The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-06-11 00:00:00


THE BRIT

'R

like all °there, whatever they might pretend, an enemy to civil and
religious liberty ; but in private life, he knew, avd would answer
for the fact, that his Royal Highness was in all respects a manly,
open, honourable character ; a most kinteand affectionate husband;
further, that he wart neither a spendthrift nor 3 gambler ; but from
the liberality of his nature had been led into difficulties, which had
compelled hint to reduce his establishment and live abroad, be-
, cense the House of Commons. in the exercise of its discretion, bad
withheld the assistance which would have prevented the necessity,
Lastly, as to the cause of his unpopularity, which a Right lion.
Gentleman had ascribed principally to his marriage, the real
ground had been stated by another Hon. Member.. viz. his reel in
the service of those who, by their " No Popery" cry, had turned
out their opponents. But the crime brought its own punishment,
in the resentment of the persons he had offended, whilst he was
deserted by his own party, and especially that individual who had
made a tool of hint, as he had since made of another, and whirr, for
which last act,daierved impteehment as much as any Minister who
had yet been brought to the scaffold.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was extremely
sorry that any condnet he might hare pursued on this re any other
question should hare subjected him to a charge of unteir or uncan_
did proceeding. The Noble Load had his thanks and gratitude
for the flattering manner in which he had been pleased to express
himself; his thanks and his gratitude were, however, accompanied
with pain at some of the observations which fell from the Noble
Lord. (Hear, hear.) After the many discussions which had taken
place he did not think he should still be under the necessity of con-
sidering whether the grounds of the proposed grant were right or
wrong—the question stenply was, whether it was expedient or not
to give his Royal Highness the means' of*educating his son ; if
that son were not born the grant most certainly would uot have
been advised by tilt Majesty's Minister', who did feel that as Par-
liardent had already given his Royal Brother* an additional an-
nuity of 6.0001. without reference to their having children or not,
they thought that. ander these circumstances. his Royal Highness
was not called on to give his son his education in this country, un-
less adequate means were afforded him for that purpose. They
also felt that his Royal Highness would, in all probability, come
to England to superintend his son's education, and that if he so
returned, it would he unjust to leave hien in less favourable air.
cun.stances that his other brothers. (Hear, hear.) The Right
Hen. Gentleman went on to say. that from the present state of the
Dike of Canthe land, granting hint an increased anuaitv would not
be inconsistent sith the former refusal. (Hear.) Define he sat
down he wished to explain an error into which he had fallen on a
}receding evening; on that occasion, in newer to an observation
which fell from the Hon. elember for .Montrose (Mr. Hume), in
reference to the Duke of Sussex, he (the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer) stated that his Royal Highness's wife enjoyed, from the
bounty of his Majesty, four or five thousand pounds a year; he owed
it in justice to her Royal Highness now to state, that the allowance
which that lady received front the Crown did not exceed 2.5001. a
fear, which, after certain reduction. might be fixed at 2.00111., and
that the ether two thousand were paid to her by the Duke of Sus.
sex. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. TIERNEY was anxious to state his reasons for opposing
the proposed gram. (Hear. hear.) In doing so he would throw
out of his mind all that had formerly passed with reference to the
Duke of Cumberland. If he liked his Royal Highness ever
so much, he would still oppose it, as being in prihciple mischievous.
and in precedent not warranted. (timeliest, hear.) Now, with
reference to the messege, it was to this effect. that since the mar-
riage of his Koval Highness, no provision having been made for
him, it was expedient to confer on him a grant for the education of
his son.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the
terms of the message acre to the effect, that certain circumatanees
had occurred since the lag settlement, which made it expedieut to
give increased annuities.
Mr. TIERNEY resumed—Well, what had occurred but the
birth of the two children, fur whom it WA said that additional
means of support were necessary ? It was not fair to confound the
two cases, tot in one instance the melancholy death of the father
had occurred, by which oe means were left his widow to educate
her child. That child was now six years old, and her education
up to the present moment was owing to the liberality of her uncle
t Hear, hear), who was still willing to support the burden. (Hear,
hear.) Now, to wine to the other child, and his claims on Perlis.
ment, if the Bowie acceded to the grant, they must at once admit
that a child removed four degrees from the throne, was entitled to a
Parliamentary grant of no less than 6,111111. a year for his education.
Hear, hear.) Ile was convinced that it the Chancellor of the
Exchequer stated firmly and openly, that the grant was intended
solely for the child and not for the Prince, that considerable
opposition would be removed by it. The Right Honourable
Gentleman went on to say, thtit the arguments advanced by the
Noble Lord (the Marquis of Tavistock) near him, ought to have
satisfied any nian as to the impropriety of the grant, end he re.
petted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer did not avail himself
of the Noble Lord's suggestion. There were, he conceived, a
variety of objections to the Bill, and here It was worthy of remark,
that no other grant was couched in the same tenus as the present.
In the case of all others, the message from which they originated
required that a certain sum be placed at the disposal of his
elajesty for certain purposes which were set forth in the
mess e. All they could find in that Bill was, that it WU
expedient to provide ter the Duke of Cumberland's son. No
such thing was ever said to be expedient before, (Hear, hear.)
No apelication was made for a grant for the Dukes of Sussex and
Cambrii'ge until one was 28 and the other 23 years of age; and in
the case of the Dukes of Kent ainl Cumberland, they had attained
the respective ages of 32 and 28 years. (Hear, hear-) Why ,
then was it " expedient" to grant this young child so extrava-
gant an annuity, always bearing in mind that the Duke was out of
the question. (Hear, lieu.) Then, said the Right Hon. Gentle-
man, I say that this child does not stand in need of WOOL a-year,
(Hear, hear.) It should be staled that the father had no means of
educaeng ins son before any %rant was demanded. For his own
part, he had no particular wish that the child's education should
take pace in England, though at first be was certainly caught by
(Hear, hear.) He saw no reason 'why a young Prince might
not be very well educated in Germany. His late Majesty, for in-
stance, so far from thinking that place an improper one fur the
education of children, sent all the young princes there. (Hear,
hear, and a laugh.) There was, therefore no mischief to be ap.
prehentied on that score. lie could well conceive that a Prince,
after a certain age might become inoculated with the principles of
the Holy Aielance ; (a laugh.) but he thought that the contagion
was not likely to affect a child undet Ii y .
ears of age. The Right
lion. Gent. else objected to the terms of the Bill ; all forniercases
the money was placed in the hands of his Majesty, who was ena.
bled to order the issue of a certain sum, according to his pleasure.
In the present instance his Majesty had no discretion ; the grant
was conveyed by letters patent. (Hear.) In former grants there
was a power in his Majesty to issue according to his will and plea.
sure; now he must do so as a matter of necessity. He had no con.
iroul over the money, but on receiving an acquittance from the '
Duke of Cumberland or his agent, the money must be paid. Be-
sides, suppose the Duke of Cumberland does not come, and that'!
it were thought necessary that the child should. he (Mr. Tierney)
had too good an opinion of his Majesty to suppose that, by with-
holding the grant, he would be a party to keeping the child from
his relation. Now the only secunty was, that if the education
did not take place here it should be withheld. Such, he
contended, was not a constitutional reason. (Hear, bear, bear.)
IVIly then use that provision ; it was merely to carry the Bill in the
same manner as the Grant to the Duchess of Kent daughter had
also been hitioduced. (Hear, hear.) When the increased allow. I
once was given to the Princess Charlotte, it was to issue no:ending
to the will and pleasure of his Majesty; the Grant wan made di.
reedy to his Majesty, and was to continue during the lifetime of
the late ledig and the then Prince Regent, in whom the entire eon- I
trout of it was pieced. The present proceeding was mint dia.
graceful. Let the fund be at the disposal of the Crown, and let
his 31ajesty's Ministers be responsible for its application. As it
then stood, he defied any honest man to lay his hand on his heart
and say the money was solely for the education of the child. lie
should give his most decided opposition to the measure, which in
Iris opinion outraged all former precedents. (Hear.)
Mr. Secretary CANNING next rose, and spoke nearly to the
following effect :—Sir. before the House comes to a deviaion on
:IT present question, I wish to make a few remarks on the topics
trieth the Right lien. Gentleman has introduced in his speech. I
steel discharge all consideration of the propriety of the grant, and
confine myself specific dly to the want of control which the Right
lien. Gentleman conteeds his Majesty will have over the education
i of, the young Prince; that is, over the disposal of the funds intended
fur that purpose. Now, !'apprehend that, before I say any thing
! as to the control of his Majesty, it will be necessary to state that in
the first instance his 3lajesty's Ministers will endeavour to ascer-
tain whether or not it would meet the pleasure of the Duke of Cum_
berland to reside in this country ; in the event of his doing so, and
what his determination now is, neither try Right lion. Friend near
me (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) nor I have any means of as-
certaining; but suppose he did determine, then I say it reedit be.
our duty to immediately give the money to the Duke of Cumber-
land, for there exists no disposition to come between the father and
the son • but suppose he should choose to reside abroad,—and that
1 such is his iutenupn I have nowlno knowledge,—in that event it will
be the bounden duty of his Majesty's Ministers, before the issue of
a single shilling takes place, to secure such conditions as shall en.
sure the intended application of the grant, namely, that the young
Prince be educated in England. (Cries of hear, hear.) In neither
case, therefore, does these dispositions, either on the one hand to
tear the child front his father, or on the other hand to make it im.
perative on him to reside in this country. (hirer, hear.) What
causes may induce his Royal Highness either to close or continue
his residence abroad I do not know, and it Is not for us to inquire;
but it does appear to his Majesty's el heelers that it would be harsh
to make the condition of the grant his Royal Highness's return to
England, a hile on the other hand there is every temptation in the
present proceeding to induce him to reside here, and also a security
that if he do not so reside, the young Prince will, at all events, be
educated in the manner approved of by Parliament. (Hear, hear.)
The Right lion. Gentleman said, that when the subject was first
broached, he was taken with the expediency of having the young
Prince educated lb Englund ; es was my Right lion. Friend (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer), so was I, and so were we all. (Hear,
hear.) The only difference is that after the most mature considers.don my Right lion. Noble }mail and I persevere in our opinions,
whilst the Right Hun. Gentleman bait departed front his. (Cheers.)
We certainly did think that a Prince who was in such near proximity
eo the throne of these realms, and who May one day inherit it,
ought naturally to be educated amongst Englishmen. (Hee; hear.)
Now, as to the precedent which it is stated this grant will establish,
I will not take on myself to say that unfortunate events may not
place uther ceildran of the Royal Family in the same pretl.elment,
but at present we have only to deal with the two beforeehe House,
and Mb we might to do without reference to other peneble C 11.131.
With referenee to the amount of the prop seed mane I do not be-
lieve teat fey man will ley thi et the 3dr:title:nal calls whit* Wale of.

. .
course be made on the Duke of Cumberland, in the event of his
transferring his residence to this country, would be more than corn.
peneated by the 6,00 i 1. voted to him, which 6,0001. will of course
include the expenses of his son's education. (Hear, hear, hear.).
On the other band, if the Doke of Cumberland should retook;
abroad, and as I have already said, I am not prepared to, announce
any determination upon the subject either one way or other, I think
it will be admitted that the auto we now propose to grant for the
maintenance and education of this young Prince will not be more
than sufficient to cover the expenses of a separate estebliihment in
this century. I do nut mean to assert that the whole sum of six
thousand pounds will be wanted on the lest year or the second,
or that the grant may not in the early years of the minority. some-
what exceed the atnount actually required for the accomplishment
of our object ; but 1 contend that in every short time, when this
young Prince approaches the age of 14 Or 15, the sum we propose
will not be more than sufficient for his education, with a due regard
to the rank and dignity of a person placed so immediately in the
Erie of succession to the throne; and I think that It would not be
either respectful or decorous to place the guardians of the child
under the necessity of applying to Parliament every six or twelve
months in every future year, for those additional grants which his
increasing age and enlarged expenditure might require. Ido nut.
thetefore, 'see. that there is any thing in this grant which can
be well called extravagant, or that it can be fairly attributed to us
that we are 'peeking for it item an other purpose beyond that which
has been already declared to the House. That declared purpose is
on the one hand to enable the Duke of Cumberland, En the father'
of this young Prince, to return to this country, with the object of '
procuring his son an education suitable to his rank, without at the
same time being embarrassed in the support'of his establishment;
and on the other hand, if the Duke does not choose to return and I
I.again say on that subject I have no information--to make a pro-
otsion for the separate education and maintenance of the child in
England by a grant which, under all the circumstances of the
came, will not exceed what may be required for that separate estab-
lishment. I do not know what it is in this proceeding that has
been stigmatised as unfair ; undoubtedly, perhaps the course of
another year might have enabled us to speak with more certainty;
but if the object be the restoring the Duke of Cumberland to this
country, I believe it must be taken as an experiment of years, not
money. The Right .Honoittable Gentleman tale us there are few
or no precedents for this meagre. I admit that to be true ; but it
must be recollected that the younger branches of the Royal Family
to which the Right Renewable Gentleman alludes, were living
under the same roof with the* parents, and that there was not the
same Immediate rational object in their cases*? looking to the
succession to the throne. It will not, however, be supposed at
present that the younger branches of the Royal Family are sup-
ported by the King ; anti it should always be borne in mind that
when an adequate provision was made for them by Parliament,
there was one to whom that boon was denied. I will not refer
mole to the circumstances under which it was denied, because I de
not wish to say any thing unkind ; but I say it should be borne in.
mind that the refusal of that provision produced a state of things
unnatural with respect to that one, in his relation to the others, and
deprived him of the power of defraying either his own expenses or
the expenses of his child. (Hear, hear.) ‘Vhen motives are im-
puted to Members in the execution of what they conceive to be a
conscientious duty. I do not know what course is to be taken but to
deny them. if there be any man who adopts a side upon this ,
question from any reason which he dares not avow, I have uo such
necessity. My motives are conscientious, and I avow them. I
say that I think the education of this child is an object of national
%importance, and that I consider the amount to be as reasonable, and
I'the unsoner as unexceptionable, as they possibly could be under
all ilk circumstances and difficulties of the case. (Cheers.)

Mr. BROUGIIA3I.—Sir, I give entire credit to the assertion of
the Right Honourable Secretary. that he is nut actuated by any
sinister motives in what he has stated to the House ; and I give
that credit not only from what I know of him, and what Indeed he
has aright to expect from me, but I give it to him also from what
he has said in the concluding sentence of his address, that he would
grant this provision because it had not been conceded before.
(Hear, hear.) That is the Right Honourable Seesotary's avowal—
that too is the declaration of the Chancellor of the Rxcheguer—but
that is not the avowed purpose of this Bill, and upon this attempt
at deception I make my stand against it. It is one thing to say that
the Doke of Cumberland has bean frustrated twice before—in the
year 1816, and again in 1818—in his endeavours toobtain from Par-
liament this grant of 6,0001. a year, and that therefore you should
give it to him now ; and it is another thing to come down to this
House and say you must make a certain provision for the education
and maintenance of that Royal Duke's child. Now I differ from
the Right Honourable Gentleman an; the other side of the House,
upon the constitutional law of the case; and I believe they will
find. if they consult the Crown Lawyers, that tl.ey are of my opi-
nion ; that the Duke, by the wording of the Bill, obtains a vested
right in the grant the moment it passes ; for I contend the words
are not optional but imperative. I would only recall to the Right
Honourable Gentleman's recollection a Bill in which he and I bad
some fellow feeling_l mean the Catholic Bill—and I think he must
remember that from the occurrence of the very same words I was
obliged to put off the discussion, and adjourn the debate until I
had made an alteration in the wnds " shall and may," which were
objected to in It, nut as optional, but Imperative, and between the
Friday and Monday, bring it up again with those alterations. I
differ also from the Right Honourable Gentleman in point of fact
on this case. He says that the Princes of the Blood Royal stood
in no nerd of relief, because they were under the shelter of the
Royal roof. Why, so they were at Gibraltar, so they wereetNova
Selina, so they were at Canada—where one of them was st Go-
. vemor, and commanded a regiment. Surely it cannot be seriously
said, that the Princes of the Blood. Royal are not as much emelt-
eipatod in this country from paternal control at twenty-eight•or
two-and-thirty, as they are in any other country in the world.
But there is another case, I think, even stranger. The Duke of
Gloucester—net the son, but the nephew. of the King. standing
precisely in the same situation to the late King as Prince George
does to ours—and what was the grant to him P not a grant for his
education or his maintenance, independent of hie father, but a grant
of maintenance, not to take edict until alter the demise of the Duke,
his father. (Hear.) I have objected to this grant upon economical
grounds, as uncalled fax and unnecessary; but I object to it much
more upon the constitutiooal grounds; and it is upon that more than
the economical, that I implore the opposition of the House, because,
by giving your consent to this proposed allowance, you naturalise a
principle, that as often as our Sovereign may have a grandson or
a nephew, or a grand nephew born in succession, whether near or
remote it matters not, to the Crown, Parliament is immediately to
be called upon to pension the father twice and thrice over, to
provide for his increasing offspring. For, it becomes after thisprece-
dent, a matter of right to the claimant, and Parliament will be bound
to concede that right. Upon that ground therefore I have persisted,
and will persist, in taking the sense of the House on this bad
and unconstitutional measure. lam extremely glad that the cha-
racter of the Duke of Sussex has been properly vindicated. That
illustrious. person is the only one of the Royal Family who has
never removed any additional allowance—any thing but the Par-
liameutary grant apportioned to him as a younger brother—no regi-
ment, no aunt for the payment of debts, and though placed by his
unhappy marriage in peculiar circumstances, which marriage by
the bye, I may say was according to the opinion of a man whose
name I may mention without any breach of the forms of the House,
LeCittlNt he is no longer a Member. I mean the pious, enlightened,
and humane Mr. Wilberforce. I say, that in his opinion the law
which dissolved that marriage, was one of the moat unconstitu-
tional and immoral ever passed by this House. That Illustrious
Personage has paid out of the 10,000/ allotted him by Parliament,
6.000/. to this lady, leaving him 13,0001., and I know not how
much to her issue, the fruits of their marriage. And yet with all '
this drain upon his income—and with at one time a very large
amount of debts, he has never even dreamt of any proposition to
Parliament, never entered into any compromise with his creditors, 1
but paid 20a in the pound honourably and fairly, so as to reduce
the whole amount of a debt, at one time nearly 100.0001. to a sum
scarcely worth mention. And all this he has done without any
compromise with his creditors, and without the slightest degrade- ,
Lion of the Royal dignity. but solely from the sacrifices suggested 1
by his own honourable mind, and the arrangements of his house- I
hold under the learned person who presides over it. I would say,
therefore, with regard to him, that although Raley be best not to get
into debt, the next best thing is to get out of all such obligations
with promptitude and integrity. I have discharged my duty from
the beginning to the end of this discussion according to my con-
scientious sense of what was right, and I will nor, detain the House
no longer. I hope to God the Alembers will now redeem their charac-
ters, so as to enable them to look back with the sat ktaction of having
supported the votes winch excited such an u.t.- amour feeling of
approbation in 1813 and 1018, for I will add, ti.at while we have
the satisfaction of uppealing to our own consciences, we been, I
verily believe the opinion of the whole country. I believe also,
that our endeavours against this unconstitutional grant, .111 be
judged of kindly and candidly by the Illustrious person whose con-
certs form the subject matter of our debate, he will gire us
credit for our motives. I know if he has one-half the msg.
nanimity ascribed to him, which has been reported of hint,
and which I firmly believe, I know he will give us all credit for the
purity of our motives. I have opposed this grant on no personal
grounds ; I opposed the former grants on no personalifrounds,
and I believe and trust that in the true magnanimous spirit of his
family lie will attribute our actions to their just motives, and give
us credit for the purity of our intentions. I know that the Com-
mander-ln-Chief by • conduct above all praise, has shewn that he
forgives--no, that is not the proper term— that he forgets, or only
remembers to approve, the conduct of those who felt it their duty
to prosecute the investigation of 1809. And the late Queen, the
most injured and persecuted of women, allied to the family by
blood and affinity, was, I can riser, one of the most forgivill in
nature and disposition i and his present Majesty—l say this in an-
swer to all the malignant calumnies which have been so industri-
ously propagated—notwithstanding all that occurred in what I
may call the rsonal conflict, in which 1 was professionally engaged,
has gracious and magnanimously, and the more so because it was
unasked—v untarily, I repeat, conveyed to me the assurance that
Gle
I all the rumours upon the subjtct were malicious or misinterpreted—
that he retains not the slightest feeling of unkindness from any
observations which I thought it my duty to use--and that all the
insinuations, on the contrary, are uuerly false. %%le cannot, there.
fore, by the vow by which we are about to come, have arty itpore-
hension that a member of this illustrious anchenagnanimous homily
can feel that we have done any thing offensive to hi- feelings in the
discharge of our public duty.
The House then divided—

For the Oird reading, 170 1 Against it, 121 1 Majority, 4V
Upon our entering the gallery we found
Mr. BROUGHAM proposing an amendment, with a view, we
suppose, of having it entered upon the Journals; we could not, from
the noise, catch ha purport, but it was negatived without a divisiou.
The Honourable Gentleman then proposed as an amendment, that
the sum a 5,0001. be greeted to his Slajest) fur the 14.:L»IteoanCe