The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1821-02-22 00:00:00

else you may please to call them ? The system of
government pursued by this hierarchy consists in'
rendering all their subjects slaves; they acknow-
ledge no law but superior force ; with them might
is right; and this is the only argument, the only
basis on which they found their pretensions to die.
tare to every Sovereign and nation in the world.
Heor.)—But there is one merit due to them, one
crime from which they were exempt on the present
occasion—the crime of hypocrisy ; in that document
they have not concealed their sentiments, they have
*hewn sufficient to hold them up to the execration
of mankind; they hive 'Merril to Europe and to
the world the odious, flagitious, owl tyrannical
sentiments at these candidates for the dictator-

ship of Europe.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—The
No-
ble Lord (Castlereagh) has .hewn the principles
no which lie intended to set towards Naplea—
principles which were repugnant to the laws of
nations, and contrary to the eritablished Coustitto-
non of England. Bat there was a charge made
by the Noble Lord against his late Allies and
friends at Viei,na which required some explanation.
The Allied Powers of Russia, Austria, and Prus-
sia, are said to hare made a proposition which was
quite repugnant to the principles of the British
Constitution, and no proper answer had as vet been
given on that subject. If he was rightly inform-
e.l, Prince Metternich hail made a proposition,
which, if adopted, would call on the King of
England to admit foreign troops into his do-
minions without the consent of Parliament.—
He would wish to know front the Noble Lord whe-
ther this be the ease or not ? If the Noble Lord

would not favour hiinwith same answer, he should
proceed with the impression that his abatement woo
correct. The Noble Lord would not favour hint,
then he supposed he put the right construction on
it. This, lie contended, was a direct infriugement
of a very trivial instrument now a days, the Bill of
Rights. Had the proposition of Prince Metternich
been accepted, any set of Ministers who might
happen to govern this country would be enabled,
without the knowledge of Parliament, to inundate
the nation with foreign troops, and establish a gar-
rison of cos►acks in Hyde Park, and, lie supposed,
of hussars on Blackheath.—(.4 laugh.)— Let him
entreat the solemn consideration of the House ►o
this subject. For the first time since the rrigit of
Charles 11. • proposition is made to intrude fo-
reigu troops into this country, without •ny limit
or restraint, and without the knowledge or con-
sent of Parliament. He should be ashamed of
himself, and of the persons whom he had the ho-
noncour of addressing, if he thought there was..
single man who heard him, no matter what his poli-
tics or his part♦ might be, whose blood would not
boil at the idea of admitting one single foreign
soldier to interfere iu our domestic concerns.—

( Mach eheering.j-11 this, then, be the sentiment
of the highest advocate fur prerogative, in what
language can we express our indignation when we
hear that Sovereigns tell the world that they have
no doubt of the asses' of the British Cover 1111 l erut ?
W hat, Sir ! reduce the once powerful nation of Great
Britain to a miserable province, to • state of de-
graded dependance on the Powers of the Continent !
They say, forsooth, that utter being for six years
close Allies, after this comfortable abosehement
des Iteis." that they had rearms to expect the Bri—
tish Government would consent to admit a troop of
cossacks at Dover. But when Gentlemen enter
iuto a confederacy, and afterwards fall out, their
neighbours profit by their quarrels ; and so it was
on the present occasion. Nor could the spirit of
Christian charity, which prevailed so strongly io
the Holy Alliance, drive away these feuds ; and
that was one of the chief objects which he hoped
to accomplish by the ;present motion. Now he
could produce Prince Metternich, and others with
very hard names, and they perhaps could give the
House some information, a commodity of which, he
was sorry to say. there was a most woful scarcity.
The Noble Lord opposite has, up to the 19th of
January, kept them in • state of the most per-
fect ignorance, and has even given foreign notions
reason to believe that he could not only betray
the interests, and liberties, and independence of
Ins own country, but also violate the laws of na-
tions, and even go so far as to admit a troop of
cossacks into the county of Middlesex.—(Cheers.)
But this was not his language, " Non mess Mc
some," it was the language of his colleagues, for
he would not call them accomplices. He would
ask, whether a solemn public declaration were nut
a ground for inquiry ? Does the Noble Lord
deny the fact ? Either lie and his colleagues have
given rise to the charge, or his former friends and
allies have uttered the foulest calumnies. He
could not say it was not a calumny. There were
bat two ways of considering the question : Either
the Ministers of the Crown have committed the
greatest of ull crimes, or the Allied Powers have
pronounced the foulest of all calumnies. In con-
sit)ering this question, it was worth seeing whe-
ther there Were not some circumstances that taught
warrant the Allied Powers in forming this °Mutton ;
for justice should be atom to those individuals in
tow absence, and the House should know whether
the Government had not gives them some reason
to expect they should get seine cousitetiauce, some
degree of toleration, nut to say co 111 l ironer. If the
Allied Powers had oh-ervetl towards the regene-
rated Government of Naples an unfavourable line
of conduct, we had reason to suppose that the
conduct of the British Government was tint quite
dissimilar. Was not Cinsitelli, the Ambassador of
the hew Government, refused to be acknowledged
here, and was not the seine system pursued by Aus-
tria and Russia.? What then was the iiibretice
which he, who was a plain man, not acquainted with
the art* of diplomacy or the secrets of Government,
was to draw from this ? Surely no other than that
which all Euterpe already drawn. that the British
Government countenanced in some manner their in-
terference--that we were willing to wound, hut
could trot afford to strike—(Hear, hear. hear)—
that we were ready to give what was called w the
language lately introduced n.to diplomacy—mural
suecour or moral aid. He railed it immoral iod—
ic/Imo—Was not Chativelio received here es
!'reach Ambassador, idler Louis the Sixteenth hod
protested against the proceeding+ of the Constituent
Aseesobly, and by those very persona, whose prin-
ciples the gentlemen opposite inherit and profess
to practise ? There should have been no objection
to an Ambassador, unless moue great change had
occurred, such as. for instance, in a cliatige from
monarchy to a republic, or republic to monarchy, or

an entire change of the Soteseign. lie would not
ipeak of the Allied Monarchs. nor would he state
how he abhorred their principles. principlessubversive
of the hopes and progress of the human race. he
should conteut hims•lf with looking to their -acts,
which sheeted ■ complete disposition ,to oppose all
countries that received as frac constitution from their

Sovereign. But how did this country act ? Did
she 'fringe to receive. an Ambassador flow Gus-
tavo*, king of Swedrii, when he subverted the
Conatituttusi by a military force? No—no
ob-
jection was made, except when the change was in
favour of the cause of liberty. The two grounds
of objection are the adoption of the Spanish Cuir-
stittiti ((((( and the conduct of the Neapolitans to-
wards Sicily. tie was not prepared to defend their
conduct towards Sicily, he thought it would re-
nin' an eternal disgrace to them. But surely that
could not, with any justice, be urged as an anio-
n:rot against the Revolution. It was a subsequent
act, and should nut be coofounded with the Rrvo-

Suppn•c the Erniwror of Russia were
guilty of n flagrant act of opprestiou on some
of lips subject► in Arid, were we, when we for-
warded our next dispatches, to complain in the
language of indignation of the treatment they
received ? There c.ould be no end to intorfer-

essee. Ile should like to know what the Govern-
ment of this country would have 'nought, if ►oute
foreign Power had remonstrated with this coon-
try for our treatment towards 'the Catholics of he-
land ? Whist would hate been the feelings of this
country if some foreign nation should have felt
inclined to inrestiguie the causes that led to the
Irish rebellion, mid should charge u► with having

irritated and harassed the feelings of that unfortu-
nate nod much-injured country, until we stirred
them up to a rebellion, mud then suppressed it, for
the purpose of carrying the measure of the Union,
and annihilating their Parliament ?—(Hear, hear.)
—Just as reasonably does the Noble Lord übject to
the subsequent conduct of the Neapulltmue, and
make it a ground of objection to the revolution.
The next ground of objection was the adoption of
the Spanish Constitution. It was quite evident from
the suddenness with which at was done, that they
were principally desirous to have sonic bond, some
link of union and connexion, some test of siir,erity.
There was no time to be lost in reading paper con-
stitutions, and they adopted that with which they
were most•fmmiliar. But whose fault was it that the
Spanish Constitution was the model they selected ?
What was the cry, the universal cry in 1807 It
was for the English Constitution. It was at that
time the universal admiration of all Italy, and
their most ardent hope was to see it established
amongst them. Whose fault was it that these opi-
nions of the English Constitution should be now
altered ? Let the various acts that have taken
place since that period answer. Pargn had not
then been surrendered with her interesting people
into the hands of • barbariau Minister.—( Hear,
hear.)—lt was the crime of Ministers that the
afl•ections of other nations have been alienated
from England, and that in forming their coustitu•
tions they adopted other models.—(Hear, hear.)
—They have ►tripped it of all these glorious ad.i
vantages which it possessed, and which rendeseiC
it au object of envy and adintratiou in the eyes of
the wield, And they have gained nothing but the
arraignment and conviction 011 nm-detestable der•
puts whose approbation they sought. He now
came to another part of the subject, and that led
him naturally to another charge against the brave
Neapolitans for •baking off their bondage. It
was objected to theta that it was effected by a sect
that did not belong to them. But General Murat
was extremely tolerant to the Carbonari. He merely
wished them to conspire in public, and that whenever
they intended to march on his frontiers, to have the
goodness to let him kites, and that if they did
this, he was one of the most open, the fairest, and
most tolerant meu in the world. He sincerely trust-
ed, that if there we►e any set of men in England
who couspired for •ny purposes—if there were men
in this country who wished to keep alive the recol-
lection of •what every good man would like to bury
in oblivion—if there were still a set of men in Ire-
land who loved to cherish the seeds of discord, and
who were leagued together for the purpose of pew
persisting that memorable victory, a victory in
which he rejoiced, but which should not be record-
ed as au insult to that country—if there still exist-
ed in that persecuted island any met of mesa who an-
nually protaued sad prostituted the name of that im-
mortal hero, the champion of civil and religious free-
dom, and made it subservient to their own base awl
higotted purposes, he hoped aid trusted that they
would take warning by the fate of the unfortunate
Neapolitan+, against whiise liberation the existence
of secret societies is urged us an ■rgumeut by the
Government of England.--(Laud and continued
cheers.)--in 181.2, alien the sect of the Carbonari
was formed, uu univer,al wish prevailed all over
the Continent to shake off• the French yoke.
These associations were found calculating, and
justly and legitimately calculating, on assistance
from the EisAlish unison. The Carbenari were
thus cherished, and considered as persons anxious
and zealous topromote the objects of liberty ; and
surely if the Carbonari are not a Neapolitan sect
they are not to be blamed ; they did not form them.
Nothing could be more ridiculous than to argue
this way. But it seemed to hint that there was
no other way to go to war with them, and the
Noble Lord put a brief into the baud• of Austri,t,
just as an experienced old barrister would tutu the
hands of a beginner. " Oh ! the Judges are timid
—you moot Slot take it on such extensive grounds."
So says the Noble Lord : " You must not consider
the matter on such au extensive scale; the people
of England won't like the admission of troops,
nor to have the cowiseks stationed at Hyde
Pink ; but I can give you a good reason—the
Carbonari are Slot a sect of Italy, and there.
fore sliould be put dawn." 'this was a mere pre-
tence to give Austria a good ground of quarrel
with Naples, and the cruses alleged for going to
war, were now s'offereirt lout what were at first
tiltewied. They were mere pretences, they were
the complaints of despot sna drunk, of power rim
hear.)—.lll justification of the War
with France in MO, eau ious ehasges were
urged. The +evolution of the Netherlands, the
°lreton of the Scheldt, die siege of Jura, all
three overt acts, were urged to justification ; and
the Hawbu►gh Ueclaratiou iu 179 i declared. that
France would auterfere in the dolomitic arrange-
ments of other nations. The Decree of Troppau did

Abe lame; they assume to themselves the lordship
paramount of all Europe, and really it was far from
.:utiumusing to look to the wording of that docu-
ment. He had heard it observed 7hat if a persau
were to look et the tables of prescription, and tier
orders cooler which the people were nut to death
during the triumvirate of witopitty, if rot were to
judge from the preamble of those prductioio, you
would be induced to think that Merlins was a
Vacher of ethics, anti Scylla a professor of moudity. I.
Now, in his opinion, if you were to examine the
moral sentences which the document to which lie
allotted cont•thed, thee would be Unloved to form
just as favourable,an opinion of the Holy Alliance;
but there svas a curious contlilion annexed to this
-Circular, that there should be no teiritivial aggran-
dizem,lit. What security had we for • that ?
Would the Emperor of 13u•rir remaia indifferent
at the couples's of A mortis ? Where was the i"de°3-
nity to be loon(' ? Pelham in Germany—perleaps
iu hi- Mejesty's por. • I dominion'. The Holt.
and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to coin-
intent on the Lillian press, and read tome pa,sages
from the Austrian Observer. Arnoogst the persons
Cuillitetrd with that press was M. Gents, a Gentle.
inao„ whose talents he respected, but whose prin.
ciplrs he could nut approve. The sole principle
which seems to govern these Royal Gentlemen who
set up for the dict4torship of Europe is, that no
revolution, nor 110 change that dors not proceed from
themselves can be recognised, and consequently
those High Constables of Europe, three Lords
paramount, stigmatise every slow effort to regene-
rate a noble nation frolle slavery tli,d thraldom as
an act of open rebellion. Ile implored the House,
if they had any regard for their national honour,
not to sitatetton such accusations; if they did so,
they might justly stigmatise that glorious epoch 111
the history of our uwu country, which has raised
ua iii the sstitnattoti of Europe, us ate act of foul
rebellion, that happy and proud period, when
England's ancient and hardy Barons, clad in ar-
mour, with their stern arms, extorted from their
King their just rights.—( Laud cheers.)—And the
next event in •ur history would be also brand-
ed with that dishonoured name, the Petition of
Bights, which our ancestors were not content with
extorting from the King, but entered on their
public iecurds that it was not the voluntary act
of the King, but had hero extorted from luau by
the Parliament. But that was a Parliament
that really consulted for the interests of the people.
Before he sat down he would make one observation

to that unmeaning rhapsody the Holy Alliance.
Those %minted Monarchs make it a principle of their
union to regulate their conduct according to the
tenets of the Gospel. But he could tell these royal
prulessuiS of theology, that the Chritttion religion is
not the religion of slavery. It was established as a
model of perfection fur all classes of mankind ; and
that mild and venerable *poem which liberated
mankind, could nut be made a fit instrument
to enslave theta.—(Hear, hear, heur.)--At the
enlightened period of the itefurruation, when
the human understanding shook off the yoke of supersti-
boo, three great persons placid themselves at the bead of
that great work—Elisabeth, Henry IV. and William, Prime.
of Orange. He was not the man that would compare the
glorious era of the Revolution with that of any country;
but be could adduce arguments just as specious against it,
as those opposed to the revolution of Naples. He could not
woke to these period' without alluding to those secret socie-
ties that then existed, and to those noble exertions the people
of this country were iudcbted fur all the happiness they pos-
sessed; suit he felt a pride and satisfaction of the highest
degree, when lie looked round and saw the deiseeodaut• of
these illustrious men, treadiug its the steps of their fathers.
He should conclude, by ibaukioc the House fur their atten-
tion, sod assuriog them, that whatever might be the fate
of his wiution, and whether it be lust or out, be was sure
be spoke the sentiments of the majority more fully than us
stalluther occasion on which be had the humour of addressing
them ; stud that hes poke the sentiments of the enlightened
AIM intelligent people of England ; sad that despots may
-Ilts*w that their arts are looked upon with abhorrence and
detestaiims, he had almost said universally ; mad be was
spite sure, that eves those who shoold vote against him
to-sight, sod opposed the motion, did it more from official
.111fielleoce than sincerity. The Hun. and Learsed Gentleman
ei•eluded his powerful speech amidst the cheers of the
noose, by moving, certaia papers referred to iu the
Circular Dispatch conceruing the affairs of Naples should
be laid befOre the Howse."
Lord CASTLEREAGH then rose. He would not follow
the Hum. and Legnica Gentleman through all the details into
which he had gone, be should consume the time of the
House unoecessarlly if he did so. To the general panegyrics
on liberty, mid particularly the liberties of England, even
if he were opposed io principle, his voice would produce a
feeble effect. He appreheoded his duty would be best per-
formed by confining himself strictly to the question before
them, suit directing the attention of the House to these
poi's.' in the edge, by which abut they should regulate their
declaims.; mid be apprehended that the House could Dot at the
present time vote for the production of these paper', which
were quite unnecessary, milers from the general appearance
of Europe, and Naples in particular, some ground should
appear to warrant our taterferesier. He should cad
to strip the question of all these ornaments io which the
brilliant tektite of the Hos. sod Learned Gentleman had en-
veloped it, and be certainly could not help remarking on
the whimsical politicos in which he found himself placed
He was coufideat that if • day should come when tbe
Gn-
seromat would be called upon to vindicate the honour or
the country by force of aims, it would be found that they
were oast destitute of reiseurces, nor of the means necessary.
for supporting such a contest. lint it was too much fur '
Government to be told, when they were called upon to re-
duce the naval and military force of tbacisrutry to the lowest.
scale cuusisteut with its safety, it was too much, be said,
to be told that they ought to interpose Ia • quarrel with
foreign Powers, who come:rived themselves called upon to
take up arms against say sober slate, for the purpose of
defending themselves from the influence of revolutionary
principles. He must beg leave to say, that though be,
in conjunction with his eating's', bad found stemma to
differ iw their coostruction of the terms of the alliance with
the Powers assembled at the Congress, yet there was not the
soialkat apprehension ores), serious misuudersteinling,or
of
any thin which could lead to a dirt Gehapt, of the harmony
subsisting between all the Powers comprehended in those
Treaties. He did not feel at all surprised that such a pros-
pect should have excited the angry (reline of the lieu. soil
Learned Geniteassa and his friends. It was perhaps too
much for harm' mature to bear, that after all the pro.
phecies oa the other side, of the evils whieb.would flow
(ruin that alliauce, after all the denunciators of the dan-
gers which it threatened, mid all the gloomy warnings
against the pernicious consequences to be apprehended
from it—it was, be said, too much to bear that the (Sien)
Alliance should triumph over all their prophetic forebodings.
But he felt confident that the maims which hail -served ih•
arm of Goverouseist, and etiatiledsit to cssoperaisseittla that
AlilanCS in the accomplisbeamst of these alarsuo• results,
which the Honourable Geutlrusen opposite had constantly
foretold never could came to pass, would not suffer itself
to be misled by the manses in which this question had bees
brought fireweed, to misinterpret the mistier*, or to witilariti
their euufidessee from that Alliswee which hail bees au ef-
fectual in securing the peace of Canape, amid la the pratee-
tection of the public liberties of watious. He was eosin-
abet that iso mows of territorial srirraodiattusirsit were, or
could be eutertaimed. Was tberooay 'biog. in. the midi-
two of affairs iu Italy at Ibis momest, • wtatli meld lead to

• supposiiida of any one+ views, Aa(u•• the e•pi•o•liM1 07

the intentions of Austria Welli.ehty "tele eapresatialwavvwed.
Indeed it was itaipisarib!e that any such augrassdiaenseat
should be attempted by say of the Allied Footers, al4sal
nteinisig in the orrati.,us of the alliance itself, the (Sitleat
enwut on of sit its impuritits. What species of terri-
torial axicraudisenseid was it that would awl, she views of
all the Allied Powers t HOW was Russia ur Plusista to
.derire any benefit fnun any peciiiien to the Neapolitan
terlitury! Whimsy, use acquairted with: the fist rii-
Almeida of the bAtauce of power is Borope emild ant
' but see at outs' 11,41 it was utterly tuitinsadile that
Austria sli .uld advance her armlet iota A why, with soy

parpose of territorial aegraisilizentrol. Slit would riot
fail of being checked in any such attempt, gni* only fvy
Russia and Prossla,brit by. Srrdinort and the usher Italian
Motes It was absar d, therefore, to auppuse that the ireuerrif-
inns of the Allies, in that Tiro ter, could be fouritlril on any
scheme of trrritoriel a ygrainhaeracist. or a lion any o.lseir flews
than those of She general Interests of the European A iltruer.
With respect to the principles plopunuded i.t the pare.-
which hal beets alluded to, as justifying ihr inteilei core a
foreign Pore's to the asteroid concerns of
States, it certainly assist he considree.l dist the pap.,
ques.ion society proposed it as a subj.-et fur cousidnati
and wits try 'so means intended as a no:derailing of the lisca
decision of the illustrious persous from shoes It preceesh.d.
anti he thought it sae an injustice to the three guest pour i•
to suppose that th. hat !soured any iutentioils of the assure
of those which had been imported to them. The Noble Lord

then eutried into a defence of hie eireular,io answer to the
paper before alluded to; ileiqiug the inferrucra wind) been

. . ,
drawn frutin it ut the intentiiiiis uf the Allied Powers; iirpre-
riming the doctrine that schturvir a difficult case 1110048 I.
European polities the Government of Ibis coontly ought to
rush forward like a divioity to solve the Goidisn knot; sad
ridicutiug the expeetatiou that the moral lectures of Ibis
country %geoid be received bythe £real MillaryPoweis of the

CO01111;111 Mill that powerful eff.ct whicio curl) at uuee urrr-
rule thew settled deougus. No truth, he said, woe snore ulmutht
thou holt this country utt¢ht to thoth twice heft r. the turn

tnitted herself iu any represenlanun ur lemonsts•ree whirs
sne was nut prepared to suprus t +Ws ber anus if squired. It
hatlhers askerwhy the dmapprobaun f this Gue,,runieut
ti.

of the proceedings at Naples had been commuitieated to she
Allies, and out to the Government of Naples ? lu putut of
fact, Missisteis had nut failed to exposes that dikapprisba-
lion to persons connected with she Neapolitan Goveromint,
and in such a way as gave them reason lu suppose that it had
reached the Government itself. A consmouicatiou of that
stature was made iu the first instance to Count Lu.lulf; •ml
although Ps ince Cimitelli had nut been received livre
public character, yet Ile hail nut failed to cisioniunicate attL
hum, and had not aithheld from him an e•pre.sion of
the opinion of the Government of this country, that it
could trot approve of the changes at Naples, or recoguise
the newly established authorities in that country, uut.l more
was known of the nature of that proceeding. The comma-
•ication to the Allies declared, that this country cools, siot
interfere in the affairs of Naples, but at the saute time
did nut undertake to decide the question, how far
Austria might be justified by her situatiuu sat snub;
interference. It only answered this question as to Bri-
tish interests, leaving the Austrian question onionehtd„
as one which it was not fur this Government to deride.
He could assure the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that be.
did great injustice to the Allied Sovereigns, in impniieg to
them ally interested motives of conquest or aggraudizement
in what they felt to be a painful discharge of a great public
duty.—(Near.)—Assuming, fora moment, that Austria had
• justifiable cause of hostility against Naples, tee could not
have taken upon himself for a moment the responsibility of
advisinz leer to such a course as even of encouraging ter to
undertake it, but be assured the Howse that the question
had been left entirely in she hands of Austria; the British
nation was not at all implicated in it; this country, indeed,
was so entirely separated front the whole transaction as Ilot
to be at all a party to it. But although he would nut tate
upon himself to affirm that the transaction was such as
afforded an Austrian Minister a justifiable ground of
war, yet, on the other. hand, lie must say, that on tire
first view of the case, there were circumstances which
would prevent him from coming to the cuoclueiusi which
bad been formed by the Honourable and Learned Gen.
demist'. The Noble Lord then proceeded to draw the line
of distinction between the revoluflott of Naples mid that
of Spain, conteodmg that the former was brought about
by a mutinous and discontented soldiery, and the latter
by the general opinion of the nation; that Naples bad
before been possessed of • representative Constiinliun,
lost that the latter bad enjoyed such a Cusetitution of which
it had been deprived by the act of the King. The Noble Lord
then entered, iu a low tom of voice,into a lengthened narra-
tive (lithe origin, establishmesit, and duration of the Spanish
Coustitution, and of its overthrow on the return of the Kong
from captivity. He could not assent to the priiiciple that
the mere ciresusatame of theahamsteof a representative Cos-
stitation was to be admitted as • justification of the over-
throw of ass established Government by she troops. The lit.
ble Lord then proceeded to read extracts frogs two tenon,.
addressed to him by a person residing at Naples, by way if
. Mating more concisely than he could in words ales owe, the
! imporsaiou by which he regulated his conduct sad opinions
this caoe. The first letter was dated on the 31st of Mareh.
• lost, sod eolugised the wisdom earl liberality of the 'lira
! existing Goveensiest, under which it stated, that the peo-
ple enjoyed w greater degree of liberty than at any former
period. la its desire of improvement it bad done much,
which would be hereafter properly appreciated. A ',part
hod bees presented in etiosequiessee of au inquiry which bist
allialattederected into the means of imposttott Use emidities of
•Alltomosple, which recommended such a reform as the Neble
tided thought must eves equal the desires of some of-Ibis
ifilloo. Gentlemen opposite. It recommended, first, she total
mbelitiou of the feudal system; seat, the readmits( of alt
men equal in the eye of the law; sod, lolly, tbe establish-
ing of • new code of laws, and remodelling the tribsuisti :
. sad these it stated to he merely preliminary steps to a great
jaded general improvement. The mewed letter mordated !a
iJely, three days after the revolution; it stated that the
isKsaolamation which hint Woo Mired by General Pepe, 'soff-
t the change, cast rat a abides of blame oo the prevtois
, which it Mated 10 be more liberal sad mem-
••••1 thou had ever been koown So that country, 'sit
tgo be must popular, siotsetthstandiag retest wrists.
with the great mass of the people. he support
isimi the opinsus of these betters of the excelleact of. the
'Ammer Goveenosent, his Lordship cited ,he densousitni-
taus of joy on therttorn of old family liter the ow.-
Omer of Moral. se alio stilted, that when at the elate
of the war our Coserammut bad the eatisfatilima of •ith -
Inswing it. troops from Sicily, and giving op the toenaiy
to its lawful feovereiga, it assured his Goversisnewtithollit
felt it to be also occemary to withold advice as •to the
moons on which that asmary should thereafter be roserweV.
But this declaration was qoal.fied by two cooditiomi Mot,
that the Sicilia,. ehootd aot be deprived of aoy of the tri-
lunges they tajoyod whets out Government brad entered the •
islaud, atheistic It would , feel humid to 'warfare; soil
the sealed +egotist daisy indivialoalsbuoW be at all inulw4srt
us t the sable ut say political opinaMis, rev conduct eapromed
or adopted during the. time that we betel possession of Cl •
country, we should equally feel hessod ts tommerr. it. •
stood faith and knot .stare of tb• King's &kowtows's' air
.

such, that front the petted of that tel4lTie, whteh lotik phu .•
is Mlle, op to the premed mouser, .ow • sisogls ~.e
bed • Atecurred of .s reomplasot .to 1s frees rosy Sir '-
AIM &abject which. called for toe istmhmece of oor (,:o-
vernesent. The Noble Lord then remedied to Ernsceitse•M
late rt v..lotioo as the molt of the secret asoehermstioses ui
the Carbunari ; and to bloody the iaterfereuce of Aetna by
• case elocb he pot bypath/Oddly at lino, of a a..c.
Ishotsorc it. bead sposteds is Norm, sail extr..,li‘ic .es. If
th.oo/Itoot the Austtsast domtutoya 1116 Italy, sad -iserog
toe its ouject the overthrow stud eapolarou of. the Asetraso
tsoverumeat from Italy. This, he controlled, osiedd be a
soficieut just of the inseams cif Naples ,hEdeaptraa
foe the. parrs's. of rain,* down. that sect. He theo pro-
ceeded to 11411C11 that the. late revolidiessia Node/ bad Iwo
effected by that sett ; that is ratethen _ore spool *sound
themeelees &lettere*, sad overawed the coodortt the Par.
"1104.1.1•6164 CMS OVOWlritiallt ih411:146C110. IP.* WO
only tb .establishostot of trepeerseeitatrao evoetstetiorks,, bo
the Awe' caldiositesol.ef Alm :Avatars sletroosed ia. lest%
He aftereptede realer' to .setemelvort au. dal ealutwo, 05
Ike aeoly-esiablis Government bf Nitres towards the