The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1819-05-04 00:00:00

that account. The war is now over—pa:lee pre-
vails in every quarter—and the question is, shall
these blessings be suspended for ever? Will you,
in deflatiee of justice, suspend, first, the blessings
of the Constitution--atal next, the duties which
the Gospel has exacted ? I know the system is
founded oil a charge against the moodily of the
Romeo Catholics—but I also know that it is a
charge which you do not believe.—(lletse, hear.)—
Yon slid nal believe it in 1797, when by Act of
Parliament you declared the Roman Catholics
good and faithful subjects—you did not believe it,
when you conceded to them the right of voting—
you did not believe it, when, two years ago, you
enabled them to bold cosniiiissions in the misty and
army, sod rendered them capable of cominsoiling
in both—you did tint believe it, when you --esta-
blished the Pope in Italy.—(//ear.)—Yout did so—
you who refloat. to nuke off those disqualifications!
The Papal See was restored by the Protestant Power !
You carried the Pope on your back—you viewed
him pro-trate on the earth, yon lifted him up, rind
made him a substantive power! You declared. for
avail, that the Pope could control the sillegiance of
your fellow-subjects, but you found him poor and
impotent, unable to contend with "sly power,
strapped to the war-horse of a great Captain,
who, for his own purposes. violated that religion
which he afterwards affected to support. You
found it necessary to restore him to power—and
you, a Protestant State, effected that subject. Did
you, then, restore the Pope abroad, in order to op-
press and punish Roman Catholics at home ?
(Hero, hcar.)—You saw, when you acted thus,
that danger was not to he apprehended from that
quarter. You saw that Christianity, of any de-
scriptime was comparative safety, and that 'Ade-
lity, of any description, was incomparably danger-
ous. You did not believe your own argument.
when you assisted the Pope—you did not believe
your own aror'annent, when yon helped to restore the
Bourbon. You trotibltd, with all your strength,
that nation which ,hide Catholicism formidable, and
by that means imparted a new vigour to the Popish re-
ligion. You paw that the power of the Pope, abroad,
did not supply the place of the living God—you
saw, at home, that Popery might be put slow'', but
that Protestantism would not spring up in its room
—you saw that the Roman Catholic Church was
not idolatrous, nor, what it had long been repre-
sented, dangerous—and you felt, ut all events, that
it was better than a rueful philosophy ! You saw
that Christianity, with seven sacraments, was pre-
ferable to a negati tttt of all religion. Wur has ceased,
and the principles and the dreams of the philoso-
pher are at all end. You saw you seized
the opportunity for the revival of religion. Of
what religion ? The religion of the Petitioners. For
what reason ? Not because it was a false, but
because it was a faithful religion. In so doing,
you made that which is of inestimable importance
—you made a political coliformity in Europe, on
the score of religion. Accordingly you find dif-
ferent Princes, Protestant and Catholic. united for
one common purpose. By what means ? By a
Christian confederacy. In e- ler to do what ? To
sustain a common religion. You said. Give the
Catholics abroad the full exercise of their faith—let
them possess all political rights and immunities—
let tie raise, and support, amid new-create the
Pa-
pists in Italy—but let us disqualify, and degrade,
and oppress the Catholics at home !' But, in do-
'Mg this, what do you really effect? You do the
very thing you have been deprecating. Ynu de-
clare to the great mass of mankind, that religion is
a mere artifice—very convenient for the power of
a King—hut only useful, in respect to the subject,
as an eugiue by which he may lie oppressed, and by
which Isis natural rights may he diminished !
Now I will contend, that when you establish a poli-
tical conformity in Europe, you create the neces-
sity of admitting a common law eligibility here.
Otherwise the whole proceeding is an artifice,
totally unworthy mil credit amongst sensible men.
and may .wised us a coercive means of establisliiug
and upholding a particular portion of power. If
you restore the Roman Catholics to their rights,
those who oppose them say they will overturn the
Constitution. That is to assert, that the Roman
Catholic clergy will attempt, when the laity begin
to exercise their new power, to incisive them, at the
hazard of their lives, or rather with a certainty of
the loss of life, to destroy the State, with a view to
restore or to establish the domination of their
church. This idea is founded on a principle
wholly and fundamentally false. It supposes that
a man will run all hazards, no matter how dread-
ful, in order to establish the domination of his
church—it supposes a violent natural affection for
a certain set of principles—it supposes that he is
abeolutely born in love with a particular doctrine.
The argument is carried farther ; so for as this—
that lie will feel the passion for u particular religion
operating more strongly in his breast than any miter
sentiment-1W he will prefer and cherish the hope
of exalting the power of his church before all other
principles. In ether words, it is saying, that that
man is born a fanatic—it is asserting that lid is
created mad.--(//ear, hear.)—But dues it follow
that the clergy could succeed, if they were so in-
clined, in producing such a convulsion ? The Deity
had descended on earth and revealed himself to'
us, with the Gospel in his hand. That Gospel
contains principles slid orders of the en blimest tuo-
rality—principles and orders cslctilatril to remove
the evils which some individuals apprehend. The
Gospel, which we so much prize, is the Gospel of
the Roman Catholics—the God whom we adore is
also their God; and the argument is, that the
Catholics will, by the force of nature, alone, rise
against their King, rise against their God, rise
against their Gospel ! That they will rebel with
their clergy, iii a cause ha which they may expect
to be !unwed its this world, and damned tii the next!
—(/tear.)—Let us suppose, for instance, that
Dr. Poynter, a must excellent and pious man—
ever studious for the moral and religious instruction
of hie flock, becomes a traitor whirl' he is intrusted
with political power. I•et suppose, that, in coo-
formity with the ulisuril idea which I have just de-
scribed. !Ilia Reverend Prelate goes to the Duke
of Norfolk (who, on being placed in the possession
of those privileges which lie claims, becomes it trai-
tor al u), and says, Now you are invested with po-
litical power, I suppose you will natio-01y. us a
matter of course, subvert the Goveriiiiient.'—
(Thar, and laugher.)-111 other words, it wall
Slaying' Your Grace, I have no doubt, will cheer-
fully lose your head, iu older to make me