The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1803-05-25 00:00:00

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word " desire:l as used by the lien. Gentleman to
whom I allude; so far from that being an appropri.•.
ate expression, the fads I have mentioned, on the
contrary, amount to a positive, absolute breach of
the Treaty of Amiens, such as does produce on our
part a legitimate cause of war. The moment we
see the least indication of hostility on the part of
another power, we are justified in taking those mea-
sures which will enable us to meet that hostility.
Where, in the present instance, is that proof of hos-
tility to be found? Ask Bonaparte. What did he
conceive the first leadiag.step to the conquest of
Egypt ? The possession of Malta. What was ne-
cessary tb prevent his keeping Egypt ? That which
he thought necessary to the accomplishment of
its conquest—Malta. But it is said,. ;lett are
bound by your treaty of peace to evacuate it
you had evacuated it, you would have 'been
justified in attacking it for the purpose of re-
taking it. Will any man then say, that what you
might have attacked for the purpose of retaking,
in case you had given up, you are not justified in
retaining ! Now, Sir, till any body will furhish
nie with a clear distinetion beteeen these two cases,
I must rejea the belief that either of them can he
disproved. Ido not see what possible* difference
there can be between our retaining Make, ia conse-
quence of our finding the French have been guilty
of a breach of the treaty, and our endeavotinag to
get possession of it by force if we had given it up,
which we should most certainly have had a right to
have done. I profess lam not inclined to enter
into any minute discussion as to the construetion of
the tenth article of the Treaty of Amiens, and it is
only necessary to my argument to state thus
much, and no more. I state, that if we had
signed the treaty, and bound ourselves to deliver
Malta, and we had refused so to have done,
there might have been alledgcd against u'i a
breach ci the treaty, prior to that on the part of
the French Republic ; but much as 1 question the
propriety of the article, I think it is impossible there
should be a clear proof made out by which the
French can claim of us the execution of that article.
That it was difficult to execute, nay, that it was
impossible of execution, was one of the arguments I
used when the subjea was considered in this House.
If there was a beisafJe difficulty on the subjea then,
I say we were not wrongtnl retainers of the island
we were hi psssessien of, Malta, in consequence of
the impossibility of the execution of the article for
giving it up; and, therefore, as it was impossible to
comply with the letter of the treaty, there was no
wrong in dcoarting from the letter, and construing
the treaty according to its spirit. I feel that all
thr.)e matters have been dwelt on with more
force' by other Gentlemen; but I thought it ne.
cessa:'y to say thus much' as I had a strong opi-
nion on the subjett. On the point of our right of
war, I contend that there never was a penod in
the annals of our history when we had, in point
of justice, so many irresistible grounds of going to
war, as seem to exist a'. the present moment I am
addressing you. It may be necessary to say one or
two words ou the subjea of expediency : a right of
war may exist, and yet there may be circumstances
of expediency so as to make it doubtful whether
Parliament ought to recommend the prosecution of
the war, or take measures to put an end to it. But.
Sir, are there, or arc there not, sufficient grounds of
expediency for carrying on*
the war, to be found at
the present moment. You say, that not to admit
the situation in which the country will be placed by
the war, which is now arising, is a situation danger-
ous in the extreme, and pressing in the most urgent
manner on the comforts of the people, would be to
disguise the truth. But what is the true way of
considering the question of expediency ? We are
placed in a situation where our choice is a choice
great evils; but before we can determine on
the expediency of changing it for a 5..:11C of war,
let us see what we lose by so doing ? Is it a
state of peace at present ?—(general ra•Jamatilni of
her !
.hear !). Will any man say, that we have
exchanged a state of peace for that of war. We
arc changed, from an unsafe and unequal truce,
to a contest, in which we are challenged to meet
denge; ; yet, with the hearts, minds, and souls of
Eugli,:.nien, we can bravely look danger in the
fare, and hope to see a glorious result from daring
it. But what do we sacrifice by going to war ? Do
we sacrifice thet state, ohich any man can think va-
luable, or useful, or desireable, for us to continue in ?
It we were governed by the very worst ministers
that ever were seen in the country, I would ask,
Whether they could possibly wish that it should
longer suffer under a state of protraifted negotiation,
as it has experienced during the last two months.
I would ask whether, during the last two months,
we could be described as enjoying a state of peace ?
May it not rather be considered as a period includ-
ing all the inconveniences, and, I may say, almost
all the expences, of war, without affording us any
opportunities of availing ourselves of those chances
in our favour, which we might derive from an ac-
tual state of war. It was an insidious truce,
in which you was unarmed, and your ene-
my was armed—an enemy, whose views of conquest
urged them to make new demands, who spread
theuoelves in military array for the purpose of
watching an opportunity of making a grand attack
upon your country. Are we to weit, without
giving credit to the designs of the French, till they
come and land hew, having completed all their
dispositiosts and plans of attack. and ja.efeeted their
meats of carrying them into execution. We owe it
to our charaCter and our honour to look the danger
in the face, and to take those means which God and
nun Las given us for our own defence. It has been
frequently said, that in the unsatisfeetory situation.
of Lurope. it is urfortunate to see. the state of advan-
tage in which France it pieced, and the state of
denger of the other parts of the Continent, and
therefore that there ought to be a greatehenge in
the relative situatior. of the differe. t countries of
Europe, before we undertook to enter upon another
war. Thu best illustration I can give with regard
to that part of the subjeet is, what I am about to
mention. We lied scarce arrived at that point yes-
terday at which we were called upon to defer•the
debate till to-day, when we were desired to look
to that great public event by which, within the
last mouth, this empire has,. by the mere intimation
of its resistance to the ambition, of France, obtained
a great, glorious, and important conquest-1 mean
the cession of Louisiana. I cannot think any. man
will think the ceeeion of Louisiana is a proofof the
retnra a seatiouuto of moderation on the part of
the Frocb GOnsul ; I cannot imagine that anyone
will, burg himself k indicata.Cne ray of modera.
two m the naiad of that pes2• conqueror f or

Ire has said to lslasself, " I must Escharge the debt
of trues and justice ; 1 must forego my pretensions
to Louisiana, as the sr4proOf of my return to what
is callM aiproof Of my moderation." What has been
the cause of the cession of Louisiana ? What but
the apprehension of the rupture with this country.
However paradoxical it ray appear, I do considerts
the cession of that country the most unequivOcal
proof of the hostile mind of the First Consul.--
What has urged him to do it but the hope of
doing away the chances of the hostility of one
nation ? Of making the forces of that nation
part of his military array, and of withdrawing
from this country that assistance, which es's.
dently it must have received, had France persisted
in her design of taking possession of Louisiana. It
is not an hopeless view of the contest-to considers
that Bonaparte has felt himself compelled, by the
mere appearance of hostility on our part, to forego
a measure which he had before determined to carry
into efea. Is it not important that the different
power: of the Continent should see that there is in
this country a spirit to resist, and. a forwardness in
seeking for and consolidating all means of resists
ance to the overgrown and misdireded power of that
great empire Fiance. It is said we are without al-
lies. I will not dwell upon that part of the subjedk;
but I trust there is no one who hears me who is dis-
posed to doubt, at this moment, the propriety of our
obtaining, at any erpence (hear! boar!) the co-oper-
ation and assistance of continental allies. It has
been said, how can you resist the French empire
without allies. We have formerly heard of the
necessity of preserving the balance of power,
in Europe, while it existed. If it be true, that a
system of foreign alliances is of so much import•
ance, when we find it ready made to our hands, PI
do not see how it is possible for the same mind to
conceive or say, that that which is important when
made, it is not important to make; how arc you
effea the restoration of that balance of power ? By
inviting the powers of Europe to assist your endea-
vours, and by chewing that you are ready to meet
and repel the ambitious designs of France. Now,
Sir, I think I have troubled the House with nearly
all that is necessary for me to say ; I have only one
word to add as to the amendment—what I began

with I must repeat—that it did appear to me, and
does appear to me, that in the present arduous and
critical moment, there can he no duty more incum-
bent on every man in this House, than to speak the
sense of the country (violent acclamations) and to
shew that we speak it unanimously, there is no sa-
crifice I would not make, in order to obtain the et-
pression of this House on the present important
subjed, with perfca unanimity—(Hear ! He.. r .1) If
then, Sir, I see in the present amendment no real
difference with reference to the address, must I
not wonder, as well as lament, that there should be:
an amendment proposed, which is calculated to do
all the injury arising from want of unanimity, with-
out the possibility of being attended with any coun-
tereding advantage. I could wish that an amend-
ment should not have been proposed, the effect of
which must be that of weakening the general una-
nimity of the House. In this view of the ste-jed, I
cannot but say, that although there is no: a word of
the amendment I should not heartily subscribe to,
yet seeing that there is no great and seastantial
ground of difference between the terms e: it and the
original address, I cannot but lament that any con-
sideration whatever should have prevented the ex-
treme and powerful effed, which could♦ not fail be-
ing produced, by Parliament speaking ttis day with
one unanimous voice. The country is at this moment
called to an arduous situation, but I have such con-
fidence in the minds, hearts, and' spirits of the peo-
ple, that I have no doubt, that great as the pres-
sure is, there will be found means, minds and spirits,
by the exertion of which this contest will be brought
to a fortunate issue. If the country is true to itself
in exerting its resources with unanimity, and if Par-
liament is true to the country in seeing that the means
supplied by its generosity and patriotism are faith-
fully administered, we shall, I am persuaded, come
out of this contest with an increase of glory and na-
tional lustre, and with the satisfy lion of having ad-
ded to she honour, dignity, and chareder of the
country, and by our efforts established its permanent
security.
Mr. WHITBREAD, after apologizing for his
troubling the House, observed, that the Hon. Gen-
tleman who spoke last, had called for a unanimous
vote on this and the last night's debate. He was
equally desirous of calling for that vote, which,
in point of fad, would be a vote of substantial
unanimity ; for he was well persuaded that the
whole House were ready to support his Majesty in
prosecuting the war in which he had found it ne-
cessary to engage, and to assist him by the sacri-
fice of their lives and fortunes. The lion. Gen-
tleman had told the House there was nothing, save
his honor, he would not sacrifice for the purpose pf
unanimity. He put it to the Hon. Gentleman, and
to the House, whether it was possible to come unani-
mously to a vote, expressing unqualified approbation
of the condua of his Majesty's Ministers. Conceiv-
ing that part of the paragraph in the original address
did not contain such approbation of his Majesty's
Ministers, he felt impossible to acquiesce in it. He
could not in his conscience say, that his Majesty's
Ministers had been uniform with regard to their
endeavours to preserve peace ; and he called on the
Honourable Gentlemen, who had just sat down, to
say whether his Majesty's Ministers had or had not,
in point of fad, concluded themselves well. If they
had Atfted with uniformity in their endeavours to
preserve peace kith France, they must have been
.equally uniform in committing the interest and ho-
nour of this country. His Majesty's Ministers and
the country had committed themselves, tty refusing
to take notice of the insults and aggressions on the
part of France. If the Hon. Gentleman who had
spoke last could not approve of this comfit& on the
part of his Majesty's Ministers, it followed that he
cosid not approve of that paragraph which went
generally to justify their condud ; therefore he
trusted that those who were desirous of unanimity
fur giving support to his Majesty, would afford
him a pledge that they wers ready to sacrifice their
lives and fortunes in his cause; but he also hoped
.they would not express their approbation of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, who, he'was of opinitin, had not
done their duty. He trusted the I louse would in-
dulge him with a few observations oa this night's
debate; and though it was far from his wish to
trespass long on the time of the House, yet lie found
it impossible to consider the subjed in that narrow
point of view to which the Honourable Gentleman,
who had last spoke, had confined himself ; he could
not seaside: this as. a question abstracted from tile

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of his M.kier,ty's Ministers. He '
whztevee Might he his feelings on
parties. in this House, he felt himself,
'-oli from

• , ~,

gt neral coot
professed, the,
the seibje& of r t,ase, .
'on the presefit occasion; wholly free _ every
party. , He had, on the preceding evening, hailed
the arrival of a Right Honourable Gentleman op-
posite to him (Mr. Pitt) as an happy omen. When
he came last night into the House, he waited with
anxiety to hear what he should say. He was ready
to do ample justice to the brilliance of his display
of eloquence ; but, in proportion to his admiration
of that eloquence, his regret was deep at the view
he had taken of the subeeei. He had observed,
that, in one person only, was absorbed the power of
the immense empire of France. When a war, on
which might depend the fate of mankind, which
might lead to events which couldnotbectintemplated
without horror, or to successes of the most brilliant
nature. If it was true, that the destinies of Europe
hung on the lips of one person, it was from the part
that Hon. Gentleman had taken, with regard to the
politics of the Continent. He should have been most
happy had lie found List night, that he had been
actuated by sentiments of a different nature ; the
Hon. Gentleman entreated the House to review the
situation in which the country was placed. He said,
he had had the misfortune of frequently speaking
on the unpopular side of the question, yet though he
felt that his sentiments were not consonant to those
of the majority of the House, yet as be felt them to
be the sentiments of the country at large, it was his
duty not to be deterred from expressing them.
Mr. WHITBREAD said, that wh-...n the Message
was delivered, the sentiments expressed by the Hon.
Gentleman and colleagues, was far from being saris-
faaory to him. In another debate on that subject,
lie pressed for a setisfaelory communication, and if
he understood right, a satisfaaory explanation was
promised. The subjed of Switzerland wes ably at id
eloquently urged in this House already, and he
could say that his feelings were as strong as any
Gentleman's on that occasion. But how did his
Majesty's Ministers a.t in this business ? There was
a deputy from that unhappy people at Paris, who
applied to the Ministers of the dibrent Govern-
; meats resident there, requesting their interference ;
but the application was unnoticed by any but the
British Minister, who wrote to Lord Hawkesbury
on the subjea. His Lordship then sent Mr. Moore
on a mission to Switzerland, with irrevocable instruc-
tions to instigate a war.' He did not pretend to say
that. Switzerland was not a ground for war, but he
would say that Ministers had risked a war at a time
-when they could not be in possession of the result of
Mr. Moore'e mission. His Majesty's Minister had
declared at that period that there was no risk of a
breech of the Treaty of Amiens ; for his part he
did lea pretend to he a very great judge, but he
thought that supplying of arms, arreenunition, and
anoney, against France, was strong grounds for sup-
posing a breach of treaty was in contemplation.
With regard to the Cape, it appeared that the Hon;
Gent. sent out orders, first to evacuate, afterwards to
retain it, and then to evacuate it again. He mentions
this to shew the conduet of Ministers, for it does not
appear that any orders had been issued to retain
Egypt ; and it certainly appeared extraordinary,
that' Ministers, when they sent orders to retain the
Cape, did not take the additional step of securing
that country. On the 10th of December, the Ho-
nourable Gentleman informed the House, that the
country was in no danger of going to war, and very
soon atter the King's Message was brought down ;
and he had here to observe, that no explanation had
been given by Ministers on that subjeet, though re-
peatedly urged to it. If -Ministers had waited a
little longer, they would have learned that Louisi-
ana, which was stated as another ground for war,
was ceded to America—it would operate as a check
to sear. As to the general feeling of the country, he
was confident it was against war. He was certain
there was not one in the country would put up with
an insult ; bin, with regard to the insults which had.
been alledged, he would confine hiMself to a very
few points. And, first, with respeet to the demand
respeeling the liberty of the press, he admitted it
was a subjea sufficient to excite contempt, but nogg
ground for war. As to the next point adverted to,
respeeling the commercial agents of France, there
was no doubt but it was a subjea of suspicion ; but,
did his Majesty's Ministers do their duty ?—if they
did not send those agents out of the country, they
had not done their duty. It was in their power to
have done so ; but we heard nothing on the subjed,
until it was now brought forward as a ground for
war. Then: was another point which claimed at-
tention—lt seemed that Ministers had been cal-
led on, to send certain persons, obnoxious to
the French Government, out of this coun-
try. He was as anxious as any Gentleman could
be with regard to the maintaining the charac-
ter of the hospitality of the country, which there was
no doubt should not be violated ; but when the. Noble
Lord Made this statement he was of opinion that
the names of the individuals alluded to should also
have been mentioned for the information of the
House. The Noble Lord, it is true, had written
a very able dispatch on that subjea, but which was
nevertheless unsatisfaCtory to his mind. We now
come to the subjeet of aggrandizement on the part
of 1, ranee. The Hon. Gentleman who spoke early,
and who was in the minority on the. question of
Peace, spoke against it as reit willing to trust to
France at that time. But how did Ministers aft ?
Holland was made a contracting party to the Treaty
of Amiens, by Which her independence was secured. I
• With regard to that country, it seems various repre-
sentations had been made by the Noble Lord and'
his colleagues, and excuses offered, and Louisiana:
the cause assigned ; but even if that was the catine •
for assembling troops in Rolland, there was less ere.
cuse on the part of his Majesty's Ministers; for be
would ask, Was there any formal remonstrance
made on that occasion, and how was it possible that •
Ministers could have abstained from remonstrance

on a subjeet so dear to the interests of the country ?
He does not believe any remonstrance had been
nude ; and on reconsideration of several parts of
the treaty, he was of opinion that the admission
of French troops into Holland was not sufficient
grounds for war. The Honourable Member again
alluded to the case of Switierland, which he observed
was in possession of French troops after the Treaty of
Amiens, in violation of all treaties. But why was
not this then held out by Ministers as a cause of-
war? An iidn. Gentleman who spoke before him,
mentioned the Italian aggrandizement. But no
mention had been made of the King of Sardinia,
who was driven in so unexampled a manner from
his pOsiesiioll4. The affair of Piedmont was also
alluded to it en atvaneoxed on 41 part 4 France;-

•
•• - • 4.. " 44. IMP 11111.164
••••

Aut be would ask what difference there was between
lein entire annexation to France, or making it barely
,speilitary department. A distinction had been made
lorith regard to the Isle of Elba, of Mama and Pla-
centia, that the occupancy of France implied only
its protedion ; but in point of lea, Piedmont, Pal -
;nta, andTlacetstia, were at the time of the Treaty of
Amiens in possession of France. He begged leave
to object to some positions of the Noble Lord, as es-
pressed in his speech of last night. The Noble Lord
said, Is there no country that would take up the
cause of another nation injured and distressed ? He
would answer, that in such cases as those-of Swi:-
zerland and Sardinia, no person could be more wile
ling to enter into the contest than he would be; but
as to continental wrongs, as far as it regardfd the
Ger Man indemnities, and which had been diiiin-
guished by the names of robbery and plunder, he
would ask, Did the Noble Lord, or his colleague.,
;aster any remonstrance against those indemnities ?
`But as to the continental wrongs,.io Cod's name let
inus know if that was the objet of the war. Let us
of raise the spirit of the nation en false grounds,.
but let us know the acknowledged objea. With
regard to Malta, the Noble Lord in his speech of
Mast night descanted on the tricks of France to evade
'the stipulations of the Treaty of Amiens ; bat dur-
ing all those difficulties Malta was still in possession
.of England, and as long as those difficultiev conti-
nued, so long would Malta remain in our pbssessioo.
The Hon. Gentleman-had said, that the hostile dis-
position of France did not appear so much from the
papers which it must be acknowledged were insult-
ing, as from the mission of Sebastiani. But Govern-
ment had been in possession of the knowledge
of Sebastiani's mission; in fad he had an inter-
view with General Stewart in Egypt.. We are
not t'b draw erounds for war on the sepeusi-
tt
tion that the First Consul had designs on Egypt.
Sebastiani's report, he admitted, was insulting to the
officer commanding in Egypt, but he contended it
did not go to the extent mentioned by the Hon.
Gentleman. As to Egypt, he was of opinion, that
on consideration of the ambitious charader of the
First Consul of France, the honour won by the Bri-
tish on the plains of Egypt, must ever remain nn-
pressed on his mind.. It was saki by Ministers,
that they knew the designs of the First' Gerard
on Egypt; what then die they do to prevent it?
By the Treaty of Amiens, Malta was to be given
up to Neapolitan troops. And, as far as he
could learn it, was the general feeling of the At-
my and Navy, that we made Malta completely
French, when we put it in possession -of Naples,
which was evidently under the infiugnce of France.
He had conceded this principally from the statement
of a gallant officer (General Maitland) which left
'him in no doubt as to its correctness. With regard
to the observations of an Hon. Gentleman who spoke
before him, and who said, as Malta was the key to
Egypt, it would be right to take it, even had the sti-
hipulations been accomplished; but he would ask
that Hon. Gentleman, if he would break through a
solemn treaty which would involve the country in
war with three euatanteeing powers. With regard'
P
to the stress laid on the conversation of the First
Consul, he was ready to admit that the power of
the First Consul was like a liquid fire deviating
every thing it approached ; but notwithstanding ifie-
plenitude of power which he possessed; it mast
be admitted that he was a man, subjea to gusts of
passion like other men, and on that account hut
conversation was not such an objea of attention,
—The First Consul stated his desire for possessing
Malta, but at the same time obServed, that he
should not go to war fur Egypt ; he also in:
timated, that in the event of the dissolution . Of
the Turkish 'Empire, it was. probable that Egyist
would fall into the hands of France. The Hoe,
Gentleman had said such a declarition was tan-v
tamount to a declaration of war. Bat he would'
ask, if we did not know that the Empress of Russia'
had not entertained similar views On the Turkish'
Empire ? he was also ready to ask, if the partition of
Poland was not in unison with those views 1 but he
would ask if this was the first time of hear-.
ing those particulars ? He admitted that the con.'
versation of the First Consul was cause of suspicion,'
but the subjea not new ; it was well known at
the time of signing the Treaty of Amiens. And
what does Mons. Talleyeand say ? The First Condi)
is willing to give every security with regard to'
Egypt, though not willing to do so with regard to
Malta. He said it appeared that there was a pro-
jed given in to guarantee the article respeeting Mal-
ta, by Russia excepting what regards the establish-
ment of a Maltese Langue. He understood that a
• document had arrived this morning, containing in-
telligence that Count Markoff had dispatched a note
to the French Government, expressive of the anxiety
of Russia to conciliate the differences of the two Go.
vet-laments, but that no arrangements could take
place as long as the Maltese Lague was allowed.
A Right Hon. Gentleman had said, that Colonel
Sebastiani had been sent out for the express isurpose
of refuting a statement made in a British publication.
[Here Mr. Pitt across the house observed, that he
did not say that such was the ground of his ohjec-
• don, but that his observation was founded on the
impropriety of die. original ad of sending Colonel
Sebastiani on that mission.]
Mr. WHITBREAD again observed, that . it. ,
appeared the report was made to shoe the siteeptibts'
of Sebastiani to refdte the statement of Vritish;
.publication. There was another point in which he
would admit that his Majesty's Ministers had sided
"with spirit ;* he alliided to the publication 'of Rein;.•
lhard at Hamburgh. He argued against the folly
;:efour eseasenting to give Malta to Russia, when u e
'new Russia would not accept of it. He then alb.-
*tied to a note from Talley rand to Lord Whitworth,
in which the First Consul expressed, that as Russ4'
I , .
would net undertake the guarantee of Malta, unless
,le Maltese Langue was done away ; he had no ob-
laiesd—• ioneo any measure for adjusting that point. He
;s,tliOtight Ministers had not availed themselves of this
•
:to prevent wars- He thought it was not yet ton late
e
'..for mediation: As to the po* of recognizing, the
' tCisalpirie and -Ligurien Reperlhes, it was: a futile •
objection ; foi we knew the First:Cousul IrAlet*.the
:head of these governments when the treaty Was con. -
;Cluded. He apologized for trespassing so long on
?the House, and concluded by an earnest wish for the
Ipreservation of peace. ... .
• Mr. DALLAS Said, the,que4ioix
,S,..t*O-fol4.
i Some Gentlemen think Ministers Shasta: hoe. taken
`;stand sooner against the aggrandizententsef trance.
Other Gentlemen contend, that there was no just
grounds for "Wilt ; if. he witlettstood =he-Noble Se•
cretary of State aright; he %Vag of Opinion, that
the adkiress.m7is jpstified by *papas ou tile tableil

-The amendment pmpssed by the Hon. Gentleman
went to omit the most
particular parts of the ad-
' dress ; for can any man deny the spirit of ambition
.iend aegrendizement manifested by France, and
.yet that amendment goes to destroy that part which
..marled the indignation of this country against that
• spirit of ambition. He possessed what he trusted
would be considered an honest partiality to his
Majesty's Ministers ' • they had concluded a peace
which was acknowledged on all sides as desirable.
And he thoughr it reasonable to suppose that men
leould be iaelined, if possible, to maintain a peace
which they themselves had concluded. He came
to the c•atiiiieration of the papers with another
feeling, to see that the country was in the right.
Tle stated that the firmness and moderation of Mi-
nisters were too manifest to require his culogium.
It was not his intention to detain the House with a
long detail of events, but he would briefly review
the cocaina of Ministers since the peace, and even
every step taken 'hewed their anxiety to inforce
the Treaty of Amiens, while every step on the
part of France evinced evasion, delay and prevari-
cation. He would not detail the evidence of that
hOstile mild so often mentioned in the course of the
jdiscussion. But as to the mission of Sebastiani, no
aluubt of a design on Egypt as its objea. He con-
cluded by observing that it was not Malta alone, it
was not Egypt alone, it was not India alone, but it
was the safety and independence of the British Em.
Lire that was the ground of the war we were enter.
erg on.
• General Maitland, Mr. Serjeant Best, and Mr.
Elliot, severally supported the address.
Mr. CANNING rose and said, his opinion upon
the subje.t of the present debate was similar to
that of the Noble Lord who had moved for the
Address; he expressly declined entering upon the
tot:dual of Mieisters, anal oLserved, that it was
highly necessary, upon the present occasion, to do
sway all consideration of their conduO. If the
cause of the war ivas required, he could not express
it better than by the words used by an Hon. Mem-
ber, who had already spoken on that head. Malta
had been alluded to. and that island w-as undoubtedly
the index which courted to the ambition of France,
and the rooted animosity of the First Consul to this
country. If the Boost appealed to justice only,
they cculd not avoid observing that there was cause
for war, VAIT was produilive of much calamity,;
but if it could not be avoided without reflefting
disgrace upon the country, it should be submitted
to with unanimity on all sides. From the docu-
ments laid betine the House, and the conduit of
Ilse ruling power in France, his Majesty's Ministett
ytere justified in calling uponthenation forwar. With
aura to the article in the papers laid before the House,
rektti ve to Malta, whatever opinion others mightenteta
tain, he was inclined to think Mini sters werejusti fied it
keeping ppssession of that island, and in point of
the benefit arising to our trade and foreign wide-
:aunts, by retaining the same ; he was also disposed
to consider it of much advantage. At the time
when France avowed her hostile attempts agaiii4t
*Egypt, that place became necessary to touch at,
previous to their landing ; we also made use of it
prior to our glorious conquests in the Mediterranean.
Upon the whole it was considered by him as di§
part from which the war appeared to issue. kre
agreed and contended, that there was much culpa-
bility in not having communicated the occasienof
war at an earlier period, if Ministers were elf-
bled so to do ; but that omission ought_ not
pp deter the country trom defending herself ascii:the
contrary, it was the duty of all to be unaniinotts
upon the occasion, more particularly with.aespeat;tta
the Importance of Malta. The house hail' the Opi,
sign of Bonaparte himself, whose first steili,wat.l9,
Egypt. As the Mediterranean was likely Ka listaw
'seen of any struggle that was likely to take piaci
between the two countries, be did not look upon it
with indifire nee. It had been urged, that the tie-
teutiations s- ould have been ultimately settled, if
Malta had been given into the hands of guarans
teeing power, and that some papers had been
retained, which would have accelerated that
picot.
_l4 . was not for him to account for
such papers, if there were any. His Majesty's
Ministers had expressly declared, that Russia was
the only power in the world that it was proper to
deliver it to. He did not, however, understand that
an offer had come from any power conformable to
the point already discussed. Au lion. Member
had formerly proposed -that the nation ought to
observe a watchful part without immediately en-
tering into hostile measures. Experience had 'hewn
that where a nation had formed great connexions,
and had held a rank in the world, it frequently met
with iosults and indignities that no independent
country could suffer. A nation might be happy
without being great, but when once it became
etat, the greatness could not be abandoned without
the happiness also. Some have said, let us be
atone, and let Bonaparte at as he likes in Europe:
we have tried since the Peace of Amiens that little
system, and have found that to be humble is not
always safe (Hear ! Hear !) —ln future he hoped
we should look different in the eyes of France, with-
(an being sensible of similar sensations.
IIAWKESBURY spoke in explanation of
the papers ailnded to by the Hon. 'dauber who
spoke last. He meant those which related to the
guaranteeing of,Malta by, Russia. On that subjeO
the Isieble Lord begged, to be understood that thoes
papers had been communicated in the shape of
ostensible instrueli.ons fur the purpose of &ranging
the ussjan Amlsaaaador to become friendly to the
negotiations that might be carrying on between the
two countries. The Emperor of Russia had not
any desire to become the guarantee of Malta, but
had Indicated ail inclination to gueraetee it simply
as the Dinah of further negotiatiqn on, that head.
Mr. I.OX rose next, wlien the /louse vra.s lame.
ellately wrapped in the most profound silence and at-.
tentien. He said It west erg unnecessary fir him
to assure the House, that the full and very able
discussion this subject had , already undergone, be
'hyoid not have troubled them with,his sentiment', ;
if be did not feel himself impressed with a strong
senw of duty to the people of ."this realm to employ
his utmost exertions to rescue them from a situation, •
which he considered to be.4f very great danger,
and certain distress and misery. Gentlemen who
preceded him, and for whoin his friendship could .
sorbs diminished by a difference in polidcal opi-
nViseertied inclined to make the question of the
enigma' address a distinft one from atiy considera-
tion al the conduit or merits of his Majesty's Musts- '
ters, but be must acknowledge,- that he did not
know of any manner in Which thev could fie
separated. In order to judge of the refusal of the