The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-04-30 00:00:00

LABOURERS' WAGES.
Lord J. RUSSELL moved for an Abstract upon the subject of
Labourers' !pages.
PROVISION FOR THE CATHOLIC CLERGY.
Lord F. L. GOWER. said, heroes to move a Resolution which
would recited the opinions of that House on the expediency of mak.
tag a provision for the Items° Catholic clergy of Ireland. If, since
the period before the Recess, when he gave notice of his intention
to tiring this sulgect before the House, he had naturally looked
forward with some apprehension to the responsibility which such
an undertakiog involved, and with an anxiety which might have
led him to wish that some one of those highly-gifted individuals,
possessing powers so much beyond any which his humble talents
could supply, had introduced this question to their notice—he
could not but think, now that circumstances had occurred since he
gave that notice, which materially lessened the apprehension
which the importance of the subject originally eteited, when he
heard the Honourable and Learned Member for Winithelsea at-
tribute an importance to this question scarcely inferiot .to that of
Catholic Entencipation itself, he could not but feel. differing as
he did, in •degree, as to the importance, that his confidence nose in
proportion to the individual benefit which he thought must be the
result of his proposition. While, therefore, he wett far with that
Learned Gentleman in his opinion of the importance of this
question, be did not despair of being able to persuade him to go
thine way with him in thinking it a fit subject for cogisideration, as
to how far it may be likely to promote the welfare of the Sister
Kingdom. Dient as lie kilt himself, whenever be had directed
his humble means of judgement to this question, still he had
always thotighoapproaching it w ith a mind unjaundiced by mean and
local prejudice, and unaffected by any illiberal party spirit, that it
would meterially tend to promote the welfare of Ireland. (Roue)
Diffident, indeed, as he felt upon every subject connected with the
geniis of that country, he felt happy to find that his opinions were
shared by many of those illustrious men, whose exertions were now
unhappily lost to that Howie—happy, he would say,that his opinions
had been shared by Pitt, Cesdereagh. and Cornwallis. They were
supported, too, by one eminent man of the present day, whose sen-
timents upon the question be would. take the liberty to lay before
the House in an extract from the Debates of the year 1812. That
Gentleman, the Member for Louth (Mr. Leslie Forster) whose
knowledge of the details of this question—whose laborious ex-
ertions— phose extensive research and powerful advocacy classed
hen high among the enemies of Catholic Emancipation—has
said, Had the Parliament of Ireland (he meant the Parliament
which first relaxed the Penal Laws) consulted the welfare of that
country, they would not have adopted a policy towards the clergy
which has estranged them from the Government, and yet
placed a power in their hands which may often prove injurious to
in They (the clergy) should not have been left dependent upon
the bounty of their flocks, and placed ahnost in a state of pauper-
ism, if they offended or differed from those wbo contributed to
their support. The Veto I consider an idle bauble, not worth
either acceptance or refusal, but if that day should ever come when
the Catholic Clergy would be paid by the Crown—when promotion
would he laid open to them as well as the Protestant—when a re-
gular education may be obtained at Alaynooth—theo I, for one, do
rot hesitate to declare my opinion, that the difficulties in the way
of Catholic Emancipation will be very much smoothed." These
were the recorded opinions of the Honourable Member many years
sem Ile (Lord F Gower 'only asked that his little bark might sail
it the wake of the Hon.hlember's stately vesael,and by theadvantage
of his skilful pilotage, reach the desired haven. He had stated it to
be his opinion, that this measure would be most desirable, if it
could he effected ; and while lie knew that it was considered by
many Members of the House, and among others by the Honour.
able Ileinber for Wincheleca (Mr. Brougham) and the Right Ho-
oourable Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whose absence he regretted.
both in its cause and effect, that it should be preceded by Catholic
Emancipation, still he would leave to the sense of the House both
thst question and the details connected with the Bill of which this
motion was intended to form der groundwork. Ile would be con-
tert to state. 3, a matter of opinion, the objects he proposed to ac.
compile!). and the advantages he hoped to derive from a provision
for Heenan Catholic Olergynien. Add first, he would mention the
improvement which it would produce in the suite of the Roman Ca-
t eolic Priesthood, by giving them an interest in common with the
Stare—the melioration of the condition of the peasantry—and. as a
collateral, bee not less important circumstance, the security affinded
to the reactant Establishment, and the consequent addition to
the stability of the empire.—(hear )—With tegard to the provision
to the Cleegy, be must here explain that he did not mean to make
are, immediate Increase of income to all the Priesthood, but to the
two extremes, the Dithops and the Curates. Ile thought, looting
at the sources front whence they derived their present provision,
that any fixed income must be a great benefit, as well as a relief, to
the uniortimate Catholic pennant. He wished here to meet in 11.
ethic an objection which lie had heard nientionad, that this provi.
stun wee intended to cut off the connection of the try with
the miesthood, and place the latter under the immerileastael:ontrol of
the Government. To that imputatioe or suspicion he begged here
to give the most solemn denial. lie was disposed to concur upon
that point with • Reverend Prelate (Dr. Doyle), whose character
stood deservedly high in the estimation of that House, that the
offerings should, in the event of any provision, be allowed to re.
main ; and although he (Lord F. Gower) would wish to relieve the
Catholic peasant from a burthen which pressed heavy upon him,
still when he looked at the way in which these offerings were made,
and considered that they were given upon the most sacred and
affecting of all ceremonies—that of the performance of the rites of
burial—he could not but allow that the peasant should contribute
a something to the support of him in this world to whom he looks
for salvation in the next. There was a circumstance he would
mention here which strikes conviction to his -mind as to the pro-
piety of the arrangement he proposed—he meant that portion of
a. O'Connell's evidence which referred to the state of the Ca-
tholic Clergy. That Gentleman says that the Catholic Clergymen
wee mostly, if not always, of the lower orders of society. Now,
while be (Lord F. L. (lower) could not admit there was any crime
of reproach in that which had been the peculiar characteristic of
the first Christians (hear, hear), still he could not but regret
that any circumstances should prevent the higher orders of Ca.
chalice from becoming the pastors of their countrymen, or that any
iodividual should find occasion to repress his religiousseal from
the unfavourable situation in which he would be called to display it.
It was idle to say that Government could have as intention of
controlling the people by interesting the priests, for it was well
known, that though in peaceful times they led, in troublesome
times they were obliged to follow their flacks. Upon this subject
he had been furnished with a letter, addressed by a friend to the
late Lord Cornwallis, and as it might be allowed that his Lordship
had considerable experience in the affairs of Ireland, he trusted the
House would permit him to read it. (Hear.) His Lordship then
seed the letter, which stated, that the Noble writer, being long ac-
quainted with Ireland, had frequently turned his attention to a
consideration of its affairs, and that no subject bad more occupied
his attention then the policy of making a provision for the Clergy.
From all that had come to hit knowledge, he was convinced that no
priest could do his duty as a loyal subject, without incurring the
hatred or displeasure of his flock. This was the opinion of Lord
Cornwallis. He (Lord F. L. Gower) coincided in it most fully,
and be would say that it was not to be tolerated that the Catholic
Clergyman should continue in such a situation. If he was .ac.
tire, he was called disloyal—if quiet, a plotter of treason—if the
advocate of peace, the betrayer of his religion. He would say that
he should not continue time to be lashed to the vessel of the State,
subject to all its fortunes and vicissitudes, tossed about with every
tempest, but that he should be placed in a situation to act, not as
the Minister, or the Government, or the People should command
him, but as ditty and conscience would direct him. (Hear, hear.)
He cared Ole with the more pleasure, because it was echo of the
sentiments of the famous Edmund Burke on the same subject.
The Noble Lord then read the passage from Mr. Burke's Works,
to which he alluded. Ile believed that much prejudice and
ignorance existed on this subject, and it was therefore with no
small tdeathre that he (Lord G.) turned to that part of Mr.
O'Connell's evidence, when he alludes to the monument raised
by a Protestant congregation to a Catholic Priest, and when
he relates the circumstances of the Protestant Rector and his
parishioners accompanying the body to the grave. Such an
event spoke volumes; it was grateful to turn from the records of
bigotry and prejudice to the simple recital of such events as these ;
it wan gratifying to view the transition from Sectarianism tee Chris.
vanity. If it would appear that property has soured the impulses
of Christianity, he would place them in a situation to draw forth
kindlier feelings; sad he would repeat it here that he might not be
m»mnderrstoodi hut he would reject any remedial measure, if it was
intecded to undermine the religion of those who were to be bene-
fited, or to render their Ministers subservient to the tyranny or in.
tolerance of a Government. He would tell them, in the language
of Burke, he preferred his own faith ; but as long'as Ireland con.
tensed Catholic, and in bin opinion these wee very. little probability
of its ever being otherwise, he dimmest there was justice, pradenee,
and wrend•peliey, iaElviug the Catholic Priesthood a distinct in-
terest nu the State. Here he could appeal from theory to practice,
and call upon the House to look at the Presbyterians, and point
out any mama& of the interference of Government. Since the
granting efnhet provision which hid been forced upon the attention
of every Sovereign since the time of James 1., they had been
provided for out of the funds of the State ; and yet he would
challenge any Menthes of diet House to point out a More respect.
able body cf men, or the more beloved by those who looked up to
than for counsel. Upon tnese grounds he would be con.
rent to rest the Resolution, sa deserving the support of' the House
The adoption of this motion he would further insist upon as some
compensation fur the past misgovernment of Ireland, to the people
of that country. Thy had been deprived of almost creep thing
bat of tease hopes of a future state, which we could not take from
them ; slid in charity, as well as justice, we were bound now to
&deuce the prosperity of that country by every means in our power.
There was another topic connected with this subject to which
lie telt it to Lie his duty to advert. - Ettoomny was a watch-
word that always lofluenced the passions of the people, and was
peculiarly calculated to excite the jealousy and alarm of a commer.
clad nation r the House, be hoped, would bear In mind that prin-
ciples of economy might 'sometimes be stretched too far, and instead
of being useful and el editable, they became a disgrace to an indi.
vidual, and a curse to a nation. (Near, hear.) that word—that
charmed word—would not rarely earryforre and influtnee with it,
whoever may Le the magician using to (Hear, hear.) When it
was mina as an obstruction to a measure, which was calculated
and intended to give relief to an agitated country—to tranquillise
a long-stiffering peasantry—to eradicate from their minds the hos-
` • ' entertained against others of their country, and to
of the perilous steff that weighs upon the
arm which was hitherto moved for
were the desirible objects of the greet
fore the Howie, and which would derive
Can from thaw measures by which it
neceeded, one of which he had not the•
though this was not, perhaps, the proper
oils of the present measure, yet he vislied

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