The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1803-05-25 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

violation of public faith, is of itself a ground for
WAR will not go through the whole coarse of
what is called the proofs of the .system of aggran-
disement, on the part of France. I will say nothing
of tics annexation of Piedmont, I will not observe
that it was the country of a Prince to whom, and to
whose states, we stood as dire el guarantees. I have
heard, since the Treaty of Amiens, that different per-
sons have entertain:al different views and opinions on
that point. I do not, however, think it necessary now
to question whether the. King of Sardinia was entitled
to the guarantee of this country; it is enough to
state my opinion that the annexation of any part of
the dominions of the King of Sardinia to France,
was that which we were guarantees to have pre-
vented. I will not dwell upon the suhjeet of the in-
velar* of Switzerland; it is one which the most
difficult to discuss, without mixing with it those con-
siderations which I stated it was my purpose to
avoid. hhould not be able to go much into such a
subjelt, without trenching on that line I marked out
in the commencement of my observatams. It is
not because I consider Switzerland as offering less
ground of war, but for the purpose Cif those I can
enihr into, without trespassing qn the line I first pro-
posed, and for the purpose of shewiog what I believe
cannot be doubted, the causes of war on our part
are so reumerous, that no man need adopt them all ;
but that it is enough to seled either for the conve-
nience of the mode of arguing the question. But,
Sit, although it is not nly purpose to go into much
length on the subjed, either on the general arrange-
menu of the German Empire, the annexation of
Piedmont, the violation of the independence of
Switzerland, or the annexation of the Batavian
Republic ; yet I will :,ay, that they are all
proofs of such a system of aggrandizement on the
pact of France, that they do every one of them fur-
nish a cause of war stronger than any grounds which
have in former times been thought necessary.—
What arc the grounds of those Gentlemen who at-
tempt to give to this argument less weight than I think
it is entitled to. There has been an inclination, on the
part of some Gentleman who have spoken, to teach
the House, that what might have been considered k
just cause of war is weakened, because, they say,
that at the time the Treaty of Amiens was made, did
any man doubt the influence of France in Batavia ?
or, that Piedmont, in a military point of view, was
subjeft to the French Government ? or, that such
was the case with resped to Switzerland, that no
other could beexpeeted, than that it should yield its
independence to the first appearance of a French
force I Could any man, they say, doubt, that the
power of the arms of France, brought up to the Ba-
tavian Republic, could be resisted ? or, that that
country was not, at the time of the treaty, actually
subject to, and in the power of, France ? I do beg
leave to remark, as to the state in which we are
placed by the Treaty of Amien.—What was
the leading argument that recommended the Treaty
of Amiens? It was said, that the tone and temper in
which it was made, was an assurance of its continu-
ance. We were told, that one invitation to Minis-
ters acceding to the Treaty of Amiens was, the pa-
cific disposition of the French Government, and the
reasonable ground of hope there was, that the French
would cease from pursuing objeets of aggrandize-
ment and ambition. What was the hope held out
to us, if it was good for any thing ? We were told
to look to the general hope of the permanency of
peace, and that by making certain sacrifices we
might purchase a pacific temper on the part of
France. The hope thus held out to us meant, if any
thing at all, ti.at France should observe the treaties
by which she was bound. It meant that France,
being bound by treaty to Batavia, would respell the
rights of Batavia ; that France being bound by
treaty to Switzerland, would resped the indepen-
dence of Switzerland ; that the French Government
would not have annexed Piedmont to France ; and
now, when all these hopes axe deceived, and when
all these violations and aggressions, and twenty
more, have been committed by France, it is to be
contended that these are not causes of complaint be-
cause it is said every reasonable man must, at the
time of signing the treaty of Amiens, have seen,
that France would ad..: as she has done, and that the
countries she has taken possession of had no means
of resistance. 1 would ask, whether there ought to
be a moment in which this country should not be
prepared for war, while the system of France is such
as to be continiatlly adding something to it ? Is it
to be sad that we are nut to endeavour to resist the
ambitious system cif the French Government, be-
cause having, at the Treaty of Amiens, had a pow-
erful military force, it is now exercised in destroying
the independence of the countries around it ? That,
because she had a military power in Batavia, we
ought not to resist her attempts agaiast that coun-
try ? That, because Switzerland was unable to ile-
fend herself, we must not, therefore, resist her possess-
ing herself of Switzerland? I maintain that these aas
tnken singly, make each of them a jest cause of war,
.such as, in all former periods in tile history of this
country, would have been sided upon by Parliament
vigoroasly, manfully, and, I trust, successfully. If
these grounds of war were wanting, I should call
the attention of the House to the subjeet of k;gypt
and here I desire to call the consideration of the
1 louse to the -case of Egypt, and what relates to jt,
as it appears to my mind it is a case of a dired
breach of the Treaty of Amiens. By the Treaty
of Amiens, the French were bound to guarantee the
integrity of the Turkish dominions, which became
of essential consequence to us, not only hi our rela-
tions to Turkey, but because the Val- had shewn
that the integrity of the Turkish dominions would
be necessary, in the event of a future war, to our
own possessions in India; in that view it *as, that,
when our own victorious arms had dirtied the de-
liverance of Egypt, we demanded the solemn assu-.
ranee of a treaty to pioted us from attack in that
part of the world. We, having driven the French
from Egypt, were content to evacuate it ourselves,
on a reliance, tlut the French would not, as
_soon
as we had evacuated it, resume the hostile intention
occupying it again with the view of carrying on
a; ar upia wane tow. V%:‘AaiUU trUl Last la-

myself to the House on the present question. it is
from an apprehension that if I delay it longer,
owing to accidental circumstances, I might be pre-
vented from being heard. and I are extremely
anxious for saying the very few words I have to say
while I have voice enough to make myself distin.t.
When I came to the House yesterday, I own I
thought I should not have had much to offer to the
indulgence of the House, for it did appear to me
that there wire powerful and invincible motives fret
so confining the course of the debate, as not to let it
range over the whole of the subjea lithe ettent of
which it is capable, should any one 646 to moulder
it in enlarged point of view. There bee many mrs.
tines which have induced me to think that it is the
wish of the House to have a more limited course of
debate ; the House is aware that it is a subje4l of snch
an extensive kind as almost to exclude the possibility
ef eeferring to it in all the various branches it is
capable of embracing: the extent of the subjes is
one great reason why the House must have wished
it to be discussed in a way which renders it more
tangible and more within the tcope of observation.
Bette Sir, I should do very little justice indeed to
the real and strong grounds on which I would call
t:se attenpon of the House ; and I think I should
not aft right if I limited myself in my view of the
subjed for no other put pose than the convenience
of debate. A more powerful motive influences my
mind—a sense of imperious duty. When I loOk to
the situation of the country, and reflect what is the
consideration we are now engaged upon, I confess
it appears to me there is one case so predominant
over every other, one consideration so commanding,
and so much above the reach of every other, that '
those who feel as I do, will feel that motive alone
determining them in the course they ought to adopt,
end of inducing them to confine themselves to the
discharge of that pressing duty they are called
upon to fulfil. His Majesty has told his people and
his Parliament that the aggressions of the French
have forced him into a war. If there is anr man
who can teach himself to believe, or who can hesi-
tate to believe, that there is a just ground of war,
a ground which has justly provoked the L'eclaration
on the pert of His Majesty, that man may take the
ireneral view of the subjea which I am describing.
!hose, on the contrary. who think there is a just
cause of war, and will think it is their first duty to
remove from the tEscussion every possible conside-
ration whatever that can interfere one moment in
preventing that strong, cordial, unanimous expres-
sion of the Parliament of this country (bear! hear!
exclaimed many), which may enable His Majesty to
fight manfully the great cause in which he is en-'
gaged. It is therefore the duty of every man to put
out of his mind every consideration which can stand
in the way of the necessary and important duty
which this House is called upon to discharge.—
Considering the many opporttmities I have had to
complain in this House, of want of sufficient infor- •
mation being given to enable fairly and fully to con-
sider the state of the country, I might be one of
the first to congratulate Parliament on its having
been restored to its complete funaions, and on hav-
ing been placed, by receiving all the necessary in-
formation from the Crown, in a situation capable
of discharging its duty to the Public. I ought to
be one of the first to go the greatest length in con-
gratulating you upon this occasion ; but the duty
I have spoken of is so far transcendent, and beyond
every other duty,that I should be blamed if I suffered
any other consideration to lead me astray from that
duty which I conceive to be not may to consider
whether his Majesty is necessarily engaged in a war,
but not to suffer the subjea to be hampered by the
introduction of other pones, which cannot be import-
ant to the main question. Now having said so
much as to the ground upon which I think it is of
so much importance to separate the subjet% I feel
myself relieved from the necessity of going heti any
large detail. The single point necessary to be re-
ferred to, I take to be this: whether it dues appear
to this House the country has or has not a )ust occa-
sion and right of war against France. 1 hat is the
first great point. The next is, whether, }saving that
just cause of war, tilde is such a weet of expedi-
ency with regard to carrying it on, that his Majesty
should not, in the present state of the country, be
advised so to do. Now, on what does this right of
war depend? Since the Treaty of Amiens, every
insult leas been offered, on the part of Irence,
which could tend to vilify and degrade the British
I Government ; I should say, in the words of his Ma-
jesty's Declaration, that, front the time of the Trea-
ty of Amiens, there has been an uniform proof of
a system being adopted, on the part of France,
for the purpose of degrading, vilifying, and insulting
his Majesty's Government ; I should say, that that
system had been :hewn, in the terms of the sante
declaration, in defiance of every principle of good
faith, moderation, and justice. Now, when I come
to select and distinguish the grounds of the war,
my difficulty consists rather in their abundance, than
in the want of them ; but these points have been so
largely discussed, that I should refrain from dwel-
ling upon them, if I was more able than I am to pro-
ducethet effed, which was productalinthis Houseyes-
tertiey ; buL it becomesevery man to state the principal
grounds of his opinion. It I was to take the words
of his Majesty's I/Mutation as the foundation of my
opinion, t should say, that the mere aR of sending
persons to this coontry, apparently invested with di-
plomatic charaaers, and under pretence of preserv-
ing the relations of peace, at the same time that they
were aauated by motives of the most determined
austerity against this country, while they were re-
garded and treated with all that hospitality and at-
tention, which their supposed sacred charaaers en-
tided them to ; I say that, in my mind, the mere
sending persons, who, when they were receiving that
hospitality which a generous nation thought it its
duty to shew towards them, were at the same time
tracing out the destruaion of the country, is so scan-
dalous, so shameful, and so unprecedented an a. 51 of
aggression, the instead of questioning whether it is a
just ground of war, should be rather inclined to
ask, whether it has beta property resented l (Heir!
Liar!) I say, Sir, dia. se gross as instates of the

HOUSE OF LORDS.
sotsnay„ MAY C&.
Mr. Murray was heard in remainder on behalf
of the Respondent ; and Mr. Adam in reply for the
Apellant, in the Appeal Cause, the Carron COny
rally v. Ogilvie ; after which the farther decision
was deferred till to-morrow fortnight.
Thirteen MU' were brought up from the Com-
=lns by Mr. Arley, Sir Gelber* Heathcote, and
others, presented and read a first time.
In the Committee on the Militia Family Bill, the
Earl of Radnor moved several Amendments. Lord
Rolle, Lord Auckland, and Lord Hobart, spoke in
reply to the objedions offered by the Earl of Rad-
nor. The Committee divided on the Clause pro-
viding that no Militia-man shall marry while in quar-
ters and embodied. without the previous consent of
his Commanding Officer.
Contents (that the Clause stand part of the Bill) I
Not Contents - 8

Majority against the Clause —7
The business on the table was regularly gone
through.
Lord CLIFTON (Earl of Darnley) moved for
* copy of all the additional papers that had been
laid before the House of Commons relative to the
late negotiations, as they would be necessary to il-
lustrate the subject of nest Thursday's debate.
Lord AUCKLAND said, he believed the Noble
Lord was inaccurate in his mode of moving for the
papers in question. They must be moved for dis-
tinaly and separately ; and indeed, if the Noble
Lord would permit it, he would save him the trou-
ble, and move for them himself, as he had intended
to do when he carne down to the House, and had
written out the titles in the margin of the paper
which he held in his hand. He lamented that Mi-
nisters were so soon to be disturbed by enquiries into
their conduet ; but, he was persuaded, that they
thought it their duty to institute them, :mil he was
ready to admit that it was perfealy constitutional so
to do. If the enquiries were to take place, certain-
ly the papers in question were proper to be previ-
Ously produced. The papers related to four dis-
nnet subjeas—some to the affair of Louisiana,
which were highly important in themselves, and cre-
atable to Ministers; others relative to the cession
of the Cape of Good Hope • and others, contain-
iag the orders and counter-o;ders sent out for the
cession of the islands in the West Indies ; besides
those the Noble Lord had moved for, relative to the
capture and seizure of British ships. His Lordship
moved them.
But the Lord Chancellor observing, that he
could not compel the House of Commons to lay
an? papers before that house,
The motions were re-drawn by Lord Auckland,
and moved in due form.
Lord CLIFTON (Earl of Daraley) said, he eras
particularly anxious to see the papers relative to the
seizure and detention of British ships in the ports cf
France. His Lordship said, he wouli take that op-
portunity of restating what be had said the preced-
sag night at a late hour, when their Lordships were
extremely impatient, and be feared he had been but
little heard. He had congratulated the House on
the negotiation, of the long protraCtion of which be
hail more than once expressed his ittip:ltience ; that
It: would give his vote for the original motion, be-
C2tlSe unanimity, under such circumstances, ap-
peared to him, in common with the majority of the
I-louse, to be extremely desirable, although he did
not think that there was so much difference between
the turn an&/ tendency of the amendment, and the
address originally moved. At any rate it did not, in
his mind, at all justify the application of the line of
Virgil, which a Noble and Learned Lard had made
to it:
" Oremus pacer, et Jextras teulLusus Memos "
The papers were ordered.
The 1-louse is to go up to St. James's, to present
their A d dress to-mor row at two o'clock.—Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
TUUDAY, MAY
WAR WITH FRAYN.
The order of the day was moved fur the House to
proceed with the adjourned debste on his Majesty's
Message, relative to the war with France.
The following is the origival Address, and the
.Amendment moved by Mr. Grey.

That an humble Address be primut 'el to his l'sfajesty, to ro.
turn his Majesty the th %Its of tins House for his 'wok gra-
cious Mesvagr, and for the communication of the Means'
paper; wh.ch have ben laid before them, in Mrs-thence to his
141,4jestrs ColD.nands.
Teasers his Majesty of the just sense we entertain of his
Majesty's anxious and uinturro endeavours to preserve to his
peimie the bleating' of peace, and of our perfect confident:
in his Majesty's deposition to t-rroinate the e &unities of war,
whenever that object,can beai conspli,hed Consistently with the
honour of his Milfiesty's crown, and the interests of his people.
1 hat we have observed with the strongest feelings of 0144-
7ia.toll, that his Majesty's endeavours have isea frustrated by
that restless spirit of ambition and domination by which the
quveriitneat of France have been led to advance pretensions
Lie most extravagant and injurious, and to a,ow design, as
unct inconsistent 'sulk the obligations of good faith, and with
the essential interests of the British Einlurc ; and that for them
ladignities and provocations his Matjusty lia• in vain demanded
*strife:thin and redivide.
That actuated by these sentiments, we feel that the trust
imposed in us liv a brave and losal peo,-le requires, ea our part,
a firm determination to eiwuperate with his Mai sty in relish(
forth the resources of the United Kiag.lvm, for toe vigorous
sopporr of a canoe tin wui, h arc invoived the ilign ty of his Ma-
levity, crown, the rights awl libertiwi of his pito*, a 41 all that
t*r and valuable to ua as a free and iudivendent
Amendment proposed to leave out from the first
paragraph to the end of the question, in order to
laSett these words—
To assure his Majesty of our firm determination to co-
operate with his Majesty in calling forth the resources of the
United Kingdom fur the vigorous roweution of the war its
whien we are involvcd; and I. experts to his Majesty the
as-
tufaatoit with which his faithful Calm:eons have reeeived his
Majesty's ratios* Decieretion, that he is willing to afford, as
tar as may b coneiseat glib his IMO honour and the interests
hm people, Imo fionlity to, soy arractereineut by which
bLaglagi el poses say be rented se dr loyal subjects.
Ibe Address and the Ameedenent beteg read, .
Mr. T. GRENVILLE rose, and spoke to the
fiJliewing sir, if 1 have p.estsased to offer

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dia possessions, we therefore demanded, on the part
of France, the guarantee of the integrity (Idle Turk-
ish empire. Such was the security we took of them.
Let us see how their guarantee has been discharged.
If any man can read the report of Colonel Sebes-
tiani, and entertained any doubt upon the subjs.& I
should much despair of being able to prove that
point, yet it is not on the report only that the point
in question depends. In the first place, with lespeCt
to the report itself, it is useless to comment upon
the vain pretences under which the filet is attempted
to be done away. It is absurd to see the apologies
for Sebastiani's report, by calling his mission a com-
mercial one. It is no more commercial than the
missions of the commercial Ceneuls referred to by
his Majesty's Message • I desire to appeal to the
highest authority ; I refer the House to the account
given by Bonaparte, in his own conversation, when
he calls it a military commission, and justifies it upon
our infraCtions of the treaty ofAmiens. His own A ru-
baesador in this country, Gen. Andreossi, did net fir
a moment nee the precaution of attempting to dis-
guise that Colonel Sebastiaui's niission was a mili-
tary ems, arising from the military view which a
French officer had taken of what he was pleased to
call an infraftion of the Treaty of Amiens. Here,
then, is the report of Colonel Sebastiani, confirmed
by the First Consul himself in Paris, and by his
Ambassador here. Look at the remainder of the
report of Colonel Sebastiani, and viewing him tra-
velling over the famed seven islands of the lonian
Sea, and assuring the French Consul of the disposi-
tion of the inhabitants to receive the orders of Franee.
There is a supplementary paper to that report, A
which the commissary gives you an account of his
having put under the protection of the First Consul
the French Churches of the lonian islands, with
orders that those who resorted there for the purpose
of prayer, should pray for the preservation of his
valuable life. (A loud laugh!) I have no doubt but
that it the mosques of Cairo were to be put under
the same proteCtion, that orders would be also issued •
for prayers to be offered up to implore Heaven in
favour of Bonaparte, with this difference only, that
in Cairo, the Mahometan form of worship would be
adopted instead of the Christian. Sir, thus stands
the case of Egypt—had Colonel Sebastiani's report
been merely an intercepted letter, I should have
thought that the Government of the country, believ-
ing it to have been an official letter, would have
been warranted in demanding an explanation of it;.
and if that had not been granted, would have been
justified in going to war • but now, when the report
has been adopted by ihe First Consul himself,
as well as by his Ambassador, then I ask, whe-
ther it is possible that any reasonable man can
read the report, and entertain the slightest de-
gree of doubt as to there having been in the
mind of Bonaparte an hostile design and view
of possessing himself of the country of Egypt, in
defiance of the guarantee France has given of the
independence of the Turkish dominions. This iv
not all, for when I read his Majesty's Declaration, r
find that the French Government bas even suggested
the idea of a partition of the Turkish Empire. I
have no doubt but that this refers to a report which
has been so current as to have obtained implicit be-
lief—l mean the report of a proposal on the part of
France to a great Northern Power to consent to
the partition of Turkey between them. Give me
leave to say, this is one of those subjeets with
regard to which there is no man who considefe
what is the nature of any document relating to it,
but must be sensible that no Government could do
more than merely refer to it ; for his Majesty's Mi-
nisters not to have referred to it at all would bare
been no departure front their duty, and to have re-
fereed to it more than they have dune would have
been trespassing upon what was their duty. Here
is, in the first place, a proposition on the part of
France to another power, to engage in the partition
of the Tut legit empire, the integrity of which France.
herself had guaranteed. Here is a military man
sent to make a military survey ; you have a con-
fession that lie was sent on such mission for military
purposes ; you have, as I have already said, the
confession of the First Consul and of his Ansbas-
sador, who justifies the measure as the result of a
supposed infraction of the Treaty of Amiens on our
part. Now I cannot help adverting to the view in
which the subjeet was considered by the only Gen- .
tleman by whom any thing like a distinft amend-
ment to the address has been made ; and I observe
there was a great deal of surprise expressed by die
House, that tile view he entertained upon the sub-
ject he should constantly have described by the word
‘, desire." If he nae.ans by the word desire an ab-
stract wish that the kirst Consul, having already
annexed so much to Franceishould secretly, silently,
patiently, and piuusly feel himself called upon to
annex to his dominions the country of Egypt ; 1 du
not say that such a covetous disposition aelueting
his meld would he a legitimate ground of war ; but
is there any man who reads, reasons, and puts Etas
together, who would believe that he has obtained
the fair result of his enquiry into the faCt, if he sup.
poses Bonaparte to be attuated with a desire of ob-
taining possessiun of Egypt ter the pious purpose of
putting its mosques and churches under his gra-
cious proteetion ; that he is induenced by no such
religious motive is demonstrated by the fact of his
desire to gain possession of that country, by the
breach of the most sacred treaty. If then
it was seen that the First Consul was break-
ing the faith of his Tretty with England, be
meditating the means of taking possession of Egypt
after he had guaranteed its integrity ; Is it fit fur
this country, or of any country, seeing a design to
infringe a treaty solemnly entered into, not to exert •
itself to prevent such a violation of national faith
England having seen a design firmed to wrest •
Egypt from the Tot kish empireeand having had evi- '
deuce of the left, by the adoption, on the part of •
France, of the first steps necessary to be taken for
the purpose of carrying into of any military de- •• -
sign; I mean the ascertaining, 67 an expereneed •
officer, the military sittietion of tl; 'country intended
to be attacked ; will any man tell me that the state
of this latA is teoparly clescrintod by Liie we os

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