Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-13 00:00:00

DANOERS OF VIE WAR

THE dangers of the war are by no means confined
to those who are engaged in it. They, undoubtedly,
must be in continual danger of the most fatal conse-
quences ; for war is a state of most imminent per-
sonal peril to all who take part in it, and of national
risk to the country that is involved in it
countless drops of blood that fall in war, it has been
well declared—

Are every one a woe, a sore complaint

And bloodshed is one, not of the dangers merely, but
the certainties of battle. The carnage of war is as
sure, as inevitable, as it is that night will
follow on the day. Besides, " laws are corn:
manded to hold their tongues,
too truly said,- " among arms

it has been
and

tribunals fall to the ground with the peace they are
no longer able to uphold." The dangers in these

respects are imminent in the countries where war is
raging. And thus is the risk incurred of losing, in
the iron despotism of a state of war, even liberty
itself—certainly what has been recognised and
enjoyed as constitutional liberty. Progress, whether
political, social, or commercial, isnot only obstructed,
but is in danger of being put a stop to altogether,
and much that it has achieved destroyed. "We
have recorded," says a London paper, "as one of the
first-fruits of the war, the downfall of constitutional
Government at Piedmont; and to this we have to
add the progress of Protection in France. According
to the Constitutionnel, France is to return to Protec-
tion pure and simple as regards all kinds of grain:,
Here, then, we see how every thing that a people
have reason to prize is not only endangered, but
often, at one fell swoop, carried away.
But even neutral States are not free from danger,
when war is waged by neighbouring Powers. Be
their determination ever so decided, ever so resolute,
to maintain a strict neutrality, there is often the
greatest danger of their being driven to take up arms
in defence of something of their own that may be
threatened. And, besides, "if we cannot defend
our own door from the dog,"—why, we must
needs be worried. In our case, too, it
is not only our own door that is to be
defended. There are several doors to defend,—
not, it may be, all of them our own ; yet all, more
or less, posterns, in the security of which we have
the deepest interest. Take, for instance, the
Mediterranean—the sea which bounds the countries
where the war is now raging ; it is of the highest
importance to our maritime and commercial interests,
that its navigation should be safe—that no inter-
ference of any kind should be allowed to be
exercised by the ships of any of the hostile Powers,
with the ships of our merchants. But even this
has its dangers : it cannot always be calculated
upOn. The Adriatic is another sea' in t 1 _e free
and safe navigation of which we are deeply

interested ; and it is even more closely connected
with the hostile parties than the other and its re-
gulation is a matter very likely to be affected by the*
issues of the war. Strictly speaking—that is,
geOgraphically considered—it is an Italian channel ;
it takes its name from Adria, a town in Italy. But
it has been made to belong to Germany as well as to
Italy. By those very treaties of 1815, in violation
of which the Emperor of the French is now, in-
vading Italy, the free use of the Adriatic was guaran-
teed to Germany. And this question has already, we
observe, given rise to some inquiry on the part of her
Majesty's Government, as to the French Emperor's
allusion to it in his recent Manifesto respecting the
war. There was a phrase in the Imperial Manifesto
which, in anticipating the independence of Italy " to
the Adriatic," appeared to imply the entire abroga-
tion of the treaties of 1815. Her Majesty's Govern-
ment, as in duty bound, immediately demanded an
explanation, which, it is said, was satisfactory. But
it shows how great is the danger of a misunderstand-
ing—and one that may chance to render nugatory
all the Government's precautions for the preservation
of peace.

Then there is the present critical condition of the
lonian Isles. And the Paris journals are already
sounding an alarm about them, which forebodes
trouble in that quarter. " The lonian Parliament,"
it is observed in the Journal des Debats, " rejected
the liberal constitution offered them by Mr. GLAD-
STONE, and declared that they preferred the statu quo
to any change which had not for its end the
immediate annexation of the lonian Islands to the
kingdom of Greece. We expressed our regret at
the adoption of such an extreme course, and at the
obstinate resolution of the lonians to demand exclu-
sively of England that which a European war could
alone give them the means of conquering. Since
then circumstances have changed, and the war which
commenced has aroused many hopes analagous to
those which have so • long agitated the lonians.
Events may arise which will render less and less
chimerical their perpetual wish for annexation to
Greece ; we may even add that if the agitation in the
East tends to increase, the annexation of the lonian
Islands to Greece will not be the most important
event we have the prospect of witnessing in that
portion of the world." Nov, we by no means intend
ito say, either that it is MP? or that it would

be worth while, for England to go to war for the
sake of the lonian Isles. But it is evident they are
likely to complicate the objects and issues of the
war ; and it is impossible to tell to what this may
give rise. New arrangements would have to be
made, and England, for her own interests and
honour, would have to be a party to them. Then
there is Malta. This is on many accounts an
important British station in the Mediterraean.
But it is imminently exposed to the interference
of France, when her ships of war are hovering all
round, and would be only too glad, it is to be
feared, of an occasion for a little parley with John
Bull, in such a situation.

In short, there is no end to our risks, if once the

desire prevails on the part •of France, to pick a

quarrel with us. " The beginning of strife,' _
King SOLOMON, "is as when one letteth out water
therefore leave off contention before . it be meddled
with." It were too late for France and Austria
to have this timely proverb adds ssed to them.
But it is not so wit'l England. She has,
fortunately, not yet had to do with the "begin-

ning of strife," on this occasion. She is, there-
fore, in a position, most hapPily, to "leave off
contention before it is meddled with." And this,
let us hope, she will be enabled to do. Peace is her
great interest, and must therefore, be her great
aim. But then it must not be peace at any price,—
and hence the imminence of the danger to the peace
of such a 'country as England, with such vast and
multifarious interests at stake, when all around is

At the Levee

THE COURT

v, the Queen wo:

a train of

green satin covered with British, lace,.trimmed with green
velvet ribbon, bouillonnes of tulle; the petticoat white

satin, two skirts of the same laCe trimmed to correspond

Her Majesty wore a circlet ofdiamonds as a head-dreg

The foreign ministers were introduced, and presentations

to the Queen took

in the diplomatic circle, amen

whom were Major-General the Hon. Sir Edward Oust
K.C.H.

The general circle wa

attended by the Archbishop of

Canterbury and most of her Majesty's miniit(

Mr. R. Levinge Swift, her Majesty's Consul at Oporto

presented to the Queen an address of congratulation from
the British residents at Oporto, on the birth of the infant

Prince of Prussia

Two hundred and thirty gentlemen had the honour of

being presented to the Queen.
Her Majesty and, he Prince Consort returned to Buck-
ingham Palace after the Le;ree.