The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1857-03-02 00:00:00

THE NORTHERN TIMES.---LIVERPOOL, MONDAY.

special train brings it to Liverpool, and on its
arrival a steamer is ready to start for either of the
above-named ports, In this case no billets would
be required, for although the regiment might stop
an hour or two for refreshments, they would pass
the night on board the steamer while crossing
the channel, and get into barracks as soon as
landed. It should also be borne in mind that
another great objection to the billeting system is
the filthy and unclean state in which many re-
cruits are sent to occupy the beds in highly
respectable public-houses and taverns.
Enough has been said to demonstrate that this
is a law which in the present day is unnecessary,
that its application being so exclusive, unjust,
and oppressive, it is high time for the Legislature
to set about its instant repeal, and concoct a
substitute which will recognise the principles of
general application and even-handed justice.

A BILL for the improvement of the Education
of the people of England has been brought
before the legislature. This is no mere petty
and sectional question, but a grand national
concern—not a something out of which political

capital may be made, to the damaging of one
faction and the glorification of another—but
here we have all one interest, namely, that the

means of intellectual and moral improvement, oi
the most efficient kind, should as much as pos•

sible be spread over the whole community.
Proverbially slow, as political changes travel in
England, we trust to see this question rising in
felt importance. As land and labour are pre-
supposed in all industrial occupations, so an
enlightened and moralised people are pre-requi-
site to the safety and stability of all changes,
•
social and political.
Looking on the surface, it might appear that
this subject has not made much progress among
us ; and it is usual to say, that this people of
ours, that once, in the language of JOHN MILTON,
taught the nationsp live," has fallen in arrear
of most other European countries in the primary
matter of '•Education. Possibly, however, even

here men's minds may not have quite stood stil
the balancing of parties, and especially religious
dissensions, have hitherto succeeded in retarding
or paralysing all united national action, yet the
conviction appears spreading that both the quan-
tity and the quality of our Education need im-
provement. There are three special points to
which public attention ought to be directed, and
on which it were desirable that people should
make up their minds once and for ever—local
rating, local management, and some strong in-
ducement or enforcement to cause that the boon
ishould be accepted, the benefit be enjoyed. With-
out ignoring or denying the value of voluntary
efforts in the cause of education, we apprehend
i that for the purpose of carrying out this great work
Isystematically and universally, or even exten-
sively, this voluntaryism should become national,
and to be national it must be supported by a
public rate. We know the objections to all taxes
and imposts ; we know that an ignorant impa-
tience of taxation on the part of the people has
often proved a serious inconvenience to states-
men. But, in short, good government, like other
good things, must be paid for. And an educa-
tion rate, carefully laid on under the manage-
ment of district authorities, is defensible ; taking
the lowest ground as a police rate, it is meant
to save us paying rogue money.
In one form or other this latter tax must b
paid. If not contributed to promote education,
it must be spent sooner or later for jails, police,
and transportion. Better, we say, the gentler
and the moral cure—better the prevention than
the punishment of crime. Education is a moral
police. We. have the authority of school in-
spectors for the opinion that a public rate is
needed to reinforce the efforts of private benevo-
lence. All thanks to those who have earnestly
laboured in this cause of voluntary education;
but however well meant and wisely directed,
their efforts are inadequate. Like a young and
willing apprentice, they are not strong enough
for the work. We are glad to perceive that two
powerful sections of educationists are united on
the principle of a public rate, and the bill now
laid before Parliament bears the united names
of PAKINGTON and COBDEN. May we trust a
better issue to the endeavour now to be made
than that which has attended former efforts in the
same direction. May we hope that the various
religious bodies will not be obstructive of this
great national boon by quarrelling about *the
religious element, and whose catechism is to be
taught, while it is forgotten that during the
squabbles of sectarianism 'thousands of children
are growing up ignorant, neglected, vicious, and
thereby being prepared to become the future
criminals and scourges of society.
Local management, we apprehend, is so much
in harmony with our institutions and national
habits, that parties will hardly object to having
the control of their own funds, The central
government might, in various ways, aid and
stimulate education, btit we hold the sound prin-
ciple to be local management. In the long run
the parties interested are the best distributors of
their own bounty or their own funds. Each
district also is most likely to know its own wants,
which could not be so justly estimated by any
central government having its seat remote from
the locality.
It is, we apprehend, to the third point that
most objection will be taken. The very name
of compulsory Education, the very idea of en-
forcing education, may sound alien and unac-
ceptable to Englishmen. So you mean to compel
us to receive education, whether we will or not.
You mean, perhaps, to send the police and carry
off our children to school at the point of the
staff. Is not this invading the liberty of an
Englishman to do as he likes with his own, and
to bring up his children, if he will, in ignorance
and vice—and if it so please him, as a pro.,
spective burden and pest to society ? Even
if this were to be done, and young
were to be driven "vi et armis," it

people
would

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be, if not the best thing, yet far from
the worst that could be done. It would be a
kind of benevolent despotism to prevent worse
results. In the next place, a man living in t
society is under the conditions of the social state.
He may do what he likes, provided he does not
injure nor incommode his neighbour. But he
may not set up a nuisance or a danger to the
annoyance of his neighbours. A brick manu-
factory or powder works would be disallowed iu
the heart of a great city. Now, the throwing
out into society an ignorant and immoral progeny,
is a nuisance and a danger of the worst descrip-
tion. No one can have any such right against
society. It would be the possession of a right
to do wrong, No plea of doing what we will
with our own, or of invading individual freedom,
is to be listened to for a moment. Society has a
right to protect itself as well as the individual to
protect himself, and as society is the stronger,
this will in the end probably win the battle.
But we hold that not only might but right is
with society when it takes some wise and gentle,
but efficient means, of shielding itself and en-
forcing their duties upon its members, Supposing
force employed, what better use could be made
of the force of society than that of constraining,
by the only argument that they will recognise,
its least elevated members to do something of
their duty, and restraining them from the inflic-
tion of injury upon the community and upon
their children. Complaints and wailings for
being withheld from doing wrong will meet, we
trust, with little sympathy. If you are con-
strained and restrained, the sounder and moral
portion of society will say it serves you right.
If you have- children, do your duty by them ;
neglect that duty at your peril. Besides, children
who cannot state their own case and protect
themselves, naturally fall to the care of society,
if their parents, who are their natural protectors,
should neglect their duty. For the sake of young
people, then, in the interest of coming genera-
tions as well as of existing society, the principle
of enforcement of education is defensible. The
results which have followed the method of com-
pelling parents to contribute to the support of
juvenile offenders in Reformatories, are evidence
that the principle of compulsion is- not so un-
English nor so inoperative as many would repre-
sent. Possibly, however, something short of
absolute compulsion might be effective. The
strong inducement to education is the experience
of its natural results. But other motives might
be made to concur with this primary one. Ap-
prenticeships might be connected with a previous
school training. Even the exercise of the elective
franchise might be made to depend, "in the good
time coming," on some knowledge qualification.
Without dictating the particular school or mode
of education, it would be no tyranny to enact
that every healthy child should be required to
attend some school from, say, six to twelve
years of age. If this be called tyranny, we shall
not wrangle about a word ; but we venture to
express the opinion, that until some such prin-
ciple as we have set forth become law and prac-
tice, our country will not hold its proper place
among the nations. It will even be distanced
by second and third-rate powers, and men, in-
stead of pointing to England for stimulus and
example in all that is free, glorious, and pro-
gressive, will learn to quote us as a nation of
boasters for liberty, adventurers in free trade,
and laggards in Education.

DISASTERS TO IRON STEAMERS.—During the past week
accounts have reached us of the wreck of no less than
three large iron steamers, whereby property to a large
amount has been destroyed. The first of the vess als in
question, is the screw steamer St. Andrew, of Liverpool.
She was on her second trip, having sailed on the 31st of
December for Beirut, Alexandria, &c., with a cargo of
valuable fine goods. It appears that when in the Mediter-
ranean she stranded, and as soon as she touched, such
was the pressure on her iron plates, that she tore up. The
St. Andrew was built on the Clyde by Messrs. Denny
Brothers, was valued at £45,000, and her cargo at
£lOO,OOO. The second vessel was the steamer Sovereign,
another Clyde built ship, which also stranded in the
Mediterranean; and the' other is the Madrid, an iron
steamer, built on the Tyne in 1845. The fact of so many
disasters about the same time, arising from similar causes,
suggests serious considerations as to whether the con_
struction of iron vessels is upon really scientific principles.
Indeed, we have heard that, as generally built, the plate
work of iron vessels is faulty, and that no security can be
expected for the safety of either ship or cargo, if more
regard is not paid to the matter. Our townsman, Mr.
John Clare, jun., who has given much attention to the
subject of iron shipbuilding, has written to a Loudon
cotemporary respecting the construction of the Great
Eastern, and also on the interesting question of construct.
ing a line of steamers to ply between Liverpool and New
York in seven days. Some of his remarks bear upon the
causes which led to the mishaps to the vessels alluded to.

SENDING THREATENING LETTERS TO LORD JOHN
RUSSELL.—Thomas Bell, charged on the previous day with
sending threatening letters to Lord J. Russell, was brought
before Mr. Selfe, at the instigation of the Home Secretary,
at the Thames Police Court, on Saturday, to enable the
magistrate to enquire as to the state of his mind, and with
a view to his future disposal. Mr. Thomas Meeres, of
Brick lane, surgeon, stated that he had examined Mr.
Bell on Friday and again that morning, and found that he
laboured under a delusion that Lerd John Russell
had disseminated slanders respecting him, and had
employed persons to infuse poison into his food and
medicine. He admitted the authorship of the letters. Ho
was satisfied that he was a lunatic, and that as his insanity
might assume a dangerous form, he ought to be put under
restraint. The prisoner, who appeared firm and collected,
demanded upon what grounds the surgeon came to the
conclusion that he was of unsound mind.. On having the
last letter he wrote to Lord John Russell put into his
hand, he admitted it was his writing, and then
went off into his delusion, that he had been slandered
and that persons had been employed to poison,
him by his lordship. He repeatedly declared
that they were "Mercandott" slanders, and that Lord
John Russell deserved the " Mercandott" medicine, as he
had several times threatened to check the slanders, but
without effect, as Lord John " Mercandott" Russell had'
repeated them at Dover House to Lord Dover (Mr. Ellis's)
attached to an embassy, and others, and he wished Lord
John Russell to be summoned as a witness, to see if he
could deny it. In reply to the magistrate as to what
was meant by the term " Mercandott" he used so often, he
said " Mercandott" is an ash plant—a stick—" Mercandott"
medicine should be applied to his lordship. The magistrate
said he felt no hesitation in making out an order for the
removal of the unfortunate man to Colney Hatch Lunatic
Asylum, where he honed his mental and bodily health
would improve. Mr. Bell, on hearing this, exclaimed that
the decision of the magistrate was an act of tyranny and
injustice, as they had not put Lord J. Russell into the box,
and asked if there was no appeal against his decision. Mr.
Selfe feared not, unless any of his friends could obtain a
writ of habeas corpus from a judge, to decide whether he
was properly confined in a lunatic asylum. Mr. Bell :
That would be attended with great expense, I believe,
Sir? The magistrate: No, not much expense. The order
was made out, and the unfortunate man was removed to
the asylum.

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