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being the present state of the country, they now turned to that met
which was the most agreeable for either Ministers or Par'lenient to
perform ; he meant the reduction of taxes imposed upon the people.
the Noble Lord (King) had alluded to his opinions with regard
to taxation. He (Lord Liverpool) was sure that that Noble Lord
could not say, whatever might have been his (Lord Liverpool's)
opinion as to the impracticability of redaction of the public bur-
thens at any particular point of time, that the principle of general
free trade had not always been laid down by him as being the only
real ground of his country's prosperity. lr reference to that pertof him
Majesty's Speech which refers to the recognition ofthe Saatesof Ante-
rice, his Noble Friend (Lord Lauderdale) had said that he could
not see why the measures taken had bean referred to the commercial
interests alone of this country. He (Lord Liverpool) denied that
that was the point of view in which that recognition had been made. -
The question was not whether South America should be open to
the commerce of Great Britain, but whether it should be open to all
the world ? lie was prepared to say, that however important the
commerce with South America might have been to this
country, he should think himself unworthy of the station be
had the honour to hold in his Majesty's Councils if he had
put the recognition of those States upon NO narrow a quesden.
The question was not whether the late Colonies of Old Spain were
or were not profitable marts for the commercial enterprise of this
country, but whether they had the right to open a trade with what-
ever nation they pleased. Until this right was possessed by there,
we had no right to dispute the authority of the Mother Country
over her Colonies, or to countenance by any premature acts (dour -
own, the revolt of those Colonies; England was bowed to look to the
real position of those Colonies before she entered into treaties with
'them, this was the course she had adopted. it was very much the
fashion amongst certain parties and certain descriptions of persons,if
they heard of any Power aiding to assist a Government to suppress
the risings of the people? exclaim—" Let them alone, you ought
not to interfere." But if the people were at any time struggbrg
against their King, and no other Power interfered, their cry
was, " Why do you not assist the people?"
The Lail of LAUDERDALE said he had not joined la
any such cries.
Lord LIVERPOOL said, be would repeat, that such was
the language of certain patties. But he would maintain, that if
the doctrine in the one case was true, the doctrine of interference is
the other was also true. But the doctrine he had always upheld
was, that they had no right to set themselves up as Judges on either
side; they bad no right to determine between an independent Sore.
reign and his subjects. This was the manner in which his Majes.
ty's Manistee, had viewed the question with reference to the Cele.
nies of Spain in South America. lied there been any parties ex.
hang in those republics which maintained the right of Spain, this
country Would have been wrong in the step she bad taken ; if there
had been soy vacillation as to the minds of the people of
those Colonies, then he should have said that England bed
no right to interfere; hut this was not the case. Every
portion of hope on the part of Old Spain to regain her Co.
lonics had vanished, and on the part of the new Republics
there was hut one opinion and one sentiment prevailing, in refer.
ence to their existence as independent States. When first the
Colonists revolted, and while it was thought practicable to reed
them to their old allegiance, we proffered our mediation._
That was the object for which we formed the alliance of 1806, and
to attain which we offered to mediate between the Spanish ()overt.
meat and her colonies. %Vs have eeperience now, that a great put
of the colonies that resisted Spain were not at that period in a state
of bondage, but that, if mediation had been listened to in time,
drain might not have taken the turn which they have since taker.
This being the case, it became the duty of his Majesty's Govern.
meat to inquire, were there any and what number of them in the
Istate to which he had referred- States where no contest was going
on, where no parties of any importance existed, and where the
mother country could entertain no reasonable hope of success. It
was never disputed for a moment, that some preference should
have been given to the mother country—that she should have been
not only permitted but advised to be the first to recognise the lode.
pendence of her colonies ; but England always reserved to hevsslf
the right of so doing, whenever she should conceive it consonant with.
justice, as well as with the sound policy with which she had always
acted. It was not until the precise period at which those steps were
taken by England, that they could have been taken; that England,
while she was acting on this principle, could have preserved herself
lin peace and amity. One State in particular had undoubtedly
J come in der the class to which he had made illusion—the State of
Buenos Ayres—and towards her the usual mode of recognition hail
been made as coon as there were any oonstituted authorities there;
as soon as the country was prepared to make the necessary arrange.
meats with our Government for an exchange of Ministers. and
other necessary forms. With respect to the other State to which
allusion had been made by the Noble Lord—Colombia, he Ir.
treated that Noble Lord, and the House, to recollect, that al-
though completely delivered from the Spanish alms, it wu impos.
sible to tell how long it might have remained so. The very last
year might furnish proof that a colony, although precisely so cit.
cutbstaneed, might not be enabled to preserve itself long in peace ;
and it was material to remember that at the time Colombia was so
fortunately situated, the war was carried on in a neighbouring
State, and that she had sent there the greater portion of her forces.
It was impossible, therefore, under those circumstances, to ray
how soon a reaction might have taken place, which might have
left Colombia exactly as she had before been. On this principle
his Majery's Government had acted, and on this principle it was
not only iatural, but just and proper, that they should have
known something more—that they should have been better ac-
quainted with the station she was hereafter to hold, before they
could hare decided upon permanent arrangements, which would
necessarily settle the nature is which she was hereafter to be re.
garded by us. He Was sure no one could say that so long as we
remained in a state of total suspense, this country would have been
just fled in deciding upon a measure of recognition. It was nests.
wiry before such a proceeding could have been taken that two gues-
the a should have been satisfactorily answered. First, did thee
exist an internal tranquility ; and secondly, was there the establish-
ment of a regular Government ? From the moment that that re.
mai: el no doubt on these two material points, there was no heal.
tatioti on the part of his Majesty's Government to take all the
necessary steps for the formal recognition of any colony so circum-
stanced. He had thought it necessary to submit these few observe-
ations, for the purpose of showing the principle that had guided his
Majesty's Ministers—to show that the steps they had taken could
not have been taken earlier ; but that they had been taken precisely
at the period when justice, as well as policy called upon them to
act. -The Noble Lord (Lanadown) had alluded to the pro-
osed increase in the 31ilitary establishment of Great Britain. Fe
Pd. Liverpool) could take nothing for granted but what a
his Majesty's Speech ; yet while he agreed with the Nobillreteri
r.
quis that there existed nothing in the affairs of India that could
excite Illy fear of the power and effect of the British arms, he still
thought that Parliament would be right in turning their attention
to th s subject. The Noble Marquis might rest sati fiedebet the
pers would be produced, and every information afforded, respect-
hag the war In that portion of our dominions—every doeumrit
would be furnished, and every opportunity given to the Noble
Lord and the House, to examine the state in which we stood in
that particular. With this observation he would for the present
discharge this branch able subject. It remained to him now only
to my a few words on a part, and the most important pert of his
Majesty's Speech. It had been entered into folly by the Noble
Marquis opposite, aid d he (Lord Liverpool) did not disarm seat
length, it W.e because he was unwilling then to trespass upon the
time of the House, especial y as the question would be brought
before them nit re formally on another day. He would say, how.
ever, on that subject, what their Lordships had heard in the Speech
from the Throne, that he Catholic Association in Ireland, " had
adopted proceed nga irreconcilable with the spirit of the Jonstitu-
don, and calculated, by exciting alarm and by exaeperatinganimo-
shies to endanger the pence of society, and to retard the course of
national improvement." He submitted to their Lordships that the
proceedings of this Association must be considered as not is any
way connected with the question of Catholic Emancipation. Ile
had no difficulty in saying, that it was not only unconnected with
it, but did not grow out of that question. Many of those who ad-
vocated the Catholic claims had condemned its proceeding, end its
his view of the case, they were distinctly and manifestly different.
But the grand question for their Lordships to consider was this--
Can there be a doubt that the Catholic Associte ion was an evasion
of the law as it stood upon the statute book ? And was it not clear
that it was evaded by those who say that whatever law you make
they will find some means or other to evade it ? The question then.
to be considered was, whether their Lordship's would allow this
law to be evaded, or would enact such laws as should prevent its
evasion in future. He would not deny that there were many pet-
sons who objected to this convention law, and who objected to any
amendment to it. But he intruded the House to consider the circum-
stances maturely—to consider this Cetholic Association, or Ca-
thole Parliament. as it really was—with ample mane for carrying
on any measure, discussing topics of all k'nds at their pleasure,
levying contributions on the people at will, arid could their Lord-
ship's consider that body as tit to exist in this country ? and world
they or would they nut be injurious to the country they affected to
serve 1 Ile would say for himself, and he doubted not that his
sentiments would be those of the greater numbe. of those who heard
him, that if he were art advocate fur Catholic Emancipation—if he
thought that the claims of the Catholics ought to be acceded to, he
would be the first to put down such a convention, because he wou;;;
say, let the Catholic claims depend upon their own merits, and ne.,
upon such a body es the Catholic Association was. He would sae.
for himself amid for those connected with him and his Majesty's
Government, that no objection could possibly exist to their pen-
timing throughout the country, to their using every exertion to lay
their case before both Houses of Parliament,but this was not the ques-
tion, there was no wish to interfere with the rights of Catholics; there
was so intention to oppose their making every legitimate endeavour
to obtain any end they desired ; but there was on the part of his
Majesty's Government a strong deterniination to put dove this
body, because their proceedings were irreconcilable with the let-
ter, spirit, and the whole tenor of the Constitution. He did net
say this so much in reference to the law or to the Parliament of
this kingdom, but in reference to the Constitution itself. Their
Lordships had been told in the Speech from the Throne that Eng-
lend was in a state of prosperity, anti that in this state of proaperil
Ireland largely participated. He knew the cause—he knew Oat
those irritated feelings which she once indulged, and those disiorb-
ances which once existed there, had subsided, and he wee not ser-
prised to find that they had so Subsided. lie, for one, had been
long assured, that in many parts of the country there !tee co dispo-
sition to connect in any way the disturbances to whist' he alluerel
with the Catholic Question. He believed the distress of tha coun-
try had been their prime cause, and that whenever anti wherever
this distress ceased, then and there those disturbances had no longer
existence. • lie believed this had been brought ahout in some
degree by the wise measures of the preeere Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland, who had taken effectual means to put dowq disturbances,
and none mote effectual than the Constabulary A 4. But it was
his opinion that the trancioillity of the country wed is a far greater

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the prosperity of the country : and he was sum
!media that could be applied were, to give gav
olds, and inatencdon to their minds. Yes, it 'eel
nrosperity of that portion of the empire thin its '
was in part restored ; and he looked forw
ent of a peace as permanent as it was d •
ask every one who examined the state of 1
re into the nasals why Ireland was not In po
ate as England ? Every opportunity of implore.
I advantage was given to that country—they were
sod in this respect had the superiority over Eng.
char that her prosperity was not so great. The
itch Ireland laboured, and the difficulties she had
were, he hesitated not to say, the effects of re.
1, and the political animosities that grow out of
uhf ask any man who knew any thing of Ireland,
e in which affairs actually were in that country,
be so detrimental to its interesui, or so opposed
y, as the existence of the Catholic Association?
as be had said before, that not only with reference
to the Parliament, but to the Constitution itself,
a bound to look into the conduct of this Asse.
ras bound to provide a speedy remedy for the
with which Ireland was threatened by its means.
try concluded his speech by giving notice, that
ought he should move for an inquiry into the
I. when he should have an opportunity of entering
to the subject..
ICON MORE said, that every portion of the
ad been that day delivered from the Throne, had
y him with the fullest approbation, with the excep.
ticular part—the part to which he alluded, and
cause of his rising, respected the present state of
he extraordinary statement that it was necessary to
o that country, which had been immediately pre.
assertion that its prosperity was rising in every re.
after this latter statement, could have been expected
tut a declaration that the measures of Government
isfactory as to have brought the country into a state
et tranquillity ? He spoke as one who had been a
a he said, as one who had been taking part in the
if justice there, for be bad come from that coon.
d Bench, and he knew that the parts of the country
t in perfect peace. What then could he have sup-
statement in his Majesty's Speech, but that the peo-
ite of insurrection, when his Majesty's opinion was,
f coercion was necessary—Notwithstanding that his
reviuusly admitted a great degree of tranquillity to
tit it was the Catholic Association, or Convention, or,
it had been termed by the Noble Lord, against
plaint was made, because they represent the persons
e rights of 6 out of 7 millions of their countrymen.
:rive, from the tenor of the Speech, that the Catholics
ithout their rights as they used to be. But why were
eel to those privileges here which they now enjoy in
.ry ? They might then speak in the other House,
of cautious men. Why were they debarred from
in which they might state their grievances, checked
to those who would then oppose them fairly, instead
ern a mistaken and mischievous policy, to assemble
t purpose in their own country ? He would call the
ation by the name of Convention—or Parliament—
s name, and he would ask what they had done?
ight to be complained of. He would not say that
all that had been said or done there. He knew that
abate many expressions might be used which could
even in the House in which he sat, observations
iently been made which were not right, and could
But the King himself had said in his Speech that
fared the tranquillity of the country. The miens
d they were at the head of the Association—had
io must active in putting down sedition ; and it
o that the Association had done good—that its
been most useful in tranquillizing the state of
lie believed its members to be loyal to their
rectionate friends to the country, if they were
e sn ; but, at the same time, they were obliged
e fight the battles of the country—we pay
persona—yet we are not admitted to equal rights.'
t any inquiry to take place into the state of Ireland,
,issued to take the King's word for the tranquillity
He bad been surprised to find the paragraph to
ted contained in his Majesty's Speech, erpecially
tied who the Governors of Ireland were. He had
a thing was in contemplation, but he said it was
tOs Majesty's Nlinisters could ever be brought to
sentiment. He had heard with some astonishment
aid by the Noble Earl opposite, who had promised
uses to explain what his intentions were, and the
red that particular portion of his Majesty's Speech.
tughinore) thought this explanation and those res.
have been given first. It oug:it not to have been
7 to put down the people, and then to state the rea-
In his opinion it would be an unjust act towards an
plc. One pemon had made a speech in that Associa.
teen said to be seditious, but did the jury, or did the
;ertainly neither had beat the case. Did the House,
intend to tell the people..." You may plot in the
'ranted at your proceedings, at your acts, and a:
and do what you do privately ?' Did the House
putting down those ato acted on the part of six
suns, they would not give those persons just reasons
Did the (louse wish to make Ireland look for her
'Mod of twenty years back ? Why cook! not the
le people talk, what evil could their talk lead to ?
n to propose any Amendtlent to the Speech, but
s duty to state his objections to it; and, in his
tholic Association had done nothing for which it
down.
If hoped that the House would never allow the
ation to pursue its dangerous path, spreading its
rot of the country. There were many in Ireland,
of the number, who could bear testimony to its
en the minds of the peasantry. It was easy for
'hit lived in England, in pence and tranquillity, to
d, but it was another thing to reside there and wit.
its particularly dangerous state, since the formation
c Association. The Government of Ireland must
.nd decisive measures alone, for by such me mutes
.7 hope to make those boasters, who were at one
g of armies from France and America, and at
Tend Bolivar, submit themselves to authority. All
ceded to produce a moat teasing effect (to give it no
and to keep up the irritation that had long existed,
lin the country. lie hoped the Noble Lords would
tof Ireland that the people of England were alive
tad that they woald do nothing which might in any
e angry feelings that exist between both parties.
)EN felt it necessary to say a few words respecting
,seociation. He would, in the first place, remark,
Lord at the head of the Irish Government had used,
,per and judgment, the power that had been put
particularly as it respected the Constabulary Act, to
had been made by the Noble Earl opposite (Liver.
should be always of opinion, that the power to mis-
ever have been given him. As to the Catholic As.
Lord Clifden) had subscribed to the Rent, and he
',scribe : he could not see how that could be made
was so completely roluntary ; and it puzzled him to
pettyfogging skill of the lawyers could make it so.
e to do with the money so collected was another
ohm ; but he had no doubt that the Association
d would give, every satisfactory information on this
'toad they bad appointed an agent necessarily at con.
cc here ; and in his opinion they had wisely done so.
, he had heard, to send Counsel over to speak at the
ter House ; whether they would be heard or no
titer, but it was at all events necessary to prepare for
oust thus procure means. Torrents of abuse had
'. against the Catholics, and against them who were
—the Catholic PriesthCiod--it was necessary to reply
[us a considerable expense would be incurred. When
to Ireland, he spoke a few words of conciliation to
role which were calculated to promote peace and
mg all parties; but when his Majesty left the
words were unattended to, and outrages had been
one party against the other in various parts of the
Catholic Association had conceived themselves
stigate those affairs, and to bring the aggressors
,or this purpose, they had sent Mr. Brie, a
tome skilful attornies to the county of Cavan,
cm, at very great expense. Those were some
es which the Association had necessarily and
red, and doubtless there were many more of equal
t he (Lord Clifden) would ask the House, did
put down Orange Associations as well as Catho-
i ? lie entreated the House to recollect, that what
,erred before in /island bad taken place now—the
ted together, and every peasant looked upon himself
Tee, on a par with Lord Fingal, or any other Noble.
chine was now formed, and, he would ask the House,
they would be able to break it ? Another expense
ce, in which it was the intention of the Catholic
embark. Education could never be pro perl given
thout the interference of the priesthood. They
tended
-
tended building schools for this purpose, and they
Trade and to rebuild their chapels. These were some
waives of the voluntary subscription called a Catholic
tended to the benefit of the country. It was sin.,
i a project as the one he was condemning should be
orward—now, when all the world, except Spain. had
laws respecting religious exclusions. He did not
should ever have praised the Holy Alliance, but in
would do so ; he alluded to a document dated Dec.
h had been issued by our own Sovereign as King of
cb declared that in that kingdom all the different
faith should enjoy a perfect freedom, that all should
o the free exercise of their religion, and that every
teeive dues only from those of his own profession. He
nely the spirit in which this was written and issued.
examination it would be seen, that the difference in
hers, between the Catholic and those that adhered to
England, was not so very great. Scotland, siirabik
;hurch entirely different—there they were all Presby.
igland there were the numerous bodies of Methodists
which he was pretty sure amounted in all to near 12
he (Lord Clifden) believed that the Catholics in
reland amounted to upwards of twelve millions and a
there was not such an enormous difference front the
gland. The Speech talked of putting down Associa-
Catholic Association was put down, was it intended
le Orange Association ? (Hear, hear.) It would he

found a difficult matter. He (Viscount Clifden) affirmed that th
Asaoeiation had done more to repress Mohacs than any rnesattse
yet adopted. It may have uttered imprudeot speeches, but It had
dons good—it had induced duo people to believe that they could
have the protection of the laws, which, with the excellent goverm
client of Lord Wellesley, had contributed to the quiet and peace.
able state of Ireland at the present moment.
The Address was then agreed to without a division.
JOINT STOCK CaIIPANIES.
The LORD CHANCELLOR reminded the Name, that at the
close of the last Session of Parliament, he took the liberty of say.
ing he would bring in a Bill relating to Joint Stock Companies,
which at this moment were carrying on to a most mischievous ex.
tent. There were companies not yet formed, and which, perhaps.
never might be. In these companies, before the formation takes
place, the shares of the persons beginning such undertakings
became objects of sale, to the enormous profit of those who first set
the company afloat. It was his, (the Lord Chancellor's) intention
to bring in • Bill that would check these proceeding, and he
thought proper to mention it on the first day of the Session, in
order that those persons whom the Bill might affect should have
early notice of it. The operation of the Bill would teem all sales
of shares in those companies that were merely proposed, but not yet
in reality formed, mod its operation was to begin from and after the
first day of this Session. It could not therefore be said, that
timely notice had not been given, there would not, therefore, be any
ground of complaint on that head. As to what had passed, he
(the Lord Chancellor) should leave it to the common law as it then
stood ; and that he would introduce into the Bill a declaratory
clause concerning what he understood to be the common law.
SCOTCH JUDICATURE.
Lord LAUDERDALE, in reference to the Scotch Judicature
Bill, said, that there had been so many suggestions for alterations in
the Bill, that it would be proper to revive the Committee.
We understand it was to come on early next week.
The House adjourned at a quarter to nine, till Monday.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Twunsnar, Fait. 3.
The SPILIER entered the House with the usual formalities, at
half past two. He was summoned to the Lords, whither he repaired,
accompanied by such of the 1l embers as were present. Upon his
return, the House was adjourned until four.
When this hour arrived, the SPEAKER took the Chair, and
informed the House, that, pursuant to Statute, he bad issued his
warrant for the holding of elections iq the county ofj:ornwali and
borough of CaMbridge, for the purpose of retuning 3lanbera, in
place of Sir W. Lemon, Bart. and M. Cheeve, Esq. deceased.
Upon the motion of Mr. LUSHINOTON, a new writ wee
ordered for the election of a Member for the county of Donegal, in
room of hard Mount-Charles, deceased.
A new writ was ordered foe the borough of Newton, in Lanes.
shire, to elect a representative in pace of Thomas Claughton, Esq.
deceased. . . _

A Bill to prevent Clandestine Outlawria, was read a first and
second time.

The SPEAKER informed the HOLM that he had been at the
House of Peers, and bad heard his Majesty's Speech read by the
High Commissioners, appointed under the Gieat Seal, of whom the
Lord Chancellor was one, that to prevent mistakes, he had ob.
tamed a copy, which he would read to she House.
Here he read the Speech.—(See Lords).
Lord L. GOWER rose for the purpose of moving an Address,
in answer to his Majesty's Most Gracious Speech, which the House
had just heard. There were, he believed, certain and distinct
periods in the national career of all countries, in which their pros,
perity attained such a height that it could not be raised, or was
depressed to such a degree that it could not be made lower. Under
circumstances of this description, one general sentiment as to the
state of things was found to pervade all classes of the community.
He believed a feeling such as this was not caused by any sugges-
tions, nor could it be expelled from the mind by any argument
it was common to all, even to those uninitiated in the mysteries of
Government details. He believed he might with truth declare,
that there would be but one expectation concerning the Address he
was about to present to the House. He was himself amongst the
class of the uninitiated to whom lie alluded, he was most ready
to alloy. He made no claim to attention from the circumstances

he badnotieed ; they were equally known to all those around him.
He shared these sensations in common with all cohere. Upon these
grounds it was, that, whilst returning his grateful acknowledgments
for that prosperity which was detailed in his Majesty's Speech, he
did not think it possible to enter into details upon the subject.
At another period, when there might be ow object of prosperity
or distress before another, he would deem it his duty to call
the attention of the House to this separate and distinct part ;
bur under the present circumstances he was at a loss how to pro-
cent. If he proceeded to a view of our agriculture or our manufac-
tures, they would be found increasing in their prosperity,. It would
be the same if he referred to our commerce, which was daily finding
new outlets ; distress and want had vanished; these, he was ready
to admit, did once exist, and with them, side by side, were the
concomitants of disturbance and sedition t these had utterly disap-
peared; those who listened to evil suggestions had returned to in-
dustry and labour, and the few (and he believed they were few) who
were wicked upon principle walked, the land despised, unknown
and disregarded. The torch of sedition may be lighted up, but the
fuel was wanted on which it was to fall. Neither was he called on
to point out the prosperity of any particular part ; he could except
no part. He was not called upon to make (if he might use the
expression) geographical exceptions. It was equally general
throughout Wales and Scotland; and he was happy to add, it had
reached Ireland. lie had, with other gentlemen, to lament the oc-
currences of former transactions upon the score of that country ; but
he had now the gratification of stating that there were more cheer-
ing prospects: industry was exercised, improvement was taking
place through the country at large t British industry was making
its way there, and British capital, the instrument of enterprise, was
insinuating its juices into the attenuated veins of that country.
Above all, Ireland was in a state of tranquillity—a tranquillity
which was the basis of all improvement reigned throughout that
country; and, from a perseverance in those measures which caused
this composure, he hoped it would long continue, and that the
wealth and prosperity which at present fertilive the fields of this
country may rest upon the shores of Ireland. In the opinion which
be had given upon this, he had not, he trusted, used a single ex.
pression which could elicit opposition; but there was one feature
is the consideration of this subject upon which he did not feel him-
self at liberty to remain silent. It was impossible for him to assent
ID the opinions of others, nor could he indulge himself in the hope
*at the evils which weighed upon that country could be alleviated
by the proceedings of a body, calling itself the Catholic Association.
He did not think the regeneration of that country would be effected
by the proceedings of this body, which would operate, he thought,
to the success of that measure, to which he was a steadfast friend ;
and which, though not a panacea, would tend in a great measure
so remove the disorders of that country—he meant Catholic Eman-
eipation. (Hear, hear.) In thus expressing his feelings concern-
ing that body, he did not use the language of animosity or of con-
tempt ; neither was he induced to fear their power or influence,
which he believed to be grossly exaggerated. He saw its proceed-
ings with regret and sorrow, and he ardently wished for the speedy
annihilation of the Association. He could not divest himself of
the feeling that this body operated on the increase of the evils; and
the oratory of those gentlemen who know how to address their
countrymen with a language and an exuberance of imagination by
which they were honourably distinguished, did not confer a bencht
under existing evils, and Ireland found but a poor compensation in
the flow of their eloquence and the roundness of their periods. It
was his wish that tranquillity should not be disturbed by Orange
virulence, or by the evils which spring from the Association. He
hoped neither the violence of this body, nor the alarms concerning
the state of the country, would operate against the improvement to
which he alluded. It was, he knew, said that Ireland was in •
state of tranquillity; that rents were in some places paid; that
some landlords slept in their beds without fear; but the calm WAS
portentous. Ile could not reply to arguments of this description ;
but he knew that from the best information Ministers could procure
upon the subject, they had no ground for such apprehensions.
Here again he would be told you are deceived ; Ministers have
concealed their intentions from you : let their acts speak for them ;
they say more troops must be raised ; for what object, if not for
Ireland ? lie did not deny it to be the intention of Ministers to
Increase the force of the country, but they declare they will not
raise a single man for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) It was obvious,
when we considered the general situation of things—he thought
it should be conceded, that it was a salutary measure to raise the
armed force of the country. He had hitherto presumed to be the
humble organ in expressing the general satisfaction of the country
for the blessings conferred upon It, which were mainly to be attri-
buted to the conduct pursued so bravely in the late contest in
Europe; but it should not be forgotten, that while the main trunk
of our empire was digesting in peace those exertions it had made
for repose, the extremities of the empire were not allowed the same
cannon. In India a large force was necessarily kept up. He
would refer merely to the aggregate of facts ; the distance which
removed us so far from the scene, deprived us also of information,
and he would not enter into details ; it was, however, satisfactory
to him to know, that when the British arm was raised, to smite or
save, it was terrible as it was in other quarters. It was therefore
obvious to the House, that during a war in India the usual arrange.
ment of excLange of regiments was impossible—it must be de-
ranged for • moment; though it was necessary to supply the de-
ficiencies in India, no expense would, in consequence, be siOded to
the burdens of this country, as India would pay its own troops.
As to the increase of our torces in our other possessions, it should
be recollected that war was raging in the neighbourhood of our
possessions in the Mediterranean ; and therefore it would be im-
perative upon us to keep up such a disposable force, as would not
rival the standing armies of the Continent, but should be more
than sufficient to mount guard at Gibraltar, and do the garrison
duty of Corfu and Malta. (Hear, hear.) It was also necessary to
keep up an efficient force in the West Indies, in place of that
withdrawn for the protection of Canada; and thus. from local
grounds, he maintained it was necessary to increase our forces st
present. The reductions hitherto proved that Ministers, in a pe-
riod of distress, performed their duty, and pared down the esta-
blishments to the smallest area consistent with the security of the
country ; the necessity of the increase was therefore to be justified
upon local grounds. He could not disguise those feelings in
which lie was borne out by the statements in his Majesty's most
gracious Speech ; and, from the recent sacrifices of revenue made
in other matters, that no other measures were anticipated than
those arising from the peaceable policy hitherto pursued, and of
which there was no reason to suppose any interruption. Thus the
nature of our amicable relations was plain and obvious; it was of
such a description that all who ran might read. As to other matters,
there were now new Musts operating, which rendered the present
times utterly different from all others : there was then something
like certainty—the old politician, with the politician's experience,
might then be almost considered as prophetic; but nnw he must
be considered as a bold astrologer, who declares what will happen,

, • TT
but much bolder still who takes upon him to assert what may
lappets id bodissualworissd and so complisatod. It was alumnus-
factory to him t• have it en his power to state that when England in-
terposed her good offices, they were found availing, and she was the
means of drawing nations in closer bonds of friendship. He stated
with pleasure, that the mediation of England between Russia and
Turkey was attended with tha best compequences ; and both those I
countries acknowledged with gratitude that the amens of her in-
fluence was most useful for them. He also felt pleasure in stating
that the meaeurcs of his Majesty's Ministers were exercised in a
manner the most unabated with all the Powers, for the purpose of
checking the Slave Trade, sod further Treaties were concluded
upon the subject, He had to lament, that the only obstacles which
prevented the complete success of the measure arose from the conduct
of America. He lamented that obstacles should arise in this quart
ter, which could neither be foreseen nor remedied; they originated in
a peculiarity of the UnitedStatis Constitution. fleLniented such
a delay should take place; he lamented there should exist such pc-
culiantles of Constitution, by which a treaty prepared by one party
and ratified by the other, should not be carried into effect for the
attainment of such a salutary object. Of this delsy there could be I
no calculation ; it could never be supposed that a treaty ratified by
his Majesty should be sent back with alterations made by the other
party in the very article proposed by himself—that of the mutual
right of search. This WAS declared to be inadmissible in its own
nature, and his Majesty's Ministers offered to cancel the treaty and
negotiate another upon the basis of the preceding, with the single
exception of that part which originated with themselves. Time had
not yet allowed the answer to be received, but he trusted it would
be as favourable as it deserved. lie would now proceed to notice
that part of the Speech which must be supposed to excite the
greatest interest, not only here, but through the civilized world
in general ; he meant the commercial treaties intended to be enter-
ed into with the New States of South America.._( Hear, hear)__
which had succeeded in establishing their own forms of Govern-
ment. In the relations to which he alluded, it was impossible not
to observe the great commercial benefits that may be pointed out,
and the object of our conduct should be by regulations of • com-
mercial intercourse between the two nations; we should have such
claims as would enable us to enforce the benefits of these regula-
tions, without which the merchant would be an adventurer, and
trade a mere speculation; still though the neunity of these mea-
sures, for the purpose of regulation and ineercoune, were ac-
knowledged by all, they would not, on grounds of policy,
be carried into effect at once. The most zealous- guardian
of /Mr Wouarnereial toteestr most agatiriket it Was tomerattro
upon his Majesty's Ministers to set with caution. They
were imperatively bound to deliberate ups the measure itself,
dpon the time and the manner in whit% it wee tarried into effect;
by. manner he did not mean that diplomatic manner of civility
wnich only served to give a keen edge to insult. Ministers were
bound to recollect that hoe of policy they were bound to pursue
in such a case; the Government of this.country was bound to act
in a peculiar manner, as, if it pursued its own interests, it had it in
its power to act in a way difficult for other countries to adopt ; and
they should also avoid the imputation of interfering between the
mother country and the colonies. As to this subject, there was a
Bill passed, which, whether right or wrong, occasioned a long din.
cusaion. It would, in his opinion, stand the test, and prove that
Government did not interfere. It did not unction the exercise of
British enterprise, or the casual display of valour, which the inha.
bitants of this country carry with them to all parts of the world,
and which he believed did in some instances give assistance to the
colonists against the mother country. But Ministers could not
avoid foreseeing, that a period similar to the present might
again arise, and they would be called on to adopt a course
of policy, such as they They dressed out the circumstances
of the case with mathematical accuracy, and laid them before the
eyes of that Power most interested ; objections were stated and ex-
planations were given ; and the result of all was the system of po-
licy adopted by his Majesty's Ministers. This was the meaning he
applied to the word manner.—(hear, hear.)—lt would be now, he
thought. needless to prove that no interference had been made
against the mother country, and all the measures taken by his .'lla-
jesty's Ministers were void of offence. There had been no feeling
of disapprobation expressed upon the subject, as it concerned the
other Powers ; and it the Cabinets of Europe were disposed to use
violent language and menace, for the purpose of altering our line
of policy, their own political experience would teach them to use
them when they were available, and when they would retrace their
steps. The conduct of his Majesty's Ministers was a fair test of
the conduct that ought to be pursued from man to man, and
from nation to nation. It may be said, that in our conduct we had
overreached ourselves—we may be told that, from our situation, we
were a colonial empire, and our colonies may revolt. His answer
was, they may revolt, and if such be the case, let all the interested
in the struggle pursue the same course towards us that we have to-
wards them ; we ask no more. It may be said that this country,
in the course it pursued, glanced only at the objects of its own in-
terest. Ile admitted this to be the case; but the interests of this
country were those of all nations. lie would for a moment suppose
the recognition of thou colonies to be made at an earlier period ; it
would give offence--it would wound and irritate the pride of the
Spanish King—it would give him reason to call upon all nations to
make common cause against us; to raise the standard of war
against us, and upon principle, next in its nature to a religious
contest—that most indestructible misery to man. Such would, in
his opinion, be the effect of the recogcition when the struggle was
in its progress; but now there would be no injury fiotu the recogni.
non, when they, the States, had obtained a Constitution. If he wished
to place the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers in its best light, he
would refer to the page of history: he would contrast it with that of
France towards us in the American war, when that Power began
to tamper with the American Envoys--when she hesitated, willing
to wound, yet fearing to striko--and when at length she joined
America in the struggle against us, Intlassieed by a fear, not of our
conquering, but of our being recociled. For the correctness of his
opinions lie would appeal to the State Paper published by France
to the reply of Gibbon, and thevxrdonselan given by Governor
Turner. In making these allusions, he did not wish to revive any
obsolete recriminations against France. The treaties to which he
alluded were now in existence : they were in progress, and pro-
niised to increase the prosperity of this country unparalleled is
history. The accounts of the present year were higher than they
were last year, when they were supposed to be highest. As to the
internal trade, it was difficult to produce anything that could
stand the test of arithmetical accuracy; but he believed it to
be higher than it was before. As to our foreign trade, it
was possitle to apply to it a test of such accuracy, and it
' certainly exceeded that of the preceding year. Upon the subject
of the newly-organised Governments of South America, he could
not refrain Irvin noticing an observation which be had seen in two
publications, one of them the work of a Frenchman, the other that
of • Citizen of the United States of America. They both remarked
with feelings of surprise, not altogether perhaps free from national
jealousy, upon the tendency of the trade of the provinces of South
America to England, and treaties were now entered in to cherish
and foster this spirit of commerce which is now delivered from those
restrictions and false principles which obstruct its progress and
impede its course. Commerce is freed from those fetters and
shackles which are now expunged from the text book of the poli-
tical economist. He was satisfied it would be much better to suffer
commerce to expatiate free in the waste which was now opened to
us. As to what the limit or extent may be, that would be placed
to British industry, he could not tell; he left it to the consideration
of the great minds of those around him, whom he heard with
something like envy; he left it to the talents of the travellers—of the
Halls, of the day. For his part he was satisfied that England had
not yet run her course ; that soil was not yet exhausted which was
to add to the stately growth of the empire; there still remained a
harvest to be reaped by generations yet to come. The Noble
Lord concluded by moving the Address, which was, as usual, the
ceho of the Speech.
Mr. Alderman THOMPSON, in rising to second the Address,
said that lie felt himself obliged to call upon the House for a
greater share of indulgence than was usually granted to individuals
in his situation ; at the same time he felt himself much indebted
to the Noble Mover, who by the eloquence with which he had
illustrated those topics which were so flatteringly realised, had re-
lieved him of much of the task which he undertook. Distin.
guithed as that speech was from the deep interest of the matter of
which it was composed, and containing a congratulation the most
gratifying that ever fell to the lot of the Monarch of this or of any
other country upon the general tranquillity, it would not fail to
be equally gratifying to know, that his Majesty received constant
assurances from foreign Sovereigns of their intention of maintain-
ing the harmony that at present exists between his Majesty and
foreign countries. Sn far from there being any prospect of disturb-
ing this tranquillity, there was every prospect of its continuance.—
[Here the worthy ;Sideman spoke in so low a tone that we did
not hear him in the gallery.l—As a proof of there being no danger
of the interruption of public peace, he instanced the feelings exhi-
bited upon the death of the King of francs. That event was
contemplated with no common degree of anxiety, considering
the advanced age of the King ; and the termination of his life
was regarded as the last hope of happiness for France. This ex-
pectation was, however, deceived; the sceptre descended to the
hand of his successor—no dissension was excited.—and this was
a satisfactory proof that the present dynuty was established upon a
most solid foundation. The Administratioe of the present King
of France gave a security that the present great tranquillity of the
world would be preserved. He even trusted this peace would
speedily reach Spain. He was of opinion that Charles X., in re-
taining military possession of that country, did not act with any
view to territorial aggrandizement—his object was peace. The po-
licy pursued by that Monarch since the short period of his acces-
sion, affords a satisfactory pledge of his intentions. This period
has been distinguished, among other things, by removing the re-
strictions which were imposed upon the liberty of the press.
While the Government attended to the mese:ration of peace with '
Foreign Stares, they were not unmindful of regulating our fo-
reign commerce; and they had by their exertions enabled the
British manufacturers to waft to the AVestern Hemisphere the
various produce of their industry. Ministers did not suffer that
valuable portion of the globe to remain neglected, or twenty-one
millions of people to be held in a degrading bondage. England
acted upon liberal principles, and colon Uat monopoly no longer
existed. Spain refused to do her duty ; fors time England re-
mained neutral in the struggle -between Span nod her colonies;
but when the proper season cams, England took care that proper
measures should be adopted for securing a commercial and diplo-
matic intercourse with the emancipated coloniea. (Hear, hear.)
If there were any persons who doubted the wisdom of this cautious
policy, or the sincerity of his Majesty's Ministers, they would now
be of opinion that delay was wise, and that in confiding in Ministers
the country was not misplacing its confidence. It was now desir-
able to cultivate an extended acquaintance with Mexico, Colombia,
and Peru, as a mart for our enlarged trade, and &source of benefit to
their inhabitants. (Hear, hear.) As to the war in India he
speedily looked forward to its termination ; and as the Honourable
Mover of the Address had so fully entered upon the subject of the
augmentation in our amiy, he (Mr. Alderman Thompson) could

only say, it mug he gratifyins; to know, that Its accomplish
merit would produce no. new blather' on the people. With re-
spect to the state of Ireland, it was a topic recommended to the
consideration of the nous e in the speech they had just beard, and
a topic which 114 also often occupied the attention of this House.
It was to be regretted. that *bile British capital was so largely ex-
pended elsewhere, and the benefits to be derived to us from an un-
shackled intercourse with other States; while measures were now
in progress to Improve the condition of Ireland, it was much to be
regretted those beneficial efforts were impeded by the interference
of certain misguided indivirituals, who diverted certain classes from
their duty, and were levying a large tax, with no other object than
to .nable those persons to overcome the Government. il'hat,ver
differences of opinion there might be on the question of Emancipa-
tion, he apprehended the Ho..ise would now be of opinion, that
they had only one course to pursue. For himself lie declared, that
his opinions wire adverse to Emancipation, and when the proper'
occasion offered, he would state his reasons for opposing It. Ile
hoped he would Se allowed to notice our increasing prosperity, in
trade, commerce, and agriculture. The Speech from the Throne
gave a faithful picture of it ; and surely it afforded minor of every
gratulation to find we were in such a situation, after a war of un-
exampled expense and duration. We were not now merely reco-
vering from exhaustion, but raised to a high degree of prosperity
and glory. (Hear, bear.) In proof of this, the Increased revenue
need only be noticed ; in the Excise there was an increase abort
last year of 1,100,000 L, while duties in the Customs had been re-
pealed to the ounotint of 1,1150,0M1. Such were the results of in.
creasing prosperity at home, and of a wise and liberal policy to-
wards Foreign Powers. To these It *as scarcely necessary to al.
lude, for every class of our population, *hether kt commerce or in
agriculture, werebappy and contented. The MIL Member next
adverted to the alteration of the IN'swigation taws: It was formerly
thought that our manufacturers couil not InteeeeeflinY compete with
others if thole laws were altered ; but experience had now taught
them otherwise. Only five years ago it was said that our credit
was low, and the House could not focet the gloomy prospects
which were then indulged in. Fears assailed the Government, and
predictions were uttered which had no other foundation than an
hereditary attachment to ancient prejudices. How had these pre.
diction' been verified ? Why, that those who wive most alarmed
were now found co-operating in promoting a more liberal system of
commercial policy, and in admitting that the contamance of mo-
nopoly would be decidedly against the interests of trade. The ex-
ports and imports had both increased In the last ens, and the be-
neficial effects of diminishing the duty on the rirsf material 10'23 mtr,
titularly exemplified in the article of silk, of which 1400,000h-
more had been imported than when the duty was considerably
higher. With respect to UM shipping interest, that had also im-
proved, and an increase of 40.000 tonnage proved the important
fact. The Reciprocity of Duties' Acts had also taken place, and led
to the most important advantages. He had now briefly noticed
the advantages of an improved commerce; he hoped the system
would be steadily pursued, and that every facility would be
given to the foreign merchants in their traffic with us. The
improving state of the revenue confidently led him to think that
the Government would be able to proceed in a progressive state of
seduction of the taxes. They fully merited the confidence of the
country, and he was sure that 'all the just expectations of the people
would be realised. He would not now detain the House further
than by saying, that the improvement in agriculture was not to be
attributed to the Corn Laws, and that it would be better protected
by a duty equivalent to the tithes, poor's rates, and other charges
paid by the farmer, than by the system which prevailed at present.
England no longer cherished the visionary notion that her advance.
meta would result from commercial monopoly, and all parties seem
now to unite in spreading a different doctrine. He thanked the
House kir the patience with which they had heard him, and would '
conclude by saying of the Government what was said of a Roman
Emperor, and without anything of flattery, " oriterwat alias,
nil erten; yak falsifies."
Mr. BROUGHAM.--There are some points, Sir, and I hope
not the least important points, both of the speeches and the Address
we have just heard, which call forth my dissent, and against which
I enter my solemn protest ; but I still feel a satisfaction, before I
proceed to state my opinions upon them, to notice other points in
the Speech froth the Throne, which have my cordial and willing as-
sent. In doing so, however, and fn offering my congratulations on
those points, I really do not lay claim to any personal merit, or
merit merely of my own, but I cannot help recollecting that I, to-
gether with many of my Honourable Friends now around me, for
years past have been impressing upon the Government the neces-
sity of their adopting those lions which are now the subjects of
such congratuladons. Here I feel that we ought to tax a little our
modesty; inasmuch as it so happens, that the measures we are DOW
called upon to praise, and the fruits resulting from those measures,
we have long and manyWyear ago urged upon succeasiveAdministra-
- - -

- .
tiuns. The subjects which are applauded now—the subjects which
we ars called upon to declare as worthy of all men's praise, we
pressed over and over again on the Gentlemen at the other side of
the House—l allude more particularly to those concerning a mer-
cantile reform, and I must own that, in bestowing the measure of
my praise upon this reform, I could perhaps be more loud if it
were not that I might be said to be arrogating merit to myself. In
that again I am checked by recollecting with pride and with plea.
sure that those Hon. Friends with whom I have acted for a number
of years, both in and out of this liaise, have agreed with me and se-
conded my lea& exertions to Abet reform—then deemed visionary
or chimerical, but now acted upon and deemed to be safe, wise, pa
laical, and jaw. Let It now, then; be laid in Parliament, and
heard throughout the country, that all old and false principles
of commerce" are at an end for ever—that a narrow-minded
and huxtering commercial policy is not only abandOned, but
treated with the contempt it merits and has so long merited.
For ages--at all events for two generations—for a period which deer
not go beyond the recollection of some of the lion. Gentlemen op-
posite, these antiquated and foolish principles have been dispissd
both at home and abroad ; that they have been met with unqua.
lified reprobation, and that they have been the theme of unmea-
sured disapprobation by Smith, and all the other wise men, writers
or not writers, who have looked deeply into the policy of the early
mercantile regulations. Year affer year we endeaveured to show
the propriety, I dare say we ventured to state the necessity, of a
change of such principles ; but, year after year, our doctrines that
capitol could be most beneficially employed according to each man's
interest, or if you will, his caprice--such doctrines, I say, were
treated as idle chimeras, mere wild and visionary, and impraeti-
cable schemes. At one time the doctrine of the free employment
of capital was treated as chimerical and contemptuous, and at
another time as jacobinical, because it seemed to savour something of
the doctrine of the rights of man ( hear), and in turn, as parties prevail-
ed they were either vain and idle, or rebellious and disloyal. These
plans and principles are now altered and I, who humbly recom-
mended the alterations, now find that those alterations have taken
plane, which were once condemned with so much vituperation, and
that the doctrines I repeated in this House are now not only put
into practice, but are actually made the topic' of praisefrom the very
Throne itself; and, as parts of the consummation of our glory, are
made the grounds of congratulation in the Address. To approve
of those changes requires little of candour from me. Eight years
ago, I proposed some modifications in the Navigation Laws; no
doubt, I very feebly introduced and illustrated the subject; neither
then, nor now, could I claim the merit of invention. I had the aid
of wiser men's ideas and language ; but in making that effort I drew
down upon me thedisapprobation of that general guardian of all that
was ancient in those matters, and whole now no more. (A laugh
fiom the Chancellor of the Exchequer.) I really know not how the
Right Hon. Gentleman can take that allusion to himself ; but, to
proceed, I pressed the necessity of making some changes, particu-
larly in the silk trade; but some gentlemen may still remember
with what bitterness I was assailed. I remember I was then told
that it was nothing more than mere speculation ; that nothing could
be more vile or or more absurd ; my doctrines were said to be very
well in theory, but that they were mere sophistries in trade, and that
practical men knew a great deal better than to act upon them. One
Gentleman said, thank God that no such doctrines are to be acted on.
Another gentleman thanked God, and protested that bounties and
monopolies were the source, and the corner-stone of our commer-
cial welfare; others said the Government could not watch with
too much caution any change in our mercantile policy from morning
till night, and from night ull morning, in this House, where they
said the worst meddling went on. Those gentlemen cried out
against alteration ; they thanked God no change was effected, and
they still thanked God that no such pernicious nostrums would be
carried into effect as I submitted to them. However, a change did
take place—a wise, a just, and necessary change. His Majesty's
Ministers took a leaf out of our book--our black book I should ra-
ther say—and adopted all the chimeras and damnable heresies of
Smith and other wise and able writers. Now I suppose that I am
not to consider this change in the conduct of Ministers as a plague
and a visitation, but as a change for which we are called upon to
thank God. In all that gratulation which we are called on to be-
stow, I fully coincide; and I say we shoted thank God for having
Ministers who will now and then listen to the lessons of wie.
dom sod sound policy. I, for my own part, the rather thank
God that we have the niessurea—that we hare the eound
principles recognized—and that we have not longer encouraged
amongst us those dimmable .4exesies of a shop-keeping, pet-tiling,
miserable, and heater-like policy ;—that we have acted on
principles which are as philosophical as they are true ;_that
statesman-like principles have at last been been recognized and
recoinrnended, and that his Majesty's Ministers have adopted,
or been compelled to adopt them. (Hear, hear.) Having found so
much of acumen from the lion. Gentlemen at the other side of
the House, I trust they will go on in the same course. If what
they have done be but little, that little is still valuable; and I
trust we may take it as an earnest of their acting for the future on
more enlightened doctrines. For example, they have adopted
what I recommended to them in the year 1817, relative
to the Navigation Laws and the Salk Trade. Alterations which I
recommended, as founded on the plainest principles, and which
eould be most successfully, if only willingly, carried into execution.
Swift had said, that in the arithmetic of the Customs, two and two
did not always make four t and, in proof of its truth, I instance the
duties on coffee and wine. The duty on wine did not amount to
two—and aa coffee, the imposition of a high duty had a similar
effect. By diniiiiabing the duty the consumption is increased, and
the small duty on the enlarged consumption I always held to be
greater in Tempt, and therefore more beneficial to theitevenue. So I
said as to this duties upon coffee and wine ; teat 1 'furthermore said,
that by soloing to the duty on wine,the revenue would not be greater

' than h was when the duty was lower, and the eeneurePtih4 Me,
sequentlythegreater. Upon tea, at least upon ant spec:es of teal('
duty was hummed from Ye to lee per cont., ant I doubt nett; 'w
little aedition to the revenue. I trust ibnt one Id' the next Meal
sure of reduction will be that of the duty on seise.—an equalise.,
lion of the duties on all foreign .wines, and a revision of 4
Methuen Treaty ; for, in teeth, its provisions bans as
regard to the circumstance! of either pvty at this mo-
ment, as can be well itnagtued. I keow Allot to this
end some arrangement must necessarily he mat Ow
France, In nrdet that we may se able to drin tb
wine, whieti the best judges say alone is wine—that he I bit
able to increase our foreign trade. and, by lowering the. duty, fte,
crease the revenue. Such reforming measures have my applause,
and I must express my unqualified concurrence in another topla
noticed in lb. Speech teem the Throne: I allpde to that sound ea..
pedient, and libel* policy, so often recommended front this side of
the House—so unanimously adopted by the whole country—tbe
recognition of the great Empires of Columbia, Mexico, Buenos
Ayres. and Peru. (Hero., hear.) Hew much of this belehfie to
the country or to die Government—bow far they limy Imre beta
driven to the measure, or with what reluctant readietse thee yielded
to it. it is not for me now to balance,. and the more unrieeessary Is
it for me to do so, se the Ministers have given in, and rust the
public wishes. But how much of the praise belongs to my Hon.
and Learned Friend (Sir James Mackintosh)—how much is swing
to his powerful, learned, and constant advocancy of the these,
from the time of his memorable oration on the Foreign Enlistment
Bill, down to his exertions in the course of the lust summer, e hen
be so elaborately and ably brought the recognition of Mexico and'
Peru before the House, it would be gross Inentice not to admit O.
To him we all owe the expression of our thanks; for there is ne
man either in or out of the }louse who can deny the triumph of nut
recognition to his great and splendid exertions. (Ilea, hear,
bear.) However, I give credit to the Government for the adop-
tion of this measure, thosigh it was a tette tardy ; and I do
say, ft Is as good to have a Government who are reedy to
yield, when they find the people will it. On this substet
the views of some, yielded to those of others. While strange
to say, on other almost equally important points, on subjects of
right and justice, some still clung with the utmost tenacity to their
antient prejudices. I will not quarrel as to the *mount of ace.:
due to the Government for the recognition of those States, neither
will ! criticise too nicely their mode of doing it. All I shall say is,
the recognition is an act of justice, and I am the more pleased at
itseinkingplace, after they hare thrown orthe yoke of the Mother
Country, than after trafficking or treaty to effect it. Perhaps
some delay was necessay, and again I say, I thank his 31eiesty's
Ministers for the recognition. 1 trust the Government will not
meth short In this liberal career. There is now a Power which
has also thrown off the yoke of dependence, and established their
genera; and individual freedom, and that before Mexico, Buenos
Ayres, Colombia, or Tau ; a Power which struggled hard and
long; a Pone, which ought end bled for independence through
every difficulty and danger—l mean the great Island of &-
Domingo, now called the kingdom of Hayti. This Power, after
securing its independence, is now'ecore safely enured of its conti-
nuance than either Colomles, Mexico, or Peru, and if some difli.
cultic; occurred in our reconnition of that Power while we our..
selves were slave-masters, thoie difficulties were now obviated.
and the question was set at rest by the fact that the island in
emancipated. It is now a thriving empire, and it is a duty to
them as well as to us—it is the clear ethicy of this Government,
with a view to the protection of the whitekae well as thee:ayes, to
lose no more time than is necessary in acknowledging the independ-
ence of St. Domingo as we have done of Colombia, Mexico, and
Pau, and to do so for much stronger reasons than those which ex-
torted the recognition of those empires. (Hear, hear.) Bat, I ask,
is this liberal policy to stop short? Is justice to be confined per-
haps to the mere English trader, or peradventure to others who
are able to find patrons to support their demands? Are we never
to do justice to Ireland? ((tear, hear.) Are we never to listen
to the suggestions of policy when we come to neat of Ireland,
where one.half of our empire is suffered to be so placed and Ilse
abused as to put the whole in jeopardy ? (Hear, hear.) I hope
the day is passed by when we are to lee told that the subject of'
Ireland is too delicate to be handled in this House—when we used
to hear of the variety of the opinions on that all-important subject
—of the shades and differences of opinion rendering its agitation
dangerous. Perhaps no two of the Government are. in opi-
nion as to the course to be pursued towards Ireland, but
is that a reason for neglecting ha interests as well as our own ?
In that a reason why the country is to be deprived of the clear, dis-
tinct, and intelligible opinion of a divided Cabinet ? -.Isis a rea--
son lot exonerating Ministers from the greatest we tied re-
sponsibility which mortal Ministers ever carried on r afoul-
dere ? It is well known that a great conflict of opinion has pre-
vailed amongst the Cabinet on other, but not greater subiects--oa
the silk trade, for instance. The Minister brings in a Bill here—
another 31inister opposes it in *nether place, which I sin not ale
lowed to name ; but, in the end, the differences are reconciled,
and the Bill passes both Houses. What differences again as
to the recognition of the independence of South America,
but still they are reconciled—prejudices yield on all points,
but the good and the happiness of Ireland.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Again, I ask, why do not Ministers, who agree on other points of
legislation—who eacriEce differences of opinion on other topics, do
not agree upon this most important one ? whilst on subjecia of corn-
' coerce and agriculture they legislate together and in apparent accord-
epee, is this the only one on which differences of opinion are foe
ever to prevail ? Other interests of less importance have been duly
attended to, and here, where greater interest was at 'flake. wheth
greatet danger menaced, they were divided and could not agree apt_
legislate. They now no longer herd of certain scruples prevailing;
in a high quarter. For my part., I always heard wash abbot/ecru
the doctrine of the interference of opinions entertained in a certain
quarter with the legislative proceedings of Parliament ; I always
reseeded it as a most unconstitutional fetch, which would hire dis-
graced the minions of Charles 11., and which would have brought
those who, at a better period, preceded him, to the block. It was
language most unconstitutional, a doctrine the most pernicious.
(Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Han. W. Lamb). I would be
glad to bear how the Hon. Member who had challenged :4 • cheer
what I have advanced, would maintain and defend the. reverse of it.
In what part of his profound study of the Constitution, and lie had
examined into all its parts--in what part of his inquiries into poll.
deal history, and in the variety of opinions which he then funned.,
and by which he was himeelf distinguished, would he find such a
doctrine to be constitutional ? I own I am surprised to have heard
that cheer from the Hon. Gentleman, who was himself the pupil
of that great and ever-lamented statesman (Mr. Fox), whose opi.
nions and principles support, and who would have listened with
astonishment at the expression of such s sentiment towards me, a
Whig, merely for declaring that the King's name should not be
introduced to overawe the opinions and proceedings of this Howie.
It was a well-recognised principle, and one on which that great
man (Mr. Fox) invariably acted, that whatever sou gracious on the
part of the Monarch to the people, should be referred to the Sove-
reign, but that the blame of whatever was disgracious or
odious should be borne by the Minister. Now I was
merely stating a corollary from this proposition when 1 was
interrupted by the cheers of the Hon. Gentleman. The revere c:
this doctrine it appeared was now adopted, for whatever was ete-
ditable in the conduct of Goya:mem, was claimed by the Mi-
nisters. If any thing odious were now done, in the appointment
of a civil or military situation, or on the deprivation of it, it 'was
immediately said 011, it was no fault of such a one, he could
not intend malice to a political opponent ; you know who in at the
bottom of all this." By such insinuations did they seek to aerie •
nerete themselves, and transfer the odium of the act to their Sove-
tiontogonerlheinlyeee.fatireTranhanidCilntdilidbell;m:rolsvi(n.
reign. So with respect to Ireland did they seek by subterfuges to
relieve themselves from the neglect of its interests; but, thank God,
his Majesty's sentiments towards that country, as illustrated in his
gratifying ,visit to the sister kingdom, rendered it impossible
for his elajesty's Ministers to use such an argument in their via
diction. The King's conduct had been marked by the soundest
and justest views of policy towards Ireland. His private opinions,
se tar as they could be known from what he does and says, are
such as do him honour as a Monarch and a man. An act of his
own was recently on record—his conduct towards Hanover. The
nature of our connection with that kingdom had been frequently dam.
cussed, and objected to; but, .e. it is a bad wind that blows nobod
good." and from what had been lately done in that kingdom. I
sin desirous of selecting as an example fur his elajesty's elinisteni,
a gratifying of their Sovereigns sound and liberal policy.
The set is his own, the merit of it is not shared by his Afintstere,
and it gives me no ame/1 delight to call the attention of the House
to it, as it brings to a test his Majesty's own real sentiments and
wishes. It is not a passage, Sir, from that Spate', but from a
Proclamation to the kingdom of enover, of which, Sir, as you
do of the Royal Speech, for the sake of greater accuracy. I have.
taken a copy. (A laugh). The announcement was a most Fereee,
Eying one. It ought to be echoed over Europe. It breathed expo_
mans of the most liberal and enlightened policy.--" The .Avers,„
professors of the Christian faith enjoy a perfect equality of ii, .l
and political ;fights in the kingdom ; and, in conformite with the
said article, the notion of a predominant and of a merely tolerated
Church is entirely abolished." This was a truly liberal policy.
A man who felt thus liberally would not even use the term
toleration ; he feels that in sanctioning relisious liberty he
does not confer a boon—he merely recognises a right which
every man has to worship God according to his consciecee,
and in fulfilling which no man has a tight to inteelere,--
eilln.l.tlesito,ztsh.bebrefi:cw.)weehTicthohisbtEkas.erjel.
(Applause.) A man may be in error; but if he be sinehre in hie
dfiajuovredio2 favour
cobaccyncedtoorlderedinagt
religious belief, you insult him when
syou say you green him 4
spieit of this Proclamation. It proceeds—" all esligious cominuni.
ties (I could wish this were extended to Irelar.d, and not conflaod
ecisexttnodf
tthhiseirprrocelliagimolutsiownotrsohitirpe.l'a' easdtoo
inoti
am,eysire
I;
9wonlay
to Hanover) shall have a right to the free and unobstructed sea-
there appears to me something extrew oly difficult in the presenta-
tion of an address (containing thiseee will call it offensive—
respectine Ireland) to the Throne, on which that Monarch irt:nen
issued this Proclamation to He floret. It not only expresses a die-
position, but it pledges the Vtouu to a meaner: inconsistent with
that Proclamation, and one which for my heart I believe to ha
unnecessary and unwise, 'and which 1 sincerely espreeate. Why
do not they who are forte Catholic question frankly and manfully,
maintain the necessity of the concession to them ? In withheldiog
their just claims von only irritate them, end then you censure the
irritation you hive yourselves created. In presenting a pelt ert
from the Catholic Aseociatton last year, I told you what
co trottld4
the consequence of thus delaying the act of justice, long and jiie
due to them. If harsh language M. been used by thent—lf ip,
vehement spirit has displayed Welt In their proetedinga--if rum.
vegeta demonstrations of violent feeling, or alarming s
have manifested themselves—blame not the Catholic Assoc rilntilio)ft,s.
but blame those who made the Association, by treating the Catlin.
lies as they have been treated. (Hear, bear bear.) Be
3 minted tAko
'-r, •

ii

r

Alle:ltk-411E"'!"Imf,t2.°1

.. ' •

in the history of human affaits there is no proposition which gene-'
eel experience more strongly confirms than this, which on a former
eocesion, on the same subject, was submitted to the House—that
the sore way to create twee:tamable demands was to z efuae reasonable
requests; it changed that which was reasonable into what was us.
reasonable, and converted a dutiful request into an inatetnt demand.
igAtt suppose the Catholic Association did pot stall exist--supe
tbat you had not yourselves created it, and it was irked of those
who had pledged themselves to that measure, why, now that you
ars in office, do you not carry its You have succeeded in other
intents:l, supported by the country, and why do you not succeed
la this, supported, as you are, by the country. and backed by the
Opposition both in an cut of this House ? What would the
answer be ? Would you say you were deterred from doing so by
the lees of a useful colleague, of splendid talents and of powerful
telluence ? Such all answer would Lot suffice—the experiment had
been never tried ; and if it were tried no tear whatever should be
appreheneed of such a lose. What ! quit the great seals. (A
%eagle) It would exceed any of the much-talked of miracles of
Prince Hoheelohe. (Cheers and laughter.) Of all 'he chimeras that
ever ermined a poet's brain there was none more chimerical than the
idea that that eminent person Could resign them. (Leughter.)
There are some things at which I should be surprised, but nothing
could surprise me more than his resigliatem of them whilst he had
the power of possessing them. No, never until his prospect and
eojoyment of sublunary. happiness were at an end. Besides, they
sem say in do not take into account the high qualities of that emi-
nent person to when I allude-1 hope trot intemperately, yet in-
eelligibly. (A laugh.) They do not copsitter the steadiness of his
siend—cis courage to bear burch —his patient essiduity--the
calmness with which he endures connadictions—the lessee of ques-
tions of trade and commerce—qualities only to be equalled by the
the patience he displays at the distresses of the suitors of his own
Court. The idea that with such qualities of mind as those he
would resign was the suggestion of a fantastical imagination. Let
Men only be tried, and it would be found that he slid not seriously
contemplate such a step. A man by long experience grows fond of
strafes his country, i i office (a laugh); and the more high the
situation the more splendid the rewards for the service—the more
intense his:odour, more warmly did his bosom glow with a desire
of continuing iu tee service of his country. (Laughter and ap.
'Maws.) They who supposed he would cease so to love his country's
service, or that that great object,which he possessed could by a dif-
ference of opinion be wrenched kom his gripe, greatly undervalued
his pewee of endurance. It was his freehold; he had a life Tote.
tea in it, that was clear, and the question now was, whether it was
a property in which he bad im interest only for the term of his
natural life, or whether it was one which he could bequeath
to a successor? I think I perceive sonic symptoms of such a
disposition. (Loud cheers.) However. this I mat safely assure
the successor, that he would be much disappointed if he expected
to gain possession before the term of the present lifeenterest
was expired. (Applause, and much laughter.) This was
the great antagonist to the claims, aitikh other Members of the
Ministry it was supposed were anxicus to concede. Suppose
it were to come to this point, that this eminent personage were to
say, " I'll resign, if this question be carried ;" and that another
Right Hon. Gent. were toassert, " I'll resign if it be not carried."
Supported by the voice of that House, anti of the country, there
would be no question that the Right fion.Gent. would maintain his
place and succeed—et hasty expression, used more in the warmth
of debate that in real earnestness would bemoan forgotten ; he would
become reconciled to have his views and opinions upon this as on
other subjects thwarted and defeated ; tie Cathodic Question would
be carried, and the country would not for one hour sustain the loss
of the benefit of his high talents and inestimable services. As yet,
DO such effort had been made—of the success attendant on such an
effort, I sin c edident. Instead of an earnest endeavour to carry
the question, the Catholics were leer year after year, in a period of
profound peace, of boasted prosperity, to petition thati House, with
an almost Imam expectation of having their grievances redressed.
In that part of his Majesty's Speech which related to Ireland, I
pensive that the word •Associatioits' and not 'Association' is intro.
duced. This was not done without an object. The plural was
:were insidiously inserted with an artful and perverted ingenuity In
which Bella' meld not excel—
" Tito' his tongue dropt manna;
• Tho' skilled to make the worse appear the better reason,
And to perplex and dark matures: counsels ;
Vet all was false and hollow."
MA* I know he hand-writing in which this insertion in the
epeetm is made. (A laugh.) It was introduced as an
excellent pretext to balance the Catholic Association against
the Orange and other Associations, which were illegal ; and whilst
it aimed a strong and terrible blow at the Catholic Association,
was meant as a gentle rap to the others. This was • nominal
equity--one of those subtleties which was so well understood in a
Court over which a certain eminent personage presided. Assenting,
as I do, to other parts of the Royal Speech—to this I cannot tw-
eak. I cannot assent to the proposition, by which it is declared
that this Association, by the measures and proceedings which they
rues adopted, have done anything irreconcilable with the spirit of
the Constitution. (Hear, hirer.) There never was a society, of all
whcse measures I have, without exception, approved ; every per-
son who heart nes is probably of the name opinion; but it was
erpecially difficult to approve of all the measures of • society
termed far mixed purposes of religion and politics. The exact
rule or line by which such en Auto iation was bound together was
not easily definable—and might wily be transgressed. But,
making all due allowances for the nature of such an institution—
and having been myself an attentive observer of the proceed.
logs of that Association—having been, I may say, a vigilant
inspector of all that has been said, spaken, and written by
them, I pledge myself to the fact, that there has not been
one word or one act of theirs that would justify the charge
which those voids would convey. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
Their language has been, in my opinion, marked by even ex.
eteplary moderation, although it has been attempted by the
i'eoble Mover of this Address to visit it with his sarcasm. Their
eloquence is, may I assure hint, easier to sneer at then to imitate.
The Noble Lord was pleased to say he did not speak of them with
contempt. How gratifying it must be to six millions of people,
who peril tits hail never heard of the Noble Lord's name before,
to know that he did not regard them with contempt. Indeed I
sboeld be surprised if ha had said that Is did contemn or under.
vides, them; such a sentiment would be very much at variance
wish the intelligent and sound discretion which marked the other
parts of the speech which preceded his moving the Address.
(Hear, hear.) To entertain contempt toward, a people in their
situation would exceed any idsas, even the most sueerstitious
upon record of poeoeuranle. The Catholic Association, if I am
not misinformed (and my information is front a ;levee on which I
'way rely), possessed the confidence of the Roman Catholic people cf
Ireland. It may be eaosidered a virtual representative body of
:heir wishes and sentiments. Some Catholics may approve, and
some disapprove of certain parts of its proceedings' ; but it may be
fitirly said to pommel the general confidence of the Roman Catho-
lics. We know, that in reading Ma speeches every man does not
fully approve of all the sentiments of another, slttiongh he may
with much, and most of what lie says. It may suggest itself to
b•m—" It would be well it ties passage were left out—if another
were altered." Nn person could more readily assent to the opi.
man that inch a difference might prevail titan his Right Hon.
Friend opposite( elr. Plunkett) who might oil reading a speech,
mut a construction quite eat variance welt that to which twenty-
throe persona, upon subsequent consideration, might arrive et.—
(Hee?, hear, and a laugh). Of :is extreme delicacy and difficulty I
of the situation of n.y Right lion. Friend, I am quite aware. I am
aware also of lea ineatimaLle services to the Catholics. There is
not a man its England or in Ireland to whom the Catholics are
name indebted than to him. After my venerated and ever-lamented
tend Mr. (Italian, he was the person who had done moat for then ;
for who is there now that, befitting all the maryclemis powers of
hit mind to their cause, pleaded it with half his force, half his
eloquence. and half his effect? He has been the father of the
Cathult: A...net:stein, for under his immediate countenance and
protection 11.1,:e they growl., and arrived at the influence and
Importance which tiley now posses*. Whatever may be the
Rent• and the manner of its collection, the people are attached
to it—they will continue to adhcre to it—their interests and feel-
ings are bolted up with it—they voluntarily support it, and
such a mesoire as is row contemplated sill be regarded
as reeking war upon the Catholics of Ireland. To leg slate
at all under such cocumstaneea, foe such a body, is a species of
legislation surrounded by difficulties. If any legislative measure
he adopted for putting down this Association, how can you jusitly
the petting clown the CathalicAssaciation' arid so frante a law that
will not ;Meet a huaitred other a sieties? Any law to put them down
would likewise extend to the var:ous societies for circulating libels
throughout the country. The Csthalic Association colects about
ftwe or six Metered pounds a week ; but here is a sett ,:ty witieh
collects upwares of 50,e001. or 100.040/. a mess, aee. wit
branches amid ramifications uidely.defused over part of the realm—
supported sad encouraged by venous sects—by dignitaries of the
church—by persensof high renk,and active elenilins of both Houses
of the Legislature. Of oee of these saskees, a Noble Lord (Liver.
pool), who takes a teed in another House, awl with whom I have
sometimes now the honour to act (a laugh), is was/dent. Another
Z.:obis Lord ( Pex ley ) fram who:matter the recognition ef the revolted
Colonies.. and after the adoption of a more eberal policy in trede.
further liberality !might be expected, was an relive promoter of
these societies.. Another Association, of which his Grace of Wel-
lington was a batting member, the Bridge-street Association,
would be attired by any law by which it sties be attempted to
put down the Catholic Association. This might be said to be
against the spirit of the Constitution, for they sought only to put
down wtitings on the Cocseitation, and were not associated from
any generous feelings, or sympathy in the misfortunes of their
countrymen ; not fur the attainment of freedom nor the redress of
real grievance. Should these measures be pursued and prosecuted
by his Majesty's Government, cad I trust they may not, many op.
will dwelling upon them in detail. Now thst
mein, and in every stage of their pris-
es them from brat to last. It
' so to legislate as to re-
law antlgovernumet is:
eke, which is continued
ifferent to its enormons
the severing of the two
entry is now in a more
ficusly been. The As-
tent tranquillity. Lest
at: administration of jus-
if die law had been u.ore
kuowing what law was,
s. These and other ins-
siere—giess it over withal
Catholic Association. Butt
^ cosple should look to
' they then only said, dint
and its soon as they cv.
cause in the lurch.

(Loud chem.) Their friends veered about from one side to
another, and left them. This is the conclusion which the
Roman Catholics draw from your conduct towards them. They
coedded in you--they appealed to you—but Parliament turned a
deaf ear to them, and they have transferred their alienated affections
and confidence to a body of their own choosing. (Hear, hear.) If
they cease to confide in you, it is you who have induced them by
neglect to withdraw their confidence. This it is that haunts you ;
it Is your own doing. (Hear, hear.) Swift observes that there is
nothing more common than for people to make themselves ridicu-
lous, and then be angry with people for laughing at them. It was
also to be observed of Governments, that nothing was more com-
mon than for bad rulers to create mischiefs, and then to be enraged
at the evil consequences which those mischiefs invariably entailed
on a people. If such a body arrives at the maturity of growth,
it is your measures which forced it to such a maturity, and it is
only by ceasing to turn a deaf ear to Ireland, that you ever can
seriously hope to tender her contented and tranquil. Much good
may have been done, and much good has been done—but that Mi-
nister who would leave this great question undecided, dividing the
councils of the nation, and perpetuating the misery of Ireland, is
unworthy even of the least of these paltry commercial measures, for
paltry they are in comparison to this great question, for which I
have already given credit to his Majesty's Ministers. 'The fault is
our own—we alone can correct it. Pie resolved to carry the Catholic
Question, and you must succeed. Though this act of justice
should have been rendered to Ireland before, yet " better late than
never." This it is that will put an effectual end to the Ar.3o.
elation. It will restore that confidence which you in • great
degree have lost by your past delay in doing justice to Ireland, and
that this may be the result of your measures, and this the tendency
of your policy, because it lies deep in the happiness of Ireland and
the welfare of the empire, 1 will put forth my earnest prayer—
would that I could add my sanguine hope. (Applause.) Again I
express my earnest disapprobation of the Intended measure, anddis-
sent front that part of the Address which approves of them. lat least
!hall not be guilty of the responsibility of sanctioning them ; and
if, In dissentiog from them. I do not take the sense of the House
now upon them, it is bemuse many who would join me in that ex-
presston of dissent, are not now present, as they entertain no appre-
hension of being entrapped into an approval of such a measure,
because i am unwilling to make the people of Ireland think that
they are supported by fewer than really do support them, and be-
cause I ant unwilling thereby to diminish that small portion of the
confidence of the people there, which our inattention to her interests
has left us. (Cheers.)
Lord L. GOWER explained. He begged to assure the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman that he did not mean to convey any sar-
casm on the people of Ireland, or on their mode of speaking, by
what had fallen from hint respecting that country. He might not
have conveyed himself as clearly and forcibly as that Learned
Gentleman, but due allowance would be made for his inexperience
in debate, at a time when he might not be in perfect self-possession
as to the exact phrase and manner of his expression—" Cam meta
am: piens sit ;" but nothing was farthet front his intention than to
convey the slightest sarcasm or disrespect on any portion of the
people of Ireland. (Ileum, hear.)
Mr. BROUGHAM explained, and was quite satisfied with the
very creditable explanation Of the Noble Lord, of the sentiments
which others in the House, 'swell as himself, had misapprehended.
Mr. W. LAMB said, as his Hen. Friend (Mr. Brougham) had
adverted to hint for having signified his sense of what had fallen
from hilts in the usual way, he did so from a feeling that a part of
his observations was stronger than he approved of, and because he
thought it also made against another part of his argument. As to
his hsving entertained a variety of opinions, he never changed any
opinion which he had professed, except one on an important subject.
He had the highest respect for the Honourable and Learned Gen-
tleman's talents and character, and begged to assure him he meant
him not the slightest disrespect by the interruption of which be
complained. As to the Address, lie thought it spoke too highly
of the prosperity of the country ; as they ought not to have
been depressed by timpotary adversity—so neither should they
be elated by prosperity, which might be temporary auto.—
He understood that the Address characterized the Catholic Asso-
ciation as unconstitutional; he of course. expected that proofs
would be produced to warrant this assertion, and upon the faith of
this expectation he would give his consent to that particular part
of the Address. It was impossible not to agree with his Hon. and
Learned Friend, t!:st other Associations existed, which levied
money, and were in many other respects analogons to the Catholic
Association. At the same time, perhaps, none of those Associations
were actually indentified with political subjects as closely as die
Catholic Association, or met like that, for the purpose of discussing
political questions. If an association take cognizance of all poli-
tical subjects, and meeting under the pretence and pretext of com-
plaining of one particular grievance, takes into consideration meny
other particular subjects, he had no difficulty in admitting that
such an association might be a fit subject for legislative provision.
If the Roman Catholic Priests should interfere in the collection of
the Catholic Rent, or the manner of its application, he conceived
this would be a feature of itself sufficient to create extreme alarm.
When the power and pretensions of the Catholic Priesthood were
recollected—when it was remembered that they arrogated the power
of absolution and remission of sins, what could reconcile mankind
to the existence of such pretensions, except the most rigid and
exact application of this power—the co plete restriction of it to
spirituel affairs? AlThen the Catholic Priesthood interfered in tem-
poral affairs—when they mixed themselves up with political sub-
jects, and took part in their discussion—this, he repeated, was a
cause for considerable alarm. With respect to the Catholic ques-
tion, whatever may be the conduct of the Catholic Association, or
whatever may be the violence or indiscretion of the advocates of ,
the question, his opinion upon it remained unchanged. Ile con-
sidered it necessary, to ensure the general tranquillity—to secure
the safety, and promote the prosperity of the United Kingdom,
that distinvions, grounded on religious differences, hnuld be at
an end. When the Catholic question should be brought forward,
therefore, it should receive his most anxious support. The at-
tempts which were made to support this question by violence and
menaces, he considertd greatly injurious to it. It was impossible
to conceal that a strong objection to the measure existed in this
country—an objection founded on principles. which, although they
might not be concurred in, must be respected. !low long the
feeling to which he adverted may oppose the question of emanci-
pation, lie should not take upon himself to predict, but he very
much feared that it was not likely to be overcome by the language
or measures of the Catholic Association.

Mr. Secretary CANING then rose and addressed the House
to the following effect:—Sir, the speech of the lion. and Learned
Gentleman opposite, not being of a nature to require that I should
engross much of your time, I shall not trespass at great length
on the attention of the House, with respect to either of the topics
to which he has particularly adverted. The lion. and Learned
Gentleman has thought fit to pass over a considerable portion of
the Speech, and has confined himself chiefly to the parts relating to
the recognition of the new States of America, and the Catholic
Association. The approbation be has bestowed on the former, is
is no very gracious approbation, while, on the latter, the condem-
nation be has pronounced, is no very sparing condemnation. With
respect, bowmen, to the Catholic Association, I will say, that re-
taining the opinions I have always held on the subject of the
Catholic Claims, which I shall be prepared at all times to support,
reserving to myself only the right of bringing the question forward
when I think proper, judging for myself, and not :Mowing the
lion. and Learned Geudeman to judge me, Ido not hesitate
to express my agreement with my lion. Friend (Mr. \V. Lamb)
that so far from considering the proceedings of the Catholic Anso-
elation to be identified with the cause of tire Catholics of Ireland—
if ever there was a scheme, a device, an invention, for throwing
back that question in the mind or the people of this country—if the
biderett enemy of the Catholics had sat down to devise the means
to raise a spirit of hostility to their claims, and exasperate the Op-
position against them, he could not have hit upon any mode of ac-
compliehing his purpose more certain than the establishment and
conduct of the Catholic Association. There was one argument
mentioned by the lion. and Learned Gentleman, which I thought
he would have pursued to greater length, and to which I have my-
self given the most serious consideration. It is this: whether, if
no steps were taken with respect to the Catholic Association, the
mischief might not die away of itself P To prove the sincerity of
skis declaration, 1 can appeal to gpr conduct last Session. The
lion. and Learned Gentleman knows that we were-g-Oided tobrlteg
forward some measure to stifle the Association in its infancy, nor
can he have forgotten that I then pronounced my opinion against
any legislative interference with it, being rather of opinion that if'
let alone it would die away, and that at all events we could not
call for any measure of interference till that experiment had been
tairly tried. If the lion. and Learned Gentleman wished us to re_
stone that mode of considering the subject, he has handled his
argturients singularly. It was in that case his business to have
diminished the authority end impatance of the assembly, and to
have shown that it was but a harmless meeting of simple indivi
duals, not representing, or pretending to represcnt, the kingdom a f
Ireland; but, on the contrary, to induce tine House to teke no
notice of the evil, he has exaggerated it even beyond the exaggera
tions of its own self-impertance. Ile nye that it is, in fact, the
Government of the country. Hs says, that to the Catholic Associa-
tion alone we should attribute the peace and tranquillity that coon.
try has for the first tine enjoyed. In the profuseaets of his pane-
gyric on the Association, he forgets the existence of Lord Wtl-
leslev's Administration. lie forgets the virtues and talents ascribed,
and justly ascribed, to that eminent man ; but it is not to his
im-
partial Administration ; it is not to his elliirts to compel respect to
the laws ; it is not to the earn hand with which he has distributed
between Catholic and Protestant tire favour of the Government,
and the sunshine of the favour of the Crown, that those happy
results are to be attributed. No ; it is not to Lord Weliesiev, but
to the Catholic Association that all honour is. now to be rendered,
and all benefit derived. I own this comes upon me with some kind
of surprise. I wish the wise and benevolent Administration of the
Noble bard had been allowed to proceed ttatainted by the waters of
bit.erness mingled with it by the Catholic Association—
" Doris entara Foam non intermiticeat %Adam."

If it had gone on altme, I believe it would lute ended in conferring

THE BRITISH PRESS.

on Ireland inestimable blessings, even though it had fallen short of
obtaining the grant of that question, which must ultimately crown
and cement the whole, and which, some time or other, will be ear-
,
ried, with the general concyrrence of this couctry, though now,
perhaps, it would be opposed by the whole people as one mass. I
ant firmly persuaded that the administration of Lord Wellesley
would, if suffered to proceed without the mischievous interference
of faction, have produced a state of things which, compared with
any thing in our memory, would have been peace, happiness, and
concord. But the Honourable and Learned Gentleman says, what-
ever advances may have been made towards this State, the Catholic
Association is the parent of peace, and the author of the general
tranquillity. What is the potent charm with which it has wrought
this change ?—lts place is front the pit of Acheron ; its concili-
ation is cemented by this adjuration : "Be neaceful by the hate
you bear to the Orangemen." This is the foundation of the peace
of the Catholic Association. (Hear, hear.) This is the charm by
which they produce friendship out of hatred. (Hear, hear.) It
was enough to stamp the character of the Association, that its
members should deliberately have written such a passage, and
when called on to reconsider it, should deliberately have confirmed
it. What was the injunction ? Be peaceful by the hatred you
bear to a great part of your countrymen ! is this the spirit
of Catholicism ?—I hope not. I am sure it is not that of
Christianity. (Hear, hear.) I trust that it forms no part of
the peculiar creed of that peculiar class of the Christian world.
If it does, I know that I have been in • fatal error when
I advocated the cause of the Catholics. (Hear, hear, hear.)
In the name of the Catholic population, I merest against identify-
ing them with the Association. Is answer to the protest of the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman, I protest against confounding them
together; and should any measure be deemed necessary to restrain
the Association within dm limits of the law and constitution, I
protest against its being considered as directed against the Catholic
population, or as intended to throw impedimenta in the way of the,
discussion of the Catholic questios. Does the Catholic Associa-
tion know so little of the people of England, as to suppose
that menace and intimidation are measures calculated to lead
to success ? Do not its members feel that every sentence they
have uttered, and every threat they have ventured to send forth,
have tended directly to injure the cause they profess to &deo;
ate ? Are they not aware, that if they would promote it, they
should hold their peace till all they have said is forgotten, and, if
possible, effaced from the mind of the English public ? So far
from doing mischief to the Catholic cause by suppressing the As-
sociation, we should do it good, by ridding it of an incumbrance
which renders it unsightly to every impartial man, and obnoxioas
to every man who hats to be bullied. (Hear, hear, hear.) The
Catholic Association lets in array against the Catholic cause
the feelings of all mankind. (Cheers.) The Honourable and
Learned Gentleman has used harsher words than I think he
would have applied to the measures in contemplation if he had
known how it is intended to frame them. The disease of
Ireland is (Anion, and order whatever banners it may display
itself, it should be crushed. The letter S was not added to de-
ceive. No: the measures intended to be introduced will be im.
partial, and, I trust, complete in their operation against all
parties. (Hear, hear.) I revert again to the separation I wish
to establish, but which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman wishes
to confound between the Catholic Association and the Catholic
Question. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman took occasion
to address to me personally, in a way not to be misunderstood, a
great part of his speech ; and lest it should appear that I wish
to pass it by without notice, I am compelled to resort to that
ungracious and disagreeable task of occupying the Home with
matters of a personal nature. (Hear.) Beelike me, then, in so many
words, with respect to the Catholic question, why, being able to
carry certain measures in the Cabinet, I have not recourse to the
sante influence—the proffered resignation of office, to carry this
also? In re-stating his proposition, I do not admit his pre-
mitres to be trite ; but I cannot get at his argument without
re-stating his premises. Dots he then, I will ask him again,
see no difference between the question of the recogrition of
South America and the question respecting the Catholics? He
asks, what has a tl mister to fear, with those benches and England
at his back? I answer, by asking what could a Minister do,
with only those benches, and Not England at his back ?
(Cheers and laughter.) Then, Sir, supposing his data all true,
claim to reserve to myself the determination as to how and when,
at what period, and by what means I should endeavour to carry
those measures, on which, if necessary, I would put my office and
life at stake. (Cheers) (claim not to have the opportunity Be-
head for me (hear); and by those especially who may, perhaps,
hare some collateral interest in the result. I have not thought
it necessary to dispute the aseuniptions of the lion. and Learned
Gentleman, with respect to the state of the Cabinet ; but ono of
his assertions I must deny. Ile has taken it for granted, that be-
cause. on one interest the Cabinet, like the Nation, is divided into
two parts, whoever is against me as to the Catholic question, was
equally against me as to the recognition of South America. lie
is completely mistaken. (Hear, hear.) I beg to assure hint
that the line that is fancifully drawn between the liberals and Me-
berals in the Cabinet, is not straight but serpentine (Hear,
hear) ; and that however easily that division as to the Catholic
Question may be traced, on other:, to which the Members are not
pledged by habit, connection, or personal honour, I hope they
bring minds fairly open to the arguments of their Colleagues.—
(Hear, hear.) But by no fault of ours, nor indeed of the present
Parliamentary generation, the Ministry is necessarily exposed to •
difficulty from which it can only be rescued by a remedy not very
likely to be adopted—l mean the total breaking up of party, and the
formation of an Administration out of' the scattered elements. It
is my opinion that in that case an Administration could not be
formed on the side which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman wishes
to prevail. On the other it might. It, therefore, I was to follow
his advice, and retire from Office, he might have the satisfaction of
ousting me, but he certainly would not of succeeding me. (Cheers
and laughter.) All I desire of the House is to coroader to
what extent the sentence of the Address pledges them. The
King states that the Associations in Ireland have " adopted pro-
ceedings irreconcilable with the spirit of the Constitution, and cal-
culated, by exciting alarm, anti by exasperating animosities,to
endanger the peace of society. anti retard the course of national im.
provetnent." These are matters of fact. His Majesty then re-
commends Parliament " to consider without delay the means of
applying &remedy to this oil." The House of Cotnnions by this
Address, answers, we will ; and unless the House were prepared to
say that the Catholic Association, according to the character given
of it by the lion. and Learned Gentleman, possessing all autho-
rity, superseding all government, engrossing all allegiance, ex-
ercising all power, levying avenue, and having the population at
its back—unless, I say, the House of Commons will declare that
this is a power which ought to exist, sitting beside the Govern.
mentor towering above it, they cannot refuse to say but that they
will adopt whatever means may be suggested to them by Govern.
meet, but that they will themselves consi ter how to put an end to
so enormous an evil. That is the extent of the Address, and less
than that would be to affirm that it was proper the Catholic Asso-
ciation should exist in its unrestrained authority, and tine plentitude
of its power. (Hear, hear, heir.) I now turn to that other part
of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman's speech in which
be acknowledges his acquiescence in the passages of the Address
echoing the satisfaction felt at the success of the liberal commercial
principles adopted by this country, and at the steps taken for re-
cogniemg the new States of America. It does happen, however,
that the lion. Gentleman being not uefrequently a speaker in this
House, nor very concise in his speeches, and touching occasionally
as he proceeds on almost every subject within the range of his
itnagination, as well as making sonic observations on the matter in
hand, and having'at different periods proposed and supported every
innovation of which the law er constitution of the country is sus-
ceptible ; it is impossible to innovate without appearing to borrow
fine him. Either, therefore, we must remain for ever atom-
JuLly locketl up asinnanarthem winter, or we must break our way
out by *ooze mode 'beady suggested by the Hoh. and Learned
Gentlmen, and then hecticeout," Ah, I was there before you. That
is what I told you to do, but as you would not do it then, you have
no right to do it now." In Queen Anne's reign there lived • very
sage and able critic, named Dennis, who in his old age was the
prey of a strange fancy, that he had himself written ail the good
things in all the goad plays that were acted. Every good passage
he met with in any author he insisted was his own. " It's none of
his," Demi* would always say: " no, it's mine." lie went one
day to see a new tragedy. Nothing particularly good to his taste
occurred till ascetic in which a great storm was represented. As
soon ae he heard the thunder rolling over head, he exclaimed,
" That's my thunder!" (Great laughter.) So is it with the Hon.
. anal Learned Gentleman : it's all hill thUlltiCT. (Laughter.) It will
henceforth be impossible to confer any boon or make any innovation
but he will claim it as his thunder. But it is due to him to acknow-
ledge that he does not claim everything; he will be content with the
exclueive merit of the liberal measures relating to trade and com-
merce. Not desirous of violating his own principles by claiming a
monopoly of foresight and wioloin, he kindly throws overboard to
my lionouretle and Learned Friend (Sir J. Mackintosh) near hint,
the praise of South America. I should like to know whether, in
some degree, t hie also is not his thunder. (Laughter.) He thinks
it right itself: but lest we shmild be too proud if he approved our
, conduct fa lota, be thinks it wrong in point of time. I differ from
him essentially ; for If I pique myself on anything in this affair, it
is the time. That, at some time or other, States which had peps-
rated themselves from the Metropolis should or should not be
admitted to the rank of independent nations, is a proposition to
which no possible dissent could be given. The whole question wall
one of time and mode. There were two modes: one a reckless
and headlong course, by which we might have reached our object
at once, but at the expense of drawing upon tie consequences not
I highly to be estimated. The other was more striely guarded in
t point of principle, so that while we pursued our own interests, we
P took care to give no just cause of offence to other Powers. Then
Motes have been niluded to, BuenoS Area, Colombia, and
Me:ien ; and 1 flatter myself to satisfy the House, that at no
t. rifer p;riad could time rmi sues ton in pyres?, with respect to

them, have taken place. Any other period or mode then that chosen
would have been liable to some objection. In the first place, as to
time, referring to the internal condition of the States themselves, it
is true that for many years there has been no Spanish soldier In the
territory of Buenos Ayres. That first necessary condition of re.
cognition by a Foreign Power had long existed In that State. Its
soil wan free: but my Hon. and ',earned Friend (Sir J. Mackintosh)
knowinthet up to a late period the vast extent of territory, generally
and in common parlance called Buenos Ayres, consisted of thirteen
or fourteen States, not yet connected by any federal tie. What
an absurdity would it have been for England to have entered into
a treaty with a Government which could not say what were its
constituent parts! Before any treaty can he concluded, we must
of necessity know that this consolidation has taken place. I have
no doubt that it will be found to exist, and if it does, the treaty.
will be signed. As fo Colombia, it was only in 1822 that she sent
the last Spanish there out of her terrtory; the I,sarrison of Puerto
Cabello. a place of the greatest strength and importance, which
was held for the King of Spain till within the last two years.
But after the expulsion of the Spaniards' Colombia chose to risk
her existence, by ernding her whole armed force and chief magis.
trate to carry on a distant war, for the conquest of Peru. While a
reasonable chance existed that events might have brought back the
war and the Spaniards into the heart of Colombia, if we had ac-
knowledged her complete independence we should have acknow-
ledged what was not the diet. But when it appeared that that
danger was sufficiently removed,Colosnbia was ripe for recognition,
arid Government have acted on that opinion. As to Mexico, not
nine months since, an adventurer, who had actually wielded the
sceptre of that country, went from Europe to repossess himself nf
his abdicated throne. Was that a moment for this country
to have decided by its Interference, what slimild be the
future Government of Mexico ? The failure et that ex-
pedition gave the State an opportunity of organising a Go.
vernment on a solid basis, and then the decision was made
by this country as to recognising its Independence. So far from the
time being injurious and the measure timely, however ripe in Leaf,
I will undertake to declare that it was not possible to have antici-
pated the act of recognition before it was resolved upon. But the
Honourable and Learned Gentleman objects not only to the time
but the mode. My Noble Friend (Lord L. Gower) who manifested
how able he was to do justice to any cause entrusted to him, and
vindicate himself and his opinions front misrepresentation, (hear,
hear,) explained 'alertly but clearly the course taken by this
country. To those who tay there in something mean and paltry
in negotiating a treaty as the mode of recognition, and who would,
if they were Ministers, rather resign than so disgrace themselves,
only observe, that this has been always die mode. The 31i-
meter of the United States was not admitted to the Court of France
till after the signature of a treaty. That was the mode of recogni-
tion in that case, but there were other circumstances attending the
act widely different front our recognition of the late Spanish colo-
nies. France not ally recognised the Utited States before her ter-
ritory was free, and without giving the mother country any offer of
precedency, but, though in amity with us at the moment, mixed up
with the act of recognition a treaty of' alliance with the United
States to enable them to achieve their independence. France for that
purpose made herself the enemy of England. But it really seems
as if it were conceived that this act on our part is iinpertect, be-
cause it is not accompanied by war. Now the task I thought set to
ine was, to arrive at my object not only without war, but without
givingjust cause of war to Spain or any other Power. The
hlonourable and Learned Gentleman professes to consider n y
policy as huckstering, tent if he thinks that war might not
have been had by a little dexterity, lie is much nineak.n.
(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") It ley on each side, but I have
arrived at my object without stirring the dangers that encompassed
ate. (Cheers.) Is the result then unsatisfactory because from be-
ginning to end we have taken no step that we have not previously
announced to every party interested by immediate relations, by
sympathy, or by honour? Olean hear.) There is not in the
archives of my office, a document connected with this negotiation
which Spain has not been seen or the Allies had cognizance of.
Spain was told for years that if she would take the preceding, we
would fall behind and follow at is humble distance. We offered to
give her a superiority in the markets of her late colonies, but at
last because we were forced to go alone, did we avail ourselves of our
priority to secure peculiar advantages? So tar from selling our re.
cognition, we demand only to be placed where any who chum to
follow us may be placed on the same footing. any
Hon. and
Interned Gentleman approves the measure, but he disapproves
the mode and time. The measure, for aught 1 care, may be his
or her frienit'a, or the couetry;f. What !claim to myself of merit,
if any merit there be, is precisely what he fixes upon to blame.
(Heir, hear, hear.) I trust that by this temperate, and, if he will,
tardy policy, I have avoided all the dangers that suirounded me.
I will not pretend to conceal that 1 have hurt many feelings,
ran against many interests, shocked many prejudices, and caused
many regrets, but it is my sanguine hope that all will exhale in
words, and that we shall remain with our object gaieed, and the
peace of the world mulisturbed. (Cheers.) If that result should
be gained, I lay claim to that part of the merit; and not-
withstanding the unsparing blame lavished by the Hoo. and
Learned Gentleman on the workmanship, though he has, I admit,
done justice to the performance, I ant ready to abide the
judgment of the country. (Cheers.) I do not recollect any
other topic that calls for further observation front me. When.
ever the Honourable and Learned Gentleman mar think lit
to Writ forward any of the subjects to which he alluded
in his speech. I shall be prepared to meet hint upon them. I am
desirous of offering sonic explanation with r.gard to the treaty with
the United States, for the more effectual supnresalon of the slave
trade. The house will recollect, that in the beginning of last Sea-
Pion a proposal was received from the Citited States, to carry into
effect certain measures to put an end to the illicit traffic in
slaves, by conceding a mutual and limited right of search. The
Treaty was drawn up by the Ministers of the United States. It
received some alterations here, but none very material. By the
Constitution of the United States, the confirmation of treaties is
treaties is vested, not in the Executive only, but in the Senate and
Executive jointly. This was an inconvenience of which we were
certainly aware, and therefore we have no right to complain when
we found that the treaty regularly negotiated and ratified by his
Majesty, was refused to be ratisfied by the American Senate, un-
less on conditions to which we could not accede. But what was
peculiarly singular was, that the most material altcratiou made
by the Senate, was an alteration of the original draft of the Treaty
made by the American Government, and an alteration which
withdrew all the reciprocity on which the Treaty was founded. The
right of search was, by the original Treaty, conceded by us in the
West Indira to the Anterians, and by them on their own coast to
us. But the Sedate struck out the part relating to their own coast.
They wished us to concede the right to diem in our West Indica.
but they refused it to us on their own coast. It was impossible, as a
matter of justice to the West Indian. to consent to this alteration. It
would have been a tacit admission that our slave laws were evaded by
our colonists. I will not affirm that the Americans evade their Slave
Laws, but I deny, positively, that ours are evaded by our colonists.
We cannot agree to &treaty which seems to sanction the imputation
that we admit on our part what they deny on their's. It has been
proposed to cancel the whoie negotiation and begin anew, and we
have offered to agree to a treaty, as amended by their Senate.
with the single exception of the ommietsionorthe word "America."
I cannot suppose that their objections will stand the test of further
discussion. At all events, our feelings have been made manifest.
We raised the penalty of the trade to that of piracy, and we are
willing by treaty to concede equal powers. It gives me great
pleasure to add. that the whole course of the discussion was tarried
on in perfect friendship, and that I have no doubt the personal
feeling of the Executive Government was entirely with us. (User,
hear.) As to any other topics, I prefer at this moment to defer
the consideration of them to the more detailed discussions that will
be hereafter necessary. The Hight lion. Gentleman sat down
amidst the general cheering of the House.
When Mr. Canning had concluded, Mr. Hume rose, but th,
noise and confusion created by the departure of the Members pre-
vented us from distinctly hearing what fell from the Honourable'
Gentleman. We understood him to remark, that Alr. Canning
Mu' omitted to notice what fell from 31r. Brougham, with respect
to the reduction and equalization of the duties on wines, which
Mr. flume considered a matter by no means unintertsting to the
public.
Mr. CA NN I NG explained.
After which the motion on the Address was put front the Chair,
and carried von. con._ _ . _

After some tormal business, the House adjourned at lialf-fast
Eight o'Clock.

FASHIONABLE I.VTELLICENCF.

The Duke and Duchess of Richmond arrived on M'ednesday •
the Duke of Argyll's, Upper Brook-street, from their seat, Good-
"owl, Saravey.
The Doke and Duchess of Leinster have !et (own fur the 'Au-
gurs of 'l'aristocles, Oakley House, Bedfordshire.
Earl Stanhope arrived yesterday at Lord Carrington's, White-
hall, from his seat in Kent.
Lord .omen arrived yesterday at .Miller's hotel, Jermyn-street,
from a tour. _ _ _ .

Sir Thomas Lethbridge, Bart. M.P., arrived yesterday at his
house, Whitehall-place. from his seat, Sandhill Park, Somerset.
Colonel Sibthorpe arrived yesterday at IVarren's Hotel, ltegent•
street, from Lincoln.
The Earl and Countess Spencer are expected in town this day
from their seat in Northamptonshire.
Lord and Lady John Thynne have arrived in town from
W rat hat Park.

Carle* 31 pore, Esq. hat arrived at his house in Charles.strect,
Bakeley.sysare. from his seat in Kent.
Sir John Harrington. Bart. has arrived at his house in Bakelcy.
!moue, from Richmond.
Ali. ant: 31ni. C. Dering have left town on a tour.
Arrivals at the Royal Hotel, St. Jameies—striet :--E3rl Cori,
from Ireland; Sir Hussey Vivian, Bart. from his seat i t I lints;
Joseph Sanders, Esq. from Liverpool ; Fowler Hicks, 1.. trout
Orford ; J. H. Vivian, Esq. from his seat in %Vales ; A. Wolsten-
holm. Esq. front Ireland; Montgomery, 11:141. from ditto;
AVard, Esq. ditto; J. Mansfield, Esq. I.P. from Ire;cestor.
Sir John Welt,, But. has arrived at Fitolutf's Hotel, St..lanies's;
place, from his seat in Sussex.
The Earl of Goaford has arrived at Blake's Hotel, Jertnyn.
street.

Polignae .has issued cards of invitatinn for an evening
party on Tuesday next, at her residence in Portland-place.
The Dowager llarchtoness of Snliabury has issued cards " at
Home" every Monday until Ewer.
• . .

The Couniess ur eksex had an evening party on Wednesday, at
bee house in HULatreet.

D;partures from il4Pulteney lintel, Albemarle-greet :—Sire.
price, for her seat, at Dover ; Car aiu Clarke, lot Chatham ; amt
Urvus, Esici. :or Bath.

HMI WATER TRIR IiAY AT .IfI)NDIIN.BRIDITE.
Morning A min. attar S. I Afternoon ?I min. few S.

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portunities will offer for dwelling upon them
'I they are threstertel. deprecate theist, and in ev
gr.:a through this House I shall oppose them
would better become the House to proceed st
wetly Cie evils in the present system of In
lreland—a system which originated in injustit
1. m injustize. and which. if you remain indiff,
eniaelriefs, must gooier or later terminate in it
, I .3ountrim It carinot be denied that the cour
tranquil state than it has for a long time ?reel
itoeiation Lye mainly 'Weir' is promoting ti
year
.I preiintcd a petition on the abuses in the
400 in Ireland. Since then the protection of t
felt—the poor man enjoyed the luxury of kit
sad became more sensible of its advantages.
provemuLts had been visible; and these were
bayou plesse—niainly the dul.ig of tn. Cathe
It will be said that the Roman Catitol-e f
JPlAlvner.l. 'They did look to you ; and the
dit‘r Mends found their way into office 6 at
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