The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1810-06-14 00:00:00

THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 1810

Mg, to his ability and eloquence. I bad looked
with toutidence to supply those deficiencies, which,
before I sit down, I leer will become ton apparent
to your Lordships ; but though he is absent, I am
fortified in what I shall have io address to you, by
a knowledge derived from experience, and by the
declarations of the Noble Lord to whom I allude,
that the principles upou which I rest the objects of
my mutiun, have Ilia entire coucureence, sanction,
and approbation. listing stated thus much, I shall,
without further prefece, prcceed to lay before your
Lordships those important matters to which it is my
duty to call your attention. On looking to the dif-
ficulties under which the country at this moment In.
bouts, one cautiot but particularly advert to the
amount of the public expenditure, which has been
carried, within the coarasof 18 years, from a sum of
sixteen maltase annually, to uo less than eighty-five '
millions. Upon looking to that fact—upou con-
sidering the taxation isecessary to supply the ex-
penditure—the means by which it is colleeteml—the
RUM] in or the taeatimi,witicis those most converstut
'upon the subject. have elated to have arrived ut en
height beyond which they doubt the probability of
its bring extruded—Laokiug, I say, to the sumo tit
of the taxes—to the means by which they are col-
lected—means so severe and vexations in their
operatio.., that they are blooming to be the subject
of universal complaitit Looking to these diffi-
culties, and to the pressure of a variety of other
incidental circumstances, the remedy who Ii tia-
turally presents itself as the most utivione one is
IMACL. It cannon, my Loran. be surionsiug, that
after seventeen years of continual sacrifices, for the
short and feverish interval of the treaty of Amiens
can hardly be called an interval of peace, it cannot
be surprising, that after so long a preluded's:notices,
the country should at length ficil itself muck iu
need or s cessation of hostilities. Ilutwe ougut to re-
collect. that we arebrouglet into, eituatidn in which
restoration of peace to toe country dues not depend
on ourselves. We are in a situation in which it
may well be doubted wi.ether any attempt on our
part to open the door to itegociation fur peace,
would induce to the attainment of that object; or
whether a peace, if obtained under such circum-
stances, could be accompanied wit:i all those secu-
rities by which obmive it would be rendered bee and
permanent. If I saw iu the conduct of IN :Melee,
ty's :Ministers any thing that could lead me to sup-
pose they were actuated by a disposition to take
measures which should coutrihute to the restoration
of peace upon such terms a, were suited to the pre-
sent circumstances of the country, there would be no
one more forward in urging them to adoot eueo a
system of policy than myself ; but I much ifedin
whether any proposition they can make woole! at-
tended with any othereffect than that of Man. imig our
enemy Its believe that it proceeded from our weak-
ness and Goer fear ; and having no rm.votii to b lieve
that there is s disposition 011 the pan ef llms Majeety's
Ministers to seize the first favoureide opportunity of
obtaining peace ; recollecting that t Jeer conduct hoe
been such as to remove from us every wish and hope
for that desirable event ; I ant free to say, that to
open a negociation for peace would he ineftectual.
I have no reason to suppose they have any such in-
teutiou ; it therefore cannot he accessary fur we to
urge this House to interfere with respect to a eiu.
lion which does not seem likely to occur. I
should, io stating what I have to offer to your
Lordships, wish to avoid any language that might
excite irritation, or, by producing personal ummi-
mantles, tend to prolong the miseries of war. I
hope I shall have credit for possessing that feeling,
with respect to many of the acts imputed to the
extraordinary person who stands at the head of
the French Government. Instructed as I have been
in the moral duties of civil society, and educated
under a free Government, it is impossible that I
should not, in the conduct of that elninent person,
find much to censure. Whatever I may find in his
character to condemn, I must confess there is a
splendourattached to his fortunes,which, as ::onnect-
ed with military affairs,absolutely stands unrivalled.
I should be sorry either, on the one hand, to express
my admiktion of his achievements, at the expense
ninny moral feelings, or, on the other, to seem to
encourage those impulses of nature, which might
excite a renewal of it contest between this country
and France, after so many years of devastation and
blood. But when we look at this subject, we must
take into our consideration the circumstain I's under
which our own country exists, the powers we pos-
sess. mid compare them with the character, dispo-
sition. sod energies of the Government by 060,
the etfairs of the people of France are directed.
l'aj lug mine attention to this, it is imposoble mint
to feel that it would be the height of solatnation
and fully to deity, that our enemy, now exulting(
user prostrate Europe, and checked by the power
of this country alone, can have no other object io
view, for time completion of his gigantic plans, than
the destruction of this country. To this he is sti-
mulated by his ambition—it must be the sole aim
of his policy, whether to war or peace—we must
look to peece. wheuever our enemy may incline to
make it. inertly as a period timing which he will
be endeavouring mnre eifectimally to complote the
means of our dv,trection.—(Hear, bear.)—lt novo
be obvious, that if he should grain us pe,ce, it will
only be thot he may with more security pursue his
plans against the freedom, indepentkiii e, em it ev.
isomer of this ceuntry. It wroth' be a folly for its
Is. Art upon any other view of ties eat+ et. Let it
not be supposed that iu stitiug this I :MI all e.lerns
to peace ; fur peg c, when it can be I 01
It I 'alloy and bonnier, hn slice he tato ml
higher thou mine. I know it bas been said,
that the present Governineet of France Is Is 104'11
consideredas actuated by a better disposition
towards this country thou the ancient Gov erionenta
ef France. I dieeloiin the j mince of 16111 I 1 an iii-
ft, ene e. The same system which cei-t. el under
the nutrient French Goverament, port limbs rl v wider
Louis still exists under the pie t Govemu.
metal ; ouly for this difference of tot... aJd

circemstatices, with respect to FritMe, as she exists
at present ; and „shove all, considering the tremen-
dous alteration, liOt 60 notch in the dispositions of
the French Government, as the energies mud ex-
tent of power it possessss. Recollect, that whet
the hornier Governments of France attempted in
vain to obtatn, is accomplished by the present
one. The independence of Europe is gone—
the belence of power is gone—the military respect,
consequence and character of Russia, Austria, and
Prussia, are gone—the Government of France, end
the Ruler of that country, have now at their com-
mand the entire forces of Gerriemy and Italy—the
Emperor of the French commands the maritime re-
sources of all the Powers of Europe, even of those
Poe et's who formerlyconteeted the dominion of the
Seas with Great Brit:elm—Before we can look to
peace—before we can form any griller estitnate of
the terms upon which we are likely to obtain it,
we mu,t contemplate that accessiuu of power which
France will derive by the addition of till the great
resources of the Peet:tank of ripain and Portugal.
What is the inference I draw from theme observe-
bens ?—ft is this; that looking to the situation of
the country at our with us—looking to the ex-
tent of ids means—the power it has obtaisseil—
the spirit by which it is directed—the character of
the Government which now stands, not at the head
of Fraece alone, but of Etwoope. Contemplating
these things, in oleo: is it we coo trust ?—We must,
if we wish to insine our safety, look to ourselves at
home—We must eel duet the vetr in such a manner
YY to le IVP us under an appreloensiuu for the result
of that event which we must be prepared against—
I meen, that attack and invoice]. which neither the
obligation of to-ratite, alliances, or the servile de-
wielence of vassuls can prevent. Witness the
conduct of France with regard to Switzerland and
Portugal. I have no hesitation in saying, that we
ought to be prepared for supporting the was duriug
the most protracted period fur which it may be
necessary, in order to secure our inolependeoce,
threatened 'by the war, but scarcely less so by
the dangerous event of a peace. We should
therefore look to the necessity of husbanding
those resources which are to enable us to
reshot the most 'formidable danger by which the
liberties and indeprielence of any country were
ever assailed. This teals me to the consideration
of the pulley we ought to pursue, and I wish to see
e,dopted. It is a policy which I lament has not
been followed in the present Administration—it
wit . The policy of that Ministry who were reviled
to ; of the Ministry, of whom it is no inconsidera-
ble pe.ise to say, that hi one short year they
were able to retrieve many of the difficulties
in tal.ich the country had been involved by
the Ministry who preceded them. Their policy,
however, was reviled .and treated with scorn—
the ouoineut the present Administration replaced
them, their principles were dcperted from.—
From that moment; the reign of vigour come
menced. and we have now to reap the fruits of
those fatal expeditions which have exhausted the
resources of the country, and covered the national
• character with disgrace. A Noble Lord on the
other side of the House has frequently said, that
one adonitoistration approves of a system of econo-
my, and another administration of a system of ex.
trevotgance ; but that the propriety of the one or
' the other must be determined by the circumstances
and situation or the country ; and that, at all events,
the system to be preferred, is that which is most
likely to bring the contest the country is engaged
in to a successful conciusion. I agree with the
• Noble Lord, that such is the true ground of the
question ; but, I say. that, looking to the situation
of Europe. looking to the almost entire sub-
jection of the Continent, the probabilities were
absolutely alpinist a favourable result of the
system resorted to by the present Ministers. They
have embarked in a cause without a probability
of success, at a time when there was no power in
existence that could give them effectual support.
Under these circumstances they have sent out their
expeditions, so ill-contrived, so ill-managed. so to-
tally d: fective in every thing, with respect to time,
place, or circumstance, with a view to insure suc-
cess, that it was impossible they could lead to any
other result than that which they have produced,
the disgrace and calamity of the country. With
such a wide field before me, it is however not my
intention to enter into the consideration of those
different measures, which have exhausted. not one
only, but repeated debetes in this House. I cannot
help referring to the conduct of Ministers in the
war in Sole. more especially as 1 had no op.
portunity of delivering my sentiments upon the
subject, when the question was last discussed in this
Ilnuse.—There was nu man who subscribed more
absolutely than I did to the feelings of the Noble
Marquis, by the eloquent expression of which he
was inducing the House to support the cause in
Spain—the hopes of no man were to:ore alive to that
cause than mine were, though none were more dif-
fidently submitted to the House ; but I cannot con-
cede to the sentiments of the Noble Marquis, whose
splendid olerlamation, seemed to infer, that in order
to induce the Heuse to embark in the cause of
Sposin,nentilog farther was necessarythan to chew that
her rause was just. In my opinion. simiething more
was orseceary then to ,hew that the attack of France
ueflit Sietet w..• nujust and cruel, tied the resist-
liner of the Ovoinerda, fiance:owe' by those motives
a hieh were honourable to the nation, mud made
every E.iglott heart barn with holy zeal to lend
them a-sidaece.—ln my opinion, something more
veis try; the Noble Marquis ought to
have .hewn that there were such means, such
piohafelinoss of Silertul, as would ratioeully in-
duce us to hazard the resources of the ceuatry.
Nations cannot act like individuals—the most
heroic vi.tueo, which would shed a lustre oier
cannot be exerted by
(00JOa must lie regulated and weighs el he policy.
NI igtemielity etiol generosity are proud distinutioes
of natter...l tit Mel and hippy are wool nations

PRICE SIXPENCE-HALFPENNY.

which can exercise them ; but it should be tool.
lected. that nation's eimitot be chivalrous nod ro.
truant may expose themselves to cer.,
tam loss—illy, to certain destruet.iiii, when they
are prompted by a generous motive; and poste.
city, for their during achievements, will give theist
immortal glory ; but nations cannot so set,*
Before they engage in my enteriaise which' is to
be supporter) by the exertions 111141 energies of the
;movie, it is the duty of the Government to sire,
brat, that there are the means of reinfoisig them
effectual ; secondly. that there 15 a some cut policy
to warrant the npialmation of the means; and, last-
ly. that there are grounds of probability to induce
a hope of success. It is in this way only that the
Willits of nations can he wisely comiucted ; and.
trying the conduct of fl:s Nfijest.v's Nliiiisters npon
this principle, 1 irni c no difficulty in declaring, that
tl.ey have Lees debt:ter t tai that wisdom which •
•iigi.t to distinguidi men who c.m.luct the affairs
of a great nation. I repeat, that there is no man
who could more anxiously have felt the justice of
the cause of Spain, or who could have more desired
to give trfect to the exertions of that people. I
conteiMed, last year, us my Nolde Er.end. whir
opened a dchate.asi his own tuotinn, COMisadmi this
year, shot before we embarked n British army,wiftl
u view on assistin4 in the war iii we should
have felt the necessity of ascertaining whether
there wits a government in Scant capable of giv.
ing that support to the disnnsitions.rif tha peo-
ple, and to our efforts far their atifi'lliNlire, as wait
likely to bring the mutest to u successful termina-
tion ? We should have informA our...Ases whether
the necessary provision teas mode fur supplying our
army with the means of action? Whetl:er or no,
we were not bailie to be lift without the iiect 0,417
support, by hieing considered as prx,..•ipals? and
whether iii fact Spain hefted wavuot destitute of
those means, without which nu war Cl2ll be car-
ried on ? I say, then, that upon this print iple the.
conduct of the King's Ministers has been highly
reprehensible. Last year it was sheen, nod I seed
not go into any detail upon the subject, that be-
fore the advance of Sir John Moore and his army
into Spain, His Majesty's Ministers had no accounts
whatever of the state of that country. After the
experience el that unfortuoute campaign, what but
the most positive proofs of the probability of sums&
should have induced them to risk another army its
the same cause.? Yet, without any proofs whatever,
another army has been risked. and the cousequence
has been misfortune and disgrace, end the to:. of
blood and treasure, without any advantage whet.
ever to the country. These are Inc ground. or my'
objection to the condnet of Ili Majesty',lll..liters.
I allege it as a mutter of charge against them, ilia
they have indulged feelings, which, ho,rever bea
noontide they may be, ought never to he Lir
dalged in at the expense of a nation. That they
have rashly embarked in expeditions. which have .
been fatal and disastrous, and from which no
advantageous result to the public could possibly be
expected. That they have done this, too, its cow,
tmdiction to that husbanding iystern, by which our
resources might have enabled us to meet the danger
we are threatened What has been the come- '
quence of all their expeditions? Are the dangers
which we apprehended diminished ? Is the power •
of Bonaparte less than it was? Is the power of
France reduced below sh;it it eras wher our Minis..
term engaged in this eystem of ',urine ? Irene the
contrary will be felt. I fear that the powers of the
enemy will be found to have iiiiireased, while we
shall have to meet them a ith diminished means of
resistance. Here, theo,without going more particu-
larly into the subject, is ample gr, for chargitig
His Majesty's Ministers with a line of conduct Mfr•
teary to that which true policy,and the circurneterices
of the country, imperiously required. Leavitia i.e
conduct of the war, respecting which much woe
might be said. the next point I would direct the at-
tention of the House to, would be the policy which
has been. observed with respeet to those few powers
who were unconnected with France, sod who it
should have been our policy to have assisted. I
shall not go into the history of that fatal attack
upon the independence and honour of Denmark.
It was not the less probable that Deosnork would
fall within the contralti of France, nor was such an
event likely to be prevented by our forfeiting our
honour and character by our unjustifiable Pasch.
By such an attion of atrocious irsolen,.e we
excited the enmity of that Power, and created an
enemy, more formidable than it ever would have
been by its unwilling acquiescence in the dictates
of France. I will shortly adores. your Lordships
with respect to other neutral powers. With respect
to Sicily, our connexion is one of considerable de-
licacy. I do not wish to enter into the subject;
hut, from all I know, from the policy pursued by
His Majesty's Ministers, 1 have reason to think it
has not been such as the sitoatiou of affairs required,
and was calculated for the security of that country. It
is impossible to go ihto the question, but I fear it is
left in a situation of danger, from which, if a dif-
ferent system is not adopted. it will be impossible to
rescue at. I fear, that notwithstanding ail the means,
military and naval, by which we have hitbei to se-
cured the independence of that country, we may.
with certainty. portend its fall under the sway and
t; mminion of France. I shall nua cal; your atten-
tion to the situation of the only reruni ong neutral,
the establishing the relativos of amity with which
ought to have been your object. 1 wean America.
It is impossible to salter fully into what would IN.
CU py. not one or two debates, but a whole session--
a discussion as to the conduct adopted by His Ma.
jesty's Government with regard to America—The
edicts of the system we have ass long continued.
I am persuaded. liter been most injurious to the
country. I contended that it would be pro.
ductive of injury. when it was first proposed ;
the opinion 1 then entertained I have seen no
reason to r iinquish. We have been told that
time trade of the country has not suffered by
the Ord. ri m Count l, hut we have tat Still

tad that our bit& has been saliptirteti by ftn ad.
heroisce to those Orders. or that our trade has only
been carried on in consequence of a depart dre from
them. The system could only be justified upou
one or two grounds; bringing the enemy to Mau
the steiseres with respect to commerce. wliseli it
was our object to induce him to deport front, and
in the next place to prevent the navigatiou of Ame-
rica from carrying away the trade qi this country.
With regard to the first point. the system we
adopted has been completely ineffectual—the
system has completely failed-4t has not had the
altect of inducing the enemy to repeal his De-
crobs—he has not shewa any diapwition to repeal
them—you have yourselves. in order to supply the
wititA of that country, been obliged to connive at
the evasion. or rather the violation of his Decrees
and your Orders in Cooped. With respect to the
navigation of America. was it not plain Viet no

•
trade could he carriedon except by a flag that wits
neutral.—The only neutral power in the world was
America. What has been the consequence of your
system? The consequence has he en, that the trade
with which jots could not dispense, has been carried
on tinier other nags, bringing to European powers,
subject to the dominion of Bonaparte, that trade,
ant furnishing those powers with the means.of esta-
blishing n marine. Lnokiog to the conduct of that
great political and military genius the effect seems
to correspond with a deep-laid design. We seem to
have given effect to his object. American naviga-
tion could not be dangerous to us. American sea.
men could not navigate the ships of the enemy.—
They might be serviceable to our ott ti, by their em •
ployment in British ships, undet the prospect of
being likely at some tune to return to their own
country. The truly quietism would hare been a
, question of profit and lose; but by the effect of ex-
( eluding America, we have transferred the trade to
• a foreign dig, carried on by foreign European sea.
taco, who are liable at any time to be called
upon by Bniipiarte. You have therefore given
him that which he must want, when he talks of
ships, colonies. and commence. You hate given
him a nursery for seamen. Front the papers which
have been produced heron Parliament, it appears,
that, from the years 1807 to into, the effect of the
system to which I am referring has been this—that
in 1607 the number of British seamen employed in
that trade was 42:000. and foreign seamen 46 000,
that in tsOn they were reduced one-hulf, but were
afterwards again increased." [Here the Noble Lord
stated the substance of the accounts which had
berm laid before the House, by which it appeared,
that;, by the operation Ok the Orders in Couocd. the
number of British seamen employed in the Amen-
can trade had diminished 8000, while the number
of fore:go seamen had increased 12,000 beyond
what they were before.) He dean proceeded: d• flow,
I *mild avlc, are these men employed ? They are
employed in the instigation of the setts of Europe ;
in the aarigation of your own coasts ; on roar own
shores. You are thus rearing this force as panders
to the ambition of your enemy, whe is plotting
your oats destruction. Thus much I say as to the
effect to be produced upon yoar naval power; but
the evil does net stop here. This trade is carried
on by licenses—it is conseqnently earned on under
the (matron% of the executive alithority—u system
inconsistent with the trite principles of a free Go.
vernment ; far what can he a more fatal source of

influence i What can he more dangerous thsn s

power yeSterl in the Government to withhold or
permit the means of engaging in commercial speeus
latioas ? Batt perhaps I may betted, that this lins
not been done. I have heard of instance. which
induce me to believe it has ; but seeing its obvious
tendency is to undermine the Ise.t interests of the
coantry—that it is inconsistent with the principles
upon which the commerce of the country is esta-
blished ; and thotit is inconsistent with the spirit of
the constitution itself-4 therefore protest against
sires a &ageism* power being tested in the hands
elf* Majesty s Much more might be
said, bat I hasten to other subject*. I hare no-
eked the impolitic condurt of Hia Majesty's Mi-
nisters with respect to th.• war. • I have *hewn, that
instead of saving the resources of the country, they
have squandered them, not only without advantage,
but with very great loss. If we look to the domestic
policy of the country. we shall And my little

• -
cause for approbstion—The first object to which
we would natorally direct rior attention. would
hp the means of providing for the extraordinary
expenditure. now rendered absolutely necessary.—
We had e debate on this subject the other night,
when too of my Noble Friends urged the inspoliey
of the system of finance adopted by Nis Majesty's
Ministers. They pointed nut, by reference to the
kat three years, the improvident system of expen-
diture. which bad eareeiled. by eight or ten mil-
lions anise illy. the limited scale of expense of the
last Administration, who were reviled for their
sordid economy. which it waa said. was set de.
sportive to the country. and so little consistent with

the permanent objects or its prosperity. In the drat
year of tht war, the Minister. who had the dirention

of the finances. proposed a plan, by which the ex-
penses of the year sere to be provided for within
the year. and he charged the loan upon she war
times. lie, however, directed other parts of the plan

•.• accompany the principaL lie availed hinasilf of
the tnevuares of his predecessors. thon.th he did the
cookitry service by not followinc gn thpir 'us. Ll'
the following year we fiatiod the means and re-
sources of the year raised by a of expedient'.
In the first place, by the reco.nmemlianon of the
Committee of Finance, that • certain sum, b-loust-
in; to the fund tor reducing the national debt

should be appro. ',rioted. That mia'st have been
•nprnpristed without • Coiniuutter ; bait, however.
we are indebted to the Coartazt.ttee of Fin•uce fo:

that plait." Effete the Noble Lord enttred into
wartety of tist.aocial Calculation•. Woody.' menu the
document* ■od accounts (aid 117.0 n the twl,b,

tending to 'thew that the financial arringenit lit.
of the ',resent Miniatera were defectire. and
were calcalited to in.-cease the di
which the finances of the coontry laiwoured.l—
et %m le length dwelt unon thi. topic. he
ad•ted. « 11v Loofa. taking theories, of the si.hjett.
i* It not hccermary f..r yin to 'rive a check to %had
couriie and ►stein of tin Incroshich hare ininovenali-
klint illeerMlify to take a review
d.Aleni,in of the .itisation in which they hair
pied the country. nail to prorate a permanent
ernem of finance? The neat thing to which I would
all your LerilViips' attcouuti. 141 a salient of nu

. .
.1 ).
lasi Olt fuitude thin any tattle farmer sinios to
I have adverted. It is to tlik present state of your
eircalstion. I *es dna of that Colntditter trho.re-
coined indeel the stoppage of the Bank—l can ;ire
it no other name. I wasene of the Committee who
advised what was called the restro.tion on the
Bank with regard to their psyinetit in specie.
I test glibly differed from the majority of the Colo-
mine •on that subject. I thought. niovritleitandisig
all that was stated with respect to the difficult si-
tuation in which the Bank was placed, that they
ought to have aubanitteal to any extremity. rather
than have proceeded to the adoption of a inerasaire
so stove' in this country. anal so entirely inconsistp
eat with its security. The Commuter, however.
were of a different opinioo ; and the proposition of
the Committee was adopted by a resolution of the
House. Upon that occasion. I dill
.argue against
the danger of a paper circulation—l pointed
out the depreciation to which that paper might
be liable, and the difficulties of resorting to the
old system again. My arguments were not fol-
lowed ; hut this I may say, that the restriction was
originally adopted merely as a temporary meathre.
If anyone at the time had talked of its being coati.
nued for three or four years, he would have alarmed
the whole country ; but what has been the fact
It has now continued for thirtren years, and within
that interval during one year of peace; and I do
not find that at the present period any thing has
been done by His Majesty's Aliiii-tern, with a view
to au arrangement for putting ins cud to that system
of circulation, which Mimi at lirst uuly introduced
on the ground that it was not intruded to be per-
momenta In another House of Parliament • Com.
mittee has been appointed, and we were taught to
trust to the labours of that Committee. I own
that, to the knowledge and cultisms of the per-
sons composing that Coinmittce, I did trust with
confidence ; but we cannot be so blind to our
present situation, as not to see and be con-
vinced, that by any thing which has been done
by that Committees uo benefit whatever has
been produced to the country—sithat, on the
ontrary, the paper-money has not wily been
consider ably depreciated, but that its cirrulatioti.
has beec felt with respect to foreign commissions,
and the relations of our foreign trade. We have
heard it stated, that even the operations of war leave
been crippled by this system of waking our pay-
ments io paper instead of in specie. 1 has is a sub-
ject to which the contideration of Parliament might
to be speedily and seriously directed. What the
remsdi!s are. it may not be so easy to say ; hot I
have n i hesitation in *toting my opinion, that you
ought now, without delay, to look to the wean. of
providing, within such time as it may be done,
witboat incoavenieuce or danger to the country, for
bringi ig back the country his that system which is
alone consistent with free circulation, and without'
which trade cut iiiii t be Weals the syss
trio •.r paiug notes on demand its rush. Tibia
then is also • siilect to which 1 shall have the
honour of proposing to tall the serious attentiou of
His Majesty's Missiaters.—There are other matters
of considerable importance c iiiiii echial sills our situ-
ation— ['lsere is see subject yarticidarly which bias
recently been brought mole, the coa.,.teratitin of
this Hon.., i• it is a oulliest, the des isom, with re-
spect to which. I cannot too &nil% deplore—l du
indeed regret what I must call the unfortunate de-
claims of that day need lordly •ay that I
to the questiosi of the state of the ltnuwu Calluilits.
I will riot return to the topics of a dt bate which has
to I stely taken place, but I nin.t rein is k. that if you
would preserve thiscouutry from slur dangers which
surround it—if you would preserve it lima the
meditated attack by which it is threatened—you
most do so by mooing all claws of people i.s its
defence. It was argued by the Noble Lord in the
blue ribbanda that France. in possession of Spain
and Portugal, would possess forts and whits from
which Ireland could easily be attacktd—lt is with
a view to fortify Ireland against the danger with
whit h she is threatesed. that I wish you to induce
the I:itemises to unite in the same commit, cause
with you—lt is true. I fear, that France will possess.
and shortly too. a Moats's' from which the moot
formidable at tack may be directed against the shores
of Ireland—hefore it be too late, prepare that
defence. which will be mooch more effectual than
any other. tiro ire to yourselves that strong and
impregnable <Weiser, which is only to he found in
the united hearts of the proille—(Hear, hear.
krar.l Of your success in ets.stilig the enemy.
there will then not be &doubt. I do hope, that
notwithstanding the decision the other night, the
House will again direct its attention to the subject.
I am far from thinking tit it this alone will quiet the
minds of the Catholics. I visa. that. by a 'angle
Act of Parliament. after are hundred years of us.
just persecution. all subject of camplaiiit and die.
affection might he removed. lam afra:d, that only
to entertain the question of Catholic t:innucipation
would not be effectual, hut still it would be a
something gained, it would he a point Gout which
we might take our beginning. Futon die munieiet
what the Catholics desire is accomplished. peace,
and renovated hopes. null strength. with respect to
other circumstances of domestic po!iroy. which the
situation of the country requires. will soon reward
us. lam persuaded. that instead of Ireland b.ing
the weal:sat point. it would be the in-ist secure
part of the dominion, and not only for but
would furnish you sith the mews-, of supporting
the war. To these points. therefore, I wish to call
your serious attentiom I have inferred. that the
conduct of Hi. Majesty's Ministers hat been widely
different fruits that which the situation of the
country. and the circumstances u:ider which it

.
it pitier.f. required, by not attending to the star-
ing and just 'wouldn't' of the people. sad by not
adapting • tunely lustros or reform, not mere-
ly. in 'natters of expenditure. but with respect
to those corruptions wliich have been the effect of
tune. I have smell to nn the expense that is in-
curred in the financial measures. and. 11111lItIllbirdiV.
it is by brisigiog those wrist branches of the puldis
orrvacr within such limys as are consistent with
public satety, that any great sawing can be expect-
ed. In the situation like the one under which we
are planed. much may be done by the reduc-
tion of useless sod unnecessary offices, anti Iry
the. limitation of offices of • description tor which

tintsbediate servicrs are annexed, but not so as

Ito ruterfere with offices which •re growled us • re-
ward (or s-races before reudrred. Much remains,
mud ought to be done. to satisfy the public, and

insitei Breit( spied that i &Luce *hick hp in.
eteased beyond its proper limits. It is is it to be
dewed, that, under the circumstances of Cie coun-
try, coloidesuble sayings may be made. without
inconveniesier to the public. Whatever can be
dime, a stli propriety, ought to *be dour. without
delay ; but I wish to state this matter quite fairly.
ant not uue of those who will flatter the people,
by staying. that every office a this kind should be
swept away. I am ready to aslant. that the whole
amount of Facings, as Compared with the national
expense. would not be considerable. I Will go fur-
ther; twill tultuit the necessity of rush funds tieing
pieced at the disposal Of the Crow is, as the means of
rewarding public serviees. What would be the ef-
fect of a contrite,. policy ? I am ashatued to trouble
you With a word upon that subject. Can it, 1 ask
you, be useful or advantageous to the pnblic ?
Can it be economy, consistent with istudeure, to
exclude from the services of *hesitate all sum hut
those who enjoy large fortunes. and who, generally
speaking, are not the best calculate I so serve the
public ? Select any period you will is the history of
the country. of its greatest glory. attd
.l will phew
you that the inOst disitingnished persons who we'e
at the head of public affairs, were persons who
had risen from obscurity by the exertion of their
own istleuts--The people atlas con I IT have never
looked with envy tit those high honours whin are
the reward of merit—who visits the riches and
splendours of Blenheim with sentiailists of envy
towards the possessor of them ? To deprive the
Crowe of rewording merit, would confine the los-
session of public situations of trust to persons of
large fortunes originally, who are not always best
qiinliiied, or to desperate adventurers, wbo•have
nothing to lose, and who would seek to remunerate
themselves at the expense of the peblic. These
are the_ principles upon which I say we should
proceed—a contrary system would neither be
dictated by policy nor good sense. It would
expose the country to the ridicule of the world.
I would preserve a necessary fund at the
disposal of the Crown. to enable the Crown in
reward past services. I only think it ought to he
limited with regard to its objects, and should guard
against abuses by necessary restrictions. These
the interests of the public require. The public
feelings require such a reform as I have described,
and though I would not advise you to yield to an
unreasonable clamour, yet when the pulcic burden%
press so heavy, you ought to consult their ease, and
look to this subject as well as to others which may
he of mere importance: it will be a se eful economy,
mid will have she effect of Allaying that disposition
to complaint whith is IQ general. lia that point
of view, its ailvautares would be ii.calculable.—
There is ',nether subject to which I would also
cdl the Retention of the Home. 1 am not die.
posed to complain of the exercise of a certain in-
fluence, possessed by die Minister( of the Crown; I
know that. all that could be urged wt old fail to
convince you, that, to • certain degree. it ought not
to exist. I would state, however, that it ought to
be limited within certain boned*, in seder to pro-
dace the advantage to he derived from the exiirise
it. 1 certainly think that the influence of the
Crown, of bite years, has increased. We recently
had • discussion. upon the subject of reversions.
when it was contended, by a Noble Vi-count. that
the inflitence of the Crown had not i Isere seed. and
he founded Ire opinion upon an able pamphlet, writ.
ten by • Meitiber of the oiler (louse; that opinion, I
resided, mod my reflections have since confirmed it.
To trouble you with the details, I should be most
unwillusg; but is it possible to Imagine or contend
that our annual expenditure. which has increased
fiso4 sistecit to eighty-fire minimills—our inereassd
estahlishia-its_-.the present extent or pawner.
infousequence of our colimial pieemaisious, and the
exiension of our power and dominion in India, with
the nicrease of *entente, and the addition of an
army of officers of revenue—ia it possible.' (vomiter-
tog these tiiinga. for any one to say that the influ-
ence of the Crown has not increased to extent
formerly unknown ?—Such is my opinion, and,
therefore,in addition to other motives of economy,
I say there is the strong and argent motive of se-
curing the people agssinst that influence, which. if
it can be diminished. ought to be diminished—l
maintain, therefore. that, upon all these grooms's, it
is requisite that this House and the other !louse of
Parliament should look seriously to the state of the
influence and patronage of thvCrown, and that every
rejection which eon be 'Tiede ought to be speedily
attended to--It is my a ith that all matters of this
kind should be taken up on a systematic view of
the subjset. I do regret as)aelr that the Ministers
have not formed a system suited to the exigencies
of the tunes, and that these matters have not berm
recommended to the attimtvis of your
We hair no this, as in every other instance, to la-
ment that fatal trolley, that blind infatuation, which
has not only neglected to take into consicieration
every practicable mode of adapting a remedy to the
exigencies of the times, and to relieve the people
from expense and initatson. by consulting their
interests, bat has induced His Mejeety's Mi-
nisters to oppose every proposition which has
beeu brought &mull with that view. Not
only have places been profusely conferred, but,
as ilath an intent of insulting and irritating the
people, and of reducing them to despair, an office
of great public trust has been given, where there
was 110 claim by prior public service. It is none.
cessary to allude more particularly to the person I
mean. for I am sore your Lordships will agree with
me. that tie object of Ministers favour had no
claim which his public services could justify. Hie
services were precisely of that description a hich are
the strongest argument against the extension of
patronage ; I mean services performed in Paelie-
moot at the expense of the prople.—(llree.)
There is in every part of the conduct of tits Majesty's
M tees *When it to call upon this Muse for their
condemnation. Idsving stated thi-, I think our ditty
ought sot to stop here. I lime spoken only of that
ecossomical reform which coiling. in the reduction
of places that arc nut places oft IS.:ient service.—
But I hare no be-station in sating, that you ought
to go further. to. are in the situation of bring
called upon to look tutu those other defects, which.
by the lapse of tun-, have impairer! the Constitii-
tion ; and, by • temporary and judicious reform.
restore the chacimer of the Government to what it
was, and eststilish it on the principles of the Con-
stitut.on. This is a snhject nn wish I should not
wish to propose any thing, without great mire and

&liberate eirenmspectlan. eelt„',,j,, sl r.
s
dtPelll:riod of t
I ;Ye dinein Idtlg al I.
ttoPpneu‘ti:lkit6oeuillir::gtline;lll.:::::::::t;ul:‘iN:ei.,(l,::lti:c.e.ll):ll.l:ll:l,r'i'l:',s.l..
Lion. I will not trey that throe sear nut hair•
some differen4 ef ojiiiiilet with resin et to roc -
iiients now and at the
but the general opinions L then formed, hat, iint'"a'
uvulae age changed. There miry he mime sha.lr, of
difference in the course of so mow rare--it is ire
possible to ism .20 years of one's I,:e, Ord err
tSr
same subjects precisely in thoms,ne Nom of toss,
Though I sin disposed to estimate more eau!ior
and soberly than 'formerly did the principles of
the
Constitutiou ; I may not contemplate them iu such
strong colours as I did at the period to which Ism
referring; I may he more dou bi foi I in my exptelatiun
as to the means of obtai ii ii g reform ; but still, ultw
as serious and dispassionate considtration a. l 0,1,
give to aunt I believe the most important ci.stics
that can occupy yonr Lordships attention, it i,
my comicientious opinion, that mach good si.uld
result from a system of sermon, a hick should
applied to such defects as have arisen in the Cur,
stitution by the lapse of time; lout that such ti.
form should be marked cad dittoed by the Coi,.
stitution itself, and should not go to the length
for which extravagant visionaries are eunteudicg
with respect to the reform of another Hou
cf
Parliament. I hardly know what to propose,
hollowly as it rests on its lockmiwksleed
lions, and on the alums that have rendered it
a harrier for the people against the incooachinew,
of power. DM as 11011111 K can be dote on nit
subject without the concurrence of all the broilitho
of the Legislature, and as that which concerns sue
branch of the Legislature concerns us all, it 1, 02,
poriant the sentiments of suds an individual as my.
self should not be misrepresented. I sin reads to
declare that the opinion I have before expressed,'
abide by. To teinprrate dtliberatioss, amid rho
adoptinti of such meliorates of Kerma' as night In
applied to correct in the House of Comititse•
apparent defects which give most 'caudal to the pub.
lie. To such a reform 1 continue friendly—to wi
Reform I shall, whenever circuinstacces admit, In
ready to give my best moistener.- ; but W.en I *.ite
this, I beg also to state, that I never sill projaw
other reform, on the ground of throne.
or
to: ihhrenbiatslllUositr':;:lowrl:ary.iio°,efni.rnecrihrirntlnielln,:kOrthul td: (II at: ictat lorr:VPill reptdeyltill:r
ttered
the Constitution. I di.epprove of all those .c.J
theories in which,* many mess are reedy to
It nem new opinion, as I will she* you. It ha. 4—,
formerly objected to dais Corratittitton, that
!wrist-tides were isekaowri—that the teuhl tad 'at
room' in any written code, and therefore did 1... t
exist-1 have learnt front' the
and by !Mending to the seotineute of tle.w
men, who shall same rw mow,.

talents we shall always acknowledge, din hue uf,
jeetioN to which I have Oft now seferrul. to the
greatest petfectiou of our Conditution. h h
folly and presumption of the present aye.
op a contrary opinion ; and we are ova told, IL
what is not written law is tot w the Cru.-itioct
We are referred to the statute-book, rent it. t,-
asrercd by all that opposition to the Powers or
vermeil!, which once threw this cowiitrs
stair of anarchy, and nearly subjected it to au us.
Weary power. Such would havr lack the aut.
butt that the en, rgy of the Couto Ouiion 0
it, and settled it upon the Writ of that Isms sou
of power which had been found to gite oat
effect to its principles-1 refer to our of Ilium. to
whom 1 wav instructed and informs el iu the .1.4
part of my iire—l mess Mr. rox.--1 frill.ut lc,.
get the frequent debates is which I hate lueu..l
that great wan speak upon this lattice!. 11 ..
his political creed there was one arikle on at..i,
he reNed more than another, it was. that
systems were practical. be would aloes' theta
from theories. 1 remember in one discue.re
in which he was arguing on this poigit,
said, thut if the wised, ablest, sod moat tiliwya
set of meta thtt ever existed in any cunotry. 11.1 e
placed rotund a table, in order to (win, a priori, 4
constitution for a state. they would not be able to
form a system adapted to the purposes for
it was required, without great alterations lora-
tice. and without great deviations from the origni.l
plant and this he exemplified by 31 fauilhar a;!1
apt alleision. He butted. that in the trade .1
building a house, he had scarcely' ever io;;.ei
one that was practically cone cultist for the
of the owner, but that thvse houses acre the I:.t
Ouch had been amended from time to time.
I tun now. my Lords, exposed to the same atm.
rand centilie limn the erne persons by
conduct ass arraigned in the scar 1792. 1 sup t•
is cn.iimou with those wish shouts I ;:e:eut Star

T. I 4e

3ti"""/7""Pores, accused of
the people, because I would not go the length t•
wiehed. un h r the appellation of• radical lei•
lint my sentiments remain unaltered. and t':e .;
sore that was returned by • Noble Loral neat
(the Duke of Bedford, we believe, theta 10..1
Miami) to ten Intern from different
(Major Carlo right and another), which I t
refer to. fully explain what they were at Croat t:itse.
and what they are now—*hat were the Obirgli to,t
Society (for constitutional purposes) had in ••
a",d, how widely they differed t. from tho. of
"" lh.ol.f•ta--filese the Noble 1.t.tl ita • •
part of the rorrespondence al to:
stated the nil, et of the watery to hr a
of the eon:motion. where time had Cilnf,
city. but these-awing the opaniun Jolt.:
Payne. They washed to reform the Con't
in order to preserve ; lint to 'Omen the g
fabric under which they enjoyed m

.1

Meat and declined holding % t 7
correspondence with these per.ons•
and practices they .a much disat.prove.l4 I •
continued the Noble Lord. were my Or
179-2, and they are my opinions it this hour. I
were arraigueri by milt. with wheat I th.n ••
ed all intercosirse--they are now c :paned •
'tame men with whom 1 disclaim all torte:it.,
Association. Much m they has etiJes‘oured
cod tni.renre.rot me. I will not he .o unch.?
a, to impute the wont motive• to them. I 97
conduct recent publication 4. mud the ell'"" ;1.
contain. have tilled the public with so runt•.l
tatiom Ileac ! hear ! Lea !)--1 oul! •
thty Arc Heading in • dang,erowi cour.c.4 •
the attaintneut of their object. whether 1,...

think it good or Inia,sre net isterestilieitorts about
(Hear ! hear if-1 do trot
tiohoe
tosiissaeympiloy....
at this moment the voice of the
people oes.nhottlatf.taollmfomrysearrelf
joersmt
iloafymtl.nrit
hju,:..ecbtetc2iji
kind'
the sorarAodf :W h
rer, chi from
the fide of other countries
soot to teach us speedily to arropt, if we wish tai
theire fate. For the countries
tare ourselves from
fall front undertaking to reform
:bf EuroPe did
noty fell because all reform was re.
therieople, I ant convinced, 'sigh fur
tpsat cinThoef re. focitenutw.olnii.cli amends, not that which
When 1 act. my Lords.
subverts the Cons i
ill be with other men than those
in this entilel,Lt will
—it will be against these men
,ho now nee- principles.—(/hear ! hear !)—W ell
sod ill their
would It lie were Government to take up the ques-
tion,d moderate discussion andr relief
conduct
an
the discontent, which attileop.epoc;tee.
whichocrtnlr
creates co much among the
tl
muchoo i d
prevails.
My
am
tarsi& at this mimeo,
point, on which I sin
Loofas there is
Bwords. I allude to the goes-
inns to say • few d
lower of both Houses
tr cling the right an Is 3
inns') e
of Parliament, now, unhappily. the subject of so
Connected with these quell.
touch conversatti.
stands a case. on which I shall not enter into
pniti,ular discussion at preset. it, as it is under the
,te.minatrnn of soother tr.cithiznal. and may even-
ly, for adjudscatim.
ually come before your
with the statement 01 a few
stall content myself with.
DI on which the question appears
!Stegall princir-el. •
to toe to stand. The privilegesof Parliament must
„pewd on general puleie utility. If they not,
they ought not to exist, and the exercise of them
anal
w be proper. But one instance of almse does
not go the length of proving that they are
injurious, and unfit to remain. consistent with the
Constitution, and the liberties of the subject. They
must rest on their public utility! and the neeessity
of their esigenee, to preserve in parliament that
freedom of discuesion, necessary alike to its
exist-
suer, sod the rights of the people. It is on this
broad principle that I form my judgment ; and if,
lice the common law. that invaluable source of all
the people's blessinss. it is supported by long
usage. me opinion is *te ng
th'dent! that is ed, and mynr at.
c
glitn""".nliered invincible.
is the
sary fur Parliament, then, contend..
power to protect themselves in the free oilcan-
?routed discharge of their public duties. sod no-
thing more. They must have the power to protect
themselves from insult, end they lutist have the
poser to enforce their decisions. should any resist-
awe Ise made to their authority. They must en-
jar freedom of deliberation, so tedisperreably ur-
erasers' to the interest of the public. For, what.
ever interferes with this freedom, must destroy their
justice. and hiss their decisions, to the injury of the
people. Parliament, them, es Neressifate, must
base the power of enforcing obedience to their or.
dera on this point, and whatever effett any pant.
miler imitative, even to the extent of imprison-
ment. may product, I cannot ag ee with
throe who would deduce from that, that a
plirilege so utterly necessary ought to be altogether
sholisha—But the ritsestionshres oat rest solely as
betweeu Parliament and the People. Is there no
other danger of interropting the freedom of diss
r lissom in Patti intent bat by the Crown ? Yes !
Li the 'sultanas of populoi iadillaatien ; and
s4arast that a, streogly as against the louden-nee
ot the Crown. if ih 'y area Parliament at all, they
nom he euarded—lie ardor rieiam prara johns-
Stow is as dangerous as the influence of the Crown
to the indetwndetice of Parliament. To meet
either., Pablo-tent must have powers commensus
rate; and all • the Ilierty of enforcing their elem.
hog. mahout list i:n.; recourse to the aid of coy other
Nortek of the leaistature. These, my Linda, are
ll...doctrines of our anemones. These are the doe-
from which we enjoy alt our blessings. It is
Imp:welds' to mention this topic. without recollect-
his the vett men to whom we are indebted for
nit( glorious revolution, which secured to us all
our all our enjoyments. Had not they,
nor Lords, possessed throe ;inverts we would not
new have had to debate about the extent of the
privlres of Parliament. or of the rights of the
Pcl.lc. connected with and dependent upon those
p•naleges. (hear, h. ar In these tunes, when
ti ere IS so touch anxiety to vivify all public men.
s.ll it he said that the illustrious man. whose loss
o- kite ever to deplore. (sir. Fox)--ts 111 it he it'd
if it he was not well acquainted with the nature
of Eve Constitution? or that he s as not the friend
If tile people? Yet Mr. Fox held opinions
o f the subject of the Privileges of Piirliam*lP. on I
deemed them neeessery for the riteits of the
1""p e. fur olowe protecitoir,iti protecting then etc-
{ tt.tentlitive-, thry were intruded. IN it'cot Puli-
hcal opponent, Mr. rot, never controverted this
c, Ilion, and it was cotigeirial with the seutinseuts
another great deported Statesman, 51r. Burke.
I i tnis they all combined ; and had we now sio
c!!ier authority but theirs, aud seeing, et the sane
haw, that no practical disadvantage accrues from
1-..ir exercise. it wroth" he sufficient to' toe to
esoiblish these p ivileges. There is en old imams iu
!'"r law-lmoks, whirls scions to me not emspidioalile
cl this case. It is said, that the wisdom Gf many
lass are never di. d. tie they are repealed,
"'slettitertence chews what sucunveniencies mise. It
would be the sane with the Privileges of PJflis•
it, hirh, though they may I.e argued against,
eon never perhaps 1w properly seined, except by
ti:eir being Arnie away ; the evils resulting from that
rash measure ao Ild prove the wisdom of our an-
ervo:. in claiming them. But, any Lords. I will
ut rod my sir„minctit upon any authority. It
shads upon the broad loans I have already stated
(: c.ltetal utility, which clearly paints nut the nes
re's.ty there is of every ,Meinlier of Parliament
r:nin4 conjointly sod separately the same power a.
i• (domed by the whole. I know. my Lords, all
•e po,rular argu.rients that tan be alleged against
11,, opinion, that no nee ought to be-judge in I.i*
S in n Nine. and that the party having to determine,
I,re no remedy or redress to be obtained else-
me. My answer is, that it mast be the same its
• ewes where the extreme power is lodged. There
10 a point beyond which them is vies app•al.
I • if the eeEntrieitt is earnest to its extern, it ntil
men 4i ply +t: omit the pubis ptts..e bent.' en-
,n the I louse of Corninroo—agsiest the •u-
--''.erne j•ohcal antlowity triton.; with your LW:.
meatn‘t the executive poser being sett :d 11'
tht ler to His 31.ijesty 'a hating the coins

, .
Mimi' of the army. ft is, bower, la' suPpori
of this proposition, that Sir Francis Burdett
compares his to the cause for which Hampden died
in the field. and Sydney ou the scaffold. No man,
my Lords, can hare a more perfect veneration than'
myself for the names of there patriots, who bled to
secure or maintain their country's rights and liber-
ties ; but a more unfortunate allusion than this
think could not well be made. Hampden and
Sydney did not fall sacrifices to the tyranny and
oppression of Parliament—they were sacrificed
through that corruption which did net permit Par-
liament the power so necessary to controul one of
the weakest and most wicked Governments that
ever existed.—(Hear, hear.)-.4 have said so much,
my Lords, to slew how snconclusive this spectra of
argument is, and to call on your Lordships,by taking
up. and calmly and impartially discussing the
question, to dissipate the delusions which are sill:
freed to prevail. Another of the popular argu-
ments is, by asking, Would you give a power to
the Hauge of Commons not possessed by the
it:Mg ?" To this I would answer. .4 Yes ! The King's
functions do not require it. The King's functions
ate chiefly thine of grace. of favour, and of mercy ;
and it rs impossible to bring him into such a con-
flict with the people, as to render such a power re-
qu'site for Iris defence.' Besides he has either
powers, such as the Supieme Executive, mid the
command of the army, which would render it un-
safe to add this also. But *ills regard to l'as lir-
ment, the case is widely different—Parliament his
oilers to originate hank measures—all their or-
dinances are restraints upon the people; And.
as Mr. Burke mention., the very imposition of
taxes brings them into conflict together ; yet,
though severe, their measures were siecessury,
and they ought to have the power to punish Mom
who would excite popular discontent against them.
Nor is this the only argument, though it in ► sutli-
cieut one. The Seale power may hereafter, as it
has heretofore been, be necessary, to protect slue
Parliament against the eucroschtueuts of the Crowe.
Since the Itevoluton. as your Lordship,' cell
knew. at tummy times have mobs been ilmited
against the. House of Commons ; not usifrequently
have they been so excited by the Ministers of the
'Crown, and late occasions have sheen us, that even
the holy muse of religion may Ire premed into the
service. for the purposes of the moment. It is
therefore absolutely required, in order to be prepar-
ed far inneilarcontiugencies in future,that the *Parha-
went should possess a power to theexteut I harespe-
cited. which the freedom of their own detberatini
sod the interests of the people alike deniaud.—The
question then arises in this shape, what danger is
there of this mover being abused, and ha. it been
abused ? I do not mean to clustered that int rimless/ I
times it never was exercised in a mushier which
cannot be defended, or that in lat. r isistatict • it i
might not have been more prudent to forego than
to exercise it. But I will ask without fear, if. in
dbo recollection of any one who hears me. it rver
was used oppremively to the people ? I am lio•iiid
in justice to all the administrations that hum
existed since public affairs engage:l mtention,
to say. thetas great a latitude of free discussion and
Evan of, erasure of parliamentary procrediugs has
Irma allowed, as was coosistent with the safety of the
State iu tunes of the greatest freedom and limos'-.
Then, are these pewees trimly to degenerate into
abuse? I envier 00: for they are not in the poise, won
of one individual, but of numbers, who, itsi:ropier-
habit., uvula combine in a scheme to oppress the
people. The more improbable. indeed, as the
House of Commons emanated from, and returned
to. the people, and the Members the rustlers its ulrl
be liable to the penalty, and, therefore, had an up.
posite interest to incli.,e them the oilier way. Bu:,
even supposing, that. 11l spite of all these natter: I
reason. to the contrary, they should enter into th •
conspiracy, were there hut pr.wers of cootruol
in the coecurrent branches of the IL^gislastare ?
—'n their Lordships and its the Hr•ad ad the Lae-
cults e Government ? In this view I am of opinion,
and every man who will inquire into thl t
mutt be of the seine; that the, e are as many checks
and secucties imp os:4J against the danger of abu e
fuom these privileges. as the nature of human affairs
will admit of.—Maar.)—Much more. my Lords.
might I say, ha them the theory slid general prin-
ciples connected with thus sithie.l, but I -II ill Cull-
tent myself with boring said enough to call y,,ur
attentiou to it, and I trust a moderate consid,rat:on
will eti•me, which may diverse the illimoos now um
prevalent. I rim aware. shat, in delivering my mot:-
meats as I have dune. I have not courted applause.
sin scare that I might have taken a more popular
catarrh., anal hare o-staiiscil the sounding of miry
name with praise at all those public meetings where
it is now irrsarrl with centrum—lint I know, at tbe
setae time. that this •ppl 'rise is gained by arts iu
which neither warm nor talent louses a part. Hear,
'tear, hear.)-1 know it is heaped upon those whs.
hare renounced good faith ; who have stars aunts a
the deceneics of life ; who have forgotten the dictate.
of honour end of troth—Ail in eau wore despise
them than Ida—/Bear, Lear, hear.)—ytt popu-
larity is a demalile tlimg, and I am not asliame.l
to say. that I sin sorry I should he deprived
of it by calumny and mirirrpresosittauois. But
it is a sacrifice 1 sin comp:4kt] to make, in
common with men i• all ages, much greater
than ever I can be. I had no *hematite. bat
this atone. or the sacrifice of my priiicip!es
to those arts which raise the basest and most de•
graded of mankind to he the idols of the mob:—
Between popularity and duty the path was before
me; I have chosen to ho'd fa,t my integrity. I
never could endure that wrist horrid of all slate,
that most despicable of all degradations—that most
abandoned of all pueeuits--the deep and iirespialde
guilt of flattering, to delude the varying sod cape:-
pas-ions of the multitud-. I hate dose soy
dote.— Hear. hear.)--Manytopir. connecter! with
• say!•llhje..t yet remain unto-wised. 1 say
• *loch or, the State of the army, and the departure
: from that system *hick was the work of that most
• i slut, mud acute statesman, wh se loss we so lately
lztitiente,i. 1 sni,ert say much on the d.sisstrous
• esiiiirai,.l.—as mit sin the affa rs of Ilia:a—hot hav-
. I,z nor • thy gone into other Waiters at greater
I shat. filAy lie agreeal.le to your
• fOrbtlir you w ith any further re-
Tlie result of all I have said. is to tibial.'
oe.acr on the br-t terms the exigens ma of the limes
iiegint If war is liiillepei.,3llle.let it- have no re
ittiotn the fat:lthe of OUT rtialliceS; ct.t.t.,hats all

-. •
flee remaining re. here frith *hop,* tiny eimineeen In.
tereotinie inay be Order, do give a free circular
two .tu Specie ; assuage the cliicdutents of the pets:
pie, imrbcularly in Ireland ; adopt a moderate rr-
form in offices paid with public money ; and, lastly,
restore the constitution, by • practical and r:.tionel
ref of those errors or decays whirls a lapse of
time may have introduced. From such measure,
alone, can we escape from the dtialiers that sur-
round us; and, in happiness at hoist-. and honour
abroad, bonier, unimpaired, the upturns which de-
solated nations. I will trouble your Lo.,lshipa no
further. but by reeding. the address, which, under
these considequious, I have tit Ought it necessary to
pi °imam for your adoption."
"That an Address be presented to His Illnicsty, earnestly
to entreat His Majesty's attention to the advice stitch, Im-
p" mcd with a sleep webs of the increasing dangers of the
rooms', His Majesty's faithful suk;rets, the Lords tiputael
and Temporal in Parliament essensblert, have felt it to ba
their indispensable ditty humbly to submit lonia HaJest)'S
royal consist, ration.

To ..ate to Ilii Majesty that we eaunot doubt His Ma•
jesty's rradiurss to embrace the hist opportunity of courlud-
ing a ptlal.t on just and reasonable terms; but that, 14.016,1
to the nature of the conteNt in ohicb we are engaged, to
the power of Flamer, inns unhappily establi.hed over Ike
gir.itir pail of Lwrope, and to the spoil awl character of
the Gottrunti tit of that c.eintry, we sic cunt ineed that this
twat, so aul,iiiusly dratted by His M:ojtsty and Iris loyal
people, u ill be bi st promoted by prising to the would that,
while lilt Slajrst). is actuated by the most just nod modtrale
twits, we pi...es, the means of permanently supporting the
honour sod inds psaideuee of our country against every
species of attack by which the enemy tuay hope to mod
do M.

" That, for this purpose, it is ind:.pctisaltly necessary
(bat Ills Majesty's Government should henceforth adopt
a wiss sort systematic policy, regulated not only by a
just c.tsuaate of oar prim ot difficulties, but hy ■ pru-
dent foirsi‘lit of the probable esittencies of s Pro-
truded warfare; that we have deeply to lament dial
ille.(111,1110 Of His Maje My's MiuMters his berm, is
this respect, directly the reverse of what the interests
sod the safety of His Majesty's domiuions required; that
they have 'slimily invitlyeal themselves an schemes of couti-
neutal operation*, whew they could limb. to no power capable
of all'utdiug them as witty:it. support; sad rashly mord
its eapedit toot, so ckfec•ive in their plan, so impolitic is their
oWeets, awl so ill emo'sineil„ as to the time at which they
acre aadertaisint, that 'hay could ttratisatit cosily in an ea-
prefitahla oriole of the fruitiest., aad the blood of His Ma.
jrsty's hittWal subjects.
" That whilst the war has hems thus ussfortunately coodect-
ed, and our failure meow of demure thereby materially im-
paired, the conduct of His 311.6• *ty*. torerament, with re-
spirt to Neutral! Posers, Isa% te"de.l to ;amid an amicable
arrangement with dome whom it was must our interest to
conciliate., and suite with as in opposition to the simastues of
Fusee.

" That for the priefesed purpose of counteracting th. we
inesporrs, a system has beet. to:opted, ender abet au nide-
pemilent power could be expected to acquiiisee; and tee and
•is:oliary prnjetts in legislation burr been resorted to, which
have brought almost every brunch of our trade to depend on
the permissive, sad to le.exeir i-ed under the contioal, of the
reeept iv e Goverameut ; whilst a vor.i.lerattle portion of that
trade Las been tsaueleried to • foreign navigation, thereby
inaprornhistly reapplying the entity isah a Sew ndoseete fat -
the improrrincid id his teary.
"'that W *hat name lain. di .tcly conekrr.• one domestic
policy, we hum equally to complain of the total want of a is.
dons and of (inveighs to the Courcils of His Majesty.
1 hat Matead deny irate oustilered and permenent system
adiumme, adapted to the tlligtliClClD of a protracted carfare,
the expeusivir and inspriendeut operations of the List three
Tema have bee■ supplied by temporary mot impolitic eerie.
divots ; that oar paprr cin elation, from winch the rest. ictiou
ionpused un the Bank bad removed the only adequate and
effectual limitatius, haa been extended to a degree highly
dangerous to the pecuniary Waists of the country ; 'diet
uo attempt has hers made, by wise and equitable arrange-
ments, to allay the dAeonteols arising from, religious dif-
ferences amongst His Majmly's falafel subjects, more par-
ticularly in Ireland ; and that, soder the unexampkd pres-
sure of • taxation, necessarily burdensome is its ausoure,
and revere I. its collection, no measere has hems taken ta
remove the causes of just complaint, tiller by introdeciog
an effective economy into the great breeches of the public
service, ur by the due consideration of such timely reforms,
as may, in any iostaure, be found requisite, For restating is
oar Guveroneent that practical recelleuce, which 111 e gra-
dual corruptions of time only hate oliicureil or diminished.
" That we should ill discharge cur duly to His !Majesty and
the Public, if we were to disputer from Lim our welt founded
apprehensious, that, emir', to these, sod other causes, dis-
couteut and distrust use tweinninz to diffuse themselves
amongst H u Majesty's faithful people.
" That we eatreat His Majesty not to listen to those who
world permed* hiss, that such discoutent and disbar', in
whatever deim they may exist, are sololy to be attributed
to the evil arts of men, hostile to the inteiests of their cues-
ti y, sod seeking to recite the people to an imitato■ ut those
iumitutions, ow *Lich the freedom and happiness mien.
witty .:.peed - That ae are Sealy convinced, such designs
have as yet found an favour so the hearts of His Majesty's
loyal tiihiteto, and that nothing ran afford to these slur it
teitaiu them, any hope If success, bat that impolitic and
offeus.ve ivatleuto w to the real inferiors, and just cum-
pLiots of the I eepe, that &Itemised resistance of eery
proposed cornittieu of ateis s, which, in ocr ova times, at
hurt sic. ',iodise, such fatal efl. cm in other
n. Tose we Lum'oly pray, that His Majesty will he pleased to
tale this, our dutiful representation, Mt. his minediate and
us. id sv floss tv...lli4Vltat . That he will see the necessity
of ad p:Mit loth measures as may deprive the enemy of all
Lots. of sum's, fr a white of our stational resources:
11 h., It all, them tote, actively asiscut with his Piseiassient,
sew siv.ag dice to wcosossical and systeisate arrangements ,
for the s oodeit of tic war, so providing for a rt,urieltre to
the trot pfu.c,ple• of a free commerce sod cireillotiou, both
at Louie and abioad is endeavouring, by a *me and liberal
policy, to unite the bonds of a common interest all dames
of H,s Majesty s selects, of wleaterer re littioaa persuasion :
and, lastly, that lit a le gaar,cusly pleased to countenance
the t. rip. rate cone.dciatisn, aid deliberate adoptions of such
two iy iifonsat.ous, both attiteotent al aid pollen • , as may
loyal people, that the sacrifices required of them
are 50... tly limited, and faithfully &pelted to the real attic-
rti.tt and write of the Pulite. and that, Loth for prerenting
ie.. ;iced, of ally eLngerous abuses, and foe • outrouliug the
m.,c.udufl 64 His Mail.l).l, adr 041, sl.r.tsnue • StC-
l.‘ ,• passers those etars.t.ry, o Lot brio t hi home

ist Ito lirttirjs tlaveriatinfolaill ati natellafty lebeeene
triers film konstitutids.
~ • •
That we entreat Hie blejestv to be oisor.!B, that in eve**.
mending them n:eastires with all the earnestness whit+ •
ruovictiun that. they ate iodispremetde fur the salVallon of •
tbe country iunpiren, we Geyer ran knie 'sight of title oblige.
lion to soppurt the just pretoeatires wad earful splendour Pt
the Crown , the veuetable estibliebniert of oar HuryHili.
glen ; and the ancient and ementia(Riglits and Privilev 4.1
In Our giru rt so:alien to maintain these, nutlet
all eireumstarces, and with all our antlaotity nrd rover, we
are well at,u.rd that we shall sot fail to reco...s• the nett,*
rue.enert nee wad support of all raols of His Maj. idea fnitito
people, consist...las tl.e) n.,4 he tlnd it is on km their ante.
rest than their duty, Initiation), to 'Where to those fondants:its
tat principles of our Got moment, aloe', assigning to ila Va-
rious inststuti,,ns tights pecu:iar to emit, and recessing for .
the prem.:ration of all, secure, by their brim, combinatioll
and harmony, to the Earcut Ile Puwet, aufficrat strength, le
' the Legislature, its accessary indeprookuce, and to the shako . ,
community, the likasings of a ell-regeisted treedam.r
The E.ri of Ltvcaroot.. rove; when
Earl STAMMOPE roar nearly it the tame Gault

and spoke to order. He observed, that liarint oA
amendment to propose, A was the Inactive of the
House he should have the preference, unless tits
Noble Secretary it.tended In inner one of prior its•
wrestle.- to the motion of his Noble Friend.

The Earl of LArtawoot. said, that, without ad*
vertiog to the irregular interruption be hid jest re.
creed from the Noble Earl opposite, he should
proceed to make his non obserratioub owl!. 11. e
motion of the Noble Earl who intiodtu:ed this
subject to their prevent conaideration. "%Vining
the doubt which existed in his mind upon the pro.
Witty of the manner in which the motion had been
submitted to their deliherotion, he should proceed
to defiers. his sentiments upon all those pro; ids most
materially connected wit h the mevit of the duo uw ion.
It mule, at the stone time, he noticed, that each cf
the many subjects adverted to by the Noble Eatl,
was. of itself. sufficient to occupy the considernion
of their Lordship., during a whole night's debate.
I u proceeding to answer thearguisients of the N oble •
Earl. he should first proceed to those obsetratioas
which would be most recent in their Lordship,' re- •
collection. and which were made towards the coca
clunon of the Noble Earl's speech. He most roe.
dirtily agreed with the remarks made as to th it
question which had of late very much agitated the
public mind, he meant the privilege of P.rliiino tit.
• The Noble Earl had shard most posierfu!l) flows
authorities which sheared incontrovertibly that Par.
leametit had immemorahly claimed such feivileg-..
the uuiversalacknowled4ment of which clam, for
so long • period, less of itself no small pr sof of thi it.
existence. But, independent of the. seri able a:..
guments which had h. eta lobed, and the emsue .t.
authorities which had Letts appealed to, the s mots.
enceof events w hit+ had transpired iii t he recollechrog
of all their Lordships, talon convince weer)• coodiss
deride individual. that an assembly of the people
would at all tames Lie more liable to be oreiaced by
the clamourof the populace thou the rower of it
monarchy : NO nose could forget the Revolution of
France ; that assembly. ollichaves termed die Ciao.
'Murat Assembly of the People. coinposiA of wises
well intentioned. and the most virtuous
unfortunately, through fear bud jealousy of ILO "
Csowo oath e ode lOW, sad oreaaar.d..4the pips,
lace of Pars sod Cie adjacent to 4 us on the orb. re
were !weed from the thifstut siT their country t
welfare. From this clamour and threat of
those out of doors. they dared net to act opus
pritteiplet of justice; fur none ventured to wrest
the stiaiutenance of moberate ideas, awl hoe
were those who studettouk to recomuteod them.
It was this terror of the populace, eier dosa-
ge:owe to the independence of a popular assem-
bly. that frustrated tall the wishes of the first pos.
polar asseinlibes its the revolution of France. By
that clamour or popular favour of the day; the
members became oliiiiiatous, sod one assembly".
Folly succeeded the other; for neither were capable
of satisfying the umeasimable dem:Hole of the po-
palace. It was a race of patriots in their cora.
usenceineut, but coosagned to common destrucii.d
in the end. The rapid amuses which shook the
revolution in its early stages. owed their origin to
the drtud of popular opinion. Ile• also eyelid
with the /Cottle Earl. that the cases of &deity
and Russell had been unfortunately referred to Ipy
those who endeavoured to delude the public. misid.
It would be remembered, the times its which thyy
lived were those when every attempt was wade
,to int oduce arbitrary power. They suffered i a
reigc when despotism might be said to aid; bet
'till' there were many parts of the eouatitutieo cwt
of thorned. They retained the trial by jury; sod
Ly a jury, udder the influence of corrupt power nod
terror, were those great men mode martyrs le • the
ca as of liberty. That, unluckily for those who
quoted these tuatauces to support of their argument,
it was evident, that is times when the constitution

Of this country was most in clanger, it was not

juries. no nor- even courts of judicature. which
alone could maiutain the liberties andsights of the
people. On the contrary, the chief defect which it

• •
opprars
.led to the ealonswy, woo the overthrow of

the authority and the povrer of the two Houses of
Legi*lature. In times like thee', the only check
orn the opprestiosof the Crown was the privileges
Parliament. It was Parliament only wino h mulct
have preveuted the destruction of those two variety.
Still he was far from 416r:bitting by these observe.
tient, that he had not the highest veneration for the
Trial by Jury and for the Common Lae of the
land. But be would venture to say, that the tin•
vileges of Parliament had been the Lest and the
only support of the people's liberties, in all the
reigos when arbitrary power threateued the exi*-
trace of the constitution. Se far We sentiments
were in unison with those of the Noble Earl ; but
in respect to the other parts of his voluminous
speech, he had to express a driltled &terrace of
opinion. Tie Noble Earl had manifested •n
anxiety to go sway that misrepetsentstosi which
had gone abroad, a.,d to express those $ sit .
mews, on Parliamentary Reform. which would
convey to Poe public a correct statement of his
opinior. Still he use not sure the: Noble
Va.l wou'd be gratified in his expectation. lie
dvrecated the general notien which subsisted, re.
I fire to abuses to the state, and declared that he
did nut think any of the objects aimed at by the
people, if attained,would produce the smalk,t
ad-
tan•• With respect to soy reform in the tvo.

stitntion, be was surprised at the remarks which laud
been made by the Note's, Earl; as to his own ideas
on that sulirect they .re generally known. He coo-
ceived there wtre outlay supposed blemishes in the
representatioa, which were, in his estimation, value-
ble parts of the oroustittuiou. Had it not been for
the .existence of Bomugris, such men us the late
Lord Chathein, Mr. Pitt, Mr Burke, and others,
had never cootributed their talents to the ga,crn-
warm of this country. The Noble Secretary next
adverted to the subject of peace with France, and
concluded there could lir hut one opinion. subject
to some slight shades of difference. thi coucilist-
iug the Catholics of !eel tud. he should not trouble
the /louse with any comments. alter so much had
been said in the course •of former discinisioas.
One observatiou was. however. worthy of re-
mark. The Noble Earl himself had, on former
occasions, stated his desire to emancipate the
Catholics; still. only, ow certain conditions; which
conditions, not only • unknown to Inn], would
not be complied with. bet it was well known they
had been actually refused by the Catholics. lie
next proceeded tr, comment upon husbanding our
resources. and observed how inconsistent such con-
duct would have been in the cause of Spain. Hai-
jug bestowed every praise upon the able and
luwi-
nous sue-eh of the Noble Marquis (Wellesle)) who
had a,lAressed their Lordships a few nights ago.•
he quilled his observations to the attack at Copes'.
hags a, and We Orders in Council. which he Me-
fewle las jos. thud politic. The patronage of the
Crown was necessary to the promotion of eminent
men, for the service of the State. He disagreed
with the observations of the Noble Earl, as to the
Consolidated Fund. Lastly, lie took a view of the
state of the country, and pa, tienlarly of the army;
and ;hewed the superiority or modern years, to those
of a prior date ; he c oucluded by stating, that the
honour and Ltlory of this countiy, under the pre-
sent Admiuistr dion, had brew inaintaiutd in etery
part of the glolte, and its prosperity secured at
home.

Earl Srasittore expressed his surprise, partir u..
tarty at the latter part sir the speech of the Noble
Seeretary, when he spoke of the glory and prove.
rite to wh eh this country had at lived through his
own blessed uolintinstration.—(.l ii-
diculed the privileges claimed by the lionise of
Commons, as absurd arid.atrominable. Upon the
priuciple laid down, every man in the nun 4444 might
be liable to be deprived of his liberty for comment-
ing upon their proceedings. Ile instanced many
Bills, each as the noted India Bill, when Mt:Ribero
of that House. and the whole body of the people,
had condensiwol the measure, end yet the-y
under the modern deli Mimi of privileges. nll have
been liable to have been cast lute prison. He agreed
with the Noble Earl (Grey) that Parliament should
bare power necessary to the discharge of its folic.
. Moos. but no more : and he sou most of all pleseed
with the words, ror wore. But he did not romper.
heed his Noble Friend when he eaid lie would not
minion those powers. He next adverted to the 1
general state of the representation. which he main- •
tabled was conducive to moist a corrupt Minis-
ter. Said the Nulble Earl, " There wee once a
Boorougtinionger applied to a Ministry in former'.
day-, for the grant of • certain place. "0," says the
Mohave, " 1 am sorry, but the place is already
granted " "You will recollect," replied the Be-
roughaso .ger, "we are seem" The Minister
*gait' observed, there had beta greet promises, and
they must be observed. " iejoitied the
Boroughtnonger, "you will recollect we are seven."
And thus did he repeat his laconic eloquence, till
the Minister granted his request. before he left the
room. " I have heard." said Earl Stanhope, to a
report, to-day, in the lobby, that the Ministers are
all by the ems together ; they bare been accusing
each other of their misdeeds. Says one, " Yoti
blockhead, you were the conse of the loss of
Prussia." " Whet Jo you talk of Prussia," replied
the other," you, by your conduct to Deineark and
Sweden, metered ititss.le hostile to England."
Another was accused (lithe disgraceful iersierectisige
and the frail measures pursued in tegzott to Spain
and Portugal. "Un trot talk o.f these failures."
aid he, "do yrtu re.ooilect who planned the Expe.
&ion to the Scheldt ?" At the same time another
remarks " who was it that brought His Royal High-
ness into the serape with his little darling ?" "Sup-
pose I did so." raid the accused. "was it not you that
cried out "No Popery !"--(Latightiog).—This is
the language I am told they use; they address each
other with all the sincerity of St. (Weis, wed all
the politeness of Billingsgate. IA laugh ). In three
times it is shameful they should be so much at va-
riance. sod I thiLk it would be better for the King
antl better for the ((Jittery they should all hung to-
gether." The Noble Earl concluded be moving
an amendment, repressing their high regard fee
the liberty of the press and the trial 14 Jury.
The Earl of &WOLK spoke in (scour of the *Me
giant Address.
Lord Easelar. seiol, that in candour to Hie Ma-
jesty's present Ministers, he could not attach so
teach blame as other :Noble Leeds might be 111
Sleeted. while the people Were represented as they
were in the Muse of Cseasesoos. He had follow ed •
the same path athe Noble Earl (Grey) during his
political life. The Noble Lord then entered into
a defence of hie speech ou a former slight. and most
eloquently defended trial by Jury. if, the sa tete
and independence of tire people, and concluded
by supporting the Amendmeht.
The Loan CHANCELLOR gave his nerstive to
both the Adams% and the Amendment of the Noble
Lords. Ile woult out he doing his duty to the
public, if heshoold listen to any proposit Mu of Re-
fermi, as he tlineg!st it was impossible that a more
virtuous represent-6°n of the people could Ise bad
then what the pre.,eut House of Cuasimoois roust.-
tined.
The Mika of Noarnt.e said. that ever' coed in
the Addoess tort %nth his approbation.; but he.
would 'owe: t the Aosie:ioltnent, as hr th ou;4ht
it was moire legible, amid instead of taksag easy
front the ittigidatl mooted lots engtit to it.
'IC .ant Stoseoure agreed with the sere
rkP'""".l by the Noble Earl (Grey). and with thee
e• ~ the Andress; yet he untold vote s41(.01:4: 11. 1011
i" .‘llajr4(l.4 Mien ;era. by the esperietiee they
owl had, might be able to retrieve what they hid
loot.

1' e Mirgnis 01 LAVIDOWN, in •n elminent
olttc4. ',Otte wit!, urguntrut, tank a full tic,/ nt

tiie subject. sad &feuded Cie arguments of the
N4bte Mover of tie Add.rss. .

The Earl of DUCRINGUANSHIRS spoke spinet
the Address, and made some allusions to the ques-
tion of Catholic Emancipation, which had been
discussed liv tin it Lordships on a former night.
The Earl of Dumoccumoas spoke iu explana-
tion on that subject.
Earl SPENCIik defended the address, and the
principles that dictated it.
The Earl of DAVI LICY supported the Address,
sill strongly condemned the conduct of lila Ma-
jesty's Ministers.
Earl Gast then replied in the most impressive
manuer—went shortly over his former grounds—
matted many of his arguments in new rod strong
points of view, and answered the arguments ad-
duced by Lords Liverpool, Stanhope, and Erskine.
The Amendment was thew put, and nigatived
without a disision.

The Duke of Neurotic stud, he could not vote
for the Address, es he thought it iuterfererl with
the cease, se submitted for adjuplicatiou its the
proper courts.
Earl Sr A N 40 PE explained.
Grtr.r :bought he had so esplsined himself
at. to mink of no such misapprehension as that
into which the Noble Duke had fallen.
The Earl of Matta way perfeTtly satisfied with
the explaustiou. and would vole 64 the Aadr..*.
Their Lordships then divided on the o:iitual
question—
__

Coat cots
Peoxteo .......

i]

Y 9

. —ll
Non-Custents
Pranks tia
—134
Majority Earl Grey's &Mem tie
A.ljour.stAl at HA P As/ THaw.s o'CLoca