Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-07-09 00:00:00

THE NORTHERN TIMES, SATURDAY, JULY 9, 1859

trespasses of foreigners, should hold the North of
Italy. If these facts are boldly recognised by the
Great Powers, the work of negociation will be short
and beneficient. The circular just issued' by Count
Walewski contained the assurance that the Emperor
of the French far from desired to dispose of the
territory and government of Italy, as a mere success_
ful warrior, without consulting the other European
Powers, which he himself asked for the concurrence of
those Powers in settling the affairs of that -country,
as soon as an opportune moment arrived. The
Daily News says that Prussia still exercises a
willingness to be associated with England and Russia
in the work of mediation, and she will not, therefore,
pursue an isolated national policy. The Times
believes in peace, and
.remarks that before
this truce has ended, the French army will be

refreshed and reinforced. A fleet of gunboats will be

ready for launching upon the lake that surrounds
Mantua, and a great army will be ready to make its de-

scent upon the shores of Northern 'ltaly. Broken and
dispirited as Austria now is, she is yet better `attle

to fight-at this moment than she will be at any

future time. We believe, therefore, in peace, and

1 we believe that the path to peace will be made

smooth to her, for the Emperor has won the advan-
tage which for the moment he proposes to himself.

If this war between France and Austria is ended

France comes tremendous in power out of the con-

flict, and Austria and Europe will look on with still

increasing interest, much meditating upon the future
while she rests upon her arms. The Post inclines

to think that the proposition for an armistice

came from the moderation of the Emperor of the

French, and it is of opinion that Austria will consent
to sacrifice her Italian sway, and thus end the war.
A letter from Rome, published in the Times, states
that the Mazzinians have _ forged a pretended order
of the Pope, as if it had been issued from the War_
office, directing the most severe treatment of the

revolted districts. The Vienna correspondent of
the Times says that on the 3rd inst. the French

fleet, consisting of sixty-four sail, was at no great
distance from Venice. T,he Hungarian Legion

forming at Genoa is to be clothed like the Hungarian
soldiers in the Austrian army, as it is believed the

latter will not fire on men wearing the national cos-

tume. The Vienna Gazette publishes an amendedlist of
killed and wounded at Solferino. As to officers, the

return gives 90 killed, 414 wounded, 13 made
prisoners, and 70 missing; total 587. Of rank and
file, 2,005 killed, and 8,421 wounded ; making a

grand total of 11,213. Nothing is said respecting
the number taken prisoners. The :French .and
Sklidinian killed and wounded was 18,245. The

numbers given by the Vienna Journal are believed to
be still below the truth.

• Home News is very scant to-day. We give some
further parriculars of the trial of Dr. Sniptluir:t for
murder, and it will be seen that the trial has come
to a summary conclusion, by one of the jurors taking
seriously ill. The jury are discharged. The Globe
states that the Hon. Wm. Grey, now Secretary of
Legation at Berlin, will replace Viscount Chelsea at
Paris. Mr. Grey:will be succeeded at Berlin by Mr.
Lowther, now Secretary of Legation at St. Petersburg,
Mr. Lumbug, of the Madrid Legation, succeeds Mr.
Lowther, and the Hon. R. Edwards goes from
Frankfort to Madrid.

The Bank Returns, as published in last night's
Gazette, show an increase in active circulation of
£206,770, but a decrease in bullion of £332,464, and
in the reserve of notes of £368,975.

---....--

ENGLAND AND WAR

IT is evident, we think, that the more calmly the
conduct of her Majesty's Government respecting the
War has come to be considered, since the , change of
Ministry, the more cause for gratitude is there felt
to be 'due to those who have pursued and established
a policy which has kept this country :out of the
unhappy contest, even amidst the most earnest and
energetic interposition to, avert it; and, sure we are
that neither House of Parliament will fail to echo
the national feeling in this regard. The resolution
of which Lord STRATFORD has 'given notice of his
intention to move in the House of Lords—as well as
that which Lord ELCHO is to bring forward in the
House of Commons—will express,- we are persuaded,
that feeling very correctly in the main. The terms
of that Resolution are these,—"That an humble
address be presented to her Majesty's. Government,
expressive of the thanks of the House for her
Majesty's gracious communication of the deeply
important correspondence on Italian affairs,
presented recently to both Houses of Parliament, and
gratefully acknowledging the unquestionable
evidence which the correspondence afforded. of her
Majesty's earnest and impartial. endeavours to avert
the calamity of war, assuring her Majesty of the
loyal confidence with which this House relied on her
Majesty's determination to maintain. inviolate the
neutrality that has been so far preserved, and finally
representing to her Majesty, as the opinion of this
House, that while every suitable and vigorous effort
is making under her Majesty's authority for the
completion of our defences by sea, and land, the
operations of the belligerent Powers should be care-
fully watched, with a view in particular to send
offers on our part of mediation as may contribute to
an early and comprehensive peace." This, we say,
there can be no doubt is the general feeling of the
country. " Her Majesty's earnest and impartial
endeavours to avert the calamity of war," and
the " determination to maintain inviolate
the neutrality that. has been so far preserved,"—
the credit of this, of eourSe, is chiefly due to the late
advisers of her Majesty ; and the conviction has
obviously become very generally fixed in the public
mind, that whatever defects there may have been, in
n n
other respects, in the councils of the late Govern-
tmh ee nr
et ,
has
been
upon this o
ordinarymomentous
sagacityquestion
and
policy.
o f the war
And now a word or two with respect to the
completion of our national defences, as adverted to
in the Resolution we have given above. The
necessity for being fully prepared-is- impressing itself
more And more powerfully on the country,
as the
character of the mar becomes gradually developed.

The case of our present position was forcibly put by
Lord LYNDHURST, in the House of Lords, the other
night. "If he were asked," that venerable Peek
obseried, " what Power was likely to attack or
invade this country, he should give a short answer.
He declined to depend upon the forbearance of any
country, preferring to rely on his own vigour, and
his own exertions. This country did not stand well
on the Continent of Europe, and late events had not
improved our condition. A declaration of war by
France against this country he believed would be
hailed with enthusiasm by the French army, and the
great masses of the French people. He had the
greatest respect for the Emperor of the French, but
he could not place reliance on his assurances, for the
simple reason that the Emperor could not place
reliance on himself, but must be guided by, circum-
stances, And he would not consent that the safety
of this country should be dependent on circumstan-
ces. He would not live upon the dependence or
friendship of any Power. He should rely on his own
vigour and exertions. It was necessary to have a
militalky force sufficient to cope with any combina-
tion of Powers." This, we say, is the plain matter
of fact in the case. It would be madness for a great
country like ours, with its vast and scattered, and
remote possessions, to " live upon the friendship of any
Power "—or upon its forbearance either ; least of all a

Power like France, with so much, as it imagines,
to avenge, and with its ruler mainly depending
upon his army for the maintenance of his position.
And when we find one so conversant with European
politics as Lord STRATFORD is on all hands
acknowledged to be, concurring, to a great
extent, .in the views and apprehensions of Lord
LYNDHURST,—declaring that "it would be a humi-
liation and a shame, if a great country like England
were left, for one hour, as at present, under a
feeling of sufferance,"—that " the plain truth had
now been told them, and, so far as his information
went, the noble and learned lord had indulged in
no exaggeration,"—and • that therefore, " whether
they looked at the means which France had at
command, or her connection with other countries,
there was much reason for anxiety,"—we cannot
for, a moment dispute the urgent need there is
for every preparation being made to meet the
foe, come from what quarter, and under-what guise,
he may.

As the French Emperor is so 'markedly pointed at
in these S entreaties for defensive preparations, they
are not at all agreeable to the present Ministers,
whose partialities, as it is well known, lean strongly
in that direction. The Duke of SOMERSET, the
new First Lord of the Admiralty, said that such
language boded ill for neutrality ; it was the spirit
of war." Lord GRANVILLE could not see any
practical good in it, while he thought that the
mode adopted of attacking the head of the French
Government, and of the French nation, was not

calculated to promote the maintenance of peace.
" He begged their lordships to consider what irrita-
tion such language was calculated to cause ; and
he asked their lordships whether it was prudent
to indulge in language calculated to irritate any
nation, and in particular the French nation. He
had to ask himself whether such language was
necessary to stimulate this country. He believed it
was not He held that there was some danger in
exciting the feelings and passions of a country too
much. He did not at- that moment see any ground
for apprehension 'of invasion of this country—a

moment in which they were at peace with the
United States, and in which France was engaged
in a bloody war ; yet it was not prudent, while it
was quite unnecessary,
_to excite the French
people." But this was by no means a fair
.construction to put either upon what was
said, or what was intended. All that was stated
only went to show that we were in a
defenceless condition, should France, either by her-
self or allied with. Russia, make war against us; for
its only object was to point out the necessity of
looking more carefully than has yet, apparently,
been done, to the state of our defences, and to place
the Government upon its guard. As to its exposing
our weakness, that was well known already ; and
with respect to the apprehension of its haying an
irritating effect, that, we opine, will make very little
difference, where there is a settled- determination to
take advantage of the first favourable opportunity of
making an assault upon our shores. The great fact
before the, country is this, we. are not prepared to
combat successfully with such an assault, should

Prance or any other Power, be induced to. make it.
We are therefore, as Lord LYNDHURST showed, a
nation on sufferance : we. are. dependent -Upon the
friendship and forbearance of one, the stability of
whose friendship and forbearance is no more to be
relied upon than is that of the wind. And surely
this is not a situation- in which a great country like
ours ought to be suffered to remain.