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London, England, 1824-04-03 00:00:00

great importance, _ required much consideration.; and
he was now prepared to declare, that the more be had considered the
Bill, the second reading of which he should have the hOROOr to move,
the more he was convinced of its beneficial tendency. He had for
some time thought the silk manufacture an artificial one, supported
only by the prohibitions that were connected with it. Only a few
years since he entertained these opinions ; but when he recollected
that between thirty and forty thousand persons were employed in a
manufacture at Birmingham, which was totally unprotected by
prohibitiora which gave a fair opportunity to the principles of the
free trade being exercised, and which received its mid pro quo
through the op of such principles, it was naturally believed
that they might be equally applied to the silk as to this manufacture.
The object Ibli Bill was to admit the manufactured article under
certain sedifseattons, and the raw material free of duty altogether;
and one motive for tins was, that it was desirable for other countries
to improve as well es tisk. and as nearly as possible in the same
ratio. Looking at the silk manufacture in all its branches, he
thought this measure would nhianately be most beneficial to it, and
if it were adopted must have the best effect upon trade in general.
It was first proposed that the probibniem should cease in twelve
months; but it was afterwards considered that alonger time might
be necessary, to enable the minafacumas to accommodate them.
selves to this principle, new in their trade, and a longer period was
ultimately fixed upon. Another great advantage of this Bill was,
that it substituted duties of a moderate description for those that
might be considered a positive prohibition, by which means smug-
gling would be got rid of; and the alteration in the prohibition
tended to check smuggling of the most detriments/ nature—that
which era carried on by the hikher orders, and which was the
most extensively mischievous, tin, it panishmentiellowed it, it fell
on the heads of the least offemling parties, the instigators of the
act being always in the back ground. If Ministers had looked
only to popularity, they might have repealed other duties, the abo-
lition of which would have been enough to have caused their praise
to be sounded from one end of the empire to the other, by interested
persons ; but they had discharged their duty better, and their cons
duct, he had no doubt, would be ultimately duly appreciated. The
Noble Earl concluded by moving the snood reading of the Silk
Regulaedn Bill.
The Marquis of LA NSDOWN observed, that it was unn:a.
vary for hi:n to say hew entirely he concurred with the Noble Earl
at the bead of his Mayaty's fioverninent, in the views that he had
taken in reference to the Bill before their Lordships—views that he
had entertained for a long time, and which be was most happy now
to see likely to be acted upon. He sincerely trusted that the pro.
hibitions, when once removed, would never again find their way
into the code of this country ; and he entertained, in common with
the Noble Earl opposite, the most sanguine hope that the industry
and capital of this country, and the more powerful machinery that
would be introduced into it is consequence of this measure, would
enable her to stand in competition with all the other countries with
reference to this branch of manufacture. The only question that
would beat all doubtful with regard to this Bill was, the time to
be allowed to the manufacturers to accommodate themselves to its
operation. and to enable them to provide themselves with machinery
more fitted than that which theyat present used, fortheir entoringsuc-
ceasfully on that course of competition they would be thrown into;
for the measure itself would produce such a change that the Houle
might deem it necessary to enlarge the time.
The Earl of LI I'EItPOM. said, across the table, that he bed
meant the town of Manchester, and not Birmingham, as ha had
said when he spoke of 10 or 40.0 W persona being employed In a ma.
nufacture that was unprotected by p bibitions.
The Bill was then read a sQoosad time, and ordered so be eoff.
mind on Monday.
COLONIAL SLAVERY.
The Earl of CAR NARYON presented a petition from Mortebes.
ter, paying for the gradual abolition of slavery in the Cobieiss
the Earl of DARNLEY presented a similar petition, signed by
Lleftmost respectable inhabitants of the Isle of Thane as did
the Marquis of LANADOWN, in the absence of a Noble Friends(
his, from the inhabitants of Tenbury, in Worcestershire ; and the
Earl of Oast:nen, from a place the name of which we could not
learn—which were severally laid on the table.
IMPROVEMEN'fet ti T WINDSOR CASTLE.
Lord HOLLAYD, seeing the Noble Earl In his piece, maid
take the opportunity of asking him, whether that strange nmeenssis
tutional measure, the Cominissioa for the improvement of Wham
Castle, had been abandoned ?

The Earl of LIVER POOL answered, that he was not prepared
to answer the question of the Noble Baron. The measure had
been submittal to his Majesty; anti if it took place, the Commis-
sion would be - 'fled by his 31 -

appointed by n., Alajesty.
TRANSIT DUTIES ON LINEN.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN presented a petition from the
Grand Jury or the County of Tipperary, praying their Lordships
not to withdraw the duties on linens.

The Earl of CLARE promoted a similar petition from the
county of Limerick—which were both laid oo the table.
SECRET SOCIETY AC f.
The Earl of WICKLOW premnted a petition from the Free-
moans of Ireland. praying their Lordsiops to exempt them from
the operations of the Secret SocietyAct.—Laid on the table.

soe or soesety Act---iusso _
TITH E COMPOSITION ACT (IRELAND).
The Marquis of LA NSDOWN said, that he held in his hand
petitions on a most important subject that which related to the
Tithe Composition MIL In the last Session of Parliament he did
give his humble support to the measure, then brought under their
Lordships' consideration, which had been long sought for by the
people of Ireland, and was s measure likely to produce, in his
judgment, a partial restoration of tranquillity to that country ;
but he thought it necessary at that time to qualify his support, and
if their Lordships would permit him, he would venture totem' their
attention to his objections. He had been disinclined to come into
that measure, because it bore prima facir evidence of partiality,
and a leaning to one side. In the Bill of last years power was
inserted, extending the provisions of the Bill beyond the composi-
tion of the last seven years. He did not mean to say that the
Clergy would, in all cases, receive a higher composition than they
had done for that period ; but the case might acme, although none
could take place in which they would receive a. lower composition.
If a latitude was given on the one side, a similar latitude ought to
be given on the other; and if in sonic instances the composition
could be increased beyond the rate of the last seven years, it ought
also to be reduced below it when necessary. This ought to be pro-
vided for upon this ground, if there was no other reason for it ;
because it would take away from the enemies of the Bill the plau-
siSle and just pretence, that this Wisl3 Bill that the people might be
called upon to pay more, but they could not pay less, than the com-
position of the last seven years. Whether it arose from the dull.
ness of the Irish peasantry, or from whatever cause it originated
In, he would not pretend to say; but certain it was that they did not
consider it a fair -bargain, when interests on both sides ought to be
farirly looked at, and they thought that only one side had been
attended to. There was another clause, partaking of partiality'
. which related to the expenses of the machinery of the Bill itself.
The measure was for the benefit of both parties, but the operation
of it was entirely at the expense of our party. That was one of
the circumstances connected with this Bill, that gave •cornplexion
to the measure unfavourable to it, and led persons who were
inimical to it, to assert that justice was not equally dealt out.
There was some obscurity in a most important clause, that the
Noble Earl opposite could remove. Almost all the operations were'
made, not under the Bill, but under a clause introduced by the
other House of Parliament, which was, that when the Clergy.
elan and Vestry agreed on a composition of tithes, they
could do so without the machinery of the other clauses being
put in operation, and their decision might be final. A sum
different to what was agreed upon could not be demanded ;
but it might be forced upon unwilling parties, who might
themselves be bound under that particular clause to accept of the
composition, and be compelled to go on under a subsequent arrange.
ment. It was very desirable that the point to which he had re-
fared should be clear in the Bill. There was one clause in the
BM regulating the composition, and then the parties wishing to
Wunder it were subjected to another specie' of composition, which
pre it, amongst the people of Ireland, the appellation of the
• Trap Clause." These difficulties might be removed by the
adoption of measures more conciliatory to the feelings of the
people in the course of the present Session. He bad become sc.
quainted within the last tow days, through the medium of the
Votes of the other House of Parliament, that they were about to
propose to their Lord4hips the adoption of measures and rev's-
dons more subversive of eey., principle for the preservation of I,
property than any that he r re leered having been introduced within
the walls of Parliament. ft was impossible that they could ever
pain that or any other liouse, where proprietors of land were
sitting, exercising a sound discretion. It was a desire on the WI
of persons receiving tithes to receive more, and on the part of those
paying tithes, to pay less; and a third party, who ware guaranteed
from the payment of all tithe, by their leases, and whose property 11
was recognised as tithe free, as much as the right of the clergy to
tithes was acknowledged, were to be dragged into the payment of
them in a most unjust and oppressive manner. A disposition was
shown to accommodate by two strong parties—the clergy and the
tithe payer--at the expense of the weaker one. He remembered
stating during the last Session that he conceived the measure
might produce injustice towards this third party ; but what was the
answer of the Noble Earl opposite ? No such compulsion was in-
tended ; he said that it was impossible thr those parties to be in-
jured, for the holders of agistment tithe had six votes, which
were more than the tithe payers possessed, sod thereforethey
could always protect themselves from injustice. Six months had
noselapesd before it was attempted to put the smallest holders of
land on a footing with large proprietors ; so that if the Bill were
to pass, the influence of property would be gone. The interest of
the clergy or tithe payer could oat-rote those possessing property