Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-03-31 00:00:00

THE GOVERNMENT REFORM BILL

THE fate of this luckless measure is still undecided.
" He is a wise child," says the proverb, " that knows
his own father." And, verily, did this most un-
happy offspring of a Conservative Cabinet ever pass
through the ordeal to which it has been so eagerly
sought to introduce it, it would assuredly come forth
in such a mutilated shape, that its parents could
never recognise a lineament of their own bantling.
However, this at any rate has come to pass,—we
have had the whole questionkof Parliamentary Reform
thoroughly discussed in the House of Commons.
Ministers have certainly not shrunk from that ;
which is more than could be said of their predecessors
in office for several Administrations back. And the
principle is an incontrovertible one, that whoever is
afraid of submitting any question, civil or religious,
to the test of free discussion, is more in love with
his own opinion than with truth.

But then, even in free discussions, there are
generally difficulties to be encountered which militate
seriously against the interests of both truth and
justice. " We assemble Parliaments and Councils,"
was the remark of Dr. FRANKLIN, " to have the
benefit of their collected wisdom ; but we necessarily
have, at the same time, the inconveniences of their
collected passions, prejudices, and private interests."
And this long debate on Parliamentary Reform has
assuredly been no exception to the rule.
We remarked, in a former article, on the manifest
want of agreement there was, among both the two
great parties now contending for different kinds and
degrees of Reform in Parliament, as to what should
be the particular kind and degree which it would be
proper and safe and beneficial to pass. In the ranks
of the Liberals, and in those of the Conservatives,
it is just the same. All are Reformers now—or
profess to be ; yet not only does one party, as such,
differ widely from the other, but individual members
of both parties differ so much, that without some
great compromise, some liberal concessions on all
sides, it will be impossible, at present, it is evident,
to pass any measure of Reform whatever.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM had a motive of his own
in saying, as he did . so emphatically the
other night—" Even at this moment, whatever may
be the difficulties created and increased by this pro-
longed discussion, I do not think . that I ever saw in
this house, on the whole, considering all the elements
of which this House . is composed, more disposition
now, in this Parliament, immediately, in this
Session, to pass a Bill which would command the
confidence of every party in the House." It is true,
there may be the " disposition ;" but then the
various tempers of mind of which it is made up, the
different objects in view to which it looks forward,
would make its being reduced to practice a very
difficult, if not a most impossible affair, in any such
way, at least, as to issue in the adoption of " a Bill
which would command the confidence of every party
in the House." Sir JAMES GRAHAM himself illus-
trated this, in a single observation that fell from
him afterwards. " What," he asked, " are the
doctrines of the democratic party in this country ?
1 What are the great landmarks of republican institu-
tions ? I say distinctively they are manhood or
universal suffrage, equal electoral districts, and vote
by ballot. The President of the United States, in
his inauguration address, stated that the Republic
rested on the ballot-box. I do not intend to argue
that question. I do not think, however, that I have
misstated the real danger to be apprehended." Of
course we are to understand, that Sir JAMES himself
—as are, no doubt, a majority of Parliament—
is opposed to this popular doctrine. But how could
a Reform Bill " command the confidence of every
party in the House," if that doctrine were not fully
and fairly embodied in its principles ? And so like-
wise of other varieties of political sentiment and
purpose. There is no question, perhaps, in
which there are involved more of such varieties.
The House itself, therefore, must deal with the
important subject, untrammelled by any dictation
from one quarter or another, whether ministerial or
otherwise. The country wants a liberal measure,
though a safe one; and the House must itself make
the best endeavour it can to satisfy the country.
There was great force in what Mr. GLADSTONE
said, on Tuesday night, as to the advantages which
the present Government have in dealing with this
question, arising, perhaps, from their peculiar posi-
tion with the House. "I think, indeed," he said,
" that the claims of her Majesty's Government
can be carried one point further. Having a
Reform Bill now before the House, and the second
reading of the bill being proposed, they have a claim
on those members of the House—and I am one—who
have been a party to the numerous miscarriages and
disappointments which have occurred, to do nothing
beyond what is absolutely necessary to intercept the
progress of the Bill." But, of course, this pre-
supposes that such a Bill would be made out of it as
would be satisfactory. And this is just the issue in
which the country is really interested.
The attempt on Monday night to cut short the
discussion met with little favour from either side of

the House. "It was all very well," as one member-'
observed, " for the great guns to go off night after
night, but they should recollect that there were other
members who, though they were not of the same
calibre, had constituents, and wished to justify the
vote they were about to give to them, as it was
probable they would soon appear before them." And
several others having demurred to the proposal to
close the debate, in somewhat similar terms, the ,
Chancellor of the Exchequer at once observed, " that'
on an occasion of this kind the general feeling of the
House ought to be consulted, and he would not press
the termination of the debate against the general
feeling." It was then rendered probable, therefore,
that it might occupy the remainder of the week.
On Tuesday night the wish was eagerly ex-
pressed, that it might close to-night (Thursday.)
" Hon. gentlemen on both sides must see," said the
CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER, " that when a
debate arose upon a subject of great interest and im-
portance, it would be impossible for him to oppose the
legitimate claims of those me tubers who were anxious
to take part in it. But he had received a great many
communications —not confined by any means to gen-
tlemen on his own side—upon that subject; and,
after having weighed all the circumstances as far
.as he could, he really thought it a fair course to
propose, and one likely to meet with the general
approval of the House, that they should come to a
decision on the question at issue on Thursday next,
and he should himself, as far as he could, endeavour
to carry out that arrangement." Later on, however,
this was so strongly demurred to, that it is scarcely
The debate now

probable it can be carried out
stands adjourned to this evening.