Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-02-07 00:00:00

THE NOTES OF WAR

THE Imperial pamphlet on Italy, the principal
portion of which appeared in our columns on

Saturday, will have secured, we feel persuaded, a

very general perusal ; and the impression it will
as generally have produced, we think, can
scarcely be one of much confidence in the peace of
Europe. Such is evidently the effect it has occa-
sioned in France. " The pamphlet on Italy pro-
duced great uneasiness," was the first intelligence
received from the Paris Bourse, after the
brochure had come forth ; and the next
despatch, some two hours afterwards, an-
nounced that "the agitation on the Bourse was
excessive, and considerable uneasiness prevailed
among speculators." Its depressing influence, too,
was immediately felt on the London Stock
Exchange. And why so .felt, but because the
pamphlet is regarded as an Imperial document
that breathes strongly of war ? Its objects are
such as, however desirable some of them may be,
cannot possibly be accomplished, without a fearful
exiflict. LOUIS NAPOLEON may profess to "seek
Peace," but he will not " ensue it." His projects
tend directly to war. " The voice is JACOB'S voice,
but the hands are the hands of EsAu."
Of course the pamphlet is to be taken as reflect-
ing the mind
opens his manifesto
the French Emperor. And he
Italyni i
festsooowith
t.
tahosewhichdeclaration, it
isthasat
im-
possible question of-
possible to lull as to stifle,---that therefore the most
prudent way is to study it, to mature it, to calm
it, by means of an impartial and sympathetic

_examination,—and that he has _undertaken this
examination with the sincere desire of being useful
in a cause which comprises the greatest political
and religious interests of Europe. This is Louis
NAPOLEON'S ostensible motive. Of his real mit,
we may, of course, have our own opinion. His
expressed object, itis- manifest, is the realisation
of one of " the grandest ideas," as he himself
styles it, of his uncle, NAPOLEON I.,—an idea
which it appears he conceived, "in one of those
glances which he sometimes cast upon the world
from the top of his rock," and which he described
as " the agglomeration, the concentration of the
same geographical nations which had been
divided and partitioned by revolution and
politics." He thus explained it,—" There are in
Europe, though scattered, more than 30,000,000
French, 15,000,000 Spaniards, 15,000,000 Italians,
and 30,000,000 Germans. I wished to make of
each of these peoples one single body of a nation.
It is with such a cortege that it would have been
grand to advance to posterity and the benediction
of ages. I felt myself worthy of that glory:,
But he was not destined to accomplish it. With
him—

" 'Twas but a bubble of the brain."

But with his successor it is to be made a reality.
At any rate, he is trying for it. He wishes to
make of the Italians a nation of themselves ; and
to do this, Austria must have her Italian territory
wrested from her. Austria is a country of
Germany—not of Italy. Austria, therefore, has no
business South of the Alps. Her nationality is
German. " I wish to make of each 'of these
peoples," Germans and Italians, " one. single body
of a nation." This is an object worthy ofLouis
NAPOLEON'S glory. And for this it is that, failing
the submission of Austria-to the dictum it involves—
as such failing there inevitably will be—Europe is
threatened to be plunged into all the horrors of

NAPOLEON the FIRST, it is admitted, did not
practice what he preached on this Italian question ;
and one may not unfairly question if NAPOLEON
the THIRD will care to do so, when opportunity
offers. But then the illustrious Exile of St.
Helena is reported to have explained, " from• the
top of his rock," that " the union of Piedmont
with Fiance, that of Parma, Tuscany, and Rome,
had been only temporary in my thought, and had
no other object than to watch, to guarantee, and
to promote the national education of the Italians:"
And it may be only "temporary " in LOUIS
NAPOLEON'S thought. But would be 'allowed,
think you, for' however " temporary " an object
he might pretend it to be ? Surely not,—or
anything congenial with such -an idea.
And hence the imminence of war. NAPO-
LEON the FIRST, says this Imperial feeler,
gave a reply, when offered the Crown of
Italy which throws a light on this historic ques-
tion. "I have always,", he said, ""had the-inten-
tion of creating the Italian nationality free and
independent. I accept the crown ; I will guard
it ; but only for the time my interests shall require
it." And so, to be sure, is Louis NAPOLEON ready
to do—for himself, or one of his family—if Austria
will only let him. And if she won't—why he
must try, we suppose, to make her.

Such, it appears to us, is the real state of the
case as regards this Italian question, forming our
conclusions from the testimony of the Imperial and
self-constituted arbiter himself. It is one, we
repeat, most threatening to the peace of Europe.
Yet is it one, thank GoD, with which this country
has nothing directly to do,—has no direct concern
in the matter," as Lord DERBY has declared,
" beyond that of a great maritime and commercial

—a position, let us trust, from which
nothing will be allowed to in duce
our Government to deviate, either in one direction
or another. Armed neutrality is all that can, of
right, be expected from Great Britain in such a
unless, indeed, by her friendly mediation
she could avert the threatened calamity.

State,