Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-18 00:00:00

" THE ARMY OF ITALY."

SUCH is the designation that Louis NAPOLEON
has given to his legions, whom he has sent out on
something like a marauding expedition into the
fertile plains of Mantua, Verona, and Cremona,—and
eventually, no doubt, into those of Modena, Parma,
and,Venice. To head these legions, and direct them
in their course of invasion and pillage, he has quitted
his empire, and proceeded to the scene of action.
"On the point of starting to take command of the
army of Italy "--so runs his Imperial decree, issued
on the eve of his departure—" we have by our letters
patent of this day confided the Regency to our well-
beloved wife the Empress, and we have regulated for
the time df our absence the order of service by an
Act inserted in the State archives, and made known to
our uncle Prince JEROME NAPOLEON to the members
of the Privy Council, to the Presidents of the Senate,
of the Legislative Body, and of the Council of State."
And all this for what ? To enter into an unjustifiable
and therefore wicked war with Austria, to wrest
Italy from her control. There are, as we before had
occasion to show, justifying causes of war, —such as
deliberate invasions of rights, threatened incursions
upon a neutral territory—and precaution, defence,
and reparation. But, in this case, there
are no such causes. The motives for it, on the part
of France, whatever they may be on the part of
Sardinia, are altogether insufficient, and unjustifi-
able. "Austria," Louis NAPOLEON said, in his
recent manifesto to the Legislative Assembly, " by
ordering the entry of her army into the territories
of the King of Sardinia, our ally, has declared war
against us. She thus violates treaties and justice,
and menaces our frontiers." New, in the first place,
Austria did not, by that proceeding, do any such
thing as declare war against France,—neither did
she menace the French frontiers. She ordered her
army into the territories of the King of Sardinia,
avowedly in self-defence,— under an impression that
Sardinia and France were combining to invade her
own territories ; as those two Powers had
given her only too much reason to apprehend
was their intention. It is not our
object, however to justify Austria in what
she has done ; although it cannot be denied
that she has had much to provoke her, in the
conduct of the King of Sardinia and the Emperor of
the French, to the hostile course on which she has
entered. What we would now insist upon, is the
dangerous design of Louis NAPOLEON with regard
to the whole Italian Peninsula. His pretext, as put
forth in the former Manifesto we have referred to,
is one that is full of most mischievous meaning.
"It is because Austria," he pretends, "has driven
matters to such an extremity, that her dominion
must either extend to the Alps, or Italy must be
free to the shores of the Adriatic—for every corner
of Italy which remains independent endangers the
power of Austria." Here, then, is shadowed forth
the object he has in view. The alternative he has
thus stated, he is going to take the decision of into
his own hands. He has resolved, on the one hand,
that Austria's dominions shall not extend to the
Alps ; and, on the other, that " Italy must be free to
the shores of the Adriatic,"—free, that is, as he, a
despot, counts freedom : rescued from the power of
an Austrian autocrat, to be transferred to that of a
French despot

The whole tenor of the Imperial Manifesto we
have here again been referring to, is in strict keeping
with what its author means, now that he speaks out
more plainly concerning his " Army'of Italy." He
had already indicated pretty broadly what both his
feelings and his purposes were, " I respect," he•
dissemblingly said," the territories and the rights
of neutral Powers, but I boldly avow my sympathies
with a people whose history is mingled with our
own, and who now groan under foreign oppression."
Now, it is impossible to believe that one can have
any sympathies with a people groaning under
oppression, who is himself an absolute monarch, and

whose own people are, at the same time, similarly
groaning,—not, it is true, under foreign oppression ;
but groaning under oppression to which their own
despotic ruler subjects them,—even, he who calls
himself " NAPOLEON, by the grace of GOD and the
national will, Emperor of the French." The Govern-
ment of Austria is not one whit more despotic than
that of France. We believe, indeed, that the
Austrians are much happier and more contented than
the French. Not that, on this, or on any other
account, we would express approval of Austrian
rule, any more than we would of French rule. We
merely adduce the facts we have stated, to show that
for one in Louis NAPOLEON'S position, to talk about
sympathising with the Italians as groaning under
Austrian opPression, is something very like what it
would be for Satan to talk of sympathising with
those who are groaning under the oppression of sin,-
of which he, as the implacable enemy of the human
race, is the author and the aggravator.

It is in character with the whole proceeding on
the ,part 'of Louis NAPOLEON, that he makes use of
religion as a cloak for his criminal purposes. " A
mass," it is stated, " was celebrated at the chapel
of the Tuileries, to call down the blessings of
Heaven on the arms of the Emperor. The Cardinal
Archbishop of Paris officiated, with the chaplains of
the household of the Emperor. The ceremony took
place in presence of their Majesties, the Princes
and Princesses of the Imperial family, the Ministers,
and the great officers of the Crown." There is, it
would seem, a powerful political reason why
the invader of Italy, and the holder in
thraldom of the States of the Church, should
propitiate—not so muck Heaven, as the Pope,
and the entire people whom, as Sovereign
Pontiff, his Holiness, has in subjection. " Dis-
quietude is felt by some persons," said the Paris
Constitutionnel, a day or two since, "as to the con-
sequences of the war in Italy as regards Roman
Catholic interests. In Protestant countries, the
religious spirit, in accord with the political feeling,
has endeavoured to demonstrate that the real pivot
of the Italian question is at Rome, it being there
that those countries perceive the greatest abuses, and
there that they desire to make a fundamental reform.
On the other hand certain journals have adopted the
theme that the cause of Austria is the cause of the
Church, and that to attack one is to menace the
other. Every enlightened and sincere Catholic will
reject, as we do, that interested and unexpected
misrepresentation of facts." And then the Court
scribe—for all the Parisian journalists now are
virtually such—enters fiercely into an argument to
prove that Austria has never shown herself the friend
of religion and the Church, so much as of her own
political interests; while, "as for France, the justice
must be done her of declaring that she has never
expected her religious belief to be productive of
advantages to her; she does not destroy to-day for
the sake of her ambition what she restored yester-
day,"—and that while " already have illustrious
preachers expressed their approbation- of the enter-
prise of France, which is liberating for the Church
as well as for Italy, the most eminent members of
the episcopacy in France are in their turn expressing
the Christian and:patriotic sentiments of the clergy,
who will never allow themselves to be persuaded'
that the interests of France can ever be contrary to the
interests of religion." All this, then,—religious as well
as political—has " the Army of Italy " to do with.
And what has this " Army of Italy " itself to do P
Let VICTOR EMMANUEL of Sardinia, the confederate
of Louis NAPOLEON of France in this most criminal
war, himself explain. " Advance, then," 'exclaims
the Sardinian King, addressing his soldiers,—
" advance, confident of victory, and adorn your
banner with fresh laurels ; that banner which, with
its three colours, and with the chosen youth which,
here assembled from all parts of Italy, are gathered
together beneath it, point out to you that you have
for your task the independence of Italy— that just
and holy enterprise which will be your war-cry,"—
having already said to them, —" You will have for
your companions those intrepid soldiers of France,
conquerors in so many great battles, whose comrades
you were on the Tchernaya, and whom NAPOLEON
111., "ever hastening thither where there is a just
cause to defend and civilisation to uphold, generously
sends to our aid in numerous bands." Such, there-
fore, is the ostensible object of the French " Army
of Italy." The independence of Italy ! which, being
intepreted, a la Francais, means—the transfer of
Italy from the absolute control of FRANCIS JOSEPH
of Austria, to the despotic rule of Louis NAPOLEON
of France.

NEW, IRON. WAR VEssELs.-- -The. Times says, it is stated
that a contract for one of the great iron ram steam vessels,
to be built for the government, has been obtained by the
Thames Iron Works Company. She will be of 6,000 tons
burthen, with an expected speed of 14 knots, and will cost
nearly four times as much as a first-rate. man-of-war..

THE SHIPPING INTEREST AND THE NEUTRALITY PB.O-
- - The shipowners are under considerable
perplexity as to the manner in which corn, coal, and
provisions, are affected by her Majesty's proclamation. The
Times says that some large contracts for the supply of
barley to the French Government have been negotiated,
while the engagements for shipping coal are also heavy. The
Mauritius (steamer,) lying at Southampton, was chartered, it
is said, to carry coals for the French service under a penalty
-of £lO,OOO for non-completion of the contract, but is now
unable to proceed. It seems perfectly reasonable that both
grain and coal Amid be deemed contraband of war; but
in the present case, the result will be simply to cause
freight of that description to be trausfered to French or
American ships.