The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1803-05-24 00:00:00

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holies. the hinge= tone endnontser of dve nese!,
Cozad to Lord \A him. rile the nresratatire ui
is the presence of the Annhaseadors
al the Courts d Europe, and contoreted that, and
caw other ostijnits cainselnint acrdgliceance, with
the mild and lligilified outdo& of the Ittitish Go-
beramesr, which prewrifed its eet to the last.
though it junly and notch toesenroashe
the hresour and efignity of the crowns and the vital
inteneas of the empire; for their Lord Ships must be
that it check should be Imposed on the
doi▪
difitiihigsytitesu of nonce, there must be an end
eifibeikesstitntioas the laws framed by the wisdom
wr our ancestors, and still maintained as the support
of the Coo:du:Won of this country ; in short, to our
civil and religious establishments, to the rights of
property, so the subordinauou of ranks, to the
pow* bftheir Lordships to sit in discussion there,
and to dentjthing that was dear to the feelings of
all Englishlnetn. Yet, after every provocation, his
Majesty hail expressed his determinaticn to put an
end to the calamities cf war as soon at it should be
prnencable ; and, upon all these groundn he had
great pleasure in seteading the motion.
Lord STahNHOPE saki, he concurred in most
of the positions laid down by the Noble Secretary of
State, and the Royal Duke who followed him. He
acknowledged that all the representations they had
made, or at lust most of them, would he' a suffi-
tient ground for war ; but if he presumed to differ
with them in opinion, it was because. he did not un-
dernand all the trnnsaCtions in the same light that
they did. The Secretary of State had given thein
to understend that the main olsjen of the negotia-
tion, the disputes, and the determination of our Go-
vernment to go to war for the possession of the
Island of Malta. That was certainly a considera-
tion of high importance, but greatly subordinate to
the pretension of any foreign power to dilate the
Liles of this country, the conduet of the debates in
Parliament, the freedom of discussion, or any
thing. that could malitale with the liberties
and independence of this United Kingdom.—
He would himself chearfully sacrifice his fortune
and life, and die in the greatest tortures that human
cruelty or ingenuity ever devised, than suffer the
tights of man to be trampled on or even invadtd iu
this free country. This, however, he was not con-
vinced to be the air or language of the trench Go-
vernment towards us, es he meant afterwards to ex-
;• plain according to hiscompsehension, but he wished
previously to say a few words on the subjea of the
prriposed cession of the important island of Malta ,
—He was- him'sif one of the most strenuous
advocates for the Treaty of Amiens ; but for What
reason Because hlinisters had already ratified it,
and the good faith of the nation was pkelged to its
maintenance. He supported it, because he saw no
help for it, and felt that peaces even on these terms, .
might be advantageous to the nation ; but had he
been in the situation of the Ministers,. he never
would have consented to the signing of the Prelimi-
naries which endangered our Eastern possessions by
the cession of that island. The manner, however, in
-which the negotiation betrayed, in-his judgment, the
want of capacity in the Ministers, and he should de-
liver his opinion on it with the samea temeir and
gravity which he would maintain, if sitting judicially
to decide on the question of an impeachment in
Westminster Hall. His Lordship then went into
the merits of the conversation between Lord Whit-
worth and the Members of the French Government,
the disponehessof 'his Lordship, and instrunions of
Lord Ilawitesbury, &c. &c. His inference from
all these was, that the Ministers did not think it pm-
** to conform to the terms of a treaty they should
inwhave entered into, and that the First Consul was
determined to insist on our adherence to it. There
. pas upon this occasion something ridiculous and
_ate laughable in the foolish condult of his Majesty's
confidential servants. [This observation produced
in the House a considerable burst of laughter.] His
Lordship, however, still contended that their con-
dull was very absurd and ridiculous. Lord Whit-
worth demanded that Malta should remain in the
hands of the English ten years, for the security of
our East India possessions. Were we then to re-
tain that security only till the expiration of that pe-
rid, and afterwards abandon it, leaving the French
to a& in pursuance of those views which they were
not even so reserved as to conceal ? Were we to
hare only ten years lease of our Eastern empire ?
Such was the demand of the English cabinet ; and
what was the reely of Bonaparte's Minister ? It
was this ; in a conversation with Lord Whitworth,
he observed that the First Consul was desirous of
bringing the differences to an amicable accommo-
dinion, and that England should be allowed to keep
that island, not for the limited term of ten years,
but in perectnity, provided France should have an
equivalent or adequate consideration. \Vas there
any thing more preposterous and laughable than
rdteset this prof oral to let us retain at in perpetu-
ity, and afterwards going to war, because we were
refused the limited period of ten years ? Ile could
not see on what grounds Ministers could justify so
extraordinary proceedings. In reipea to Frauce,
would be idle to decide a thing 'of so much ira-
penance to the terests of England, merely from the
charaeleror dispentionnfanyintlividualwhomaybeat
the head of its Government; for though Bonaparte
might be dead, or give way to some successor, long
hcrore the expiration of the ten years during which
we proposed, fur our teen safety, to retain Malta,
vet it errs possible enough that the views of the
trench Government may be the same' and that
whatever indivinually should succeed to the su-
preme aethswity, in what wa, nailed the Republic,
would be is ardent as hi predecessor to deArtoy our
rn empire. Every one knew that howaparte
%ens an extraordinary, daehing, enterprising man,
one who oeuld not hesitate to undertake any thing
grand, however dangerous: a person that nobody
coolie tell to day what he may. do to-morrow • nod,
aided his Lordship emphntically, .1 like
,Min
the better for it !"—[This singular expression watt
received with an universal peal of laughter.] His
Lordship proceeded to argue that this reserve of
his was a reason why m much press should
no; he Lid upon his charnher orhostile mind to-
warns chi; nountre, thnt'gh burthened with
a debt of eau ninliseis, loaded %kith taxes to an
enormous amount, And perhAsa likely to experience a
renceitien of the nacome duty, and 4 severe dearth Of
enochione, was Slat 41,1 v, it necesstaryn'to set him and
all his power at detintice. Pint, however great sr
stay be, oar etratigth or resourceeneeopn with any
onveesary, it di,d not thllow that we should aloft keep ,
ourselves at peace if. that was pranicable. In Iwo
opinion it was completely so. Were hennade a me-,
diauur between the two countries, he theenlo he.
•••

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1_

r I .

•
•
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Arne- - 40 :10 .

cnuld tete:4 Ming the* ea reccommodanicale . He
WIJU say to each of them u What is it yilt. Wish
, far bhtle afeeed the same obipa, the at.
c wield,' t Alice& ; best if they , had
eipie •insieees'efte ariongement would be easy: by
lettink them divide. and each party take what he
waieted. England wished fir Malta. and the French
wen- will to let them retain it ou their allowing
• them an. etpricalrut. Franc; had complained
of the speeches made in Parliament, and the
liberties to eta wit% the Supreme Mawistrete of
the Repuhlic, by the English press. ne treedom
of the press saes an advantage which this country
must ever retein, while it had any regard to the
principle:: of Ilserty. But. it could not be denied,
that al roc ii nis libels bad been publishedagsincr.ali the
leading persons in the French Government, many of
which lie had himself read, and could net b. expell-
ed to pass without remonstrance and complaint.
Some of them were in the French language, for the
purpose of gaining circulation in that country, and ex-
citing disturbances, as producing hatreijt against the
Government. Upon this subject he understood the
haw to be clear, and he was happy in speaking in the
presence of some cf the most eminent Lawyers in
the kingdom. He held it to be this, that by the Law
and Constitution of this country every man was et
liberty to write or publish any remarks or anirnee-
versions on the condoet of our Administration, and
it was but fair to allow the same latitude of remark
with reaped to foreign Governments; hut as the
law gave a remedy for any thing that may be li-
bellous against ourselves, so should the same
proteetion be afforded to the cheraders of fo-
reigners, and mom partictilerly to those who were
at the time in amity with tea 1 his was all that
justice and the law of nations required, and all
that we could grant ; but never should a foreign
power he allowed to dktate the laws by which
we were to be governed. The First Consul was
accused of demanding the sending' away of Emi-
grant Dimes, some Bishops, and a few others who
were obnoxious to his Government. He was not
surprised at this rettaisition, though honour and
hospitality were said to forbid an acquiescence itt it.
Indeed he did not exped that our Government
would send away the bishops. (looking steadfastly at
the Reverend Bench, eebicri eras productive of much
mirth in the House) bht it could not be concealed
that the application WAS not unreasonable. 'These
fellow:, the Bishop and others (a :h014: of kicker I)
were certainly guilty of spreading seditious publica-
tions through the maritime provinces of France,
which must give annoyance to the Government, and
tend to excite the public odium upon the Govern-
ment; and they had the means of doing so with fa-
cility by the close neighbourhood of the islands el
Jersey and Gtierusey to the coast of France. The
possession of those islands, therefore, which was of no
use to England, must be highly desirable to the
French Government, and that was probably the
equivalent for which it would be contented to leave
us in perpetual possession of the island of Malta.
'This, he thought, would be a fair exchange, agreea-
ble to both parties, and highly advantageous to the
interests of this country. In one of the last conver-
sations of Lord Vl hitworth with Talleyrand, the lat-
ter expressed the determination of the Consul to ad-
just the differences in an amicable manner. It could
not be denied that those were at least fair words; and
as good words were cheap, and cost nothing, de-
served a corresponding language on our part ; but
instead .of that, we had ordered our Ambassa-
dor to leave Paris. Great force was Lid on the
territorial acquisitions and aggrandisement of
France since the Treaty of Amiens, hut he was ready
to maintain and prove that France, instead of
increasing held diminished in its power since the
conclusion of that treaty. All that France had since
occupied could not, by men of sense and discern-
ment, be considered as an accession to its power.—
It had lost infinitely in the war for liberty, without
obtaining that objed, and was now as far from ob-
taining it as ever. The annexation of Piedmont,
the command of the Italian Republic, the controul
over Switzerland, and the influence it exercised over
the Batavien Republic,. were not in ft& obtained
since the Treaty of Amiens, as Bonaparte had the
possession of these countries since the decisive bat-
tles of Marengo and Hohenlinden. It was also a
great sufferer in the loss of Saint Domingo, contain.
mg 500,000 negroes, which, if incorporated with
' the French army and the natives of colour, might
easily be embarked, and conquer Jansaica, aed all
our other West India islands. His Lordship said,
he knew that there was a strong philanthropic
party in France, who wished to conciliate the blacks
from metiles of feeling and humanity. There was
also awelier set which was desirous of pursuing the
same line from motives of mere policy. But the
French Cabinet was so misguided and unwise as to
adept e diahrent systeni. The consequence was,
that St. Domingo, more valuable than all the other
islands, was irrecoverably lost, together with Lnui-
siana, and there was an end of the French power
in the West India colonies. In the East Indies they
were equally powerless, and measures may be
adopted to make our Eastern possessions equally
safe, whether France should have Egypt or not,
and which would in fad render that a matter of in-
difference to the interests of this country ; but he
was sorry to observe that these measures had Maier-
to been neglected. If there was any ground for
the report that the islands of Sicily and Cuba
were to be ceded to England, France was fully
justified in requiring an equivalent. We had
also made great acquisitions in .the East, and
though France Abstained, on account of its not
conciliating the natives of St. Deming° from seiz-
ing, as it might have done, the West India islands,
Louisiana, Florida, and even the Spanish posses-
givens of Mexico and Peru ; yet he did not consider
it as uureasonehle that she should expect in Europe
some equivalent for our acquisitions since the Treaty
of Amiens, and the diminution of her own real
power in different quarters of the world. The
power syhich a French army, assisted by the addi-
tion a Negro troops, would be able to obtain ovdr
our West India colonies, was asset ted at the bar of
that !louse, on the question of the Slave-trade, by
one of the ablest officers that ever had been in the
service of this countrya--he meant Admiral Affieck;
andehe made no doubt, would be coefirmed by the
opinion of some other Admirals then iii the House,
and particularly by a itn)al. Admirallthe. nude of
I:.lsrue4 who was sitting at no great distance from
him. He- did not know by whose advice k was
that this decisive eyetem-of war had been adopted'.
by the Cabinet t. 'certaln he was, that Mr. Adding-.
ton, wham he -cofiiideriel as one of the mostlb-'
neenellionane, :Lad utitight men_ that ewe Slitelais- •
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• •

w

testa the afttirs of this

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sirens of rintiaraining
'added,•thot *belt hi w
vote 'on to important
tide. hi favor of war,
alter the opinion which
Hie Royal Highness
followed, and said, that as he was _ pat ,
hided to by the Noble Lord who spole'last,lez would
bn
te
kn ulg
thoughtrbyh
et their Lordships
littlead
tein offering
add
to what
hsouteree-n
already stated bt the Noble Secretary of State, and
has Noble Relation (the Duke of . Cumberland
Though it had not been hi.: intention to advert to the
state of the West India islands, he had no difficulty
if atlirrning,that Fraiece lost all is advantages in that
quarter by its own cruchy, perfidy, and want of
policy. It was true that it Lid lost the important,
island of St. Domingo by its atrocious treachery,
and breach of faith, to a man with whom, whatever
may be his colour, it had made terms, and after-
wards perfidiously arrested in violation of its agree-
ment. This WAS the main cause of their losing that
most valuable island, for which they had only to
blame the misconduct of their own Government, and
that spirit of encroachment and aggression which
seemed uniformly to actuate it. The same cause,
however, could not be assigned for what had only
been lately known, the loss of Lkuisiena and the
Floridan It was his Majesty's message which
maimed this forbearance on the part of an ar-
rogant and domineering power, and to which
the 'United States of America were indebted for
the blessings they enjoyed. He could see no
ground whatever far this country not obtaining pos-
session by force of arms for the numerous insults
and aggressions of which it had so much reason to
complain. It now stood upon a different ground
to what it did during the American war, or at the
conclusion of The peace of Amiens. England, dur-
ing the last war, had many difficulties to struggle
with, which subsisted no longer. It laboured for
two years under a scarcity and dearth of provisions,
to the great distress of the poorer orders, and also
felt the accumulation of its tares. Many of these
difficulties were now removed by the wisdom of
Parliament, and the bounty of Providence. France
had presumed to boast that England was not able
singly to coatend with it. It was not the chara6ter
of Englishmen to make any boasts, but they would
!hew our enemies what they had felt before, that
England was of itself able to fight its own battles,
under any circumstances, and even to defy the uni-
verse in arms. It stood on the highest pinnacle at
this moment, and so far front suhmitting to the die-
titian of others, was in a situation to prescribe to
France, and those who v..ere ia.mality its depen-
dents, and to which it pretetided to he an ally."—
" I would," observed his Royal Highness. " say
decisively to the French, You shall not have St. Do-
mingoe—you shall not have Louisiana or the Flori-
das,—and you shall not ever have Malta, or regain
possession of Egypt, unless you listen to reason and
the di&ates of moderation. ' To its subservient pow.
er, the 13atavian Republic, I would say, You shall
not have the Cape of Good Hope, though it has
been ceded to you, in pursuance of the Treaty of
Amiens, nor shall you retain any possessions what-
ever in the Eastern world. To Spain its vassal and
complaisant ally, my language would be, You shall
have nothing, but what the generosity of England
may be pleased to allow you."—Such was the situ-
ation in which the country stood at present, when he
made no doubt that nothing but a sentiment of re-
sentment and indignation pervaded the whole coun-
try, though ih the course of the last war England
had not only to combat with the foreign foe, but
with the plots and conspiracies of domestic enemies.
He confessed that when the preliminaries of peace
.were agreed to, he felt a considerable degree of re-
gret for the consent of our Government to the ces-
sion of Malta. He considered, however, that for
the reasons be before alluded to, as well as others,
there might have been sufficient ground for this
country's attempting to obtain peace, even on
the disadvantageous conditions of the Treaty of
Amiens. It was that consideration which induced.
him to give his ascent to the Treats., and he retain-
ed in his own breast his dislike of the Preliminaries.
He therefore would affirm that he seldom expe-
rienced more satisladion than when he heard, for
he happened to be present at the time the Mes-
sage from his Majesty was brought down by the Se-
cretary of State. The article of the treaty v hich
respeetcel Malta. and its Governm:•nt, could not,
from the manoeuvres of the First Consul, be cat-
ried into executhin. That was fortunately retained,
and lie trusted that, after the avowals that had been
made by the French Governai,:rt, En land would
never resign the possession of it. Malta was in it-
self no more than a rock, but it was now eine/illy'
valeahle to us as the Rock of Gibraltar. The*.
portauce of the two places could n'oe be better ap-
preciated than from the value attached to them by
diet country which must always, -in peactaor war,
be the natural enemy of Great Britain. The cele.
brated victory obtained by Lord Rodney en the
12th of April, over the French fleet. did not
more, nor so much, conduce to the subsequent peace,
as the gallant and iiieniora!ile defenze of Gibraltar,
by a small force, and a handful of English officers,
against an assault of the uuited powers of Trance
and Spain, which was deemed of so much conse-
quence as to attract the Princes of the blood of Bour-
bon, who experienced uothing but disgrace. and dis-
comfiture in their attempt upon that roclo Bonaparte
had declated that he would as soon see us in josses.
sion of the suburbs of Paris as the Islattd of Malta.
hs; in his Royal Hig.hness, was the best reason
why we,should keep it in perpetuity I fate the same
hostile mind Was evinced in that declaration which
• the .Conotd bad uniformly manifested' towards us:
since the conclusion of the Peace of Amiens,
and the most extraordinary transaftions which
took phwe Alpo the Continent in the interval tietveeen
• the prkliminaries and the completion of that treaty.
In the hands. of, England Ntelta could :be nothing
more than a strong defensive position. Lithe ae-
cessione of rrance it could only tend to forward pro-
jesits of c. s operati.ons. Thisbe thought suffi-
cient to convince every candid man of tlie eustice of,
our. cense.; His Royal ktginess afterieards.tetuched
cursorily on our various causes of complaint, hod
more particularly on the mission Sebastiarti to
Egypi,..aod 'the tnfamnos and hatelaced.asperwoo ,
r c.add litre it to milder terns. of tlit Chara.lei 91.
thecosoznandettswisiel the re,that hehidieilleavoureif
• tube the inA6 gator ti what might tend blassassihation.
The salmi detest lb tondo& , Wen in caber shapes.
attributed members of awirdiish Atinti-
alcitioui • 4ta ;Wain beisi*4344llo4

,

'‘
41 ..., • art .. , ,

iosolence
lie roust
oat the .
satisfac-
it,tspOn
thpio.
nation to
person: tersation
With a foreigiMiiiiitif. -Pleat conference, as describe d
by I Whitworth, was certainly of'a very curious
trature..-He gave urat Noble-Lord littleor noopportoe
nity of reply. He said, that if he had. ally design upon
Egypt, he might have sent 'theft' the same -afehy
'I4IIICOSTIIt to Domingo ; but; iiiilemonstration
of his intentions, he alga added'," that sooner or later
Mgypt must fall hod the handfof France, e;her .
10e a .dissolution of the Ottoman empire, the inter
grity 6f which he. had guaranteed, or by some
arrangement with, the Rote itself,'and 'with Which
authority he had already Interfered; by de
Blaring himself the proteant, -ia 'the Turkish do-
minions, of the Roman Catholic and Apostolic re-
ligion. He had also admitted in his conversation
with war Ambassador, that he could expert to do
nothing but by means cf a descent, which be
was determined to head in person. He :did not
attempt to diminish the danger' of the enterprise;
lie acknowledged, • that the chances were a huti
dred to one that he and his army would be, sent
to the bottom ; but as there would be, -other..
armies ready to follow him in succession, he Would
make the attempt, and take the one chance agairst
the hundred, that were adverse to him :the Con-
sul did not conceal,that his feason fornolhavingeoeno
menred hostilities was, that he could gain nothing
by it, and lose more than he could acquire, if he .
sent troops to Egypt, as the other countries of En-
rope • might consider him is the aggressor. klis
• Royal Highness proceeded to distant upon and
discuss a variety of topics connected with these cub.
jean, which the lateness of the hour prevents us Irma
entering into in detail, and concluded with gwiug. .
his asseat to the Address.
Lord . M ULC AV E—o• My Lords, t return
thanks to the Ministers for the moderation and for-
be trance which they have shewn, in a case so parti-
cularly calculated to excite indignation. I congra.
tulate there upon their dignified coolness, in a caw
that must so much interest all their feelings; and
for having, under circumstances under which it
must be so difficult to rastraia those feelings,
stained from urging any thi;:g which those terms of
indignation and hich they might call fa rth.
but which might give a colour to the vote that slat 1
pass in this House this night, not exactly corre-
sponding with calm, firm, and dignified demeanor.
Participating of that general temper, which I com-
mend, I shall, in the course or the observation;
which I shall have the honour of addressing to your
Lordships, confine myself to the same line which
I so much approve in others, and therefoie
shall abstain from many points in &—o neoti-
tiation, upon which it would be impossible to (1414
without being betrayed into terms of contempt and
indignation. Exclusive of such topico, there are
many other grounds- for the serious and anxious
deliberation of the House, and it is. not therefore
absolutely necessary for us to eater upon such as
must inflame the passions of every Englishman.
Before, however, I shall enter into the general
guinent, I must notice what has fallen from a Noble
Earl who spoke second in debate (l'.arl Stanhope).
The question, as that Noble Earl has treated it, is
a display of Engliaii feeling and French partialiry
(a laugh). Had that Noble Earl exhibited aso r.-
triloquist in his own-person, and spoke both en the
French and English side of the question, be could
not have done it more completely. Jersey and
Guernsey, islands long attached to the crown of
England ; islands which have, by their loyalty apd
affection for their Sovereign, incurred the hatred cf
the First Consul of France in a peculiar degree ;
islands whose services we .have- long known, and
who form a part of our own population uthere
islands the Noble Earl would give up for a foreign
pcssession. He would enter into a ebnipriirnise far
M.:lta ; that is in our possession, and ought to re-
main in our possession ; and the terms of the com-
promise he would make, are the cession of the loyal-
ty, the attachment, and the old and faithful services
of the islands of Jersey and Guernsey. So far for the
expedient of the Noble Earl. As to the other pat=ts
of his speech, I shall nut touch upon them ; I shall
not argue against the many contradictions which
they contain, but leave them to answer each other.
The real question before the House is, not whether
we ought to have war, but whether our state be
such as leaves no choice, and renders war, in every
point of view, unavoidable ; and that is a question
which resolves into various considerations. In the
first place, then, I will admit, that under all the
circumstances of our situation, viewing our long
ead severe exertions, the great and prolonged
dem:tads upon our resources, I did support
in this I-lihnse the Treaty of Amiens, and was
one of those who did swallow whatever was
unpleasant in that treaty, conceiving the good faith
of the nation pledged, in some measure, to the aft,
which ltis Majesty had done in the execution of that
treaty, with regard to all circumstances under which
it was made. But, at the same time, I own I did not
swallow that bitter draught, without feeling, in thy
own mind, some reserve, and particularly with re-
spat to the 10th article of the treaty, for the sur-
render of Malta. When then we come to argue,
whether that article should be carried into execution
or not, I must beg leave to ask the following ques-
tions :--First, then, I ask, have there not been,
since the signing of that treaty, ads of accession of
power, ambition, and agarandisernent, upon the
part of France, which cancel that treaty ; secondly,
can the loth article of the treaty be now carried
into eifeCt, according to its letter and spirit ; and,
lastly, supposing such to be the fact, are there not
subsequent ads of hostility committed on the part of
the First Consul of France, which render it impos-
sible for us to execute the treaty. 'With regard, my
Lords, to the first question, I mean aas of ac-
cession and' aggrandisement by France, need I
remind your Lordships of the accession of Pied-
mont ? Every body conversant in the History of
Europe must know the value of that acquisition.—
They must know that Piedmont, under the dominion
ef. Its antient Princes, supported by the energy and
heopery of its inhabitants, once served as a counter.
poise between Austria

.......

. .
country, nust have bten de- 7 Vaaed, or apillAreogi or. .Che sArtle kw
b
aglir,
..pe I. but, his, Ifardibt .• . likcorth; kluifnle
. ,
wok ' allea upon a 6 gilt is 1 h ' dr his Majesty_
t a tioterThcnt, he could upt tic- ler Court, and fnr which °Teat* no sal
tr,
witiloin havhw..iti,Apn; tre.Qaiiin ever been obtained. • fie believed that,
hhe at presenCentertaineil such questions it was rather a new thing in i
ss the Duke of CLARENCE macy . for the supreme magistrate 'of ar.y nati
at as he was so particularly al- demand a conference 'a
-ad net-tonal conver.
...... ' ~

I poise between Austria and France. After the bare
• reeitel of this fail. I hope nobody will quesdon the
y Ate of the aceaseion .of Piedmont. What has
been ths next step to au-mashies:tent on the part of
France ? The subjugation of 'Switzerland, h in ex-
, fres violation clf6e Jast treaty tessoittediby L'alwee