The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-02-19 00:00:00

Amooksairim Ormoomposod as they were, and as the
eaninisrradow of justice was, is dealt country, the formation of that
Association to promare an aortal 'admineetration of the. hove ap-
roved to him not efieers.t.ional, but just and reasonable. (Hear.)
It had been said, by more that one Hon. and Leaeeed
Gentleman, that justice was equally adminiatered in that country.
In their opinion it might; but, from the information which he de-
rice.) from sources of intelligence on which he had every reason to
rely, his opinion was exactly the reverse of that asserted by the
Honourable and Learned Gentleman. He had also the authority
et. a Noble Lord (Redeedale) who had considerable experience of
the administration of justice in the.: country; his opinion was,
that " there was one law for the rich, another fur the poor--and
that both were illeadministered." He (Mr. S.) came into the
House with a perfect indifference as to how be should vote on this
occasion. lie lied heard the statement of his Hon. Friend, and the
reply of the Right Hon. Secretary, which did not answer the
speech of his lion. and Learneel Friend. The Right Hon. Secrefary
tad said that notoriety was the ground on which the present Bill
was founded. Now this was the first time he heard notoriety laid
down sea rule of legislation. (Hear, hear.) It was a novel doctrine;
there were many most respectable
and when, in opposition to it,
;among neatly to explain the conduct, the motives, and the acts of
she Association, he submitted that such a doctrine should not pre.
vat against ea fair an offer. (Hear, hear.) The objects of the
Association appeared to him not only legal but laudable. The
unseat requast was the simple one of desiring to be heard. The con.
cession of this would be sot merely one of candour and conciliation,
but of common justice. (Cheers.) It was not surely too much,
hen they were about to legislate for the abridgment of the liberty
to the subject, in a cue in which the reliance for such legislation
secslail--on the support of any documents laid before the Bottu—
m newspaper accounts, and reports which, whether they gave an
account of the proceedinge•of this assembly, or of any other public
body, • ere unfit foundations for legislation. Ile concluded by
girase his hearty concurrence to the present motion.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL thought his Hon. and Learned
icid had no right to refer to newspaper accounts being the foun.
elation of legislation, as his Right lion. Friend the Secretary for
the Horne Department had waived all extracts from speeches or
unat thenticated documents, and relied solely on the authenticated
documents of the Association itself. The Constitutional Assoctation
was certainly discountenanced by him, not because he considered
It strictly illegal, but he was opposed to such association assuming
such functions on grounds of policy and prudence. Some of their
proceedings certainly showed that the society had fallen under
the direction of an improper management, but they lind this
disadvantage in comparison with the Roman Catholic Association,
that the individual prosecuted by the Constitutional Association.
bad the popular opinion and prejudice in his favour ; the persons
prosecuted by the Catholic Association, had the popular opinion and
prejudice of the country against them. (Hear.) The Constitutional
Association consisted of a few members; the Cathol c Association,
by their numbers, and by these over whom that influence extended,
might be said to consist of threeefourths of the population of the whole
country. They were therefore a more f irmidable and darverous body.
A body of this nature Wes identified with the mass of 'the people;
they v ere to decide on these prosecutions, of which they were the
promoters, the guides, and the directors. What, but to poison, to
pervert, aid to influence the course of justice. could be the result
of a system ? If they contemplated the Poem of administering
justice in this country—if they considered the many guards which
the Constitution set over it, by which it was settled that no person
who was in the slightest degree affected or interested in any case,
could take part in it—contrast this with the conduct of the Catholic
Association, and how apparent would be the violation of these prin-
ciples. Let the House look to their directing and influencing, and
say if that was not a perversion of the administration of justice.
He would not ground his argument on facts—he would not decide
oi these facts or those, but he would oppose the Association on
principle. The direct tendency of such an Association must be, to
encourage spies and informers (a laugh) who were constantly look-
leg out for some opportut ity of exercising their trade. He how-
ever did not rest his objections to their interfeience with the Admi-
nistration alone; though that was pernicious, it was only a branch.
The Catholic was different from the Constitutional Association it
this tespezt, that a person brought to trial by the latter went into
Court with all possible advantages that could spring trom the unpo-
polarity of the prosecutor. He did not consider it very consistent
in those Hon. Members who railed at that Association to vote in
favour of this part of the calm It was also a mischief of the Ca-
tholic Association, that all questions taken up by it were questions
of party. (Hear, hear.) They were conducted in all the spirit and
temper of party. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by say-
ing, that be would not enter into the general question, which must
now be quite exhausted.
Mr.11R01.(111A3I rose amidst cries or quecion. He assured
the House be never rose to address it under stronger feelings of
emotion than he did to clone this branch of the present question.
He would principally confine himself to the speech of the Secre.
toy for the Home Department. He felt that the speech of that
Right Honourable Gentleman must have made a deep impression
on the House ; for independent of the great and animated powers
of his mind, he always hat that sincerity of tone and of feeling
'which could never fail to make an impression ; but he wished, and
would certainly show the House that that speech, powerful as it
was, did n x d. ive him from his ground ; and nivi. I) s'ow lie hail
been accurate in quotation, he would read train the Journals,
under the date bah June, there WAS an entry that the Committee to
whom the petition of Mr. Gilbert had been referred, declared he
ought to be heard at the bar of the House by Counsel.
(3le PEEL, saws the table—" And also.")
Mr. B. thanked the Right Hon. Gentleman for the " and also."
He would give him the benefit of the ac ctatni—" and also ihat the
he eskers and pedlars be beard." He, however, would not dwell on
that any longer hot go to a case exactly in point—" the Massa.
chusett's Bay Bill ." that was at least a penal enactment—not corn.
mercial, not private—for it was enacted to prevent certain persona
from entering New England, Tor certain crimes they had committed
against the mother country ; and also to prevent them from going
to Newfoundland. Against this Bill the people of London peti-
tioned; the inhabitants of Poole also petitioned against it; and
there were also other petitioners. The Quakers were the
loudest against it—not beciuse it affected themselves—not from
any private or political motive, but purely from humanity did
they interest themselves, and the House listened to their humane
prayer; the petitioeets were heard by Counsel—they had their
4 g t It. and witnesses oefore the House. 'ithere was another precedent
that wa• s :ggeated by his Hon. Friene„ the Me nber for Limerick
(Mr. S. Rice). and it was another proof of the valuable extensive
intorrnation of that Gentleman—it was an Irish precedent; and
since the Union, an Irish was as good as an English one, now that
the two countries were united into one. The question was not
one relating to pecuniary interests or mercantile concerns ; the case
ce'^utred is 16118, and Sir Toby Butler and Mr. Stephen Rice were
its lat the bar of the les% House of Commens against it. The
doe was use for the bcrter mcurirg his Majesty's person. (Ilean)
And it tone to be at the expence of the liberty of the Catholics. It
was not a private hill, but one touching their liberty, and one for
securieg the Protestant ascendancy. NI ere the Catholics named in
•th it bid? No; no more than the Catholic Association in the
present. That bill mid, no person shall hold certain situations
unless they take particular oaths. The Catholics saw aid felt the
MU sou aimed at them ; they petitioned against it, and were heard
Carmel against it. The Catholics now know that the Asso.
tuition is the object of the present enactment. They knew that if
the As ociation be put down, their main stay is withdrawn from
them. Toe House were told, that .be Catholic Association was not
more meant than any other; but what Association but the Catho-
lic have the Honourable sentltmen on the other side spoken
against ? %What other Association has the speech of the Secretary
Tor the Home Department attacked ? That Right Hon. Gent.
had made a charge of inconsistency ; and to that he would reply
before he took any notice of his argument. It was charged
against him, that when, about three years ago, an esteemed
friend of his, Mr. Stephen, wanted to make himself th:
champion of the negroes, and to be heard at the bar of the
House on their behalf, he (Mr. Brougham) opposed it. True,
indeed, his Gend was not in the capacity of a petitioner—he
was nut before them Al a retained Advocate—hut now we have
the petitioners themselves at our bar—we have the very negroes
before us (Loud cheers.) So much for that inconsistency—now
for the gang. Did he, though he detested it, come forward with
a gill to rut it down ?2tlid he ever hint at such a measure? (Hear)
sit could be shown that he did some sushi thing, the charge
fell to the ground. No ; though he thought that corrupt, jobbing,
model' ng, officious gang an insult to t he A ttorney-General, still he d id
not interfere, because he thou”lit there was sufficient power in the
bands of the Attorney-General to effect it. Ile now would come to
the main argument ; and in doing so, he must pass over the speech
—the long speech—of his lion. and Learned Friend (the Solicitor.
General) who had that night vented a speech which appeared
intended for the four nights' debate (a laugh), and which had an
exemplary independence of the slightest connexion with the ques-
tion then before the House. (Continued laughter.) His Ho-
nourable and Learned Friend who spoke lut, said he did not
l' Alutre any evidence—he wanted no document—he did not pay
any attention to the mass of evidence to be brought
' forward--
he had no regard to the cloud of witnesses who were in attendance—
N.t." he cried. here I rest." And yet it struck hint (Mr.
hroughtut) that the !loose was near having • document before
them in the shape of a despatch from Lord %Wellesley. He (Mr.
Brougham) could, by possibility, know oothing that occurred in a
certain place into which it WAS physically impossible for any per-
son out connected with the Peerage to enter ; it was therefore int.
Womble fur him to hear Lord litrerpool declare that the present
treasure was an Irish—not an English measure. He should like
to see this despatch ; he supposed it bore the tesselated and Ca-
binet.wo-k character of the Irish Government, which so much
resembled the adininistratia at this side of the water. But
it Is sa'd that this measure is recommended by Lord %Welles-
ley. and had the unction of his lion. and Learned Friend the
Atorney.lieneral for Ireland He would still continue to believe
that his lion. and Learned Friend was the sincere friend of the
Catholien Notwithstanding all that had past, he (Mr. Brougham)
could not doubt that Mr. Plunkett sou their friend. Confidence is
a plant of slow growth, and diatom is equally slow in sue.
crediag. Lel.Wellevley's and 3lr. Plunkett's opinions were known,
therefore he was morally certain, that, if documents were in the
Right Honourable Gentleman's office from the Irish Govern.
tent reNemmendiig this measure, these were not the only docu-
Ments. If there was an exhortation to supply the Government
with a measure for coercion, there was also an urgent repre.
solution to accompany it by measures of a conciliatory cha-
riot*. Ile who should tell the House that the Bill introduced by
t4el4itt Hon. Gent. nan (Mr. t foulburn) was the measure of
Lord Wellesley and his Right Hon. and Learned Friend, had
enteli to answer for. They who said that this Bill *as the measure
of Lied Wellesley and .Me. Plunkett suppressed much, they should
rate coupled such a statement with an account of the recommenda.
Lon which accotnpanied It. He could not—he would not, believe
that such a measure had emanated from the Noble Lord and