The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1857-04-11 00:00:00

toria the Ballarat riots 'occurred whilst Mr. J. L. Foster,
the last of the old class of colonial secretaries, reigned,
and so irresistible was the Storm of popular indignation
against him, (an indignation there is every reason now to
believe in a great measure Undeserved) that he retired.
Mr. Haines, his successor, though really appointed under
'he old irresponsible commission as much as Mr. Foster
had been, came, nevertheless, from the special circum-
stances attendant on his appointment, to be regarded as
the people's minister,. He replaced one whom the strong
current of public disfavour had set aside, and associations
of altogether a changed character of course attached
themselves to him. The constitution found him in office,
and he and his colleagues resigned and took the oaths
under their new commissions► Thue the gulf dividing
the two systems was strangely overbridged.- The Haines
Cabinet has met parliament as our first responsible
minister, Of the seven members composing it, four
belong, it is true, to the old official regime. But of these
four, two (the surveyor general and the commissioner of
works) enjoy the undoubted prestige of being young men,
and of liberal and enterprising views. Two others (the
commissioner of trade and the atforrcy general) have
made themselves personally populaz amongst all mode-
rate men by a laborious and intelligent application to the
business of their departments. The premier is a new
man of a personal character that would go far to redeem-
the character' of his ministry, even if Worse elements
entered into its combination,—and the solicitor-general
is a popular law reformer.' Thus the old executive has
been so considerably modified, that without any direct
parliamentary displacement, its members are accepted as
belonging rather to the present political position than to
the past—a fact strikingly illustrated by the circumstance
of their election without excepti oi to the new parliament
by the most populous and influential constituencies of
the colony. Mr. Stawell, the attorney general, presumed
to be the least popular of the lot, on account of his con
neetion with the Ballarat state 'prosecutions arid other
circumstances, was returned tinder the ballot for the me-
tropolitan city. In New South Wales the course of
events has been of a different character. The former.
executive Was never renovated, never cast off its old
traditions and underwent the near bifth. It did not seek,
for a moment to Maintain its ground. Only one of its
members sought popular election, and it even abdicated its
political functions before the writs of election for the
House of Assembly were issued. But there Witt no
violent, nor, indeed, marked transition. A t•ompromise
between the past and present was effected, as in Victoria,
though there by crafty doings as here by the natural-
development of events. Before parliament was constituted,
and had any, opportunity therefore of indicating its
views, Sir W. Denison chose his ministers; and they
were a skilful combination between certain loosely
attached leaders of the popular party and the least
obnoxious members of the old party. When the houses
met they found the popular ranks weakened ate] disor-
ganised, and the ranks of the regime that was to have
been exploded strengthened by new accessions. Tnis
crettily concocted ministry on one occasion in a fit of
petulance, resigned, and a cabinet selected from the oppo-
sition ranks held office for a few days. But the old Ministry,
with some readjustment of offices and modifications, having the
effect of a more effectual weeding out of the same popular.
element was recalled, and may now be
_regarded as formally',
installed in office. The public mind in the midst of these
events is partly bewikiered, and partly sullen. There is a
consciousness of having been cheated; and -there is further a
consciousness of helplessness; for, with a franchise almost as
democratic as it is possible to imagines. there prevails in New
South Wales an electoral law, and a distribution of 'members,'
which go very far towards neutralising the popular' will. In
the House of Assembly (iheonly elective chamber)- the spirit
of manly independence does occasionally assert itself; bet it is
never dreamt that ministerial defeats should be the precursors
of ministerial resignations, for a second ministry has come to
be regarded pretty much in the light of an impractibility.
THE RESPONSIBLE! IN NEW SOUTH WALES,—Before
leaving New South Wales I may mention that, personally,
the Sydney ministry are men of character, of social position,
and of considerable ability. Mr. Watson Parker, the premier,
of whom all of my Melbourne cotemporaries have formed a
moat unjust estimate, from want of opportunities of personal
observation of the man, is a gentleman of great official ex-
perience (as private secretary to Sir George Gipps), of large
knowledge and matured habits of business, and ofconsideiable
power and precision as a debater. Mr. Donaldson, the premier,
is a daring, rattling speaker, and a gentleman very extensive in
all his developments, with a figure of most portly dimensions,
a gorgeous wardrobe (particularly rich in the article of vests),
a faultless turn-out, and—the reputation of a mastery
of figures and finance. Attorney (eneral Manning is
the ante-constitution Solicitor General—ono of the
leaders of the bar—the strength of the old executive
in debate—a clever and useful colleague, and a bitter and
supercilious toe, who would fight like a Kilkenny eat before he
would own himself beaten. Solicitor General Darvall—one
of the seduced Radicals—a dark Mephistophileau little man—
great in French boots and faultless inexoressibles, and a
magnificent debater, who is perfect in irony, in declamation,
in virtuous indignation, and in daring impudence. He eats
only butterflies and drinks distilled dew (above 'proof), foots
the carpet daintily like a fairy treading, on harebells, and has a
deep, clear, sonorous tone that startles you as it- issues from
lips which you expected to give utterance to only the most
dulcet notes. Mr. Hay, the Commissioner of Lands, is a
country gentleman of no official experience, but of talent and
high character. That sums up the responsibilites in New
.south Wales.

PARLIAMENT IN VICTORIA.—I must now return to our
own colony, as its constitution and temper affects present
develop:nents of the system of ministerial responsibility. The
defeats sustained by the government of Victoria have been of
a far more serious character than the discomfitures of the
Sydney cabinet ; just as the class of subjects that have
engaged the attention of our Parliament have been more
organic and of a higher interest than in the neighbouring
legislature. Tie re-arrangement of the departments and
comparatively small matters connected with the details of
administration, have furnished the battle grounds of the elder
colony. No attempt has been made to amend the admitted
defects of the constitution, with the exception of a little
Government bill for the repeal of the two third clauses, and a
measure introduced by a youthful and enthusiastic member of
the opposition to base representation on population—a proposal
that finds few favours in a country where its immediate effect
would be to give the monopoly of representation to the capital
and one or two other towns. Questions connected with the
repairs of the furniture at Government House, with the
appropriation by the Governor of the rent of a paddock or do-
main attached to the old viceregal residence at Paramatta,
and with other matters of corresponding importance have
engrossed the attention of the two Houses at Sydney, and issued
in a rapid series of ministerial defeats. More enlarged reverses
have not been provokea because no attempt has been made to
imitate a new and a distinctive ministerial policy ; government
satisfying its ambition with a simple attention to administrative
duties. Either because here the people had fixed their mind
on something more than this, or because ministers are distills
guished by more progressive elements, the attention of
Parliament was at first invited to a consideration of
those important public interests, for the adjustment of which
the introduction of the constitution has long been looked fors
ward to. Besides a somewhat bold financial. scheme, embracing
the establishment of a National Bank of Issue, the ministerial
programme submitted on the first day of the session, promised
measures on the land, squatting, and immigration questions,
all associated collectively and severally with the settlement of
the colony; and a comprehensive railway plan for at once
conferring on the country on an extended scale those facilities
of internal communication which are absolutely necessary
greatly to enlarge the area of settlement. It may be seen at a
glance that these topics have furnished—or so far as they
remain yet unadjusted, are destined to furnish—ample debating
ground, and possible majorites, against ministers. Yot the
Government proposals have met both in and out of Parliament
with a large measure of approval. The immigration scheme
submitted by Mr. Childers has been virtually accepted. Its
features are, the cessation of all relations with the Park street
Commissioners ; the appointment of a colonial agent and staff
for " passing" all persons assisted to emigrate out of colonial
funds; and the payment to ship owners of bounty money in the
shape of so much for each emigrant so passed as " eligible"
before embarkation, and landed in good health in Victoria.
It provides for other cases, such as the gratuitous immi-
gration of single females, and the grant of passage tickets
on payment of a certain sum, to parties in the colony
nominating the persons to reap their benefit. The
land question embraces two distinct subjects ; the settlement
of the long pending squatter controversy, and the arrangement
of the terms on which the crown lands shall be alienated to
private holders. The former point has been disposed of thus
(hy a quite unlooked for spirit of moderation on all sides, and
especially an abandonment, on the part of thei squatters them-
selves, of those claims to pastoral " leases," or to " compensa-
tion," which have constituted tho burden of their years'
agitation) :—There are to be no leases, but the present tenants
of the Crown are to hold the right of occupation (secured to
them by license from year to year) against all incomers but
the Crown ; that is, until the Crown shall require their runs
for public works or for sale. For the enjoyment of this
modified " fixity of tenure" they are to pay an acreable annual
rent, assessed according to the grazing capabilities of their runs.
New runs are to be let in every case by auction. The terms
of alienation are still under discussion. Ministers propose to
retain the present system in its integrity—auction sales at an
upset price of £1 per acre, with cash payments. The opposition
have already engrafted two important extra provisions on this
scheme ; one with the concurrence of government, for reserving
a common as a free grazing ground in the vicinity of each
township, a second against the strenuous opposition of govern-
ment, but carried on division by a large majority, providing
that the surveyor general (or minister of lands) shall be assisted
—the minister himself reads it controlled—by a land board.
The estimates have been a fruitful source of defeat, the supple-
mentary estimates for the past year especially. One or two