, would be seriously erected ; they could
rat tell how to buy or how to sell. Ile had heard of individuals
patting filmy or sixty thousand pounds hen their pockets, while the
farmers. and in consequence the manufeteurere, were inionveri,hest
to an equal extent. Althotigh he would tireeer to postpone al-
tegether the discussion of the Corn Laws till next Session, yet he
would pre., the discussion to a measure of this hind. The pass.
tog of the Bill would render it impossible to connUlcr the Corn lows
with impartiality anti coolness. He could not give a ell ent vote on
a question which deeply interested every class of the community ;
Ii he knew himself, he was net intim-iced by eny motives of a
"Mitt nature when he felt himself called on to concur with the
:Noble Earl in his optaretitel to the encaeire.
The E.rl of ii Aline f‘t IIY seta for a short time inistitliltle in
conaeluenee of the noise teepee the her. We ti,..:.mitood him to
nay, that the price of this. wide., Itsi been inked about. was a
price collected from the secrecy of the prime of ow,• throughout the
country. The consequence of rho was. that it tl.efered in durtrent
parts very materielly. It might. in ease places be as high a, !0..
sir 11)0.. At any rate it might be reaseeeoly concluded, that be_
lore the average price could be HOn., in some parts the prier mint
be much heyoial that. This was rot s ritiestiou of rounds er shit_
lingo; the actual price of tern dven.liag ember on the at tte of
the couatry—its capacity to pay that price. lit many pars
or the entente the distress wait now no great, that there were
theretande. or iris oithoitsands, he might sty., exi.ting on ch trite;
bed the price of sixty shillings. which might at other periods be
moderate, both's regerded the Co.rittitier and °scattier, might un-
der ouch circumstance% berme equal to whit; at another time would
be eighty 'Millings. This was t.:e principle on which the present
Pleasure rested. A case mieht be amounted in which twenty shit.
Lag. was too high. The Noble Iron' who last spoke said this
measure would afronl no relief; but was it of no importance to hare
earn cheap, when uumbers were in the receipt of not more than half
their previous amount of wages ? Then, too. who would say that
it was not necessary to relieve the country before corn got up to
that price which the existing law said it should Tench before fo.
reign torn could be admitted ? The Noble Lord seemed to think
It would have been better if Government had not proposed any
measure, but had allowed it to run on. with the intention of mak.
lag the alteration when the necessity might occur. ft appeared to
him that this would have been very unconstitutionel conduct for
Government to have pursued. They would have merited the
contempt of the country, if they had thiright born,
.11,1.! that it would
be necessary to open the mate, and instead of coming down to I
Patliament, had broken the law, and toasted themselves to an after.
indemnity. They would hove been doing that which they must I
have intended to be illegal. The Nnide (emit complained of
the period at which the mustion was brought forward ; and his
Lonlship referred to the opposition made on the Itlih ult. in another
place, to a general consideration of the Corn Laws, and conceived
()averment to be inconsistent because it now introduced what
wee Imagined a part of the same consideration. Looking at the
distress., he did not think this a favourable moment for discussing
the question ; and he did not imagine there could be many who
considered Government in the wrong for choosing to declinediscus-
sing the whole subject at such a period. Bet, because they
thought this an unlit moment for going fully into its merits. did it
follow that they must allow Parliament ton:ovate without taking
any steps to provide against the prosiele necessity which had been
referred to ? The Noble Lord asked, when did this new Belo
break in upon them ? But he asked that which it was inipreeihle
for him to answer. Minister,, at the beginning of the Sgssjim,
thought the distress would heof shorter duration Than prnvel to he
the ease: they theitieht there would he an earlier demand for the
manufactures, and that the distress would be less extensive in its
preasure, and sortnee relieved. (in what particular day there ant
this aCCOMUialitan of evidence iuducing them to come to their
present conclueinn--when it ass that the greater number he-
Jog thrown out of work. and deriving support from eha- I
city, Ministers felt a necessity for doing something—et what pre-
cise moment it was that these grsdaelly accumulating circum-
stance' induced a conviction that the present measures were
indispensable, he could not say. Whether the measure% ought to
hove been introduced a few days or a week sr.uner, or whether I
they alight or ought to have rented a few days lioicter, individuals
might conclude as they pleased ; but fur the credit of Government
be did not wish to say. (Bear, hear. from Lord Grey.) Ile could
wet say, because the gradual accumulation of distress rendered it
point of considerable nicety. (Hear, hear.) 'There was one point
to which he wattled refer. The decision wits not come to in cone.
quince of any feelinF of trepidation resulting from the partial riots
referred to by the Noble Lord. He could answer for it, that the
Administration to which he belonged, and with which he had long
meted. were not terrified into their spreeent coarse. He believed I
there was no Node Lord present who did not k,,Ow that they had
not been deterred from pursuing a straightforward course when
much greeter danger existed than that of the present period. Ile
lamented the occurrence of these riots, however, because they had .
caused the destruction of much property, greatly to the injury of
those already suffering ; and he lamented them also, because they I
afforded the Noble Lori opposite an opportunite for mating what
he had. They went to prove the extent of the itietTeas, and so gar
only had they entered into the consideratimi of Government. If
Orielestrnent had waited, and hroken the law under a greater degree
of pressure—if they bad not got this indemnity in anticipation
tf wy wood have had to have asked for it under lesa pleasant cir.
minsetaitees. But if they were not held as fit to be trusted to act
upon their discretion according to law, how much less fit must
they be to act in violation of the law ? In his opinion, those op.
to the measures did not consult their own interests. suppose
t lied Mit is purpose to vote this Indemnity ; this would
bolo been required under much greater pressure than at present
existed; and if the agriculturists considered their own welfare,
they would not wish Parlianient assembles' under such (-imam-
slangs& Next Session the question might be discussed calmly, and
"atheist prejorlice t but would this be the ease if they had broken
the law P -Weald not this alone be likely to cause the grealest
'citation ? Under such excitement as this, It was more than pro.
bale that some very compendious, and to the agricalturias not
eery 'solaria:, method would be adopted for getting rid of the
owe Laws. Tbe Noble Lord seemed to imagine that mischief
la been done, bat he (the Earl of Harrorby) could not conceive
what mischief. The Noble Lord had said this m -mere would, to a
seems degree, prejudice the question of the Can Laws but
isedilem was more remote front the initiation of Ministers. To
the edosiedets of the bonded corn at twelve shillings duty,
time did not appose any particular objection ; and in objecting
te the ober proposition, they seemed to forget that eircummaces
might rimier the peke of sixty shillings, which at certain times
wield be far and reasonable, the very reverse of this. Hp win.
wag In she feet. them, and rejected the second. But Noble Lord
mid these weld be no relief afforded by them, as if the sating
Mee et 1110.111111_31121ime, er at least WOW Is the mune of bait •
year, weield no eatielble difference. He felt that be bed
trembled the nrit enough es the subject, and he Amid mid".
with enpresille a belie that whoa any great public body was cam
cased, the merrary eamilke would be made for
was •
rq
beset It eel girths, bet theme we things were
gh gel" mew hi diem coomodictio• to each

liirterests of the manufacturers and agrieultutiats were the same,
j and ea three bodies were necessarily in opposition. It must
be to the interest of the manufacturer; to have bread al
cheap as possible, and to the interest of the agriculturist. to
bare it as dear as possible. Notwitbatanding this, if either
crushed the oilier they would crush their best customers. That
Ministers might he able to reconcile these two interests, Beet
Session was his sincere hope. If he thought this measure was
likely to prejudge the after question, he would not give it hts sup.
mur het that it was not he was persuaded. That cast a might arise in
which Gavernineut was justified in changing the course it might
have thought it expedient to pureue, in his opinion no one could
thirty a:A he hop d and trusted their Lordships would secure to
thrnixelvea the coetfortsble coneeiousneee that if the evils which
assailed the reunite should increase, they had provided for them
in the best way possible.
The I: trl of LAUDERDALE said he could not give a silent
vote. Before he preeeeded, however, he must request the Clerk
of the House to read the two first peerages nehis Majesty's Speech
of the al Feb. 11;25. Wiese paseages were then read by the
Circe. aid, as may be recollected, speak in the most flattering
terms of the prosperity of the reuntry4 His Lordship that pro.
cetiled to sus Jhat the Noble lord who last spoke defended the
measures oi. the ground of their necessity. Now, he lied called
the attention of their Lordship, to those passages in his Majesty's
Speech. because all chases are described as enjoying, at tie period
to which ft referred, the greatest prosperity, the greatest COntenl,
and the greatest happiness the country could afford; and while
things were in this state corn was tis. higher titan at this moment.
He objected to it: :se rasa measures, combined as they were, and to
the language of the Noble Lord, ahich sacrificed the principle of
the Cern ',ewe Ile was surprised to hear the Noble Earl now ar-
raireng thel'orn-Bill, when lie recollected he sepported it with him
in Ifile. He cnuld not conceive how the Noble Earl had managed
to forget the arguments he used on that occasion, when the price of
corn was fele. The Noble Led dill not say this would be a mea-
sure ts: relief, It must, in feet, be evident that it toitld not hese,
(or the distressed tearitrecturer* had no metier, and the price to
them, therefore, could he of no importance. 'r he only reason the
Ministers gave far the measure was, that much of the bonded corn
was abut up in the neighbourhood of Mankhcster and Liverpool.
and other dtstrrs•ed &oriels, site it was likely to have a bad moral
effect that there so•mtl:l he corn so confined whileijAividuels were
starving. On the Iteh of November corn wax dea(erellen when the
Noble Earl took the alarm. Last year it was eigiutpence dearer
titan at present, but Ministers did not then conie forward to as!: for
measures like the present. It was, therefore, lair to infer that
tbs.): had sonic desiwi on the Corn Laws. Alinicers said they (lid
not mean to prejudge the question. He did not care what they
meant; but this he knew, that the me mune woe calculated to set
the inanutacturiog interest in direct opposition to the agricultural,
and would :01'ect the letter in such a way as they would not be likely
to recover fiir years. (Hear, Lear.) They objected to going into the
discussion now, because of the time; hut lie could not iMagthe
why the time. should he objected to. In WIC the Committee to i
inquire. imo the torn Laws was not appointed till :he 17th of June.
sod now they were only in the rnhidle of May. The Noble Earl i
had not the sit:lame of an excuse fur the course he pursued. In I
1322, the Noble Earl told them the Country was ovcr.produedre of
turn, lad h.e now tame forwent with Measures assuring them
that forei:'ll runt meet be admitted to supply the scarcity. The
g ..... ne on which lie stood was, that Great Britain and Ireland can
produce sufficient corn fur conetinienoe ; and to austsin this pro.
he would refer their Lordships to the evidence given
by the Ceniniittee which sat on this subject in the year
Idli. If they looked to the returns of Ireland, they would
find hi.. sintement supported, the average produce being twelve
hundred thousand quarters. It would be most mischievous in de-
pend or. the introduction of foreign corn, as we must if re tlisenu.
rage the growth of our own produce, thr foreigners would take ad.
vantage pf our being obliged to rely on them. (Hear.) Then we
ought to consider also, that if we hail a bad harvest here, there
were generally bad harvests throughout. the whole of Europe;
and in the northern part of Europe. from which we principally
derived our supply, this was particiOarly the case. Let the House
consider that it not only would have to contend against its own mu.
nicipal laws, hut against the prollibilien of France also. Let them
look too to the law of Sweden. (neer.) Ntehing was eu iieju-
rious as vacillation in the price of corn. The Nottle Lord then
referral to history from the time of Charles the Second, to shew
that corn was elteaper under the restrictive system. Ile contended
that if they reduced wheat by importation to a very low price,
nr allowed it to reach a very high price, either would have tile same
effect 011 the manufacturer; There were two thing; lowered the price
of Idiotic either a superabundant supply of labour, or a very
great deficiency of demand. It' grain was at a low value, the
agriculturist must turn off his hands, and these men being
thrown out of employ must diminish the price of Labour. If
the prices were any higher, only the ablest inert would be retained,
who would be found to week a greater number of hours--
In his ooinior therefore, it ens equally injurious whether the
prices were high or iow : equality of prices was the great ohj-ect.
He called item, llinintcrs for a little consistency in their ntea•tires.
not the agriculturist eubjectea to nutoy tale., which did not
bear mien the other climes of the community ? The land-tax was
ls. in the pound, aed It had heat stated by some that from one end
of the ante !ry to the other it might he calculated at le per cent.
Who paid :he tithe. and the poor rates ? Who paid for bridgee,
public buildings and road mon.•y e These taxes were exclusively
borne by the agricultural community, as well as many othem. The
agriculturists paid the expences of public prosecutions, the duty
on wool. and msnv oilier taxes.

The Earl of LIVERPOOL observed across the table that the
tax on wool was taken off. _ _ . . .

The Bar! of LAUDERDALE resumed—De was' glad to bear
that any of the taxes were removed ; but he still contended that
there was 141 per cent. direct tax on the land, besides 33 per cent.
amount of taxes which the landed interest paid in common with
other classes of the community. %Was ft not just then, he demand.
ed, that the agricul-nrist should be protected as well as the mane.
facture?? He confessed he thought the discussion on this subjt et
even more injurious to the agricultural community than the mea-
sures proposed. (Hear, hear.) It was not those who opposed those
innovations that should be charged with exciting angry dis-
cussions, but those who proposed alterations is the existing
law, without reason. and when there was no fear of scarcity.
lie was sorry to hear a N..ble Lord say that 80s. was a famine
price. When there was so much vapnuring about the prosperity
of the country, it should he remembered that corn was high. It
was of late years that 80s. was considered a famine price. He re-
peated, he considered such observations more formidable in their
effect than the measures proposed. What was the object of the
Corn Laws as they at present stood ? To render us independent of
foreign supply, and by such means, as much as possible, to
equalize the price of corn. These were the grounds upon which
the Noble Kul (Liverpool) supported the measures in 1815; and
row that the supply front Ireland was increasing, and he hoped,
for the sake or that country, would continue to increase (hear),
would the Noble Earl say th et this country could not produce suffi-
cient corn fur its own consumption ? He had heard of the proceed_
its on this measure elsewhere, where lion. Members joined in
complimenting one branch of the Administration at the expense of
tli2 other nienbers. He would not join ita increasing the popularity
at one branch of the 31inistry to the prejudice of the other branches,
which perhaps he thought the best (near, hear), but he must say
the this was the must extraordinary session he had ever known.
At one period the Noble Earl at thy head of his :llajesty's Govern.
meat had no doubt that we could raise a sufficient supply of corn
within the empire—at another period this proposition was primal-
rally denied.At one time we heard that paper was the same atigold—
then. that nothing but a metsllic currency was safe—and now, that
was called a famine price for corn, which same time ago was
reckoned a fair and salutary price. (Hear, from Lord Liverpool.)
At first, when the Bill fot the admission of warehoused corn was
introduced, it was understood that no more than 300,000 quarters
were to be admitted ; but it now appeared that not only the corn
in warehousc,but the grain brought to be warehoused, was to be let
in. (Hear.) 'There were 14,000 quarters in this condition in the
port of London alone. It was not generally known how much
grain was in the other sea-ports. It appeared, then, that this
mea.stire was introduced by Ministers, without knowing what goon-
thy would he admitted by the Warehoused Corn Umil. But there
was another objection. The quantity proposed to headmitted by
the Bill now under their Lordships consideration was HOMO
quarters. Haw could his Majesty's Ministers take upon themselves
to say that this quantity would be found adequate, and, it' it was
not adequate, were they not 01-sO4 in a species of dilemma; for by
the Bill the King's prerugasitre was hati:ed. while it was un-
limited under the existing law ? As to the effect of the proposed
measure upon the general question of the Corn Laws, he should
only Obserse.that he had never spoken to any one outside the House
who was not of opinion that the general question was disposed of
by these measures; consequently, they were viewed by every agri-
culturist with grief, and by every manufacturer with gaiety. In
bin opinion they were unneesssary measures, and calculated to do
an infinite deal of nilschief ; and on these grounds, and for the
reasons Wendy eaten, he gave his decided dissent to the proposi-
tion of the Nook Lord.

The Earl of Liverpool and Lord King rose at the lame moment,
and the call for the former appearing to be general, Lord King gave
way.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL proceeded. He thought it neces-
sary to say a few words in answer to what had fallen from the Noble
Earl who had just sat down, but he did not feel himself callA
upon to enter into any of the general arguments ibtrodueed, which
applied only to the general question of the Corn Lsww, and not to
the pardeular raeiroire hel.re the House. He would soy, in the
first place, as to any effect which the disctrodona on the proposed
measures may have on public feeling, in reference to the ge-
neral question, (hat that cth et was attributable rather to those
who opposed the measures introduced, think to his 31ajesty's 3li.
misters. Itrhea those measures were timt proposed in another
place, they weft hailed universally. (Cries of 6' No ! No !")
The manufacturing and the agricultural interest joined in their ap-
probation of thee. (Continued cries of " No ! No !") It was
the op it ion in Mt House, and nothing else, that raised the mi.
tigated opposition which the measures met within the other House.
Those who proposed the present measures disclaimed any intention
of affec.lng the general question by those measures. M'hether they
were believed or not, they disclaimed any such intention. It was
those who opposed the present mestere* who really acid that the
question was decided by a temporary measure, intruftced upon the
ground of urgent necessity, and put forward to meet a special put.
pose. Ilia Majesty's kilobit/Ns denied that any such decision had
taken place, or was intended. 'The Noble Lord (Lauderdale) had
entered into the system of the Corn Laws since 1763, and be
(Lord Liverpool) would not follow him through oil his minds-
dons; but the real fret was, that the noble Lord omitted to cond.
der that It was since 1766 the peat growth of our manufactures and
the growth of our population had taken place. He would not fol-
low the Noble Lord through all his observation, on the system ;
bat if the Noble Lord went back still farther than 1746, he would

There
kill hadentivila weenalitiitlFene:thasoii thelluetthetsroubejthaireond beitnartithe:tipeleelluctnotolutyacounannor
price.
attentn.
1745, wheat was 23a. a quarter. the Wincluotet measure; In 1707.
5150. t in 1716, Na. ; and in 1780, 410 a. 74. Therie four yeses were
not singular in showing tha variation of prices. If their Lordships
went • forward 40 years, they would end that in 1716 wheat was
.41111. lad. per quarter ;•in 1741, 41s. Pd.; 1742. les. • and 1715,
295. Thus. h appeared. that there was inevitably. and that there
always must be, a euctuation of prices. Thin was no argument in
favour of one system or another, but a proof that'under any system
a greater IW two fluctuation of prices must exist. But the Noble
Earl charked him with ineetteisteney. because he supported the
Corn Bid in 1815, on the principle that it WWI advantageous that
this country should produce sufficient earn for he own coasomptfon.
Ile sincerely wished Great Britain arid Ireland did produce suffi-
cient corn for the consumption of its own population. He thought
that our effort should he directed to pteduce enough but helm.
lieved it was an undoubted fact, that we had not succeeded in pro-
ducing enough—be meant upon an average of years. It was a
question which no er.e could answer, whether the growth of our
population would outstrip our power of peoduction or not. This
ought to be oar object 1 whether it might or might not be attained
was a queation ; but there was no question that it had not yet been
attained. It was supposed that 801. was a fair importation price in
11115; but would the Noble Lord say that the period when 811 n. was.
fixed upon was not an extraordinary year—he meant extrsordinary
as compared with other rears of greater abundance, but such as
we must expect occasionally to occur ? (Hear.) Could it be argued
then that the price fixed upon at that period, was exactly the price
that ought to be fixed upon at present. In the year 1814 a Bill
Was intmdured into the House of Commons be an Hon. Member,
tieing the importation price at 120 e. The Noble hoed agreed with
him (Lord Liverpool) in 1015 that 804. was a fee price, because the
necessities of the country required the importation of corn. In
fixing that price it was considered Mat the agriculturists abouid be
protected by a fair remunerating price. Thie was not the proper
prover time to say whether the pries ftmed at the period referred
to was or was not a fair price at present. He was not prepared to '
say that be thought 110*. a fit price now. The agricultural interest
had been relieved of many burthent since the arrangement vas
made fixing the impartation price at 00e. Since then the Pro-
pry Tax was repealed. together with the taxes on horses used for
agricultural purposes, the tax on waft, that on leather, and many
other uitcri, which bore very heavily op the agrmultund 'popula-
tion. In tart, a great mass of the 27 melions of taxes which were
repeelcd since the peace. had been taut from off the agricultural
Interest. Cousidering this, he was not prepared to say that Gas.
was nut as good a remunerating price now as iffis..wae in the time
referred to, which was a period of Agri littoral difficulty and em.
barrassment. But the principle for which he (Lord Liverpool)
now contended had been admitted by the Noble Earl (Lauderdale)
that principle was. that foreign corn should be admitted when the
condition of the population rendered its admission necessary, but
1 that the agriculturist should be secured a fair remunerating price.
This he had said whets the subject was before under consideration,
; and to this principle he now clung. When the general question
I again came under discussion, he should be prepared to meet it, but
11 he had given no opinion on it in that House, he declined giving
any opinion, hitherto (liter); but he should be prepared to state
liia opinion, grounded on the principle that sufficient protection
should be given to the agriculturist. On the same principle he
should propose to secure the country from the danger which would
occur when anything arose to prevent she production of • sufficient
' supply. But a Noble Lord said that the proposed measures were
not measures of relief. Ile.(tiord Liverpool) concurred with the
Noble Lord, that the high price of corn was not the cause of the
present di'iress, but that It NOW from over-trading. But what..
ever may have bean the cause of the present dietrese, it was only
laughing at the people to say that lowering the price of corn would
produce no alleviation to the distress. For his part he supported
1 the MealUTell as measures of essential relief. But it was said,
' "your population are without employment, they have no means of
buying bread, and what is the use of reducing the price when they
can afford to pay nothing ?" It Was unfortueately true that some
part of the population in the manufacturing districts were without
employment, but it so happened that •great majority of the popu.
' lawn were either partly or wholly employed, yet from the pressure
of the times were forced to labour at reduced prices. Many unfor-
tunate people were earning only 7%, 5.., or 2s. a week, out of
1 which they were endeavouring to subsist and support their families.
' Now would any one take upon himself to sad% that it was no matter
to this extensile class whether they could purchase the quartem
loaf at Is. or Is. fah? ((tear, bear.) He repeated that he proposed
the measure as one of essential relief. He did not say that the dis-
tress in the manufacturing distrietiarose from the high price of
corn, but he thought it could not be denied that she price of provi.
shins must affect that distress. Then what was the question which
arose? It may be viewed as matter of form in one way, and in
another way as a question of serious consideration for the agricul-
tural interest. We were now, as at all former periods, in the hands
.u: Providence. who emild alone determine upon the abundance or
scanzineas of the next harrest. He argued nothing from the stock
in hand ; lookino at the present price of wheat, he did not think it
unreaaonable; but he knew on what couthigencies the prospect of
a good harvest rested, and he would soy to any Noble Lord who
teard him. " can you lie on your bed this night, and reflect en
the possibility of a bad harvest, ht the prawns State of the ntanufal-
turingdistricts, with no othee feelinap than those which would have
accompanied ouch prospect, eves at on. kw a period as in July
last ? Would yoa consider the prospect of a bad harvest in the
present year with no greater apprehension than you would When
the population WAS not only fully employed, but when advertise-
ments were printed inviting labourers from Ireland and elsewhere l
When all hands were employed, was a bad harvest likely to pro.
duce so much distress as when a large proportion of the population
were nor fully employed ?" Those, be repeated, were serious consi-
derations. The question then arose, should we not guard against
the possibility of such an evil, and secure the means within our
power for effOrding relief? If the relief ought to be afforded, then
was it opt much better that it sffisulti be applied with law than
without U ? The House was called upon to give that power, to be
applied in case of necessity. If their Lordships neglected to grso.t
the power required, they would place the Executive Administra.
don in a situation of great responsibility. He confessed he pre-
ferred the other mode of proceeding, with reference to the agricul-
tural interest only. If exercised with discretion, we should know
sufficiently well what we were, and it would be perceived how inti-
mately blended the interest of the agriculturists was with that of
the oiler classes. On the other hand, if Parliament refused to in.
vest his Majesty's Ministers with the discretion they required,
should the event to which he had alluded occur, they would find it
necessary to Pilti%e the Crown to assemble Parliament, and they
nuts: advise that Parliament, should it be called, to discuss the Corn
Laws. Now he could not conceive anything more inconvenient, any
thing more likely to prevent the calm and temperate discussion of
each a question, than calling together Parliament at such a period,
for the express purpose of discossing the Corn Laws. He believed
that the question could not be agitated at a more inconvenient time.
It might be said, why should his .Majesty's Ministers wait for a
better time? But under the circumstances to which he had alluded--
a bad harvest and an unemployed population—Ministers could sot
delay; the question would force itselfupon their attention ; and under
these disadvantageous circumstances it must be discussed. He
would nut admit that the Bill prejudiced the general question. On
the contrary, it would tend to bring the question more where it
Was. The application of a remedy to a special evil would
take away many objections to which the present system was
liable. After such an application, we should return to the dis-
cussion of the general question under more favourable and con.
venient circumstance% His Majesty's :11 imsters, therefore, were only
doing their ditty in calling for the power by law with which
the Bill invested them. ft was impossible to say now that
we could look on a bad harvest in the present year, as on
the last year, or on any other year. Under all the circumstsuces
he thought the House would agree with Item, that it was more fair,
just, and suitable, for the Aliiiiintra of a Countitutional Govern-
ment to ask the power now required, than to exercise that power
without calling upon Parliumeut to invest them with it. Their
Lordships were the jokes whether this power should be confided
to his Majesty's Government, and be should leave the question
entirely to their disposal.
The Earl of LIMERICK said, he could not conceive a more
general alarm, than that which the percent measures of Government
excited. In the country with which he was peculiarly connected
(Ireland), he had letters stating that all bargains were shaken,
the farmers were bewildered, and the corn factor on the brink of
ruin. On the whole, he feared that the measures proposed by Go-
vernment would produce great i erolenge, and tend coosidee_
ably to augment the rat
lets (I.
Lord KING congratulated their ?deities on the signal success
over the domestic enemy. The N le Lord opposite had taken up
the rodeo agrestis of the Hon. alehiber for Sornersetsbire (Sir I.'
Lethbridge.) The Hon. Baronet's mantle had fallen on the Noble
Lord. Ile wished us to be a nation of sellers, and no buyers.
M itch had been said about the possibility of our growing corn
sufficient for our consumption. The question was not whether
we could grow enough, but at what cost we could grow It. if the
population increased, we must turn more land into cultivation than
was now cultivated; and if we did so, we should arrest the prosperity
of the country. It was a paradox as say, that if corn was high in
Price we should go on smoothly, and all would be well. It was said
if we admitted foreign corn we should be like Dutchmen, dependai.t
on the world for our food. In the time of Napoleon, this country
existed by bps permitting us to have corn from the Continent. Such
an opportunity would Lever recur for a combination amongst the
nations of the Continent. It was the interest of fOreign nations to
supply us with torn when we required. and nothing was more Idle
than the four of being dependent upon foreign nations far a supply.
The Noble Lord next adverted to the sums paid for tithes, which
he said were paid by the consumer, and not by the agriculturist.
In feet, they were paid by the consumer as truly as of the tenth
was taken off every loaf, or that till tax was paid in the baker's
shop. In conclusion, the Noble Lord supported the motion •.1
observing, that as the Noble Hat((liverpool) had set his house
in order, he could come to the consideration of the general question
of the Corn Laws under better anspijoes next year.
The Marquis of SALISBURY said that the whole responsi-
bility of the measures tested with his Majesty's Ministers, and it
was for them to judge whether they would use the discretionary
power which they had called for.
The Earl of VARNA HVON selti that he bad suspended Ms
opinion, in the expectation of hating' some informatioa tram Ids
Majesty'. Government; but as no much lofuemation had been fur.
niched, It. could not support dr. present measures, &mow he
thought they involved the whole quetesien of the Corn Laws. He
thought those Laws had nothing .), do with the distress of die
country, and that, of course, the Mesons before their Lordships
could net operate as a remedy. '
Lewd REDESDA LE was host% so the ateasewee, bemuse they
west to horse a ter wpm the ogrisahosal intones, which be eon-
sideted partial mad unjust; mod be eke thought that they world

CONTRACTS FOR COALS AND CANDLES.
Comsainariat Deparonent. Treasuty Chambtrs,
Bth Mug, 1826.
QUM Persons as are drsirous o/' contracting with the
0 Agent for Commissariat Supplies, to furnish for twehe
month,, from the 25th June next, such quantities of COALS and
CANDLES as may from time to time be required, for sundry
Barracks and Stations in the undermentioned Counties anti Islands,
may receive Particulars of the Contracts on applying at this Office
berseen the hours of ten and four, and to the respective Barrack
Masters in the Islands of Guernaey, Jersey, end Alderney, and
deliver their Tinders at this Office as follows, viz.:—
Tenders for supplying Coals, sealed up, and marked " Tender
for Coals," until twelve o'clock on Wednesday, 31st May inst.
Tenders for supplying Candles, sealed up, and marked " Ten.
dere for Candles," until twelve o'clock on Friday, the 2(1 of
June next; but no Propm.al„ either for Coals or Candles, will
be noticed. unless made on, or annexed to, a primed Particular,
and the Prices inserted in words at length ; nor unless a Letter be
subjoined to such Proposal from two persona of known property,
engaging to become bound with the party tendering in the stint
expressed In the Particulars, fur the due performance of the
Contract.
Tenders to he made for the several Counti
racks and Stations, as specified in the Parti
COUNTIES, &c.
Hants
Isle of Man
Isle of Wight
Ken t
Lancaster
Middlesex
NOftult
Northumberland
Non hampton
Nottingha,

Berk.
Brecknock
Chester
Cornwall
Cumberland
Devon
Dorset
Durham
Essex
Gloucester

ies, and separate Bar-
Liars of Contracts.

PRICES OF BRITISH
tank stock 2tll
II per Cent. Red. 77f
I per Cent. Com% 7:i
Ditto Acct. 701
per Cent. 841
I per Cent. Red. Sla
New 4 per Cent. S 5 941
Long Ann. IS)

Pembroke
Sufi lic
Soli:met
Surrey
Sussex
Warwick
York
North Britain
!elands of fluernsey,
Jerney...k Alderney.

iTOCKB rEsTF.nimy.
India stuck 7315 Cl 5
Ditto Bonds 7 8 pm
Sr:nth Sea Old Annuities 7!
Ditto New Annuities 28
Ex. 81Ile Ite44. 8 9 put
Ditto MAL 8 9 pm
Ditto 4niall 8 9 pm
Lottery Tifeete 211.198.

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