The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-03-22 00:00:00

DISSOLUTION OF THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.

IRELAND•

(From the Freeman's Jonrnal of Saturday.l
As the Meeting of the Catholic Association yesterday was to be,
in obedience to the new law, the final one, the Assembly Room of
the Association was tiled at a very early hour. Athongst several
Note-aunt Bentlemen present on this occasion we noticed Alderman
Abbntr, Mr. Cuttthert (Barrister), Mr. Isaac Weld, Mr. Iluband,
sen. (Banister), Mr. Thomas tr.W. S. Bart, &c. The
gallery wan crowded with elegant f
The lion. Colonel BUTLEH was called to the ('hair.
The amount of Rent received during Thursday and yesterday
was announced to be two hundred uni fifty-two outdid ninth.,
Airings and ihrrepeuce.
111 r. CONWAT read the parting Address, which had been agreed
to by the Committee.
Mr. St'oauE stated that he had received a letter fro:n Mr.
O'Connell, and 'which he begged leave to hand to Mr. Alcurice
O'Connell, for the purpose or being read to the Meeting.
Mr. MaunicE O'Cou eiELL then proceeded to read the letter
as follows :
" TO Tilt CHAIRMAN OF THE CATHOLIC AII3OCIATION.
" London, March In, 11'25.
" Sir,—l feel it my duty once more to address the Catholic Asso-
ciation ; and, feeling that I do so for the last time, I cannot but
excetience some painful emotions, mitigstetl, however, by the pre-
sent cheering prospect of our affairs, and subdued, both in tone and
temper, by that dutiful and willing submission which ac have
always paid to the law of the land,
•• But while we submit cheerfully to the law, we do not and can.
not forget what we owe to ourselves and our country, as Irishmen
and as friends of constitutional liberty; and in both these capaci-
ties I think it right to express, distinctly and explicitly, the plea.
sure sill the pride I feel at being a Member of the Catholic
Association. It will, during try entire lite, be a comfort and con-
solation to me that I wu an acdve Member of that body ; and if
any stone shall mark my name after thin mortal coil is with me
at an end, I fondly hope that it will record, as my best title to
Irish gratitude, Ile wu a Member of the Catholic Association of
Ireland.'
" I cannot, and I am sure I do not, desire to forget that, when
the Association commenced, all Ireland was in a state of trouble
and confusion. lo the north, blood, Catholic blood, was shed by
the Orange factions, and it wan shed unrequited ; whilst, in several
districts of that same north, the traitorous Ribbennian held, in the
open day, his daring and altnost rebellious processions. In the
other districts of Ireland—in no less, I think, than eleven counties
—the Constitution was suspended, trial by jury abrogated, and
whilst crimes of the darkest die and murders of an assassin-like
character multiplied the odious, but perhaps then necessary, Insur.
rection Act, swept the land of many a victim, and seemed to appeal
to force alone as the only instrument to extort a reluctant submit.
sion.

" Such was the state of heland when the Catholic Association
was formed—(l sin not writing its history. l am only tracing
results)--much was the state of Ireland when we began our labours;
and before many months had elapsed, and before 10,0001. of the
Catholic Rent was collecte.l, the scenes of blood and slaughter 1,
ceased—all was quiet and peace in the formerly disturbed districts
—harmony, which was supposed to be banished for ever from Ire-
land, returned (shall I say, at our voice ?)—the Irish peasant, when
he found he could procure a hupc of justice, ceased to seek revenge
—and many of the best and wisest of our respected Protestant coun.
trymen joined us in seeking for that, without which permanent
tranquillity in Ireland cannot be expected—an equalisation of civil
rights for all classes of faithful subjects.
We have, however, been suppressed—we have been arrested in
• career of grist and general utility : but we have been arrested by
the hand of the law—by the strong arm of the Legislature ; and
nothing can so completely demonstrate the purity of our inten.
tions, as the ready, cheerful, and dutiful submission which we are
all prepared to show to the law that is uow about to dissolve our
Association.
In one thing we certainly were in fault—we did not take suffi-
cient pains to enlighten the people of England upon the details of
our views and wishes—we allowed a partisan and shameless
press in Ireland to usurp a sway over a portion of the English
mind. Falsehoods, which were so gross and absurd to us in Ire-
land, who knew the facts, as to be treated with silent contempt,
were received by Englishmen, who were ignorant of the un-
blushing baseness of our Orange writers, as admitted truths.
•1n impression was thus made against us here, which alone is suf-
ficient to account for our fall, whilst it leaves untouched the purity
of the motives of many, many persons, who appeared to be our
violent enemies. _ _ .

But let these topics pass, and for ever—we submit to the law,
and shall seek for redress by means only which the law will not
merely unction, but approve of. There remain many and abun-
dant constitutional sources of relief—there remain many anti abun-
dant, and legal means, of seeking for redress of our grievances--
besides, every thing confirms me in the full conviction, that eman-
cipation 11 at hand, and that this Sessions will not pass over with-
out laying the ground-work of lasting harmony, not only in Ire-
land, but between the two countries.
Emancipation is at hand, unless we retard or postpone it by
senseless calumnies, nr unreasonable apprehensions. The cause
is now in this country taken under the guidance of good sense,
good feelings, rational judgment, and most concilntory disposi-
;ion. Men of all parties in Parliament combine to arrange the
details of our emancipating, in that spirit which the best ttientia
of Ireland and cf England have long wished to see put in action.
There is in their true wisdom nothing of haste or intemperance.
Every detail of the great measure will he brought before the public
deliberately; and if there be any thing suggested which could alarm ,
either Protestant or Catholic timidity, abundant time will be given
to canvas the merit of the proposed arrangement, and nothing will
be concluded on, without affording sufficient opportunity to oppose
any thing worthy of opposition.
" In the meantime, Mr. Lawless, who calls himself a Member of
the Delegation, but is not so, as I percehe by the terms of the vote
which appointed our Deputation—
[Here there were cries of "- No, no, he is not a Member of the
Deputation."l
Mr Lawless has hastily appealed to the public, without con-
sultation with, or the cmicurrence of. any other person. Ido not
now blame him—l write merely to vindicate myself, and to remove
the mis-statements which appear in his letter.
" Mr. Lawless has indeed charged me with injustice, and with a
dereliction of religious principle ; he has charged me with consent-
ing to rob the pour and disgrace the Catholic Church in Ireland.
He has to these crimes attributed the most base of all possible mo-
tives—personal advantage to myself. ' A silk gown,' he says, is
to be my reward ! ! !'
" To these accusations I plead—not guilty. They are unfounded
—totally unfounded. I ding the shield of my character between
me and the base accusation.
_ . .

[The reading of thin passage occasioned a simultaneous burst
of applause, and three distinct rounds of cheering followed it.]
• Personal advantage ! When have I sought it ?—But pardon
me, Sir, I cannot condescend to justify myself in detail. I sill
trespass on the Association, merely to state the real facts. They
are these :

" In the first place, there is as yet nothing arranged with respect
to a provision for our Clergy, or with regard to any change in the
elective franchise. It would have been wise to await such an ar-
rangotnent before it were condemned in terms of harshness and re-
proach.
" Secondly—The Catholic Delegation is no patty whatever to
any such arrangement. We have not made any bargain or contract
upon that subject; nor has any one of us made any such contract;
nor is it at all necessary that we should. If the Legislature thinks.,
fit to legislate on these subjects, it will do so without deeming it
wise or dignified to consult us.
" Thirdly—Although a provision for our Clergy is spoken of, it
certainly has not been spoken of in any shape which could excite
the least atarm in the mind of the moat scrupulous Catholic ; and
as to the principle of that measure, is there any one who imagines
that the Catholic people of Ireland can be finally admitted into the
station of subjects, so as to constitute a portion of the universal
British nation, without our Clergy having a natural and just claim
sea the State for a prevision ? there be, I confess I am not of
that opinion. I own, I think that our Clergy ought to receive a
support from that State, which we, the Catholics, contribute to
maintain with cur moneys and our blood ; sad as to the details of
that provision, are they not safe in the !muds of our excellent Pre-
laths, subject also as they must be to tile inspection of all the people.
Protestant and Catholic, of the empire, before they can be finally
adopted, or made into a law i•
" Fourthly—As to the change in the elective franchise. that is
matter of serious consideration, and must be weighed well before it
is adopted. At present it is but in embryo, and may never attain
shape or regular form. There are, probably, known of it but these
things—thtt it is not intended to alter the qualification in town, or
cities—that it is not intended to alter the qualification in Ireland,
where it is the same as it is in England, namely, where the person
has the fee simple, or, in other words, a lease for ever, without be-
ing subject to rent—that it is not intended to take away the glan-
cing from any person now registered during such registry--that in
all probability it will not be taken away from any now existing
freeholder during his present lease—that ten pounds will, at tee
highest, be the lowest qualification—perhaps it will not exceed five
pounds.
" Ie there in these suggestions anything to alarm the timid ?
Can we forget the report made to the Association by the Rev. Mr.
Duggan, of several poor persons who, to his knowledge, were corn.
peUed to swear to a freehold qualification which they had not, under
the peril of having all their property sold for rent, and themselves
expelled their farina? The Rev. Mr. Duggan transmitted to the
Association the names of the landlords who perpetrated this cruelty.
Arc we ignorant of how many such scenes exist in Ireland ? Are
we insensible to the perjury thus generated ?
" But let me ask, will not the stimulus to make freeholders exist
after Emancipation as powerfully as at present ? It certainly will
—and if it do exist. is It robbing the poor to make a law which
shall compel any landlord who wishes to make 40s. freeholders, to
make to each tat them a lease tar ever without rent, instead of a lease
f. r a life,at a rent which leaves the qualification merely nominal,and
puts the freeholder completely in the power of the landlord ? Would
it be rubbing the poor if the landlords, instead of a 40s. freehold,
gave a frchold of lOt, annual value? Let it be recollected that
landlords will, after the proposed measure, want 10/. freeholders•
they now want 401. freeholders. They may, perhaps, not make sea
many of the one as of the other—but every 101. freeholder would
be a con:pantie person—who will say that the 40s. pens.
are so ?
" I must new conclude—l have not time to pursue the subject;
but I have written enough to weary the Association—and also, I
hope, enough to convince the Irish people that I ant incapable of
Le raying their interests, or of being actuated by motives of a 'elfin!)
or intmmted nature. Ply judgment may be mistaken ; but I will