The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-02-22 00:00:00

IRISIIUNLAWFUL SOCIETIES BILL.

Mr. GOULBURN moved the Order of the Day for the second
reading of the Irish Unlawful Societies Suppression Bill.
Lord NUGENT rose.—lf he had no other objection to the Bill
now before the House than what he hart heard from the commence.
mein of the Session, he would see good reason to oppose it-
Scarcely any two of his Majesty's Aliaister agreed. Neither the
Attorney-General for Ireland nor the Right lion. Secretary for
Ireland agreed with any other in the nature of the statute, the ex-
tent of its application, or the result: if the RightzHno.Seeretary and
the Atiornee-General for Ireland were right in their assertions re-
opening the great influence exercised by the Catholic Aucciation
over the people of Ireland. then the Foreign Secretary was wrong •
in the opinions he delivered on a former evening. The Fordo Se-
cretary opposes the Association, because he contends that it does
not represent the feelings and opinions of the Catholic body. The
Attorney-General and the Irish Secretary, on the contrary, contend
that it is dangerous solely from its intimate connexion with the
great mend the people. The Secretary foe the Home Department
opposes the Association, because he thinks it likely to disturb the
peace of the country by its interference with the ancient system of
Government. The Hon. Member for Loutit (Mr. L. Foster) die.
approved of the proceeding of the Association, because Ireland
was in • state of repose. IVhat result, then, de :hey anticipate
from this HUI? If Ireland remains tranquil, the Foreign Secretary
may consider his opinions fortified. Where, then, he would ask, is
the danger? If. unfortunately, disaffection should break out, and
:he consequence of this Bill should be to drive ten irotited people to
resistance. then the Attorney-Gereral and the Secretary for Ireland
would boast of the truth of their predictions. But would not that
be prodnerd by their own measure ? Would it not be the effect of
their interference? But he must strenuously assert that no case •
has been made nut to justify such an Ant--no evidence had been re-
bend. Even if • case had been made out, which he denied, their
Bill is a bad one, ineffectual as well as impolitic, and wanting, siw
rale to say, any clause which provides against the main object of
the measure—the Catholic interference with the administration of
justice. He objected too that this Bill was not a ueanimone
niewerre of his Majesty's Ministers, but a base sacrifice of the feel.
irgs of one part to the prejudices of the others ; and because it had
been userted that, unless the A soviet ion was put down, the Catholic
question could never be carried with the full measure of approba-
non. His Majesty's Ministers had certainly prepared us to expect
that we must not look foe any evidence in support of this Bill, and
they had kept their engagement. Ile appealed to any Member
who supported them if they were able to state one fact which had
been proved—if they had heard any—if they possessed any evidence,
more than they did—any private information—it was right that
they should put them into the same condition. But there watt
core. They were about to pass a Bill, unprecedented. dangerous,
and highly penal, without the slighted evidence of its necessity.
They had been told that the Association felt ton mach deference and
respect for this House to attempt any resistance to its avowed deter.
minations. Upon what. In the name of comin MI sense, was that opin ion
founded ? Had that House been so kind and considerate in their
emidoes to the e'elholie nobility and gentry—to the rank and cha-
racter and wonh which they acknowledge ; or were they entitled to
respect, because they had been wise enough to pass an Act unjust
and unconstitutional, without the slightest evidence ? The Attor-
ney-General had consoled himself with the idea that the Gentlemen
whose names were at the head of the Association had too much
good taste, and kind feeling,and proper respect for the Legislature,
not to enuform to the meaning and intention of this Act. What
lie was to understand by this he knew not, unless that those who
were placed under the operation ofthe blunderingviolence of an fin-
potait Aet were to consider it unjust,and that they should not regard
its provisions. In what a situation, by this recommendation, were
they placed ! In what a situation, after all their vapouring about
dignity and necessity, and rival Parliaments, and insulting Resolu-
tions, when they are compelled to say we have sent a law to control
you ; if you have common shrewdness you may evade it ; but we
rely upon your honour, you must consider our intention not our
declarations ; you must be guided by the spirit not by the letter.
Ile never knew any parallel to such a proceeding in the annals of
legislation. Ile had heard, indeed, a story somewhat resembling
it in absurdity, which be would relate to the House. During the
exile of the late King of France a Nobleman had committed some
real or supposed offence against the etiquette of the Court.
A Cours de Justice was immediately summoned, and the Noble-
man—an emigrant, like his Sovereign, was cited, with all due
solemnity, to appear before it. The Nobleman did not thick
proper to comply. The consequence was, that he was served with
a notice to consider himself a close prisoner in the Concierperte,
and in that imaginary prison he remained, regularly attending,
however, all places of amusement, until death (about two
rears before his master's restoration) put an end at once to
his imprisonment and his sufferings. (liear, hear, mid a
laugh.) That the Catholics will act advisedly, and with all
dee discretion, lie had no doubt, but by this Act they could
not compel them their duty must be solely owing to affection.
They reminded Pim of the old West Indian story. `• Massa,
if you flogee—flogee, and if you preachee—preachee ; but
no dope and preachee to." If you advise—advise, and if
yea prescribe—prescribe . • but don't prescribe and advise at the
same time. Whether the Catholic Association was to be destroyed,
or not, he did not consider a very important question. The Catho-
lic Association was but a creature ; our decrees may alienate the
whole people, and he would ask now a question which he believed
had been asked ninety and nine times—it there are but two ways of
putting an end to these distractions—a Penal Code and Catholic
Emancipstion—why not give us the Emancipation ? (Hear,
hear.) The Right Honourable Secretary for the Home Depart.
mint thinks it would be incompatible with the security of the Este-
'dished Church. He honoured the Right Honourable Secretary for
that declaration, because he believed it possessed the merit of sin-
cerity. But what say those Right tionourable Gentlemen who
have, upon every question how to save or govern Ireland, been dia-
metrically opposite in their opinions till now ?—What say they ?
why, they are at length agreed upon a remedy : they have decided
upon a panacea—a blister, to irritate and plague the patient. (Hear.)
He bagged pardon for trespassing so long on the !louse (hear) ;
but, situated as he was with regard to this question, he felt he must
consume more of their attention. If Honourable Gentlemen would
not allow him to judge of their reason for enforcing this Bill, by a
full declaration of their objects beyond what the measure itself in-
formed Min, he was forced to the oneor the other of these alternatives
—either that they had no solid ground for doing so, but were led
away by their fears--or that the reasons by which they acted were not
proper ,to be developed. If the opinions of Lord Wellesley had
been received, is they were of some importance, they ought to be
made known. He (Lord Nugent) had heard this was a question
upon which much difference of opinion really existed in• the
Cabinet, with regard to a part of that Nobleman's opinion& If
so, why then he, for one, never could assent to pass t1::1
Bill, unless lie was informed why, and how, and coupled with
what conditions the Marquis ifellealey was disposed thus to
arm the Executive Power against the Roman Catholics of Ireland ?
Ile honestly believed that the Noble Marquis must have been very
much misinformed respecting the state of the Catholics; for lie
could not suppose that his Lordship could at this time of day have
assented to this measure with full knowledge of the real disposition
of the Catholics of Ireland. He could not have come to such a
judgment as that, nor have been base enough to truckle his opinions
to others, What then was he t Lord Nugent) to believe? Why,
he believed this, that if Lord ti elleley had expressca his assent to
the measure, it was done in a qualified way ; or else that one halt
of his Lordship's opinion had been received, sqd the other half
suppressed, in order to give a certain portion of the Cabinet a vic-
tory, by getting this obnoxious Bill to pass. One word more, and
he should then no longer detain the House. If it were only in or-
der to compel his Moiety's 'Mennen to have recourse to the real
and only alternative by which Ireland could be rendered lastingly
peaceable and happy, he would vote most strenuously against this
measure. Should they persevere in inflicting this additional pe-
nalty on the people of that unfortunate country, then he called upon
every Gentleman who valued the right of free discussion—he called
upon every Gentleman who had a real feeling towards hapless Ire.
land—he called upon every Gentleman who was a friend to true
liberty, to vote against this dangerous measure ; because he was
sure that, hoverer it might destroy the Association, it would only
increase the spirit which animated it. Let it not be supposed that
there was not a most close sympathy existing between the Catholics
of Ireland and the Catholic Association. How far that feeling had
been produced in Ireland by :he present proceedings of this House
he could not say ; but, with regard to England, it was well Meow'