Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-02-02 00:00:00

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LANCASHIRE REFORMERS.

[FROM OUR OWN REPORTER.]
A Conference of Lancashire Reformers, favourable to
the general principles embodied in the bill proposed by
..Mr. Bright, was held in the Assemby Room of the Free
Trade Hall, Manchester, at three o'clock, yesterday.
There was a very large attendance, the room being
crowded to its full capacity. The following gentlemen
Were invited to attend from the several towns named, and,
We believe, nearly all the gentlemen invited attended
at the conference :
ACCR/NGTON.—Messrs. Lang Bridge, George Bury, Thomas
%worth, James Barlow, R. Massey, E. Bowker, Swaine Rhodes,
Bridge (Church), Robert Westall (Church), J. Tattersall
Asirtinr.—Mr. Samuel Newton.
ASLITON-e,DER-LYNE.—Mr. William Mil.
.13Lterrntitx.—James Pilkington, Esq., Mr •
Paington and R R. Jackson - Messrs. W. H. Johnson, Adam
T. B.'
gla BulloughWestall Thomas Eccles, R. Shackleton, B
Abbott, R. Webster, James' Shaw, H. Cocks, F. Nichols.
130Lro
x•--Mr. Robert Heywood, Thomas Thomasson, P. R
ri:weanith, T. Satterthwaite, Henry Ashworth (The Oakes).
.
AC".—Charles Stewart, Richard Smith, Robert Smith, Johr
arch.

Aldermen Wm

EaTßally—Messrs. Thomas L. Openshaw, Thomas Pilkington,
hom
as Grundy, James Kay, James Chattwood, Richard Ward,
r,dward Bates, William Fairbrother, Thomas Crompton, Samuel
1i;
_John Wood, John Ratcliffe, James Livsey, John Horrox,
L Tyson, Peter M. Cooper.
_CEIADDERTON.—Mr. Allen Mellor.
C_HontEr.—Messrs. William Lawrence, William Gillibrand.
_RASLINGDEN.—ReT. G. W. Clapham.
Ilttatsuoax.—Mr. James Whittaker.
li
taxuAm.—Mr Richard Bowdler.
G. JLANcAsrEs..—Mr. James Thomson 'Wray, and Mr. Alderman
ackson ; Messrs. George Cleminson, Verity, John Clark
111)Y, Tennant Kirkby, and W. Guiness, Bentham.
41LivExtroot. Messrs Robertson Gladstone, J. R. Jeffery,
b_wrence Reyworth, Charles Holland, J. T. Danson, It. W.
nald, Richard Shiel, David M'Clellan, R. Bennett, J. Steel,
T°MaS Cope, and K. Liversedge.
~.;",_Ru•—Messrs George Atkins, Charles Andrew, John Holroyd,
.1. Atherton.
„.._/11131)1..Erox.—lielessrs. John Knox, Edward Howarth, John
W°°lBtoncroft, Thomas Mills.
ICEWctiuncu.—John Kershaw, Whittaker, 11. Law, Barcroft,
George Hood.
PRESTON.—Messrs. Rolt, R. Charnley, J. Hankinson, J. Park,
J'
J. Merryman, John Thompson, jun.
?I'DnAm.—Mr. Councillor Dransfield, Messrs. Leonard Haslop,
"°4ll Bromley, John Swailes, E. Ingham, Jos. Shaw, John Ashton,
-ward Kirkby, John Bradley, Adam Bradley, John Beswick,
'Zhu Green, John Swires, Edward Rye, Richard Peat, Charles
.."11°r, J. Hulme Hill.
ItorrONT.—Messrs. James Stott, Thomas Chadwick, John Buck_
Jos. Harrop, Adam Whitworth, John Mellor, Miles Taylor.
MOCIIDALE. —Mr. Alderman Healey and Mr. Alderman Livsey ;
Messrs. Jacob Bright, John Petrie, George Ashworth, Robert
Relsall, Kenn, King, James King, T. B. Willans, J. F. Pagan,
William Shepherd, Abraham Greenwood, Samuel Asquith, John
Clegg, Samuel Casson.
SOUTHPORT.—Dr. Craven, Messrs. Wood, Henry Robinson,
Robert Lloyd, John Jackson, Walter Smith, William Hodge,
Boothroyd.
STALYBRIDGE

Mr. Wm. Bayley (mayor), Randall Ridgway,
John Summers, George Smith, Hugh Marsland, Abraham Hil-
ton, Joseph Shawcross, Edward Shepley, Joseph Kenworthy,
Virm. Bayley, jun.

ST. HELENS.—Messrs. Samuel Gurney, Bernard, Dromgoole.
STOCKPORT.—Messrs. Aldermen Chapman, llampson, Walms-
ley ; Messrs. Forrester, Blackett (Stacksteads), Richard Ash-
Worth, David Bowlas, James Longson, S. Maiden.
TobxoßnEm.—Alessrs. Abraham Ormrod, Robert Fielden, Wm.
irielden L. IL Suthers, John Fielden, Thomas Chambers, John
Whitaker, James Nuttall, Edward Lord, Wm. Crabtree, Joseph
Firth, William Haworth, J. Shepherd, Win. Greenwood, Ashton
lhansfield, John Barker, jun., George Hinsliffe, Jas. Schofield,
d°llll Cockcroft, James Dawson, John Brooke, Win. Shackleton,
As my Duckworth, J. H. Wilson, Barker Crabtree, James
hworth, John Veevers, L. Tapling.
.„WARerNorox.—Rev. R. A. Mould ; Messrs. Peter Rylands,
'brook
Gaskell, C. H. Cartwright, Edward Robinson, John
Bargees.

Cow.
- PR—Edward Ashworth.
pant three o'clock, Mr. Bright entered the hall, accom-
bY Mr. George Wilson and other gentlemen, he
was received with the most enthusiastic bursts of applause,
Wlllieh
againwere again and renewed.
utir. C. Dyer moved, that the chair be taken by the
old, honest, and consistent, friend of Reform, Mr.
eZge Wilson. (Cheers.)
The *Mayor of Salford seconded the resolution, which
Was carried by acclamation, and ?Sir. Wilson accordingly
took the chair.
The Chairman said, he exceedingly regretted that in
the inevitable absence of one of their most distinguished
mina in that country, he had been, at a very few
~11111tes notice, requested to take the chair that day.
411'e should at once introduce, and in very brief terms, the
obj " e„n
alixi-o of the meeting. Inasmuch as they were all
,ead as that an opportunity should be afforded to the
1113°n
4•
tog reformers of Lancashire to express their opinions
the
trig... great measures proposed by his friend Mr.
(ilru (cheers), it was thought necessary that that
tunity should be afforded with the least possible
delay Re had presided, in his time, over a great
'4l3' Meetings, and he thought he had nothing to
ileoal.ll in respect to such assemblies as that which he
the saw before him ; but he would maintain that from
e natoes which had been sent in as delegates to that
toeeting from the Reformers of Lancashire, there had
Ilever
been seen in the palmiest days of the League, such
`esPectable and influential selection. (Loud cheers.)
.Rshitesataheat was a meeting of delegates, he hoped that no
man would for a moment refrain from expressing
Ith ePuli°ll) if he thought proper, upon any
ear. resolution
atever, Which should be placed before them. (Hear,
gt) Inasmuch as he knew that it was at great
rs"al inconvenience Mr. Bright was attending there
liott da%if they were to have discussions upon the bill,
Info wasthe time for that discussion •, if they required
to rolation With respect to the bill, now was the time
apply themselves to it, in order that after due and
rmature consideration they might, if they agreed
po
11 measures, combine together strongly, and with the
etlaisite d -
Rho egree of force, in order that those necessaries
uld have their due force in the Commons House of
Parliament.
(Cheers.) He thought there was one cir-
frill"
2nee which must be peculiarly gratifying to his
measuresr Bright in reference to the initiation of the
ge di of reform which he had now brought forward.
giv d not speak of the general assent which had been
thee,: t°him as the leader of the great reform parties in
ecsotnern,tiien
in s—at the meetings in Birmingham, in
Mauch
Roth etdinburcrh, in Glasgow, in Bradford, and
-eeause to some extent it might be inferred
that the Personal influence of Mr. Bright himself,
wit:the influence of his eloquence, affected the parties
tau :Were present upon those several occasions.
.111sed 100 present
over the newspapers he had been.
ItrlTrl to find the Northern Counties Reformers
41.1:1°'1, which went for manhood suffrage at all their
etiage, and refer, for much more extensive measures of
4
no° .' Loan Mr. Bright had projected in his scheme, had
I,is rIIIIY agreed to accept and support out of parliament
leadership, and to lend their assistance to his Reform
till.
that t (Rear, hear.) He, therefore, took it for granted,
(IlheY were not likely to play the old game over again.
ea'', hear.) The working classes, themselves, were
131.ePared to accept the leadership of Mr. Bright, with
roe,.
the to the present Reform Bill, and he believed
'Y Would see a combination and an union throughout
ne the ~
'-'3llntry in favour of that Reform Bill, such as was
rver presented in favour of any Reform Bill upon any
eevioUs occasion. Mr. Bright was not the self-elected
ader of
p (g(tie the people with reference to the Reform Bill.
ear hear.) The London Reform Association—the
urst reform association of the country for the number and
talents of its members—had selected him to introduce the
measure
of reform. (Cheers.) The county of Lancashire
truki received most unfair treatment at the hands of the
t°llse of Commons. They asked for no exclusive privi-
e
thges, but only for fair play. (Hear, hear.) Why should
ew 1.
J be content with anything less than a fair distribution
Of the electoral power, in proportion to the numbers, the
.„1/I.°Porty, and the intelligence of the county ? (Hear,
Pea
, and cheers.) He had no doubt that they would
from that ingenious advocate of the landed interest,
and probably at present its most able supporter in the

House of Commons, Mr. Disraeli, a great outcry about
the counties not having their fair share of represen-
tation in proportion to their population and to
their voters, But, if they took his own county,
Buckinghamshire, they would find that, for many years
during the contests upon the Reform Bill, Mr. Disraeli
sat still, knowing that that county, with its 8,000 voters,
blroughs and county included, returned eleven members
to parliament, its population being altogether 160,000,
and its rateable value considerably under one million to
the income-tax ; whilst, at the same time, Lancashire,
with its population of upwards of two millions, with its
voters upwards of 88,000, with its assessment to the
property-tax of upwards of ten millions, only returned
twenty-six members to parliament. If the county of
Lancashire, during that time, had returned in proportion
to the county of Buckinghamshire, it should have re-
turned 130 members to parliament. (Hear, hear.) There
were nine counties in England, with something about
400,000 less population, and with an assessment under
schedule A in the property tax, of £700,000 less than the
assessment of Lancashire, which returned ninety-eight
members to parliament, against twenty-six from Lanca-
shire. If they took into consideration the great increase
of population since the Reform Bill, they would find that
the increase in Lancashire alone during that time ex-
ceeded the entire population at the present day, of Dor-
setshire, Buckinghamshire, and Devonshire, which
returned thirty-eight members to parliament. (Hear,
hear.) If the men of Lancashire were prepared to sit
still with that inequality, they deserved to be branded at
all times as men who had no self respect, as men who
were indisposed to take part in the great battle for their
constitutional privileges. (Cheers.) It had been remarked
lately in the Times, and he believed the remark to be true,
that the only men in the Houses of Parliament who
deserved the name of great debaters were Lord Derby,
Mr. Gladstone, and Mr. Bright. (Cheers.) These three
statesmen were all natives of Lancashire. (Loud cheer-
ing.) Was Lancashire then a place which should be
content to remain without her full share of parliamentary
representation ? (Cheers.) He urged upon the present
meeting to bear its part in the struggle now about to go
forward, and concluded by calling upon Mr. Henry Ash-
worth, of Bolton, to propose the first resolution.

Mr. Ashworth, who was received with loud applause,
addressed the meeting. He observed that he saw now
before him, not alone representatives of the will-power
of the country, but representatives of the territorial
power, and of that description of power which lodged in
the solid securities of the country, and which might be
relied upon as not likely to be anxious for the carrying
out of any objects which could be disastrous to the
country's and their own welfare. (Hear, hear.) They
were met together as a deliberative assembly, to consider
whether there was in the constitution of the country—
anything or nothing —which required to be improved or
modified. As they had frequently heard the Bank of
England described as an old lady, they might personify
the constitution of the country as an old lady—(laughter)
and they had met to consider whether there was any
feebleness beginning to be evident in her constitution
which required the application of restoratives, and
whether they could suggest the restoratives to be applied.
(Hear, hear.) He contended that, on the whole, Mr.
Bright's bill, although like other human things, not
perfect, was the best which could be brought for-
ward in the present position of affairs. He
combatted the objections urged to it, and in
especial alluded to the fact that Lord John Russell
had prepared a bill to introduce a £5 suffrage. "Where,
he asked, was the great distinction between a £5 suffrage
and a rating suffrage ? (Hear, hear.) He contended
that Mr. Bright's arguments, drawn from the United
States, had not been refuted, and concluded by proposing
the following resolution :—" That the measure of reform
announced by Mr. Bright deserves to receive the support
of this country ; that its recognition of the right of the
population and the property of the country to a fair and
substantial representation in the House of Commons, en-
titlesit to the earnest support of all classes oft he population
of Lancashire ; that this conference hereby pledges itself,
by the formation of associations, the presentation of
petitions, and the holding of public meetings, to give it
all the support in its power."
The Mayor of Salford, Mr. W. Harvey, seconded the
motion in a few words, in which he expressed his
approval of the principles of the bill, and his perfect
confidence in the disinterestedness, the sincerity, and the
all-powerful mind of Mr. Bright.
Mr. Barnes (ex M.P. for Bolton) supported the
motion, but expressed some regret that Mr. Bright had
not gone at once for manhood suffrage, on the ground
that if they had demanded that their opponents might
have been glad to let them off with a rating suffrage.
(Hear, hear, cheers, and laughter.) They knew they
would not get all they asked for—when had they ever
got what they asked for ?
A voice : The corn laws.

Mr. Barnes : We did not get what we asked for even
in the corn laws. We asked for perfect free-trade, and
they left us with a shilling duty—(cheers) —and if it had
not been for that awful calamity, the Irish famine,
they would have put a little larger duty
upon it. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think, if we
had gone for manhood suffrage, we might induce
them to say they would compromise, by giving us a rating
suffrage. (Hear, hear, cheers, and laughter.)
The Chairman : Does any gentleman from Liverpool
desire to speak ? We have a very large deputation from
Liverpool. lam afraid to mention their names, lest you
should ask them all to speak, and keep them speaking all
night. (Laughter.) We shall be very glad to hear any
member of any deputation, but especially from the great
town of Liverpool.
Loud calls were made from all parts of the room for
Mr. Robertson Gladstone ; and, when that gentleman rose,
in obedience to the reiterated calls, he was received with
enthusiastic cheers.

Mr. Robertson Gladstone rose and said : Mr. Chairman
and gentlemen, after the very pointed reference which
has been made to Liverpool, although it was not my
intention to obtrude myself upon your notice to-day, I
cannot remain silent. No doubt, sir, it naturally
would have occurred to your mind, and to the
minds of many of those whom I see present,
as strange, that in the long period which
has elapsed sinco the question of reform was
mooted in Liverpool, Liverpool should not have been
found in the foreground, as Manchester has been. I
appear here, sir, to-day, not deputed by any clique or
any sect ; I come here, along with a few friends, in
some measure by invitation, but in a much more
important respect prompted by my own desire to lend, if
possible, my feeble aid in forwarding the cause which the
gentleman on your right has so nobly undertaken.
(Great cheering.) I felt, Mr. Chairman, that it would
have been a stigma upon the character of the town of
Liverpool, if amidst the exertions which that gentleman
has made to further the cause, which is the very noblest
that can be conceived, our own community had re-
mainedsilent, whilst it was solarge a participator in the re-
sult. Therefore, whilst I venture to address you on the sub-
ject, you must not suppose that I appear here to speak for
others ; I come for myself ; I come here to say that I
feel the importance of the subject, that I am well aware
that, in the event of success, the very grandest benefits
are likely to accrue to the people of the country, and that
I would not be charged, either at this time, or any

futuro period, with neglecting to perform a duty which I
believe to be incumbent upon all classes of society.
(Cheers.) Now, sir, if any one circumstance is calculated
to make me regret that such a change as is propounded,
is necessary, it is that these gentlemen, including
yourself, sir, who has so admirably addressed
us on this subject of reform, should be at
this moment excluded from that arena
where they are qualified to appear. Within a very
short space of time, in comparatively few words, we have

heard an admirable digest of the whole subject, and the
cogent reasons which point to the absolute necessity of
reform. And I would ask those who doubt
and hesitate as to its being the right period
to consider the question of reform, whether it is better to
wait until the disease has attained such a magnitude, that
it becomes in itself incurable, or whether at the very
earliest possible stage we should apply the remedies
which are calculated to extinguish the evil. (Cheers.)
We have, sir, in this country, and we always shall have,
so long as we remain situated as we are, enemies to
progress—(hear, hear) —enemies to mankind, amongst
those who tell you that they have been educated at our dis-
tinguished schools and colleges, whose whole life appears
to be devoted to the one single end of magnifying and spread-
, ing their own importance, irrespective of the good of their
fellow men. (Tremendous cheering.) I ask, is it not
a cruel injustice, when we remember in the last few years
the successes of those measures which in their origin have
emanated from yourselves, measures which have passed
into laws after every obstacle had been thrown in the way
of their progress—is it not cruel that, in this age, we
should again find that the very same party is about to
array itself in opposition to those who are born to provide
for themselves by means of their own intelligence and
industry - I say, is it not a wretched consideration for us,
as reasoning and reasonable men, that we should from the
very same quarter have to fight the same battle over again?
But, sir, let me say in reference to the community to which
I belong, that, in regard to the measures propounded by
Mr. Bright, a considerable difference of opinion exists.
Of course from the Tory party we will have opposition,
and we know from past experience how that opposition
is to be dealt with, but if we are firm and resolute in our
demand, neither the Times newspaper, with its briefless
barristers, and its churchless ministers of religion in the
background—who wield tho pen to the disadvantage of
the great masses of the people of this country—who are
not the advocates but are strangers and foreigners to the
wants of the people—who are not the advocates of the
rights and requirements of the people—l say that neither
the Times nor any other newspaper can withstand
or meet the arguments which point to the necessity of
such a measure of reform as has been proposed by Mr.
Bright. From the Tory party in Liverpool there will be
a certain amount of opposition ; but, as I have stated,
with all the support the Times can give to the views of
that party (for the Times is nothing but a Tory paper in
disgiise), they will not succeed in the end. We have
also, a.inong ourselves, including what are nominally
termed a Liberal party, some of whom I dare say are also
to be found in Manchester, a considerable number who
are known by the name of old Whigs. (Hear, hear,
and laughter.) They are near relations, I have no
doubt, to the old lady who has been so admirably
described, and, in fact, are probably some of her numerous
progeny. (Laughter.) Well, sir, neither for the Tories
nor for the old Whigs do I presume to speak (hear,
hear, and laughter), but I come here as one of a more
considerable phalanx. There are those present who
belong to it, and infinitely more entitled to merit than I
am in anything that has been done (cries of " no, no ") ;
but I say for those present, and I think I may utter as
much for the refermers and advanced liberals, and those
who really believe that progress is essential, and that we are
not to consider ourselves as having arrived at an ultimatum,
and that our advancement is there to stop —I say of those,
that I have come here for myself, and believe others have
done the same, to seek an opportunity of expressing, in
the warmest manner, our most cordial and grateful
thanks to the honourable gentleman who sits at your right,
for whose character, talents, abilities of the highest order,
disinterestedness, honesty of purpose, seeking nothing
but the public good, we entertain for him and to him the
largest measures of gratitude, and sincerely and con-
scientiously pray that the blessing of Heaven may favour
him in his efforts, and prosper the results (great
cheering) —amid which Mr. Gladstone resumed his seat.
The Chairman : Is there any other gentleman who
would wish to speak before the motion is put ?
Mr. J. It. Jeffery then came forward, and was received
with great cheering.

The Chairman : Oar friend Mr. Jeffery, of Liverpool,
wishes to address us, and I think after the last specimen
we have heard from Liverpool, we ought to remove our
head-quartcia there. (Laughter and cheers.)
Mr. J. R. Jeffery then rose to address the meeting,
and was greeted with a loud burst of cheering. He said :
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, when I accepted the
invitation of your esteemed Chairman to attend
here to-day, I had not the most distant idea
of having to address such a large and intelligent
assembly as the present. (Loud cheers). Indeed,
I came here for the purpose of listening to the
speeches and their reasonings, in the hope that at no
very distant day Liverpool would be one of the places
that would be enabled to participate in the advantages
anticipated from that meeting. (Cheers). I do not, sir,
appear before you as a mill-owner, nor as the represen-
tative of the mill interest exclusively. I appear here as
the representative of no class exclusively, but I am one
of that class, which, in former times, have been held up
as a sort of " bug-bear," least they should have too much
power in the country—l mean the " shopocracy." Sir,
to the last reform bill I am indebted to the enjoyment of
the exercise of my franchise. (Cheers.) I come here then
in my own person to assist, for it is to that bill that I am
privileged to speak on this occasion, in obtaining that
privilege for others ; for it was that Reform Bill which
gave me my franchise, and that franchise I am here to
claim it in our own day, on behalf of all those who are
vet beyond the pale of it. (Great cheering.) Sir, it is a
maxim in this country that taxation and representation
must go together, and I warn all those who say that it
should not be so, against the consequences which arose
on the other side of the Great Atlantic, by attempting to
prevent it. (Cheers.) Then, if that be so, sir, you may as
well take it as universal suffrage at once, because every
living being who consumes one particle of food for his
existence—because even between the table and the plate
to the mouth, there is the authority in the shape
of a tax gatherer, fresh to receive contributions
for the Government, and the resistance to it must
b 3 starvation. Now, I ask the ruling powers that be
whether that is to be done, as it is done, in fact. Is
taxation and representation to go together, and if so, how
are they to withhold universal suffrage. (Cheers.) Let
me not be misunderstood. Bear in mind, that in
the present stage of the education of the
people, I am not an advocate for universal
suffrage. In the abstract principle there was no doubt
but that it was right ; but I do not think that we are
scarcely prepared for that measure in the present day.
If we were to ask for it, as has been very justly said by
the hon. member on ray left, we should be told that we
could not get it. But, perhaps, if we were to go for it
the result would be exactly what Mr. Barnes has stated.
I, however, prefer, as Mr. Bright has told us, asking for
what we really want, and demanding what we deem to
be right, and what would be for the benefit of the
country. (Cheers.) We are perfectly justified in
asking, demanding, and insisting on having such
a measure ; and, assisted by your aid, we
shall be able to get it. (Great cheering.)
I feel that this is a part of the day when, however great
our desires to address such an assembly as this, time is of
consequence, that every gentleman should condense his
observations as much as possible. I ought to abstain
from proceeding any further, but there is one point I
wish to touch on before I resume my seat, simply
because it has occurred to me during the time I was
speaking. My friend, Mr. Bright, has been denounced
by those who are opposed to him, because itis said he is
desirous of putting down the power of the aristocracy of
this country. Now, sir, Ido not understand that he in:-
tends to do anything of the kind. (Loud cheers.) What
he does intend, and what his anxious desire is —that the
proper position of the " Old Lady " should be perfectly
understood, and if she is debilitated, administer to her
restoratives that will give her health and vigour to pur-
sue her course for the future. (Cheers.) Now sir, that
is what I believe Mr. Bright wishes to do.—and that is
all he wishes to do, and I am speaking within his hearing,
therefore if I am wrong he will set me right, and thus
through me, yourselves, and the country at large. What
I understood Mr. Bright to say is this:—" We
have no desire to govern or limit the power of
the crown—we should have the power of the
oligarchy nearly and fairly balanced ; if not, the aristo-
cracy would extinguish and abolish the power of the
people. He wanted that the House of Commons should
be the people's house, and that the House of Lords
should be the lord's house if they pleased. But as it is,
what has been the procedure for the last session or two ?
The Crown has been opposed to the House. The House
of Lords said to the Crown, you have no authority here—
you shall not enter into it, as we are opposed to you,
and if you attempt to do so, we will speedily show you
that it willnot do. (Cheers.) We will not have in the House
of Lords others than we like. But the House of Lords do
not stop there. When the people said that they would
have Baron Rothschild in the House of Commons, The