The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

Existence, the influence, and activity of a par-
ticular sect or party, in a particular Govern-
ment, as a cause for criticising ind interfer-
ing in the internal affairs of
.that country, fully
and manfully as the remotes for their conduct
had been stuted in the immediate matinee by the
Neapolitan people,, though they had been as falsely
represented by the Austrian Declaratives, he owned
that this was a subject which .16c1 him •with ear-
prise and indignation. 'He was. I
this-erreuntstance, became the
men! referred to it in the beclaratMos. "This sect
wut. described by Austria as yotkieleilieeftness.
and the objects sought by it 'were itid• to be
incompatible with the interests of golid.gorernment.
It was objected to as • political sect having
the attainment of political ob&ects in view, and
seeking to effect them in the dark. He was ready
in admit that in free countries the existence, the
machination*. the'woikings of a political sett, were
. very likely to beconie mischievous. and could not be
beneficial. Brit was he to be told that titter were
uo circumstances, that there could be'nessaby whidi
'men feighfbe drawn into the formation of a politi-
cal sett, and be compelled to act in seem), fee the
attainment of a general good ? Though he felt it ,
would be highly objectionable in a free Government
• to become a political sectarian, he was not prepared
to sty that in a despotic country. wherein there.'
'should be no protection for person or property,
might not fkel it desirable to seek the attairwl
saint of ' that piotection joining • political
sea. when It might be manifest that there'
could be no other way of olfaioiag it, it would
he sorptising, indeed, if it were' to be assert-
ed that no soch sect should be allowed under any
• circumstances to exist ; it would be will mime ~sor.
•prisiug, if no amelioration, however Much Deviled
no change, however necessary and unavoidable
' *ere' to be disowned, and declared not fit to be al-
lowed among ordeily GoverriNnents. becanre it had
originated with such a sect. But so fur from the
stet being of novel or riaCent institsrticin, its origin
N% 45 to be traced back to a comparitively aucsent
praind : he had good authority for asserting that
the Carbonari, under different circumstances and
various characters which they bad slammed, were to
he traced hack to the reign of the Emperor Leopold.
They had at different times effected a great many
enterprizrs of great importance 'in the affairs of
Europe, and among that'sict were to be found the
power which had been the most formidable in
checking the designs of France upon Italy, one
of the most hooonnible and important services
which had ever been rendered by a military body.
And vet this sect was put forward by the Allies as
the chief ground of interference in the affairs of
Naples! As to this body, which was called a
political sect, it was not only not working in the
dark, hut its proceedings were known to all
Europe, and 'the knowledge of these proceedings,
sanctioned as they hid been by the King, such
knowledge 'being so publicly derived, had been
the main cause of attracting the particular at-
. tendon of the Allied Powers. But what an ar-
gument was this of working in darkness, as if,
iii the first instance, nosy change could have been
projected in public, as if the bare attempt ill the
ousts would 1101 have called down the iuterference
of the authorities, and caused the visitation of the
heaviest punishment upon any who should have
attempted it. Could the change have been ef-
haled by ally other means P Was it expected that
public notice should have been given to gather the
sense of the public formally upon the subject, there
bring no public institutions through which to receive
the expression of that sense? Did they mean to
sat, that, as in the case of letting turnpike
toils, notice should have been stuck upon the
walls, or posted on the church doors by the Car-
boeari, requiring the people of Napier to attend
et a particular time and place, to discuss the merits
of a Coestitutlon to be proposed to them, and op-
pose it, if they thought fit, from passing into a
law ? Could die ahaeorse of these forms be consi-
dered as operating to the condeumation of the change
which had taker, place ? was it operative to the nut-
Lrying of the Revolution ?—did it art upon that
measure in the manner ot a corpus delirii, so as to
nidke it iiicumbent on the Allied Sovereigns to in-
terfere aid to punish ? The Declaration proceeded
to state the condition of the Government of Naples
es it existed, and to contrast it with the Govern-
ment which was in operation before the revolution.
It described the old Government as a moat paternal
Government, anal one which was proceeding with
considerable improvements in every branch of admi-
nistration. The effect of these improvements would
have been best proved by the decline of the numbers
mild consequence of the Curbonari, and that was
rioted as. one of the objects of that most paternal
Government. Bid the Austrian army had for four
years been in possession of Naples. The expression
of any thing like the principle. subsequently avowed
by the Carbonari must have been very unlikely
during that period. Among the improvements
vaunted by the Declaration of Austria in the admi.
nistration of Naples, these was one which had
Lien entirely neglected. There had been no

overn—

attempt made inwards the re iii i i sion of the
oppr.seive taxation, a neglect winch lie lied
good authority (sir stating, formed one of the
chief causes of the general discontent. The
must grievous taxes had been imposed in a
time of great difficulty, and during the heat of the
war, and having been subsequently continued,
were felt as an intolerable oppression. With te-
gard to that which must always be felt as the
greateet defect in any Government, the want of
a-curity for person and property, and as a proof of
the moustrues abuses which existed ou this sub-
ject in the old valet nal Government, be would state,
on most wiseteeptiouable authority, how far thone
rights were respected. lie would do it by the illustra-
tion of a single cave t•—About hour or five years ago
there was a great scarcity, amounting altoost to a
famine, in Naples; a Minister of that country {he
would at present withhold his name) was eupaged
in a monopoly of corn. During this time an Eng-
lish General Officer, then resident at Naples, was
applied to on behalf of one of his countrymen to
make an appra4 to the Governmentrfor his re-
lease, being then confined is prison. The Ge-
neral officer repaired to the prison, ind font'd the
party on whose behalf he bad 'been solicited
in a dungeon half filled with staler. Pllns prisoner
toeing questioned by the sifficrif.• ainted that he
bad committed no crime, thet he could remember
nothing which lie had dune which could be itn-

lauding LI) given
orders for the confinement of 'file prisoner. The
-General went bock • --inieWilto the office of the
Minister and was informed by his secretary that it
waitrue the i nd ividual incinitetion hrd beets confined,
.because the Miuister wished to speak with him."
The sufferer was released through this interference
of the General Olficer.-4A question being put
across the table, the Noble Marquis replied that
the imprisounseut had been continued for some
sseekil—Was it possible that circumstances in
which such • thing might happen, and in which
the suffering party hail never attempted to seek
iecompence for his losses and privations could, be
endured ? Was such a stile of things so perfectly
►hiultlesa to 'Mike it unreasonable to seek relief?
Was it so perfect as to justify Foreign Powers in de-
claring that the Government wasso pure, so just, so
lipaternial, that sissy attempt at alteration would
.joauke it necessary for them to interfere I Then
the grievance of the change Must rest on another
'objection contained in the Declaratiou—thut the
• Constitution, said to have been imposed (though
this very Constitution had been sectioned by the
oath of the King, extracted from him without any
effort of violence), was the Spanish Constitution.
He was not going to defend the Spanish Constitu-
tion; how Car it might be 'fit for Naples, or for
Spain herself, he was nut bound to say; hot to
say that there was any thing extraordinary, con-
isected as Spain and Naples, and indeed all the
southern countries of Europe, were in religion, and
close and frequent as had been thfir intercourse,
was more than he had expected. Be it remem-
bered also, that two years, ago the British Constitu-
tion, upon being offered for acceptance and adop-
tion, had been rejected_ by theXing of Naples as
unfit for the circumstances of his people. Here

was another cause which went in recommendation
-of the Spanish Constitutioli to the people of No-
- tiles. But there *ere other causes still more impor-
tant connected with the history of recent transactions
in Europe, which must have naturally led the Nea-
politans to adopt the Sponish Constitution. They
had the authority of the British Government fur,*
doing. Lord W. Bentinck had, in his Proclama-
tion, called on the States of Italy to defend them-
selves against the encroachments of the common
enemy. His words were, " Warriors of Italy !
you are not asked to come to us ; but you are asked
to assert your rights and your liberties. Call we
and we will come to your assistance, and Italy
may become what Italy once was—what Spain.
is now. Portugal, Spain, Sicily, and Holland eau'
attest the liberal principles which actuate that Power
which now seeks to serve you. Spain, by her va-
lour and virtue, assisted by the Allies, has Jac-
ceeded in her great undertaking—the repulsion of
• foreign invader, and the establishment of a free
Govertiment."—This, it might be said, was a fair
method for exciting the energies of dime to whom
it was addressed. lie knew, indeed, that this was
a plan very likely to be practised, of remaiuing
contiguous to a nugatory promise, which was never
to be performed. But by such means had they held
on alliance with Italy : and if it were now admitted
to be held out as delusion, it had operated earnestly
among the- States of Italy. Austria herself had
lent her sanction to this delusion. Hostile as she
must have bent to the performance of any such pro-
mise, and intolerable as the spirit or the name of
liberty now seemed to be to her, Austria had so far
acquiesced in the terms of that Proclamation as to
oppose no Declaration of any kind to the promul-
gation of it. But this was Lot the only cause of
the faith and hope in the establishment and free
government furnished to the Neapolitnits by the
measures of the Allied Powers. In the same
month of March in which the proclamation was
signed, in the Treaty of Chaumont, was o decla-
ration, of what—the rights of Sovereigns? No ! but
" the liberties of oations."— ( Hear, hear, hear./—
The Noble Lord opposite cheered. Did the Allies
now say any thing about the liberties of nations ?
From the moment that danger ceased, they had
said nothing of the liberties of nations. They had
not noticed the claims • made upon them by those
sufferings and achievements, which bad enabled them
to sit Ili judgment upon the fate of !anions. No-
thing was to be granted to the nations of Europe
but such liberty as the Allied Potentates might
choose to bestow. The only improvements in civil
liberty, at all admissible, were such as the Sove.
reigns themselves should introduce. Such was the
language of the Potentate., and they proclaimed
the same sentiments, as being held by his Majestyi
Government. Their pretensions might be sum.
.med up in these terms : Though Austria re 7
apects the independence of nations, there ate
~.eircurnataricesi which will justify her interfer-
ence; such as to changes or revolutions which
see operated by a political sect, or wherein the
army take part ; or any which are brought about
by private means, even when public ours are not
allowed; and especially when there is a party in the
State hostile to the change or revolution, in which
ease the less the hostile party interfere for preven-
tion of the intended change, the greater the
probable danger and mischief; and the more
peaceably and securely the accomplishment of the
change shall be brought about, the greatet
the necessity for an Witerference." To this incom-
prehensible and ludicrous obstruction were they
driven by the inference of the argument contain-
ed in the Declaration. It was not less ludicrous
than the discussion described by Swift and Dr.
Arbuthnot. A dispute was represented us having
taken place between Martino. Scriblerus and his
colleague, Crainb; us to the hest and most correct
abstract idea of a Lord Mayor. Martinus Scriblerus
login...silted, that so many were the eiretunstoirces ne-
cessary to fill up the rerfect idea of a Lord Mayor,
sod so
incomplete if even the powdered wig and gold chain
were not retained on the memory. Cramb asserted
that his idea of a perfeet Lord Mayor went much
farther thou that ; for in his opinion to allow it
either hands, eyes, mood), or legs, would render it
an imperfect idea. So of Austria. Such wi..s :he

ing
same thing had happened lib pain, a,
could they value the general compliance if no change
or improvement were to be allowed in States except
such as the Governments chose to introduce. But
why was not the same principle acted on in the
opposite case ? %Vhy was there to be no interference
when Kings recalled the free Constitutions which
they hid yielded, and nations were replaced in a
state of bondage and slavery ?—He would 'now
proceed to the consideration of the second point,
the probable effects of acting on the prinvi.-
ples stated in the Declaration of Austria against
Naples ; lie wished the House to reflect on the
effect which such a Declaration would have on
the feelings and the general state of Europe,
in case either of the failure or the success of Aus-
tria in acting upon such principles. If Austria
failed in her attempt, the opposite principles of
liberty would gain steragth front the opposition
of Austria, which would operate in every part of
Europe ; but if, in the other and most dies
treeing contingency, Austria should succeed,
what security was there for the existence of Naples
as an independent European Power? As the ccse
stood, whether Naples obeyed the dictates of Anse
• trio, or repelled, Naples was to be occupied by AIM.
trian troops—by garrisons if the obey—by the A us:
trian armies if she refused obedience. He need not
point Out to their Lordships, that with this sequisie
tion, and with the exception of Ahres, a point of
easy acquirement in case of possession of Naples,
Austria would hold Italy in subjection as far
as the port of Venice. But then their Lordships
must look to other consequeuces which must
result from acting on those principles. Would
it be said that with perfect advantage to the
repose and tranquillity of the world an order of
things could be established which had never exist-
ed, which never conld exile, and which, if it could
have existed, would have prevented Holland, Swit-
zerland, and the United States from ever assuming
the character of free governments ? Considering how
far political science had extended in the world, it was
monstrous to su ppm that a barrier could now be put
upon the energies of mankind to prevent human
improvement, and tie down the nations of the earth
to • harrower space of liberty than was before
known. What would be the probable effect of
whin attempt in Spain ? Would not the cha-
racter of such a proceeding give incress.d effect to
those principles which were now so loudly com-
plained of? Whit would lie the effect in France?
Would it not give rise to fresh hopes among
that party columned to what were called by
some jacobinical principles ? As a proof of the
manner iti which bud' a proceeding was likely
to be received.by the French, he would state one
fact. in France there was a censorship of the
press; so strictly bad it been enforced, so vigilant
was the Government, and so jealous of the pro-
bable
effect of these proceedings, that they had
prevented the publication of the Austrian Cir-
cular,
sod allowed the publication of the an-
swer, although the latter was unintelligible
without the former, because the answer had
been mixed up by a more able physician, who
had contrived to disguise the ingredients which
were least agreeable to popular taste. Ile had
stated what would be the probable effects upon the
interests of Europe, be would add, that the prin-
ciples avowed by the Allies as being in conformity
with the views of the British Government, were re-
pugnant to the constitution, and the most approved
policy of the British Government in former periods.
We had before Low acted on the contrary feeling :
and even so lately as the declaration of war
opium Trance, under the Consulship of Botimparte,
in which was an express declaration against " the
attempt of France to interfere with Switzerland in
the right of choosing her own goverienent." It
could not he said that France wanted pretexts to
interfere with Switzerland, any more (him Austria
wanted them at present. Bonaparte found out that
the interests of France were endangered by
the poor States of Switzerland, as Austria had
discovered that her empire was endangered by
the example of Naples. lit former times Eng-
land had made it her business to foster the h.
betties of States wherever freedom dawned in Europe.
One of the greattsitStatesmen, and one of the wisest
men the world ever saw, in describing what he con-
ceived to be the most glorious consideration in the
wisdom and policy of Queen Elizabeth whom he
most admired, selected that part of her conduct a Inch
referred to the encouragement she had given to the
struggling liberties of a neighbouring Power.
" But shove all," said his Lordship, " let me
ebietly rest on the support which she gave to the
Low Countries in their distress—a people whose
claim was seconded by a cause so innocent—by a
fortune so unhappy."—As to the circumstances of
a political sect, and the assistance of the army, the
Revolution of the Netherlands could have been
effected no other way. Let the House hear in
mind the conduct and expression of Lord Outdates
towards the revolted Stases of America

" Be to bo► faults a little blind,
Be to her virtues very kiwi,
Nor Ax your padlock on the mind."

This was the language of a British Statesman to a
colony which had separated itself from the mother
country, in whose glory and honour he felt more
than must men ever had felt either before or since.
But he called not on that House for any declara-
noti of fi iendship or offer of assistance to Naples.
What lie asked war, that they would, by a positive
and &runlet declaration, discountenance principles
attributed to the nation, which were not only hostile
to tire principles of the glorious Revolution, but to
11w growth of political light and hherty throughout
the world. He might be told it was too late to inter-
fere. Were every foot of Naples overrun or in the
po►session of a German soldier, it would still not be
too laket to disclaim such principles; much more
was it necessary before the co►muencement of the
melancholy transactions which were likely to fol-
low, for the House to put upon record a disavowal
of such principles and conduct as must tend to

ted
qy
,d-

assist in the enforcement of an international law,
injurious to the rights of independentstates;
and expressing a hope that his Majesty would cause
proper measures to be taken for ihfortuing the
Allied Powers of Ins total want of conceeresice in
the practices end doctrines advanced in justification
of the treatment of Naples by the Allies, on ac-
count of the danger with which they threatened
the independence of Sovereigns, and the security
of the
.liberties of nations.
Ea►l BA/HURT did nut think that any case had
been made out to justify the abandonment of that
neutrality which had been assumed by the English
Government, and if it were to be abandoned,
the Noble Marquis was scarcely prepared to point
nut whatever measures of interference should
be adopted. He complained of the obscu-
rity of the proposition of the Noble Marquis. Ile
defended the tight of Austria so SAPCk2libe astists:
ance of Great lintait►, whether warted or net, al
the broad principle of self-defence. He objected!
to the revolution of Naples, of the circumstance,

of which he took a detailed review, bet:muse of the
disagreement of Sicily, and the conduct purstes
erl towards them by the Neapolitan revolutionists.i
Ile eulogised the virtues and clemency- of till
King of Naples, and gave an instance of his fur-
giveness of one of his officers, whom be restored to
urnce, but who took the opportunity of his absence
to overturn the power of his benefactor. He
would not defend the conduct of Austria, but lie
was little disposed to censure it. There could
have beets little provocation for the revolution.
The King was generally beloved, and there were no
ebullitions of popular discontent even iii the capital.
Then a Constitution prepared in eight days ! Au
ordinary would require more time to prepare a
dinner. It was impossible for Ministers to have
received Cimitelli as the ambassador of the king-
dom, divided as it was as to the revolution, without
declaring all the Sicilians rebels. • He censured the
character of the Carbonari, and justified the de-
scriptioa given of them by the Declaration of the
Allies, as persons pursuing, under political pre-
texts, objects of general insurrection and plunder.
He went into a defence of the Manifesto of die
Foreign Secretary, which he maintained to be a
declaration of strict neutrality, and which ought
not to be departed from except the House were
prepared to denounce Austria if she trespassed on
the frontiers of Naples. He stated the impolicy of
interfering. Among other arguments he raid, that
in case of defeat it would prolong a contest hope-
less to the Neapolitans. Bands which might be
dispersed would take their stations on the bills
which commanded a view of the ocean, and look
in vain for succours which would never anise. He
concluded by opposing the motion.
Lord ELLINSOROUGH supported the motion, .
and found treat consolation iu the conviction that
in case of the worst, Austria would be ruined by a
movement, which would leave all Italy and Ger-
many in a ferment at her back. He reminded the
House of other causer which conspired in favour of
Naples. The nit:erosions of the French had done
away national prejudices among the Italian States,
and had rendered them more effective for co-opera-
tion than ever. France had taught the Indiana •
love of military glory, and made them soldiery.
She had also expended the miud of the nation
to the contemplation of political freedom and na-
tional power, to a degree unknown before. The
French legislation, so much more liberal than
the old system, had been abolished on the re-
storation of the old governments. The ener-
gies of the people having been ridded for a time of
the final retraiuts and unnatural restrictions, hadbeen
again manacled with them. These circumstances
would give zeal to their opposition. He was not
anxious for Ministers to interfere; but one duty
they owed to the Sicilians. They had promised,
when they occupied Sicily, that the people should
hive no worsen Government than they had before.
They were bound to redeem that promise, even
at the expense of a war. Let them at least restore
the old Constitution, which was not bad in theory,
though abuses had made it a nullity. He was con-
vinced that there could be no success in attempting
to establish principles which were hostile to the
feelings and interests of all mankind.
The Earl of WESTMORLAND said that the con-
duct of Ministers, whatever the policy they adopt-
ed, whether of way or peace, was at all times sure
to fall under the censurb of the Noble Lords oppo-
site. If they had composed such an Address as that
which the Noble Marquis had that evening propos-
ed, their conduct would have been described not in
sech simple terms as weak, imbecile, or igoorant,
but as downright insanity. They would have been
told that it was downright madness, after having by
the long continuance of a former war exhausted the
resources of the country, and reduced it to a state of
almost insupportable distress, instead of availing
themselves of the opportunity of recovering its
strength afforded by the peace, to expose the coun-
try to the hazard of a new war, by putting forth' de-
claration openly hostile to the avowed intentions of
the combined Powers of Europe. The Noble
Lord then proceeded to mitten(' that Ministers had
fulfilled their duty of interference in this ques-
tion, by the Circular of Lord Castlereagh,
which disavowed the principle of interference
in the internal policy of foreign States, except in
cases wherein such policy became dangerous to
neighbouring, Powers. They had declined inters
feriog with Naples, because the interests of this
country did not require it ; but eliether the intr.
rests of Austria rendered any such interference on
her part necevsary, they declared to be a question
for its Clan consideration, and one which they were
not called upon to agitate. Any further inter-
ference on our part, would be a violation of that
neutrality which they had heretofore professed.
The Earl of DA RN LEY said, that the ancestors
of many of their Lordships had most strenuonsly
supported those principles which the league of So-
vereigns, calling themselves the Holy Alliance, had

,
.declarea their delttmination to put down ; it was,
therefore, incumbent on their Lordships to assert
those principles, and that, he contended, was the
only purport of the Address proposed by his Noble
Friend. He thought they were peculiarly bound
to remonstrate against this march of the Austrian
army, because the Declaration of the Austrian Go.
wen-nent acknowledged that it was undertaken at a
peritstrythen its fittottees were depressed ;. add the
consequence must, therefore, necesaordy be, that
the expense of the undertaking would_fskAion
• thoie funds which should be claimed by this &an-
try in discharge of the debt spun what was called
Übe Austrian luau.

Lord Cfi.T4I9RIPS said that this country owed it
to ite„stern. chetacter, and to the iotereeneof ill
Europe, to express its decided disapprolamtioa of
the principles laid down by the Holy Alliance.
We owed itto our good faith with Austria, to whom
we were bound by treaties, to felitelicla to be:-, that
with perhaps a defeated, bat at sill events s dimi-
nished aunty, with an exhausted treasury, ant! fsil-
ing resources, she might hove to meet the demands of
her own subjects for a constitution, lees monarchi-
cal perhaps tbau that which she was about to de-
stroy ; we owed it to Austria, as her friend and
ally, to warn her of the inglorious result. On
these grounds he should support the motion.
The Earl of ASICIDEEN said, the real question
for their Lordships' consideration was, whether Aus-
tria could or could not have a sufficient cause to
justify her interference in the affairs of Naples ?
These was sornerhing very maensuirnoas to appeur-
mice in aiding with the weaker party..-there was
something very captivating in the nause of liberty ;
but still it did not fallow that the weaker patty
must of necessity be always right, or that the mere
time of liberty afforded a just claim to protection
from the perhaps justifiable hostility of a stronger
enemy. That the hostility of Austria might be
justifiable upon the principle of the exception laid
down in the Circular Note of Lord Castlereagh, he
thought ext►entrly probable. The coadlict of Aus-
tria had beeu sanctioned by the other Powers who
were in alhiince with mid he was disposed to
place the most perfect reliance in the sincerity of
the declarations of Austin', expressed in her Mani-
festo. The Revolutem in Naples was incontesta-
bly the work of that sect of. winch we had heard
so much, he meant the Carbonati. The principles
of that sect were not contioed to the assertion of
constitutional liberty in opposition to despotic go-
vernment.. but directly aimed at the destruction of
every standing govesument. No doubt could be
entertained of the despotic infi:e.ece of that sect over
the Parliament at Naples, atol that there was not a
single movement of the Government now existing
(litre which sus not couirolled by that irresporisible
sect; and as a specimen of sinproverueist to govern-
mein, he could not but consider it as most unpro-
mising. He contended that it w:oild be premature
in this country to interfere between Austria and
Naples, until it was shewn that the former had not
a justifiable cause fur the conduct she had adopted
towards the latter.

Lord HOLLAND said, that a missppreheosion
ran through the whole of the speech of the Noble
Lord who spoke second in the debate, which it was
important to correct. Hit Noble Friend had nei-
ther ruistuted nor misapprehended the Manifesto of
Austria ; but lie called upon the Government of
this country to remonstrate with her not only against
the conduct which she had adopted, but in' conse-
quence of the language of that Manifesto, in which
the principles professed by this Government were
entirely misrepresented. Tee Noble Lord oppo-
site would justify the conduct of Austria, by the ex-
cepticm laid down in the Circular of this Govern-
meat. Austria, however, declared that this coon-
try concurred not only in the general principle.,
but in the particular views of this case. It
appeared from the language of Austria. that in
her opinion the terms in which this Govern-
ment expressed its disapprobation of the •Nes-
politan revolution from the commencetnent, ap-
plied not only to the manlier in which it had been
brought about, but to the principle of the revolu-
tion itself. • If, as the Noble Lord 'shrilled just sat
down declared he believed to be the ease,. the Aus.
tries Government was sincere in the sentiments de-
dared in its Manifesto, would the Ministers allow it
to be said that that disgusting paper was in confor-
mity with their views and principles? There were
five. Allied Powers confederated in a Treaty, which
now appeared to correspond entirely with the de-
scription of the principle oo which it was founded,
given in a protest against it, which .be had the
honour of signing in their Lordships' Journal.,
'timely, that of guaranteeing the stability of all
existing Governments, good or bad. The only
two Powers who had had any public voice in
their country to control their conduct, such as
the Houee of Commons in England, atsd the
Chamber of Deputies in France, who had ex-
pressed their abhorrence of the principles which
prompted the attack on Naples, had been pre-
vented by that voice from acceding to the at-
tempt. The Noble Lord said that the object of
this motion was to induce a departure from neu-
trality: lie (Lord Holland) would say that it was
to vindicate and assert our neutrality. lii the pa-
pers of Austria, in the papers of our ownGovernine nt,
in publications issuing -Isom the press under the
influence of our Government, lie found strong
wounds fur inferring that our neutrality was slot
the most perfect. The Noble Earl (Bathurst)
said, that our interference would be ao rimourrge-
unlit to Naples to resist ; and yet we had not he-
sitated to express our disapprobation from the firs
moment of the conduct of Naples. WOP tint
neutrality, or was it not rather holding nut lo
Austria au inducement to attack ? He bad brag)
that the Pope's Nuncio at Laybach said, that tin
Pope adhered to the principles of Great Briton!,
which our Government declared to be those u'
neutrality. But what was his uucluretanding
that neutrality ? In the Proclamation of the Ro-
man Secretary of State to the subjects of the
Papal dominions, they were directed if the tram 11
of one of the hostile Powers should in their its• -
rage enter their cities and towit, to seteise
them with every possible mark of atteutifiet estwl
kindness; but it' any of the miserable Ci 4ikeeti-
ing the Neapolitan.) should enter, °edam Ante
given to the fortresses and garrisons to fire upon
them. Now what was the inference he would have
their Lordships to draw from this? It woes than.
according to the Papal version, British nestrality
meant eurourageuteat to one party, and reshitaare to the other.

V

. ... • • .
puted to him as crime. The only thing which Mei of plod 'itinrernment helcreout by her Declem- (lie disgrace encl coofetion of all who adapted
Ire could recollect as being likely to have lhit3ished Lion against Naples. " I.will 'allow change in then them. —sfle would therefore sisbasit
the cause of his arrest, wee a otioveseillidniandh Government ; bet if it 'be -effected by. privies of " adopting a resoltuion, Mat Jan' NSW., M-
lle had !jeered into with an, individnul,.ringeet.: means, ort by milkiest seet.Lll( the artily magi,* *as be presented tit Lja MaJesty, -uttstetking
ing the method of spewing of a ca4as of- mow pate in the ortntliost, or if it be brought into effect bin fostering been graciasZ4lxteseed to ley be-
which he Ned imported. GenerelOffic mee finned by any oist:able method, 1 shall treat it ire a dins- fore H a the tch c the (louse a copy ominsreni-
hie way to Alt Minister.' whoa de:. yerous and revolutionary innovation." After what catiel by hia Governmetit, in answer to the official
Oared his totel ignorance of the arrest of the -had been seen and known of the affairs of the Circular of Austris'end the Allied Powers, as to re-
port), io 'question, The General went bad( to the world, considering that in this very case Fardisiossi -fent -itansuctious with respect to Naples, declaew:
rural was informed by the getter that the had °Tenanted a CaaltilUtiall to which ite.end Great lug the great satisfaction which the House felt ow
Minister haft (note ithstending the deniul) given Britoil) were parties, considering also' that the account of Ins Majesty having caused Deelarn.
. .