Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-04-11 00:00:00

THE NORTHERN TIMES MONDAI, APRIL 11, 1859

the same clause freeholders whose property was in
boroughs were deprived of their votes for the county ;
life interests only were respected." Another defect
he urges was, " the absence of any pro Vision to reduce
the franchise in boroughs, and the hard line of
separation thus left between the middle orders and
those who earn their livelihood,"—which, he main-
tains, "would have tended to foster discontent and
make a war of classes." But then Lord JOHN'S own
more complete measure, as sketched by himself to
the House the other night, would have just the same
tendency, because it would produce a similar " hard
line of separation." It could not be otherwise.
There is but a shade or two of difference, on his own
admission, between the Bill offered by Lord DERBY,
and the Bill he himself intends to offer in Lord
DERBY'S place. "He would propose no new basis
of representation. He would adopt the £lO fran-
chise for counties. With respect to the fancy
franchises, he thought they would admit some well-
qualified electors. He would reduce the borough
franchise from a £lO to a £6 value, and, as matters
now stood, he would not interfere with the freemen."
Such is the sketch Lord JOHN RUSSELL gives the
electors of London of the measure in furtherance of
which he has not scrupled to trip up a Ministry in
which a large body of his supporters yet declare that
they " feel great confidence." Was it worth while
their doing so, for so slightly an advanced bid for
place ? We humbly think not. The working classes,
we are sure, for whom Lord JOHN continues so
plausibly to profess his regard, cannot possibly
think so.

But Ministers themselves make it a much more
general issue. It is not, in their view, the question
of Reform in particular, but that of the honour, and
dignity, and practicability, generally, of a Govern-
ment. Their Reform Bill, however, it is admitted,
has brought them to their trial before the country.
The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER declares in
his address to his constituents, seeking from them a
renewal of their confidence, that " a Parliamentary
majority, composed of discordant sections, has
availed itself of its numerical strength to embarrass
her Majesty's Government, and, by a disingenuous
manoeuvre, to intercept the discussion of their mea-
sures." And, further, that " the blow, which has
lately been inflicted on the Government, deprives it
of authority,"—while, at the same time, he contends,
" in the ranks of the Opposition there is no more
unity of sentiment than when their distracted politics
rendered it necessary that Lord DERBY should
assume the helm." They have advised the QUEEN,
therefore, he adds, "to recur to the sense of her
people, so that those, who may be entrusted with
her Majesty's confidence, may be enabled to conduct
the Government with becoming authority."
We have thus presented both sides of the case, as
it now stands before the country for its decisive judg-
ment. Of one thing, in such a question as it involves,
we may be quite sure,—that the country will not, by
either one issue or another, be diverted from the
object of securing what Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in his
address, calls "a sound, moderate, and constitutional
measure "of Reform. The great question with the
constituencies will be, to whose hands shall we con-
fide it ? Whatever ambiguity some people may
think there is upon this point, will no doubt
be cleared up by the result of the coming
struggle; and should it happen to be one to allow of
the retention of office by Lord DERBY and his col-
leagues, we feel confident it will at the same time
carry conviction to their minds at any rate it Ought
to do--much more strongly than has yet apparently
been the case, that if, as the CHANCELLOR OF THE
EXCHEQUER says, "it is necessary that the QUEEN'S
Government should be supported by a patriotic Par-
liament," it will have to be a patriotism which must
attest its quality, not only by its support of a pacific
Government, but by assuring to the country a much
amended system of Parliamentary representation, as
the means of securing a still more careful and com-
prehensive- regard to the interests of industry, and a
still further and better advancement of the national
progress and improvement.

OUR COTTON SUPPLIES.

A CORRESPONDENT remarked in our columns the
other day, that England was greatly responsible for
American Slavery, so long as she encouraged it by
her large and increasing demand for American
Cotton. We do not agree with all the grounds on
which he rested his argument. Least of all do we
subscribe to his most untenable, because most untrue,
assertion, that religious obligations can have nothing
to do with such a question,—or, as he somewhat
vaguely expresses it, that " theological arguments
can never settle secular questions." If by theological
arguments he meant religious considerations, he
only gave expression to something very like an
infidel notion. The only true test of the justice and
rectitude of secular questions, is religion—the only
conclusive arguments are those which arc thence
derived. It is, as BURKE once so forcibly argued,
even as a statesman, " the basis of civil society, and
the source of all good, and of all comfort." And
slavery is a state of society which receives its most
obvious and its strongest condemnation in the fact,
that it has no such basis—that it is founded, indeed,
on a principle which can have no hold on such a
basis. It is that which alone is found available in
teaching men their duty, and the reasons of it. Of
course, as Dr. PALEY well observes, "such as reject
religion are to make the best shift they can to build
up a system, and lay the foundations of morality
and virtue without it. But," he adds, "it appears
to me a great inconsistency in those who receive
Christianity, and expect something to come of it,
to endeavour to keep all such expectations out of
sight in their reasonings concerning human duty."
And there can be no doubt of this, when the human
duty that may be in question has reference to
Slavery or any other affair of humanity—any other
dealing of man with man.
But this by the way. Our object at present is
simply to remark, very briefly and cursorily, upon
the subject of Cotton. We quite agree with our
correspondent, that England encourages, and, in fact,
keeps up American slavery, by her great demand for
America's slave-cultivated Cotton. It is substan-
tially true, as he puts the case, " Our manufacturers
say to the slave-owners, 'We must have Cotton, or
else our artizans will starve ;' and the Cotton-planter
says to the slave-dealer, We must have more slaves
to supply the demand for Cotton.' " One sure and
certain way, therefore, of putting down American
slavery, would evidently be to cease that demand.
This, however, could only be made practicable, by
other sources of supply, equally desirable, bang
provided. And even then, we are aware, it would,
in a commercial point of view, be a change involving
very serious considerations.

But the first thing, of course, is to ascertain where
such supplies are elsewhere to be found. Our
correspondent pointed to India, where, he said,
might be grown all the Cotton we require. This,
however, is questionable, it seems. But in districts

'of Africa, there can be no doubt, Cotton may be
cultiiated.to almost any extent ; and an enterprising
merchant of Manchester, Mr. THOMAS CLEGG, is
bringing this to the test of a practical experiment.
In a circular, a copy of which is before us, addressed
to the native traders and farmers of Western Africa,
he says,—" I have for many years been engaged in
an attempt to make Africa into a great Cotton
growing country, and I feel confident now that it is
capable of growing Cotton for the whole world.
Cotton grows spontaneously almost in every part of
Africa, of a good usable quality, which, if not
injured in cleaning, will always sell quickly at a
good price, and therefore it is not necessary to send
other seed. in favoured situations, not far from the
sea,* or where it can be watered, the Sea Island
variety might be sown ; but, although this Cotton is
worth more money per lb., it does not yield as much
per acre as your own or New Orleans seed. I advise
all farmers to cultivate as much Cotton, and employ
as many people upon their farms as possible, to
increase the quantity. I also advise every native
trader to buy Cotton from the farmers, teach
the people to clean the Cotton without
injuring the fibre, and for that purpose to
use the McCartney or other Roller Gin."
In another circular he states,—" Dr. Livingstone and
others have shown that your country abounds in
many products that are useful and valuable to us,
and as we possess a great many things that will be
useful to you, this shows that God wishes us to be
friends, and to assist each other,—therefore let us
do as He wishes. The cultivation of Cotton, in my
opinion, offers you the best means of elevating.
yourselves and your country ; and I therefore urge
upon you, to pay every attention to it, as by its
means I believe you may abolish slavery, and set
your countrymen free who are now enslaved in
America, and be able to assist in Christianising
Africa." From this it appears that Mr. CLEGG'S
object is twofold : to obtain supplies of Cotton, and
to make the providing of them a means of civilising
Africa. And this is the right course. Industry is
your great civiliser ; and its application to the
culture of a product which is so admirably adapted
to the climate and soil of Africa, and to the peculiar
capabilities of the Africans, would certainly seem
well calculated to make it fully available to that
great end. It is under a deep conviction of this,
that Mr. CLEGG is persevering in his exertions to
carry out so important an object. In a recent com-
munication to the Society of Arts Journal, he says,
—" Being pleased with the result of my efforts, a
kind friend has come to my aid, and I have now
lying in Liverpool, waiting for shipment, upwards of
three thousand pounds worth of machinery and
requisite materials to enable me to go further into
the interior of Africa, establish new Cotton stations,
and prosecute the matter with still more vigour.
As any and every one will purchase Cotton, now
that a large profit arises, my object is more than
ever to open up new sources of supply." And so
well satisfied, it would appear, are persons of the
highest consideration connected with Africa, of the
feasibility of his plans, and the rectitude of his
intentions, that they are not hesitating, we find, to
come forward and endeavour to promote his designs.
"In furtherance," he adds, "of these objects, the
Bishops of Sierre Leone and Natal are cordially
lending a helping hand, by advice, influence, and
encouragement, and our Cotton Supply Association
is calling forth the energy of the people' and the
Government of Liberia by offering prizes and medals
for successful cultivation of cotton."

Here then, we say, is a practical; common-sense
object, the pursuit of which is certainly far better,
in every point of view, than disclaiming against
Slavery in America, on the one hand, or the cultiva-
tion of Opium in India, on the other, infamous
though both most unquestionably are. It is a
philanthropic object, yet one which may be made
conducive to most important purposes of material
progress, and involving, to an incalculable extent,
the prosperity of our commerce and manufactures.
It is an object, however, which no single individual,
be his energies never so great, can fairly be expected
to carry out as it ought to be. Every credit is due
to Mr. CLEGG for what he is doing .; and the best
way in which Manchester, especially, can mark its
sense of such exertions as he is making in
so great and good a cause, and one in which
vast commercial and manufacturing interests are
directly involved, will be to institute some
more vigorous combined effort than would appear to
have been yet attempted, to give full effect to such
operations as he has so enterprisingly undertaken.

POSTPONEMENT OF THE DISSOLUTION'.—The Morning
Post, alluding to the scene in the House of Commons on
Friday night, says it is quite manifest that ministers are
determined to defer the dissolution to the last moment.
They did not ask, as they ought, the house to sit on
Saturday. They refuse to say that the invariable con-
stitutional usage will be followed of dissolving Parliament
on the day of, or at furthest the day after, the prorogation,
The Post further says that the delay is to be ascribed to the
following cause :—For some months there has been, at the
Carlton Club, •an organisation to carry the country by an
electorial coup d'etat, but the managers have been obliged
to report that their arrangements are incomplete, and they
have asked for a little more time to consummate them.

THE GALWAY STEAM-PACKET LINE, AND THE GOVERN-
MENT. —The subject of the proposed subsidy to the Galway
steamers, for postal service to Newfoundland and the United
States, has again, it would be seen, been animadverted upon
in the House of Commons ; one of the members for Cork
inquiring whether Sir Samuel Cunard had not offered,
through a deputation which waited on the Admiralty and
Treasury departments, on Monday last, to convey the mails
weekly between an Irish port and America, for the sum of
£5OO the voyage out and home ; and, if so, if it was still the
intention of Government to persevere in completing a
contract for £3,000 for this service fortnightly between
Galway and America. It was explained, in reply, that the
offer of Sir S. Cunard was to call at Cork on the way from
Liverpool to America and on the return, for £soo,—that
the Galway offer involved a third American service, in
addition to the two now undertaken weekly ; but that as the
Galway service was only fortnightly; there would be three
services in one week and only two in another, which was
felt to be so inconvenient, that it was proposed to ask
the American Government to undertake a postal service
in the alternate weeks not comprised in the Galway service,
and if America declined, it was proposed to make a similar
offer to Sir S. Cunard. It was, therefore, the intention of
the Government to complete the contract with the Galway
line. This intimation called forth:very marked expressions
of dissatisfaction from several honourable members; while
others contended that the Galway route had advantages
which entitled it to consideration, and protested against
what they called "the monopoly" attempted by the Cunard
line. A strong opinion was expressed as to the duty of sub-
mitting the question to the decision of the House ; ; others,
however, urging the Government to adhere to their own
decision in favour of Galway, r.m that had given general
Mr Gia Labouchere, and
i propriety of
rra ;n

satisfac tin

country was actually pledged, while the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, on the other band, maintained that it would
be a new precedent to hare postal contracts, in the first
instance, submitted to that house—that contracts were con-
stantly granted without previous tender ; that the
Galway undertaking offered increased speed at diminished
cost, by which they gained two days and saved £400; and
that, at the same time, the company offered peculiar facilities
for the transport of troops. Under these circumstances, the
government, he said, had thought right to adopt on its own
responsiblity a policy it felt to be advantageous to the
empire, and in accordance with duty. The amount, as a
matter of course, must appear in the estimates before any of
it is paid ; and occasion will then, no doubt, be taken to give
effect to the objections urged against it. With the exception
of a remark by Mr. Ewart, that there were parties
here desirous of tendering for the contract, the
observations in opposition to the Galway subsidy,
did not proceed from any members connected with Liver-
pool—so that it is evident it is not taken up as a
local question in anywise, but as one of national importance.
The proposition of the Cunard company to call at Cork,
would do all that is requisite for the convenience of Ireland;
and, besides this, another of our lines to America, that of
the Liverpool, Philadelphia, and New York Company, has
its vessels now calling at Queenstown, fully prepared to
perform the postal service to and from the United States,
with regularity and despatch.

-.....-

THE COURT,

The Prince and Princess Augustus of Saxe-Coburg took
leave of the Queen on Friday morning, and proceeded to
Claremont„ accompanied by the Princes Philippe and
Augustus, and the Princesses Clotilde and Arnelie of Saxe -
Coburg, .and attended by the Baroness de Bersch and ➢i.
de Nostitz.

The Earl of Derby bad an audience of the Queen at Buck-
ingham Palace. Sir John Pakington had also an audience
of her Majesty.
The Duchess of Kent visited the Queen.

The Prince Consort, attended by Captain Du Plat,
honoured Mr. Adams with a visit at his studio in Sloane-
street, on Friday, to inspect his statue of the late General
Sir Charles Napier, for St. Paul's Cathedral.

The Queen and Prince Consort, accompanied by the
Princesses Alice and Helena, visited the South Kensington
Museum in the afternoon. In attendance were the Hon.
Flora Macdonald, Colonel the Hon. A. N. Hood, and Cap-
tain Du Plat.

Her Majesty and the Prince Consort honoured the per-
formance at the Olympic Theatre with their presence on
Friday evening. The royal suite consisted of Lady Church-

hill, lion. Car'oline Cavejndish Hon. Flora Macdonald, Lord
Bilteman, Colonel the Hon. A. N. Hood, and Captain Du

s sign'

ler gram.-

.
ous intention of conferring the honour of a baronetcyo upon
the undermentioned gentlemen : Mr. William Miles, M.P..
Mr. John Neeld, M.P., Mr. E. Grogan, M.P., Mr. John
Henry Greville Smyth, and Mr. Philip Pauncefort Dun-
e mnbe.

The Lord Chancellor will receive the Judges and Queen's
Counsel, at his lordship's residence in Eaton-square, on
Friday next, the first day of Easter Term, at 12 o'clock.
Despatches were sent from the Colonial-office on Friday,
to the Governors of the North American Colonies, the
Falkland Islands, and the Lord High Commissioner of the
lonian Islands. Despatches were receievcd from the Gover-
nors of the Colonies on the West Coast of Africa.

LOCAL INTELLIGENCE.

THE GALWAY STEAMERS.—The Prince Albert sailed on
Saturday morning, at five o'clock, with the Newfoundland
mails, and 350 passengers, chiefly steerage.

A. clerkship for general

—Civil Se-mice Gazette