The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1803-04-18 00:00:00

GENTZ.
•
The Government of France seems peculiarly anxi-
ous to establish, that the prosperitrof Great Britain
is inconsistent with the happiness of the other powers
of Europe. We on Friday stated, in our arguments
on War and Peace, that Mt. Grairz has refuted that
assertion with singular ebility. The following is an
extract from the work of that very able and inge-
nious writer :
• I shalt prepare the way for some olisetvations on
the political situation of England, by quoting the
author of the Etat de la France; the following pas-
sage is the substance, the quintessence of the opini-
ons of French politicians on this subjed ; and the
writer himself calls it. --a An historical Recapitu-
lation -of the Offences committed by one Nation, and
of the Grievances nf all the rest."
" We have seen how the English government,'
such are the words of this remarkable passage,
46 trusting to its situation (beyond the reach of all
continentatambition), and relying on the resources
derived from a subsidizing commerce, adapted its
political conduCt to the national views of commer-
cial aggrandisement, extension, and usurpation ;
how it encouraged every principle of discord among
the powers of the continent to divide and weaken
them; how it every where assumed commercial pre-
ferences; how it formed engagements, of which the
tenor and duration were determined by its own con-
venience; how it meddled in all political disputes
to embitter them, and insinuated itself into all con-
ventions
to dissolve them ; how it oppreseed every
country in Europe successively with the burden of
its succours, incessantly making changes in the sys-
tem of existing relations, producing false combina-.
tions of interest and power, and creating a partial
ephemeral balance in opposition to the principles of
the general equilibrium ; in short, how itasueces-
sivery turned to account the weakness or -the
strength, the ambition or the prudence, the harmony
or discord of all nations, great or small, by carefully
inflaming the passions, and taking advantage of the
wants, tie clangers, and the alarms of the moment ;
profiting by the confusion of the multitude of in- •
-arrests, almost all at variance with each other, so as
atoestablish, by its own perseverance and uniformity,
a distinet interest, the sole object of all its views—
that of its power rivalling every other power ; that
of its commercial system rivalling and excluding
the commerce of every other country." The Au-
thor assures us that this pidure has been drawn
without apger or malice. Of this he would per-
' haps finJ It difficult to convince even his own cotua-
trymen„ ra least the enlightened part of them. But
whatever may have been his intentions or his feeling
is this etetemcnst, it is our duty to proceed without
anger cr .nalice to examine it.
This king string of accusations, when properly
stonsidered, eureduced to a single charge; the stated
crimes of the British government are nothing mote
-.than her offences against France. It is evident that
England, front the remotest time, bat more especi-
ally since the decay of Spain, has had but one per-
petual enemy in the whole circle of Europe. It re-
quires no argument to prove that the British govern-
ment must desire to be at peace with all the world,
except France ; that the weakest and most ignorant,
the maddest administration (if such an one could
ever be placed at the head of affairs in England),
would never wantonly abandon so obvious a princi-
ple ; that to foment or engage in continental wars,
could never be conducive even to the momentary in-
terests of Great Britain; that England possesses :Ice
the means of invading the powers of the continent ;
and can never become dangerous to the indepen-
dence of other nations by projeds of conquest or
ambition ; and that, with respell to political rela-
tions, every idea of usurpation, dominion, or ty-
ranny, on the part of the British government, must
not only be unfounded, but in the highest degree ab-
surd and ridiculous.
These indisputable truths are confirmed by the
history of a whole century. All the wars in which
England has been engaged, were either immedi-
ately and exclusively with France, or occasioned by
events in which France was principally concerned.
France was always the object, and the only objea,
she had in view in all her alliances, her subsidies,
her efforts by land and sea. This at length became
the sole basis of British politics ; so that the naval
and military system of Great Britain was establish-
ed with reference to France exclusively, and direeted
entirely against her. This observation justifies, in
the first place, the caution with which every reason-
able and impartial person in Europe ought to re-
ceive accusations against England, from the p.m of
a French writers'; it weakens, besides, inasmuch as
it simplifies, the mass of what is called the offences
of one nation, and the grievances of all the rut. With
respect to political relaiioes, England can never have
sinned against all other nations, but by injuries
done to France. The question between England
and Europe is, in every possible case, rednced to a
question between England and France ; and the
resentment, hatred, and opposition of Europe can
never be awakened by the conduct of England, ex-
cept where the interests of France and those of
Europe are the same.
The following clear and simple principle will
therefore guide an impartial and enlightened public
in its judgment on the conduit of England in every
war in which it has been, or may hereafter be en-
gaged.
First, In every war between France and England,
of which their respective interests arc the only mo-
tives, Europe may remain an unconcerned speatator,
without interfering in their several rights and pre-
tensions.
Secondly, In every dispute or war in which
the conduct of France endangers the security and •
independence of other nations, the opposition of
England is consistent with the interests of Europe.
Thirdly, In every war or dispute in which
• On the other bawd, the passionlito declamations of ag
English writer against France are to be received with :he sad
minion. There are some honourable exceptions on elthf
side. Rut I lease to any man acquainted with the po:itir
writings of both countries, to determine anrcieriemialy
whack these exceptions are most rare.

France is itt danger of beidg oriOtissed- ; ate:ember-
ed, or deprived of her just and salutary influence,
the cooperation of England is at variant with the
interests of Europe.
Before we apply these principles to the wars which
wok place between France and England, before the
revolution, it *ill be necessary to premise a feW ge=
neral observations on the respeaive situations of
those twd ttetions.
Which of these two is most likely to endanger
the balance of power, and to threaten the indepena
deuce of Europe ? This questloremight be answered
in the shortest and most decisive manner, by the
testimony and authority of French writers them-
selves, if I were to employ for that purpose, the ar-
guments and decianeatior.s by which they have, dur-
ing the last filtf years, been endeavouring to prove,
that the internal national strength of Great Britain
cannot be compared with the foundations of the
power and greatness of France. According to their
assertions, " the whole power of England is a pre-
carious fabric, upon a deceitful foundation, which
,the first severe shock may convert into a heap of
ruins. The riches of England are not real, solid,
and lasting, but imaginary, artificial and transient ;
depending upon circumstances of the moment, and
to vanish as speedily as they arose, whenever a
change shall happen in those circumstances : the in.,
*fluence of the British Government in Europe is as un-
natural, and not less unstable than the basis of its
power ; and will sink, together with that power, in-
to nothing, whenever Europe shall understand its
true interests." On the other hand, according to
these politicians, " the power of trance has a great
and unaltefille foundst9on ; she derives inexhausti-
blesesources from a fruitful and exiesnive territory;
her real and solid riches;ase of a nature very differ-
ent from the precarious. supplies of EngLud's com-
mercial industry: to the momentary illusions ope-
rated by thesold of her rival, France oapposes the
necessary, durable, unalterable influence of a nation
endowed with endless resources ; and:, Whose get)l
graphical, militaey, and politicAl.advatitnes render
it at once secure and powerful:'.
It would be easy to thaw such conclusions from
these assertions as would at onee.ansvrer and pin an
end to every idea of a dangerous preponderance on
the part of Great Britain. But this, with the opinions -
I hold, would be a mere artifice, a lawyer's qulab!ee
such as I would nut even use, if the present work
were written with no other objeft than the defence
and justification of the British Goveramnent But
the case is not as those writers have described it.
The power, the riches, and the political influence
of England, are as well founded and as real as
those of France : Ea.gland's greatness • rests upon a
basis as firm as that of her rival ; their resources
and their means may be different, but the result is
the same in both.
It is nevertheless true that France is superior to
England in power and influence, if we merely com-
pare the natural and politicatrelations, the geogra-
phical situation, the offensive and defensive resotte-
ces, the capability of external efforts, of the two na-
tions, without regard to the effedts produced by the
good or bad use of Such advantages. Whenever
the balance of power is destroyed, it is more proba-
ble that England will suffer by the change, than de-
serve to be accused as the cause of it. •
In support of this opinion, the following ogn-
meats appear to me incontrovertible :
Ist, England is a maratime power only: her
operations on the continent are seldom of impor-
ance, and have never had any lasting effeas; where-
as France ir•at once a maratime and military na-
tion. ry proper application of her strength,
France may effectually resist the preponderance of
the British navy ; this has more than once beetv the
case already, and is equally likely to happen. again.
When, and as often as it does happen, the advan-
tage is not only decidedly on the part of Prance, but
'her superiority is immense.
2dly, The only points of canted between England
and the other European powers, are her federal,
-Mercantile, and pecuniary relations ; her military
operations can affeet them very little, if at all. Plans
of conquest and aggrandisement are beyond her
reach ; her armies can at the most only serve for
occasional expeditions, but, like her fleets, can never
become the instruments or any permanent continen-
tal dominion. France, besides the federal, commer-
cial, and pecuniary relations which she possesses in .
commcn with England, has extensiee military re-
sources always ready to execute any great continen-
tal undertakieg. She can threaten and promise, can
a& and negociate : her limits arc not, like those of
England, •er.altcribly fixed; they are capable of
being continually .extended ; they have been so for
centuries back ; and if, before the revolution, they
had reached the point which ought to have satisfied
a wise and peaceful policy, the events of later times
have shov:n, that moderation and wisdom are not
allied with ambition.
Sdly, France is, and has long been, completely
proteded against every foreign attack ; nor is the
subjugation or destrudion of her monarchy among
the conceivable consequences of any such attempt.
England has not this invaluable security to boast
of; she has, mere than once, been threatened with
aftual invasion, and, what is worse, if such in-
vasion were attended with success, the conse-
sequences would be, beyond all calculation, destruc-
tive.
The practicability of a descent in England has
been the subject of much dispute. .I shall not enter
here, into the merits of that question. It is certain
that the undertaking would be difficult and ha-
zardous in the extreme ; that the resistance in the in-
terior of the country would be exceedingly formidae
ble; and, perhaps, since the late organization of the
militia, quite insurmountable. But it uno less cer-
tain, that, in the opinion of the best judges,• the in-
vasion of England is by no means impossible ; she
has been frequently threatened with it, and has ^-
thin once been made to tremble with ale--
an attempt has always been amon; tae ''° '• Such

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