The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1825-04-29 00:00:00

'THE BRITISH PRESS.

doubt that a isliberste ceaddecallon of the subject would lead the
House to the conviction that such a modification of the existing
laws might be made as would prevent thaw fatal effects which he,
and those who thought with him, anticipated on the one hand, and
which those who differed from him feared on the other. He would
now shortly lay before the House the view he took of the subject,
and the means which he would propose for remedying the calming
evils, and for preventing the immense influx of foreign grain which
is so much dreaded. He would propose that there should be im-
posed upon foreign corn a duty of 10s. when the price was 555. and
that when it sunk still lower,the duty should be proportionate, 15s.
when down to 45a., and 20s. when below that. Generally speaking,
and the a permanency, the duty might be estimated at 10s. In the
statements which he had thus thought it necessary to lay before the
House, he might in some cases be in error, but he had taken every
pains to procure the requisite information, and to do so with all the
accuracy in his power. He thought it desirable to remove an im-
pression respecong the amount of imports, which were conceived to
be so large. From a return on the table of the House not yet
printed, and to which he would earnestly call attention, it appeared
that the quantity of wheat imported (including what came from
Ireland) from the year Ma t 01925, amounted to only 12,577,000
quarter', 502,700 annually. They could never have reason to
apprehend that the consumption would be less than 14,000,000.
Perhaps he may be permitted to allude to the state of the country
as connected with this subject, and upon that point he would say
that at no period could this measure be more advantageously con-
sidered than at present, foe no interest was more deeply affected.
The manufactures of thecountry were in demand, and therefore,
as far as that interest was concerned, this question might be ap-
proached with safety ; and, as far as regarded the agricultural in-
terest, there never was a time when it could be so little effected by
the discussion. An Honourable Member had said, - Wait till
the dearth arises." Had that Honourable Member looked at all the
=uences of his advice? How could this question be calmly
when dearth arose? He hoped the anticipations of that Hon.
Ocedeaman, and others who wished for delay, might be realised,
mid that, In the next Session, the subject might be approached with
arm benefit than at present, but he could not believe that the time
stelommended would be better than the present ; but he begged
I.lladillais to recollect that the benefit of their recommendation de-
spot the state of the crops, which WAS a fearful chance to
ail
•rn. The flow:amble Gentleman adverted to the &ve-
ed observed that he thought that they had been unjustly
ned of, and, by a little care, the inconvenience attendant
am them might be obviated, and declared his opinion that a fixed
=lng duty could not be safely proposed. The Honourable
oe, in conclitsian, expressed his gratitude to the House for
the Indulgence with which they had beard him, and moved that
the House do resolve itself Into a Committee of the whole House to
consider the Corn Laws.
Lord MILTON seconded the motion, and
Mr. GOOCH Immediately rose and observed, that he thought
the Honourable Member had not made out a case. The growers
and consumers of corn had been satisfied for these last six years,
and when he stated that the average price of wheat had been
68s. 3d. during that period, he thought it could not be considered
as too high a price to remunerate the farmers. The present corn.
law worked well ; it had procured a remunerating price for the
farmer. For himself, he thought 60s. a fair protecting mice. The
expenses falling on land were exclusively heavy; for instance,
there were bridges, roads, poor-rates. and gaols to be kept up by
that class. Ile thought that the Honourable Gentleman had •
great deal to answer for in now agitating this question. The
country before was in a perfect state of quiet, and now it was in a
complete ferment ; but, however, he believed that 60s. was now ma
good a remunerating price as its. was some years ago. The agri-
cultural Interest had once been in danger, and so it would again if
them laws were tampered with, and therefore he should move the
prey out question.
After the amendment had been put from the Chair.
Mr. CURIVEN rose, and was for some minutes inaudible In
the gallery. lie observed that the state of population hud brought
the consumption of corn nearly to the production of it. A great
change had taken place in the value of money, however, .and the
taxes connected with agriculture, and therefore he thought that 60s.
was a fair remunerating price. Certainly 60s. would do better now for
the agriculturists than 705.. or certainly 655. would some time since.
Five years ago he thought that it was not over production, but un.
der consumption that produced the depression in the price of corn,
and he believed so still. The supply of corn, however, was never
so short as at present. The llonourable Member, under every view
of the ease, opposed the motion of the Honourable Gentleman.
Lord 0 XMA N TOWN opposed the motion, and observed that
If any alteration took place Crow in the Corn Laws, it would place
this country in a state of dependence on others. The other temarks
of the Noble Lord were quite inaudible in the galley.
Mr. HUSKISSON and Lord MILTON rose at the same time.
but the call for the Right Honourable the President for the Board
of Trade was so loud and general, that the Noble Lord stave way,
although we believe he first caught the Speaker's eve. The con-
fusion that prevailed for • few seconds after filv. Iluskisson rose
prevented us front hearing the commencement of his speech. When
the noise ceased of 31embers rushing into the House, the Right
Honourable Gentleman was speaking as follows : -It is not my
intention to advert to the facts that have been so ably brought under
the review of the House by my Honourable Friend, and in which
I, for the most part, concur ; so that, on that account, it will not be
necessary for me, I hope, to detain the House with the observations
that I may 'Junk it my duty to offer this evening, for any great
length of time. I beg of the Horse, and my honourable Friend
in particular, to believe that it is not because I do not consider
them worthy of notice that I do not at present advert to them, but
my object is now to state the grounds upon which 1 object to the
present time for conaidering tjawn, and therefore it does not become
n for me to enter upon them. If it should be the pleasure
of the ouse to go into the Committee that is sought for by my
Honourable Friend, I may think It my duty to suggest measures
in that Committee, not differing in principle with the views and
opinion. so luminously stated by my Honourable Friend,
but only differing in degree, and manner, and time; for in
principle I perfectly concur with him. (Hear, hear, hear.)
I believe if the House will do me the honour to recollect, they
muat be perfectly well acquainted with the view I take of the corn
trade. My views upon this very important question are those re-
ported by the Committee in 1821, and without arrogance I believe
that I may refer to that Report, as drawn up with great industry
and care, and after the most extensive information had been
obtained on the subject to which it related ; and if a review
were taken of the relief that has been afforded to the agricultural
Interest since the publication of that Report, and the progress of
improvement that interest has made subsequent to that period, I
think Gentlemen might be inclined to take a less hostile view of
that Report than they have been accustomed to do. I should
think every person whose mind was free from prejudice must agree
in the soundness of the principles laid down in that Report, for ft
takes a most comprehensive view of this great and important ques-
tion without compromising any leading principle, or dealing uu-
justly by any Interest. But, however we may agree as to the Re-
port, we may differ as to time and degree. And here, Sir, I must
observe, that when we hear petitions read from the agriculturists,
praying this House not to alter the Corn Laws, I do confess that I
view them with some degree of surprise and jealousy, although I
ata disposed to treat them with great attention ; because! cannot
forget that these very parties who are now most earnest in wishing
for a continuance of these laws, have before said that they were
inadequate to the purpose for which they were enacted. Can I,
Sir, forget that that was said in the year 1822, when corn was 38$.
per quarters, and that the landed interest then declared, that some
more efficient measure was necessary for its protection ? Sir, I
think from the view I have already taken, and that which I shall
feel it my duty to develop to the House In the course of the few
observations I shall trouble it with—l think there is no inconsist-
ency In maintaining the principle laid down by my Honourable
Friend, and at the same time of maintaining the doctrine,
that this is not the time for disturbing this question._
Even in the countries' nearest to us, the countries most resembling
England, corn is not more than half the price of what it is in
our country; I allude particularly to the Netherlands and to
France. This fact, then, is sufficient to warrant the conclusion
that the Corn Laws, as they at present stand, cannot be the
permanent system In this country. We are now in the tenth
year of peace, yet this is the state in which we stand at the present
moment with respect to the Corn Laws. Another fact it is
material in bear to mind. For forty years did this country allow
a free trade with the Continent, and annually imported a very
considerable quantity of corn from thence; but for the last six
years this supply has been cut off, and we have ceased to receive
at. Consider then the consequences of this interruption (unexpected
as it was on the part of the corn-growers of the Continent),
after forty years of trade with this country in this commodity; and
consider the great accumulation of torn in those countries front
which England used to draw her supply, and particularly as the
harvests have been, since the period of the interruption,
prosperous in the extreme. We Pow that In this country, within
the last six years, the seasons of harvest have been unusually
prosperous, and I believe they have been equally so abroad.
l'he consequence of this interruption has naturally been a
great accumulation of corn in all the great exporting porta
of the Continent, where corn has recently had no vent; add
to this fact, the circumstance that Spain and Portugal hive
both interrupted their supply from the north. The natural cense.
quence is, that corn is now held by the continental corn-growers
at very low prices. My Honourable Friend (Mr. Whitmore) has
alluded to the returns made by his Majesty's l'onsuls-General from
those ports to which I allude. I know that corn is now selling in
those ports--in some of them at one half in others at one third,
and in others at no more than one fourth, of the average prices,
during the forty years before the change was made. Now I think
I am not trespassing very widely into the proscribed ground of
political economy, it I state those average prices to be one half
what they once were. lf, then, the selling prices of corn are at
the present moment so very different front what they were,
there° must be a considerable loss to the growers of this ar.
title. To illustrate this, I will refer to the Report of the
Committee of 1821. The average price of corn at Dantzie
fur the forty years was forty-five shillings and a fraction, but
it would be of course unfair to take the average at this price, since
it must have so varied in consequence of the circumstances to which
I have alluded. There must then have been a heavy loss to those
holders of land on the Continent, who had raised corn in large
quantities, in the expectation of finding a ready market for it an
this country. I will put a case to the Noble Lord (Oxmantown),
or any Gentleman interested in the welfare of the Sister Eingdom,
and I will beg hint to consider in what state Ireland would have
been, if, six or seven years ago, we had done what it would have
been a fatal policy to do, and have Interrupted a free trade with her,
after having encouraged her to raise her produce for our market. 1
advert to this, not because i am influenced by any feeling of ennt-
passion towards the Continental States—theirdifficultite may have
I been great, but I leave them to overcome them—but because it ma-
' terially bears .-pot the question now under consideration, Wli:n

pl!

we examine what ought to be a permanent system. weshould do it,
not with reference to what ought to be, or what may be, the
istate of foreign produce, but what it really is, depressed by
the circumstances I have pointed out. The difficulties in
our way will then be clearly seen—the difficulties arising from the
state of those continental countries, having no positive vent for their
commodities, and having nothing but a casual one, to dtapose of
uit-nderlrosu huchadveiscotoueorangsinidgercitifive:in,
swtahnectithe.r
woirll
ensonttinflumseethcoeugrontrwieeth,
of corn. My Hon.-Friend (Mr. Whitmore) has stated to you that
the States on the Continent had, in consequence of the measure I
have alluded to, in s great degree discontinued to grow corn. I
know that the observation applies not only to Poland, but to many
other States ; that they have, in discontinuing one produce encou-
raged another; that they have Increased their flocks, from a know-
ledge that if our markets arc closed against corn, they are open to
wool. I admit that I was at one time a party to raising the tax on
wool ; but I know that the consequence of that tax was, that all
the low-priced wool was excluded from the market, and that In eon.
sequence, in Silesia, and in other places, they manufactured this
article to a very great exteet, and made their cloths much cheaper
than we were able to do. They therefore found their markets in
America, and particularly in South America, to the exclusion of
our woollen goods. The subsequent removal of this tax placed us
upon the snore footing with them ; our manufactures naturally In-
creased in prosperity, and raised the price of wool in Silesia, and
in those other places, front twenty-three to thirty-three /mins
above what it had been. We were therefore able to enter
the market and compete with them. Illy object, however,
has been mainly to call the attention of the House to the
state of things on the Continent, to show the effects of that ac-
cumulation I have alluded to, and the difficulties it threw in the
way of any permanent system at the present moment. If any
alteration in the Com Laws were at present thought of, if the
ports were at once thrown open, the effect would be to bring into
the markets of this country immediately such an accumulation
of produce as would altogether disgust the people with the
principle of free trade--the principle for which they ought always
to have the highest respect. The difficulty, however, was not a
natural but merely an artifiethl one; it was the effect of the
system of alternate monopoly and free trade. If such be the
case then, what, it will be asked, is to be done? There are
various ways of remedying the evil. Sly Honourable Friend,
looking at the altered state of the country, has said, that he
never wished to see corn above the price of 601., as he thought
this price would amount to a prohibition—as good a prohibition
as the law of 1815, which gave it up to 80s. if my lion. Friend
the Member for Suffolk (Mr. Gooch) so thinks, he goes in
direct opposition to the petitions that have been presented.
There are two modes then to be adopted: the first is that of
opening the ports, remitting the influx that would inundate
us; and the next is, that of opening the ports, but with
such a protection as the agricultural interests of the country
required. But if we permit the importation at 60s. at once, the
consequence will be, that the whole accumulation of years will im.
mediately pour in upon the country, and what the effects will be I
cannot say, although I do not participate in the excessive alarm of
some lion. Members. If we wish to adopt some protecting system
that will be liable to no such objections at the present moment, our
difficulties will be very great; because, if we compare the state of
the countries on the Continent with this country, re should require
a duty so large as to be totally out of proportion, unless we grade-
ally lessen It so as to permit a gradual importation. These diffi-
culties have been long foreseen ; the system is no new system; it is
the system recommended by the Committee of 1821 and 1822; the
system of protecting duties, which that Committee said was not at
the present moment in a fit state for a change. This difficulty
was contemplated three years ago. The arrangements that were
made in 1815 relative to the corn laws, were not considered
as permanent, for they were made during a period at which we
were at weir with nearly the whole world. In the Reports of
the Committees on this subject to 18'21 and 1829, on whirls the
law was brought in, it was distinctly stated, that that measure was
entirely of a temporary nature, and only adopted until the diffi-
culty which was mentioned as being In the way of a permanent ar-
rangement should be removed. I do not therefore go so tar es to
say that we cannot, or must not, enter on this revision, and indeed
the time must of necessity come when something must be done.
It is possible that the want of grain row felt in this country may be
diminished between this and another session of Parliament, which
will remove a very considerable obstacle to the revision of the corn
laws. Looking to the danger which the long duration of this law
may bring upon the country, I would have brought it forward in
this session, had not paramount considerations prevented it.
Something may arise which may admit of foreign corn being gra-
dually introduced into this country. I cannot say what may hap.
pen, but there are various circumstances which may lead to the
wished for event ;.--such, for example, as a demngemene in the
state of the current, might arise. There are, in short, a thousand
circumstances which might remove the present difficulties in the
way of the measure at present. Should such circumstances arise as
will admit of it, I shall be the first to propose an alteration in the
corn laws. In 1822 the price of corn, as the House may remem-
ber, was very low, and I think it was but fair to allow the farmers
three or four years to repair their losses during that period. With
respect to the amount of corn at present in bond, it has been estimated
at a million of quarters; but I should think it very difficult to
make any thing near a just estimate. I do not however think there
can be so much, for a great quantity has been discharged, and there
have been other means by which it has been considerably reduced.
We know, by the experience of former years, what effect even a
small supply can produce upon this most important article of con.
sumption. On the other hand, we also know how little a larger
supply upon a market already overstocked could produce danger.
ous consequences. I do not believe that, at the present time, the
market is overstocked; because, if it was, the prices would not be
so high. There is a very considerably increasing consumption in
consequence of the increase of population, and other circumstances
now acting in conjunction with that. It is not impossible, that
between this time and the next harvest the prices may be raised to
the maximum necessary before the introduction of foreign corn.
To prevent this, an early opportunity must be taken to introduce
bonded corn into the market. I do not mention this for the interest
of the holders of this corn, but merely with reference to the benefit
which would accrue to the public by the introduction of this cora
into the market at this particular period. It appears to me, with.
out any prospect of reducing the price of British corn, we cannot
do better titan introduce this under certain regulations. I do not
think that I can do a greater benefit to the agriculturalists than by
this means preventing the glut of foreign corn before August next.
The corn now in bond has been so ever since 11122, a period of six
years. Among this there is some barley, and a small quantity of
peas, but he believed no oats, as they had been released. I must
again repeat that it is not from any feeling of interest for the holders
of the corn that I propose this. They, like other speculators,
must run their chance of profit or loss, and stand by the cone.
quences. They might, by that speculation, have made great pro-
fit, but it so happened that they have lost considerably, and this
was no more than other speculators were exposed to. Those among
them who were the most fortunate in getting theirs at a low price,
must, if they were now to sell it, even at 803. per quarter, be losers.
This is a natural consequence of the loss of interest on the capital,
and many other concurring circumstances. The present holders of
this corn are not, I believe, any of, or at least very tew of them,
the original purchasers. It has changed hands several times, and
has, I hear, ruined several of them. In March, corn was at 695. 6d.
and it seems to me that the admission of this bonded corn might be
so regulated, that the holders of it were satisfied if they sold it at
shout 70s. Another consideration, 17s. duty, 1, for my part, think
too high, and its imposition would, in my opinion, defeat the
very object we aim at. I think that if we admitted it at
eight or ten shillings, it will still leave the holders losers,
but would still be better than letting it rot, and would per.
haps be sufficient to induce them to bring it into consumption.
The manner in which it should be introduced aught to be so regu.
laced that it might be equal to the consumption of each month.
This, Sir, I hope, would save us from the convulsion which would
ensue upon the tremenderes glut of foreign corn it the price should
rise to the maximum. I do not think that when these considera-
tions are remembered there will be any objection to the principle,
whatever I may have with regard to the time. I hope I have suc-
ceeded in explaining intelligibly to the House the difficulties which
induce his elsjesty's Government not to embark to a great extent
in a sudden revision of the Corn laws. 1 am not prepared to say
what may be the proper course to adopt when the revision
takes place. Such a statement from me, filling the situation
1 unworthily do fill, would be extremely inconvenient. I cannot
help, however, expressing my dissent in some degree to the doe.
trines which I have this night heard advanced. Sly Honourable
Friend for Suffolk (Mr. Gooch), has said, why not let well alone.
always understood that the greatest desideratum in the considers.
tion of this most important subject was, to provide if possible for a
steadiness of price. Now, Sir, in what mode can this law be said
to provide, far 4? It litelts the basis, as my lion. Friend has
termed it, From which we are to draw our supplies ; it also prevents
the possibility of any vent being found for any excess of produce
if we should have an abundant harvest ; it likewise exposes us to
the extreme violence of fluctuation, so ruinous to the farmer. Now,
Sir, when Gentlemen who ought to have well considered this sub-
ject came to look to what the effect of this fluctuation would b;
they would and that it not only affected the the price of labour,and,
in consequence, of all produce, but it would also affect the interests
of the manufacturer, the consumer, of every class, and in short of
every person in the community. Now, Sir, I will ask whether a
',stern that produces such fluctuations can permanently work well?
I coeceive it in the highest degree inconsistent, and ant
only astonished at its being gravely brought forward.
I should like to know what the supporteta. of it thought In 1822.
when wheat was clown to 385.; when Honourable Gentlemen came
down to the House, and proposed nothing less than • national
bankruptcy. And above all, I would have them remember that
they themselves called for an alteration of this law. All this, Sir,
was because our superabundant produce was confined to our own
markets and consumption. When there is, as at present, a re.
munersting price, the system works well enough ; but have they
forgot all the alarming predictions of the ruin of the country, which
they said was about to take place ? For two years, Sir, wheat was
at ll2s. the quarter. Now, Sir, such a fact as this makes the bas.
mess of a farmer, instead of the certainty of moderate profit, or
at least. a peoviaion against absolute wane, as it used to be,—it
ithanweny:leaareualiabeolati:dte cenr2taa.inaltiesaaeatoaerfart:ininlyg.a
ilreahata;ve
makes it, air, one of the most complete gambling apeculat ons that
hctatteiliaaannistdcoeiemnfraidorbmreaali
has ever been started. Talk of the bubbles, of gold, silver, and
already reminded the House wheat In 1822, was 38a. • now,
to between cht
ilhieeremaeyx,ifsotedr auinglitwihe konfetiwie, rubiunbbhlie mines
(Hear.) A man now who engages in farming knows not what
foully
by one year's goal harvest. These facts, Sir, I have advance!,
with a certainty of their being correct, and without fear of their
being '
disputed. I will suppose, Sir, that the crop next year should
fail, Now this could not possibly be correctly known till October.

candbeo
fissuctufelyateme,yetoytedhartorhdere° this
ds Lrftbeeinfaceut'epo,aninddaoansntohatet'iiiknk
"formeiathtlinfhort ethilatnatthlgahmttt.'llie
might think
ent, in the course of this evening, that
Our own prospect would then be, at a ruinous expense. to draw
price.
cßharurg,esofir,lrareeightr.re
rlstudlikasorneenthe
sacoshwripiii:fisirnLythgeese notrasahtenaliEsiorope. That, Sir, is not the seance ohm
is increased, so of coersursiere
:ear bete so before
ec, n.
aoifvfetrahyeegea"priacefaofirrogold ? It is all very well for Hon. hlenthers who
sit down to a good dinner every day, to talk of the average price or
provisions. But, Si,, I will suppose the casewhoyf, p::rredmaunce4starove.,
mg for want for a whole week together, and that at the end or
if
himself very well off, for that he had receives! a good dam'a
provisions for the whole fortnight on the average. mroly
him,that waneedk
hperowviassionmsldsuirtetirlent
Sir, I do not think it likely the poor man would well be able
dtt ohuactihe 1
ocomprehendwhoiusihdeidt
findh et h
. ilogic.tareeh(
asAwl
been awueguha
asked,
k ed.
duties on manufactures, we did not also reduce those m corn ? It
often happens, that reasoning on apparent analogy leads to was
conclusions. Here there exists no analogy. -Nobody ever o.„
tempts to say that we can grow corn as cheaply as it can be done
on the continent ; but we can manufacture cheaper ; those we carry
to every part of the world. We export thirty millions of menthe-
tured gene, tint not thirty bushels of corn. Therefore, to argue
that the protection ought to be the same, Is absurd. There are
other differences. The quantity of manufactured goods can be re„
duced if the demand decrease ; but it is not so with the fernier, who
having been at great expense to sow his land in a particular manse',
becomes a loser if the grain he has prepared his grounds for casts
to be in demand. I hope my sentiments will not be mistaken by the
manufacturers or merchants, when I assert that wealth is not the
only ingredient to be considered in forming the happiness of a
country. (Hear, bean.) Ido not wish to change the nature of the
Constitution by lowering the influence of the landed interest. I
think, Sir, that to be admitted into the data of English landowners
is an object of ambition worthy of the talent and industry of thole
who have not had the happiness to be born in it. Other interests,
let me again say, are to be considered besides the employment of
capital—other protection given besides that to the manufacturer.
I will not, hoerevert go the length of saying whet the protection
ought to be. There must be a limit to our admissioa of foreign
corn. This is confessed by all parties, and the only difficulty on
the seject, and ...high requires the attention et Government, is to
say where the price of labour In this country Is likely to produce
such' diminution of profit on capital that would have the effect at
driving it away to seek protection, and more advantageous em.
ployment in foreign countries. Capital cannot be forced to remain
here. lam sure, if Gettlemen consider, they will see that it is to
the capital and skill of the country that agriculture owes
its present prosperous. condition. II it be drives out of
the country we shall loon find that agriculture wail be
the great loser. What was it that occasioned the moat
high price of all the productions of the soil but the great
consumption of that produce by the increased prosperity of
the manufacturers ? However successful our machinery might
ramie-, us we must remember that the United States had the mine
industry as ourselves, machines, and an encouraging Government.
The consequence 1,, that at this present moment there are on their
paitange from New York two ships loaded with cotton goods. b, and
for the Mediterranean, where, even after the expense of carnage,
they would be able to undersell us. We must therefore, Sir,
to counterat this, see that the price of provisions, ad
in consequence, of" labour, did not rise too high ; and this,
my Honourable Friend the Member for Suffolk (Mr. Gooch) de-
clares, that thegoud people of London are stuffing themselves with
roast beef and plum pudding, from Sunday morning to Satanity
night. ((I eat laughter.) Though my Honourable Friend says
so, I am sure he is the last man alive to grudge them their goad
fare. I would beg of him, however, the next day he attends the
Farmers' Club, of which, I believe, he is a member, to take the
trouble of asking where all this beet and pudding comes from.
(Laughter, and " Hear, hear.") It is no: all the product of the
county—is is not all supplied and purchased from those fanners
who my Honourable Friend fears most famish, whilst their more
fortunate city friends were enjoying all the luxuries of the table.
(A !augh.) And what, let me ask the Honourable Member, is to
become of those who produce, if the labouring classes are not in a
condition to purchase. (Hear, hear.) Sir, there exists a recipro-
city of interests between the two classes. The agriculturist cannot
flourish, without the others also feeling a corresponding improve.
meut. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, I hold it that capital and
commerce cannot be put in Motion without serving the agrieulm.
rists. (Hear.) It is but just too, Sir, to bear in mind, the profts
on capital were never smaller than at the present moment. In en.
deavouring, Sir, to some at no distant period to the consideratim
of this most important question, all these things should be well
and maturely weighed. I trust I have shown sufficient grounds for
not entering on it now. We have, Sir already done a great d.al.
( Hear. hear.) We have pursued the high course of itupreennoin
and pursued it too, I trust, the right way. Cheers.) We hare
removed the restrictive duties from silk, iron, and other articles.
These were necessary changes; some inconveniences there may bare
hem, and many more there would moat likely be, if all these pro-
tecting duties were at once removed. But, Sir, there are other said
weighty matters which his Majesty's Ministers must hareem
doe consideration to, before they come to Parliament with any de-
finitive proposition respecting the importation of foreign corn; they
must be guided in some measure by the policy pursued towards our
manufactures by other countries. Of these there are many, sad
not the least considerable in extent, who shut out—obstinately slot
out—our manufacture, and ought not we to hold in our hands some-
thing that might Induce those countries, if it were merely for thOn
own interest, to recite the manufactures of England (Cries of
" hear, hear.") May wi, in any change that may take place in oar
system, mitigate its inconveniences—mconveniences that must be
temporary, even to those who dread them mat? Have we not it
in our power to say to those countries, We will not admit your ova
unless you establish commercial intercourse with us, and re-
ceive In return our manufactures, (Cheers.) These, Sir, are
reasons why we should allow the question to stand over to
a future period. I own I am aware of the serious reipon-
ability which the Ministers of the Crown, or which I take
on myself, In calling on Parliament not to legislate on the question
during the present session ; for circumstances may aria—circum-
stances which are beyond the reach of human foresight, and which
may make it advisable that name measure had been innate:m.l to
regulate the importation of corn. and induce them to regret the re-
commendation they are now giving "—it is possible that the en's.
ing harvest may not Jae abundant. God forbid that I abet& with
it were not. The ports may perhaps open--a circumstance that
must prove either beneficial or otherwise. Be it one or the other,
it must in one case distress the landed interest, ; in the other. it
must injure the currency and commerce of the country. (Near,
hear.) These, Sir, are inconveniences to which we le sot shut our
eyes—these are circumstances which induce us to postpone the
question. (Hear.) In deliberating, Sir, on so serious an norm,.
there are other interests which claim our attention. and which in
common justice we are bound equally to protect. (Hear, hear.) I
think there are many circumstances, besides those I have already
alluded to, which mark the propriety of the recommender:oa
I have given. The present, Sir is a time of wild speculation.
(Hear.) There are, many and almost daily, fluctuations in foreign
merchandise; and it should be remembered, that such periods of
extraordinary excitement are usually followed by a stagnance of
trade. (Hear, hear.) This may not in the present instance isl e
place, nor do I wish to anticipate such a crisis ; at the same titer.
I would most strongly urge those who hare the management of
the currency of the country, and of the state of circulation. to watch
narrowly the state of foreign exchanges, and lend their aid towards
stopping such evil consequences, This, Sir, is one odor motive
for not at once removing all restrictions, and for net letting loose
new schemes of speculation. It is this excess of onoulation whkh
Ham anxious to guard against. For this and other reasons, Sir. I
am opposed to any alteration in the present laws, until a more dis-
tant period. I dope they may appear satisfactory to the Beam I
have endeavored to state my views as clearly and as fully as I was
capable of, and I feel obliged to the House for the attention with
which they have honoured me. (Heer, hear.)
Mr. A. BARING then rose. The Honourable Member was for
a considerable time inaudible in the gallery. We understocd him
to say, that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Huskisson) speared,
from his speech, to have lest sight of the principles advocated by
him In 1125. (Hear, hear,) The present system was then main.
tamed by him—he was almost its author. Now, however, he came
forward to say, that considerable change must tnke pis in the
Corn Laws. He had been taught, perhaps, some new thunder.
(A Laugh.) Much agitation prevailed on the present subject, and
the speech of the Right Honourable Gentleman was calculated to
fix the public mind still more. How can the country now say
what is the intention of Government ? To follow the arguments
of the Right Honourable Gentleman, he (Mr. Baring) was rand) to
AdMil chi dieproportioo that existed between the prices of food In
this and other: countries. He perfectly conzurred that that dispro.
portion pressed heavily on the manufacturing classes ; at the seine
time it was his opinion that no period could be soc!0=1 le
taking the present for the whole question into tio-•
The country was quiet and calm, resigned from one end to the oho
of it. If they left the matter unsettled until the next Section. hod
would the landed interest be placed ? They had no certain 1111311$
of knowing what the value of their leases was, or what the value
of their property. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible to reconcile
such a state of things with the well.being of society. He codicil,'
confessed that from the speech of the Right Honourable Gentle-
man he was not able to ascertain what it was his intention to pro-
pose next year. If that were the ease with Honourable nlernboi
who had heard, in what a state of ignorance must those be who
had not that opportunity ? :Shiny petitions had been presented on
the subject. When the petitioners asked their Repreentativo
" what do Ministers intend doing about the Coin Lawn" what
answer, he would ask the House, could Members give? (lm)
The Honourable Member, after some further remarks, sari, that
when the amount of the protecting duties came before the Row,
there was one reason which he would add to the many, why the
protection should not be withdrawn at ohm; it was because the
landed interest enjoyed it so long ; they therefore should not be
let down in a single moment. (Hear, hear.) When the Right
Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Hvakisson) said that in France pro-
visious were twice as high as in this country, he thought he was
right in admitting that it was the artificial industry which enabler'
us to compete with them ; whenever that extended over this can.
try declined, the whole mass of artisans, in millions of_pauperis
would he throw on the landed intarest. (Hear, hear.) Thelon")
classes had one common interest ; if the manufacturing interest
were depressed, the agriculturist must suffer. For his own part;
and he candidly declared it, he was inclined to protect the later, It
for no other reason but because they had hitherto enjoyed it. It
was under that protection all leases had been made; all incum-
branee had been imposed. (Hear, hear.) A principal 1111900 al-
leged by the Right Hon Gent, for not then going into the question
of the Can Laws, was the accumulation of corn in foreign Per% lie