Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-02 00:00:00

, •
HUDDERSFIELD. ---F urther return
Akroyd, 760.

IpswicH.---Cobbold, 918 ;
King, 388.

KXAnEsnao'.---Wood, 173 ; Collins, 140; Thompson,
127.

LANCASTER.---Garnett, 660 ; Gregson, 641 ; Saunders,
509 ; Fernwiek, 459.
LtEns.---Beeeroft, 2,278 ; Baines, 2,323 ; Forster, 2,256.
LINcoLN.---Sibthorp, 740 ; Heneage, 658 ; Palmer, 629
MANCHESTER.---Bazley, 7,519 ; Turner, 7,251 ; Heywood,
5,499 ; Denman, 6,235.
MA.Lnox.---Peacock, 503 ; Western, 431 ; Meyrick, 427.
NEWCASTLE.-Headlam, 2,688 ; Ridley, 2,679 ; Taylor,
462.
NEWCASTLE-os-TYNE.---Headlam, 2,687 ; Ridley, 2,680 ;
Taylor, 463.
OLDHA.M.---Fox, 1,041 ; Corbett, 966 ; Hibbert, 956.
PLYmouni.---Valletort, 1,153; Collier, 1,086 ; White,
964.
PooLE.---Franklyn, 208 ; Seymour, 193 ; Haly, 143.
PRESTON.---Cross, 1,542; Grenfell, 1,258; Clifton,
1,168.

PENRYN AND FALMOUTH.---Baring, 386 ; Gurney, 372 ;
Gwyn, 320; Foster, 199.
RIPON.---Greenwood, 223 ; Warre, 205 ; Richards, 31.
STOCKPORT.—Kershaw, 767 ; Smith, 646 ; Gibb, 593.
SALFORD.—Massey, 1,913 ; Ashworth, 1,762.
SOUTHWARK. Napier, 4,449 ; Locke; 4,245 ; Pellatt,
2,855.
STOCKPORT.---Kershaw, 769 ; Smith, 641; Gibb, 594.
TRURo.---M. Smith, 303 ; A. Smith, 225 ; Vivian, 213.
TomEss.---Gifford, 180 ; Mills, 152 ; Dunn, 135.
WEYmouTH.---Wilton, 342 ; Brooks, 341 ; Freestun,
312 ; Campbell, 297.
WAKEFIELD.---Charles worth, 460 ; Leathern, 402.
MEMBERS RETURNED.

ANDOVEL—Second Conservative defeated by majority
of 6
AYLESEURY.—A double return—Wentworth and Smith,
each polling 535.
BATH.—Phinn defeated.

BANBURY.—Mr. Samuelson has lost his scat.
BRADFORD.—Wickham and Salt returned.
BRIGHTON.—M‘Nab defeated.
CHIPPING WYCOMBE.—Dashwood and Smith.
CHELTENHAM.—BerkeIey returned by majority of 12.
COVENTRY.—EIIice and Paxton returned,
DUBLIN (UNIVERSITY).---Anthony Lefroy, Esq., and the
Attorney-General.
Duorrwicn.---Pakington.
DERBY.—Bass and Beale returned by a large majority.
DOVER.—Mr. B. Osborne and Sir W. Russell have lost
their seats.
GLOUCESTER.—Carden has lost his seat.
HUDDERSFIELD.— Ackroyd lost his seat.
HULL.— Clay and Hoare returned.
KILMARNOCK (BURGHS).---Bouverie.
KIDDERMINSTER.—HgddIestone defeated by nine votes.
LEICESTER.— Conservative lost by only 3 votes.
LEICESTER.—Briggs and Noble returned.
MAlDSTONB.—Conservative defeated by majority of 4.
NnwAus.—Lord Lincoln has lost his seat.

NORWICH.—Old members returned; Conservative candi-
dates defeated.
Rocuzsrun.—Old members returned, defeating two Con-
servatives.

READING.— Old members returned ; Conservatives de-
feated.
SALFORD

Massey returned,

SUNDERLAND.-1111dBOU out; Lindsay returned.
SOUTHAMPTON. -- Weglielill lost his seat.
TAUNTON.—MiIIs and Labouchere returned.
Youx.---Mr. Layard defeated.

ELECTION SPEECHES.

RIGHT HON. LORD PALMERSTON AT TIVERTON

LORD STANLEY AT KING'S-LYNN,

RIGHT HON. E. CARDWELL AT OXFORD

MR. ROEBUCK AT SHEFFIELD,

TIVERTON

Viscount Palmerston said : Gentlemen, allow me to
express to you the cordial gratitude which I feel in being
permitted to enjoy the high distinction of being one of
your representatives in Parliament. What brings me here
on this occasion to solicict a renewal of your confidence ?
Parliament has been dissolved and why ? It is difficult
to assign a sufficient reason for that dissolution. But we
are told that we are sent to our constituents in order that
the nation might express its opinion upon the state of
public affairs. Now, I say there was- no adequate reason
why the Government should have resorted to a dissolution
of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The Government stated
that two successive Administrations had in the course
of a twelvemonth failed to retain the confidence
of the House of Commons. On one occasion the
party now in power was the cause of the late Ad-
ministration not retaining the confidence of the House
of Commons, and the representatives of the people were
sent to the right-about in order to punish
.them for an
act of which they themselves were the prime movers.
(Hear, hear.) In regard to the second instance,
the late
vote upon the resolution on the Reform Bill. I deny it
was a vote implying want of confidence in the Government ;
it was a vote condemning the measure which the Govern-
ment had proposed—a measure which none of their own

supporters out of office ventured to approve altogether.
But when they say that they failed to retain the confidence
of the House of Commons, that assertion implied that they
had possessed the confidence of the House of Commons.
They could not retain that which they never possessed ; and
when I say that they did not possess the confidence, I mean
to say the confidence arliamentary acceptation of the
hown by the possession of a
They came into office

.n the p

s that confidence i

majority in the Ho
last year, avowing that their supporters were not a majority
of the House of Commons. They had not, therefore, the
possession of the confidence of the House, in the plain and
ordinary acceptation of the word, and were not justified in
saying they could not retain that which they. never had in
their possession. lam not disposed to do injustice to that
Government. They contain in their ranks many men of
eminent and distinguished talents, of great political ex-
perience; and some men not only distinguished by talent,
but highly respectable. They were supported out of
doors by a large party in the country, by a number of
men of rank and station and wealth, of property and
consideration in the country; and therefore they are a
party fairly entitled to aspire to the Government of
the country, provided only that they were supported by
a parliamentary majority. But when they took office
there were two points in which they were wanting.
First of all, their opinions upon many great points
of national interest were not in accordance with the feelings
and opinions of the day. Iri the next place they had not a
majority in the House of Commons. Their friends and sup-
porters out of doors told them, however, not to be uneasy
with regard to the first point. It was true that many of
the opinions which they avowed were not in accordance with
the opinions of the country; but, said they, "Remember
the great difference on the questions of free trade and pro-
tection ; remember that not many years ago, before they
came into office, they had always battled for protection, and
against free trade; and yet, when they came into office, and
were clothed with responsibility and power, they changed
their opinions, and fairly adopted the principles of free
trade." People said, "Do not be uneasy about these
two great questions of the day, the transfer of
the Government of India from the Company to the
Crown, and the Bill for the Representation of the People
in Parliament---be not uneasy, for whatever opinions they
may have bad, or whatever prejudices they may have held
hitherto, these opinions will be modified, and these preju-
dices will melt away when they find themselves seated on
the Treasumbench. Then it was said, with regard to the
second point—it was true they had not a majority in the
House of Commons, but they will shape their opinions so as
to adapt them to the opinions of the majority; and there-
fore they will have a majority, not of their own opinions,
but the opinions of their opponents, which they will adopt
and put forward as their own. (Hear.) They have been
very unfortunate in their attempts at legis!ation. They
brought in an Indian bill which they had to withdraw
amid the langhter of all mankind. They withdrew it
properly and handsomely, and brought in another framed
upon the model we had previousiy proposed to Parliament,
like Gipsies who steal other people's children, and disfigure
them to make them pass for their own, and though acting
upon that principle, they disfigured our bill, yet in all its

leading feat gyres it was our bill, and that bill they passed.
Then came the reform question, and they produced a bill to
carry into effect an alteration in the representation of the
people in parliament. Well, they were not much more
lucky upon that bill than upon the India Bill. When the
bill was brought before the house everybody condemned it,
and after it had been laid upon the table and printed, it was
clear it could never pass into law. A resolution was moved by
Lord John Russell, condemning the two worst features of
that bill, which was carried by a considerable majority---a
majority so considerable, that the whole house was present
except twenty-eight members. There was a majority of
thirty-nine against the government ; but supposing these
twenty-eight members were present (the majority of whom
would have voted for the resolution), and that the whole
House of Commons was polled, they would still be put in a
minority upon that resolution. (Hear, and cheers.) The
natural coarse for the government to have pursued was
the same which they had pursued the year before about
the India Bill. Feeling that their measure was not in
accordance with public opinion, or in accordance with the
opinion of the House of Commons, they should have
withdrawn their measure, and brought in another more
in accordance with the sentiments of the public and par-
liament. But, gentlemen, they gave a strange reason
for not doing so. They said, No, we have done that last
year upon India, and it is imposible for men to repeat
twice the same course of proceeding. Why, they did repeat
the same course of proceeding ; but it was in making
blunders. The course of proceeding they would not adopt
w[.s in correcting these blunders, and I think it was an un-
satisfactory reason to give to the people of England. Well,
this being the case, they determined to consider the carrying
of that resolution as a vote of censure, upon the Govern-
ment, which they were told was no vote of censure upon
the government, but upon their measure. Are we come to
the time when any government who propose a measure that
does not meet with the approbation of the House of Com-
mons is to consider it a vote of censure, requiring resignation
or dissolution ? Why, this might be a good doctrine in
former times, before the Reform Bill ; but it is a doctrine
which cannot be acted upon now, when we have a Reform
and when the votes of the constituencies control the
discussions of the House of Commons. They were wrong,
they were not justified, and they were not borne out in saying
that it was a censure upon the government and not a disap-
proval of their measures. Well, then, I contend that,
with regard to themselves, they were not borne out in stat-
ing in the speech from the throne (it was their own speech,
and therefore I can deal with it freely) that Parliament
withdrew a confidence which it had never bestowed upon
them. ilis lordship having alluded at great length to the
Orsini attempt, and to the failure of the Conspiracy Bill
which followed it, defended that measure with much ear-
nestness, proceeded to comment upon the recent measure
of reform brought in by the Conservative Government.
Then, said his lordship, they brought in a Reform Bill,
which pleased nobody, and which contained provisions,
some of them highly unjust, such as the disqualification
of county freeholders, who happened to have their free-
holds within the limits of boroughs represented by Par-
liament ; and others very unsatisfactory, inasmuch as the
bill contained no reduction in the borough franchise, and,
therefore, made no provision for admitting to electoral
privileges the highest of the class of experienced
and intelligent workmen (Hear, hear.) I am not going
to give you a Reform Bill, I don't think it is well upon
the hustings to go into details of the measures which indi-
viduals propose. I do not think it fitting for a candi-
date upon the hustings to state the details of any Reform
Bill which he may have to propose. It is the duty of the
responsible Government of the country to propose such
measures as they think fit for the public interests ; it is
the duties of members of Parliament not in office to criti-
cise those measures---to improve them if wrong, to approve
them if right, and act upon them according to the best
opinions they can bring to bear upon them. Although I
am not going to give you my plan of reform, yet I will re-
peat what I stated in the House of Commons---that there
ought to be a lowering of the county franchise and a
lowering of the borough franchise, and that there ought to
be a transfer of seats from small places to large ; but the
degree in which this is to be carried into operation,
requires ther consideration of statistical facts, and without
these facts being before you, it is impossible to judge

• properly of them. But this I will say, gentlemen--not
meaning, offence to any man, and I hope that no one will
take it in that light--that I should not be prepared to
extend the borough franchise so low at to swamp by
numbers of men not possessed of property and intelligence
those upon whom the franchise is now conferred, and
who exercise that franchise with honour to themselves and
adiantage to the country. There is another point of public
affairs to which the minds of all men are directed with
anxiety the most intense---I mean the war. The eyes and
the minds of all Europe are now fixed upon that great event
which has either taken place or is about to take place.
(Hear, hear.) We were told yesterday that the war had
actually begun, but I am told to-day that this is denied,
and that it has not jet happened ; but I fear, whether it
happened three days ago or not, that it will soon take place,
and that Europe will again be exposed to the calamity and
devastation of war between vast armies and great and
powerful states. (Hear. hear.) It will remain for the
Government to show, when Parliament meets, in what
degree and by what means they had used their
endeavours to put a stop to these great calamities,
and preserve to Europe the blessings of peace. (Hear,
hear.) I believe they honestly meant to do so, and
that it was in some degree owing to want of capacity that
their efforts had failed. They began to mediate without
being officially accepted as mediators by France and
Austria. The proposal for a Congress was made subse-
quently by Russia and France ; that Congress was declined
by Austria, unless upon conditions that were absurd to ask.
Austria, as we are informed, required as a preliminary to
going into the Congress that all parties concerned should
disarm. Why, to disarm was the result of a successful
Congress, and not the beginning of antecedents of it ; that
was putting the cart before the horse. (Hear, hear.) Why
did men arm but to attain some object ? and a Congress
was made use of in order to ascertain whether the object
might not be attained without force ; but they were not to
disarm until they knew whether that object could be obtained;
for in their own minds they felt that if they could not, by
negotiation, obtain the object for which they had taken
up arms, these arms would be required to carry by force
what they failed to get by negotiation. (Cheers.) There-
fore, the demand of Austria that disarming should precede
negotiation, was to signify civilly that she declined the
Congress altogether. But if that were absurd with regard
to France, it was most ungenerous with regard to Sar-
dinia. Austria proposed that Sardinia should deprive
herself of the adequate means of resistance ; and
if they should withdraw their • troops 'to other
stations, and should the negotiations fail, it might
fall out that Austria, in withdrawing from the Con-
grees, would be at liberty to attack Sardinia with an
accumulated strength, who would be still weaker than she
naturally would be otherwise, The main question is one
I believe, which Austria ought to settle peaceably, ami-
cably, and freely. Nobody, that I am aware, meant to
wrest from Austria the possessions she holds in Venice
and Lombardy by the treaty of 1815. These possessions are
hers by right. The judgment of Europe affirms that she
has a right to keep them. Ido not say she has its sympa-
thy ; for her government of these provinces has been such
that no one could deny the discontent of the people of these
provinces was justified by the mal-administration of Austria
since she became possessed of them by the treaty of 1315.
(Hear, hear.) Aiter the great war in Europ.e was settled
men looked about to see how they would check the over-
whelming power of France, and it was in order that a
barrier might be opposed to the power of France in Italy
that the bestowal of these provinces on Austria was
acquiesced in, although her possession of those provinces
has been the source of infinite misery to the people of that
peninsnla ; for Austria, not content to rule her own provin-
ces in her own way—and, Heaven knows, that was a way
which no well-minded Government would have persevered
in—entered into negotiations and exacted treaties from all
the states of Italy, from the Po to the Mediterranean, and
by which these countries were subjected to a system of
government which produced discontent among their sub-
jects ; but if the people made any efforts to liberate them-
selves, Austria was at all times ready with her overwhelming
military force to reduce them to obedience and
snpport the mal-administration of her government. That
which Austria should concede, if conceded would have pre-
vented the outbreak of war. If Austria were to confine
herself within her own rightful limits, and should avoid
interfering in the internal affairs of any state of Italy south
of the river Po—l believe, if that were done, there was so
much intelligence among the people of these different states,
there was so much education, and so much enlightened
political knowledge, that you may leave the people to dis-
cuss with their governments all the amendments which they
urgently required. If Austria had agreed to that, I believe
Europe for a time would remain at peace. There are those
who say Austria was afraid to go into the congress lest a
bill of indictment should be preferred against her. What
might be her reason for not accepting the congress it is not
for me to say, but it seemed she had chosen war; and
when she drew the sword she must have thrown away
the scabbard. (Hear, hear.) It was said on her behalf
that there was a combination between France and Russia
to eject her from her own dominions. But, however
these things may be, Austria has put herself in the wrong
by her military movements. She might be successful at
first, but reverses would follow, and they who, like me,
think it an object of importance, that a considerable power,
like Austria, should present a barrier between the east and
the west, to maintain the independence of Europe, may
lament this change in the condition of Austria ; but so it is.
If the war is confined to Italy, and if the consequences of
the aggressions of Austria be that she is driven north of the
Alps, and that Italy is left free to the Italians, however
much we may lament the disastrous calamities by which
such a result is to be obtained, yet every generons mind,
feeling that out of evil good may sometimes flow,
rejoice if such result is obtained, however he
lament the accompanying calamities. Gentlemen,
government seems to be exceedingly ill-informed as
to . the course of events. Last Monday week
they covered Austria with praise. They spoke of the digni-
fied conciliation of Austria, and they called the conduct of
Sardinia ambiguous, and I know not what ; but they declared
themselves not only the partisans of Austria, but that her
conduct was one of dignified conciliation. Why, on that
day the insulting message was sent to Sardinia, asking her
to disarm within three days, and telling her that war would
be the result of a refusal or evasive answer. The govern-
ment did not know what was going on ; they must have
been ignorant that Austria was on the point of entering
the Sardinian territory. A week afterwrds, on Monday
evening, at the Lord Mayor's dinner, they went from one
extreme to the other - they talked no longer of the dignified
conciliation of Austria, bat of the criminal conduct of
Why, the dignified conciliators in a short week
were turned into public offenders and criminals. It was
the anger of schoolboys ; it was the anger of men who were
deceived by want of foresight, want of intelligence, want of
knowing what things were going on in the world ; and that
matters were in a different position from that in which they
thought them to be. (Great cheering.)