The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1803-05-28 00:00:00

In this case, W you tamer into the propoi.itioo. for
the mediation of Russia, and that mediation should
tail, you will have an apparent cause of justification,
not only with the neonle of this country, but before
the trilsitnais of the other states of Europe ; yotiwill
have an iinansw,rilde case, not standing on argu-
ment, bin on the authority of the Emperor of Rus-
sia ; you will have h;s strong, just, and well-founil.4
(minim in your f.e.otir ; you will have not only the
good wishes of Enroe, and the world in general,
but the good wishes of even the Allies of France ;
•you will have the good • wishes of Holland, of
Switzerland, and of Spain ; those good wishes;
Without the assistance of Russia, may be of no ser-
vice, for they may be the wishes of persons afraid
of expressing them. By declining the mediation of
Russia, and by refusing to give an account of those
d!sputes which have occasioned the renewal of the
war, you may be in the situation of not having the
assistance of that power, or any other power in
I:.uspe. In that case the event of the war may be,
that not only you will be unable to check the views
of i'rance, with regard to her aggrandisement, but
your will be unable to prevent her pursuing her
system of oppression against all the secular states
within her power. I should therefore conceive,
that it the thing can be done without humiliation on
our part, we should avail ourselves of that media-
• thin which has been honestly offered. It is but
Ludy that mediation has been offered ; but let us
put ourselves in the situation in which we were be-
fore it was, and then let me ask you, it there is a
man who would not have desired it. Why is the
circumstance of its coming at this late period to be
an obstacle ? If you think the Emperor of Russia
is offing as the friend of France, that is a sufficient
reason for rejecting his mediation ; but I do not
believe there is any ground for such an opiuicm.—
It comes. now, I confess, at a late period ; I
wish it had come earlier ; if this should have
the effect I really think it will have, though
perhaps I see further than I ought to do, and
my wishes may warp my. judgment, I cannot
help flattering myself; that through the medium of
the Emperor of Rassia a ratification of peace with
France may bt effeded. I should thi.ak
you might
make a treaty fur preserving the peace of Europe.
You have already proposed guarantees for Malta ;
resolve then to have guarantees for the rest of Eu-
rope, and let Russia, Prussia, and Austria become
those guarantees. Such a guarantee might be ex.
tended not only to Malta, but to all places attacked
without the common consent. You might thus af-
ford a fair prospect of universal peace. With that
view it is impossible I should not be desirous of the
mediation of the Emperor of Russia ; I think it
might be produftive of the greatest good. It might
tend to restore peace at a period when you seen. to
be at the brink of war. With this view I
shall propose a short Address to his Majesty, in
which I trust the House will acquiesce, as it will
afford a fairer prospect of obtaining tranquillity
than any measure which, at the present crisis, could
be adopted." He concluded by moving, that an
humble Address should be presented to his Majesty,
praying that his Majesty would he graciously pleas-
ed to avail himself of the disposition of the Emperor
of Russia to offer his mediation between his Majesty
and the French Republic, as such a mediation
might not only be the means of: terminating the
war, but of producing the best effects with regard
to the general tranquillity of Lurope."
Ile also moved, " That the latter part of his
Majesty's Declaration, expressing his desire of en-
tering upon fresh negotiations with France, when-
ever a favorable opportunity should occur, should
be entered as read."
.ord H A WK h*.SBU Thel lon. Gentleman
who has made the motion which has just been read
frr.nt the chair, will forgive me if I think it is one
which the House ought not to entertain.—With re-
gard to many things which he has stated I entirely
coincide with him; and I do agree with him, that
however important in point of substance this ques-
tion is, it lays in a very narrow compass, and there-
fore I shall trouble the House very shortly indeed.—
I confess I was extremely glad to hear the Hon.
Gentleman desire that part' of his Majesty's De-
claration to be read, in which his Majesty states
that lie is still willing, as far as is consistent with his
own honour, and the interest of his people, to afford
every facility to any just and honourable arrange-
ment, by which the evils of war may be averted. I
should have thought that this very passage would
have been sufficient to have convinced him that the
motion with which he has concluded was at least
unnecessary.—On the subject of the motion, I have
two objections; first, I conceive that no fair con-
stitutional parliamentary ground has or can be laid
before the I louse for the adoption of it ; and secondly,
as far as the House can judge of his Majesty's Go.;
vernment, there not only does exist no such ground
whatever, but the reasons in favour of such a
motion bear the other way; and sure I am, that
if no parliamentary ground has been made out
in favour of this motion, it must be evident to
the House that a motion of this sort can be
productive of no good, but may be attended
with much evil.
.1 trust I know and respea
enough of the constitution of the country, and the
invaluable privileges of this.Hanse, to induce me
to maintain both the one and the other as strenu-
ously as possible. lam ready to admit that Gen-
tlemen of This House have a might to interfere, and
give their opinion on any branch of the Royal Pre-
rogative, and more especially on the subject of war
and peace, if a sufficient parliamentary ground can
be made out. But at the same time that I adtnit
this to be a fundamental principle of the Constitu-
tion, yet when the Constitution has vested in his
Majesty the power of war and peace, it has vested'
it on this idea, that as the prerogative was in the.
-hands of the Executive Government, it was the duty
of any person wishing to advise or dired his Majesty,
as to the exerciseof that prerogative, tomakeout sortie •
case which would warrant the interference of Parlia-
ment. Now, Sir, there are two grounds upon which
such a !nation would not only be fair, but would be
an obligation of duty for a Member of this House
to propose it : the one is, that his Majesty's Go.
vernment had neglected to do some one thing, or
some certain things, which the House, in its op;nion,
thought ought to have been done. Undoubtedly,
if a case of that sort can be made out, it may be
the duty of the House to say, that if such 'measures
had been adopted, they might have obviated the in-
conveniences which had resulted from not adopting.'
them. In. such case, the House of Commotis.woula
have a right to interpose as to what line of conduit
the klecutive Government ought to pursuct--
this is nut the. only case in which such an

•
. • •
.• • . . ,
%Alt without any sach negietß, it appeared that
•position would be. 'des:n:llle. I will, aim it
system had been laid down by his Majesty's
G4yerumenr,.from which, the• inference wasi that
his Majesty had .no inteution of availing himself
of any opportunity that might offer
.of ienewhig '
the negotiations for peace, in such case, a Member
might say to his Majesty's- Ministers, though I do
not wish to interfere •svith the prerogative of the
Crown, yet I think it.,-right to make the motion I
am making, with a view of inducing you to ...Wort
that measure, which not only rill have not adopted,
but which from the system you are pursting, yotq
do not appear to have in contemplation. It; there-'
fore, either of these two cases are made out, I
mean of negleCt on the part of the Executive
Go-
vernment, to do what ought to have been done,
or in case it appears from the general system
oftovernment, manifested either by a message
from the throne, or a declaration verbal or
otherwise, on the part of his Majesty's Ministers-,
that there is no intention. of embracing any
opportunity of renewing negotiations for peace, in
either of these cases, I think there is a fair, strong,
and parliamentary ground for the interference of
the House. My objection then is this, that the
lion. Gentleman has not grounded his Motion upon
either of these propositions. .T. think he cannot
t round it upon the principle, with reference to the
objed his Majesty has in view, that his Majesty has
negie&d any thing he ought to havc.cione, and far
less can he ground it upon the general system of his
Majesty's Government; for the system adopted by
his Majesty and llilGovernment, upon the subjeet of
War and Peace,. preclUdes every idea of the sort;
the system pursued by his Majesty, proves that he
is ready to adopt. the principle of negotiation,
whenever it can he resorted to laudably, benefici.
ally and advantageously. On this SubjeCt it might
be necessary to do little more than refer to that
part of hi) Majesty's Declaration, which the Hon.
Gentleman has moved to lie entered as read, in.
which, after having stated all the grievances on the
part of the French Ite,mblic, and his recalling his
ambassador from France, T-lis Majesty declares to
all Europe, that he is still willing to enter into such
arrangements as • may insure t" are restoration of '
peace on a solid foundation..Mit is the Objet of
this but to chew the sincerity of his Majesty's views
for peace! 1 would ask you then; whether, after
such a declaration as this, any Administration would
refuse to advise his. Majesty to listen to any fair and
reasonable proposition which had peace foe its ob:*
jeft. Now, Sir, as to the latter part of the its.
Gentleman's speech, and all he stated in the course
of it, I shall not feel it at all necessary to take lip much
of the time of the House, more especially as no
principle has been laid down by him, in which.l do
not cordially agree. Ido agree with him that the.
only mode of resisting the.' progress- of that
which we liiitiTelt the effeCts 'of for the last tett
years during the war, and the. intervals of delusive
peace, can only be by an union and concert between,
the great powers of Europe, and. 4 founding that
concert, not in interested or selfish views, but in s.
liberal understanding. of what-ought to be clOne for
a preservation of the peace of Europe.-e-I agree
with him, that the power he has named Is' of all
others that oneomlithlit is most for the interest
of this countitipee consult, with a view to the
establishing .the.basis of a general arrangement,
which alone can afford,. the -hope of resisting
the progress of those evils which the Honourable
Gentleman lainents as much as I do. L.will net go
into any'subje& which is not immediately connected
with the one before the I louse" ; but without wishing
to court any difference of opinion, I will
fairly say,
that one of the circumstances in my mind is not only
the little probability there is of resisting the system
pursued by the French Government, but * that I
think there was a better chance of ultimately ob-
taining peace, by entering into a treaty for that pur-
pose at the period we did so, although it has been
violated, than by continuing the war under the cir-
cumstance; in which the country then stood—but
I can say most sincerely, that from the hour of that
peace to the present day,no efforts have been wanting
to form such a concord, not with a view to war, or
what might be called setting the Continent to rights,
but with a view to defensive operations Merely, and
placing the Continent in a state of peace ; I can
assure the House, that no efforts have been wanting
to accomplish this ; and if those efforts had been
successful, it is most probable those circumstances
which have interrupted the negotiation would not
have arisen ; but certainly I see nothing in the
change of circumstances, and in the commence-
ment of hostilities, which should render it not ad-
visable to enter into negotiations, Now if there
was a fair disposition on the part of the other
powers of Europe to promote them ; and this brings
me to that part of the speech of the .Honourable
Gentleman, where he assumes the offer of me-
diation on the part of the Emperor of .Ras,ia;
at a certain period of the negotiation, with a view
to the settlement of the differences between .this
country and France, with regard to atty offer that
has been made of such mediation, undonlitedly his
Majesty's Government were enabled tia explain to
the Russian Government what their views were? and
in the course of a long, irksome and, critical nego-
tiation for several years, they made a most frank,
full, and explicit communication• of his Majesty's
sentiments. After their endeavours were frustrated
by a system of delay on the part of thee;
French Government, the only proposition ' that
appeared to be made was, that if the two i.cpin-
tries had any difficulty with regard to con*ng
.to a proper understanding with each Other, they
might make use. of the mediation of the Itus-
sian Ambassador, who would have been desirims of
seeing the differences terminated:. Now it ask,
.whether his Majesty's Government'woulld have been •
justified in declinin•••to bring those.pdintaito ft con-
clusion, in which the country was fe• much
ested, merely upon an assurance of. this 'kind I
. therefore:say, that the proposition coming in the way
it did, if would not have been wise in his Majesty'ys
• Government.tp.tsaVe aded otherwise than they have
done, naLiely, descrying Lord IN hitwiatth to bring
the negotiation to an issue, or to leave Paris. - The
Hon: Gentleman has stated .the advantages of a
thorough good understanding he_is
tw,-.4 the . two
:cotintnes. agree with him.
He has stated
the arrangements with Russia in
..1.401, which,
though satisfailory to us, he observes, ii:ight not
,haves 1r ttaontostate is
that country:
th.aati that isub-'
je, all .ftetin
pie
Jo..
dices, there -were persons attached to "that ncu-,,
ral system which began under the last Empress.
hest ac.
am pettedly persuaded, that those who are

•••

. . .
qtt)inted with the nature of the Russian Governs
melt are convinced, that the interests of Russia, in
-that particular, are consistent with the interests of
Great Britain, and that no advantage ovoid possi-
bly arise to Russia from the adoption 40:at n.sitral
System. It was a favourite scheme, taken up by the
' late Empress, sell.) was snore afitiated 1 y ambition
than policy. If any person will look at the situation of
Russia, he will see that she has no mei ciintile ma-
rine, that all her commerce is carried on in di, yes-
selsof other countries; I believe itis a received opinion
that the interest of Russia is the interest of Great Bri-
tain, and that the effect of tho coalition would be that
of the different Powers of the Baltic becoming ri-
vals to each other ;—but, Sir, I do' not wish to Lint
the question upon such narrow grounds ; it is most •
undoubtedly the case that by a concert between
Great -BriLain and Russia, hopes might he entertain-
ed of setting a barn* to the ambition of France en
the continent. Now then my objection is not to any
measure that can have-thecae& of producing pears
and establishing it on' juat„ solid, and lionourab:a
tel provided it does not in the 117C411 time cripph
our exertions, limit our powers aod paralize our
strength. I 'hould think the renewal of negotiation
expedient, if it could be. done with honour, but n:y
objection to the siltation is, that the Honourable
Gentleman has made out no parliamentary grour.i,
, he has merely brought it forward upon general
principles ; he has not been able to prove that
his Majesty's 'Government had .any disposition to
avoid the renewal of negotiations, nor as far as can
be judged from his language would the House con-
chicle that the sentiments, disposition, and wishes of
his Majesty's Ministers, are norsonformable to what
the Hon. Gentleman thinks most beneficial to the
country.—Under these circumstances,-and seeing no
benefit can result from the motion, anal thinking it
would imply a distrust of his Majesty's Ministers,
and a belief that they were not actuated by
sentiments which do aduate them ; thinking too that
the House of Commons would be interposing with-
out a sufficieot ground for their interposition, and
that the adoption of such a *motion at the present
.moment might agitate the public, and give rise to
hopes and expedatiOns that, though well founded,
are not sufficiently within our immediate reach to
induce Parliament to record them, I feel it my
dun-to oppose the motion. Such are the reasons
which occurred In me fOr recommending the House
to relied it. • I repeat to the Hon. Gendeman it is
not_to his principles,. or to his view of the question,
I objet. I see no necessity for his motion ; I seo
no good that can come of it 'but I am persuaded it
may be produiliVe of material evil; I therefore,
Sir, move the krevious question.
Mr. FOX Said. a very feet words in explanation,
the nature,. of which sv4• did not distintc.n.y under-
stand.
Mt, PITT." I should think it very u,nnecen.
sary to detain the House with many observations on
the present question, as there are only one or two
topics to which I mean shortly to refer. The Noble
Lord was certainly right, according to the best of
my judgment, in his explanation of the right of
Parliament to interfere with a subje& of so import-
ant and essential a prerogative of the Crown ; but
we may go a little farther, and on a more liberal
construdion, utul admit, that Parliament has on
many, occasions a right and duty to address His
Stajeuty on, such subjeds, whenever bit may think
necessary to interpose With its advice, though even
this right should he exercised with great guard, and
only in cases of the entertainment of suspicions,
such as the Noble Lord alluded. In all or most of
the great general principles of policy laid down by
the Hon. Gent. opposite me (Mr. Fox) I most hear-
tilv concur. I heard them with much satisfadion,
and that satisfa&ion was enhanced by the manner
in which they sy,ere received and approved of by
my Noble Friend • as from this circumstance we
may safely infilVtlial s'ldiukran opportunity ocean-
of this courtrryavaißtg itself of a powerful conti-
nental medlatit4 the confidential advisers of his
Majesty are determined that opportunity shall nct
be lost. lam extremely happy to find that we are
all now agreed in the geotral principle adopted and
aaed upon in the best of times, and never more
ardently struggled for than during the late—aprin-
ciple which has established the security, increased
the fame, and consolidated the truest and best. in-
terests of this country ; viz. that the real policy'of
Eneland is to avail itself of all the assistance it can
derive from the other powers of Europe, in guard-
. ing and maintaining the rights and independence of
the whole, and particularly of the minor powers, who
must be incapable of making anyeffedual resistance
ofthems•Aves to oppose resistance to the encroachments
of the more powerful and ambitious; not direding our
views particularly against France, though on ac-
count of our freqoent wars, she has constantly been
regarded as our natural enemy ; but, on a more
liberal and manly scale, against any other nation
that should be pursuing. such objeds, that, without
:Arty peculiar jealousy or partiality, we would en-
deavour :to draw the attention of others, as well
•as watch ourselves, not which was the •power of-
fending, but whose were the ambition and aggrff,
slim, and that on all such occasions, the aggrieved
might confidently look_ for protedion • from Great
, Britain, though itself. out of':ile. reach of -those
• wounds .to which others' are eiiposed. I 'do. not
deny that there may be countries so distant, or so
circprostanced as not to be British objeds, in such
0 degree
,as that we should at all times risk .a war
for diem, though, the oppressed must :ever
.be en-
titled 'at leact to our compassion. L:
;it,rejoiceHonourable this general'
G
b eandtreni admission, and
nl
aixndchiefl,.!
rfiom the :
because, at a time when an administration,
which I had the honour to be it Memb..--,
'was making an application a this principle, I had
the misfortune to find myself zealously opposed by
that Hon. Gentleman, with the fall force of those
nd
h
ctri3cAociamd:::iest:pi(l)be.an4r,
?aantanalitsseti-mthipecswhwhrailictht. havehe isg good
alwaysre a
ssoonwe ll
everable tis
pspleeeas:ahre.olfobtbseisrv..eeviellisliedge,-
stritily arid 'wisely limited 'to their objeLrl, amount
acniltina.nocyeofntanaenvisictseatirioani
I was afting. upon
almost. to a conrradidion of his former sentiments.
f
inn age one
fromneiety
:e
[hataptbnryo.epsei
Coill I.
n-
tinent, of
cs°pnaj gt
end": bre' t
tabhifno
pa-
granted
tedt
o negotiation
foreign fo r
ppoe:ec
res.
alnndtheevt:nasttowasrOm
I some who
that great and 'unprecedented subsidies had been
afterwards abused 'them, and that great sacrifices
were made Tor • diatpilrpose by this; • -
country ; but
it was all with an adherence to [this true add 4.
proved principle. It was only when we had np

~ .