Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1857-06-10 00:00:00

TO THZ =TOR OF TUX NORTHERN TIERS.
Sir,—Will you favour me with a small space in
your columns to say a few words on this important
question ? The time has now arrived for an in.
query into the working of the Bank Act of 1844
The importance that ministers attach to it is very
evident ; for it appears that.a greater part of this
session will be frittered away in considering the
Divorce Bill—a matter that affects none but them-
solves; therefore the public must combine,an d insist
on the Committee of Inquiry, now sitting on the
Bank Act, being in justice to the people open. That
the practical men engaged in commercial pursuits,
may give their opinions on the evidence that is
elicited. Ido not see that any blame can be
attached to the Chancellor, as he expressed him.
3 self willing to concede to the wishes of the houss.
That house has been unfaithful to its trust, and it is
now that the people must raise their voice,
3"1 'denounce the conduct of the men that are called
.3eet
55L their representatives, and insist on being heard
ea' in their own defence. An inquiry on any important
• point ought not to be secret, but where the
object is of that magnitude, that religion,
morality, nay, life itself is involved, secre y
ought to be loudly condemned. Truth is
%elf-evident (we want no inscription to tell us that
the sun shines)—let facts be elicited day by day,
and let those facts be discanted upon by an intelli-
gent Press, and we shall soon see whether the
• merits of the present system will stand the test of
inquiry. Opinions are nothing unless they admit
of proof, and there is nothing but what is perfectly
practical in the working of an exchangeable
medium, there is no abstract theory necessary, no
mystery required. The question is not how we
are to fill the pockets of the rich, and enable the
usurer to flourish, but how we are to elevate the
poor, by enabling him to earn his bread by
that honest independence which labour will
give to him. There are infinite sources in
which to employ every kind of skilled and unskilled
labour, and amongst the first ought to be a decent
. provision, in every locality, for the dwellings of the
' poor. The numbers that we meet with huddled
together in one room are not there from choice; no,
the more in the room the less each has to pay, and
the mite that can be saved is the sole cause of the
alternative. The poor are rather lavish in their
expenditure, than penurious. Give them the
means of living decently, and very soon we should
find the evil remedied. There are, and will be,
always, exceptions—l speak of the rule. The
present movement I look upon as a most important
one to the nation at large. Continue the present
system, and human nature cannot long endure it.
'Therefore, let our legislators consider what it is
their imperative duty to do. If they do not take the
initiative, they ought to afford every facility for a
full, fair, and impartial investigation of the present
monetary laws. Those interested in the monopoly,
ought not, in justice to the public, to have a voice
in the matter. If a man can be so blinded by self
interest, or prejudice, as to state that " high
discounts have no bad effect upon trade," as Mr
Thompson Hankey did, he is not to be trusted
to give opinions upon a question that involves the
. best interests of the people. As the committee is
not formed of impartial inquirers, the public voice
must decide ; and patriotism, if it is not dead;
must step boldly forward, and act with vigour.
It is now sinful to be neutral ; for, to wink at
oppresssion is to share in the crime.—Yours, &c.
April 9, 1857. ANTIMONOPtOLIST•