Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-06-01 00:00:00

" Veril

To this verdict wa

appended an opinion that the quantity of in
mable matter

kept on the premises was excessive

and dangerous,

An investigation of a very painful cha..
place on Monday, by Mr. Wakley, at Holloway
regarding the death of a young man, named John
Andrew Cooper Huddlestone. Deceased had .been a
medical student, and at one time

;er took

gave considerable

promise

nit from some unfortunate family disagree_

Uestitutfon

Tll6- -bbcfy vv7as

found on

Thursday

morning, lying in a field, and it was ascertained that
deceased had swallowed prussic acid. A verdict of
" Died by poison, self-administered," was ultimately

The painful libel case, in which our oldest living
author, Mr. W. S. Landor, figures as defendant, was
finally decided yesterday morning in the Rolls Court.

The defendant, who has gone to Italy, to escape the

jurisdiction of the court, will, it will be seen, not

feet his object

A. great re

form banquet was held on Monday night
About 600 hundred gentlemen were

at Leeds

present. Sir John Ramsden contradicted the rumour

that, in the second week of the session, he was to

propose a motion of want of confidence in ministers

No such proposition had been made to him, and if
it had he should have felt it his duty to have declined

it, and for this

'eason, that he considered that any

member who should take uuon himself to propose to

dismiss the ministry ought to be able to assure tho

House that he saw his way to the format

ion of a

more lasti

rnment. Mr. I

Baines,

secondl

THE NORTHERN TIMES, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 1, 1859

at heart, namely the defence and security of their
country. And the Government have premised, that
these volunteers may be of two classes,-,—one, com-
prising those who may be instructed to act as rifle-
men or sharpshooters in the field; the other, those
whose services may be rendered most valuable in
our seaports and other coast towns, in manning the
batteries constructed for their defence. The first
class will of course be the most general, and the
most numerous one. And with it the instruction
that will be the most requisite, is that of the use
and handling of the rifle, and the ways and means
of this, so as to operate with the most telling effect

upon the flanks and communications of an hostile
army. " And with a view to this," the additional
Circular issued, a fe

w days since, from the War-

country, in its declared position of ne
would have been thought if Austr

through their provinces, vilifying

professing to be, neutral ?

We mak

render it more and more difficult, if not

are revolutionary sentiment

it is

—even as it i

JcAnglan

.e
-action

will have the

tanglement

ceedings, the more strongly have we felt convinced
of the mischievousness of his incitements at such a
conjuncture as the present. It is the interest of this
country to remain at peace, if possible,—to make
sacrifices, indeed, if need be, for the sake of peace.
But all M. KOSSUTII'S harangues breathe of war
and violence. And although he affeets to advocate
the neutrality of England, he d
only lest, if she interfered at all, it should be in
favour of Austria. His great dread is, not so much
that she should cease to be neutral, as that she
should not take the side of France and Sardinia, and
aid them in their invasion of Italy—and, eventually,
of Hungary. All his anxiety is for the downfall of
Austria,—a Power which he evidently hates with

so, obviousl

most relentless hatred. Nor do we mean to imply
that he may not have had great cause for his
animosity. But then it is not meet that England
should be involved in his quarrel. Our duty is to
keep out of the war,—to have nothing whatever to
do with either one party or the other. Non-inter-
vention is our true policy. Yet how can we maintain
that, if 7e are to lean towards the cause of Italy
or of 1 tangary ? There may be much in that
cause *filch may well deserve the warm
kr, quiet sympathies of a free people like the
English. But if we manifest those sympathies, •at
such a critical moment as this, whether by word or
deed, we shall most assuredly run the risk of
becoming involved in, the conflict. We scarcely
think that M. KossuTH's being allowed to pursue
such a course of agitation as that in which he has

engaged, is altogether consistent with the spirit of
our professed neutrality ; and especially when we
remember the peculiar position in which he himself
stands towards Austria. It perhaps would be an

unpopular thing to attempt to silence him ; but we
afe inclined to think that to do so would be quite

What

permitted an itinerant foreign demagogue to go

gland. during

the Crimean war, and seeking to enlist,
sympathies of the people in favour of Russia,—
Austria and Prussia being as England now is, or

t the active

this our , strong protestation against

such a course of agitation, not as, having ours
any leaning towards Austria—quite the reN

le ; but

under only a too well grounded 'apprehension, that
it may have the effect of giving a stimulus, and a
bias, to popular feeling in this country, 'that may

to preserve a position of neutralit3
when N. KOSSUTH does not confine himself

Even

to Hungary, but becomes more cosmopolitan
in his political aspirations, ho still agitates
a policy, the adoption of which by England
would not fail to entangle her in the sad
complications of such a war as the present,—the
policy, namely, of what he calls nationalities, It is

his devotion to such a policy that even leads him to
be the apologist of Louis NAPOLEON. "It was a
disregard," he told the people of Glasgow, "of the
sentiments of nationality that sent NAPOLEON I. to
the Island of St. Helena, and the present Emperor
of the French was not the man to fall by the fault
litiMt4Sksibiis I.E6iSwitßifflti)ST tier vas no t o emline
to know, but he could imagine some reasons which
might have induced him to draw the sword. He

had much to retrieve in public opinion. It might

be his interest to do something for a good cause,
and to lend a helping hand to Italy might be the
best means to ensure himself from attack. Italy
was a volcano which, sooner or later, would explode,
and he might feel that the Italian revolution would

re-act on France, .and that it would be better to

open a safety valve." Now here, in these few lines,
there is shadowed forth much that is of the most

imminent danger to the peace of all Europe—
Great Britain not excepted. These " sentiments
of nationality," we do not hesitate to say,
The Italian "rev o-

the object of the
to bring about, will not only

It must re-act

nerally throughout

greatest reason to

—the impossibility of