The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1824-02-02 00:00:00

WEST INDIES.

TM fate of our West India Colonies entirely depends open the!
ssarluct of the Parliament and of the Government, during the
mitt few mon•hs, and my fears greatly predominate over my hopes,
since I have learnt the nature of a despatch addressed by Lord
nathunt on the 27th July last, to the Governors of the Colonies.
It lOSOVCOI after having consulted the men of most influence
in the Colonis 4, to report upon certain plans which Lord Bathurst
milimits to the .1, and states that, after the most mature emisidera-
tun, he is of oinnion that they are the best that can be formed to
cam into effect the views of Parliament.
The plans are, shortly, that the slaves shall be compelled to per- !
emu for their owners in two weeks the sante work that is now per
seemed in Mr,. ; that during every third week they shall work for
hire (under compulsion I presume) which hire is to constitute a 1
fund out of which they are to purchase their freedom ; and that I
after a certain date all women above a certain age are to tie made
free. on payany some anion compensation to their owners.
This is 1111;lia7 ity with a vengeance ! ! ! for, if we are to believe
*hat has been said by those who pretend to know more of the con-
dition of the slaves than those do who have resided many years in
the Colonies, these pour slaves are already worked beyond their
strength to such a degree as to be the sole cause of the number of
deaths grimly to exceed that of the births. Notwithstanding this,
however, for the benefit of the slave, he is to be compelled to do in
me weeks, what his master is at present content that he should
'take three to ?idiom.
It does no appear what met of compulsion is to be employed to
obtain this o .ject ; but i: may reasonably be doubted whether the
slave would consider the alteration to he any improvement of his
condition, ant whether he would feel much inclination to work
doing the third week, aft:r being so cruelly overworked
thifang ries preceding weeks, for the distant olsject of being able
to pundiase I is f.erdorn, or, according to lite ideas and feelings, the
right to provide tor himself or starve, when he experimentally
knows that as long as he is a slave he has an abarlote right to be
mainiai.ted, and to have medical are when sick, even after he is
disabled from wink by age or infirm& y, and that he actually obtains
and enjoys these compensations toe his labour.
The right of property of the planter in his slaves and their des-
cadent, u as v.lid as the law can make it, and has been as filly
recognised by the Courts of Law and Equity, as the right to pro- '
petty (deny other kind whatsoever. The planter has in consequence
aright mall the labour which the slave is reasonably capable of per-
forming, without injury to his heehh, coupled, of course, with the
obligation of plodding his slave with sufficient feed, tlndlims,
lodging, and medical care when sick, during the whole period of
his life. It is therefore meting short of monstrous cuel:y and in-
justice to propose that the slave shall be compelled to work extra
and necesserdy, under the circumstances, beyond his strength,
and to sill the produce of that extra labour a fund fur compensat-
ing the master fur the lam of his slave.
Mr. Wilmot Berton adds a P.S., that it might to arranged that
alljudymetits for debts should be inoperative against property in
slavesafter a =tan date. The diet of this wash; be the -breaking
up of every estate whose owner is in debt, and the sole and disper-
sion tithe slaves, if under such circumstances it could be supposed
that any person could be found to purchase a slave for the gratifies-
tion of being afterwards wrongfully deprived of him. But having
so magnanimously resolved upon the ruin and annihilation of the
property of the planter, I do not see that the British creditor need I
bare troubled the consciences of his Majisty's Ministers.
The act of acquiring slaves has been the set of the Natiort, and
not of the colonists only, and consequently this new light of eman-
cipation cannot be canted into effect without committing an set of
the moat monstrous injustice and oppression by any other means
than by the motion paying to the colonists the fisli value of the whole
of their property.
his high time, therefore, that the independent and rational part
of the nation should inquite diligently and coolly into this subject,
that they may inter feet to prevent the destruction of the colonies, if
it can yet be prevented, or honestly and manfully meet the conse-
quences and pay the costs of toils change in the national policy.
Although tde wonderful dispatch bears the signature of the Se-
cretary and Under Secretary of State tee the colonies, yet it has
been esserud, thus it is in fact the composition of Mr. Stephen,
and pater. the truth may be, that it at teat passed order the reel-
iiice-of Messrs. Stephen senioe and j.tniae, the latter being said to
be a kind of familiar and legal auviser of the Colonial Of ce.
where he is considered to be a wiser man, and more able lawyer
than is to be found in the known and responsible of of Atteroey
and Solicitor General. But whether the bead of the Colonial (Pi-
ece framed the despatch, or adopted the suggestions of Mr. Ste-
phen, the avowed bitter enemy of the West India Colonies, it
equally marks his qualification to fill the important office which he
holds in the administration.
hut, I would ask, if this is what Mr. Canning meant by "
Majesty's Ministers acting in this mattes upon their responsibili-
ty" ? or, if this despatch does in fact contain the concentrated
wisdom of the whole Cabinet ? and if the Lord Chancellor ap-
proved of it P
If Mr. Canning aims at the character of an able Minister, he
must not content himself with threatening and cajoling the West
Indians into silence, wrth manreuvring and managing the fanatics
and East Indians In the House of Conin.ons, and then leaving the
Colonies to choice and to Lord Bathurst.

A truly great statesman would have treated this subject in a
very different manner. lie would have met the fanaticism and en-
thusiasm of false sentiment, which have been employed to inflame
the public mind, with the honest and manly declaration, that if the
result of the maniere. proposed should prove to be the total de.
enaction, or partial injury of the property of the planter the na-
tion must bo prepared to pay the price of its change of national
policy. This would have brought at once all men of practical
neranareenos talk old* ofilowernment. Bo would then have
been able to Mee* Mc Bursoll's Iltotiortin the flame of Com-
mons by the proviests question, sodging bland( at the mime time
to inquire thligently and impart ally the actual condition of
the slave population in every respect, and to adopt such nicasures
for improving that Condition, u might then appear to be prised-
able, and consistent with the tranquillity of the Colonic.. and the
rights of property ne now existing by law. He could then have
proceeded on wars grounds, es far as might appear to be expedient
sad safe—the colonies would not have been in their present criti-
cally dangerous state—and the government would not have fallen
late their present dilemma, of either knowingly consenting to the
therniction of the Colonies, or of quarrelling with the fanatic par/
in the House of Commons I if they adopt half measures, they will
probably have the cleverness to do both.
By the course which AI Misters have hitherto adopted they have,
hi truth, incurred a fearful responsibility. Whatever they may
tee) upon it, the Brea lost in Mane/ars, in the field, and at the
;alio% s, and all the hive which may be sacrificed before this ques-
tion is finally settled, do, in fact, rest upon their heads. Without
fiqttiry, and without preparation, they rashly announced an entire
change in the constitution of society: in the Colonies—this at a
time when the gurisons were scarcely adequate to the common
duty, in times of tranquillity, and when even the military force in
this country di 1 not afford the means of tending reinforcements
from hrnce. In proof of this, i have to state that in 1/rmerara,
with a population of 76,000 slaves, there were only 340 troops, and
at the time of the insurrection not a man could be furnished from
the he id-quarters at Barbados to die assistance of the Colony.
V. Ministers were roused by this insurrection they could only
venture to order from hence the contemptible reinforcement of
three regiments, or 1.11010 men, to all our West India Colonies;
• id sire t of this force I b. iere only two regiments have yet sailed.
When the Colonists raid thztr fortunes and lives thus en-
dange ed, is it so be eap •. ted that they should be uniformly
patient, or uniformly temp. raw and reasonable in the measures
which they may think it expedient to adopt ? or is it to be wondered
at if they should not at all times very nicely weigh their espies-
sifts

Whatever my be the real views of Parliament and Gesell,-
went, it is an unquestionable fact that the slaws consoler these
views u nothing short of inomedi .t: end outpeal9kst nnurscipation;
and it is now generally admitted that the Mon are not in a con-
dition to receive freedom at present, with benefit to themselves,
testing aiide all considerstici for the interests of the plenum.
Under these circumstances, it is impossible that the Colonies can
remain e►en in their present feverish state, for the slaves will
ire/nobly lose patience at what they will consider their right being
withheld from them, and of course the ruin and desolation of the
Colonies would follow.

Its frightful to contemplate suit a result, but I see nothing
tbatcan avert it, but immediately and laruly reinforcing the West
India garrisons; then following the honest course of formally de-
claring—Fine, That the property of the planter shall not be taken
from him wi bout full compersavon; thus restoring • value re
West India property which st hes now e-tirely low. Secondly