The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-06-15 00:00:00

Lion. It was not too much to say that the Irish Clergy did not
perform their duty as well as they may. On former occa-
sions he had stated the authorities on which his opinions
were founded, and he should not now trouble the House
with a repetition. It would be sufficient for him now to quote an
observation of the celebrated Dr. Paley. Dr. Paley says that
•• the Church Establishment is a means for a certain end," and
that •• it is necessary to consider how this establishment answers
the end fur which it was Mended. He was of opinion thatthat
religious establishment was no part of a religion, bat only a means
of =peering IL" In stating this authority, he meant to draw the
conclusion, that as Christians they were not bound to support any
established form of religion. There was nothing to support a reli.
gious establishment but the expediency of the moment. The
Legislature had Wore determined that the established religion of
England should be altered, and if they considered that the present
establishment was inadequate to the proposed end, no doubt the
Legislature could alter it, or remove it altogether if objectionable.
Various author concur with Dr. Paley in his opinion of a Church
Establishment. They supported him (Mr. Hume) in his opinion,
that this, or any subsequent Parliament, may adopt any particular
form of religion which may be found most expedient. Parliament
had before decided as respected the Roman Catholic religion, and if
Parliament should think proper it may so act on the present occa-
sion. It had been said that this country was Protestant, an asser-
tion which he did not mean to deny ; hut if it was argued hoot
this, that the Church could no: be alterednrithout a revolution in
the State, he asserted that them never was a more erroneous
opinion. True, in all ages the Church was found willing to
support the Government in all its proceeding, and therefore
it became the interest of the latter to unite with the Church.
Though this was the line of policy which had long been observed,
he dcnie.: the soundeess of it. The State may establish a Church
to improve the people in morals and religion, but the Church had
never benefitted by its alliance with the state. He disclaimed any
idea or inclination to overiurn the State when he pressed for an
alteration in the Church Establishment. Many of the most emi-
nent Christians concurred with him, that the union of Church and
State conferred :to adrantage on religion, and little on the State
There was nothing, therefore, to prevent any inquiry into the state
•of the Church Establishment io Ireland. The law made the Pro.
testant religion the established religion in Ireland, but the same
law may make any other religion that of the State. Looking hack
to the time of William the Third, he believed it was intended 'ay
that Monarch to have given Ireland, as a State religion, the reli-
gion of the country. His letters are upon mord, in which he in-
structs his Government to pass an AC; establishing that religion
mast agreeable to the dispositions oilier people. Untortimately for
Ireland, circumstances induced William to utter his opinion. If
Ireland had the religion of the country established as Scotland had,
from the similarity of the countries and the people, he had reason
to believe that Ireland would be happy as Scotland was. If the
religion of the country was established a century of happiness would
have passed away, and England would not now be the gaoler of
Ireland's rights. The Presbyterian religion was not more general
in Scotland than the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland. Whilst
the religion of the country was withheld from Scotland, that
country was a scene of murder and anarchy ; and look at its state I
since Scotland had established its own religion. Here was an ex- I
ample foe the House to act upon as respected Ireland. The pre-
sent question was not whether the Protestant or Catholic, or H in-
doo, or Mahometan religion was the best, but the question is as to
the policy of a government. (Hear, hear.) Ina political point of
view, he was satisfied that every act of inquietude which had occur-
red in Ireland may be accourited for by the mode of proceeding
adopted by Its rulers. A religion was set up adverse to the feelings
of the great mass of the community, and that community was ob-
liged to support that establishment most extravagantly. Th: pen.
ple of Ireland were deprived of their religious and tied right., mid
this accounts for many of the evils which have all and that coun-
try. He was not aware that any other part of the world preserted
such apicture as Ireland had dune within the last century. We
claimed the character of a liberal Government, in contradistinction
to illiberal governmente; but holding in mind this liberal character,
with what feelings should we look upon the train of consequences
moduced by our Government in Ireland. This is not a question of
religion, it is a question of great state pclicy and of humanity. 0
this ground, the Members of that House would leave their duty as
legislators, if they permitted, year after year, to pass without
acquiring any information on this subject. The system carried on
in Ireland was quite frightful. There was now a temporary
melt, which rendered the present a fit opportunity for the inter-
ference of Parliament. He (Mr. Hume) was anxious to have
brought the subject before the House early in the Session, but lie was
induced to glee place to the motion of his Honourable Friend the
Alember for Westminster (Sir F. Burdett). The fate of that
motion must bring every man to the conclusion that the Church
and the Church alone had defeated the hopes of the Catholics
The Church Establishment had hindered the progress of liberality,
and it was his opinion, that as long as the Church Estab-
lishment preponderated, as it now did, those rights would be'
witheld, which it was the interest and policy of England
to grant, and the right of Ireland to receive. If his Ma.
jay's Ministers, supported by the sanction of his Majesty,
brought the subject of Catholic emancipation before Parliament,
ti.e Church, embracing its own interest, would support the Govern-
ment. From the divided state of the Government, it was not likely
they could ever agree upon this subject, and therefore it devolved
upon the !louse to ter the question at rest Much had been said of
the danger which might arise to religion, if the Church Establish.
meat was meddled with; but the truth wns, that the present was not
a question of religion but of property ; he should consider the al-
lowance made to clergy upon the same principles as the allowance
made to the army and navy. The origin of rights and property
IV-in in tee law. It was idle' at this hour to contend that church
property was as inviolable as private property. Henry VIII. set
the precedent of attacking church property, and he (Mr. Hume)
should be glad to know whether the Legislature had not the same
right as Henry VIII. to interfere with church property. The
holder of church property cannot leave it by will—lie cannot name
his successor ; therefore church property was distinctly different
from private property. Upon the death of a clergyman the law
may resume the rights it gave, and take back the property without
injury to any individual. Every rational man makes his means
commensurate to the end. The instruction of the people was the
end of the Church Establishment in Ireland. These means had
been tried, long tried, and they had notoriously failed in
Ireland. The numbers of the Irish Clergy was most dispropor.
tionate to the numbers they had to instruct. There were seven
millions of inhabitants in Ireland. One-fourteenth belonged to the
Established Church, and ore-fourteenth to the Dissenters ; there-
fore, only onenieventh of the entire population was Proteitant, and
the rematnieg six-sevenths were Roman Catholics. There were no
leas than 550 clergymen and &wineries to instruct one-seventh of
the population. 1. his was in the proportion of one instructor to
about one hundred persons. A reduction of the Irish Bishops had
taken place ou a former occasion, by a consolidation of sees ;
and why not now reduce them in the same manner, if neces-
sary. Ten parishes were often united in one benefice, and why
should not the dioceses of twenty.two Bishops be doubled
up (a laugh) into four. lie could prove that four Bishops may
perform the duty now divided amongst twenty-two, with equal
adventage to the country fn. landed property of the Church
In Ireland was enormous, and was alto a matter for consideration.
The amount of church property was greater in reality than a cur-
tory obeerver might be led to imagine. for if let at full value it
would produce treble the amount it at present did, being let on ad-
vantageous terms to the relations and friends of the Right Rev.
Prelates. He did not blanie any individuals. He only found fault
with the system. Possibly if he were a Bishop lie would do the
same. He stated the full value of the See of Clogher at not less
than 31,000/., Kilmore at 41.00 W., Dublin at 42,0001., Elphin at
39,0001., Derry at 94,000/. He maintained that entirely, exclu.
sive of tithes, the church had property to the amount of 2,500,0001.,
and while adverting to the subject he would state, that
lie bad that morning received a paper, stating the value of
four hundred and seventeen parishes In Ireland under the Tithe
.Commutation Act, from which it appeared that their value
on an average was about 450/. per annum. On a former occasion
he had stated the benefices inlreland to average MO/. It therefore
appeared, from this official document, that he was very little astray
in his calculation, although he had been charged with vastly over-
rating. lie then adverted at considerable length to his controversy
with the Bishop of Limerick, on the subject of the non-resident
Clergy, and dwelt much upon the deliberate and wilful misrepre-
sentation of the Right Rev. Prelate, as he stated to be; for he
()Ir. Hume) had spoken of a non-resident as a person who holds a
benefice, had lives at a distance from it, leaving the duties to be
performed by another; but the Right Rev. Prelate who had cen-
sured him in such unmeasured language, described a non-resident
as a person who, having several linings, resided on any one of them.
That, he contended, was a species of mental reservation, or rather,
be would say, of evasion, that was utterly disgraceful. He (Mr.
Hume) had stated that there were snl non-midenta, but by the
evasions oh the Bishop of Limerick the number was reduced to
from 25 to 30 Even the Return then on the table showed that
there were 393 non-residents at the vet y moment when a Right Hots.
Gentleman (Mr. Plunkett) was affirming, on the authority or the
Right Reverend Prelate, that the number was as stated above 25
.0 30. His charge against them was that then were not at their
posts, that the clergy were not incumbents. He had been charred
:n genteel term., by the Right Rev. Prelate, with telling a lie,
and that he thought tame with a very bad grace from a man whose
book was full of lies. Was it not absurder any man of common
sense to talk of taking a distinction between men being actually
resident and virtually resident? After several other observations
on these topics he proceeded to call the attention of the House to
the important subject of tithes, and urged the necessity of doing
away with the petty exactions of small sums. The civil actions for
tithes were vexatious. From late information there were not less than
711 in Kilkenny, 231 in Carlow, in Mayo 310, in Tipperary 300,
Tyrone 319, Limerick 823, Waterford 347. His wish was, that
all the tithes should be included with the rent, and paid in one
sum by the antler, and then given to the clergyman by the owner
of the land—not the occupier. He then enumerated the several
evils and oppressions Which the poor suffered in the collection of
the tithes, and urged the House to provide a remedy. lie corn.
plained in strong terms of the injustice of persons interested being
nailed to decide tithe questions in thg Ecclesiastical Courts, as being
contrary to the first principles of judice. No clergyman should sit
on any bamb. It wan an evil loudly complained of everywhere ;
and any place where clergymen were principally magistrates,
was described as having a black bench. He said that the
relative situation of the Room* Catholics was greatly changed
from what it had been formerly, they were much more numerous
now, and bore an infinitely larger proportion to the Protestants
than at the time the religious Establishment of Ireland had been
formed; it therefore became unjust that the many should pay for
the few. The Protestants were fast disappearing; and when they
should have ceased altogether to exist in Ireland, would it not be
Inward to a religious establishment for the use of a sect which
bed The application of the First Fruits funds he