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London, England, 1810-12-22 00:00:00

The question was theripnt and cArried. and t►t
Restitutions read by the Clerk.

A amide, motion- fur their second reading being
agreed to, they were read a secoad tune.
The Sex 41(ex then put eke question, that it was
the opiuion ut the House is ogre* with their Com-
mittee on the first Resolutiou.—Agreed
On putting tile same 'question un the second—
Land W. IttisseLL VON to oppose the Resolu-
tion. hut spoke in so very low a tone of voice as
rendered his words scarcely audible in the gallery.
We suderatoud him to wry, that the Resountion
then before them, which was formed OW the prrce-
dent of 1741, hid rocs originally carried by com-
paratively a very small.mayority. aid assumed an
undue power, lie agreed with what fell from uu
Hon. Baronet (Sir N. fliirdett) in the course of the
debate last night, as to the very great import:time
of the precedent formed at the permit of the ifeva-
Imams, and, though lie might differ with that
Baronet ou many patina. yet whenever he found
that the doctrities promulgsted by him tended to
preserve the liberties of the people and the security
of the country, the wannest of his admirers could
rot he more sire moos in siipportmg thaw pritici-
plea than he would. With respect to the proceed-
ings of Mehemet.* in t7aß, which had bees so
much relied us, he thought that to far from
pursuing the whole of the mode then followed, as a
precieJeut, a rest part of those prorcedinge
should not be attended to. He recodected per-
fectly we-II that in the mutat of the d, bite
oa a similar it•solution, in 17811, smite expressions
bad heeu made use of relative to the Prince's right,
which caused Mr. Pitt to assert a ,olitrary princi-
ple; and it was then thought netomary to be tint-
tine ly stated, Slot no curb claim had been made—
mud Inc mane smonith vorsabl spiey to the present
canes iu weals he voimvila.al resih Improper and
noise to cmli fur or argue 011 any d .tillfl6oll of an
abstract right. During the debate of lest ni4ht,
Right Ho.. and Lesrised Gent!, nt.,,. (I,le. Adair).
who had spoken ou that silt of the 'louse, whims
he rti.l not then see in his place, Ina who volt as re-
usmitable for Cie steadines. of hi. prim:plea as for
the greatness of hie abilities, stated, that liavi
studied the R-aolistiosa attetitiv ly, he could nut
agree to it—and his reasons fir that decimm acre
calculated, he thought, to convince every untort.ju-
deced mind. Its Lordship coucloded by moving
the prelim.* queeSii.h.
Sir Psanest Buena,, rose fir the planet of
seconding the motion. He thought Ntiiiiaters
should *stew that their coodutt was dicested by
that necessity. which. oil a former debate. theysasert-
ed had impelled them to pursue the present mea-
sures. Bat; when it was coosideref that they had
an alternative. it must be allowed that the recess iy
did not exist. nut alternative was by adhering
to the principle of 1699, which had been so tench
despised and neglected. He couteniled, that
riAlit, and nothing but right, constituted law ; and
tai itnew not where to find that law which delegated
to them an authority to act in the present exi-
gence. He hoped the House would not permit
itself to be eheated out of its common arose, and
to assault a power which did not belong to it.
He thought that the must simple sod proper mode
of proceeding would be, iii look at the case as if
a demise of the Crown Ilia taken place, Scrl to
act eccordingly. Iu many instances, where the
Throne had bren v waist from a variety of causes,
as in the eve of one of the Edwards, that was
the course *pitch had been pursued in providiug
for the vacuity. On every principle of analogy and
experience, their proceedings should oust be shaped
in the Raise manner, which ha was cuns:nceti was
most entuument with law, The delay which bad
taken place for six weeks, through the influence of
the Right 11. m. Gerd. over the way, deserved the
strongest reprehension. It was calculi it d for no other
purpose. but merely to serve hims-lf mid his COI.
leagues, although the best interests id the volute,
might suffer. gut the Right lion. Gent.
thst as, a:cording to his (sir /..'s; idea, the incapacit
of the King •trect• the Parliament, and that a ne-
ce.sity was vie-ruby created to cooler with their
Coustituriits, if such a proposition were agreed to
the delay would have been min h
tht., he (Sir FrdliLl.) still resolutely
mattitaitsed, that it would have been the legal am!
mode of proceeding to litre cousult•
eel with then Constituents on such an emergency.
Not did he think the delay would Isere been such
as to excite any sp.irentosinii, a rosy few d
wnishi have been sialA.ient fur the peril ose; and
shl would thuds have had au importunity of sup.
plying the defect its the Constitution, in that smote
and ie4 II manner which be had pointed out.
thought it was osalitilliug lee ouch to 'my, till
ssiso.r he prwmpled was War right, merely bec•ts•
the people were to he consulted. And here Ii
enn!ii ant h‘its calling to mad the comisict of
Right Hon. Geouvinim oopo.ite Ole. Cassino./
duri.i the d. isgte of last might. its was isaoy,

.. -
to see that Right Honourable (knifemen, eft^r
he had so long laboured 'udder • "egression of silt.
rits, once more Appear with his accustomed live-lt.
'lnv! cud vivacity. it cuiiU out ex•ite surprise. that
that Right Hon. Gentleinau should hare been for
a time incapable cf calling into action thorte store,
of Int usement, which he, (Sir F.) in common with the
Howe, must allow him to possess. He had ectrd
with a colleague; whom; it eppietred. at the rery
time he associated with him in office. he V,olllli.l*/. d
as until to hold the situation which lie filled—and.
under chcismstances, inertly was sent ~ut at
the country, and placed in • situation which could
trot be retlected•en without ho . if ever any Mi.
nister deserved impeeehment, that Right Hon.
Gentleman did ; and, certainly, after suet' • iieres
of caleinities, he might have permitted one Ses.oio
at least to pass before he reword to her customa-
ry witticisms. The Right Hon. Gentleman came
forward, last night, in a very humorous untii..er,
with a jest on the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the
City of London ; but he (Sir Francis) would 'dorm
Mai. that, in many great tenlincrl Satter., the
Lord Mayor sod Alderman d Ma bite had
weelk weight, and he would not hi eve,
to nee them crated there. At theijorriod of thre Re. '
volution, *Um • Coavention was coaled. a 14Flivais
attended by a great amber of the NA illy, the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen of Landow erre net ea. •
eluded. And he did not think the Aeference dial
chewed to them was so foolish or 'whereto* sr the
Right Hon. Gentleman might imagine. He (Mr.
Canning) now evern-cl to think, that that body was
only worthy of helm; turned into yet, en
a former occasion, lie was not at ill averse to meet
a parcel of these it-ales:nen sad coot rar tors at a ta-
vern. For hie own part, he thought they did not
deserve to be treated with so much contempt.—
Many of the doctrines which he had heard arivotii-d
on the present occasion he nev.r could agree to. A
Learned Gentleman, (Mr. (!crier) had, its the form-
ac debate. made a optima. wi.441, certainly evisic• d
great legal ability ; but he differed with him ou a i
moat essential point. That Learned Gentlenin a
bad asserted, that there was • law shrive the low—
a principle in the Couste orlon which was abuse
the law; end that that prii,ciple was to be found
in the proceedings of Parliament. But he her
Francis) confessed he touhl not find out any end li
principle. Nor did he think that Learned Gentle-
mat could adduce an instance where that which had
been acted epos by one Pediment, had not beets
contradicted by another. They appeared to him to
be all acts of power, arising front etroug feelings,
applicable utile to the moment. Friim such • menus
nothing could he extracted which could with the
slightest propriety be termed law, much les, crud
it have the effect of esparto-ding the declered end
written law of the lend. His ides of the Connip-
tion was very plain, such as every span 4igj4
yid-
derat•ad ; sad he tweet of to pri.itiple superior to
it. With this exception. he *greed to every mitt
part of that Learned Gentledant's speech.—With
resoret to the Resolution. that the House had*
right to supply the racaticy of the Crown," be as-
serted. that to the present case it went to do more
than Getolemen opposite appeared to suppose. foe
It teriried to I,ive the House a part of the authority
of the Crow", Mors the defect was supplied, It
was aboard toecriteril, that the proceeditig by 11l
would hate a result similar to the prat-. edtng by
Adams ; or to an, that they were hound to act iu
this manner by the necessity of the case. They
were not bound by any necessity, fur they very
well knew three was an alteruature. And. lifter oil
Ministers have asserted, they were not acting as
they stated they would—no, th-y were put:ing the
bermes* on a new footing. They had spoken of
the Great Seal, as if it had professed the powers of •
it:disarm. When Gentlemen talked of the Gmat Sea:.
it should be recollected that the precedent of the
Revolution did not arise from any question as to
the affixing of that Seal, but from the great politi.
cal pnt:eiple which gave back to the people. oo the
abdication of the Monarch, that power which ori-
ginally emulated from them. His despotism sod
bigotry had driven him from the Throne, and the_
question was, not how the Great Seal might be sti-
ed to • Corumissiou, but how the vacancy in the
Constitution should be filled. He did not conceive
the present to be a full and fair representation of the
people, therefore the precedent of 16d8 was the
roost proper to be followed. He couelindsd by ph.
serving, that he would lake the sense cf the House
on the subject—or rather the sense of the Right
Honourable Gentleman opposite, and those who
were directed lay him, merely for the purpose of
enttring his protect against • principle which Le
thought contrary to the Constitution.
Mr. LANNI observed, that the delete which had
taken place was. in his opinion, highly improper.
He differed from those who dented the jam-
dietioo of the !louse in cases like the resent. It
asp, he apprehended, the reeopised low of this
country, that when the Monarch was ii•capiscitated,
from ally caste whatever, the right of prenaltug
for the exigency became vested u. the two If aline,
tit Parliament. It was a principle hid gloats to •
shorty of cases : it wasa principle istmeita on the
of that Parliament which sat prior to the
civil war in the reign of Charles 1., although it
sas not quoted by the patriots of the present sbry.
When he considered the many einiscot too) era
who sat in that Fatherland, and reflected on the
manner in which all their documents were drawn
use, he was perviaded that their decisioa on th.•
subject was a sound one, however erroneous the
icis which they founded on it. The Hoe. riarociet
id stated tliat the present was ant a full mad fair
-epeesen•-tion of the people; and lie (Mr. Latetv)
treed that very marry elterancns might hr
tale. wish la would be of 4144[0141 service ; bat
.e thoiight that, otitil these alterations were rude,
I most be looked upon as t se 'd Pitl4lllllll.lll,
of
cowitry.orttf. rack po•.seesed ever- neve pet'
siring to Perhseneat. The ilosperehl• guit*: •
.ic belies ed, oar sod a ftictol so aroMPl—biv

what anarchy must arise if they were to give up all
he Acts which had been passed fur the last JOCi
years, on the principle that the different
metals did not fully and fairly represent the coun-
try !—/Hear, Atsr.)—The Hon. Baronet' had,
not many months since, produced in that Hinson
his plan of Patliamentary Reform; intending. of
course. to remedy the present defects in the Repro.
seutation by • Bill for that purpose; but if this
was not a legal Representation of the People. what
right had they to act under such circumstances?—
He thought the delay was of * most dangerous na-
ture, and he differed from .in Hon.. Gentleman ou
the floor, who had said, that if a farther delay of a
few days had been mowed, he would, hove slimed
to it ; for, when the country was in such a stomas
the present, it became the day of His Majesty',
Ministers to take the speediest mode of providing
for the public safety. ft was most improper that
the Government should be left uncontrolled, for so

great a length of time, in the hands of such Minis-
ters. No man participated more warmly in the ge-
neral feeling of regret for thesituatiooot His Majesty
than he did—it was ioopossibletodeclare how much
he was beloved by his subjects—placed iodic digui-
fied siittation of Head of the State, every peraun most
feel iuterest.ed in his well'arr—and that feeling ap-
plied also to the otherMetithere of the Royal House,
The Right Honourable Gentleman appeared to
have founded his proposition ea the precedent of
1788—but he could never Admit the propriety of
doing so, as considerable dissimilarity prevailed be-
tween the two cases. Supposing the mode of pro-
ceeding either by Bill or Address to be equally
lawful; the question then must he, which was the
more expedient? It certainly appeared to bim
that the mode by Address had decidedly the
advantage.—The Right Honourable Gentleman
thought that they might introduce whet restric-
tions they pleased into the Regency Bill, in
the same manner they could de in any other
Rill ; but he thought that the acceptance of
the Address by the proposed Regent, being a
voluntary act, was a better security for the due
administration of his office, then any restrictions
they had at the Revolution ; it was that security
which they had from King William. Ile refused
to give his Assent to two Of the Bills which had
been passed by the tree Howes of Parliament
but that Parliament finally triumphed. Sneaking
of the Regent abstractedly, he thought the pro-
ceeding by Bill, looked like a busiaess of compul-
sion cod, reasoning on general priucipies; it was
much better, in Ins opinion,. to have the cement
of the proposed Regent to an Address.
Mr. STEVENS observed. that he differed entirely
from the li ii. Baronet (Sir F. Burdett), who.had
paid a tribute to the speech delivered bye Learned
Gentleman (Mr. Horner) o• the precediug eveeisig,
It was somewhat singular that he (Mr. Stevens)
dissented from every part of that speech, with the
exception of the single point, to the truth of whicho
the firm. Bart. would not agree. That point was, •
that they were not to look for law to direct them in
such • case as the present to the ordinary proceed-
ings of Courts of Justice, but were to seek it in the
Records of Parliament. And this principle he
would always streuwously maintain.. He was also
of opinion, that the precedent of 161111 was of the
iilleasod• waltso. That prces.lont, ea kmrep simited,
certainly did not arise from. the want of a Gveat
Seal. The Monarch had then abdicated the
throne—and the principle was left fur us to &INV,
ot any future time. Blackstone ohaervesrthat the
law was so laid clown, that in case of the abdication
of airy future Monarch, the power of providing for
the vacancy might be k now it to devolve ou the Linda
and Commons • and, fact, the precedent goes to
support the mode of proceeding at present adopted.
It is absurd for Geode men to say. t heti he proceeding
is unconstitutional. It Metre practice of the Cousti.
union which makes the Constitotio• and it would
be found, that not more than a single precedent
could be adduced, on which some of the taint ese
sential principles of the Constitution Willa founded.
For instance, the right to,the Crown is hereditary
—hut when it devolves on. the female liar. contrary
to the common law, no copereenary is adositted.-..
and the eldest daughter governs by the tight of
primogeniture. 'This principle of our Constitu-
tion is founded alone on the precedent of Mary and
Elizabeth. He did not consider the precedent of
lAN as less than a new canon iutrodueed into the
Constitution of Blighted; which provided, that, in
every temporary stiSpensien of the Crown, the
power of providing for, the esigracy should de-
volve upon the two Blouses Of 'Porlisoneuts which
were the legal Representatives of the people.; pod
that Thar provisieu should be made. not by Address.
but by Bill. The isitMe lee Address was at that
period moved for, but the more collet:Wiwil
method, by Bill, .sas carried. With respect to the
pieced. tit of ine. it would he observed, that all
the Acta passed by the house (which was ()pealed
by Commissim,)Aurimr, the illness of His Mistily,
were, on his receNery, folly ratified ; which formed
• complete ptccedent. Mr. Stevens them coritead-
ed. that, on the ground of expedience, the proceed-
ing by Bill was preferable to that of Address—and
denied that the voluntary acceptance of an Address
by the Regent was snore likely to lie attended with
beneficial effect, than the restrictions ta(• bill; lot
he thought with the lion. Oretteman (Mr. Lambe)
that persoiral confideuce should not he the basis of
any Legislative Act. He differed from the Gentle-
men opposite as to the delay which had taken place
—that delay, he thought, was perfectly right—and
if the Ministry had not given a fair opportunity for
His Majesty's recovery. they world not have ilia-
charge/ their duty to the worthiest Monarch that
ever graced the British' Throne. Mr. Stevens con-
cluded his speech with a very elegant psneglric on
the paternal feelings of 11is Majesty—whose illness
had been occasioned by his teutler attentions to •
beloved daughter.
Mr. WILI.II4MI l` vane disapproved of intro-
ducing matters which were extraneous, and only
tetutiog to touch ins feeling. of the Hutt.... Ile
enertureet with ethers in regard to the many virtue,
Of Fli• Hord Il.ehness the Mince of Wares ; but it
way to be recellected, they were assembled to de-
bate a great constitutimial question, hirolviug
roust ignpOrtiiiit objects, and which ought not
so be coati-el either one way or another by the
influence of persons ocenpying high sittodiens
of Government. It way, in fact, a question
wfich *not to be tri.ens.ed with I-, Terence to '
tL'• • ro of Kiiag of this Realm, and

net merely as supplying the deficiency in the au.
thority of the preterit Sovereign. He should give
his full etid complete assent to the 'Resolution de-
ckle-Mg it to be the duty of both Houses of Parline
meat to provide for the deficiency in- the Regal
Power. lie thought that to propose the previous
question upon it, wiss throwing a doubt upon the
matter winch the Resolution itself did not war-
rant, mid he should therefore vote uguinst the
Ameaulinent that had been suggested. As it had
been thought for the cotereniency of the house to
take the third Resolution also into consideration at
the same time iiith the other, he could not avoid
stating hi- felt it unpleasant in differing from the
opinions that had been formerly entertaitied, and
still entertained, by those whom he must love and.
respect; but he should feel that be acted impro-
perly if he waived that opinion. It had been said,
that if they proceeded by Bill, they had a law which
the Ceorts of Justice must take cognizance of—a
law which had received the Royal Assent and the
Great Seal ; mil that this was not the case if they
proceeded by Address. lie could not see hew this
could be the case when the form of the cornrnission
was looked to. Was it to be inferred, that merely
by affixing the Great Seal to that Commissiou, the
Regency Bill waykregain effect ? It would be, in
fact, a *wilily, foe -no Court. of Justice could pay
attention to it. It was no Act of Parliament, for it
would be seen by the form of the Commission, thet
it had not received the King'. Sigeature. That
was a thing which could not be *applied by any
means whatever. After both Houma have declared
that the King is not fit to preform the duties of
his office, if they were then to proceed to pass acts
of another kind in this way, no Court or subject of
the Realms could be bound by them ; for the Law
expressly required that it should receive the King's
Signature. If no resolutions or addresses are to be
thought binding, then no act elsatever of the two
Howes could be thought binding. Whatever su-
perstructure had bean raised it was necessary to
come to the,base, if tbey meant to apply it to any
beneficial ism-pose. By their second Resolution,
when corned, there could be no doubt that the do-
ty of supplying the detHency naturally devolved
upon them, and therefore whatever steps• 'they
adopted would he eenally bind*, whether it were
by Bill, by Addrees, or by Reseiutioo. Suppose,
for iustonce. that there was at mat a Resolution
agreed to, that the Prince of Welts should take
upon himself the Regency, it would be equally
binding upon the Country to coarsely with that Re-
solution as with any other mode. There was no
precedent in 1768 to bind the House to proceed
by one mode in preference to another. The
Honourable arid Learned Gentleman who had
just spokes, had argued that they were under an
obligation to pursue the preceilentof IVA, es it
established a kind of new canon of the Constitu-
tion ; hut he (Mr. Wynne) thought the pmeedent
of the Irish Parliament was equally Weibel; Imo°
them, as the two countries were new merged into
our, and it could be oply mere .wetter of opinion
what precedent was thought best, the ewe being
equally constitutitmal as the other, But. it was
said that the precedent in Epgleurl was ratified eif-
terwardie and that the King gavellis Royal Assent
to the Bills that were commemed in the Horse of
Gnomons. lie should beg to remind them, that
when *Kill left the House, it was smoked as having
been read three them mid no.person inquired fur-
ther emicerning it, nor was it inquired into how the
Royal Asarut had been goat) to was a matter
of mere regulation, or. what might be termed a
technical object. They had always cmisidered in
that House. that the King's speeches were the
apaches of the Minister, sod that the Minister
was merely approving of his own speeches when he
was proposing to address Hi. Majesty ; and itava
evidentlemit the wish of the House upon the former
occasion to raise discusaion by any acrimonious
observations. He, however, thought the Address
would be the mast expedient mode of proceeding,
and the lisnitatinos, if Mottled therein, would be
equally effectual—in short, by the mode Ministers
were proposing, it appeared they wished fur mottling
so much as delay. They would first have to com-
municate thus Resolutions to the Lords, then wait
till they were returned, then come to ether Reso-
lotions—and afterwards, having a Parliament regu-
larly opened in pursuance thereof, and thee intro-
doting the Bill through all its various stage& He
should think that the smiog of tinworks*, such a
long delay as they had already experienced. was a
matter of considerable importance. It bad been
said that Ministers might act upon their own re-
sponsibility. and exercise 0%4141.61 Functions: and
a Right Honourable Uentleinau had put the
case the other night--ehat a Regent might be
so weak as to alter the policy which had hitherto
been followed by Ilse Majesty. la some cases
great mischief might arise to the country by Minis-
' Mrs bring left with the control of the Executive
Powkr. ffeshould. wish to. know whether an order
sent from the Secretary of State to Lurd Welling.
too to aster his plans. and supposing Lord Wel-
lington differed in opinion, could such an order he,
enforced ? A Secretary ol Stele might violate all
truth, and say that he had the King. command (,r
sock en order. which conduct would be directly. in
the teeth of the Resolution of both Houses of Par-
liusinent, which had. declared the King incapable.—
Soch an order would not be valid. and Lord Wel-
lington could nut be impeached for disobeying it.
and could not be tiled by a Court-Martial. Ile
completely agreed with the principle stated by Lord
Camden in Me, that thcrewasa complete stoppage
of the Royal functions, and that no orders could be
binding upon those to whom orders were sent on.
der such • predicament, There was a complete
distinction. according to the Constitution. between
the Executive 01111 Legislative functions; and,
therefore. he could not but agree, that the two
Houses should possess nu Executive Power, except
in cams of dire necessity. But we acre not justified
hi taking one step beyond absolute necessity. In
the case of the Revolution, absolute necessity core
tinny justifi-d such a proceeding. ‘Vhen there
were two courses.tlye one subject to exceptions, and
the other not, cettai that mode the least excel,-
tiohable should he adopted; and that mode was
certainty that which proceeded immediately to fill
up the vacancy ; instead of adopting tI4 'nest ex-
ceptionable anode, by the too Hitters Inking upon
themselves to iiess an Act of Parhamout without
the Royal Assent. If the two line.. a of Partite
meat were to pew laws esthete the Kong's Assent.

they might, upon the same footing, pus a Bill to
abolish the Kingly authority altogether. _••Tbe pre-
cedent at the Revolution was much preferable for
imitation to that of nett ; for, in the former case,
the Bill proceeded to its full extent, a new govern-
ment was estublished under it, and acted under it.
—lt had stood the test of time, and therefore they
might argue that it was fit to be followed.--
The latter precedent never was acted upon, and
never went to its utmost extent. It was well
known what inconvenience would have hero fnupd
to exist if it had taken effect. No pert of it stood
the test of time. It might, if acted upon, have
brought about a revolution; and, therefore, not
knowing what evils it might have effected,he did not
feel it entitled to the saute respect as the other pre-
cedent. Upon all these grounds he should support
the Amendment that was moved last night; as, in
his opinion, an Address was the more expedient
measure, and even less illegal than the other.
-Mr. WlLeeneuece said, lie still adhered to the
sentiments lie had expressed upon the former occa-
sion. Nothing was more recionkable throughout
the whole of this discussion, than to hear Gentle.
men railing againit the plans of others, while
they seemed blind to the iinperfeetions of their
own. The only point they seemed- agreed upon
was, that they were in a situation that some men-
rule or 'nether should be adopted to supply the
deficiency in the Kingly authority. Hr should ac.
knowledge at once, that they were transcendnig the
ordinary hiss of constitutional proceedings, 'even in
the Riglit firmourshle the Choucel hir of the Bache.
qu:r'i measure ; but he would ask, tbd they not
do thersame in regard to the other mode by Ad-
dress? The objections that had been urged against
the proposal of a Bill under the existing ci.i;uin-
stanees, as to its but being authoritative in Courts
of Law, were such as might be urged also iu
Courts of Law, with regard to Covenants as to Es.
tate.; but they werenever heard of. The Gentlemen
who support the other ineiribre, urged it as our
that was not objectionable. at all, and they at the
same time dignified it as being bold and manly,
and more simple in the creation of a Regent.—
While, however, they urged that much in its fa-
vour, they at the same time say that the Regent is.
to have ao more power than what the Houses of Par-
liament choose to give him, as if they were in an un.,
derstanding with hum, that he is to agree to all the
restrictions they may choose to impose. That was
in truth entering as it were into a prtvate under-
standing with the Regent, and at .the same time
imposing any sort of terms, cenditions, restric.
tits" sad regulations upon him, they pleased and
so far from its being a manly and dignified diode of
proceeding, it was not, iu his opinion, so dignified
and so manly as the other. When he considered
the acuteness of the underetanding or those who
formerly proposed the Bill in 17110, upon a similar
calamity, be could nut help twin; reminded eithe-
former proceedings awl the acrimony that then'
strewed itself. He was glad the proceedings of the
-present day were not carried on in a similar KJ:li-
ner. He believed, thy cause of the former din'. i-
ence of opinion, in those who proposed an Ad-
dree.„ bud, is a great meuvire., originated out
of a supposed claim of right, 'Non such a
• claim, to be soluitentiated, wonld have a, strong
tendency to make thing* revert to that channel
which in times nut like these might be productive
of most pernicious effects. Whet was there in the
present instance to settle this matter so much as an
adnerence to precedent, treading in the same steps,
and pursuing the same line of conduct that both
Houses of Parliament formerly pursued ? If we de-
viated from that line, there was no saying what con.
segnencra such deviation might lead to. It was
surely inure important that every plan of of restric-
tion should be clearly defined, than soy particular
one should be afterwards selected and' imposed.—
It was a circumstance that did honour to our sliest.
INFO, that there were anodes of proceeding in every
case that can occur iu the Constitution of our coon-
try,that might prevent armies being brought into the
geld, and deluging the country with blood, as we had
often seen exempldied in regard to other nations. It
was not or accnuitt of the peculiar character of the
Prince of Wales that we ought to deviate from any of
those principles of the Constitution which tended to
the security and happiness of the people.—lt must
toad to the honour of the Prince of Wales of the
present day, that he waited till his proper time
Afield arrive to let them know his own sen-
timents upon the subject ui.d.r discussion,
knowing well that Parliauseirt was accustomed to
consider such matters according to the principles
of the Constitution. He should be sorry to be it n •
derstood nut to subscribe 'wittily to his Royal
Highness's excellent character; Mir that character
out ht not to sway their proceeding-, or slier their
constitutional mode of prnceeding. West the
House did now might be made a precedent in fu-
ture; for even were it erroneous, it 'night slide
gradually into the natural or presumptive right of
the Crown, and might be the means of making a
Regent claim privileges as matters of right. They
ought to remember, that if they acted in one way,
they might fitroi,h the mains of deciding peaceably
such questions as this its futuie ; and if in another
way, they might revive those causes which formerly
kept the country in blood for nearly half a century..
There was no knowing what consequences might
follow from establishing a bad precedent. There
was no saying what the a ails might be in such an
important matter as this; but there ass mint the
Lune danger in altering ally subordinate parts of the
system. It would do high honour to the times in
which they live, that they were settling the greatest
and most important interests, which iii other times
sod tinder other Governments have brought Armies
into the field to decide such disputes.—Geuiletnen
slid not seem to bear in mind that the system now
adopting was only a temporary spite NI ; but he re-
membered that that was a great ground of the argu.
ment of the much-lamented Statesman Pm),
when he established the precedent of 170 s, roil in
which he displayed tektite, perhaps it might
tee said in a greater degree than on any other
oec.o.ion. If Gentlemen un hi* (Mr. W.'si sAe of
the House considered the difficulties of that It, -eht
lion. Gentleman's ('sir. Pitt's) situating. lie was
confident that even they would bear testimony, and
willingly pay a tribute to the taleats nun integrity's,
displayed at the particular time he hail alluded to.
They were suns to act upon similar principles, ar.d to
carry on the Eseutilive power without les%Poin-, the
authority of the King when he resumed ih4.!ios

of Government. When he hear
repeatedly poiliting out the imperf
Constitution, he might surely be
the excellencies of it, I hese Genf
anxious to di,po,sese that Aesenth:
which at other timer they were der
to it. The Heuse had ti,
selves, that if they a•lhered in the p
to the precedent estnleishol, they woi
were a Polar Star, that woidd dire(
ever might be the darktietia of thi
storms of the sea.
Mr. STEW ART we ontlerstood to 9;
in support of the mode of prncetilii
and that he approved of the piece lc
ne the Irish Parliamelit, lie having Levi
Coininn•sioners who preseited the A,
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
Mr. (iRATTAN wall, now that it
upon nll hands that the Royal rune'
porarily suspended by the malady
len the person of the King. il.e ,
Lament were certainly under Ilie nee.
plying the defect ; for if it were t.
cloy at large to meet upon sorb t
in that case every thing would go Kiel
anarchy. One person would be, att
and another in another way, each su;
acting accoraing to the Late and the
pile of the Constitution, as the comic
tamly an undoubted right to act u
koewis and estatiliehed principle, Chi
is the supreme law; bat as the
large had ceinieitted their representy
Homes of Parliament, he r.. 14 jnv it
that these Houses lied a right to sin
cielicy. It was consequently the it,
Houses of Parliament to do that vela,
quired of then), by an Act of Legislai
tiug themselves into the con.titiiii •n;
capacity to legislate ; buf is order Si,
into a capacity to legislate, they I,:ettst‘
In order to put the Cotintr;. tato pos.;
real principles of the 'fish Cements
Hoots were au! ;prised by the cone
ply the defes.,, by creating a third pow,
Inanity etways acting upon the neee.sii
mg that Cutistitutiou whenever it tell
incapacity or deficiency. The rigl
Houses to do this could not be dot
pitted, but it was net similar to any r
legislation, as they cannot legislate wit.
Estate. It was an act of power to pun
the powers of the Constitution. Tl
Matinee of power qualified by
the other wag aim Act of Parliament,
the princinles of the Constitution. be
the two Houses of Parliammut. T;
was a just, fair, and intelligible mat
Mg; he was warranted by prereth'
so; but the beat precedent we had .
that of the Revolution. It had been
it was our that could not be refers
that instance, the King had abdicated
and the preset was tine where there
defect ta lie supplted. The precedent
volution. however, hail not only in a
stances been established, but had bees
trod. it we a precedent to which the
obedience. ft was a precedent that
real .xtent of the pewees) of the two
ventions ; and evinced, that the pee,
dience to suet exertion of !maw: wi
precedent of 17elo was incomplete,
passed the two Houses. Souse way or
must be an act of power. The am:Unit
by the Address of the Two Estates tie
prver, and the doing it by Bill was
power ; butt null there was a cliffcreuri
ca.) modes Of proceedttig, which veto
more elt4,loe thin the oilier. The of
of power winch they already had, and 1
they had not. They had tin power tro
live act, and they had no power over
of the Crown, except to punish them '
deeds. Ile therefore improved of the
seeding by Address, because it did
the previous necessity of creating a
by passing an Act of Parliament, ,
the name of one of the Estates (if
so called), the enpacity of velnell we
denied. They had at once declared
pecity to do that act ; but which, I-
were actually doing, upon the presui
Mejesty's inctepaciiy. It would be a
Act of Parliament, for the Two Houser
meta could not make a law but in the
Kite!, whom they had already dreier
this ohjected. upon two grounds, to the
ceerlitlg by Bill ; because it exercised
power of the Klog, and then assumed
power of legislating without the concur.,
King, by virtue of getting possession
..rreist ihetronent of power, without
vent and knowledge of that POMP
whose consent no Bill could pass. It
that the two Houses of Parliament I
command the Kiug's Oliierrs, in cage
incapacity ; he did not think that it I
pose that the two Houses of Parliameie
der to the Commander in Chief, and
beyed it, they could not punish him.
not commend the executive Officers of
They could not pees a law to levy ,
proceeding by a 11111 west not merely to
mg • Regent, but upon the. same grow
imahine they could !moved to eels of
Suppose they patted a law to levy toot
sequently a disobedience of that law
an officer executing it were murdered,
Court find the King's subject guilty
such a case ? They were assuming a,
power which did not commend the servants
Crown, and an executive power which
mend the stihje.ct. They were thus ti
shin of the political capacity of the Kii.„
of his !.mutt. If they assumed that pohi
city of the King, they did the very r
which sres 'cited to have been done wit(
an army drawn up by the King. and
Parliament against lout ; in that matt
stated, that the political power of ti
that power which they were endeavor
serve, although the personal Poems"!
King was on the other side. end the
were in be limit:retool as lighting fie
and not agetinst him. It was evident
of trimming the Kings political row

tGc iviAtarhyptilatiou

rantsi t lc,
et Gli Oteellntotef 111:r.
t, kwroaulltudwarlitoit sots
entleinen 1 6 °HD'
16:y of amen, ae eit
the pow
ei
demos, to
r Inman
meet them, who
6°141:'
hero one of tl ::
title tut t Ir„fa! :1
tln
ou
ivt.t.•
huil, ~,,td
I lonrms of par o:6:lliielkalicietiee":4ll:l_,teyhti:tnhar,
h
:461; by Addr weld
ck to primer
ii.:cer.sitv 4 oil
l
itiet.sciii°,,lthirtiliglini.getislytile,:i toP,:ie, Cieto,,ile, •
jtire,l;:etbPorl'il
upon the „,.1!
Ti
.e community •
.:
troy 4
iiitied win
supply the dea 3I
dist), of the is tor,
slat ion ;
I 'nal .I.lwo • "'I
a
111,„.,e4
list first create
tiny.
psis e,sion of
the tie :41
ocurnouity to sai "le
cr
of
loul tittlYe"d; tieftP ad: 17 egerthi;/::',:4':::
lilt or the Is
1111,
ai;d,
0460 lilt di aneat
put tile
The on• ma tic y,
necessity, at
Lit, accorthng
by the King
lord
This he thou 4
denttle °
info rhinkm •ghttillefmtir
fin history we r 4 he
been vaii, flirt Prtora
'frrede
iteedtbetlo., a,
osn
ere was merest
!dent of the Re s,drah
I • variety of
d'ill
been complete" diagl
the people wu
.
thin skewed
sce,
Hoover, er C
Irte
esple pod
while the of dow.
as it the Awl
r or other the,
ewe
noting a Reou he a
• win en act
• grA
as another act One .
%re boween t
Palm,
moiety' the so
kau
e one was an act
wt
Lid the othrr one
clout
to do en oliees-
Peer the Set V31,t5 //Medi
Ith for their
w in
he mode of
lid not presait:e grew,;
• Third &tee id
1:i
end slimming we
rt
if it might he '
sere •
was positively ,
l:trielorlwtehveeire. 'Light
Ant they n t
sum piton 14 11:9
a nelf-essvieted
nouns Paris-VG"
1.1
the mimeo( elle
tared ince. alts, le
:he mode of p.o- asil
sod the political 03 th,-•
Lied the eupreine Lem t,
.I‘arrence of she Aerate
isession of et, LI I
hoot the c*:;-
lower withoot
It had been said tnutn
t had a right to Ms tae
Set l
neat
eewici.atfset
ehohne t
ens King'suor.
id that he dm. lane
u. They could tainoi
sof the Crown. Declare
y s tax. Tins! (*So ti
to the appotut- them
rounds it 'sigh: re
of another sot. to
tone, sod eon- IY tt
*iv emoted, sad law
Fred, could any
'y of murder is sorry
4 an executive ti,.,
servants of the gager,
eh did not ecies•
taking posses- frig n
King, as wens, h
t political cape tor
Ty same thin 11,
when there was red
and another by Hem,
fletance It swat "Ili
the King was 4..r6,
oaring to re-
session of the'lln
therefore they 41,111
foe the King. "4 oi
It the principle ',:ht
POITIM must be MIR,
!I et