Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-05 00:00:00

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AMUSEMENTS, MEETINGS, ax.—THIS DAY.
ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE—Dramatic Performances, &c.
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IV.,r For particulars see advertisements on 9th page.

THURSDAY, MAY 5, 1859.

THE DAY'S

The news this morning is meagre. The address we
of the French Emperor, whichwhichpublialiefdte;:stey_
day, has failed to produce any favoyirlita..ee
his behalf in this country. In Paris, the doeuleTt
has been extensively posted through the city, and

is reported to have been read attentively and
generlly by the populace, among whom it has created
a feeling of great excitement. The latest telegram
received last night states that the Austrian vessels
at Genoa h'ive been sequestered by the Sardianians.
Le Nord, of yesterday-says,- that in- well-informed
circles it is believed that the 4ustrians have given
up their intention of marching on Turin, and pur-
pose first to try the fate of a great battle. Some
days are necessary to make choice of positions ; the
10th is suggested. as the probable day. The Prince
Napoleon,: who is making active preparations for his
departure will, it is reported, command a corps of
observation, at a place which at present is kept secret.
Before the laps of fifteen days the French army
in Saidinia, Le Nord says, will be 100,000

strong,
decree,

the King,of Sardinia has- issued a Royal
giving forced currency to the notes of the
rational Bank of Turin, which are to be received at
their nominal value; at all the public offices of the
State. The Bank is moreover authorised to issue
20 franc notes to the amount of 6,000,000 of francs.
In return, the Bank engages to lend the State
30,000,000 of francs, at the rate of two, per cent
interest per annum; the Bank cannot henceforward
vary its rate of discount without an authorisation
from the Minister of Finance. A decree of the King
of Saxony, convokes the States of his kingdom in
extraordinary session, on account of the political
situation.

An article was published in the St. Pete rsburgh
,Touriva of Tuesday, disavowing in the most unequi-
vocal terms the existence of an offensive and defen-
sive treaty between Russia and any other Power
whatever. It explains that the Russian armaments
are made in consequence of armaments on the part
of other Powers. The policy of Russia, it says, is to
maintain, under existing circumstances, entire free-
dom of action.

The usual monthly meeting of the Council
held yesterday, and, . as usual, we published in an
evening edition of
last night, a full report of the proceedings, which
renders it unnecessary to summarise the business at
any length in this place: The defalcations of Mr.
Luya, late Superintendaut of St. John's
Market, which we have already referred to,
led to an , animated' discussion, which tended
to show that the Chairman of the Committee
has not acted with that degree of judgmept neces-
sary to protect tile public- interest, and. that the
members of the Committee, who recently resigned,
because the Council refused to ratify their resolu-
tions,. were justified in the course they pursued.
From what 'has now transpired, it is quite
clear ; that to protect the public 'interest

some such measure. as the council recently rejected
must be adopted. In the meantime, the vacancies
on the committee have been filled up, and let us hope
that the chairman will better discharge the duties
devolving upon.him than he has hitherto done: We
must 'refer the reader to out report.

'WARNED AND FOREARMED

FORT

AFTER three months of war's alarms on the Conti-
nent, and one month, or thereabouts, of marching of
hostile armies to a clearly. defined battle-ground, it
would be criminal indeed on the part of the Govern-
ment of England, if they, had not made the necessary

preparation for defending her interests and her
honour, should they be in anywise assailed, or
threatened, in the conflict that is at hand. Our
insular position affords us a certain degree of pro-
tection, such as no Continental State has the advan-
tage of possessing

But there are defences indis-
pensably necessary to fully realise that protection.
Besides, we have interests elsewhere—we have our
colonial and protectorate possessions to take care of
—we have our fleets of merchantmen in every sea
to protect from molestation—we have the approaches
to these islands to guard from danger: We have,
besides, to be able to present a front to any Power,
or confederacy of Powers, that may carry with it the
assurance, that we are fully prepared for our defence,
come threats, or 'come perils, from what quarter they
may. All this is quite compatible with a perfectly
-it does not in anywise impugn the
great principle of non-intervention. The apothegm
is an incontrovertible one—let peace-a

pacific policy

-price

politicians rail against it as they may —that the best
way to maintain peace, is to be prepared for war
And never perhaps was there a conjuncture in

it was more essential to enforce it. We admit that
it may be made a pretext for, or an occasion of,
drifting into war; and no doubt it often has been
so. But it is, nevertheless, a sound principle upon
which it rests; and the Government would fail in its
duty that in anywise neglected it.

No one can cast his eyes around Europe just now,
and not see much that is threatening to our own
peace, as well as, more immediately, to the peace of
the Continental States. The strong feeling in Eng-
land against war,—and we rejoice that there is such
a feeling so universally prevalent,—is against war
where no English object is involved, and where,
therefore, we have no business to enter. into. the•
quarrel. As Lord STANLEY well observed to his
constituents, at his re-election, "if the war becomes
general, it is impossible to say what may have to be
done ; for there are pledges to which we are bound,
and it is possible —though God forbid it !—that, in
a general complication of events to which a European
war may give rise, the time may come when English
neutrality will be impossible,"—adding, at the same
time, for the country's consolation, that " the
Government would maintain that neutrality, so long
as it was possible to do so, and they would leave the
guilt and suffering of the war' to those by whom it
had been provoked." It is to this end, then, among
others, that England must be forearmed. Our

danger is

perfidious policy of the French Emperor

designs, we may rest assured, do not exclude a dash
at England, should opportunity offer. There are
signs already, too, of his becoming incensed at the
very neutrality of our position, and at our positive
and peremptory refusal to sanction, not alone to
assist him in his designs upon Italy. Louis
NAPOLEON, it appears, has made an adroit attempt
to actually draw England into the war. He would
consents it is said, to resume the negotiations for an
adjustment of his dispute with Austria, as suggested
by her Majesty's Government, on condition that
Englaiid would undertake, in the event of Austria
proving refractory, to join France in the war, and
assist her with her army and her fleet. This, if true,
was certainly a very modest request ; and its in-
stant, and, let us trust, indignant refusal, must
have mortified the French autocrat not a little, we
may fairly conclude. We • see, therefore, how
difficult it will be, even in a position of neutrality,
to steer clear of offence, in one way or another, to
the belligerents. So that, for various reasons, it is
imperatively necessary, we repeat, for England to be
forearmed.

Now, our first great concern, under the circum-
stances, is the efficiency of the Navy. Our national
defences generally, must be carefully and vigilantly
looked to. But unless our naval armaments are
,complete, and effective, all the'rbst might be in vain.
And it is satisfactory to find that this has been
promptly and Pffectually done. The Under-Secretary