The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1819-05-19 00:00:00

GI:ASGOIy IVATER WORKS.

The illa.gow Water %Vaults L:111 war read the third time
aiiirpa.seil.
CON V EyA NCI NG.
Mr. Drdsmatti priventeil • P from the Attorneys
and Solicitor. of the town mot viciiiity of Nottingham, com-
yithining that uu permits could practise no tita.... 6ial.tb,. of
the profemiton without serying Pin apprenticeship, and incur-
ring' ciowideralde 'previous esp.•use; whereas, to practise
Conveyancing, which was far more prohlahle, the only qua-
lification required was for the practitioner to enter his name
of °tient' the loos of Court. They theiefore prayad an ah.
"epition iit.the bat, regardiug Conveyancing.
!trod and laid on the table.
AFRICAN COMPANY.
I;erierat (;asgovnit taller 4.l.llthille lenve) pl-rsented a
Petition froth the Alin. C y, praying for aid from
Parliament. —Read, pool laid on the ialitr.

Laird PkvaitOnsT presented a Petit Awn err; Ain inha-
bit Mats uf• Worcester, for a revision 41 the Criminal Code,
which, lie said, was very tointeriiiisly and respectably ensiled.
—Head, and lard on the table.
CA M El-FOR D.
Mr. &PSALM" said, he tri,Led to call the attention of the
Mast to the statement he hart first wade 111 the evening, re-,
'peeling Charles Pitt, J.q. Hot having entered infra recegai..
r...sares. The Act of Parlwuueut wa. ielperaliee oil hint fur
making the statement, arid also fur the se holm iit chic harts
of the orace fur taking the priition into coosukration It
left neither binowlf, nor the Manse, any discretion in these
napes ta. lie had sracss homey, r, recel vll a letter front Mr.
Pitt, Mating, that IrH his altruilanr• ulna dry' fur the Jul,
of csalll ll his sureties, hi nag the ..ppoinird tty Chas,
Thumps:in and Henry Kilo, Lay, 1..,q,s he Lad been by
the latter gentleman that by tii”, In,. I air The writer
accordingly requested him a, make the House sciptaint-
ed with the circuiptaare, that it wielt sot tame,itt the not
entering into recrtgiiie locus prore4Jlii I.IIIUI .•11% Sirgh'irt or
11l l huhu' on his part—begs.il that the ib-r for taking the
Pei ilium tutu cniisideraiiiiii Itilo4l not be dischsiged—and
hoped the House would gs alit suds entedy 161. 11114iff the
firrallll4lll,Cl.ll alight to. deecwil floret.
The Act !Alr. Speaker was eutanulsirry, and
Ili: refine it was impossiole he could have used the slightest
it• lay in making the coinuinhication to the House, bait he
cirn sictivcd the it!.t previloubly. I! su..a.!etl Mr. Pitt bad

Mr. FRariltallTne said, that not haring heen preset
when the subject was introduced, be took this uppurinu ty
of espies...Mg his admiration of the generoug and 11;31•OU:.
able conduct of the Noble Marquis, who had made Po (crept
a sacrifice to the necessities of the cousin y. lu piyeing this
'oboe of respect, he could omit avuid metitiottinir the pa •ter.
worthy conduct of a Noble Friend of his, the late itlartplia
of Buckingham, who, when Seui r Telltr a the Exch.:tides
(a situation in which he had advantages, cousiderably cup .
nor to those .injoyrd by the Marquis of Camden), hid give.,
up, not a stipulated sum, hut the entire emolument.' of the
°thee, fur a considerable period before his Drub.
The CHANCELLOR of the Exams/tint, in a Vern low
tom, r spresbed, as we ucti‘rotuto:, the pleacure be felt in
concurring with the lion. Gentleman ut tie pi site he had
bestowed on the Marquis of Buckenglisiu.
The Bill was then ordered to be read the ircond time on
Friday next.

SCOTCH CHURCHES.
The Caeacemon of the Exourtatata thought in the
Scotch Churches ILO —Read the first, to lite read the se-
cond time .in Tucsdsj. nrxt.
Mr. G. CALA...lines presented a Petition (as we ander-
clood) from certain Spirt-dealers in the Comity of Cosk, uta
M the subject of the I!banes —Laid on the table.

CURRENCY Or THr. COUNTRY.
Mr. J. P. G1111,4T moved for

" Au account of the price of *landau:l Silver, daring ti
from 1611 to 181"..I.

- - -
" Au account of the Child aud SilFer CO:11,
.Balli"o, und
wrought Pl4te, generally, in each year tenni nits
bib of February, 011, to bill of February, 1819.
An account of the Silver Cunt, wrought Plate, Pn I
Bullion, et/ported to Ireland, fur the lave vetiud.
" An account of the Gold and Silver Bnlllun or COL,:
verel waive the statute., during the MAW pCl'lOO.
" An account of the ilon us ti ty of Gold and Silver Coin or
inqto,ll.4l in big 31..jestym packets during tlie saran
period-e-disi inguishing Coin rrom Cul! inn
" Au account of the prawn,/ of Gold and Silver phred
by the private dealer in the Flulliurn-utlice, Bank of England,
dui nig the some period—do,ritigiustiitigGLAtl And Stlvet liens
frodi t'oun.

• "An a, count of Gold deltvired out of the Bitltion-offire,
Bank of tngliort, and win-liters, by pi.vate deniers, during
the same ime—disi (;uld Bari from COlll.
" Ass accusal uf the Gold awl !nie ce plaretl is. Cie Honig:o-
-ut/4.i-, by the W 0 Wok of E.,,0d, iu each year, during thk
i..une
" An account of she quantity of Copper Coin issued Goer
the Mini, its each year Wile* die year mu, pointless,: out she
total amount.
" Copies of all .esutracis torrid 11114 silk Mr. ft. Button,
for prepat Me a Copprt coinage.
" Ass fiev4..int 61 the tidal qoantity of Copper roiiird by
1130:un, distinguishing tem amount of inxi)lity,n,

___....iiMMIIII

\\

\\

I

I 4

allpence, and farthings, and specifying their nominal
" A statement of the market price of. Copper. nt the time
wren each contract wee entered lain with Mr. Rutting."
The accounts were severally ordered.
BRITIsiI OFFICERS IN FOREIGN SERVICE.
Lord MILTON moved for an account of the itamber
of
Aritish itegeera, employed, ender his Majesty's !screw,
in
the service of any foreign State, distinguishing their rank,
and stating by whom they are respectively employed.—
Ordered.
STATE OF THE NATION.
Mr. Tteawalr said, he rose, in pursuance of the
orifice he had given, to °tit the &newton of the
House to the State of the NitiOn—and, in doing
tint-, he must throw himself on the indulgence of
Gentlemen, since he feared he would he codtpelled
to trespass, , for a considerable time, on their
patience. He had, however, so often experienced
their indulgence, that, he confidently hoped it
would not he denied to him on the present neva-
sion.—/Heer.)—The beat retorts he could make
fur their indulgent attention would he to consume
as little of their time as possible. The proposition
he was about to subroit for the adoption of the
,House was, " That the Mote should resolve use(/'
into a Committee, to consider of the State of the
Nation." If he were acting only as a party man—
if he were not impelled by greater and snore ex-
tended views—by views of general utility—he would
abstain from this motion altogether; and he knew
that, in bringing it before the Homer, divested of
party ipint, he gave up some adventagre. But he
had at least this consolation, that he could hardly
conceive how the party to which Gentlemen on his
side of the.,Hy‘ise wete opposed (for they, too, he
supposed, must be considered a party) could stand
in a situation less, to be envied than that in which
the Right Hun. Membert who crowded the Trea-
sury Bench,
,were placed at this moment.—/Hear,
hear.)—He could not conceive any set of men,
calling themselves Ministers, who, having been
kicked end cuffed about as the Hon. Members in
the Noble Lord's train had been, would have
home it .with such exemplary patience.—/Hear,
heur.)—He thought an Administration more low-
ered in public estimation. more divested of public
cotifitlence, never appeared within the walls of
that Hosise?—/Hear, hear.)--An Adminstration,
more dead m every feeling that was usually sup.
posed to govern men in high and honourable situa-
tions, he not only never lims,, but hardly ever
heard of.—(fkar, hear.)—They seemed to he
attached to only one principle—that of vigorously
adhering to office—and there ended all the vigour
of. their administretion. (Hear, hear.)—They
bail proposed nothing to the House which was
likely to be beneficial to the country. Some of
their propositions were defeated—while others, pro.
posed by Gentlemen on his side of the House, were
triumphantly carried. The House would recollect
what Nltundera said, when those rneasures were
proposed. They declared, that, if they were car-
ried, the most ruinous consequences must follow.
When his Hon. and Learned Friend (Sir James
.Mackiiito.h) called for an inquiry into the Penal
Laws, Ministers declared, that the whole system of
criminal jurisprudence would be destroyed. But
the ntetis?re was carried—and the Noble Lord and
Isis worthy colleagues bore their defeat most pa-
tiently. Then came the motion 'dative to the
Scotch 'Boroughs. A Learned Lord, whom he
did not then see in his place, declared. most
emphatieelly, that no man's property would be
safe—that the system of government would be
destroyed—that revolution would be as good
its commenced, if that motion were agreed to.—
ft war, however, carried, and the Administration
appeared perfectly content. He could adduce
some other instances of the same kind, bat he
would only quote these to shew on what " 'vantage ,
ground" lie, and the Gentlemen who acted with
him, stood, if party objects were all they had in
view. Brit they had other duties to perform, far
superior to those Of party—duties which they owed
to their country, and which mutt be considered pa.
commit to all others. it was that feeling which
induced him to give Pp those advantegrs to which
he had adverted—wheli lea hire to piece himself its
a situation of emberrassinent—in order that he
might discharge, as he was then doing. a great and
important duty to the empire.—(Hear, hear.)-
11 Ministers meant to govern a great country like
this., !sit ought to be governed, they would have
acted in a way directly the reverse of that which
they hid adopted—" hut," said Mr. Tierney, " if
they will not take care of their dignity, we must
take care of ours." He called on the House to
eimuinte the state of the country. If there were
'nut two parties in the House, that to which he be-
luttgia, and that to which he was opposed, the
isour of the contest would not be doubtful. On
one side there war nothing but an ardent seal;
while, on the bther. the whole weight of official
attachment was called into action. List be now sat
in a House of Common' (mid he had tat in man))
to which there had been returned a larger portion of
Gentlemen, whir were not attached to soy party,
than he ever tecollected in any Orreading Podia-
mem—Gentlemen who voted fur the proposition
*voted, without any reference to the person who
wa. the niover—esho, as they might to do, looked
to measures and not to *men ! He doped those
mold nut be wanting to turn die balmier,
at the end of the debate' and, to tive him that sup-
port to which lie would be eutided, it he made out
a lair ease.
t was his intention to make out two propositions.
The one was, that the state of public affairs was full
of dillicnity, and danger, and alarm—end did,
therefore, require. strung and vigorous domcils.
In the iircond place, he would endeavour to prove,
that it wits the duty of the House of C' Mons to
interfere; and to reader itself non that ohich was a
very Uousual thing, a Committee to inquire into
the Slate of the Nation—not considering this as
forward or officious iniefference on the part of die
Huns,. but ai 611 C which was clearly called fur by
•Ile eitioing mete of *Weirs. He did not usk Geo-
t lemeti to lead him their aid; to ettitiarrasii the sys-
tem, to &tip the energy, and to control the vigour
of an elficient Administration—but, whets they could
pot perceive that those in power had system, or
on*, jy, or vigour, he implored them to interfere
Ls.tisftn a weak Administration and a tottering
rowttryis.-(Hear)—and to perform that great duty
which :u holiest Methher of Parliament would
Dever „mint frotii.—/Hear.)the—Whichall the ever way they
looked thrutyAliout Europe, y saw prism-
el notions eitgaged in endsivonring to repair the
1

inroads male on their power daring the war, and
to place their resource* on the best possible footing.
He could say, without
,fear of contradiction, that
their attention was chiefly turned to Anemia sub-
jeets—ohile the Government of this country,
who had mere interest in making round floats.
cial arrangements than any other body on
the face of the earth, were the only men in
Europe who had not yet devoted their attention to
that most important object. The great object he
had in view was undoubtedly limited to the proper
arratigement of the finance of the country. He did
not call on the House to ewe, lido any examination
of foreign affairs, more than those foreign affairs
Imre on the question of their financial arrangements..
The world was, at that moment, blessed be God for
it ! ip a Mete of profound peace, which he hoped
would be of long continuance !—/Hear, hear.)—
But Europe, notwithstanding the exertions of the
Noble Lord, and the other Ministers of the Allied
Powers, was not in such a settled situation, that
would jostify a man in looking forward with any
certainty to a duration of the peace for many years.
Indeed the entire state of Europe, as far as Great
Britain was concerned, had been totally changed—
whether for better or for worse lie could not say—.
but it was now totally different, with respect to this
country, from what it had formerly been. Hereto-
fore Etiglend had her alliance, with this or that
Power. calculated to meet and overcome the inachi-
stations of those States that might threaten hostility.
The country was now in a new situation—she was
one of Ifve 'Powers (and he did not state the fact as
matter of censure) by whom the destiny of the
Continent was to be settled. Whether -England
had ally ally or not, particularly connected with
herself, was more than he was exactly able to disco-
ver. Originally this alliance consisted of but four
Powers, but the recent admission of France, as a
party to the confederacy, increased the number
to five. The four Powers to whom he had al-
luded thought it necessary to keep a large body of
foreign troops in the interior of Prance, in order to
preserve the tranquillity of that country, and to
secure the reigning family on the throne. France
conducted herself so much to the satisfaction
of the other Powers, that, when the Treaty of
Aix-la.Chspelle was in progrem, she was invited to
join the confederacy, and made the fifth party to
that alliance, in which England, he believed, had
but one vote, and no more. This was a most un-
certain state of things. The parties were bound
by professions, which he hoped would not be
broken—and a holy alliance was formed, the osten-
sible objects of which he trusted would be as sa-
credly observed, as the confederacy had been
piously entered into..--(Hear, soda laiegh.)—When
the troops were withdrawn from the territory of
France, and she was admitted to Mike her station as
one of the five Allied Powers, the communication
was made to the Duke de Richelieu, the Minister
of France, who was very properly complimented on
the talent* he had displayed in his high station, fur
France was invited to become one of the Allied
Powers on account of the pacific disposition which
site displayed during his administration. Then, it
should seem, that this country knew the course of
policy which was intended to be pursued by that
Power—a Power that mast certainly be considered
one of the most important in the coalition. But that
was nut the case. In one short ',moth after this trans-
action took place the Du ke de Richelieu was removed
from office, and this country was left in total igno-
rance of the policy by which the councils of France
were to be directed. He did not mean to provoke any
hostile discussion relative to the conduct of the No-
ble Lord while he was engaged on the Continent,
that was a subject which perhaps might hereafter
be adverted to. What. he asked, was the object
of the war ? Was it not to curb the power
and ambition of France ? It ought be said,
that it was merely intended to put down that
revolutionary power which threatened the repose
of the world. Still, however, it was embark.
ed in to weaken her power and control her
strength. What was France at the present
day I Her commerce was reviving—her finances
were arranged, in a great degree, by the assistance
of this country--she had a free Constitution, and,
in the name of humanity, he thanked God fur it !
she had a limited monarchy—and her people were
now able to speak their sentiments through the me-
dium of their representatives. Those blessings had
come on her suddenly—they had been hardly earn-
ed, by sacrifices, not only of blood, but of chs-
racter—sacritices that would require years of good
conduct to atone for. ere she could lay claim to
that estimation in which she was once held amongst
the nations of Europe. She stood, however. iii
more formidable situation than any mato could have
coutemplated two years ago. He did tint say this
with any feeling of hostility towards France. He
hoped that those angry feelings which the triumphs
of this country might hate excited in the minds of
a proud and brave people, would be soothed and
softened by kindness and conciliation, and that no-
thing hut an• honourable rivalry should, in future,
exist between the two nations. Still, however, they
ought not to forget that France was their rival, add
might, at a future period, become their enemy.—
They ought. therefore, to be prepared for any change
that might take place—they ought to he ready for
any alteration in the present state of Europe.-,.
There was another Power to which it was necessary
that he should call their particular attention—he
memit America. America stood out of the 'sale of
1 the emigres*. 11'ith her this country had concluded
• peace--and, with respect to her (although he
meant not to cast too scrutiiiirisig an eye of jealousy
tewardi her), they naght to be prepared for the
*grit. Let the liaise recollect what had occurred
Within the last two years. They had seen two
British subjects executed by the order of an
Americin Commander.--/1/ear.)--Many •rgu-
forint; hind been adduced on both sides—and it
appeared that his Majesty's Government did nut
wish to interfere. They tuight be right in acting
thus--=but he was old enough to remember a
period, when, if two British subjects had been
executed by a foreign Suite, this Government would
nut have felt quite so patiently as it did at present.
He would pursue this subject no further—and, in
noticing it. be did not mean to reflect on his Ma.
jesty'a Ministers, for acting with prudence, which.
under existing circumstances. certainly wb the
hest manner in which they could discharge their
duty to the country. He, however, wished to im-
press thist sentiment on the House. that a nation.
DO( prepared to delend its rights, might not care.

quently he subjected to setious humiliation. to
the case to which he referred. the question was one
of national honour—but then came a second, a
question of territory, of which Congress could
take no notice. If two German Princes
ex-
change a few medals, dr. Noble Lord oppo-
site was sure to receive an express---such was
the necessity of keeping up the strict balauct
of power in Europe. But America, without any
difficulty being started, took from another Power
a possession which was as dangerous as possible to
the interest of this country ; which, in fact, placed
all their colonial returns in a state of very great
jeopardy. There were some representations made
on this subject, hut he believed with very little ef-
fect. He would not find fault with Ministers,
if those representations were marked by an humble
tone and temper—for, when a nation could do very
little, it was extremely impolitic to pretend that
she could perform a great deal. He stated these
points, in order to chew, that they could not act,
with impaired and circumscribed means, in the same
decisive manner that a nation, with untouched re-
sources, was enabled to do. It was their duty to pre-
pare for every possible event, with reference to France
and Americo, if danger were to be apprehended
from no other quarter. He knew the line was very
difficult to hr 'travels at which prudence ended
and abject humilsition began—hut he knew there
was a bee somewhere to be found, awl they ought
to seek for, and abide by it. Their paramount duty
was to satisfy all the world that their object was
peace—beat they ought also to shew the world, that
they spoke and acted from the love of peace, and
not from the dread or inability of sustaining war.—
/Hear, hear. )—Peace , connected with ally other
terms, was only war postponed, under the worst
circumstances. War must be the result at one
period or oilier—and they well knew that defeat
generally attended the party who entered the field
with an impaired national character. Therefore,
th►y ought to exert their best energies to sup.
port the national honour.— Wear. hear.)—This
could not be done by great military establishments—
it could not be done by forming colleges for the
education of their youth in military affairs—the
national honour would he best supported by a well-
manned and invincible navy, joined to a well•
• managed and flourishing exchequer.—(Shouts of
" Hear.")—"Give me," said M►. Tierney, •s these
two things, and I *tend on a rock from which the
' world cannot drive me !—/Hear, hear.)—Give me
th.e navy and nourishing finances, and I will set
the whole world at defiance !" (I fear, hear.)—
If he had impressed on the House the necessity of
an immediate arrangement of the affairs of the
country, the next thing to which he would draw
their attention, was the manner in which those
affairs had, for some time, been conducted, and the
situation in which they now stood. One great charge
against Ministers was, that they had done nothing,
from the day on which pyace was concluded, to.the
present hour, for the internal improvement of the
country.—(Hear.)—lt was, he believed, mowers.
eery for him to dwell on the situation of their trade,
because he had only to refer to the evidence given
before the Bunk Committee, to phew that it Ives at
a very low ebb. In every page of their Report
they would find the testimony of the most intel-
ligent merchant's, proving, not that this or that
branch of trade was unproductive, but that a total,
a general stagnation of all trade prevailed at
this moment.—(('ries of Hear. hear, hear.).—
It had never, it seemed, occurred to Ministerte
during all their diplomatic proceedings, to enter
into commercial treaties. He knew of none, with
the exception of one—that with America—a Treaty
which had scattered the utmost dismay amongst the
Newfoundland traders—and, to prevent them from
becoming clamorous, bounties were given to them.
to order that they should not suffer any loss. But
how did this serve the country? The country
really and substantially lost by the Treaty. He
knew of no commercial treaty that had been entered
into, which was likely to afford benefit to the em-
pire. One opening there was through which a
cheering view of the future might be taken. It
was the struggle of a breve people for their inde-
pendence.—(Hear, hear.)—As men, they could
not view such a spectacle without exultation—and,
if they considered it as merchants, it afforded a
' great opening for the extension of trade. Did
Ministers take advantage of this fortunate circum-
stance? Not at all. For fear the country should
have any success iu that quarter, a Bill had been
introduced, and was then depending. which was
to exasperate the only body of men from whom
they could derive any hope.—(Hear, hear.)—
At the very moment when their manufacturers were
starving—when a veut was providentially opened
for the sale of their goods—at that critical time
they were told, that. in the view of his Majesty's
Ministers, it ought not to be thrown open to them,
but that the whole benefit should be transferred to
the 'muds of others.—( Hear, hear.)—Ministers
had, in fact, done worse then nothing: the only
commercial treaty which they had formed was de-
trimental to the interests of the State—and they
• had it now in contemplation to do that which would
he most mischievous to the trade of the country.—
That was not all : the Act they were about to press
oil the House was degrading to the English cha-
racter—debasing and depressing those high and
honourable feelings which were heretofore coiiii-
sired to be the prime movers of action iu a British
Sessile !—(Hear, hear.)
He came now to the finance of the country—
which he would treat strictly and entirely us a geese
tiou of finance. Here it was his intention to occupy
but a short portion of their time. lii truth, he bad
employed himself very much on the subject—but
he found, that, if he went into all those details
which he had himself investigated, it would require
so great a length of iudulgence oi► the part of the
House; and he was so little likely to make the sub-
ject clear in such an assembly, that he thought it
better to give it up. He should therefore merely
call the attention of the House to a few leading
fatty, which would fully exploits his view of the
question. The period he meant to select was from
the sth of Jan. 1816, to the Sth of Jan. 1819. He
would not interfere with the short interval of peace,
before the return of Bonaparte—but he would con.
fine himself to the time he had meiltioned, when the
peace ass completely consolidated. That period
would afford a fair 'ample of what the country was
to expect from Ministers, on subject* of a financial
I nature. On'the Sib of January, 1816, the total
amount of the funded und unfunded debt. formed

no less a *um than 860,000,00. With suds *
debt as this stoning him in the face. one would
have thought that any Minister, really anxious to
discharge leis duty to the country, would have lost
110 time in coming to some arrangement, that
would tumble I to cope with so formidable an ad-
ver•ary as a 60,009,000/. Ministers did make a pro-
position to the House, in the form of a suggestion,
• to continue the Property Tax. They stated the ab-
-1 solute necessity which existed for its continuance
for a certain lentil of time. It was on the succeed
of this measure that they rested all their hopes. On
that (occasion they seemed to have emirs their Room-
coal opinions decidedly. On the Property Tait be-
ing or not being renewed depended their future lone
of conduct. The tax was throw., out by the House.
‘Vhat did Ministers do then ? He need not tell the
House that they did not resign.—(Hear, hear.)—
Did they propnee another plan in the place of
that which had failed ? No such thing. Like angry
boys, who would receive no boon, if that on which
they had set their hearts were refused, they showed
their chagrin, but they did nothing. They deter-
mined to have no plan at all ; and, from that
hour to the present moment, he defied any man to
whew him that they had made the slightest •pproxi-
' motion towards *plan.- —(fienr.)..—Because the
Property Tax was withheld, they were obstinately
bent to do nothing—and most magn, ... i . nous' y deter-
mulct, for the remainder of their time (and he had
no doubt that their prayers were earnestly of-
fered up that it might be a long one), to live
on the bounty of the Bank, and. what was infinitely
more important to them,.the Chapter of Arcidents !
—(Lamiglter.).--io that year they borrowed nine
millions from the Bank, and postponed the pay-
went of three millions—at the same tunic the Act
for restricting the Batik from making payment• in
cash, was renewed for two years longer. They bor-
rowed nine millions, to be paid in ISIS, and kept
up the Restriction Act till July, ism The fol-
lowing year, they were told by Ministers that every
thing was in a most flourishing state. He remem-
bered hearing such speeches on that coccastoo, as
filled him with astonishment. The stocks were
to be at par—the five per cents. were to he pond
off—in short, no country ever flourished more than
Great Britain did in the speeches of the Gentle-
men opposite. The Right Honourable Gentleman
(Mr. Vansittart) was accused as the sole author of
these dulusions—but the Noble Lord and the other
Members of Administration were equally respon-
sible for them—and it was not fair that the whole
burden should be cast on the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. In his opinion, Ministers themselves
believed that every thing was flourishing to the
greatest possible extent. They did, he was con-
viper& firmly believe, that the stocks would be at
per. This idea they were taught to cherish by in-
dividuals connected with the City. When they
talked of paying off the five per cents, he at once
told them, that, if they carried such a plan
into effect, they would be guilty of a gross fraud.
When persons lent their money. opeculating on the
flourishing state of a particular security. and the
Government, by artificial means. which were in
their power. ranted its value, in order to seize that
opportunity to lower the interest, such a transaction
could not be called an honest one. A number of
persons did, he believed, sell out, fur fear the in-
terest would be lowered—hut the great ma's of
persons with whom the Right Honourable Gen-
tleman was in constant communication, who saw
how things were going on mote clearly than
he did, remained as they were, add lost no-
thing. In 1817, there was a deficiency in the
supplies of the year of 12,500,0001. in addi-
tion to the unfunded debt. They then came to
last year, 1818. The House was told that the
country was still flourishing ; the phantom of
prosperity still danced before their eyes; they
talked of paying IA- certain stocks—a doctrine
which was to be found in the Report of the Finance
Committee of the present year. It was there said,
that the time wus not very far distant when a
great saving might be effected for the country,
by the difference between the interest paid on
the debt, and that which might he charged
hereafter. The Right Honourable Gentleman was
obliged at this time to have recourse to another
project. He created a quantity of 31 per cent.
stock, by a transfer of 3 per cents. and the fund-
ing of Exchequer hills. The payment of the
9,000,0001. was then called for, but it was postponed
for another year, and the Bank Restriction Act was
contiuned till the sth of July, 1819. He, at that
time, took the liberty of suggesting that an inquiry
ought to be instituted into the aflame of the Bank.
Nobody would, however, hear of a Committee of
Iniaory into the affairs of that body—by which
means one entire year was lost, which might have
beets usefully employed in that investigation,
which, at a later period, it was deemed advis-
aide to enter upon.—(Hear, hear.)—Here they
were now, on this intricate and important question,
having lost a year of preparation, for no reason
whatever that lie could conceive, except that
the motion for inquiry emanated from that side of
the House instead of the other.—(Hear, hear.)—
The Bank, however, were not pleased with the
the Right Hon. Gentleman's plan—and he was
obliged to alter the preamble of the Bill which he
introduced with reference to the continuance of the
restriction. The preamble, as it originally stood,
he gravely declared. was placed in its situation
through mistake. The new preamble set forth,
" That unforeseen circumstances rendered the
measure necessary." Now there were no unforeseen
circumstances—there was no secret. The evi-
dence given before the Bank Committee. which
was now public, shelved that the loans with
France were known at the time, and the Bank
• strongly remonstrated against the measure.--
In truth, the difficulty at that period, moose
not from unforeseen circumstances, but room pursu-
ing a course which the Bank did not approve of.
Thus ended the history of those three years. Could
any thing be more contemptible ? Three years of
profound peace had elapsed, and nothing more than
what be stated had been done.—(Hear, hear,
hear.)-.What was the result of the whole ? He
found. on the 6th of January, 1819, the latest
period to which he could bring the account,
that the funded and unfunded debt amounts
ed to 84.5,000,0001.—the amount having been on
the Sth utJaamary. 1816, 859.000,0001. Then, in
three years, the funded end ussfunded debt had
been deerresed 14.000,000/. and no more. Here.
however, they were to consider whether there lead

not been doilamti.nouitliotinieinstthilieofasejejtosuonfry thie4lc6o:iinz,
was an excess of advance ninl arrears of property
tax, amounting to ft ,460,000!.
veEntlyieleiirilyt
ifirairtottimliirsigttiie
that had been get rid of—and, to strike a fair hs.
lance,oo 00they ; ought to
ihe
ideductiui,ro
of their finances, in the course of three years-sl
peace had been, under the direction of his Majesty'.
Ministers, a decrease of debt to the amount of
5,460,000/. So that the debt ertu.illy stood th
845,000,0001. without any prospect of its being
materially diminished. In the Report of the Fa.
notice Committee of the present year, they had t!.
ertimate of the next, precisely in tile same way s.
if they heard it from thy Noble Lord or the Right
Hon. Gentleman himself. For it was necessary te
be understood, that that which purported to he a
Report of the Finance Committee, was, in fir
the Report of the Chancellor of the Excheyel.
Undoubtedly it came to the House throuth the
medium of one of its Members who was called dot
Chairman of the Committee, but it was previGuse,
put into his hoods by a person called the Chal7.
cellor of the Exchequer, whose work it was,
and whose opinions it contained.—(llear, !war.;
From this Report it appeared that the surplus, ah
lineable to the extinction of the debt this year
swoon' not be le.. than 1,900,000/, which, tallow
the rocks at 72, was .1041 to 2,750,00 q lit
1811, it was caleulated that the surplus would he
%50n,000/, which, at tha before-mentioned rite,
would be equal to 3.sso,oool.—making, iostock,
the sum of 6,300.000/.—aml, ii they went vo to
the extent of live years, they would find that they
had got rid of 5,000,000/. of debt, and not one
farthing more. He asked the Rune, then, was it
not time for them sertuu•ly to interferk ?—(l.lear,
hear.)—lf these facts were tree, had he not
a right to cell on the House to say 1,, Ministers,
11 You shall not proceed in a spans ruinous to the
country—it is time that some efficient measures
should be adopted—awl you appear quite incapable
of bringing forward suet, ineleoires as the situation
of the country demands ?"—(//ear.)—Les riot the
(louse take these facts as merely origiiiiitio4 with
him. Let them examine the queatton, awl they
would find that what he had stated was shot the
country had to expect for the next too years.
With a debt ut 830,000,000/. allowing for every de-
crease, they might be called on to face 'mother tsar.
It might he proper to observe, that the Citioloh-
dated Fund was the source Irvin which the public
creditor derived his dividend, and all that inergrot
no it way applicable to the plyinent of los debt,
That fund was, however, Ili arrest no le.or a sum
then 3,300,000/. every quarter. If they :trilled to
this the sum of 2,790,0011/, which we, taken train
the Consolidated Fund on account of the dein
due to the Bank. they would Mid a thfieit of
GOIOO,OOO/. Were the House aware that the pays
meat of the dividends, every quarter, depended on
the good-will of the Bank ? If the Bei.k wen-
say, " We 101 not lend you the 6.0420,00 A in oo oy
the dividends," the Right Ron. Gentleman could
sr soon raise the dead as raise the necessary.
(Ileor)—Whether he could or could not raise it,
was at fiuing., he demanded, that in time of tom,.
they should be placed in suck a .ituation ? Was it
proper, that in each of the hour quarters el the
year, the payment of the dividend, slue to the
public creditor should he mach to depend on the
will of the Bank of England ?—(Hear, esie.)—
In the course of the last year, when 17,01,0,0904
were funded, and 3,000,000/. were other.. use intact!,
it was worthy of remark that Ministers male eau
provision for the interest of the debt they had eh,s
incurred, which amounted to 1,600,000/. Noe,
assuming that the loan olio. year would he about
21,000,000/. equal to 30,550,000/. in stock, at 72,
the interest cud Sinking Fond would he 916,0001.
making, with the interest of the sum before titers.
tioned, a gross amount of 2 516,000/. to be provided
for in this year. Thus, they were in the third year
of peace, and yet they were called oil to provide
interest for money borrowed in the second ye it
after that event.—(Cries of Hear, hear.)—
He understood it was intended to provide for this
sum by taxes—that it was not to be taken nit of
the Sinking Fund : if it were. there would be no
surplus whatever. Now, if this sum were to he
produced by taxes, it became a very serious mat-
ter indeed. He would now tell the Right H.
Gentleman that he would not vote one single lay,
to the value of a lialfpenity, in the presto Ser.
sion, oldest the finances of the country were placed
on a stable send tangible footing.—(//ear, hear.)—
He would not agree in the system of Nliiwiiter-,
which was to goad and blister the people with taxes
from day to day. They abstained from telling the
country what its reel situation was, and exerted
all their efforts to holster up the 11)./ht Viribe sad
impotent course of proceedings that ever was arloptrit
by imbecility. He, under these eirctuttWattooa.
would not vote for any taxes. He looped tt e
House would stand by him, when he pursued this
line of conduct—lie was sure that it would lii
pleasing to the country—(//ear, hear, hear.
If au intelligible statement were laid before the
House, pointing out and balancing the gains :01
losses of the country, there would he some resso
for making sacrifices, but is hen Molesters tin heil
their backs on the prosperity of the country—wli-ii
they displayed no vigour—when they matolest:io
no foresight—he would not support their call for
taxes.—(Hear.)—Under this scrambling Ss sten:.
no man knew what his property was. I II I 4.1 h) I I
stocks were 63, in the year following 83, A tlittetritt'r
of 10 per cent.—ut present they were 71. By tut-c.
fluctuation. many made fortunes, but number:li we:e
also ruined—and the utumit eticiniragruirot u •
given to gamblers, speculators, and jobber*: It'
state of uneeitainty might be altogether remedied,
if Ministers; pleased to undertake the task. But it
could nut be expected that they would. since ono.,
three years after peace, they had dour naso.ut, iv
nothing. Suppose any of those possible at I
dents to happen to which he had averted in the
early part of his speech—suppose ally jar to
arise—suppose any hostile cooferleracy to be tomtit
against this country—how could they lit out ins
statement, if it were necessary, win) a debt of
830,000.0001. staring them in the face ? What
would then be the 'atomism of the stock-holders?
Surely it must be perilous i 0 the reirerue ! I)id
Ministers imagine that foreign Powers did not krona'
the situation of the country as well as they did
themselves T They were perfectly acquainted !vial
it—and he could not but coLsodts the proceedings

l' •
1004 by Minolta' SS a premium for emu!.
i,th,og but the bravery of their army and navy
he was going to say, the prudence of the
counsels of Alinistere, but that was out of the ques-
-00) could support the country. Ministers indeed
00,1, in the face of the country, accused with the
pill of Weakening and impairing its energies.—
hear.)—He could not he iccused on this
occasion of fishing for votes. He spoke his mind
freely end fairly, and he did not hesitate to say,
that, in his view, this question went to remove
the present Administration.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—
He conceived lie had made out it case that justified
Igo in saying that the present state of affairs re-
red strong and vigorous counsels. The other
war, that the House ought to interfere, and
.1 ...threat delay, in examining the situation of
th, (.o"ery, Whoever looked at their Minot.
0,4 lament, that no Ministers novr existed, either
~.pshle or inclined to bring forward subjects
1,0 pressed very much for serious consideration.
therm bed taken up the Poor's Laws—and whit was
utt of the labours of the Committee that
tad been formed ? Of three Bills that had been
isitoduced, one survived its introduction--another
obis its last agonies—and the third had expired
she evenings since. Now, on the 18th of May,
nothing hail been done by Ministers with
RV't:
tto m finances—and, if he had not moved
for a Committee on the affairs of the Bank,
:a ass quite convinced the country would not
have had one.—/Hear, hear, hear.)—lt might
be said that the object of this motion was to
erect a change of Ministers, and that his mo-
tive in making it was of a personal nature. He
lowa to be explicit on this point—he frankly
avowed he lied never concealed that the object of
his pee was office, when they thought they could
be of eto the country. Offices on the general
prim •
• .;„1 may be curtailed more or less, but he was
.
or those who paid little attention to public mew
who put their faith upon an evervime to office.—
(mer, hear, hear)---con the contrary, he con-
rerated that it ought to be the aim of every honour...-
me man, who thought that by being in office he
aul,l he of service to his country.—( Hear, hear.)
For ha own part, he could on this point safely say,
thit viiatever his ambition in this respect, and he
Lad tin canna to conceal it, the time had gone by
when "fie could be of any consideration to him.
His health was, thank God, good, but lie felt his
.iieri,ies on the decline ; not that he would shrink
;rota standing by his party in the event of a change,
~ut that lie thought it obvious at his time of life,
vie Israeld not look forward to any thing like a dura-
trot of emolument equal to the immediate expense
e.l,ich he must have to encounter by a change. But
it mast he manifest that the strength of the coun-
try tirpended upon the coulidence which was placed
P.dministration. If the opinion respecting the
pits ant Administration was, that they were weak
attdie doors, and utterly defenceless out, what
:nu-t become of a system, if it could be called one,
vlss is guided by such hands ?—( Hear, hear.)—
'.t' there were any who thought a great difficulty
scum ad arise in supplying the place of this Admini-
otrs tion—(kar, hear, from the Treasury Benches)
—t hey ought to have nu objection to go into a
:s.aniiiittee on the State of the Nation, for there
ii.tv would have an opportunity of chewing the sort
cosdidesize which they felt they had a right to
place in the present Ministers. If there were men
vi.o preferred office fur selfish principles and mere
earolument, the result of the labours of the Corn-
mi ttee would place them in their proper light. If
sh.tre were public men determined to retain office
r they had lost the confidence of the country,
to tat C &&&&& mince such men would, no doubt, be
rep toed to merited contempt and deleat.--(llear.)
l4cit let the independent Members of Pailiament
err'. e forward, and, on a review of the state of the
iiati• in, tusks their own choice. Let them look at
the question, and consider the opposition which
'hi' by atittripation held out to it. It was stated
s. ei day, that such a motion as this ought not to
re/ rile the discussion on the Batik Report. To
1;4,, he would repeat, that he knew no place more
i.sco tiiii.g for the consideration of that Report than
ru a Committee upon the State of the Nation.—
/ Weiir.)—Surely the House was swore, that in the
ohs ration of the financial system of the country
there was as much to pull down as to build up;
esd thut no smell pert of the difficulty in which the
country was placed had arisen from the inconsist-
envy of his Majesty's Ministers. Did not the
Novae recollect, thwt one of the Right Honourable
Gentleman'. bemire Resolutions was, that a pound
note :mud a shilling were equal in value to a guinea
at gold ? Did not the House recollect, that at the
same 'sine they had this Resolution on their Jour-
soils, and pot oil them by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, they bad also two large folio volumes,
comprisitig the Report of a Committee formed
sender the auspices of the colleagues of the Rt. Hon.
Gent. controverting his own Resolution, and assert-
log, that a 1/. note was not worth, intrinsically, a
I!. steeling ? In this state of financial absurdity the
House wee placed—one resolution was black, an-
other white—there was no possible way of corning et
the fact—what was said one day was contradicted
the next, and the country was kept, as to its finances,
in a state of utter darkness—(Hear, hear.)—He
had tried to avoid the necessity of making the pre-
sect motion. He had vainly endeavoured to get
from the Right Hon. Gentleman some idea of his
ti:: social plans, bat he was answered t'Ast his Midget
• 4lit not to be anticipated. Noee, how could the
budget be anticipated by a general financial ex-
Plaisation in the way in whir:n it was called for ?
The Inniget was the Wane:L. acco..int of the Ways
Means, its compel' ‘ls with the expenditure of
:.• coo lit ry, and h'e statement and application of
!lons which were to tnake up the balance be-
b"(l4 r.i.he could not suecred in Isis present
• "'es he 0-Auld be very much disposed to pursue
tie: plane
,copied by a Right Honourable Gentle-
in" 01)1' ~site of the CatiosSic Question, namely, to
l"°l'°"' a Resolution binding on the House, if it
must 'east ulterior measures now, as would resider it
I"lloJuitve to discuss the State of the Nation early in
the ensuing Session. The Ministers, he feared, woo Id
sot take the hint ; but then their Royal Master
blight open his eyes, he might see the neceseity of
considering the halos on which an Administration
stood who disregarded the voice of the cusititry, and
taught, by irtisinismoig them, give fair play to the
energies of the country.—(llear, hew.)—He could
001 r• anticipate that Ministers would struggle to
nuke a great stand on this question—that they

would make their atlherents *lick eToie to them in
the hour of trial. But. on the other hand. he hoped
to chew th.it the real friends of the country within
doors, thought with the people without, that some
change was necessary to preserve the actual exist-

epee of the country as a great state. lie candidly
avowed that hits object was a removal of the present
Mtni•ters of the Crown.—(llear,frons the Treasury
Benches.)—He confessed that he saw no possibility
of working a change in their course, by either hints
or majorities—they would stay, and they hid so
determined to stay, until they were turned out by
the shoulders.—( Hear, Gear, from the Opposition

. .
Benches. i—There was Is, chalice of propping, op
the'system of such men, as ill former administrations,
by tiny secession of strength—their hostility to true

economy, end to the rights and brst interests of
the people was inch, that out they must go, or the
nation must be in the long run undone.—(Hear.)
NVhen he talked of a total change of system in the
management of public affairs, he begged to be
distinctly understood as *not countenancing any
visiooary, and impracticable schemes of re-

.
form ; but when he made this ded4ration, hr

brgged not to be understood as saying that some
reform was not necessary. He thought- a reform
of the symtrtn and principles of the Government
would be salutary; it was, in fact, essieniial, if the

. -
House meant to put the country upon • peace
establishment. whirl' would be the bolt •utidote

against war, by rendering the country always really
to meet aggression, whenever an attempt MOH made
elsewhere to assail her rights and liberties. if a
war met her in an use.ettled financial state. then

limited it would be too late to remedy the evil—.too

late to profit by the di'missal of incompetent and
imbecile Ministers. The Right Hon. Gentleman
concluded, amid loud and reiterated cheers, by
moving, •• That this House do resolve itself tato
Committee of the whole House upon the Suite of
the Nation„"

Lord CAST! EREAGN said, that in rising to reply
to the very able speech of the Right Hon. Gentle-
man, he felt he had to point out to the I- louse the
necessity of dismissing from their mind II many of
the topics which had been urged so furcib ly by the
Right Him. Mover. Whatever may have thee,. the
arduous 'wore of the finance duties of a Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer within the portents sue period
when that office was filled by his Right Honoura-
ble Friend—whatever may have been the t lifficulties
of that arduous station during the last yi tars of the
late war—he would put it to the personal k,neropity
of the Right Hon. Gentleman himself ( Mr. Tier-
ney), whether he believed there was any I alter man
in the country who could have, during a) awful a
period, directed the financial allitirs of ihe nation
with so much energy and effect.—( Lova! cries of
" Hear ."' from Me Treasury Benches, w.hich were
tauntingly reiterated and retorted from the Oppo-
tition.)—Notwitladanding this apparent lama, he
would yet appeal to the people whether such wit•
not the fact. He would recal to their re !collection
to consider the period when his Right Hi oi. Friend
entered office upon the lamented death o f Mr. Per.
towel ; and notwithstanding the matiagen tent of the
trick of debate on the part of the Right I inn. Gen-
tleman opposite, he would ask with confidence win -
ther his Right Hon. Friend relaxed few n the great
efforts which the country was called upon fur its
own preservation, and the preservation of Europe at
the time, to make in the common cc use. If the
Right Hon. Gentleman meant to coo alder practi-
cally the state of the nation, and of its finances, he
had the Bank Comm:tire approachia rg, where lie
would have, us he himself admitted, :s full and fair
opportunity of discussing the finances. of the coun-
try. The RIO Hon. Gentleman had, however,
the candour to confess, that a change of Ministers
was his aim and his object.—(Hear .)-11 Adminis-
tration were as culpable and offeir.ling of so old a
date as he seemed to think, why did the Right
Honourable Gentleman so Is mg sleep at his
post--why did he refrain from meeting the
Crown and the Government •pith his motion at
the close almost of the Session, and on the eve of
the discussion of two of the ,roost important ques-
lions which had of late years occupied the attention
of Parliament !—(Hear.)- --Why disturb Parlia-
ment at such a moment wi th his motion ?—(Hear,
hear, from the Oppositi on Benches.)—Did the.
House believe the Right Hon. Gentleman serious
in the view he had taken of this subject ?—did they
believe he started this rJotion from any other motive
than the display of pa rty tactics, in which he was so
admirable a proficient, and which he could not yen-
ta" to Pt"' in the p resent form at all earlier period ?
He (Lord Castlereagh) felt fully confident that
the only object of the motion was to attempt to
embarrass his Majesty's Government on the eve of
the period when 'ne knew his Right Hon. Friend
was irreparett to come forward with his Finance Re-
solutions. By this trick of parliamentary tactics,
lie (Lord C.) e mold not be led into a premature
discussion. Vie trusted his Right Hon. Friend
(the Chancelli rr of the Exchequer) would pursue
the same con ese, and not be dragged, by anticipts-
tMet into tlitj discussion mid disclosure of his finan-
cial projects'', When the proper moment came it
would the! i be time enough to embark in that dis-
cussion, ai ril then the Right Hon. Gentleman op-
posite wo old have a fair opportunity of urging his
view of Ihe state of the nation. ‘Vith reference to
the caw! of the Bank, Ministers had done their
duty. The moment the Bank stated the situa-
tion ',n which they stood, the Government took
the only course open to them, of calling for
a tiurliamentary Committee to probe the whole
sit eject to the bottom. That Committee had
made their Report, and a day was fixed when
'ie House were called Upon generally to express
their sentiments upon it. Having, therefore, put
nut of the present discussion what he considered to
lee the extraneous grounds on which the Right
Hoot. Gentlemen had urged it, he would ptoceed to
narrow what he conceived to he the merits of the
question. He had laid aside the Book case, for
that stood for Monday, and he would touch upon
the grounds of • change of Administration. He
did not complain of a motion for a Committee on
the State of the Nation lor this purpose; it was an
old party motion—very short, certainly, but very
comprehensive for the object. When he replied
upon this topic to the speech of the Right Ho-
stowable Gentleman, he should lament if he were
i cmisidered as pertinaciously arguing fur place
lor power—lie should lament it lie were culisi-
demi as sacrificing Hoy one point of public policy
that the welfare of the totantry called for, for

the wan and paltry gritiflcation of self-interest.
He wished the House and the country to know that
he fully agreed in the h.isis of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman's argument. that the moment the sense of

the nation wits decidedly and unequivocally ex-
pressed against an Admiiiistration, and that it had
lost the cimfidenee of Pirlinment, it ought not to
he suffered to hold its place.—( Hear, fair.)—As n
Mt ulster of the Crown he never wished Parliament

to slumber in their jealous control of public men
and ineaintesi. He did not contend that the fiminces

of the country were on ss gun(' o footing as it were

desirable to have them, but lie would -assert that

they were u well placed as it were I.nsioble for them,
considering the short period of peace which hail
elapsed alter • dre;idinl and momentous period of
financial efforts. He had heard indeed the taunts

of the Right Honourable Gentleman towards the

allirisces which hod been formed with other Si6tes—

he had heard his taunts against the policy of
other Powers, not for overlaying, degrading, and
insulting their people and their neighbours, hut
for securing, as fir as it were possible to secure
them, mutual principles of amity and peace among
each other, which were now happily growing,
as it were wished they would continue to grow,
after the arduous struggles of a perilous war,
He steadfastly and unequivocally drilled that it

had been the policy, in any pant of the system
of continental alliance that had been formed.

to degrade or reeuce the legitimate power of
France—on the contrary, it was the general wish
and anxious desire that she should remain the great
European Power which her geographical situation
intended she should, and that she should remain
prosperous anti happy, anti occupy the apace which
she ought to fill. It was not against France, as is
great nation, that precautionary measures had been
directed—it was against revolutionary France that
England warred wheu circumstances left her with-
out an ally on the Continent—it was against that
t ter of revolution that England had at length
successfully armed Europe, .until it was overthrown
by the common energies.—(Hear, hear.)—The
Right Hon. Gentleman had complained of the re-
duced state of the commerce of the country. He
should not stop to argue that point with him now,
but would merely in passiog remark, that when the
proper time of discussing such a branch of the
country's state arrived, he would be prepared satis-
factorily to chew. that et no period of modern times
had the commerce of the country stood higher than
within the last four years, when it exceeded by one-
third the average amount of the preceding years—an
amount which had received an additional augmen-
tation within the last two years of these four. The
Right Hon. Gentleman complained that Ministers
had not entered into more commercial treaties with
other States. Now he (Lord Castlereagh) thought
that in so doing, they had manifested a wise policy.
Commerce ought to he left. in its general bearings,
to work its own way among States. This he con-
tended for as • general principle, and, above all, he
denounced that unkind and contemptible policy,
which, when England was adjusting her affairs
with other States, would take .advantage of the
situation she filled to dictate ungenerous comruer.
ci 41 principles. He deprecated the principle that,
when England was winding up her energies, as it
were, in the bowels of other States— ( The pecu-
liarity of the Noble Lord's phrase excited laughter
from the Opposition Beriehesf—in the centre of
every other country in Europe, she should at such
a moment have imposed ungenerous conditions
upon the Powers with whom she was making ad-
justments.—(Hear, hear.)—He denied that the
Commercial Treaty with America at all affected the
trade in the Newfoundland fishery in the manner
stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman ; but this
Treaty would, he thought, be considered allowable
as a fit subject for negociation when the particular
trade in question amounted to this country to no
less a sum than 12,000,0001. annually.—(Hear )
He should again revert to the main object of the
motion, namely, a change of Ministers; and on this
point, again he would ray, it was disingenuous to
bring it forward at the close of the Session.—Why
not have have introduced it earlier, in a more manly
and compendious share?—(Hear, hear.)--The
House could not forget the confidence which, for
the last eight years, it had placed in the present
Ministers of the Crown.. There were sonic ques-
tions on which serious differences had certainly ex-
isted, but these were differences not upon principle,
but on the mode of practically applying that prin.
ple ; such was the case respecting the revisiou of the
Criminal Law, and also of the Scotch Burghs. It
was clear then what was the object of the Right Hon.
Gentleman when he talked of a change of Milliliter..
He wished to speak of him with all proper respect
and parliamentary decorum—he had the highest
respect for his talents, and looked upon him as a
bright star in the constellation of the Gentlemen
opposite.—(Hear, hear.)—When the Right Hon.
Gentleman talked of principle regulating the ac.
ceptance of office by public men, he (Lord Castle-
reagh) should like to ark him for • definition of
what he called this principle. Was the Right
Hon. Gentleman's idea of ptinciple to harass and
embarrass every Administration, merely because it
was an Administration ? He did not like to revive
personal rancour by alluding to the conduct of
parties its that House at • former period. He
would appeal to Englishmen, and leave it to
them to decide at which side of the House that
raiicour had been courpictions.—f Hear, hear.)—
lie denied that the Government could be charged
with inconristency respectingabe Pour Laws, for lie
was ready to confess lie saw all the difficulties of
altering the established law on that head. What
then did the Right Hon. Gentleman want ? The
charitable institutions of the country had been
already before Parliament, the Bank currency was
before Parliament, and that question was the pre-
lude to the state of the finances of the country.—
The real state of the business was, that the Right
Hon. Gentleman found, as a party leader, he mutt do
something. But a short time before he found his party,
consisting of massy men or talents undoubtedly,
but the arrangement was so bad, that there were
almost as many leader. us followers. They were,
in fact, a body like the Puidarees (of course
without their sanguinary propensities)--a sort
of loose disorganised force. actively engaged in
desultory warfare and excoriation against every
body who appeared to face them.—(Laughter.)--
The Right Hon. Gentleman had, however, trained
them into something like the disciphoe of regu-
lar troop, from being Piudaters he had limbed

them into the subordination end discipline of a
Mahralta confederacy ;
,they now kept their ranks
well, and moved at the word of command—the
words "eyes right," were scarcely utteird when it
Was at the instent observed, anti the IV big,. for the
first time, seemed almost trained into the observance
of the doctrine of passive obedience.— ( taughter.)—
This was the time then for the Right Honourable
Gentleman to act. His party 'plowed to have
signed a bond of infallibility to their Pope.—
(Laughter.)—At five o'clock they look their seats,
and watched his motions as their I,4(ler—they 114-
tenet' to his word of cm-tunnel, awl na the Irettr•hrs
throes to-ni4ht, no man dared to (put his seat even
for the refreshment which so inns.:, persiiiiml mixtety
and exhaustion required —they were almost 'twirls
of military discipline in this tulle of peace.—
(Laughter.)—The Right Honourable Gentlemen,
with his usual acuteness, saw that with such troops
this was the hour of action.—(Year, hear, from the
Opposition Beecher.)—He saw that when the Bank
question came on, he would have to encounter
insubordination among their ranks. and he deter-
mined with great address to cover their anticipated
retreat at that moment, by attempting at the pre-
sent to appear to make a steml with something like
a 4hsw of strength.—(Hear, and much langhter.)—
Of a different nature, he must add, with some de-
gree of earnestness, were the troops on which he
(Lord Castlereagh) had to rely. They ought to
hike example by the conduct of their oppouents—
they ought to recollect that they had driven the
army opposite from the field—they ought to recol-
lect that they had supported the present Adinini-
stration throughout an arduous contest, against
all tar taunts and all the omens. and the strong ef-
Inrts of their opponents—they ought, he repeated, to
copy the subordination and tactics of the Gentlemen
opposite, on questions of great national moment.
" My army." said the Noble Lord, " becomes.
from relaxation like other armies which have long
lain in good quarters, and been nursed in the lap
of indolence, unfit at the instant for active ser-
vice—(Shouts of hear, hear, and laughter, from
the Opposition Benches)—but they will, I hope, see
the necessity of acting as a disciplined body, now that
their opponents are so well marshalled." He pro-
ceeded to state that he should indeed wonder if the
supporters of Administration, throughout all the
arduous and momentous periods of the contest
which they had terminated so gloriously, should
now desert their colours when the danger was over
and the victory complete.—( Hear, hear.)—He
should indeed wonder if they now deserted their own
principles. He claimed from them, for their own
sakes, the support of their own principles. They
had indeed of late been outwitted by superior tac-
tics in point of numbers in some subordinate ques-
tions—hut in none of those divisions could he (Lord
C.) trace any positive accession of strength to the
forces of the Rt. MM. Gentleman opposite. In those
divisions, and he had examined them carefully* he
could trace very few new names—he could discover
no new support to the principles which appeared to
actuate the Gentlemen at the opposite side of the
House. He trusted that on this occasion both
sides of the House would speak out.—(Hear.)—lf
the object of one party be to abandon the Govern-
ment which it hitherto supported, and of the other
to ouppl•nt it, mad supply its place—then he would
say, let the effect be openly brought about—let it
appear to be transacted in the face of day like men,
and on broad and manly principles—(Lord cheers.)
—let the supporters of Government say they had
changed their principles—let them withdraw in en
open and iegeuuous manner, if any of them so
wished—and then let the popularity of the pre-
sent Government be fairly estimated. This would
be the proper and manly course of proceeding, and
not by a side wind, and the artifice of tactic and
maiissurre, to assail the measures of hie Majesty's
Government in a manner which precluded them
from the adequate means of self-defence. If the
object were to disqualify the present Ministers from
filling the situations they held. the Right Hon.
Gentlemsa should, by • specific motion, have
brought that question to issue. If his object were
to reduce chaos to order, he ought to be specific—
his charge should be defined—and theis the Minis-
ters could put their case to the country, between
themtelves and the Right Hon. Gentleman, and
take its sense upon the confidence which it poe.
seated from the people at large.—(Hear. hear.)
Mr. WILLIAM LAMS begged to state the 'awl
sous why he should give his vote for the motion a
his Right Hon. Friend. He did not feel himself
competent to follow the Noble Lord through his
long details, or the humorous allusions in which
he had indulged during, the last half hour of hie
speech. The Noble Lord had charged his Right
Hon. Friend with dexterity in debate, but lie at the
same time strangely committed himself in following
the example which he so much deprecated.—
He had asserted that during the perilous momenta
of the late war it had been the practice of the Op-
position to trammel the Ministers in,the conduct of
that arduous war: this he unequivocally denied.—
(Hear. hear, frees she Opposirion.)—There had
been, it was true, differences of opinitin as to the
conduct of that war, and as to the polipy of conti-
nuing it, hut Ministers never had been trammelled
as to the means for conducting it. Nobody com-
plained of the financial measures which were ren-
dered necessary by the exigency of the case during
the period of the war. What his Right Hon. Friend
and the public, to whom the Noble Lord made so
confident an appeal, complained of was, that no ef-
forts had been adequately made since the peace to
recruit the exhausted finances of the c.(utitry, and
give them by economy and proper superintendence
that efficacy and renovating vigour which they
ought to give to the state of the met,-s of the
country. He complained, that in the financial ar-
rangetnents of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer), present rape-
diency. rather than an enlarged and comprehensive
view of the general means of the country, had
governed his measures. He fully concurred in the
construction put upon the present motion by the
Noble Lord opposite, that its evident tendency was
fur a change of Ministers : lie concurred in the ne-
cessity and propriety of this change. All their
finance schemes, by issues of Exchequer bills to
lessen the interest of money, had failed ; their ea-
pedients had defeated their expectations, and the
country at length found itself the sufferer. He
admitted that the prominent individuals who corn..
cPlterecd the Ministry
4'aiiildnisuthryo whaedre Imioeulo)uorerbliyheatibr steaploristsraltey

disclt•irged their public duties under the mo,l cri-
tical circumstances.° The Hou. Ortitkutan ;heti

enutueruted the leading Member. nt. the present
A4l %twines. and paid them the tribute to winch
. . _

he conceived them entitled for the manner in whirls

they hod generally fulfilled their public duties.—
Ministers must acknowledge that the confidence or
the country is necessary to be possessed by pi lilic
men. If sny unpopularity of the Ministers attend
theist in consequence of the war, and the Principle*
of Mr. Pitt, that nopopularity comes too late.
M,iny who now coed. the war, who cry not
avaiiist the principles of Mr. Pitt, and who recur
were the advocates of the very mensores
which have brought nowt the country as much
misfortune. As to the unpopularity of :Minis-
ters, !hit may he traced to several causes.
It was owing to the failure of the tnearis of in-
Airetice, to the loss of revenue, atid the diminution
of places. In England, a state of peace is one of
embarrassment—it is then that the account of a
long war is to he wound up—it is then that influ-
ence must decay. The Ministers do not possess the
confidence of the country, nor of the House.
Parliament. he said, manifested during the Sestina
distrust of the mi:).hty and intentions of Ministers.
Why otherwise have they appointed Committees on
every occasion, an unconstitutional and ineffectual
mode of proceeding, in Which the energy Of
public men is lost. and responsibility of Ministers
is removed t As to the subject of econo:ily, con-
sidering the great Mount of the deb', tt was, lie
said, a delusion to talk of any great reduction of
the public burdens. lie did not, he said, tee how
far economy may go, but considering the debts, and
the necessary expenses of the Civil Motel ttt wit, it
would but disappoint the people to direct their
hopes to any material relief from any plan of
economy. But surely, he said, whatever economy
may be accomplished, it was not to be expected
through a Committee, that was • mode through
which any principle of ecouomy could not be established.
He objected entirely to the members of the Government,
to their unsteady proceedings, and to their discordant and
disunited Cabinet. The Noble lard talked of the Union of
Opposition, he would to God be saw something of that union
in the councils of Miniseist—(hear)—They leave incl.
sure of importance unsupported; they leave the Poor Laws,
important as they are, unexplained, they fled from the dia.
cussion of that measure though it was their first duty to
attend it. Feeling as he did, he was afraid to vote for Mini-
sters; he had no confidence iu any plan of Finance th, Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer might bring forward; he did Nut see
that It was possible to increase the rennin ; he did not
hope that any plan of the Right Hon. Gentleman would be
attended with success. The Government was without uniau
and without system, it was moat injurious to the country.
On these grounds he would vote for the motion; it was
brought on to consider the state of the country, of the
state of the finances ; to ascertain, too, whether Parliament
invalid any longer endure the meanirea of Ministers, who
have lost all confidence with the country, and Meta amongst
themselves.
Lord CLIFTON spoke shortly against the motion.
Mr. ft. MARTIN said, if this be a contest fur poem, he
called oo the leaden at the other side, fairly to sky into the
arena, and to meet the Noble Lord face to face.—(.4 lattok )
—He called on Centimes' at the other aide to give the names
of the Members of the Administration they wonld form ; the
House would then understand them. If the Opposition were its
earnest, if they were true patriots, they would fairly tell
Ministers what measures they thick likely to tend to the
public good; but if not, he thought it looked
like a quack to say, that they had a nostrum which they
would sot disclose unless they were rewarded with a place.
As to the popularity of the present Admmistratiou, he
stood for a large county in Ireland, and succeeded with the
standard of Government in his hands.
Mr. W. WYNN complained of the uncertain and unsteady
conduct of Ministers. tldestiona of vital importance to the
country were abandoned by them, or they were drivels
to a reluctant and partial consideration of them.—
The Home, it was true, bad taken up the consideration
of questions of finance, of the Penal Code, of the
Catholic Cause, and other important measures; out mit one
of them was taken up by Administration. He had, he
said, notwithstanding, great objections to vote fur the
motion, because at this moment it would be incur'.
venient to adopt it. But, on the other hand, be could not
declare that he had any confidence in Ministers. The Hon.
Gentleman, in conclusion, expressed himself alrbost inclined
to move the previous question.

Lord boom Rusatt.t. maid, that the country had no respect
or esteem whatever for the present Ministers. As to the re-
ply of the Noble Lurd to his Right Hun. Friend, he did not
are how it went to vindicate the conduct of Ministers or
to satisfy the country. The Noble Lord had said, that
the late war was commenced against revolutionary France.
lithe Noble Lord meant the principles of the Revolution,
the object of the wsr worse than failed, fur those princi.
pies, as slated in Mr. Burke's *silk, were now more active,
more prevalent, and mote strong in Filmier, than they had
been for the last 15 years. They were she principles of li-
berty, and he was rejoiced to see them triumph over
the efforts of corruptiou and of power. He could not
help thinking that a sum of ale hundred millions
spent is the last war—a war which had no other result than
placing the present Royal Family of France on the throne—.
was too large a sae for England to expend un such an ob-
ject. But it was the consequence of that system which had
so long and so unhappily governed England, and which re-
duced her from a proud station to one of embarrassment, of
distress, and misfortune. It was not the least bitter of the
many sad refleet iota of Eugliihnsee to think that the borate-
ful Powers which throughout the contest she assisted, she le
now disliked and injured by those very Powers—she is shot
out Goa their ports and lost to their frieudship. He al.
bided, be said, particularly to Austria nod to Spain. On
the Poor Laws, which was touched this night, he would
say a word or two. He recollected it was said by the tie
Mr. Wetter, that the Poor Laws had the effect of reducing.
the people toe state of villaioage, a declarants's lb whicit Ire
entirely agreed. Thep were calculated to demoralise the
people ; to deprive them of the proud feelitsgs of tudepend.
lace which their ancestors cherished ; and to make them
formidable only to she Goveinment under which they lier.
It had been said that the Opposition were loultiog fur
places; if places were their object, they would look for then'
lat another way. It hail been said that the motion did not
warfare auy specific point—it embraced the subjtct of
Amore; and the House had now to consider 'whether
would take a *regular plan of flosmer, to be *.bwnitted tU
them, gr whether they would take the chaster of itie exist.
die** eat might be proposed by an unsteady Minister.
Mr. biscuits spoke against the motion. He considered
it a Mile contest fur place.
Sir F Buabert said, the subject *ow under cedsidtra.
thou was so wide, it imelsided so Many objects of import-
awe, too the judgment was puzzled which topic was roost
vital. Whether he looked to the elate of our Sonnet:a
offo4s, to the state of the poor, or whether he tamed Lis
attentios to view other objects, every coosideratios was of
fearful importance, and It was Impossible to compeers, them
tato m narrow point. If this etwotiois had merely Cur ita on.
ject, Whether this set of men or that were to forms the Allow.
nietrattou.'he, for one, wohla feel sui.great anxiety about Its
. . .
of

rote, consluced as be.wai that a clia;ire of mes:wliliont •
change of system, would be of little good to the people.
The Noble Lord had talked of the state of excellent disci-
pline In *hide °militated were who sat at this aide of ilia
Humes, He (fler Frinscis) did not know whether " chaos Isii4
come again, " but area though i mere Piranha, be would
mature on a hit observations, sot very felicitous how they
-alight be received by either party, and mitiowe awry N kdoil
to the point of truth. The obaervssion• which had "slims
from the Noble Lard (Russell), foe whom he Nit blotto
public admiratimi and 'lineage regard, he yet wised say, lust
he thought hisithseristions this sight peculiarly unfurtuasti.

~4.