The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-05-18 00:00:00

for the passing of resent emanleauslo tgainet Popery, he thought
that -eligion would quickly pus away. Years passed away—the'lest
Ac, els repealed, and their Lordships knew whether Presbyterian-
ism hail liceomis the religion of that country, or whether that other
raigion, which, according to the Dean's prophecy, was to have
,ot,,s limey, or whether it had not gone on under the operation of
I I statutes, increasing in force and influence with every succeed-
pens s • .._
file year: (Hear.) He would trouble the House with one other
,eservation on the subject of prophecies. In the early part of the
lat reign, a measure introduced to give the Catholics equal rights
with the Protestants in Canada had been deelared unsafe with re-
spect to Canada, and injurious to the Protest•int Establish-
ment ; and a Divine, quoted by Burke, had prophecied the in_
:sniffle eirect of that concession to be, that the French King
would, through the means of Papal Bulls, induce the States of
America to throw off their allegiance to this country. The Chris-
tian King had certainly, in conformity with one part of the predic-
tion,
employed his powers to induce a part of the States of Arne-
tin to throw off their allegiance to the mother country.; but what
part had it been ? Irby not the Catholic population who were to be
absolutely ruled by these bulls, but the attached Presbyterian
provinces, Over whom the power of the Pope could not bee-teethed,
while the Catholic provinces, the tools it was supposed of the Papal
Throne, remained firmly attached to their King and Constitution.
(Loud cries of hear, hear.) And yet these were the Bulls to which
they were told nothing !lumen could be opposed, before whose in-
thence an ties of public or private conuect ion were to sink into in.
Ognifi,DC'. (II ear.) Ile could tell those who resisted this measure,
that the grourd was shaking beneath their feet, and that it was im.
possible torb people who existed amongst all the excitements of a
tree country to continue contented with that state of debasement in
which they were placer; and the very education which a Right
ltev. Prelate hed mentioned as one of the substitutes for Eman-
cipation would prove one of the strongest stimulants to the in-
crease of that dissatisfaction which at present existed, and to the
continuance of these demands for redress. A Noble Marquis
(Anglesey) who stored his opinions with honourable .-nd manly
freedom, had said that the complaints of the Catholics increased
with every fresh concession. He admitted it was so; and he
wouldt go farther, and say he wostlif have a bad opinion' of
any men placed in such a situation, if they did not
grumble until they were admitted to a participation in those
rights to which they had so strong • claim (flear, hear).
sad to which it was the property of human nature to aspire. They
would continue to make those claims; and whatever remedies of
education or statistics might be applied to the disease, the increase
of wealth and commerce and power would only give a now impetus
to their desire for freedom, and bring them the mare frequently
betere that House. The eel question was, whether they would
continue to rule over 1 eland by the old method of coercion, or
whether they would have recourse to that system of conciliation
uhith had been tried to some extent already, and by which
it sae aimitted that the country was placed in a most pros-
li-mus condition. He thought it would become the Right
Reverend Prelates who opposed that conciliation, that it' they
-displayed less fear of the dangers to be apprehended front
succession, and a little more confidence in the stability of the
Church of England, when:they were getting rid of the prejudice
of commerce, it would be well for them to consider that what was
conceded to the religion or relief of another,was not taken away from
ue lie considered the Protestant religion, and it was his pride to
di so, as not in wan of any peculiar protection, but as standing
confident in the strength of its doctrines and the purity and virtue of
its establishment. The Noble Lord then alluded to the opinions
of those eminent men who brought about the Revolution in this
couLtry, and quoted the declaration of Lords Somers and Peter-
boiougb, the Bishop of Salisbury, and the Duke of Devonshire, in
a conterence, to prove that they only looked upon the laws enacted
at that time as temporary measures, and that they considered that
nothing less than a crime should take away froth a man the power
se serve his King and country. The Noble Lord concluded a very
eloquent and argumentative speech, by imploring their Lordships
to heal the dissensions of Ireland, by removing the restrictions
under which the Catholics labour.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL rose and said, he could not permit
the consideration of the present measure to pass over, or the speech
of the Noble Marquis ( Isansdown) who spoke last, to rema n unan-
swered without an attempt on his part to offer the observations
which were the result of his own deep convictions on the present
question. And, in doing so, he feared he should be obliged to
trespass at some considerable length on the attention of the House.
The present important question was ose that must be decided
in a view of the good or evil likely to arise from its adoption
or rejection. • And ha was desirous of making some obser.
hails on the new and extraordinary position the Hoase was
noe placed in. In consequence of the occurrence of certain
events in Ireland, their lordships had been called on in the
beginning. of the Session. to pass an Act for putting down
the Roman 'Catholic Association, and an inquiry was instituted
befoee both Houses for the retinue of investigating the state of
Ireland. In his opinion it would have been more vstisfactory to
literawrited the resuh of that inquiry before attempting the consi-
detatioa of.a measure like the present. Had this line of conduct
been adopted their Lordships might then be enabled to legislate on
• • furl and entire view of the subject. This proceeding was not
adopted, but the present Bill had been introduced into the Lower
Manse with o her concomitant measures, which some might and
others might not approve. This had been done for the purpose of
cstshing • few rotes to the right and left for the main question of
anincipetion. (Hear.) But their Lordships did norknow whether
these measures were to accempany it or not. The House of Com-
mons had sent up this Bill to their Lordships, having first pue-
Chased a majority for it by means of these other measures. (Hear.)
However, it was their duty only to decide on the Bill now before
them ; `and he would say, foe his part, he detested the Bill that
hid been law brought up for their approval. The first part of that
lhll was• trash aid nonsense, and the latter part was scarcely less
objectiocable; The only part of the Bill at all simple or intelligi-
ble was That Which related to concession. He was talking now not
of the object, but of the construction of the Bill. In one half hour
liehriould himself engage to draw up a simpler and more intelli-
gible Bill, because he would adhere •to the miin object without
gting to the right or left. Ile repeated, the 801 1.4'23 full of
errors in every six lines of it. The question came to this—.
Wile it lit to remove the lioman Catholic disabilities or not ?
That stood upon a plain and intelligible footing? Noble Lords
s<serted his .Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects ought to enjoy
equal rights with the Protestants. lie was ready to meet them
serh a din et negative. ( H ear.) And that was a proposition equally
simple wi,h their own. They were, therefore, at Witte. He had
before proved himself friendly to particular concessions, but those
row sought were wholly dihlbrent. l'arliameer had to decide sou
OW Hilt on 1 s own merits alone, and he again repeated the
Roman Catholic was not entitled to enjoy equal right. and
privikgei with the Protestant. It was said, Yes, but in a het
elate, all subjic a ate entitled to equal rights on equal conditions.
His ground of abjection was, that the Catholic did not offer equal
conchtio.s, and was rot placed in a similar situation to the Pro-
testant. He avoid. net concede equal privileges to two parties,
one of whom offered an entire, the other a divided allegiance—
the one r complete, and the other a qualified allegiance. -Till the
prom:Weis of Catholic Emancipation could prove to him that he
• wl o worked half a day was entitled to equal wages with him
who laboured the whole day ; or. in other words, that the half was
equivalent to the whole, they should never be able to satisfy hint
that the individuals who paid spiritual allegiance to the Pope
and thnseral allegiance to their Sovereign were equally entitled
to chit privileges with the Protestants, who paid an undivided and
unqualified allegiance to their King. He stood upon this broad and
firm piaciple ; and though he h el heard the question discussed for
twenty years, he had never heard the man capable of answering
that questi n. But he knew the answer that would be attempted—
It would be said that the Catholic's qualified allegiance was itnma-
mild to his conductin civil life. He thought it was; the quart&
cation applied practically—on that ground fie took it. He had no-
, ding to do with the dogmas of the Romish Church—tranbubstan-
slaws, the Invocation of saints, or the opinions formerly enter-
tained on the extent of the Papal power. lie was content to let
their theolrgical doctrines alone, and confine himself to the opinions
of Papal authority now entertained, and avowed to be entertained,
is the evidence on their Lordships' table. The Noble Lotd (Lime-
rick) who spoke last but one, derned the power of the Pope to appoint
Bishops. But that fact was established by the testimony of Dr.
Doyle and Dr. Murray. True, the Pope generally attended to the
recommendation of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, bat be
pawned the right of nomination If he chose to exercise it, and
might appoint a foreigner, or the most objectionable individual in
Europe, as a Catholic Bishop in Ireland. The nomination would
stand good : the Bishops and Clergy in Ireland were bound to obey
him. Was such a situation of things to be tolerated ? IVas he to
be told now that the Roman Catholic was entitled to equal rights
in this Protestant country ? Though the horizon was now clear
e tempest might be near at band, and they should provide for it.
What could be in appearance more prosperous than the state of
the C'utrela of England at the commencement of the reign of
Chute; the First? yet in twenty years it was overturned; and
would any man have supposed that within twenty years of the
Pelted of the Restoration of Charles 11. the Church, the Laws, and
the Constitution of this .Protestant realm, should have been en-
lingered as they were. Did he fear the Pope? Not at all ; but
•druded the Priest who was under his influence, and he objected
n she principle. His objection was not to the abstract doctrine of
Y pal influence, but to the practical application of it to the civil
;:..tions of life. The influence of the Priests was not like that of
any other Clergy in the world. lie would not attempt to conceal
Lis dread of a Church which insisted on confession, not as a matter
of choice, but of duty. Absolution placed the Catholic entirely in
the power of the Priest, and he had dominion over him. (Hear,
bey, hear.) And what was the nature of this absolution ?
It was this, when an individual acknowledged a crime,
the Priest was bound to secrecy as to that crime, and not only as
to that crime, and to all crimes done and committed, but to keep
secret all other crimes to be dune and committed by the confessing
Party, and not only by the individual confessing, but by a party or
pavies not confessing, but of whose actions the Priest might acquire
4 knowledge through him. (Hear.) In a word if the Roman
(..'itholic Priest knew, through the medium of confession, of a con.
ricy to blow up the King and the two Houses of Parliament
I n 1 he was now putting a by no means impossible case), he was
bound to secrecy—not merely justified in not disclosing, but
rim allowed to disclose it under the constitution of his order.
Yes, this was the fact, and though the lives of hundreds, and
thousands, and millions, depended onthe disclosure, the Catholic
Priest dared not to reveal it. (Hear.) He (Lord Liverpool) was
u !ally alioeked at such • doctrine; but it was so, and Le was
—re out by the evidence on their Lordships' table in saying so.
if a priest were aware of a murder about to be committed—if
ric knew a man was to be murdered at a place where two roads
t. and that by turning to the right or left he might escape, he
was not permitted to tell him to rum to the right or to the left. Such
`Practice might well astonish their lordships; it had astonished him.
114 carte next to the question of education, and he felt there was