The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1805-06-15 00:00:00

eiolatims of the Ate of Parliament, yet I do admit,
that he, under the peculiar ereurristances, was not
staually Called neon to ermine into every clone
of the Al. With respell to Mr Jellieoe, Ido most
sincerely agree with the Right Hon. Gentleman,
that lenient measures might have been the best ; the
tenderness which was shewn him I do not complain
of, it was a peculiar circumstance, and motives of
compassion were very justifiable reasons ter so act.
inn; bat my Honourable Friend's (Mr. Whit-
bi complaint was not of the measures adopted,
but that the Treasury did not take sufficient notice
of the teanseaien in the first instance ; a consider-
able balance remained, end a considerable balance
was allowed to enema's.. This, then, I say, ought
to have been sifted to the bottom by the 'Treasury,
before they glee the order for the Writ of Privy
Seal. But the principal point in question is relative
to the 40,0001. The ground on which I lay
the blame, and the 1 round on which the House
will express that blame is this : if you allow the
p: oposition that the general rule is to obey the law,
Vett the public trust is not to be violated, you are
teen humid to use the money of the public as the
.i. of Pothament shall dirtier the Parliament alone
: re to be judges hose that money is appropriated
the general rule therefore is, to obey the aft,
and eppropriete the money as that rill shall dire&
It has happened mare than once, that navy money
has been diverted to Gillet than naval purposes; the
present eosbplaint is with respea to the motive for
di vertleg that moneyelliere may exist circumstances
when the general nee requires to be dispensed with,
but it mint indeed bet a very extraordinary case
which could indoor me to admit of such a proceed.
in ; a wry considerable mischief may arise from a
violation of the law. The next question was. whe-
ther the circumstances under which the loan was
made to Boyd and Benfield, were a sufficient jirstie-
teeor to a deviation from die Aft at Parliament? I
anderstand the application seas made for the loan,
on the very morning of the day on wLich the pay-
moos were to have been made. I cannot help
ceasieering the situation in which the Treasury
tein mood, as a very serious one. Could it be that
tee whole credit of the public relied upon that
hoarse? What secretion must the country be in, if
wholly relying on theta ? Mr. Boyd came to Go-
ys:int:sent in the most threamning manner, " Here
am I, on the eve of peyieg my instalments, and the
whole inereenele credit of the country is at stake."
I think the very application, and the very time of
waking it most alarming. And this brings me to
the re-al part of the cases the whole of the pecuniary
part of Government rested on Messrs. Boyd and
-Vecfield, and every thing was to go to wreck to
support them And if the .10,0001. could not he lent
to one particular merchant, the delicate state of
crmmercial credit was such, that the public credit
teal solidity of Governmert itself depended epos it.
How has the Right Hon. Gentlemen explained this?
He has said, than if Mr. Boyd had Aired those
securities to others, he could not borrow money on
them ; but if he sold them out, it would have had
such an effea upen stock, that the funds must be
Ins eyed; that the ruin us the country must follow.
He had scrip. why not briegehet into market ? I
presume it would not have s ild ior nettling. The
• tanserissioners for liquidating the public debt would
:have purchased. Theo the 40,t Arl. was not lent for
the purposes of Government, but to secure general
credit. I eienot see any der.g more mischievous,
and it naturally leads to bad comequenees. Messrs.
Boyd and &mend were Members of Parliament ;
they are powerful Merchants ; but the Aka is not
their wee. but their assistance acid accommodation
in pecuniary matters. It amounts, then, simply to
this : relieving a Merchant at a period then his
fel; might affea net only a great number of indivi-
duals, but the greet commercial interests of the
country. The conseqamme of all this i, extreme
parolees: ; pe: tiality to the Minister. There is a
peat del-creme between a house ennneael with the
Minister, and an independent house, I do not
mean to say tieit accommodation is not to be given
it some particular instance*: for example; we know
that a considerable loan teas made to the %Vest In.
dies; but it was under the authority of an Aft of
Parliament. In the present ease, however, we Lind
a violent breach of the law by a public >errant ; ha:
I admit that I feel this to be an extreme case. I
ask, then, why he did itot come to the Nouse and
ask a Bill of Indemnity ? The simple contrea Wes
martoted to them, and .here was no impeopriety in
commie tc Parliament for an indemnity. At a period
when these affairs are all at an end. why not come
tar ineenteity ? 'the Right Honourable Gentleman
has said teat be felt tan compunetion of conscience
upon the sub's& ; but be who respells his country.
he who loves his country, who knows there is a great
ntspensibility attached to him, ought to feel a.com•
putiencin. It must be a load nn his mind, which
should induce him to come for that indemnity against
his responsibility. Why then did he act co ne ?
Washe not anrious ? He bas said it did nut occur td
him. I ask. why net occur to him ? I now first
hope this will be an example to others; and I
am sure the Right Vkrrithu :able Gentleman has
not done it intentionally. As to secret trantat.
tions, they sooner or later must come out. Sup-
pose this motet had never come to light, and
that his successor, not quite disposed as lie was,
might do an aft of corruption. What would then
be tied ? why here was Mr. l'itt, he who Was cried
np as an example of purity and integrity, why he has
done all ;Iris! 'f hey will state the reel, and say why
not you do so? So much for precedents of secrece.
See whether it is not possible, and whether the circum-
stances arising therefrom are not horrible ? Some
may be misrepresented ; but a concreted aft may go
further than any one would have originally intended.
The proposition before the House is, that such a
mode of proceeding. if even expedient, might, with-
out notice to this House, be a precedent of the most
injurious and dangerous consequences. I said no-
thing of the Bill oi Indemnity ; the plan and form
of a Eill of Indemnity must be formed very care.
telly, not to justify the aft, but the motive. Upon
the elude then, all I wish is to distinguish the all
*torn the motive. There is no suspicion whatever
is this ease. that there was any corrupt intention;
but a violation of the law. which ha bad hands must
le a t i tLie mint cerium and fleerant abuses. I
Re
_Ales . mark the distinaion between
jeton.---"wr: .nduet. It is not for political
eel•inc: taken this step. it is for
justice and public example.
et I - ;deices. Ido think a Aid of