The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1805-05-01 00:00:00

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feel as the public mould do upon such an accusation .
I do oRt say this lightigilys heard qt-Right Hon.
I.;s
Gentlepion now near hiW Mr. pee) get up' in
his OaCe, and acteseOthe le dof net pply-
ing- d. public money ial land for the rose
of corß.pting the Irish Parliament to acgtlette in
the proposed Union. I can not susped that the.
Right-ltsll. Gentle Mai ' would hive made this
chat ge without being tihle to prove it ; and if the,
Noble Lord had wished to deny it, let Mr. Foster
be examined. The Noble Lord, however, I fancy,
will not urge such an investigation ; for when the
same charge was repeated here last niglitohe thought
proper to sit mute. One great disadvantage to the
Right Hon. Gentleman is, that if the Report Oahe
Committee should acquit him in the most honour-
able manner, when he selected such judges, the
people would not believe it to be accurate or honest.
I think, Sir, I have now said enough to slew the
impropriety of this Committee being norninotod by
the Right Hon. Gent. lam aware that the mason
I have to make is an extraordinary otieo"not coon its i
1 nature, but on account of its not being precedented.
Two hundred and twenty-one votes were the greatest 1
number for any one Member, and that montier was 1
I given for my name. I certainly felt myself quolificd
for the Juts when I inserted my name in the Bill g von
in by tnyself ; and yet I must request of the House
to rt vise their judgment, and consider whether I i
am to be looked upon most as a persecutor or a pro:
secutor. I have now no wish to be on that jory,(l
with all its cramping limitations, and the omisssollo
I of some, and alteration of other words which I lin- ,
troduced into my motion. But after all, if it be
thought proper that my name should renoZn, it will
never he a disagreeable task to me to employ my
best endeavours for bringing delinquency to punish-
ment I was left in a minority last night, but I have
the satisfaction of thinking, that if our minority has
even been less than 50, the great majority of the
people of Lngland, Ireland, and Scotland, would
certainly be on our side. Good God ! Sir, is there
such a dearth of men of talents, integrity, and in-
dependence amongst us, that we cannot form a
Committee to enquire into the misapplication of the
public money, without having recourse to place-
men ? Is the respedohle class of Country Gentlemen
extinguished ? If not, then, I put it to the shame of
the Right Hon. Gentleman and his supporters, to
cast such a slur on this House, for the purpose of 1
screening delinquencies, instead of leaving the Corn-
mittee to be chosen by the House at large. Instead
of the Master of the Rolls and other places/len, may i
not others be found, inferior perhaps in le doling and
talents, But equally competent for this enquiry ? and !
the more eligible, as the people would have faith in
them. I shall, in the first instance, move to strike
out the name of Lord Castlereagh, and substitute
for it that of an Hon. Gentleman, who, though
orce offing together, has long ceased to be my po-
Itt!cal friend—l mean Mr. Baker, Me Member for
the county of Hertford, whose late elelion I ac-
tively opposed. but in whose talents, integrity, aid
independence, I have every reliance." t t
The MASTER of the ROLLS said, that he did
not consider this in the same light as an Eleltion
Committee, whose proceedings would be stopped
by the absence of any Membso. lie never repre-
sented his time to be so occupied, as that lie could
not occasionally spare a Jae for the execution of his
Parliamentary duties. He had frequently :so attend-
ed. He did not object to serve on the Civil List
Committee ; and was last year upon that for enquir-
ing into the growth of Scotch bailey. He attended
it occasionaliy ; and, though some of the evidence
was taken in his absence, he gave his assistance in
the drawing up of the Report. He never declined
2,3 y public duty. unless when he was occupied in!
some other ; and had served in the Secret Commit-
' tee, in 1794. Having said thus much, he didnot
know that the Hooeuraile Gentleman applied
any of his other observations to him ; but, at
! any rate, he must say, that though he sat many
years in the House, he never occupied one moment
of its time in speaking of himself. The rule (:1 his
conduit depended on his chanolter. He did not
disdain party attachments, nor should he think the
better of a man, conneded as he was, if he slid so ;
but he would never suffer personal friendship to have
any influence on the integrity o: his decisions. I
never attempted to give an 7 authority to any obser-
vations of mine, nor gave them for more than they
might be intrinsically worth. He confessed that this
was a very unpleasant topic, and hoped he should
never be driven to it again. As he never gave a
vote for the convenience of the moment, or such as
his conscience did not approve, so would he find no
difficulty in going into this Committee, in which he
was conscious that he should discharge his duty to
the best of his judgment. It wonld not he friend-
ship, but, in his mind. quite the contrary, to attempt
to screen any man, when there were proofs against
him. He said he should abstain from arguing the
immediate question before them, and apologised for
being oblioed to say so much in his ownivindication.
Mr. 1.1,' HI FBREAD assured the Right limo
Gendeman, that in what he thought it necessary to
state in support of his Motion. he had not the slight-
est intention of offering him any personal disrespect
whatever.
Mr. FOX said, that the influence which an indi-
vidual may have personally, or from chandler, was I
often fairly exerted upon the common usage found-
ed on the pi inciples of the Constitution ; but there
was a vast difference between the influence of an
individual and the influence of the Treasury,
and if that was said to be fair, he could riot
subscribe to the doctrine. He was ready to
admit that had Mr. Whitbread circulated a list,
he thought he should have adopted it, but had
he been the person accused, and had himself, like
the Minister, moved for an instruction to the com-
mittee to enquire into his conch's% he should have
been ashamed, and would scorn to circulate any lists.
If his lion. Friends, Mr. Grey or Mr. Whitbread.
had, in such a case, proposed a list in his favour, he
should have reproached them with an intention to
affront him. If they adopted the odious task of cir-
culating lists, the least that could be expelled was,
that it should be done openly. It could never be
horst that persons sitting in the same cabinet
with the First Lord of t• e Treasury and Chancellor
of the Exchequer, should give an unbiassed decision
on the aubjed ; and, if the Right Hon Gentleman
could be contented with an acquittal by judges so
constituted. all he should say was, that he wished
him joy of his deliverance.

The CH ANC El .I.OR of the VAC ll l'.Qtll.ll.
" ,It certainly sir; sounds exceedtigly well from the
total( smite f•entlemen to accuse "a malt of being
pop his trial before there is any charge,•end of
heist* conviaed before he is tut upon his trial.
They are welcome to say reproachfully —" You will
not cons nt to put upon your jury those who, if they
were on it, you could challenge for cause. You do
'not exclude from the Committee all that majority
who, for a series of years, were disposed to think
well cif you, and you idd not confine yourself' to
these who have been in the habit and dispoSition of
constantly Oinking ill of you. For my own part, I
know nothing of titat romantic honour which would
induce me to court the perilous distinflion of their
approbation, wheiotbe Parliament has had recourse
to no novel modell.selefting a Committee. I can-
not consent to yiehron this occasion to the old and
exploded segnMentiOvellich have so -often been ad-
vanced against the general usage MI the ohjec-
tows now made, might „as well have been offered
Is-fore the Coenniiitee was appointed. The Hon.
Gentlemen were at liberty, it they thought proper
so to do, to have moved by way of initreflion, that
I no man in office snoutd be on the Connnittee,
` and that all these whb are excused themselves on my
eleflion or other committees .should he ineligible
upon this. They might have included in the same
proscribe] 'class all those with whom. I ever had
the honour to be in habits of private intimacy, 'or
connected with in political situations or opinions.
. But after doing all these, it could, indeed, be very
novel, as well as harsh, if every ono who had ever
the misfortune to be one of my solleagues or my
friends, should be deprived of the privileges which
they have had in common with every other Member
of Parliament. I cannot conceive how the ingenuity
of those gentlemen can discover any analogy be-
tween such an appointment as this and an Election
iCommittee, in which the non-attendance of any
one member, even for five Minutes, must, by law,
' break up the proceedings of the slay, and be. pro-
ductive of an immediate adjournment. In all other
committees we are in the daily habit of providing
against the consequeoces of non-attendance by
naming a certain number of the Members as mi-
lficient to constitute a ossarrier. In the various
branches that come under the consideration of this
I House, it would be unreasonable to contend that on
a subjeft of law, of finance, or of politics, the public
shoutd•be deprived of the assistance of those most
conversant with those subjeas, who by this rule
i would be excluded, if they could not constantly give
1 up the whole of titeir mornings to that single occu-
pation. They cautiously advise us to look to what
the public might expeft from us (cries of hear.'
hear! (emu tile opposition quarter) ; but I think it
better to look to what the public ought to expeiil,
without much attending to that party cry which as-
sumes the name of popular opinion. Enquiries
should ever he instituted for the ends of public jus-
tice, and, it has been generally allowed, that the best
mode of obtaining it is be combining biases, so that
-one shell's( meet its opposite, and truth and justice
be elucidated by the collisiiim of the two. Du Gen-
' tlemen think they aft fairly, when they require that
we shotird exclude WI the talen'ti inione.si to of the
House, indloclude theca on theotlaer.e. Tht objet]
of the present motion seems to be to induce us to re-
nounce the principle &ballots ettogether ; 'midi cer-
tainly, if we are to havb a separate motion, and de-
bate upon every name, it would be mote desirable
never to have .a ballot at all. .They talk of influ-
ence, as if no such thing ought ever to have exist-
ence. Will they allow nothing for the influence of
argument, the influence of suggestion, or the influ-
ence of opinion ? These hifloences must ever sub-
sist iu the natural and social intercourse between
man and roan, but ought not to he cionhoinded with
undue or improper influence. Thus much, Sr.l. I
thought it my duty to say in viniicatiou of the
House, and in support of the usual course of Par-
liamentary proceeding."
Mr. FOX explained, that he had given no
pinion respating the guilt of the flight Hun.
'Gentleman.
Mr. SHERIDAN observed,. that the debate was
proceeding in a strain of more warmth than natu-
rally belonged to such a subje.f; but it was no great
wonder that it should be so, when the question was,
which side was best defending the honour and dia-
meter of Parliament ? The Right Hon. Gentleman
thought proper to represent every thing on this sub-
let, which passed out of doors, a party cry, ASSUIII-
- the name of popular opinion. Rot were the
resolutions of the city of London, and its peti,ion ;
were similar resolutions, from other parts of the
kingdom, to be properly denominated a party cry ?
He also said, that were his Jury otherwise consti-
tuted, he would be justified in challenging for cause !
What cause ? All the cause hitherto shewn was
against the prose. t members of the Committee, who
were distitOltly challenged on that ground. Flis
HIM. Friends did really challenge for cause, and
had also given the proof of it. They stated, in
' proof; that men holding places at the will of the
Crown should not be appointed to decide upon such
a question any more titan person, living in the habits
of private friendship and personal intimacy with the
' Honourable Gentleman (hear! bear!). This was
one of the principal ohjetions to the Noble Lord
(Castlereagh). whose friendship with him did not
appear to he diminished by any changes in Admi-
nistration, and who was probably the chief bistro-
merit of the recent reconciliation, for the second
time, with his predecessor in office, as no person
could be better adapted to pot an end to that astenitain
ire, than the Noble Lord, who was the bosom friend
of both of them. The Hight Honourable Gentle-
man thought it would he a hardship in him to ex-
clude his friends from the Committee, but their tie-
ing his friends Was a suflirierit objeftion to him.
After the great number of i eats, florin!% which he
was at the head of the Administration of the cows-
try, it must necessarily follow that he moist have a
great numbsr of persons in that House attached to
him, As well by gratitude. or places and favours, as
by the ties of pi ivate friendship. H- could there-
fore be at no loss for perso is who had no bias
against him.; but let the present Committee acquit
him in what manner !hey would, they were to con.
stinted that they could never restore him to public
estimation. Why Sh,tll3 the case be different be-
tween this and East India delinquency ? By Aft of
Parliament, both Houses were compelled to ballot
fur Commiuees for East India, and yet it WAS so-
vressly provided that it any Members wino celoseu

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