Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-04-26 00:00:00

FOURTH EDITION
NORT II ERN TIMES-1)410E, TUESDAY, 4.39 P.M.

CO U

,

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versal suffrage has been tried, and there it has been pro-
nounced a failure by no less an authority than the President-
of the Republic himself, Mr. Buchanan. (Hear, hear.)
He said' himself that the country is fast verging into the
state in which government resolves itself into anarchy.
(Hear, •hear.) That is the result, gentlemen,' of universal
suffrage in a country -where the race of people has come
off the same stock as ourselves. I therefore think
that if there is a chance in the next session, as I think there
is,. of the Troposed Reform wearing the shape of a revolu-
tionary Reform, it is our duty here to stand up, and to
take such measures, so far as this county is concerned, as
shall prevent it becoming so. (Hear, hear.) Now, with
regard to the. Derby government, I have , said that I will
give an independent support to that government. (Cheers.) 1
One of the principal reasons which influences me in giving
that support is, that I think it is the strongest government
which is possible under the present state of affairs. (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) We all know that the House of Com-
mons is split into various factions, under differeLt 'leaders, '
and some under no leaders at all. (Laughter.) But the
strongest party in the House is that which at present
owns Lord Derby's sway. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
That party, upon the recent division, numbered upwards of
300 members, and the coalition of discordant factions, only
brought a majority of some 30; I believe 39, against them.
(Hear, hear.) Let us-- take-A-glance-at the state of Europe
at the present. Does it not give- one of
,the most conclusive
reasons for Englishmen supporting the strongest government
which the country can produce. (Hear, hear.) We know
that Europe is on the brink of war. I trust that England
may be at peace for many years to come. We know that
two powerful empires have, in all probability, already drawn
the sword against :eaoh other; and we cannotrforesee any
termination, of what will probably prove a most san
b-
eminary struggle. Gentlemen, it is the interest, it is the
strongest interest of England to. preserve peace, but in
order to preserve peace England must be armed. (Hear,
hear.) Her neutrality,' as Lord Derby said, must be an
armed neutrality. (Hear, hear.) Her position, I think,
should be that of impregnability at home, and
that if it should ever become necessary, which
I trust it never may, that England should
strike a blow anywhere in her own defence, she should
be able to do so with effect. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, I. will say a few words upon the great
domestic question which will probably come before the
house during the next session—l mean the question of
Reform: With regard to the' only bill—and I give Lord.
Derby's government great credit for being the only govern-
ment which redeemed its pledge in that respect. (Hear.)
With regard to the only bill which has yet been before the
country, I cannot say that I myself approved wholly of
that bill. I think there are many parts of that measure
which ought not to be carried, and yet I repeat that I give,
Lord Derby's Government' credit for being the first govern-
ment for the last ten years which has redeemed its promises
with regard to Reform. (Hear, hear) All have promised,
but none have performed, 'except Lord Derby. (Cheers.)
I may say that there were some provisions in that bill, to,
which I'should• object. I think there are many reasons
against what is called, although that is not the true name,
the disfranchisement of ,the 40s freeholders. (Hear, hear.)
But there were other parts of the bill which I belieVe to be
very good ; and I think we must all entirely disapprove of
the coalition 'which denied that bill a fair hearing, and
would not consider it in committee. (Hear, hear.) I
believe that bill might have been made the foundation of a ,
measure which would have satisfied the country. (Hear, I
hear.) Let us look at the other bills which have been before
the country---or rather the only bill which has regularly
been printed and 'submitted to the country---I mean the I
bill of Mr. John Bright. Now, I have the strongest possi-
ble objection to the bill of Mr. John Bright. (Hear, hear.) I
I think that part of it which re-distributed and took away a
vast number of seats from the smaller boroughs---I believe
mote than 120---and redistributed .theme in a most unfair
manner, was a most objectionable measure. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Bright proposed to take all those seats, and give them,
with a very few exceptions, entirely to the large towns of
Lancashire and Yorkshire, or nearly entirely to those towns.
My opinion with regard' to the redistribution of seats is,
that it is inevitable certain seats must, on the passing of any
reform bill, be taken away, which ought to be divided with
equality between the large towns in .the.'' manufacturing
interests, and the counties which are now inadequately re-
presented. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Then I see no reason
for the proviso introducing triennial parliaments. I am quite
satisfied with the septennial act. I think we have elections
enough at present. And now with regard to the ballot.
My main objection to this measure—l will not go into all the
arguments against it for these are' innumerable, but I think
the strongest and the main objection' to it is that, it is
contrary Co that publicity, which is the very essence of the
British Coustitulion ; and that public opinion, if we had the
ballot, would be deprived of its force. (Hear, hear.) Ido
not believe that it would, prevent coercion and intimidation,
more especially the most dangerous coercion and intimida-
tion—that. by trades' unions, but I thick it would FL., eat
the wholesome pressure of public opinion. If I were to
point to the measure which I think would give the best
chance of a,settlement of the reform question, although I
decline to pledge myself tony particular diminution of the
franchise. I think Mr. Walpole's measure was one of the
nearest to hit off the necessities of the country. (Hear,
hear.) lam for a considerable diminution, of both the
borough and the county franchise ; but if Igo to parlia-
ment, I will go as your representative. I will go there to
give a fair consideration to the scheme which will, no doubt,
be brought before parliament for reform, and when I have
made up my opinion I will give my vote, and if I am the
representative of this county, I will then come back and
ask you to endorse it. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Gentle-
men, I should wish to say a few words with regard to our
national defences. I think that a most important subject.
The country must be armed, and I would grudge, there-
fore, no government money . which is expended upon
our fleets and upon our armies. (Cheers.) We are
apgroaching a phase of the world's history which will, be-
yond all doubt, be marked by great convulsions, and it is
absolutely necessary that England should retain that high
position to which her greatness, her honour, and her dignity
entitle her. lam for the strictest economy, and the most
rigid supervision over all the expences in which the govern-
ment is concerned, but I am not for either a penny
wise or a pound foolish policy. (Hear, hear.) There
may be often conjunctures at which it is the best economy
to spend money rather than to save it. With regard to
education, I would support any grant almost of
public money upon the extension of education. (Hear, hear.)
I believe that education is the cheapest thing on which
money can be spent. (Hear, hear.) Ido not know that
there are any more subjects upon which you may wish for
information with regard to my political opinions. If there
should be any points upon which any one desires to be
further satisfied, I shall be happy to answer any questions.
I shall now conclude, simply by saying, that if you choose
to send me to parliament, you may be assured that I will use
all my energy, and to put for every exertion in my power to
do you credit there. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.)
Mr. Legh came forward, and was received with cheers,
and one cheer proposed and given for the Crimean hero.
He said, Gentlemen, in consenting to come forward to con-
test the Southern Division of Lancashire, I did so not on
any personal grounds. There is a strong: feeling in favour
of Conservative priucipics in the county, and feeling very
strongly on that subject myself, I have allowed myself to
be put forward, in default of a better man (hear,
hear), so you must take me as I am. (Laughter )
There are but four subjects which you might like me to
express my opinions upon. These four subjects constitute
the political creed of every man that is engaged in canvass-
ing Great Britain at this moment. The first subject I will
take is one that is the first and principal one in all our
minds at this time. It is the question of peace or war.
There can be no doubt that it is peace and not war that has
a favourable impression on all. It is my firm belief, that if
England was made safe, it will be by an efficient army and
navy, especially the latter—to show to the world that she is
prepared to hold her own. It is my firm belief that, by
the condition of her navy, she will be enabled to carry
out any measure that may be brought forward
for the preservation of the peace. (Hear, hear.)
France has five or six times as large an
army as we have, and her navy is very little inferior to ours.
Let us show her, and all the world, that we are not willing
to let slip that supremacy of the sea that has been from
time immemorial, what may be termed her right. And it is
to our navy that we must trust, if we should be attacked by
any of these strang nations. I would say that we
should have an efficient navy, and I hope
that the Government will look to the state of the navy.
The next subject that I shall mention is Reform, and I
think you may be able to draw from my address what are
my opinions on that subject. I have heard of candidates
who are in favouriof the disfranchisement of boroughs,
and extending the franchise to those that are rated
at anything. Though I am in favour of a considerable
reduction, iwould not go so far, but I would not deny it
to intelligent men. I never can consent to property qualifi-
cation being swept away altogether. I would not like to
ttrust everything to the men who have nothing to lose, but
a great deal to gain. (Hear, hear.) I will not
pledge myself to any particular rating or reform, but
when a bill is brought forward I will give
it my serious consideration. I have a few words to say on
the ballot, and I think it is unnecessary and contemptible.
It will never stop intimidation, depend upon it ; nor is it
likely to return a better class of legislators to the House of
Commons. I might say a great deal against it, but Ido not
think that it is necessary, as we have heard a great deal
about it already, but I hope in a shed time to hear no more
about it. (Laughter.) The last subject which I will men-
tion is one on which there are very different opinions
held, and about which there is a good deal of ill
feeling. I mean that of church rates. (Hear, hear.) I
hope to see in the next parliament, a measure brought in

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'"11E NORTHERN TIMES, TUESDAY, APRIL 26 1859

that will put IL
-od to that feeling.
ty
to all-Who hold ditie,ent: opinions from myself,
would extend liberfrominYielf, but at ihe.l
same time I think. the ,sta; rs)--1
tablished .church of this coustey
should be mentioned—
(c
not vote for the abolition of eL.,rch rates. I have finiihed
now all I have to isla,onia:l
for
suppose
a s lought
l
to say something about myssif---(laughter)---but
,I don't know what it is I ought 4-.0 say (reneved
laughter),.except that if you do me the honour to send me
to parliament as one of your representatives, I am read- to
devote all my energy to do my duty. I will conclude by
again reminding you of my firm resolution to devote al!my
time and energy to. your welfare, and the welfare of this
county. (Cheers.)
The Chairman then called upon Mr. Horsfall to move the
first resolution,
Mr. Horsfall came forward amid loud cheers, and sid :
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen. The resolution whichhas
been put into my hands, and which I have great pleaure
in moving, is, "That in the opinion Of thi.s meeting,the
hens. Egerton and Legh are fit and proper persons to resre-
sent the Southern Division of Lancashire in Parliameit."
(Cheers.) It is very cheering to see the enthusiasm with wiich
you receive the resolution in reference to my honourable
friends.. It is an enthusiasm which arises not only fom
personal feelings to themselves, but,- I trust, to respell( to
those principles which they are to represent to the horse.
(Hear, hear.)l Mr. Chairman, as an elector of Scuth
Lancashire, beg to " thank the hon. candidates ire-
sent 'for affording us the opportunity of contradicang
the words of the Manchester diction..
A Voice None of your humbug. •
Mr. Horsfall continued—Manchester, you will reninn-
ber, at the last election, did its duty, and upon this, lam
sine, you will nobly do your duty. Now, I always dislike
any personal reference to our opponents, and I will say that
I respect and esteem Messrs. Heywood and Cheetham ; but
this is not a personal contest that we are contesting for. I
do not hesitate fora moment as to whom I feel bound to give
my vote. Now, gentlemen, reference has been made to the
youth of Mr. Egerton, and Mr. Leigh, but allow me to say,
from my experience of ,parliamentary matters as yaw
representative---(cries of no, no)---I can truly say that I
conscientiously believe that I would haie served you bct.ter
had I gone to parliament at the age of our friends.
(Cheers.) Tell me that 30, or 33 are too young to enter
parliament.
Voice:A Ridiculous.
Mr. Horsfall : I can tell you this' my honourable
friend Mr. Legh was not too young to fight your battles
at Inkerman (cheers), and I hope you will show that
he is not too young to fight your battles in the House of
Commons. (Cheers,)Now, .it would be the height of pre-
sumption in me to stand here, as an elector of South Lanca-
shire to state my own opinion on any of the questions which
my friends have mentioned; but having had the privilege
and duty of watching the course of affairs in the House 'of
Commons. I may be permitted to say a few words to you
on these matters. It is well known that Lord Derby's
government was defeated by a combination of 331 members,
who voted against his measure. The people of this country
could never believe that there is any bond of union among
them. . We have Palmerston, Russell, and \Bright,
in succession, as diametrically opposed to one another
as they are to Lord Derby. I will illustrate what I mean.
When I was in Stafford, some time ago, four seamen came
to the door Of the house in which I stopped and said they
were shipwrecked off Hull. I went to speak to them, as
my affections are; and I hope ever will be, with the seaman
(hear, hear), and saw one was a seaman, but that the
others were men that he had picked up by the way: I spoke
to them, and they told me they were wrecked in a ship
called the Elizabeth. I told one of them to go about 15 yards
to the right, and another to go about fifteen yards to the
left, and the third to go about the same distance straight
on, and the other to stand
.where he was. I then went to one,
and I said I was very sorry to hear that he had been wrecked
in the Elizabeth, but, says I, what was the captain's name.
Ile said it was Songs. sir. I went to another, and told him
I was sorry that he had been wrecked in the Elizabeth, but
pray, said I, what was the captain's name. " Brown," sir,
said he. I told the same thing to the third, and I said
what was the captain's name, and he said Smith, sir.
(Laughter.) Now, I said conic here, you are a pretty set
fellows to go to sail in the ship Elizabeth with three cap-
tains; you may well be lost. (Loud cheers.) I see I need
not apply it ; you have applied it already ; will you trust
the vessel of the state to three captains ? ("No, no.")
She will be wrecked if you do, and she will deserve it,
We are told, that Lord Darby brought forward a Reform
Bill; and that it did not satisfy. But there was Lord John
Russell in power and out of power continually, and he
never brought, anything forward but a shadow ; and then
when Lord brings forward a substantial measure of Reform
he dangles his little shadow before you in place of Lopl
Derby's substantial measure. I feel that I ought not to
occupy your time (" Go on "), and yet I cannot sit down
without making reference to a remark that his already been
thQb thoro aro Hiroo ct. 4.—. -wo "have" the. Queen,
God bless her (applause) ; we have the Lords, and we, the
people of Liverpool, owe a debt of gratitude to the Lords
(hear, hear) ; and we have the House of Commons. It is
there where our opponents make the mistake. It was well
observed by one of Liverpool's best representatives, Mi.
Canning. The great error of the Radicals is this, they think
that the constitution of this country is one wide field of
democracy, inlaid with 'a peerage, and adorned with stars,
and the whole covered with a crown. Now I trust that our
hon. friends will, when you send them forward to the House
of Commons, discharge the duties that you impose upon
them. One word. more ;I do believe that they would
be faithful in the discharge of their duties,
for the benefit of the mercantile, manufacturing, and agri-
cultural classes, and I would say to you when the day for
recording your votes arrives, you will not only place them
at the head of the poll, but with such a triumphant majority,
that wherever it may be said that there were doubt in the
minds of the people, it can be said of you that there was no
doubt on the men in Lancaster. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. James A. Tobin came forward, and was received
with loud cheering. He said : Gentlemen, we are met
here upon an occasion which is of the deepest interest to
eve.yone in the community, from the richest merchant on
'Change to every one of the harr-working classes whom I
see before me. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Her Majesty's
government have, with the approval of our most gracious
Queen, dissolved parliament. They have thought it right
to appeal from the decision of the House of Commons to
the electors of the United Kingdom. Ii is for you, the
electors, to say, whether you will have a
strong Conservative Government, or whether you will
any longer allow your interests to be trifled away by the
factions which have been so graphically described by my
friend Mr. Horsfall in the House of Commons. (Hear,
hear.) And, gentlemen, if ever there were a time when it
was necessary to have a strong and vigorous government, it
is at the present moment, when you see the whole of Europe
bristling with the bayonets of advancing troops, and the mighty
armies of France and Austria preparing for the battle.
At this very moment the eyes of the whole world are turned
to that river which separates Lombardy from Sardinia;
and when yon see a small constitutional state made the
battle field were two of the greatest, but most despotic,
military powers in Europe are about to contend, how can
you hope that liberty will take its birth from so ill-amended
a conflict ? Would yon not rather fear that the
spirit of freedom which has struck deeply into
the soil of Piedmont, and which was spreading
rapidly the surrounding states---would you not rather fear
that it will be trampled down under the iron heel of military
despotism. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the sympathies of
England go with Sardinia. (Hear, hear, and loud cheer-
ing.)
A Voice : Against Austria. (Cheers.)
Mr. Tobin : They go with Sardinia not merely because of
the gallant manner in which she fought by our side in the
Crimea, because in former years Austria had also been a
faithful ally of this country, but our sympathies
go with her because she has a free and a constitutional
government. (Hear, 'hear, and loud cheers.) It has been
well said, that the mission of Sardinia- was one of example
and not of conquest ; and we may well consider that, when
she made that challenge to Austria a short time since, it
was somewhat inconsistent with that mission, but now, if
Austria should be the first to strike the blow and to begin
war, and that too in defiance of the protest of England, of
Russia, and of Prussia, I say, she will find herself isolated
from the rest of Europe. But, gentlemen, come peace or come
war, this country will at least have the satisfaction of feel-
ing!that she has done her utmost to maintain peace, (hear,
hear) ; and if war should be proclaimed, let the disastrous
consequences of it fall upon those who have too rashly
invoked the God of battles. (Loud cheers.) For this
country, it is our policy to maintain strict neutrality, so
long as it is possible to do so. (Hear, hear.) No w, sir, I
believe that the people of England have confidence in Lord
Derby's administration. (Hear, and loud cheers.) They have
not forgotten that scarcely twelve months ago Englishmen---
our fellow-countrymen—were, during the reign of a Whig
Administration, allowed to waste away their time in the
dungeons of Naples---Englishmen, part of the crew of the
Cagliari—and that daring that Administration no ray of
hope dawned upon those unfortunate men; and the
engineer (Watts) and his companions might never again
have tasted the sweets of freedom ; but no sooner had Lord
Derby's Government come into power, than they
took the most energitic, but the most reason-
able, measures to obtain redress, and in the
course of a few weeks they did obtain it. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) Not only were our fellow-countrymen set at
liberty, but the Neapolitan Government gave £3,000 as
compensation to them.. (Cheers.) The people of this
country have not forgotten, also, that scarcely twelve
months ago, the despatch, the famous despatch, of Count
Walewski, was allowed to remain unanswered (cheers), a
despatch which branded England as a nation as the accom-
plices of conspiracy and assassination. The present

Emperor Nap9kon_complained_oLthe _press—of_England---1
he complained that we gave a refuge_and an asylum to those
who conspired against his life mid his government, and he
demanded that they should be sent away from this country..
He supported that- demand by the threats uttered by the
French colonels, who offered to lead their troops to the.
•shores:of England. Wohid it be believed that an English
statesman, the Prime Minister,.would allow a despatch of
that kind.to remain unanswered---and why ? FOrsooth, be-
cause it was said there was no use in answering it in the
then angry temper of the French monarch. (Oh, oh.)
But, sirs, I ask you, were we as a nation to remain quiet
under such a calumny.? _ (No, no.) Were we to wait
.patiently under. such an insult until,'forsooth, it had pleased
a neighbouring monarch to be soothed? (No, no, 'and
clieers.(- In 1803, after the peace of Amiens, the first
Napoleon made' the very sanie demand, couched in
precisely the same language. He complained then of the
British press, arid of the fact, that the refugees
and Georges Cadoudal were allowed a refuge in this coun-
try, and demanded that they should be sent to Canada ; but
the British Government of that day were not thus to be
cowed ; they were not to be. forced by any such threats,
even although the first Napoleon at the time stated that he
would lead army after army for the conquest of Great Britain.
The Ministry of the day gave a clear and decided answer.
(Chem.) I might refer alSo to India, to prove the manner
in which the present Administration has conducted our
foreign affairs. I believe the policy . which they
adopted in India was a far wiser policy; than that they
rejected. It was a policy, not of wholesale confiscation, not
of undiscriminating vengeance, but a policy of justice
tempered with mercy. (Hear,.hear.) It was a policy of
justice crying aloud for the punishment of those who had
imbrued their hands in the blood of the • helpless and the
innocent, in the blood of the females and the
children in the massacre of Cawnpore. (Loud cheers.)
It 'was also a policy of mercy. granting pardon
to those who had been seduced and led away to join the
rebellion. (Hear, hear.) We have seen the fruits of that
policyin the paclficazion of India ; and if -it were .necessary
to prove the manner in which the present Government
intend to administer the affairs of India, it may be seen in
the appointment of Sir Charles Trevelyan, who,
although a 'Whig and a political opponent, was
selected as Governor General of Madras. (Hear, hear.)
Now, gentlemen, with reference to reform, I believe, that
it was to obtain power that induced the Opposition chiefs to
reject the bill of reform - the bill of Lord Derby's govern-
ment, on the second reading, I believe that that was the
moving power. It has been said by a preceeding speaker,
that this government has been the first that has redeemed
its pledge with reference to reform. From 1846 to the
present time,- the Liberals have been in power
till last June; eleven out of the thirteen years, and they have
never yet carried. a reform bill, and why have they- not ?
They have always had a large working majority in the
House pf Commons, but they always put it off on some
frivolous pretext. No party 'could have brought it forward
without recalling a. most hostile resistance. One of the
clauses ins that bill, and which has been so•much 'reviled,
was that proposing to give the elective franchise to those
who had deposits in the savings bank. (Hear, hear.)
Only a few days ago, Mr. Cheetham, in this place, made a
speech against this very. clause. Now; bear this in mind,
that, in 1844, when Lord John Russell introduced a Reform
Bill, here was this clause giving the elective franchise to
' every man who had a deposit in the savings' bank of £5O.
And in the debate which followed, Mr. Cheetham
was in the House of Commons at the time, there was not

the slightest objection to that clause. Lord John
Russell stated, and I think with great propriety that those
men who, had the bona fide sum of £5O in the savings' bank
were the men who showed such prudence and forethought
that they were fairly entitled to the elective franchise.
You have it therefore proved that the present Go-
vernment are desirous of giving that franchise to the
working and intelligent classes, and under that class
a very large number might have been introduced
to the franchise. It may not be uninteresting to you to
know that there are upwards of 10,000 men who have
deposits with an aggregate amount of £6,000, and upwards.
Some may say that these are not the working men. It is
not so. There are no less than 13,000 hard worrking men,
who have deposits in the savings' banks, more or less; I
say this, that when I see a man, who, from his hard
earned wages, lays up a small sum weekly for a rainy day,
and to make provision for his wife and family in the ease
of sickness or death, I say that morn has given proof that
he is worthy of the elective franchise, and with such I
would entrust him. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, one
word with reference to the ballot. I think we may rest
our case upon the arguments of our opponents. (Hear, hear.)
One of the. Liberal candidatss, a gentleman of whom
I would speak with the utmost respect, a man of. warm
and generous feelings, a gentleman esteemed, and deservedly
esteemed in this town, and what has he said. He has told
'you here that he would make the ballot compulsory, for if
you do not make it so there was that feeling in the minds
of Englishmen that 99 out of every 100 would vote
openly. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He went, on
to tell you that he never saw the ballot have
any good plan for carrying it out, and to tell you that it
had been tried in Australia and other places, and
failed; are these arguments against the ballot, or for voting
for it. (Applause.) If the failing of Englishmen is so
strong that 99 out of every 100 are prepared to vote openly,
then why force that law upon men who are opposed
to it, and especially that in no country has
it been productive ,of good. Is this boasted reform ? You
may call it reform if you like, but I would call it tyranny.
(Applause.) Mr. Cheetham, the other liberal candidate,
has stated that he admitted the ballot was an evil, but he
would adopt it in order to be free from intimidation. In-
timidation is diminishing, and if you leave it alone public
opinion wiil seon put it down. (Hear, hear.) In-
timidation, I should like to know who dare try it
with • those thousands around me. • (Hear, hear.)
Is there one here to-day that can say he dare not vote
openly. I believe you all glory in the privilege of openly
avowing. yourselves. (Hear, hear.) I believe if you had
the choice this very day, whether you would vote openly or
secretly, there is not a man in this assembly but would
record his vete openly, fearlessly, in the light of day, before
his fellow man—before those candidates he conscientiously
believed to be in the right. We have heard a great deal
about sympathy with the working. classes from those very
men who, curing their lives, endeavoured to disfranchise
the freemen of Liverpool. When the Hon. Erskine Perry
came here, he was asked whether he would disfranchise the
Liverpool freemen. He said, "Wait till to-morrow, until
I see how they vote. That is, if they vote for me. They
are intelligent and independent men, but if they voted
against him as they gloried in doing, .then they would be
corrupt and ignorant. (Laughter and applause.) In
1854, Lord John Russell proposed the disfranchisement
of 45,000 artisans. (Hear, hear.) What sympathy have
they with the working classes. (Hear, hear.) Let us refer
to the ten hours factory bill. Who was it introduced this
measure, but Conservatives who opposed it, but John
Bright and his party. What was the object of this
; measure, but to grant some little time each day to the
operatives for instruction and recreation. lam not going
to say whether that bill might not be slightly improved, so
as not to be the slightest inconvenience to the manufacturers.
But as to its general bearings, I may appeal to Mr.
Cheetham himself, for he stated here the other night that
that bill worked well for the employers and employed, and
it was related in the House of Commons that, shortly after
its passing parliament, there was no less than fifty night
schools established. The number of deaths was diminished,
and also disease. I would tell these men that I would like to
see them advocating measures of this kind that would
increase the happiness and comfort of the people, and would
carry peace and contentment into every cottage. I will not
trespass longer on your time. I have the greatest pleasure
in supporting Mr. Egerton and Mr. Legh, because I sup-
pose they will support those principles that are for the
prosperity of the country, and that they will be found in
the ranks of progress, but not of democratic invasion. For
this I give them all the support I can, and if you agree
with me, then with one voice proclaim it ; say, in unmis-
takable terms, whether you will have them or not. (Cries
of " We will," and great applause.)
The Chairman then pat the motion, and it was carried
with a show of hands.
Mr. Horsfall called for three cheers which were
enthusiastically responded to.
Mr. James Home was then called upon to move the next
resolution, which was " That this meeting pledges itself to
use every constitutional means to secure the return
of the hon. Algernon Egerton, and Mr. Leigh." An
opportunity was now afforded them of returning to parlia-
ment two gentlemen well known in this division of the
county, and who would give their aid and assistance to
continue in power Lord Derby and the present minisiry.
He heard much about this mawkish philanthropy pressed
towards the working-classes of this country. If he believed
the sentiments uttered by these men were the sentiments
of the heart, he, for one, would join them. But he had
lived long enough in the world to know that certain parties
nsed other parties for the sake of obtaining power, and
when that power was obtained, the ladder was very
sharply knocked down. He had employed a great
many men, and it was always his care, not for their political
rights, but to provide them with plenty of work, and see
that they were paid every Friday night; and he left to
others who had more time and ability, to take care of their
interests of the working classes. He concluded by calling
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Southern Division, without lending himself to the clique