The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1819-12-03 00:00:00

confidering tint question the House would be in
ilaq,er of the chyrge of truckling to rebellion. it
wu"..i be a very suitable subject for them to enter
upon.
lie wished to God that the turbulent could
1,%e b-en put down in good time by the due en-
forcement of the existing laws, so that the
Hone might immediately enter upon it with.
fflit ;oiling the dignity of its character by so doing.
lie had discharged a painful duty in laying before
the Flutist the reasons winch induced him to sup-
port the proposed measures. lie thought, however.
that the additional powers which were to be vested
yr;rh the Government. would be less effectual in the
hoods of :Ministers than those of any other persons.
_(Hear, Iwo. iron Lord etranereagh.)—He as-
*to ed the Noble Ltitil !it., 1 he did nut mention
jt
as a co cunistonce of ester-Jirilation—but be could
not hell thinking that the promotion of the Noble
Lord in the Councils of the station was an unfortu-
nate clicumstance. Heid n mean to manime
what had hertt charged on his Right ot
Hon. Friend,
that the Whigs would have very far exceeded him.
He thought rather, considering the difficulties which
Ministers had brought on the couutry—( Hear,
/Iraq—and the weakness of human
benig,,,,gAsse)....that the Whigs would of more
use to the State in their present places than they
could he in those of their political opponents. He
thought the advancement of the Noble Lord who held
the office of Home Secretary, another disastrous
cocuaistauce in the arrangements of the Cabinet.
There was nothing in the talents of that Nobleman,
whatever mig:it be his private worth, to warrant
bit elevation ; ha conduct had been uniformly
rash and violent; he had brought contempt and
disgrace on the measures of Government ; his
judgment was ill suited to his situation. The Hon.
Geutleinan concluded by supporting the motion.
Mr. NI ACDONALD could not leave the House
without expressing his opinion on the measures pro-
posed to them. He objected to the inflamed state-
ment of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite
(the Solicitor-General), who travelled in his argu-
ment from London to Glasgow, and discovered
nothing in any man's face but sedition and blas-
phemy. Had Ministers limited their demands to
some regulations for premium; nightly drilling,
tiongs really seditious, lie should have been prepar-
ed, after due deliberation and sufficient proof of the
c.,,e requiring them. to allow such additional
provers as Would serve to insure the public tran-
quillity. In this, however, Hs it appeared to him,
they had entirely failed. In the speech of the
Solicitor-General was contained a most important
and grave admission. It was allowed by him that
all the vigorous measures hitherto adopted to
peseta the evils complained of had failed, not-
withstanding the great 'encroachments on popu-
lar rights which had been allowed for that pur-
pose, and although that right had been suspended
for upwards of twelve months, without which no
Englishman could consider himself free. All their
efforts, it was now admitted, were unequal to main-
tain peace arid tranquillity. It was admitted that
the evils had increased in proportion to the force
applied to suppress them. and yet Ministers in-
sisted on the necessity of persevering in their fatal
progremiou of coercive policy. He knew of no
augury so threatening as the levity with which
these proposals had been made to the House, of
altering or subverting the Constitution. The new
tax proposed to be levied on the press, would be
wet 01l by the expense of the additional troops.
eland in hand with this came a measure—to
ac-
complish what? To terminate such meetings as
that at Manchester? No; that was already illegal,
and if any doubt existed, a declaratory measure
might be introduced which would remove it; but
to restrain the privilege, the highest privilege of
Britons, the right of petitioning, and reducing it to
the condition of being subjected to the caprice of a
churchwarden or a petty magistrate. If the House
had no way of avoiding such an extremity as to give
up the Constitution, they ought at least to have the
manliness to look the sacrifice in the face—to count
over the price, and estimate, as well as they could,
the chance of safety which they thus proposed to
purchase. It was indeed a dreary road on which
they had been moving. Disguise it as much
as they would, the question was no less than
the surrender of the Constitution; it was folly
to wink at it and endeavour to pass it by—it
would he forced on them, and, determine on it,
with that conviction, they must. There was a
sentiment in the speech of the Noble Lord oppo-
site, winch tit one time no English Gentleman
would have ventured to express. He had in-
formed the House that they were not legislating
for England alone, but that the ether nations of
Europe were concerned in their decisions. What a
reason to offer to a British House of Commons for
the dreadful measures now proposed to them ! Here
was an admission of a grand conspiracy against the
liberties of mankind. The Noble Lord must have
known, how greatly such u declaration would contri-
bute to propagate the terror already experienced,
that ni-.,mores of government, intended fur the abso-
lute subjection of the people of all the countries of
Europe, had been agreed to at the meeting of
Mentz ! He could nut help thinking that it was •
and he lamented that the Noble Lord
bad been led into any declaration which would
countenance it from the heat and hurry of debate.
lie would repeat the advice of the Member for
Northamptonshire, that the House should not trust
to thr papers of the Noble Lord. though he was ready
to admit, that the state of the times furnished good
grounds for an application fur fresh powers. There
were certainly considerable disorders; and, " God
'knows," it was desirable that they they should hr put
'down. The cause of those di.orders was distress; anal
.here tine House ought to begin their deliberations.
Herr was the essential difference between hie friends
stud the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. The theory
of the Hon. Members oat his side of the House
was, that the disorder was founded on the distress.
The ihroey of the Noble Lord (Liviertles). as was
so be interred from his excellent speech, was, that
the leuilger was incidental, but that the distrac-
ter ms were occasioned by an abstract love of med.
altlag stud disaffection. The Opposition were borne
net by facto, and the frequently declared opinions of
the Magistrates, according to whose statements, the
disturbance was least where the distress was least.
Mimitsiers, on the other hood, were borne out by
tiuthing which the imagination could conceive
or the judgment comprehend. The difference
M. be.
t wren
.their advice was equally apparent.
tell souls " Coerce, go on, coerce for rim" 11111

(the Opposition) said, " S.ay your heed, and
coerce truly where you are constrained to do so." If
the House were disposed to *hew any sympathy
for the opinions and privations of the people, they
wouldinstitute an examination into the whole sys-
tem of taxation. They would examine also with
strictness, the management of the revenue. They
would, upon this, parr flown ( ind he solemnly
declared he would not run the risk of deluding the
people by 'flying it, if he did not feel it), they
would pare dawn the expenditure to the sniallest
possible standard —for the sake of gaining the
alliance of the respectable awl reflecting part of
the people, they should cut off every shilling that
could be spared. If then they failed in maiotsiii-
mg the constitution against the assault of anarchy
(though fail they could not, except the people
were rotten et the core, which he could not
be brought to believe). butt if they did fail, what
would be lost by thus much of conciliation ?
Absolutely nothing. And what gained?—Why,
every thing ; inasmuch es that the confidence of
the better part would be secured, from the know-
ledge that every thing had been dime that justice
could require. The danger however vv..' boy nu
means of so serious a nature as to make such rea-
soning necessary. The leaders of the discontents
were known to he anxious for the cutting each
other's throats, and debasing one another. The
disaffected were not only. without leaders, but
without meaus; they bad hid the misfortune to
lose their military chest. which was carried clean off
by one of their chosen champions, and was said to
contain the sum of al. 14s. 6d. They were out
only without leaders and without means, but they
could boast of no foreign aid, like the turbulent of
former times. He thought that the !louse would
not be jusufied iu making new laws until they were
more fully satisfied that the existing ones hail been
tried in vain. No man could presume to say that
those laws had been fully, fairly, and justly en-
forced. Look back at the cases selected for pro-
secution by the legal agents of the Crown—mo-t of
them were frivolous, and some of them were dig-
graceful, as they cast an imputation of hypocrisy ou
their professions. Let the [louse then contrast with
those protecutinns, the instances of publications
quoted by. his Hon. and Learned Friend, whereto
treason and assassination were openly recommended,
which were not prosecuted, and theu say if the
existing laws had been properly administered. By
some strange fatuity in selecting the cases, where
they might have exposed a knave, they had made
a hero—and so now, having made the laws con-
temptible, they came down to ask the House
for fresh powers. Were there not laws admitted
on all sides to be just and efficient ? Had any
obstructions beeu placed in the way of enforcing
them ? No; Juries had proved, what he had never
doubted, that they would be found faithful in the
support of those laws. He did not believe that the
people of England had any relish for the impious
trash offered to them. Hunt and Carlile in conjunc-
tion, had done more to open the eyes of beirevers to
their own depravity than any thing which that House
could effect. It was not alone for the negligent
execution of the laws that Ministers wee account-
able. He charged them (as God should judge
him, without envy or malice to any one of them)
with exasperating the public mind by their alarms,
and deluding it by false statements as to the re-
venue and commerce of the country. Their aver-
sion to economy was snottier lamentable evil. No
reduction could be effected without fighting for it
inch by inch. He lamented that his Hon. Friend
(Mr. Lyttelton) should have been induced, from what
he must deem weak motives, to vote for the proposed
measures. Ile could not consent, on the informa-
tion of the Noble Lord's papers, to throw in more
troops and laws, which, as had been admitted by
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite, Minis-
ters had determined to carry into the most rigorous
execution, without hesitation or delay. He ear-
nestly called ou the House more deeply to con-
sider. Did they believe that the measures would
answer to the views on which they were proposed ?
More troops would require more taxes; more taxes
would inflict more misery; fresh disconteuts would
be followed by fresh restrictions, until the last mi-
serable remnant of our once-boasted rights would
be abolished. Were these measures calculated to
make the Sovereign happy and the people satisfied ?
No; their effect would be, as it bed always been,
to keep up • feverish and auspicious feeling be-
tween the Crown and its subjects. There was an
awful boding in the compulsory silence of such a
people as the English, who had always been used
to write and speak their opinions with the utmost
freedom—lpso silerain terra. When treasou lurk-
ed in the eye, beciuse candour had fled front the
lip, then was the time for a Government to expect
danger. A Prince reduced to this condition by his
Ministers, might very justly turn round and reproach
them for depoiving him of that chirf glory which
this earth could afford him—the cantitleuce of a free
people. Ile might say to them—" Restore me
that confidence and that people, sometimes turbu-
lent, but always faithful. always English."
Ttie
Honourable Member then cited the zeal manifested
by the people to resist the threatened invasion. and
the tears so universally she' by them for the fate of
the Princess Charlotte. 'lliose feelings of fidelity
and loyalty. however, would newer rerun, if ow
have
pre.
sent laws were passed ;—the country would then
passed its meridian glory.
Lord Lescer.ess explained. He had not assumed
that the discontents were wholly 13111:411111CCled with
the distress.
Mr. DATF.NPORT would support the measures,
because there bad been no period of time in which
the House were urgently Called On to interfere
to put down dot so
bailees, winch, if allowed longer
would not only ruin the disturbers
continuance,heinselv s,but the trade of the country. Ile knew
that there was lb great deal of distress, and he wished
to God that some measures could be devised to re-
lieve it. The question
:had been so lully.discuiseil
that be would say nothing more about it at thut
time. He did not believe, however, that there was
most disturbance where mast distress prevailed.
Bot itinerant demagogues, taking advantage of the
distress, went about the country pouring poison into
the ears of the people, and sweetening it with the
delnsion of their arguments. to the destruction or
their enjtremriit here, and the forfeiture of their
bm.pineas hereafter. Ile thought that such irer-
mins ought to be put down, mud therefore lie would
vote fur tlw measures.
Me. FAZaILIILY wished to state the reasons

which infinenced him to suppose Chit the Govern-
ment ought to he invested with greater powers than
it possessed. Not only was the property of the
casualty rendered unsafe by the condiset of the dis-
affected, but the ordinary commerce and customary
affairs of life were perpetually intpedt•al by them.
and threatened with ruin. Ile objected, however,
to a syviein of measures exclusively coercive, in
which 110 consideration Wlll.l to be *hewn for the
genecil distress, and in which the i iiiii went were
included in the same sentence with the guilty.
The evils were said to be local ; he world not
quibble about the degree of locality, but such
as it really
.was, so ought the inrasitrea to hr
extended, and not beyond. He could scarcely
state what degree of power should be granted for
the emergency,, bat he would say, s‘ prove your
case to be such as you state it. and take your Bills,
in God's naosie, and fresh severities if they are
found to be necessary."
Mr. Peel and several others rose at the same
time. There was a lond cell for Mr. Peel. The
Speaker however gave preference to—
Mr. CROMPTON. who rose to cultism something
respecting a meeting in the North Hiding of York-
shire.
Mr. PEEL then rose, and bespoke the indulgence
of the House wild- he delivered opinions nn two

subjects, on one of which h- should have taken an
opoortuanty while it was debating on a former
mght, but that he was prevented by indisposition.
He would submit a very few words on the Man-
cheater meeting. [The Right Hollow:1'de Gen-
tleman then proceeded to consider the stature
arid objects of the riveting, the behaviour of
the Magistrates, and that of the Nliiais!ers io
rear iiiii g them thanks for their conduct. He
defended the Magistrates mad the Mittisteis an every
particular of their respective conduct, relatiog
to that meeting and its consequences. He next
castle to the measure then before the House.] He
had listened to his Hon. Friend's (Mr. alacilunalti)
speech with attention. but he had not beard our
argument. except such as would have led him
to believe that his Honourable Friend would
vote for the Bill. His Honourable Ftiend had
infinitely augmented the dancer described by Mi-
nisters. and declared, that 12,000 troop. would nut
be sufficient. He bud left an impression on his
(Mr. Peel's) mind that the measures were not cal-
colated to meet the evil. After a sarcastic descrip-
tion of the Hon. and Learned Getithentan'a (the
Solicitor General) journey from London to Glas-
gow, his Honourable Friend had, by a far
more unreasonable stretch, arrived at Mentz.—
On an examination of the papers no the table, lie
thought it must be evident to all that danger and
disaffection, to a considerable extent, prevailed
through a great part of the country, particularly in
the manufacturing districts. But potting out of
question for a moment the danger with winch those
large !meetings threatened, he asked, if there was
any thing which more stronghy tended than they
did, conducted as they were, to bring the right
of the people to free discussion into ridicule and
contempt ?—(Hear.)—He asked. had 'any right
been ever more flagrantly abused ?—(hear.)—He
contended that any man, ou a dispassionate exam-
notion of the document's furitished by Lord Derby,
Lord Fittwilliam, end the Duke of Hamilton,
would arrive at this inference.. He hoped the
House would allow him to refer to certain pipers
to establish these propmitions. At one of these
meetings over which the stone itinerant orators who
had been agitating other parts of the country pre-
sided, seventeen or eighteen resolutions were pro-
posed and passed unanimously, of which to give an
idea of the absurdity of the whole, be should beg
leave to recite one or two. The people then as-
sembled, in the first place, resolved that the na-
tional debt of this country amounted to—what did
the House suppose ? God knows !" said the
lion. MOmber. " no one regrets more deeply than
I do the real amouut of the national debt and
the burdens it imposes on the country." But
what did the resolution in question snake it
amount to ? why to one hundred thousand mil-
lions !—(Cries of Hear, hear, and laughter.)—
This was the way in which the minds of the people
were enlightened on political subjects by those
notable instructors sent down among them at
enormous expense—(Cheers) --sccomiling forsooth
for this exaggerated statement by the depreciation
of the paper currency. The next resolution was,
if possible, more ridiculous, but infinitely more
disgusting and dangerous—it was calculated to
set the lower orders of the people at variance with
their superiors, to inspire them with distrust and
jealousy, and to impute to a false and selfish mo-
tive the measures adopted for their permanent relief
by the Legislature, and which could only have magi-
rutted its a spirit of the most enlarged betwevolenve.
It states! that whit( batiks were an insult to com-
mon cense and understanding, and that they had
been instituted—lse believed -that nut one Mem-
her in the House could, with all his coojec-
tores and sagacity. divine for what purpose.—
(Hear.)—Why to enable the Bank of England to
pay the fractional parts of the divideods !!
( Shouts of laughter.)—lt was for paasang resolu-
tions sods as these that the deluded people were
collected in such 'lumbers to Runlet Moor, from
sill parts of the adjaceot country—(We presume
the Hon. Member alluded to the Meeting of the
19th Jul))—for the purpose of being made believe
that saving banks had been established for an ob-
ject so ridiculous. In another of the resolutions
it was declared, that as soon as an eligible person
could be found to represent the people of Leeds
in Parliament, unother 'fleeting would be held fur
that specific. purpose. Did not such wicked and
contemptible proceedings betray an unbounded
abuse of the right of popular discussion?—
(Cheers.)—Neither was the House to suppose,
that the mischief had slopped theres; they would
be convinced of the contrary, when they heard
what Lord Ftizwilliam said tam his letter, of the
practices of the leaders, the itinennit orators. Ihe
Lordship stated, " The resolutions 'fussed were
riumerotts and long, but I have not their Immo-
bars as yet, the tits:lagers not Ituviug yet dressed
them up, in their own liking for print, which I sup-
pose they will do in the usual way nit such occa-
sions, without any very scrupulous attenti tttt to allot
was proposed and passed by the eneetito.." Did not
any men then see that these popular ri;lity and pri-
vileges were brought into a state of peril, nut from
the coercive measures of the Magistrate, or the Ex-
ecutive Goverumeut, but from the tumuli and liceu.