Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-02-05 00:00:00

ITALY.

the history and traditions of Italy, and which answers to
all that is most imperative and most legitimate in _ the
aspirations of the populations of the Peninsula, and in
the very condition of the duration and consolidation of
Governments.

•
Revolution would: this day be but a powerless and
destructive party in Italy. Isolated in Europe, where
the spirit of order happily predominates everywhere.
Isolated even in Italy, where it would rouse against it
conservative and religious interests, it would find support
nowhere. It would be reduced to its own resources.
Condemned by opinion, vanquished by force, its attempt
would be merely an adventure ; it would retreat, it would
succumb, it would once more saturate with blood the soil
of Italy, and would only render the condition of that
noble country still•more melancholy.

The national element represents all that is most vital
in Italy. It answers to the common hopes of the.popu-
lation and the Governments of the Peninsula; far from
menacing thrones, it exalts them. , It opens to the Papacy
an important 'and glorions part which seduced for a
moment the noble heart of Pius IX., and in 1847 it even.
combined in one common feeling of patrioiism the King
of Sardinia and the King of Naples. Moreover, the
national element finds in Europe certain sympathies, for it
attaches itself to the principles of justice, which are
henceforth the object of the policy of all the qovern-
ments. It finds in them the moral support of the Anglo-
Trench alliance formed between two great States, precisely
with the object of preventing European complications, of
settling the diffieronces between nations, and,of supporting
everywhere the cause of the law of nations, and of
civilization.

England, in fact, cannot abandon Italy, for it is she,
her government, her statesmen, her tribune, her journals,
that have constantly encouraged and supported her even
before 1848. We remember the change effected in the
policy of the last regime in consequenoe of the Spanish
marriages. The government of King Louis Philippe
had committed the fault of -sacrificing the Anglo-French
Alliance to a family interest, Its isolation in Europe
was the consequence of it, and as M. Thiers declared in
a memorable debate "It was found at the instant even
dependent on,Austria, and obliged to follow her inspi-
rations in Italy and Switzerland." At that moment what
did England ? She took the part which belonged to
France ; she took it even in exaggerating it.
Lord Minto fulfilled ;the mission with which he bad
been charged by Lord Palmerston with an ardour which
went beyond the mark, by exciting impatience and illu-
sion, when it was above all necessary to inspire moderation
and support firmness. The promise of that protectorate
of the Cabinet of London, conveyed to the Peninsula at
the very moment the. Cabinet of the Tuileries seemed to
abdicate that which history and geography gave her,
must necessarily have overthrown our influence on the
other side of the Alps; but it should also have maintained
the national impulsion which manifested itself after, the
accession of Pius. IX., and which was so soon imperilled
by the revolutionary spirit. Italy believed no longer in
France, and it was to England, that the gave all her con-
fidence.

Ile 0 TURIN, Feb. 4.
the pinione publishes a note of. Count Cavour
the A,!ll3.ject of a tariff granted to Modena by
tt Austrian Government. The Opinione adds
pied Ils,.tria has replied in a way favourable to
has wont, and that the Government of Modena
Cotult 3° replied, in the same sense, to a note of
Probabie,..kvour. The Minister of Finance will
ChaThe
vrB td 'emand authority, to-day, from the
--‘'o negociate a loan.

TURKEY,

It must be admitted that that confidence was not
deceived. England, as a maritime Power7 could not
take part in a continental struggle between Piedmont
and Austria ; but when the revolution of the 24th of
February caused to prevail in France a policy which
ought to be supposed favourable to Italian independence
England did not hesitate to declare herself against
Austrian domination. The entire policy of England on
this point was summed up in a document of high impor-
tance. On the 29th of October, 1848, Lard Palmerston
addressed to Lord Ponsonby, ambassador of the Queen of
Great Britain at Vienna, a despatch in which he declares
that "therewas no chance that Austria could keep, in a
useful and permanent manner, Upper Italy, the whole of
whose inhabitants are profoundly imbued with an invin-
cible hatred to the Austrian army." He adds, that " it
would certainly be more prudent on the part of the
Austrian government, more useful to the real and proper
force of that empire, to free the population from its domi-
nation, which they would ever consider as a yoke."
Lord Palmerston thinks that that yoke cannot be
maintained but by a great display of force, at consider-
able cost, and he foresees that foreign aid ought to be
implored, and accorded. What would happen in such
case ? Here the Cabinet of London does not leave to
the Cabinet of Vienna any illusion as to the feeling of
Europe and the conduct of England. We quote the
words of the despatch :
" Even though the war should become European by
the participation of other Pbwers who might find them-
selves drawn into it, yet there is no reason to believe
that the.final.result would leave Austria.in possession of
any territory beyond the Alps. But Austria must con-
sider, moreover, that however disposed the Powers her'

CONSTANTINOI'LE, Feb.k 2.
pliteithne expected ministerial changes had not taken

ttlt is reported that fighting is going on in Mon-
begro.
rp_kl.deputation from Moldavia is expected here to
~ve the Investiture of A. Couza.
c:_ll;inerdus shipwrecks have occurred on the
teZt oOut f Syria ; eleven vessels were wrecked at
", twenty at Jaffa, and fifteen at Tripoli.

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN CAUSE.
Gre • 'HAmuRGH, Feb. 2.
Diet ia,t linpre3sion has bean mal son the Hotstein
tesidi some stirring addresses •of gentlemen
Ponce at Bradford and Liverpool, in which the
eaus,3 are earnestly requested to espouse the
SchiCwif.gtlie oppressed Garman nationality in

RUSSIA AND CIRCASSIA.
et.
TRIESTE, Feb. 4.
shik‘
atte4iec°l4ai to advices from the Caucasus, an
13 ng
the Russians to take the town Gendel
failed." the Circassian coast, by surprise, had

TRR
N QUESTION o WAR• PLEDGES or FRANCE
POVIY.S F
TRIA; EXPOSIT' lON or LORD DERBY'S
IC

Prt.e (Prom the Morning Herald.)
laris' influence of- England during the last few weeks
man°eon brought to bear, in a legitimate and amicable
ne
lb
Iritl, on France and Sardinia. Austria has given
irattitee sine has not the slightest desire to interfere
_
eatialleoe internal .not
of her neighbours, but will
treat herself and Pay the strictest attention to her
his „Y obligations. Lord Derby stated, in the course of
lirACtZeell, tha so long as Austria remains in her own
Neu Sardinia need not expect any assistance. If
_those
tver(?: are maintained, the dangers of a conflict will. be
ilikeilii and a peaceful solution obtained for the Italia,s
expo •7. Vehement applause greeted Lord Derby
841°4 of policY•
Ilv (Prom the Morning Post.).
Theiade:lnnlon consent the war question
.took place in
Ares& Y no.ht's debate, which has been infinitely more
%e 14°' a 3 • yell? n important. It is certain her
..maJ Majesty's
(lay,
ornle.nt either do not grasp the great question of the
antiin,„l"l, 11 not
_give a free and frank utterance of their
'he sebs'tt!'is and intentions It is clear they do not speak
0„,,,,43 ..tinie,,,...
0.
11 '4 t the House of Commons. Mr. Disraeli
one 4-o situation as between France and Sardinia. on
1:14t bee' and
Ali Stria on the other, to be most cri_ticael,_
lets.
,does not consider the maintenance of peace hope-
ill
ill the linguathis certainly a loom view of the case,.andnio
Pet, eep ~ge of a man who is in a quandary, with _
'rged t-11 °f the way out of it. Ministers have strongly
which that while occupation ation in Italy is endured, the evil.rd
'Oll4 ~.are its excuse -shall be gradually removed. L
trei aties"°°,ll4 renlOve at once the foreign incubus as far as
:4:4 of iat"W. Let Italy learn freedom, by the posses-
Celts I.- , -Between these' two extremes Lord Palmerston
44terfer"° nave taken his stand, and to regard foreigna It4te oiell°cessary perhaps, for the present, but
things
only productive of evil.
N. 411

trier if she was

allies and friends may be to succour
menaced in her own proper and legitimate existence in
Germany, there exists on the El-abject of her pretensions
to impose her yoke on the Italians a feeling so universal
of their injustice that this feeling might well have for
effect to leave her with very little aid in case of a war
such as that I have spoken of."
Is this clear ? Is it possible, we ask, to disinterest
more precisely England, and to isolate more completely
Austria, by raising between her and Europe the universal
sentiments_of the injustice of her pretensions ?

Lord Palmerston 'does not even admit that, in case of
war, Austria could count upon Germany. "Is the Aus-
trian Government," he says, " quite certain that even the
sympathy of Germany would follow it in its efforts to
impose her yoke still more heavily on the Italian
nation ?"

This doubt is not expressed lightly, and the eminent
statesman accounts for it at once by a reason so politic,
so evident and just, that it may be cmsidered as decisive.
The reason is, "The principle of nationalities, now the
rallying cry of all Germany, would it not protest loudly
against Austria in such a struggle ?"

-The acts of England were- in accordance with her
words. Her diplomacy so powerful had supported Italy
in her pretensions, as it had encouraged her in her
impulse. There was perhaps a moment of fortune for the
Italian nationality. It was that moment, too rapid,
when the Piedmontese, conquerors on the Adige, were
masters of almost the whole of Lombardy; when
Austria, dismayed at the general rising which' forced her
to fall back, disquieted at her reverses, and not wishing
to play to the end that terrible game with the despair and
heroism of a people, fearing on one hand the revolution
in Germany, offered the sacrifice of the final act of the
Congress of Vienna as the price of victory, and a con-
cession to the re-establishment of peace. Austria pro-
posed the independence of Lombardy, and a separate
government for Venetia, on the sole condition of her
suzerainty. These proposals were carried directly to
London,----they were only known in France. It was
then believed in London that Italy might obtain
better terms, and the English Cabinet did not
use its great and legitimate authority to prevent
the refusal which was made to these overtures at Milan.
The discouragement of Austria did not last long. In
the month of May, 1848, she was disposed to treat on
the basis just stated. At the end of July, Piedmont
was already exhausted in that unequal struggle,
where her courage alone was inexhaustible. It then
made an appeal to the intervention of France. The
government of General Cavaignac replied by an offer of
mediation in which England was to join. England and
France, completely united in the Arne idea, assumed for
their starting point of the new negotiations the basis
which had been rejected at Milan, but Austria, victorious,
declared peremptorily that she was no longer disposed to
admit that which she had been reduced to_ propose.
Nevertheless, it was decided that a congress should take
place at Brussels, where France was to-be represented by
M. de Tocqueville, and England by Sir Henry Ellis.
Everybody knows what happened—the Congress in Brus-
sels was a mere plan—the Anglo-French mediation could
not succeed in constituting itself—the voice of cannon
was heard in place of that of diplomacy. It was the
cannon of Novara. Charles Albert, impatient at the
adjournments, irritated by the difficulties, confident in
his cause, had risked all in that glorious temerity. Italy
succumbed at least nobly, and the chivalrous monarch,
who had dreamed its emancipation, retired, van-
quished, and not humiliated, leaving his crown and his
cause to his son, who ascended the throne through
this field of battle, after having received 16 bullets in, his
coat. Since that period Italian nationality has only
lived in the patriotism and policy of Piedmont, sustained
by the moral support of the Anglo-French alliance. The
flag of Novara was hoisted in the Crimea, where the
Sardinian army had their share in the contest, the trials,
and the victories of the French and English armies. In
fine, at the Congreas of Paris the Plenipotentiaries of the
Bing of Sardinia came to take their seats beside those of
the first Powers in Europe, and to concur with them in
the regulation of the greatest interests in the world.
This rank, which Sardinia vanquished at Novara, in
1849, was able to conquer in 1856, in the midst of
the great Powers, she owes no doubt to herself, but
she owes it likewise to the moral and direct support
of the Anglo-French alliance ; she owes it particularly
—and nobody in the diplomatic regions will deny this
fact—to theperseyering and marked tendency of England
to aggrandise and constitute her importance. The
English policy has consequently not varied since 1847
with respect to Italy. It even anticipated us ; while
the diplomacy of the King Louis, Philippe supported
the Austrian policy, the diplomacy of Queen Victoria
encouraged the Italian policy. The influence of England
did not cease to be felt for a single day during these
eleven years in the affairs of the Peninsula. It is to be
found in the first burst of nationality which hailed the
accession of Pius IX., as well. as in the efforts' of indepen-
dence which at a later period concentrated themielNies
under the Sardinian flag. Her hand is seen in the pre-

OLEON 111. AND ITALY.

ph. ‘-'ll. SEMI-OFFICIAL PAMF7HLET..
Ilitihe anxious, e PARIS, Thursday Night.
the et t j-trai ~Y expected pamphlet, "Napoleon
forthe 3r after' w
. . i appear to-morrow, or perhaps
t With • Of this production, perhaps put
I).‘ev°lntin a view to conciliate the extreme Italiante
i''' se,„--114,rY Party—with what effect remains
letter aln enabled to give, in my presentte
host iirnore than one-half, and that, I think,
bh_
ekeitn4Portant portion of it. It will very probably Ivks Illaeh interest here from the belief that it
h111;,5 t urnjnsed under the immiate inspiration
'''
°;4l/1-.1-1-aZi.arrd that much of
.it is actually from
It opens thus .-
1, Vti,
forel-',, the earn west I.
of the public mind
Of
1"? ever :lie'
pre-occupations think wi with us that the question
tAks to I.fils one of those which it is as impossible to lull ' liratirLeeit_ 12.3 e most prudent way, then, is to study it,
ti 7 7,7 cairn. it by means of an.
.impartial and
Bclaintle -e examination in place of irritating it by
etav --) or k „
deBireioation wringiL apa'srtt in obscurity by silence.. This
ndertaken with the sincere
kteatestl being useful juto au cause which comprises the
halt, Political and religious interests of EuroPe.•
gatioaePresents in histor something greater still than
s
PrivilekitY ; she represents civilisation. It is on tthi
llorioligseg soil that imperishable principles and he
Ilaave t,telainples which have fOrmed men. and societies
h,ti.o47l,bir.th. Italy is more than. a sister for other
ir
f,tutit. she is •
a mother. Her genius, her Powel
iler e,liorls, her conquests, her masterpieces, and,later,
.a
baacie;fanlities, her ruin, her troubles—in a a word, all
174,48.-to.°l.riaja modern, times, her Consuls, her Tribunes,
e na ner Emerors-her mar.tyrs, and her Popes,
ikeeti.eract7,lltribil' ted to endow. her. with in some sort a slat. v character. In policy, in war, in civil and penal
;etto4l,l, 9. the arts, in eloquence, in poetry, as. in
T, e has been the common country of all eivilisea
114 es. ...‘ Ixte .
light crer Ybe said that her. influence over the world
h,ee , ceased. After having subjugated. it, she en-
's_c)ral -ea' it. When her material domination fell, her
`qs 1, "nlination menced. Such is what heitustdoery.
be ingra i
as ,
rot In Per Europeoulto forget her would
Nt i'MY to forget ite e ld be resignation. Can we ask
(tilt thlerii,fic,e_ of.t.hose whowu have kept of their past grandeure
irY ree0c...0.0 of having justified
it
an.cladthie.fhlorpee of on
did ask
„of lt,, 'ring some remnant of it ? A `,Qcse ZY7 Would she not have a right to answer us with
~ We
'4ollld'qds of Tacitus in the Life of Agricola,
stir
ii eave lost memory itself with our voice if it was in
Poker to forget as well as to be silent."
Thi,
11.
,(11 Italy are two elements quite distinct in the question
`'° s Y. The revolutionary element, which corresponds
PatiOversive theories and violent passions, alike,
.inctnema
t,lie ). e„ with order in Enrope, the laws of civiliza it
,
.rsk "gio us interest and political independence. of
.the
eY• The national element, which has its origin 1

THE NORTHERN TIMES, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1859

tensions inspired by victory, as well as in the negotiations
which followed defeats. In fine-when at the Congress at
Paris Count Walewski thought it his duty to call to the
interior state of Italy the solicitude and attention of the
plenipotentiaries assembled to settle the conditions of
peace, Lord Clarendon, with that authority acquired by
his rank and his lofty experience, energetically supported
the wishes expressed by the Minister of the Emperor of
the French. It is true that since that period the direc-
tion of the English policy has changed hands, but the
English feeling has not changed. England is a liberal
nation, and her great aristocracy has maintained
itself through all our 'socail crises and transformations
only because it has always marched at the head
of civilisation and progress. There is not a statesman
—not a minister—not a parliament in Great Britain
which could support any other cause in Italy than that
of which the Queen's Government has been, for the last
11 years, the firm support. This cause responds to
everything that England respects, to all that she has a
-mission to propagate throughout the world. She cannot
make default in it without belying her history and her
nature: In a word, the Italian question cannot but be
one of national interest for the English Government as
for the French. It is an Italian question—it cannot be
anything else. It could not- become French without
ceasing to be European, but in remaining in its proper
character, it is certain to find in England the sympathies
of a liberal nation and of an enlightened Government.
As for England, she responds to true principles, to which
she is bound by one of • those alliances which have their
foundation in the morals of a people, and their sanction
in its conscience. •

and Italian. Misfortunes surprised him before this object
of European equilibrium could be accomplished ; and
what is most remarkable is, that to drive him back from
the other side of the Rhine and the Alps it was found
necessary to excite against him the national sentiment
which he understood, and which entered into his vast plan
as an element of general pacification. It was by promis-
ing their independence to Italy and Germany that the
coalition was able to rally them round its flag.
The state of France with relation to Europe is at the
present'day quite different. The French Revolution has
done its work as to institutions, laws, and manners, and its
influence is felt beyond our frontiers. The Empire, re-
established after more than. 30 years' struggle, has gained
the alliance of some of the oldest monarchies, the friendship
of others, the esteem of all,, There is consequently no
reason to fear, that our generation shall see wars recom-
menced such as those which have cost so much blood,
and gave so much glory to our fathers.
If France who wishes peace, was forced to make war,
Europe would, no doubt, be moved by it, but it ought
not to be disquieted at it. It is not her independence
which is in question. War, which fortunately is not
probable, would have no other object the day when it
should become necessary than to prevent revolutions by
means of the legitimate satisfaction given to the require-
ments of populations, and the protection and guarantee
of the recognised principles, and the authentic rights of
their nationality. _ _ _ _

The&perordigapoleon I. thought himself obliged, to
conquer nationalities in order to free them. If ever his
successor had to defend them it would be to free them
without conquering them. Thus we might repeat to
Italy what M. Thiers said on the lath January, 1848,
from the tribuue, and with as much reason as justice—
" When, 50 years ago, we wished to possess Italy, it was
a wrong, but an excusable wrong, because to possess it
was to save it, and the vast empire-which stretched from
Rome to Hamburg was but the great reprisal for the
celebrated Convention of Pilnitz. Those times are past.
Italy must know that France wishes her to be indepen-
dent, free, and happy."
__

We have demonstrated the policy of England with
regard to Italy—now what is the interest of Germany in
this question ? It is useless to speak of Austria, inter
ested in maintaining a state of things favourable to her
domination. There remains Germany, properly so called.
Pope. Pius IX., addressing himself to the Emperor of
Austria, at the time he was maintaining against the Lom-
bards and Venetians a contest doubly painful to the
patriotism of the Italian Prince and the heart
of the Pontiff, defined in these terms the duties
and the mission of Germany : —" Wo feel confi-
dent that the German nation, so generously proud
of her own nationality, will not commit her hondur
in sanguinary attacks against the Italian nation, but
that she will rather believe she is interested in nobly
acknowledging 'her for a sister, both our daughters, both
so dear to our hearts, consenting to dwell each in its own
natural territory, where they will live an honourable
life, blessed by the Lord." Thus spoke the, great
soul and the elevated reason of Pius IX. The
spirit of concord which inspired this appeal elevated him
to- a political view worthy of a statesman. The Emperor
Napoleon 1., in one of those glances which he sometimes
cast upon the world from the top of his rock, had
generalised the same idea by applying it to all nations.
" One of my grandest idea,," said he, "was the agglomera-
tion, the concentration of the same geographical nations
which had been divided and partitioned by revolution and
politics. Thus there are in Europe, though scattered,rmore
than 30,000,000 French, 15,000,000 Spaniard; 15,000,000
Italians, and 30,000,000 Germans. I wished to make of
each of these peoples one single body of a nation. It is
with such a cortege that it would have been grand to
advance to posterity and the benediction of ages. I felt
myself worthy of that glory." What nation is interested
more than Germany in the respect of nationalities ?
It is justly jealous of its own. Since 1815 it tends more
and more to reconstitute its unity, - and we can see
with what ardour it claims the Duchies of Holstein-
Schleswig from Denmark. Well, German nationality
bears in itself a cause of weakness, an alteration
of its right and its principle ; it is the element
which is foreign to it, which changes its nature by attach-
ing to the great Germanic body a shred of Italian
nationality. Thus the Marquis d'Azeglio, one of the
most eminent statesmen in Piedmont, was justified when
some time since he expressed this reproach, "Germany
is endeavouring to obtain her independence and to con-
stitute herself into a nation, and at the same time she is
casting herself on Italy to dispute with her the rights
she demands for herself. In that there would be an
inconsistency. against which the good sense and patriotism
of Germany would revolt." In 1848 and 1849 public
opinion was not mistaken on the other side of the Rhine,
and the immense majority of Germans formed vows for
the triumph of the Italian cause —only the republican
character of the revolution of 1848 justly alarmed the
Diet of Frankfort, and rendered ,the right side of that
Assembly particularly circumspect in its sympathy for
Italian nationality. The Germanic Confederation
believed that it was menaced in its independence ;
in fine, some German officers asserted that the line of

There are in France and in Europe men of good faith,
who ask themselves if there is really an Italian question.
It is true that this question has not been created in these
recent times either by civil war or by foreign war. Must
we conclude_that it does not exist? Such is not our
opinion. The. Italian question is created by the disquietude
which it causes to Europe, by the uneasiness it keeps up,
and by the false situation in which.all the Governments
of the peninsula are more or less > engaged under the
influence of causes at once common and various.

Let us rapidly analyse those causes, in order that the
opinion of Europe shall be enabled to judge if it is possible
to maintain the actual state of things in Italy, and if it
be not more prudent and more politic to prevent great
perturbations in it than to allow oneself
_to be outstripped
by events.

At Rome the Pope is under the respectful and devoted
guardianship of the arms of France. That military
occupation is at once an abnormal and a necessary fact.
If it ceased to-day we should see Austria or the Revolu-
tion take our place to-morrow. The noble qualities and
generous intentions of Pius IX. seemed to reserve for
him an exceptional part in the history of the Papacy.
Italian patriotism is in him combined with every Chris-
tian virtue. .lle was worthy of regenerating Italy. It
was the first inspiration of his accession ; the greatness
of Rome seemed to revive for a moment under the figure
of this Pope. Turin, Naples, Venice, Parma, and Milan
thrilled with a new spirit at the signal of nationality
given by the bell of the dome of St. Peter's. Unhappily,
the revolution came on, which drew the population along,
caused princes to draw back, leaving him no refuge but
exile, and no safety.but the sword of France.

It is not the failt of Pius IX. if the temporal autho-
rity which he desired to reform was again found in his
hands such as he had received ito from his predecessor.
Convinced of the necessity of that reform, he has had,
doubtless, the regret of having failed in it ; but he never
will have remorse before God for having attempted it.
This day he bears with Christian resignation the weight
of a situation which he has vainly tried to better, and
the abuses of which his perfect goodness would have
corrected if they could be so.

This situation places the Pope in presence of three
real difficulties, and which, we declare, expose seriously
to danger, according to us, the political power of the
Papacy--a power necessary for its independence, and the
grandeur of its religion; mission.
The first of these difficulties is found in the adminis-
trative Government of the Roman States, which is but
the Catholic authority applied to the interests of a
temporal order. The laws of the church aro not proper
for discussion, and merit respect ; they must be consi-
dered as an emanation of the Divine wisdom ; but civil
society claims its legislation as religious society exacts
and preserves its own. The Canon Law, inflexible as
dogma, immovable amid the movement of ages, is
essentially distinct from legal law, variable as are the
requirements and the interests of society. It could
adapt itself to the early periods of Christian civilisation
when Charlemagne introduced in his Capitularies the
rules and precepts of theocracy; but the canon law can-
not suffice for the protection and development of modern
society.

the Mincio was, in a strategic point of view, necessary
to Germany, and they had accredited this opinion, that
in any case Austria ought to keep, as a necessary cover,
the country comprised between that river and the
Adriatic. Prussia had accepted this point of departure
to propose to the Diet a species of compromise, which at
least manifeSted its sympathy for the Italian cause, and
at the same time its solicitude for German interests.
According to this plan, prepared by M, Radowitz,
Austria was to keep the line of the Mincio as a stragetic
point, but -the country which remained within the
limits of the Austrian Empire was to form part of an
Italian Confederation. This plan was rejected by the
Diet, over which Vienna influence prevailed. Iri Ger-
many, as in Italy, as everywhere, the revolutionary
spirit prevailed over the national movement which
had preceded or followed the burst of 1848. The Diet

There is, nevertheless, an essential point which must
never be lost sight of when the Pontificial government is
in question, namely, the necessity of respecting its two-
fold character, and of reconciling the regime of the
Church and the regime of the Roman nation, which are
exercised by the same hand. They must be reconciled
without being confounded. There is the problem —a
difficult one, we admit, but on the solution of which
depends, perhaps, the salvation of the temporal power of
the Papacy.
In fact, real abuses, independent of men, inherent in
the nature of things, spring from this confusion. These
abuses excite among the Roman population a spirit which
would easily render them unjust and distrustful, and which
is only kept in check by the presence of our soldiers. We
become responsible for what we protect ; and our very
occupation, from the fact of being prolonged in such con-
ditions, would be worn out, and would endanger the name
and the influence of France.

of Frankfort produced nothing. The Germanic Con-
federation obtained none of the guarantees of unity and
liberty of action that it sought ; placed under the
influence of two great Powers, it has, perhaps, no hope
except in their necessary rivalry. Both of these Powers
are condemned on their side to' that opposition, which is
the condition of their importance. Prussia, which tends
to become the head of the Germanic body, has an im-
mense interest in keeping Austria in check. By becoming
her ally she would make herself the accomplice of her
own humiliation, and she would thus disown the work of
the great Frederick.

In a word, the Italian question, reduced to a national
interest, disengaged from the reyolutionary element,
limited, and tempered in its pretensions by the moral
protectorate- of Europe, could have nothing menacing for
Germany. Far from it. Its solution, if it was possible,
would be, a new force for German nationality, and a
guarantee of security and equilibrium for all the States
that compose it.
IV. After having demonstrated that England was
morally engaged and Germany politically interested in a
national solution of the question of Italy, we must ex-
amine how this question should be characterised with
respect to France.
What, does France wish? Does she wish, as under
,the Republic and under the first Empire, to reconstitute
Europe, to impose herself on her, to change her frontier,
to displace the nationalities, to depose kings, to found
dynasties ? or rather does she desire simply to consolidate,
to strengthen the present order in Europe, by applying
her power to resolve the difficulties which may menace and
endanger it ?

Thus, in a political point of view, the absolutely
clerical character of the Government of the Roman
States is a contre-sens, an active cause of discontent,
and, consequently, an element of weakness for the Pope
himself, and a permanent danger of revolution.
The second difficulty for the Pope is that which result
from the national question. In this point of view his
situation is not more defined nor less dangerous. The
irritation in the Roman States is still less owing to the
absence of legal gnarantees and to the clerical administra-
tion, than to the antagonism necessarily established
between the mission of the Head of the Church, and that
of the Pope as an Italian Prince. The cause of the
Revolution of 1848 was, above all, the explosion of the
national idea. It is from the Vatican that the encour-
agement as well as the obstacle to the nationality of Italy
had to come.

The Pope supported, as sovereign, the cause of inde-
pendence ; as Head of the Church, he disapproved the
war, and refused to break off with Austria. Placed
between a double duty, he was reduced to sacrifice the
one to the other. He necessarily sacrificed the political to
the spiritual duty. This is the condemnation, not of
Pius IX., but of the system ; not of the man, but of the
situation, since the situation imposes on the man the ter-
rible alternative of immolating the Prince to the Pontiff,
or the Pontiff to the Prince.

We'believe the question to be thus precisely laid down.
The first Empire, as the Revolution, had a general
object in view, in presence of which the interests of
nationality were merely secondary. Europe was leagued
against principles which had just triumphed in France,
And under the influence of which an immense transfor-
mation was abont to be accomplished. We were con-
demned, for a long time perhaps, to struggle alone against
all, in a double interest of territorial and political con-
servatism, and of moral expansion for the benefit of other
peoples. We had then to create for ourselves every
where —on the Rhine, the Scheldt, the Pyrenees, the
Alps—fortresses or advanced posts, in order to support,
according to circumstances, our policy alternately offen-
sive or defensive. When the Emperor Napoleon I.
caused himself to be crowned King of Italy, and pro-
claimed Protector of the German Confederation, he
desired to protect rather than aggrandize the French
territory, which was great enough in its natural limits
not to go beyond them. He thus constituted the inde-
dendence at the same time as the influence of new France,
and his victorious eagles carried abroad with them, not
servitude but civilisation

Finally. A third difficnity, and this not the least
serious, is created for the Pope by the absolute impos-
sibility he is in of forming, in actual circumstances, an
Italian army. All the attempts made with this object
have failed.

Thus, in a word, in what concerns Rome, there are
three considerable difficulties, which correspond to these
urgent necessities, viz. :---
" 1. To reconcile the ergirne of the Church with a legal,
political, and regular regime in the Roman States.
"2. To render tho Pope independent of questions of
nationality, of war, of armaments, of internal and exter-
nal defence.

3. To constitute a native army, and to substitute for
our occupation the protection of an efficacious and serious
Italian, force.

In what concerns Italy particularly the Emperor
explained the motives of his domination over that country
in one of the memorable conversations at St. Helena :

This is a threefold necessity, which, under pain of
certain and perhaps approaching disturbance, must be
satisfied, in the interest of Italy, of reliion, and of all
the Catholic States. (Triple exigence is laquelle, sous
peine de perturbation certaine et peut-etre prochaine, it
importe de satisfaire dans l'interet de l'ltalie, de la
religion, et de tousles Etats Catholiques.)

"As for the Italians," he said, " the agglomeration was
already far advanced. It was only wanting to become old,
and each day ripened with them the unity of principle and
of legislation, that of thought and feeling, that cement
secure and infallible of human agglomerations. The union
of Piedmont with France, that of Parma, Tuscany, and
Rome, had been only temporary in my thought, and had
no other object than to watch, to guarantee, and to pro-
mote the national education of the Italians." And let it
not be said that that generous thought was in the con-
science of the illustrious exile the excuse for his lost domi-
nation.. It was well and truly the inspiration of his
political genius, and what proves it is the official answer
which he made in 1808 to M. Melzi, who headed the
doputation charged with offering him the crown of
Italy.

That reply is a ray of light in this historic question.
Here i is : ' I have always had the intention of creating
the Italian nationality free and independent. I accept the
crown ; I will guard it ; but only for the time my inter-
ests shall require it."
The campaigns of the Revolution, the conquests of the
Empire, were then a violent means, an extreme resource
of struggle and of propagandism, but they were not a
system. The Emperor did not make Germany and Italy
F Tench, but only to prepare them some day to be German

Piedmont has grown greatly in importance and in
glory. She has won a place in the affairs of Europe,
and a part in the destinies of Italy. But, in order to
establish her power, as yet new, and to guarantee her
security at home and abroad, her Government is bound
to give satisfaction to two interests which are in a
state of suffering—national interest and religious interest:

The Italian idea is, since 1847, the moving cause and
the necessary reason of all the acts of Piedmontese
policy. It is the passion of King Victor Emmanuel, as
it is the flag of the Cabinet presided over by Count
Cavour. Now, this idea has produced all that in actual
circumstances it was enabled to produce with regard to
military acts, preparations of armaments, systems of
defence, and political manifestations against Austria ; in
this respect it could go no further without encountering
war.
Nevertheless, Piedmont cannot remain without great
peril at the point IA which it is ; it . cannqt hare -taken
vainly the head of the Italian movement in order to draw

back afterwards. It is absolutely necessary that means
should be found of satisfying the hopes which it has
excited under pain of losing all influence in Italy, and of
being outstripped by the passions which its present popu-
larity keeps in check.
The interests of religion suffer in Piedmont, .we have
said, like the national uiterests. It is then urgent, for
many reasons, that in a Catholic country should not be
prolonged a dissension with the Church of Rome, which
is an encouragement to revolutionary passions, a cause of
grief and an embarrassment for the conscience, and a

serious danger for the Government.
The Piedmontese clergy have no hatred against repre-
sentative government: In .1846 and 1847 they were nearly
all in the liberal movement directed by Count Balbo and

the Abbe -Glioberti. Their attitude Changed when the
law on civil marriage and that on ecclesiastical festivities
produced a dissension with Rome. It is no part of our
business to discuss these laws ; we merely observe that
all the enlightened Piedniontese deplore that state of

things, and earnestly desire to see the end of them. • We
have too much confidence in the high intelligence'Of the
Prime Minister-of Sardinia not to be convinced that the
obstacle to a reconciliation so degrable Would not be
found in him: What proves it is his declaration-last
session on the secularisation of the property of the clergy,
which he energetically rejected for profound political
reasons, as he said.

fociis of light and of noble activity, then public opinicin
may' judge, and perhaps impose itself as .a pacific justice
of right. We have composed this work in order that public
opinion may have the means of pronouncing its judgment.
We have no hostility to Austria. The question of Italy is
the only difficulty which can exist between her and France.
We respect its situation in Germany, which has
nothing to fear from us on the Rhine. The solution of
the Italian question would have for result to efface
between France and Austria all subject of dissension.
These two Powers can approach _ each _ other by many
common interests, and the union of all the great
Governments of Europe is' not too much to prevent
fattite Complications. It is in order to combine their
view's and efforts in • a general interest, that we wet))
remove all present
.clifficulties =

aua resolve one of the
1) it considerable questions of the

But we must not delude ourselves ; that reconciliation
is not easy. There are engagements contracted, amo;er
propre excited, and an issue is difficult from this dilemma
when the debate is carried on only under the protection
of some great act which would be a. pledge given to the
national interest and a means of reconciliation with the
interests of religion.

If, in place of that, the statu quo be prolonged in
Piedmont, it is fated to end, as the political result in
war, and as the religious result in schism.

These are two great dangers, not only for Piedmont,
but for all Italy and for Europe, and to which political
wisdom counsels us not to shut our eyes. .

Can the statu.quo, so difficult to maintain at Rome and
Turin for the reasons we have just given, continue at
Milan, Naples, Florence, Parma, and Lucca
At Milan the Emperor of Austria sent of the Arch-
dukes him who had most sympathy for Italy. The good
intentions of the Archduke Maximilian are known. Ile
used his power with a moderation which we are happy to
admit, but is the domination of Austria in Italy the more
solid theiefOre ? The qualities of a Prince—time itself—

can do nothing. As Lord Palmerston said, in 1849,
in the despatch we have already quoted, "There is no
chance for Austria to keep in' a useful and permanent
manner Upper Italy." Thus, on that side, insurrection
put down, often vanquished, but never discouraged.
A t Naples the Government is isolated, not only in
Europe by her position with respect to France and
England, but also in Italy, by her rupture with the only
state there which is seriously 'organised. The Kin.. of
Naples, also, and he more than
,any other, perhaps,
weakened as lie is by this double isolation, has to deal
with a national opinion which exists in the south as in
the north of the Peninsula. Mention has recently been
made of a document of great interest, and which ex-
plains the resistance of the King of Naples to the com-
liinPd dinlnmntir antinn of +lto A rin•ln_P,.ny,-.1,

By the 3rd Article of the Convention of the 29th of
April, 1815, the two. Governments of Austria and .the
Two Sicilies engaged to conclude a treaty of alliance,
having for object "to consider the state of peace
and tranquillity, internal and external,, of the Two
Sicilies and of Italy in general." That treaty, - con-
lluded in t' h of

ne mont, .ollowing, stipulales, in
a :secret article, " that his Majesty the King of the
Two Sicilies shall not admit changes which cannot
be reconciled either with monarchical institutions or
with the principles adopted by his Imperial And Royal
Majesty for the internal government of his Italian pro-
vinces." It is impossible to render more apparent the
hand of Austria. Evidently under such a stipulation it
may be said that it rules at Naples as at Milan. But
will King Ferdinand, who in 1847 freed himself from
that domination, always feel himself protected by it ? It
is permitted to believe that he feels the humiliation as
well as the embarrassment of it, and that he would be
happy to lend the hand to an organisation which,
without prejudicing the prerogatives of which he is so
jealous, would permit him to be an Italian prince, and
to win back the sympathies of the intelligent men from
whom he cannot remain divorced the whole of his reign.

At Florence, the Grand Duke Leopold has seen
eclipsed the brilliant popularity which encircled him be-
fore 1848, and the fruits of which he gathered in his
spontaneous restoration to the throne. Between him and
his people 'stand the bayonets of Austria. Austrian domi-
nation presses on Tuscany as on Naples. There is also a

nt and

women
To 2

the best manner of securing
to outstrip *ornplications capable of producing

contract which confirms it. A treaty of alliance, offensive
and defensive, between the Emperor of Austria and the
Grand Duke of Tuscany, delivers this part of Italy to the
powerful hand which reaches over her in the north, as in
the centre and the south. In order that this situation
should cease, that Florence should again become Italian,
as in the times of the Medici, and that her Princes should
recover their popularity, a national government and an
Italian army are as much needed in Tuscany as in the
Roman States.

At Parma the Grand Duchess has resisted better than
elsewhere the influence of Austria, which she has not
permitted up to the present, to have a garrison in her
States. It is a good example ; and it is worthy of
remark, that this inspiration of patriotism should ema-
nate from the heart of a woman. But the Duchess of

Parma, like all the Sovereigns of Central Italy, is bound
by treaties and by policy; she belongs to Austria, and
until Italy recover new life, she cannot withdraw herself
from that yoke.

As for the Duke of Modena, he is the admitted Lieu-
tenant of Austria; he has the frankness of his situation.
In 1847 he did not hesitate to call upon the Austrians
to combat, not the revolution, which had not yet raised
its head, but the national movement of which Pius IX.
was the chief. " I have behind the Po," he wrote some
time previous, " a reserve of 300,000 men." The
24th of December, 1847, he signed a treaty of
alliance with the Cabinet of Vienna, and by the 11th
article of that treaty he granted to the Emperor
" the right of marching the Imperial troops on the ter-
ritory of Modena, of garrisoning his forts with them every
time the interest of the common defence and military
precautions should require it. This alliance did riot
hinder him from quitting Modena on the 21st of March,
1848, after having instituted a regency, charged with
granting reforms which might be judged useful, and
giving to the Duchy a representative statute on the
basis of that of Piedmont. Pt is thus that at Modena,
as in all the States of Italy where it is established,
Austrian domination keeps up the revolutionary element,
which can only be dominated and annihilated by the
national element.

Such is the actual state of the Peninsula ; at Rome,
antagonism between the Ecclesiastical Government and
the interests of civil society, isolation of the Sovereign
in the very midst of the respect which surrounds the
Pontiff, French occupation indefinite ; at Turin, excite-
ment of the national feeling that may lead to war, and
rupture with Rome that may lead.to schism ; at Milan,
universal protest on the part of nationality, beaten
down but still living, against the sovereignty of Austria ;
at Naples, at Parma, at Florence, at Modena, in
every place where Austria governs by her treaties, by
her counsels, which are orders, and by her garrisons;
revolt of the Italian feeling, capable of degenerating into
revolution ; in a word, an Italy where the greatest recol-
lections of history are effaced or blasted by the greatest
misfortunes, where the most essential interests of
society, religion, order, independence of people, autho-
rity of princes, are endangered or lost, and where are
raised as a reproach and. as a permanent danger for
Europe and its civilization, sufferings to which humanity
and policy cannot remain indifferent. Such is the
picture presented to our view on the other side of the
Alps. In producing it here, in its melancholy truth, we
accuse no one ; we wish only that opinion shall decide,
with a complete knowledge of affairs, not if such a
situation is just; but if it is possible."
Post hour compels me to stop at the 37th page
of this curious production, which consists of 64.
I pass over the intermediate pages, and prefer
giving the concluding chapter, which is as
follows :

XIV.
The treaties which bind Governments are the interna-
tional laws of peoples, and would be only invariable if
the world was immovable. If the treaties which are to
protect the security of Europe place it in danger, it is
because they no longer answer to the necessities or to the
wants which dictated them. Political prudence counsels
to substitute something else for them. A power which
would entrench itself behind treaties in order to resist
modifications demanded by general feeling would have,
no doubt, for her an acquired right, but she would
have against her moral right and universal con-
science. If, then, it be demonstrated that the
yof a
uneasiness,
situation of the Italian States is not only cause of
suffering for the country, but even a cause
and perhaps of revolution in Europe, the letter of treaties
would be involved in vain—it could, not hold against the
necessity of politics and the interest of European order.
What, therefore, is to be done? To
When appeal to force? May
Providence keep such an extremity it irom us ! We must ap-
peal to public opinion. the true situation of Italy
shall be known throughout Europe, and that everybody
shall be convinced that there is in the midst of the most
enlightened States on the on that land from which
civilisation sprung, a focus globe, on
disorder, and
profound.perturbation, which might so readily become a

war. There

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