Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-26 00:00:00

during a v

period of years, the utter incompetency o
time to time, have been the rulers and governors of the
nation, by reason of their total ignorance of its requirements
and necessities, and moreover, from a total want of sympathy
with those who constitute the working classes. (Hear,
hear.) Now, I have no fear that those who may upon a
future occasion address you, will have any difficulty what•
ever in producing instances to satisfy the minds of all men
that the statements I have made are in principle correct;
but upon the present occasion I would merely base my
argument, as a justification for our meeting to-day, upon the
single instance of the present Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Mr. Disraeli. Gentlemen present will bear in mind that
on the hustings in Buckinghamshire, Mr. Disraeli was
reminded by one of his audience, who appeared to hare a
much more accurate and correct idea of pounds, shillings,

those w

and pence than our presc
amount of the national debt, which we
thing about 800 or 900 millions of money
remembered that, when that subject was men
Disraeli, he is reported to have made somet

Chancellor, of the immense

may take as some-
It will be

, .
reply : " Why, 800 millions of money, if owed by an
industrious and free people, is a flea-bite." Now, I would
respectfully ask practical men of business like ourselves,
most of whom have either earned, or are at this moment
earning, our own subsistence by the means of our own exertions,

whether a Chancellor of the Exchequer, who has the manage-
ment and the fingering of the moneys of the country, is a
fit and proper person to hold office, whilst he entertains the
opinion that the sum of eight hundred millions is a mere
flea-bite? (Hear, hear.) It may be said that Mr. Disraeli
is not one of the aristocracy; but when we conic to discuss
the question in full, I think that we shall be able to shew
that, although there are some instances of individual
members of the Government having originally sprung from
the middle-classes, yet, so far as I can understand,
it would seem that they have no sooner obtained
a certain position for themselves, than the aristocracy lay
violent hands upon them, and make them some of them-
selves in soul and in spirit; or, if they show resistance,
they may rest assured, whoever the individuals may
be who are so circumstanced, that the day of their
prosperity is over. (Hear, hear.) Now, I entertain
individually no ill feeling whatever towards any man, or
class of men ; lont I say, first of all, that the aristocracy are
not entitled to the monopoly they at present enjoy of
Government appointments ; and, moreover, that they have,
as a body, from time immemorial, opposed, more or less, all
reforms—(hear, hear)—and I put it to the meeting, and
respectfully enquire whether the prophecies which have
from time to time gone forth as to the fallacies attaching to
certain schemes and proposals subsequently (fortunately for
us)
.become law - whether these prophecies were false or
true ? If it could be shown—as was very well and forcibly
remarked in one of our local journals—that they are a
superior body of men—that, although cradled in ignorance
of the darkest and deepest character, their whole lives spent
in thinking of themselves alone, and nobody else—if it could
be shown that they are more able, more energetic than
others, and better entitled to pre-eminent distinction—if
they could show all this, I for one should be satisfied.
(Hear, hear.) But I contend that the reverse is the case ;
that we learn from them no virtue which we do not already
possess; that neither morality 'nor frugality are features in
their character one bit more, if so much, as they attach to
other classes of society. Therefore, I require to know how
it is they are put forward as pre-eminently entitled to dis-
tinction ? I would ask this meeting, what would this coun-
try not have gained if the late Mr. Hume had been
appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer, or had had the con-
trol of the monies of this country ? (Hear, hear.) Was it the
opinion of Mr. Hume that 800 millions of national debt
are a flea-bite ? (Hear, hear.) Was that his policy ? If it
was not his policy we now know that it is the policy, the
opinion, and the sentiment of the present Chancellor of the
Exchequer. (Hear, hear.) We know that the interest of
the national debt amounts to something like half the gross
income and revenue of the country. Are we to be told—
we who, by our enterprise and industry, contribute, through
the articles which we as merchants and others import, to
the amount of forty odd millions, that we are unfit as a
class —I speak not of individuals—that we are unfit as a
class to hold official appointments ? (Hear, hear.) We
earn the money—we run the risk. The various articles we
produce, the large amount of 'money we circulate through
the country testify to our industry and energy, and I want
to know by what right or reason the class of society to
which we belong should be precluded from being placed in
a high position ? (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I think
we owe it to the middle classes especially, that we should
state what our opinions are, in a manner that cannot be
mistaken. The practical men of business ought not to be
excluded from office. The question is undoubtedly a
matter of some difficulty, because the appointment of the
ministry, we all know, will be claimed as the prerogative
of the crown ; and even if we agreed to a memorial, I
fancy it would very likely be thrown under the table or
returned to us, because the present government certainly
will not allow any such document to reach her
Majesty. Well, then, we may be driven to
some other means, but I hope we shall not be discouraged
by that circumstance ; for I think that the time has arrived
when we should no longer allow, without an effort upon
our part, the middle classes to labour, as at present they
seetn to do. under a stigma or opprobrium—a sort of oppro-
brium which they do not merit; and, in point of fact,
which perhaps will be best described by that passage in
Holy Writ, which says, " For promotion, coming neither
from the east, nor from the west, nor yet from the south."
I (Hear, hear, and applauie.) Now, with these few remarks,
upon 'this very important subject, as I consider it to be, I
will leave the matter in the hands of other gentlemen, who,
I hope, will be prepared to express their opinion so far as
they are able to do at the present period of the matter.
(Applause )
I Mr. Jeffery came forward, and proceeded to say that, at
that hoar of the day, as the chairman had said, their time
vim excessively valuable, and it was most desirable that

they should not be detained longer than the time neeessary
to give utterance to the objects for which they had met.
The present period in the history of this country, he viewed
as the most critical, more so than the country had ever had
to undergo. It was, therefore, their duty not to remain
si'ent, but by public meetings to express, their-opinions on
the condition in which the country was placed. Peace had
now bean allowed to reign for a period of forty years,
and during that time thy had gained many advantages
from peace, as it had greatly improved them as a commer-
cial people. It had given them more wisdom, and made
them both better and wealthier, as well as More moral men,
so that in same degree they could Boast as a nation that they
were worthy . of imitation. by their continental brethren
During that time they had improved both socially and poll-
but in reference to their foreign pol'cy, they had the
s me. ela,ss appointments that they had during the la:.t cen-
tury, and during the conduct of the long bloody war from
1793 to 1815. They

they had in th

same pry'.

eeresy, the same 'falyrandism,
Now, that these thins existed

in the present day, as they did since the first I
the Constitution, what were they to do to IC
The choirman had spoken truly with regard to I

dy them
Majesty'

oice of advisers. They were too limited. She had only
to select from, and these were Lord Derby, Lord John
11, and Lord Palmerston. He had said, they had that
ly they had advanced very considerably, but bad
hey carried their commercial practice into the government
f the country ? Tie asked any merchant, whether he were

commerci:

T, if he were in want of a clerk. b

•
cashier, where would they go to look for one, but into .thi
open market? and when he had found one, and he did not suit
did he at once send for the discarded one to come back again
and allow him to take up the reins where he had left them
No such thing, but he again goes into the open market, m
endeavours to find one. suitable to his mind. But h
liiesty did not do that, for if Lord Der
send fur, was the luesti
nd if be said

who w

WOUla

Lord Derby

send for Lord
would

Rus ell, •in

inning office

y rilinclt

gad p

altered his views, his opinions, or his policy, and in
selecting his colleagues ,select the same men with whom he
held office before; and when he lost the confidence of the
[louse of Commons, the Queen might have to send for Lord
Derby T,ain ; or circumstances might require that Lord
Palmerston should be sent for, who probably had been
Lord John's immediate predecessor but one, but that
was all she could do. Now, he would
thould she so limit herself in her choice
desirable that she should do so, or was it for the
of the country ? He would allow 'then
lswer the question themselves, as he did not thin'

interes

it desirable to take up much of

for he knew a

one would

k, why
Was

r time at that meetin

was a meeting which called them t

.vertisemen

suit out of it. That

drawn up a resolution. which was to th

"That

opinion of this meetin

desirable that their opinions should `4

a memorial, to be p

Majesty, and that a committee be appointed to carry out
the object mentioned." He merely moved that res
with the purpose of withdrawing it in (

had anything more to the purpos
The end and aim which he had in view was

as a subsituio for it

t, of a

they were not to be involved in the tumult that
raging on the continent. He wou
towns in the kingdom, they had the best right to be heat
. .

the continuation of peace. Some would- iemember the
declaration of peace in 1815. What was the position of
Liverpool then ? He had taken considerable trouble to
make a comparison with that date and the present. He
found that, at that time, the population was about 100,000 ;
now the population was half-a-million. The dock revenue
was then £77,000 ; now it was £348,000. Their tonnage
then was 710,000 ; now the tonnage is four and a-half
millions. lie took it, that such an altered state of things was
to be attributed to peace ; from their hying been at peace
with all the world, that they had had nothing to consume but
their yearly expenditure. He feared there was a disposition on
the part of the ruling powers to lean towards Austria, but
what had Austria done for the freedom of mind, and the
hnilrlincr of iustitu thins such as in this country, that she shoud

call furl their sympathies on her side

Tie wodld say, let

the tongue of Po.
the answer to that question

.nose, and say what would be
It might be said, could any-

would say, nothing could be expected from him more than
from Austria, but Sardinia had thought proper to say, as had
been properly remarked in a pictorial publication, that Austria
was about to pick her eyes out, and she had submitted her

port ; but, as he understood, the negativ
application of Sardinia, and she had done as England
would have done, she sought an alliance elsewhere
The answer was simply, that she only followed the example
of Great Britain on a similar occasion. At the period of
the Crimean war, England had done what Sardinia had now
done. He hoped it would never be written in the history
of this country, that it had taken the side of Austria in this
great contest. But if the old state policy were to be con-
tinued, what had they a right to believe would be the result?
The old policy had been maintained under a pretext, for the
preservation of the balance of power, which was nothing
but a phantom and a bugbear. They had to look back to
the past as a matter of history and fact. It was their duty
to look back to the past, to see what they should do in future,
and take the lessons taught as a warning, and see that they
did not adopt the same course. He agreed with the chair-
man, when ho bad said that, those within the aristocratic
circle were not to be the exclusive parties to whom was
to be committed the affairs of government. But he
could not think there was any fear of an invasion,
for he thought the Emperor had his hands sufficiently full
to teach him that an invasion would be madness. He
believed that he would do anything in his power to effect
a conciliation. He concluded by expressing a hope that at
a future and an, early day, a meeting would be called for the
same purpose as had occasioned the calling of that one, and
that it would not be without influence on the country.
(Applause.)
Mr. L. Heyworth in seconding the resolution, said he

was given to the

thought it was necessary tor tnem to nrse nave a emntuiLLee
for the arrangement of their thoughts and their views on a
matter of that natnre. He thought, when there was a
motion for reform in the House of Parliament to get men
to represent every class in the commnnity, he could not see
why they should not have Ministers interested in trade.
If there was one great class in the community, it was the
class of merchants and manufacturers, who had spread the
country's greatness from pole to pole, and from east to west,
and had made themselves looked upon as the greatest people
of the earth. He concluded by seconding the resolution.

Mr. J. B. Aspinall said he had been requested to move
the appointment of a committee, and he could not help
saying that a more important movement than that was
likely to be, if it were well carried out, as things originated
in Liverpool generally were, it would be impossible to
conceive. He entirely concurred, with a slight qualification,
in the remarks which had been made by the chairman, in
opening what he might call the case. (Laughter.) The
chairman had, perhaps, omitted a word which he (Mr.
Aspinall) might supply. He said the time had come when
the aristocracy ought to retire from public life. He (Mr.
Aspinall) would say that the time had unquestionably come
when the aristocracy ought to retire from a monopoly
of public life. (Hear, hear.) 'With that addition to
the observations of the chairman he was satisfied
that there would be out of doors, a very strong feeling
indeed upon the subject, and a general concurrence of
opinion that the time had come—indeed had come long
ago, when the middle classes had a right to a share, not
only in the House of Commons, but in that body which was
rapidly becoming essentially legislative as well, although it
had hitherto been common to call them merely the servants
of the Queen—the ministers of the crown. (Hear, hear.)
It was quite time that there should be a due extension of
power, and of position, to that class who were most deeply
interested in maintaining the prosperity of the country.
(Hear, hear.) It was quite time that the aristocracy should
enter into as fair a competition as could be imposed upon them
—and fair competition was all the middle classes wanted—
with the mass of the people and the trading classes, they
would always be largely represented in the government.
(Hear, hear.) It was impossible to suppose that men who,
in their early life, had such advantages if they chose to
use them—who had such opportunities, earlier frequently
than commercial men had, of applying themselves to the
study of politics—it was impossible to suppose that they
would not, even if they entered into competition, occupy
some place in the government of the country. (Hear, hear.)
But it was a monstrous thing that they should not be con-
tent to rest upon the advantages they had, without arroga-
ting to themselves the right to be exclusive in thoeupoghstsesstobn
of the executive government of the country, (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) That was literalilrythtehecou subjectgt
of which he understood that meeting had assembled to corn-
ld
! plain. They did not say that the aristocertacctyhelyn
pulled down from their places, but that they should
ropheer enter into
tthheemir paltaidceismbeyp theirthem o. wn(Hineterri,nhsiecermu.)periotnsip have
pocrienasciiponles, beto
competition before the country. Let
admitted that the crown ought,