The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-12-22 00:00:00

mans set which is to hand down the frame'', memory to an adoring
and raters' Posterity, is the handy work of a legislature which
down to the year 1806 allowed an set to exist which punished the
murder, the aggravated, cruel, cold-blooded, and malicious murder
of any hem by a white man. With what ? What do you think ?
Beath ? Ne. Banishment ? No. Imprisonment ? No ; but
v. eh a line of lel. sterling ! (Hear ! hear !) That act is indeed
r pea!ee. and a new law substituted, and what is the purport of the
new and amended law ? It is this: if a white murders a black
malisiousle or without provocation (mask provocation !) the murder
is to be considered a capital offence. Good ! But what in the esti.
matlot of the Barbadian authorities is provocation ? Wherein
does it menu ? thing is provocation if a man pleases NO
to coostrue is Lifting up a finger thus is provocation. Looking
with a eonternptuons expression is provocation, if you like. And
it there be provocation, say the legislators, why that titers
the offence, and the negro is left at the mercy of the former
act, anti a fine of 131. sterling. (Hear, hear. hen.) But to
retton to the new improved and most merciful Act, which is to
cane down the names of its framers to posterity, what says it on
the subiect of maiming? Any person mutilating or maiming a
negro show may be punished. flow ? By fine and Imprisonment,
sr either, as the Court shall think proper! No specific imprison.
ssent—.no maximum of fl to la mentioned—lt may be a week or a
shilling, as the ('ours shall determine. This is the law for the
white man. The slave, indeed, is differently treated. What says ,
the Act on the subject of mutiny or rebellion—this, any slave'
hewing any other slave make use of any words tending to mutiny or
rebelliun, or knowing of any negro possessing gun powder or tire
arms, and nut instantly disclosing it, we shall presently see
what is done to him. That slave who hews another jalk
entein wortle, and who does not immediately make up his mind
whether or not these words are mutinous and tebellious in his own
npinion—nay, tuore—whether they will be construed mutinous and
reselhous by the white inns ; that unhappy negro, who cannot out
of hand and in an instant discover, by an intuitive sagacity, what
tee whet judge or white jury will opine to be mutiny and rebel.
lien—who cannot divine at once the thoughts passing in his
master's voted on the subject—what is to be his punish.
meet ? Perhaps you suppose he undergoes the punishment
his master doe+ for bruising or mutilating him. Oh, no—
mottling of the kind if be does not divine the whole opinion 011
the score of mutiny. end instantly disclose what he has beards
he is to suffer death. (Cheers, and cries of "Hear, hear.") Death
without benefit of clergy. or such other punishment as the Court
may tit. is fit to appoint; making the transaction, in fact, a
capital felony. (Hear, hear.) It is needless to go further through
the benign provisions of this humane Act, which is to secure for
its framers C c tenteenbrance of mankind. It is at least satin.
faatory to add, that it did not receive. the thanks of the Govern.
Larne. but excited the strong reprobation, as well it might, of the ,1
Preside- t of the is'ettd, who. far Prom sharing in the gratitude to '
be felt by posteriry (a laugh), for its makers. expressed his de.
tided woe ilicarion at its tenour, and his inability to recommend
it to the sanction and approval of the Crown (Hear.) The sods
chosen beta public functionary on each an occasion might be expected
to be me derat e and measured : they were to the effect—that" he viewed
rot with ut CU prise and mortification—an Act which, he regretted
to say, he was not able to advise the Government to approve, be-
cause it was caaable of being rendered so injurious to the interests
of the sire population, without conferring any adequate benefit in
regent far the mischief it was likely to inflict." Io fact, he
tl.uulbt it likely to do more harm than good to the negro, and well
lie Might. Whit is to be thought of a provision to the efleet that if
a site shall be discovered swearing, or riding in a faster gait than
it ear:, or at most a gentle trot, or negligently drivieg a cart or
carnave. or in tact guilty of any disorderly act (and what may not
be • r' -orderly act, in the estimation of a white judge, when a
eegto is the actor ?) in conviction of the same he is liable to be
a n enced to receive nine-snd-thirty stripes ! So that fur going
11 teeter gait than a justice may think right—for disorderly con.
dust, anything the Justice may not think " quite correct"—for
swearing an (nth, an offence for which a white man is fined
one shilling and discharged—the poor negro is to receive on
his back nine-and-thirty stripes! (lieu, hear.) That it may
indeed be necessary that slaves, as long as they continue slaves,
should be treated differently from other men, 1 admit ; but is it not
the natural conclusion that we should lose not one hour longer in
taking suet effectual steps as are likely to lead to the total, speedy,
and entire abolition of slavery. (Immense applause.) Let the
abolition be gradual, but its commencement immediate. (Hear.)
The Honourable Gentleman then proceeded to say it was, in his
opinion, high time to begin those preparatory measures, without
which emancipation would be dreadful and dangerous in the ex.
treme. That duty bad been too long neglected by the country, and
it ever would continue to be r.eglecteil by the colonists, till the
voice of this country was heard loud enough to compel them
to adopt measures which then, and not till then, would be taken.
There was now the authority of Lord Bathurst as well as of the
Governor of Trinidad in proof of the statement that the order of
Council was suggested by %Vest Indians then in London : be
meant by persona connected with the West India islands; anti
he must add, that nothing could be more Injurious titan to mix
tep the opinion of those parsecs with any system devised for the
amelioration of theatres population. In conclusion, he expressed
his confidence that the friends of the African race, and he
would add the friends of the true interests of the country,—for the
interests of the couatry was identified with the cause of hit-
menhy—would go leeward calmly but firmly, tqmperately but
stesdity, until the great object in view had been effected. In this
prayer he sincerely joined with his lion. Friend (the Chairman),
and trusted that the example now held forth would be followed
through the country, sanctioned by Parliament, and ultimately
produce those effects which ought to have been anticipated long
since • but whit:kits/ft strongly called for by the public voice,
would, be really believed, be deferred for another quarter of a cen-
tury.
Mr. F. Buxtrox thought it must be matter of surprise to all pre-
sent, that amongst the many individuals of great talent and high
character who appeared on the platform, so humble an individual
as be should venture to conic forward and move a resolution. No
map's astonishment on this occasion exceeded his own, for • few
slays ago, when he and his friend Mr. Alacauley were employed In
streaming the proceedings of the meeting, lie did not think it would
hurt fallen to his lot to be intrusted with any resolution. He ex-
pected to have enjoyed the gratification of being a sileat spectator ;
but it was not so ordained, and lee now found that all the resolu.
t ors had been intrusted to him. lie would not affect any faint-
bortedoesempon such an occasion, for he was happy to say that
etc cause which the meeting assembled to support had made a
great progress, and theta change had been effected which he doubted
out would lad to the hnal downfall of slavery. The change to
with lie alluded was not a change in the views or conduct of
these wit. It whom he had the honour of acting—trey hated slavery
now es they had ever hated it, but the change was in the public
mind. (Hear, hear.) The true condition of the slave population
way at length coming to light, and, when once the public at large
knew what that abominable system was, and what was paid to up.
Told it, so sure that abominable system would perish. It was
olten disheartening to the triends of the slave to observe the set.
tied incredulity with which statements respecting the condition of
the West India slaves were received, and especially in the House
cat Commons. He did not wonder that statenients of such an ex-
traordinary character were received with caution. It was scarcely
matter fur surprise that gentlemen of honourable character and hu.
mane feelings, when unacquainted with the West Indies, should
disbelieve that such enormities were practised in any part of the
British dominions. But none could now plead ignorance. Those
with whom he acted were formerly obliged to recur to the testimony
of individuals averse to the traffic in slaves ; but now they din.
carded the services of persons who concurred with them, anti de.
Fended entirely upon West India testimony. Upon the testimony
if the planters themselves, it was demonstrated that the system
was worse than even it bad been represented by its bitterest ere.
hies. To mention one instance as an illustration :—When it was
stated in the House of Commons that the cat-whip was the only
stimulant to labour and exertion made use of with the West India
slaves, the statement was declared to be not only false, but
iierobable. Gentlemen of honour, and some of them not altoge.
thee unacquainted with the West Indies, rose to express their
tape:ion to its incorrectnew. Some Honourable Gentlemen
said that they had actually resided in the West Indies, and
had never seen the cart-whip, nor heard the music of its
belt, and that the statement made by his (Mr. F. Buxton's)
mends was all invention. Other Honourable Gentlemen said
it was true that on some estates, and those not the very best
managed, the overseer sometimes flung • cart whip round his
▪ iaulde-a whilst the negroes worked, but " God bless you! " (said
te stie Honourable Gentlemen) "surely you are not foolish enough
so belies. dust the cart.whip is applied to the backs of the negroes;
it Is only used as an emblem of authority, for awing and not for
slogging." Such were mite arguments with which this statement
Was met; but now, when the planters were called upon by authority
to abolish the use of the cart-whip, their reply was that the Vitt-
whip and the slave tusk were inseparable. ' 'fake away the cart.
whip," said they, " and you destroy our property. If you destroy
our property we expect compensation, and the compensation we
*hall be satisfies! with for that ornament is one hundred and forty
millions I " (Cheers.) Ile (Mr. Buxton) had always thought
these was no feature more horrible in the system of slave traffic than
the manner in which it caused husbands to be separated from their
wives and parents from their children. This he felt was crushing
the dearest ties that bind man to life. When the cruelty of this
:practice was stated, ft was said to be a foul lie. No such practice,
it was said, existed. Ile bad seen this boldly asserted in one of the
West India newspapers, and in the very same paper he read an
advertisement to the following effect :
" Air. I. Paynel begs to inform his friends and the public, that
lie has for sale Horses, Carriages, and Negroes."
And to this was added, with a N.B. that he hut " a nice assort-
ment of boys and girls, " which he invited his customers to inspect !
lt a omfirmation were wanted as to the existence ofthc cruel prac-
tice of sem:testing relatives, it may be found in the report of Dlr.
ii eons, in which an instance was related where Ale. Padmore (a
planter) being about to dispose of his estate, two young negroes
Push re) threw themselves at his feet, anti implored hint that the
might not be separated. All. Padmore, it was stated, very much
to his nein, could. not resist the forcible appeal, but granted their
request at a sacrifice of 401. But he might have resisted this fore-
ode appeal, and there could be no doubt that the feeling entreaties
a: relations not to be separated was but too often unattended to.
He now came to the main question—the condition of the negroes.
As Is. Hon. Friend (Sir J. Macintosh) observed, they were re-
presented to sport arid frisk about in the highest possible state of
enjoyment ; and it was said that the peasantry of England. although
tolerably comfortable, liad much reason to complain, when their
physical state was contrasted with dist of the negro slaves in the
West ladies. It was broadly hinted that a Briton and a freeman,
ir he desired enjoyment, would improve his condition by being
transformed into a negro slave. The returns of the Fiscal of Be-e-
-h:cc, sunned by older of the House of Commons, opened the door
of the negroes but, and allowed the British public to judge of wba.

was passing there. From the statements made it might be supposed
that the negro enjoyed a great degree of comfort—that his table was
crowned with plenty ; and, if he was offender( or injured, that he
had an impartial magistrate, to whom he might resort for redress.
But the returns of the Fiscal of Berbice, who was hinteelf a
planter, would prevent the repetition of any such statements.
These returns were full of all abominations. Ile did nut believe
that in the worst days of the Inquisition pitch cruelties had been
perpetrated. Men, women, and even children, were (legged and
inhumanly lacerated, upon the slightest provocation, or without
any provocation. Aod when an injury had been Inflicted on the
negro, to whom must he apply ? To the °veneer, whose practice
was, when the negro complained of sickness, to give hint flogging
fur physic: and when he complained of hunger, to give hint flog.
png for flood. (Cheers.) It appeared to be eonsidered a much
greater crime for the negro to vent his complaints, than fur the
white man to commit a crime; and nothieg could exceed the ten.
derness of the magistrate for the white man but his severity to the
unfortunate black. In one instance an overseer stole the food of
the negroes, and fur this crime he was dismissed. On another oc.
-caston, when a black man complained that a white man endeavoured
to force him to give up his youthful daughters, the magistrates lec-
tured the white men upon his info:Within, and flogged the negro for
complaining without a cause. These were a few of the numberless
instances to be found in the Fiecel'sreturns. This was the system the
Lmeeting bad assembled to reprobate. Such was the cause they were
called on to support. For his part he would never desert that cause
nor cease so cry out against that system of abomination. (Cheers.)
He would not impose upon the meeting by expatiating longer on it,
but would content himself by congratulating it on the advances
slimly made, and he trusted the English public would never desist,
until the gradual abolition of slavery was eflected. The subject
was to be intruduccd into the House of Commons early in the next
Session of Parliament, by an Hon. Friend of his. than whom no
man could be better qualified. In the mean time he would say to
all thaw who were friendly to the emancipation of the negroes,
we have a great and important duty to fulfil, and let us perform it
manfully. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving the use-
tulle ns (for which see advertisement).
Mr. DLIINAN rose to second the Resolutions. He said, he was
at a loss to conceive how his Honourable Friend, who had just sat
down, could have expected to be exempted from taking a premi-
nine part in moving those resolutions, for which the meeting was
Indebted to him. (Hear, hear.) It was more surprising that he
1 (Mr. Denman) should be called upon to second those resolutions;
but he obeyed the call willingly, for lie was most happy to lend all
the aid in his power to a cause which ought to excite interest in the
mind of every Englishman. With regard to the resolutions of the
Home of Commons on the subject of colonial slavery, it was an
experiment which had completely failed. It was necessary, tot
only to revert to the spirit in which those resolutions were passed,
but to the sense in which they were received, and there could be
no hesitation in coming to the conclusion that the experiment had
failed. It was absolutely necessary, therefore, to consider whe-
ther new measures should not now be resorted to. to prevent
the object of the House of Commons from being defeated. The
planters of Trinidad said all theories were subject to the test of
experiment, and that the experiment now was. whether the negro
cobld be raised in the scale of society without injuring his produc.
five value. If such was the experiment, and that it had failed, it
was the duty of England to repeat such experiments until the ne-
groes should be raised to a higher grade. The negroes were not
eligible to appear as witnesses, they were excluded from appearing
as witnesses, as if that eras a privilege to any man, and not a duty.
He did not see the policy of such an exclusion, unless it was in.
tended, by shutting out truth, to prevent the punishment of crimes
and the redress of wrongs. With what feeling must that miserable
husband have returned to his but whose dark complexioned wife
had been cruelly outraged and injured, but who could get no re.
dress because his evidence would not be accepted ? Perhaps the le.
gislature thought it was into' sistent the a slave to appear with the
words of truth on his lips. It was not unreasonable to think that
a slave could not act under the irtmulse of conscience or the fear of
God. In this country all spoke of the trial by Jury with admire-
tion, for all partook directly or indirectly of its benefits. But the
unfortunate negro slave had no such safeguard. He was not tried
by a Jury of his Peers, but by a Jury of his oppressors. No in-
dictment was preferred against him, so that the charge may be
shifted as malice suggested. No bill was sent before a Grand Jury ;
no record was kept of the proceedings, but execution followed the
decision of that anomalous jurisdiction. When the Court imposed
sentence of death them was no appeal for the slave, but his master
could appeal, and if wrong had been done, lie received 1001. from
the public funds. Ile asked could such a system be endured ?
or should Englishmen consent to support it by premiums and boun-
ties ? IWhen first the great leader, the Nestor in this cause, brought
forward instances of the cruelties and oppressions practised upon the
colonial slaves, it was complained that he was wounding the ears
of those who heard him by describing rate instances. But
those statements must now be heard. The state of our West
India colonies was one half of the business of Parliament.
One year his Honourable Friend Mr. Buxton moved a series of
resolutions, to which the resolutions already adverted to were moved
by Mr. Canning as an amendment. The next yes; his Honourable
Friend (Mr. Brougham) brought forward his memorable motion
upon the occurrence at Demerara. At first those occurrences were
attempted to be justified; but when the public feeling had fair
play—or as much fair play as It could have, tepresented as it was
n the House of Commons—the tone was altered, and it was said
that Government had taken the matter into its own hands. The
Honourable Gentleman next adverted to the destruction of the
Methodist chapel at Barbadoes. He understood that the anniver-
eery of that disgraceful occurrence was kept in the island as a les.
tient. A missionary was driven by brute force from his congrega-
tion.
and the house of God destroyed—not by a low barbarous
rabble, but by the highest and most cultivated classes in the island.
He would ask, was reform to be expected from such persons?
There could be no doubt that Mr. Canning anti Lord Bathurst were
much disappointed at the erect of the Resolutions of the House
of Commons; but the question now was, how long we should'
go on sanctioning enoemitiee by sanctioning that system which had
given them birth ? There was only one expression which fell from
his Honourable Friend (Sir J. Mackintosh) with which he did nut
fully coincide. His Honourable Friend had talked of the gradual
and slow abolition of slavery. He (Mr. Denman) wished for the
gradual but not the slow abolition of slavery ; and he had no doubt
that it would at length be effected. We should think on the misc.
ties of those whom we had forced from their country. We owed a'
heavy debt to Africa—a debt wit ch must be paid, and which '
would be paid, if the feeling of the country was decidedly and
energetically expressed. In truth, slavery and leer were hicom- '
patible—it was impossible for master and slave to exist amicably.l
No rash impatience had been manifested in this country ; no idle ,
clamour was heard from the wretched objects they were endeavour-
ing to emancipate; but the slave population should be told that,
they had friends at home—friends in the Government—friends In,
every corner of the kingdom—and that not an individual dared to
come before the British public and declare himself' their enemy.
(Cheers.) Ile saw around him, on the right and the left, the vete.
tans of the cause. He trusted their example would animate its
more youthful advocates. Having lived longer than some of those
to whom he alluded, he would venture to tell them that it was a
cause which conferred honour on its champions—a cause, by per-
severing in the support of which they would forward the best inte-
rests of their country, and each secure his own happiness by ob-
lathing the approbation of his own conscience.—The Honourable
Gentleman concluded by seconding the Resolutions, which were
put and carried nem. eon.
Mr. Jotter JOSErit GURNEY (one of the Society of Friends)
then rose to submit to the meeting the petition proposed to be
presented to Parliament, in accordance with the resolutions just
agreed to. Ile said he felt no doubt that the petition would meet
the cordial approbation of the meeting, as well as the resolutions
upon which it was founded. The friends of the cause had solid
grounds for encouragemeth, for he felt assured that Ptovidence had
interposed to prosper the good work. The House of Commons
had now recognised the principle of emancipation. Tine resolu-
tions of the House of Commons were the charter of amelioration
and emancipation to the slaves ; and without emancipation he was
convinced there could be no reel amelioration. (Hear, hear.) It
would be well to afford the slaves the benefit of religious instruc-
tion, and to abolish the use of the cart-whip ; but this would not
sufficient unless a prospect of freedom was held out. It would
effect much good if it was declared, that even et the end of twenty
years all negro(' born should be free. We were all interested in
this question—we all gave encouragement to the erten,. Every in.
dividual who consumed a pound of sugar encouraged the system.
He did not mean to say that it was the duty of individuals to give
up Wen India produce, but it assuredly was the duty of every
Christian to oppose a system of enormity and oppression.
Mr. CHAMBEns said he was much astonished when the paper he
held was placed In his hand ; but he would never shrink from con-
tributing, in any way, to the promotion of the object fur which they
were contending. Ile wished it was in the power of the Chairman,
as it had beet. in his, to have seen a man who had quitted this
country and gone to India fifty years ago, and who had brought an
action of trover to recover a slave, defeated in that action ; and in
that instance that principle was recognised, that whoever trod
British soil was free, and where the British flag was unfurled
there was protection for a Briti.b subject. Could it be endured
that an action of trover should be brought where British law
extended to recover a slave like goods and chattel.? A slave,
when he landed in this country, became free ; anti if he walked
the deck of a British ship he beesnie, by a solemn decision, as free
as if he trod the soil of Britain. He would not detain them with
further observations; he felt himself in the position of the poor
shoemaker, who, on seeing the bust which the statuary exhibited for
public view. observed, that the statuary was entirely ignorant how
to make a shoe. He would merely move the Resolution which he
held in his hand. Ile could not sit down without adverting to one
point. lie wished that the ministers of religion would exert then).
selves to forward the object of the Society. It should be made •
matter of conscience by those who hail influence to enforce the prin.
eiple.
Dr. Ixaaiwo'rox regretted that unavoidable engagements had
detained him till such a late period of their proceeding,' He as.
cured the meeting that no engagement could be more congenial to
his heart than that which then occupied their attention ; whenever
any interesting subject was to be discussed, he always wished to be
present, and to bear his bumble but zealous part. He thought it
most necessary that the people of England should be made ac.
qusinted with the state and condition of slaves in our colonies at
this period ; he thought it essential that the voice of the people
should cheer and animate them in their efforts for the abolition of
slavery. Parliament had at length interfered, and by its resolution
of May 11823, had proclaimed its repentance; it could only be by
the ludifference of that house that the system could have so long
existed ; true it was that the friends of humanity had fur years,
days, anti hours, urged their arguments for the amelioration cf the
slaves. Parliament had st length demonstrated the truth and jus-
lice of those their claims, but kill they should not depend ou a re.
Rflution of Parliament, or on Government : they should appeal tp

public opinion and to public support ; they had great difficulties
to contend with, and powerful opposition to combat; their 'dyer-
males had great influeree, and were actuated by self interest Riper-
severe ; there were fifty or sixty Members In the house of
Commons who haul an interest to oppose them, and to sup-
port a system of slavery. Private interest very often in.
diced meet to favour pernicious prejudices and ignorant
feelings. There were persons opposed to those measures (to
ameliorate the condition of the slaves) who possessed large
funds to bribe the public press to advocate their interested views;
it was, therefore, requisite that great exertions should be made,
and that meetings, stmilar to the present, should be held through.
out the country ; those who had exposed the muelties practised on
the 'laves in the Colonies had been called libellers, they had been
told there was no foundation for the statements they had made ;
but out of their own mouth, would be refute them, out of their
own records would he convict them ; they had made those men-
actions until he had had the good fortune to tear away the sell.
The mind of man was no where more open to justice than In this
country—no when did Wings of humanity grow in greater exit.
beranee, There he would take his stand; he would not argue the
questio6 on general principles, he knew that wherever slavery pre-
•ailed, cruelty was practised. It was never given to man to treat
his fellow creature with cruelty and injustice: this system of sla-
very brought into action the dental ity of every passion that could
degrade the nature of man. He was aware that he might be tree-
passing, at that late hour, on the patience of the meeting ; he
would only assure them that by every tie which could bind him to
society, by every consideration which influenced him, he would
never relax in his efforts to obtain what was his object—the abolition
of slavery. He knew that slavery was incompatible with an equal
distribution of law, but when you once give the slave liberty to
appear as a witness in a Court of Justice against his mmter, you
destroy slavery altogether. slavery and justice could never co.
exist. It could rot be said, so far shall I go in wickedness and
no farther. He despaired of the amelioration of the slaves.--
.%Vbile slavery existed there could be no happiness for slaves. If
the money that was lavished on foreign conquest was appropriated
to ameliorate the condition of the slaves in our colonies; if they
were as dear to Government as the possession of a few insignifi-
cant islands in the West Indies—if he could root out the spirit of
ambition-1f he could destroy the thirst for the acquisition of
wealth and gain, or if the expense the country had been at to cap-
ture St. Domingo, had been devoted to the object of the present
meeting. he might entertain some hopes of amelioration in the con-
dltlon of those wretched beings. Their exertions should ha corn-
mensurate with the justice of the cause, that cause he would
intrust to the care of his Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester,
in the House of Lords. He said, they should never forget the zeal
his Royal Highness had shown in the cause ; he had embarked his
heart In it, and was worthy of their eternal thanks. The petition
to the House of Commons he wished consigned to Mr. Buxton,
as the distinguished gentleman In the Chair was no longer able to
engage in public lite; if he was able to continue his exertions he
would not have committed ii to any other hands. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman then eulogised the virtues of Mr. Buxton and
his exertions in the cause of humanity.
Mr. Caoreen argued that slavery was productive of great mis-
chief, that it checked agriculture, and was injurious to the cause of
religion.
Mr. Far E Lt. moved a vote of thanks to Mr. Wilberforce, which
was seconded by Mr. Jager.
Mr. 11.11,11E111'0110E said, it is not for one at this late hour to
indulge in any observations that tray trespass on the tints of the
meeting ; in the plainest simplicity I say, 1 have endeavoured to do
my best. If, as had been observed by my worthy friend on my
right, I have laid the foundation, I trust that he will place the top-
stone of the edifice. We have been charged with prosecuting our
object with too much rapidity, but the unfortunate slaves who are
the victims of this cruel system do not agree in this ; they du not
think we have proceeded too rapidly. Mr. Brougham observed
that forty years ago their grievances were laid before the public ;
we thought that the situation of those men would recominend them
to justice and commiseration, but we were disappointed, and it
now becomes the duty of all to emit themselves in this cause ; we
cannot hope for better conduct from others than that we pursue our-
selves. %Ve are bound to this line of conduct by every motive that
can influence the human heart, and in recommending it I am in-
fluenced no less fur the safety of the colonies than for the happiness
and security of the slaves. These men must feel interested in what
we do; they.must hear of what is going forward ; and when they
learn that there are some who advocate their rights, and that others
oppose them, what must be their fcehngs of anxiety ; they find
their hopes deferred, and when the cup is put to their lips, it is
dashed from their eager and anxious grasp. Let us. said Mr. Wil-
berforce, do our duty, and Parliament will do theirs, and universal
happiness will be the result.
The Meeting then separated.

LIVERPOOL CORN-EXCHANGE, Tt ESDAV, DEC. 20.

This week we have had considerable supplies of grain, and this
day the transactions have been very limited, owing, in a great
measure, to the present pressure on the money market. Prices are
almost nominal, and what has been done is at 4d. to Gd. on Wheat,
Id. a 2d. on Oats, 2s. per sack on Flour, with other articles in
proportion, lower than last. In Bonded Grain us- Flour we do not
notice any alteration.
GRAIN.

VFhcst per Bushel 701 b.
s. d. s. d.
English - - 9 0 a 9 9
Ditto (new) - 8 9a 10 0
Scotch . - 8 U a 9 0
Irish - . 7 0 a 8 3
Ditto (new) - 0 9 a 9 0
Foreign, ftee - 7 6 a 8 9
Ditto (inbond) . 4 0 a 4 6
Canadian (free) 6 3 a 8 9
. .

Oats per Bushel of 4.4 b.
Irish Potato - 3 4 a 3 6

English, Scotch, - -
and Welsh - 3 6 a 3 8
Ditto (ncw) - 3 G a 3 7
Common 2d. a 3d. lower.

Barley per GO lb.
English - 5 6 a 6 0
Ditto (new) - 6 3 a G 9
Irish - 5 0 a 5 3
Ditto (new . . 5 3 a 5 6
Rye per qr. - 40 0 a 46 0

131POKTED INTO LIVERPOOL
TO THE 191
Wheat (quarters).
Foreign - - . 2.593
Ireland . - - 9,059
Coastwise - - 239

Total - - 11,11.11
Oats (quarters).
Ireland - - 10,751
Coast wise - - - 821

Total - - 11,572
Barley (quarters).
Ireland - . - 890
Coastwise - 12,76

Total - . 2,166
Flour (sacks).
Ireland . - - 6,442
Coastwise - - - 16

Total - -6,4 a

s. d. s. d.
Flour per 2801 b.
English - .520 a 54 0
Irish - 50 0 a 52 0
American (per
1961 b.) new -24 0 a 26 0
Canadian (sweet) • 0 a 0
()anneal per 2401 b.
English . -300 a 32 0
Irish - . 25 0 a 27 0
Ditto (new) -29 0a 32 0
Beans per Quarter.
English . 50 0 a 52 0
Irish - - 46 0 a 50 0
Foreign in bond
nominal . 0 a .-, 0
Peas per Quarter.
English, white . 311 0 a 54 0
Ditto grey . 40 U a 46 U
Foreign 0 a 0
Malt per 9 galls. 8 6 a 10 0
Rapet.eed,lrish, per last 231 a 261

FROM THE 13T11 DECEMBER,
ru INCLUSIVE.

Oatmeal (loads).
Ireland . 4,630
Coast wise 76
. .

Total . . 4,714
Beaus (quarters).
Ireland - - . 1,083
Coastwise . - 964

Total . 2,067
Peas (quarters).
Ireland 130
Coastwise . 91

Total -

EXPORTED SAME PERIOD.
Oats (qrs.) - - - 125
Peas (qrs.) :- - . 12
Flour (brit.) - . - 327

Tin. SILK TRADE.--We understand that a meeting is
in contemplation amongst the silk manufacturers of this
town, fur the purpose of memorializing Ministers against
the proposed admission of French silks in July next. A
preparatory meeting on the subject was held yesterday, at
an eminent silk warehouse, but was adjourned, we be-
lieve, without cowing to any determination.—Manchester
Mercury.
MEETING OF THE SILK WEAVERS OF MANCHESTER.—
A meeting of the broad silk weavers of Manchester and the
neighbourhood, was held on Monday at the Wilton Arms,
Hanover-street, in that town, to take into consideration the
depressed state of the silk trade. About one hundred and
fifty persons assembled; when Mr. Foster Waddington
was called to the chair, and Mr. Henry Rose was desired
to officiate as secretary ; in which capacity he explained to
the meeting the objects for which they had assembled, and
produced a series of resolutions, declaratory, in substance,
that the meeting cong!dered themselves entitled to claim the
attention of his Majesty's Ministers to their present dis-
tressed condition; that it was impossible for this country to
compete in manufactures with other countries where the
cessaries of life were lower in price by three-fourths ; that
the weavers of this country were not inferior, either in in-
genuity or industry, to those of any other country; that
the manufacturers of Manchester would be called on to
contribute funds sufficient to enable the weavers to lay
their case before the proper authorities; and that a re-
spectful memorial should be presented to the Board of
Trade, representing the present state of the silk weavers of
Manchester and the neighbourhood. These resolutions
were all passed unanimously, with the exception of the
last but one, against which two or three hands were
held up.
EXPORTATION OF ENGLISH Surxr.—We believe it is
not generally known that there are now in England se-
veral Frenchmen, who hold licenses from the French Go-
vernment for impaiting into that country, duty free, con-
siderable quantities of worste l yarn, on condition that they
import a proportionate number of English long-woolled
sheep (1,000 sheli, we heleve, for I,QOO cwt. of yarn);
the French Goren ment b ing exceedingly anxious to in-
troduce the growth of ion; wool into that oountrs, where
at present none is produce I, and no worsted manufactures
carried cr.

LAW NOTICES.
COURT OF OF CHANCERY.
BEFORE THE LORD CHANCELLOn THIS D.tT.
Part heard—Sherwood • Rich.
Part heard—Lady Hanson • British Mining Company.
Per order—Sims • Ridge.
Bankrtipt Petition—Exparte Thompson v Bailims.
Cause Petition—Part heard—Macnamara v Wood.
Appeal Petitions—Cowell v ilkes—ln re Bethel Hospital.
Fatuity • George I Garrick • Lord Camden—two
Attorney-General v Smith Petitions
Tomes v. Wilkins Wilkinson • Wilkinson
BEFORE THE v ICE-CHANCELLOR THIS DAT.
Cause Petitions after the remaining Motions.
Dyson v Stanefield Kilshaw v Galway
Pettit v Pettit Wilson • lil'Kenzie
In re Widdington Hospital Dutens • Lord Bulkeley
Payne • Long—two Petitions Marckus v Wolf
If eathcote v Edwards In re Phillips
In re Surrey and Sussex Road In re Manchester Market Act
Act In re bleyrick's Charity
Davies v Ogden Town v Selater
Grainger v Berkeley Attorney-General v Smith
In re Rhodes Tucker v Langhorne
Brown sr Rippengall Wool v Batchelor
Randall v Como Simons • Getteridge
In re Gedney Hill Charity Lancaster v Dixon
Gibson r Knowles Shefford a Sheffbrd
Giber' • Wetherell Miller v Elkins—two Petitions
In re Commissionary of Paving, In re Coles
Bermondsey Barker v Barker
Attorney-Oenetal • Hulton Apsden • Nixon
Lord Shaftesbury v Duke of Paterson • Paterson
Marlborough Marshall • Holloway
Orick v liinney Miller • Elkins
Ten Bankrupt Petitions.

ROLLS COURT.
The Master of the Roth will not sit any more till Hilary Term.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH.
CAUSES TO DE TWEE/ THIS DAT Ilf LOIIDOX, UT SPECIAL

E(lntestis v Ashby
Wheeler v Leather
Parkes v Creswicke
Eicke v Pedder.
Burt v Thomas
MIDDLtSEX

Duneombe v Gibbs
Murphy v Donlan
Coleman,/ Symmons
hicagoe v Sy morons
Brett v Beaks
Brett v Fisher
I'rincev Nicholson
orne v Farmer

Palmer r Kingham
Evans r Tennant
Shears v The Mayor,
&c. of London

Grave v liolland

The King v Revett,
Esq.
Cameo Berk eleyE sq.
‘Valsh v Bnwuler
Newman v Berkeley
The King v Crocks-
fonl

Martin v noby
v Abbott,
by order
The King v Lister
Same v Haddon

COUR'
Court does not

'LEAS.