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London, England, 1819-07-02 00:00:00

lime coulsionbt be pleaded as a reason for refusing to
remunerate him. .
The Petition eras then brought up and rev,. It
detailed ell the circumstances of the outrage that

was committed on the 3 (slid October, 1795—anti
set forth that the Petitioner, by his resolute con-
duct, had, in all probability. rescued the country
from the foulest stain, the death of a Monarch by
the hands of regicides—a stain which no nine, no
otioemen; could efface. The Petition also stated,
that, sat .the lever which was soon after held, his
' Majesty. iu the presence of Sir IL Barlow, said to
the Petitioner, " You came just in time." It
further set forth, that there was no foundation fur
the report the a place and a pension were awarded
to the Petitioner, as he at present had only the
situation which he held long previous to the event.
Mr. C. HAavEir said, lie had known the Peti-
tioner fur many years—he was acquainted with the
family to which he was ►elated—aid he believed he
was a man of honourable character. who would not
stoop to declare us a fact that which was tint true.
After a few words from Mr. BENNETT, in favour
of the Petition, it was laid on the table, and order.
ed to be printed.
The Irish Customs Bill was read the third time,
and passed

took puce. did not introduce' this question
sooner, in order that I esti& not hive laid at my
dpor (as I otherwise possibly might) the failure of
that party of gentlemen dem, 11l i l toted Whigs, who
might consder me as maliciously interfering with
their views and thwarting their objects.. Rid I
mine forward ember, I would "w n imps ave been
'accused us one who had wilfully marred all their
Rood intention, ; usy, I know not whether many
persons would not have attributed to me the three
millions of new taxes that have been recently im-
posed on the public. I would have been, in ill
probability, described not only as the cause of what
the Whigs were nisabie to do, but of that which
Ministers themselves did. Another reason for agi-
tating the subject at so late a period of the Session
was, because I do not mean to cull on the House to
adopt any immediate procredittg. Knowing the
anxiety of the public milid—steing, as every man
Joust see, the various oymptonis of dissatisfaction at
She present state of affairs, throughout the COllO.
try—and thinking the best means of securing the
public tranquillity was by obtaining a pledge from
Parliament, to take this subject into consideration
at a (attire time—then-Corr it is that I now come
forward. By this usode I hope to attain tiset de-
siwillsle ends the keeping the country in a tran-
quil state, and thin prevesisilig the Noble Lord
from agile. suspending the Habeas COrpts Act--
from having recourse to these almond suspensions of
the liberty of the subject t.. which the Howie has
uu ribiection, though it has a very strong one to
annual Parliaments. 1 wish, if possible, to bring
Gentlemen to agree to a general proposition, with-
eel plici.eg them in that dilemma to which they
would be reduced, if I asked theist to point out that
precise de,;ree of Reform to which they reuld or
would not consent. My object is, to hind the
House to entertain the subject it another period,
with a view to devise a proper remedy for au evil
which the people will no longer bear—to induce
them to resolve, that they would apply themselves to
the state of the represeeetatiou eel ly in the next Staaloo
—fur, without a just and pure represesitatiou,
in vain to hope for a redress of grievances. With
all these considerationirpeessisig on my mind—witn
su anxious' wish to hold out a hope to the country
that would keep it in a state of peace during the
recess—actuated by these feelings, I have now
brought I.i:retard this only questiou of great im-
portance us I think it. 1 ass nut standing iu the
-way of any party politics—l sin not interfering
with the efforts of any set of men—when I ask,
that, early in the next Session of Parliament, the
House shall consider this all-importasit question.
1 well not, therefore, on this. occasion, go into those
details which I have often laid before the House,
or slue any of those speculative views or priuciples.
which I ass well known to entertain. Many years
ago, I may he allowed to observe. 1 did propose a
plan which I considered far from visionary, fir
from wild-abut which might be carried still further,
and which perhaps even the Noble Lord himself
(the Mrequis of Tavistock) would supports I.
mean the plan I introduced in the year 1809, by
winch persons paying direct taxes to the church,
state, and poor, were to be admitted to the reel..
ems of the cloaks froualhoe. I rat well persuaded
that it is a principle of the Engliett Christitutiou, a
peiswiple iiiheecot in the nature of freedom, that
man rhuald have bone share in the formation
laws by which lee is to be governed—that
be should have a voice in the election of those per-
fens who are intrusted with a power over his lute,
his liberty, his property. This doctrine. I know,
of late days, has been termed a Jacol* • lel due., •
trine ; but it is recognised, as a just and sound
one, by all our great constitutions) writers of
former times—and sit a late period it has been so
described by _the most celebrated authority of his
time. 1 allude to Mr. Justice Blackstone—mil
dividusl who was scot likely to favour licobinical
tenets. He maintained that every member of a
, free state had a right to vote at elections. I will
quote his own words, and thus prove that he was:.
friendly to the doctrine which is scow so much
decried. Mr. Justice Blackstone, it will be re-
' Collected, was a Crown Lawyer, and therefore in
a situation not likely to induce him to carry his
principles to any mischievous extent. If those doe-
trines which he avowed are now called Jscobmical,'
I can only account for it by the degraded spirit of
the time—when we see that liberal doctrines, which
were formerly held by • lawyer of the Crown, are
now condemned in the British House of Cominons..
Blackstone, soya, ' As to the qualifications of elec.
tors. The true reason of requiring any qualifica-
tion with regard to property iu voters. is to exclude
such persons as are in so saran it situation that they
are esteemed to have no will of their own.' Now,
is it lint notorious that such persons are not ex-
cluded from voting? Is it not clear, that the ma-
jority of this House are returned by persons of no
property—persons who were kept off the Poor's
Hates merely to return Members of Parliament
I say, that, in point of fact, the very persons, who,
pp I t to be exeluefo, are those who return
the major y• easSits of {hit House.
atone proceeds theat—, if these persons had votes,
they would be tempted to dispose of them under
some undue influence or other.' Will any Gristle.
man contend, thit such undue Miluence is nut
esereised at present ? Out of this House I sin sure
test Ge•etlemais would be so hypocritical as to deny I
Meet undue influence was resorted to—particularly,
after flee disclosures that have been made in the
course of dna Session, with respect to the state of
die boroughs. After with disclosures the public•
.mind can no longer be deluded on this subject—
and. if they hr not deluded, they will not be batis-
lied with the twisting state of things. Blackstone j