The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1821-04-18 00:00:00

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court be obtained for any concessions which might
be made to the Catholics, lie would have been one
jof the first persons to propose the yielding of those
I concess,ons. But that great man newer did—never
could prove to him that securities could be ob-
tained for the Protestant Establishmenis. And yet
)Ir. Pitt had always admitted that set:inkier were
necessary, cod that their Claims could not be
granted without them. That great mass lay huri•tt
with others with whom his Loirfship had conversed
on the subject, in the ashes and sepulchres of mor-
tality; hut there were many great lert.--Iliete his
Lordship referred to some Noble Baron then tit the
House, with whom he had formerly similar cotiver-
satins*, and who bad made the sense sort of 'Wails-
sionsl—All these persons had acknowledged that
seculities must be obtained. They had telt with
him that it was not necessary only to conciliate the
Catholic mind—they must also quiet the fears of
the Protestant mind. Had there ever been any
securities proposed which the one would be dis-
posed to ask, and the other party feel satisfied to
give? He should not insult the Catholics by re-
quiring such securities as to his mind would appear
sufficient, nor on the other hand should he injure
the Protestants by asking them to make the greateet
concession., without receiving iu return some ade-
quate security. He was also quite ready to admit
that if such a Bill could be passed consistently
with the security of the Protestant Church, nu
restraints ought to be imposed opon the Catholics.
He Ismenled that upon this great questiou be
should be obliged to differ from Mr. Pitt, with
whom he had been in the habit of coocurring ira
ether matters of public interest; but bring deeply
impressed with the conviction that, upon this point,
• that great man was mistaken, he should not satisfy
his own conscience if lie did not maintain his own
opinion. He always felt that one of the first dotirs
of a statesman was to maintain the established reli-
gion of the country. Possibly this sentiment might
be attributed in him to narrow pmfestional views
by those great ai.d enlightened statesmen who
thought but little of such ootioos ; but lie should

not, on this acconnt, be diverted from his
conscientious feelings of the necessity of pur-
suing such a principle of policy. He conceived
that it had been too flippantly stated that this
question had nothing to do with religion, but in
his mind it was intimately connected with the
safety of the religion of the State, and the question
assumed a deeper and more serious importance
when the tendency of the Established Religion of
this country was considered in promoting the wee.
fare and prosperity of the State. The effect which
the pooping of this Bill niust.peeesearily exerting
upon the situation of the Protestant Dissenters of
every class, had not been snfficieutly considered.
If this Bill were passed, how could Parliament
for an instant refuse its assent to the repeal
of every low that affects the Dissenters ? How
could the Test Act be maintained a moment if
this Bill were paned into a law ? He should
abstain from making the slightest allusion to the
various occurrences in this country in which reli-
gion was concerned previous to the Reformation.
It was sot until after that period that the question
of foreign influence was involved in the considers-
tion of this subject ; but no man could read the
statute 1 Philip and Mary, c. 5. and return to his
closet without forming in his ()owl-in:id • fixed
resolution never to suffer this country to again en- •
dure the humiliation of being reduced to foreign
influence. Had their Lordships read the Ist Philip
and Mary ? He would recommend them to read
it ; he had never met with a man who had read
it; but if any one would take the trouble to read
it, he would feel such a conviction rush upon Ins
mind as would make him resolve never again to
open the avenues of the Constitution for that
hungry lion of Popish influence to enter. As to
the oath proposed in the Bill, and the terms of ac-
commodation proposed, and the limits described
as those intended for the sense of the Supremacy
Oath, he wished Noble Lords to consider the
common Law O.th of Allegiance. Sir M. Hale's
interpretation of the Oath of Supremacy was.
that it was intended as no more nor no less than
an oath which had become absolutely necessary to
explain that • man could not have • civil dis-
tinguished from a religious or spiritual allegiance,
and that it was intended to unrivet all those errors
which had crept in, and explain that the duty of
allegiance extended to all the civil and religious
establishments of the country. As the oath was
stated in the Bill, it appeared that it was intended
to undo the purpose ascribed to it by Sir M. Hale.
His Lordship here quoted the celebrated extract
from Locke's Treatise on Toleration, to chew that
the Catholics were wholly undeserving of toleration
while they admitted the jurisdiction of • foreign
Power. The chief reason for passing the Act of
Supremacy appeared to be, that thoogh the Re-
formation had made considerable progress at the
time, it had not gone far enough to leave Queen
Elizabeth without • considerable degree of annoy-
ance and danger, through which she had great
difficulties to shape her course. Hence Ids Loid-
ship inferred the admonition which preceded
the sth of Queen Elizabeth. To his litter asto-
nishment, he found that the preseut Bill dracribed
that admonition as giving a clearer exposition of
the Oath of Supremacy. Those who said so, or
the person then addressing their Lordships. did not
understand the fair meaning of laugusge. The
Oath of Supremacy then was to be changed. It was
maintained that the Protestant Church was suffi-
ciently secured by the Act of William and Mary, by
the Act of Union with Sem land, and by the Union of
Ireland. He was ready to erect° thesecurittes athord-
ed by these means, if they would permit the means
to exist. But what was the use of unions or perch-

ments of tiny other kind ►f they took •..•y every
thing from theta

noted the whnk

bons were to be

the Cathohce were

Supremacy •s it

rm rystioi iu

ler ainu U triey LOOK •c • j
I but the declaration, if they re-
e machinery by which the condi-
: effected' The Bill stated that
ma now ready to take the Oath of
wee intended to be taken, with%
mitten of merely religioue belief.