Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1860-02-09 00:00:00

LIVERPOOL PRODUCE.

COLONIAL PRODUCE.—No sales are reported.
RICE.-6,500 bags Necransie have changed hands at
10s., and 1,000 bags Padang at 9s. 3d. per cwt.
SEEDS.-200 bags brown Bombay Rapeseed at 465.
per quarter; 200 bags Clover, inferior at 495. up to
50s. per cwt. for good.
SAGOPLOUII.-1,200 bags, chiefly all faults, at 16s. to
15s. 3d. per cwt. for first
-class.
DYEWOODS.-40 tons Mexican Pustic at £5 155., and
20 tons Barwood at £3 10s. per ton.
DILYSALTERIES, &c.-10 casks red Oporto Argols, at

THE DAY'S NEWS.

In the House of Commons last night, the only
business which occupied the attention of the hon.
' members was a discussion on Sir John Trelawney's
bill for the abolition of Church-rates, the second
reading of which he moved in a speech entirely
foimded on special pleading; and in which, with
the tact of a politician, rather than the sagacity of
a statesman, he contrived to raise a false issue by
confounding the disinclination to pay by parties
who are opposed to the Church as a Church, with
the question of who should pay, or the fund out
of which the payment should be made. Sir G.
C. Lewis supported the bill, not, as he naïvely
said, because he approved of it, but because

he did not believe in the possibility of a
compromise, but hoped that some equivalent
(for the Church-rate, we presume) might be dis-
covered. The motion was opposed by Lord R.
Montagu, who moved, as an amendment, that the
bill be read a second time that day six months.
The amendment was seconded by Colonel Sey-
mour. Mr. Disraeli stoutly and ably supported
the amendment, objedting to the interference of
such a body as the House of Commons with the
parochial system. He pointedly remarked that
by the promoters of this bill the House was called
on to revolutionise the parochial constitution of
the country, although the representatives of
14,000 parishes declared they did not desire any
change. After considerable discussion, the mo-
tion for the second reading was carried by the
trivial majority of 21, 234 voting against, and
263 for the motion.

The speech of the Pope, an account of which we
gave in our impression of yesterday, attributed, it
would be observed, all his troubles to " the
perverse doctrines prevailing in a portion of the
Christian world, and the disloyal manoeuvres
which attacked the Church ;" and that what he
" asked from the Catholic world, in making an
appeal on behalf of the justice of his cause, was
prayer, incessant prayer;" adding, that " neither
humiliation, nor martyrdom, nor captivity, could
shake the confidence of the Church, nor the
firmness of its head." All this would be irre-
sistible to the Christian mind, had it but truth
for its basis. But as, unhappily, the whole
Papal system, spiritual and secular, is rotten
at the core, such an appeal can have no effect
upon the enlightened and independent mind of.
Christendom.

We give elsewhere what we have entitled Lord
Derby's warning to the French Emperor, respect-
ing his projected annexation of Savoy to France,
which constituted the conclusion of his lordship's
speech, in the debate on that question, in the
House of Lords, on Tuesday night. The senti-
ments so eloquently expressed by the noble leader
of the Conservative party, will find an echo, we
are sure, in the breast of every right-minded
Englishman ; while they will carry to such minds
the most confident assurance, that when Lord
Derby is again called to direct the councils of her
Majesty,—as in all probability he may be before
the end of the present session of Parliament,—
he will know how to deal, as he has done afore-
time, with Napoleon 111., and will take care that,
whilst doing all he can to maintain relations of
amity and good will, with the French Empire,
he is not sacrificing, or even imperilling, the in-
terests of his own country.

Although Ministers disavow all participation
in the French Emperor's wily project for the
annexation of Savoy—" if he can have it honestly,
though he does not think it worth the stealing,"—
yet they do not seem to care much about it. As
the Daily News has pointed out, referring to the
discussion in the House of Lords on the subject
on Tuesday night, " Lord Granville, speaking in
the name of the British Government, confessed
that he did not see how we should be any the
worse for it, always provided the liberal and
enlightened law of international policy were not
violated by the manner of the change." Now, if
such be the opinion of her Majesty's Ministers,
we may depend upon it, it will be taken advantage of
by Louis Napoleon. Sounder statesmen than Lord,
Granville, or than, perhaps, any of his colleagues
of the present Administration, are decidedly of
opinion that we should be infinitely " the worse
for it." As Lord Grey truly observed, in the
debate alluded to, " the annexation of Savoy to
France would be so pregnant with evil to this
country and to Europe, that it behoved her
Majesty's Government to use their best endea-
vours to thwart it,"—an opinion which was con-
curred in by Lord Derby, Lord Normanby, Lord
Brougham, Lord Shaftesbury, and Lord Stratford
de Radcliffe ; and it is an opinion in which, we
have no doubt, a great majority of the country
will also concur. And yet it would seem that
her Majesty's Ministers are of a contrary opinion,
and will, thereby, afford an opportunity to the
French Emperor of carrying his point,—without
much regard, we may be sure, judging from the
past, to any " liberal and enlightened law of
international policy," that may happen to stand
in the way of the full accomplishment of his
ends.

" Our tariff is to be remodelled," says the
Times, "to suit a foreign exigency. Certainly,
this were a very candid confession from such a
quarter ; and we believe it is not far from the
truth. But what is that " foreign exigency ?"
Does it not concern one in whom, as a foreign
potentate, no confidence can be placed as to his
ulterior objects, whether as regards England,
or any other country of Europe ? And
being such, ought we to have anything to
do with it,—least of all to make any
such sacrifices, in order, as our contemporary
expresses, "to help the Emperor of the French
through his difficulties with his Chamber of
Peers, and his protected manufacturers ?" Or
can it be right, however " important," the leading
journal may consider it to be, "to cajole the
British public into consenting to a reduction of
the wine duties, which otherwise the working
classes would think a fair burden on the classes
best able to pay taxes ?" No, we want no
"cajolery," and our hope and trust is, that the
Conservative party will be strong enough to pro-
tect the British public against it.

A correspondent of the Morning Herald, sign-
ing himself " A Poor Banker's Clerk," complains
bitterly of the Ministerial project of permanently
maintaining the income tax at 'an increased rate,
to supply the deficiency that will be caused by
the reduction of duty on French wines. " I, for
one," he observes, (`cannot afford the luxury of

wine, and yet the .class to which I belong, and
which is acknowledged to be the worst paid and
the heaviest taxed of any, is to be still more
greatly oppressed to put money into the pockets
of the French manufacturers." The hardship
here complained of, should the Ministerial scheme
be carried into effect, will be felt severely, not
by bankers' clerks only, but by all persons of
limited income, who cannot afford the luxury
of 1 vine, but yet must pay an increased income
tax, in order that a Whig-Radical Government
may play into the hands of the French Emperor.
The Navy Estimates for the present year were
issued yesterday, and from these it appears that
the expenditure this year will considerably exceed
. that of the year preceding, the sum required now
being £12,802,200. Of this outlay £10,971,102
are for the actual service of the year, the differ-
ence being absorbed in provisioning, half-pay
allowances, and pensions. Of the present sum
required there is to be apportioved £640,824 for
the cost of iron-cased ships, steam vessels, and
gun-boats now being built by contract. The de-
tails will be found in another column.

THE factious game of dark imputations and
vague suspicion, is usually played rather by men
who arc open to the charge of a greed for office
and power, than by those who already possess
them. The Whigs, however, appear to carry
with them into office their peculiar genius for
calumny and all sorts of disreputable manceuvres ;
and to turn it with as much unscrupulousness
against an Opposition as against a Ministry.
The signs appearing on the surface of certain
efforts having been industriously made of late to
spread a buzz of suspicion about the intentions
of the Conservative Opposition, are indeed more
discreditable to their authors, the party of the
men in power, than dangerous or injurious to the
Conservative body. Yet the peculiar feature in
those Whig calumnies is, that they involve per-
sonal attacks upon the character of public men.
Now this is a point where through its servants
the honour and the safety of the State itself are
impugned and infringed. The spirit of despera-
tion which inspires these ignominious tactics is
an ill omen for the future, and furnishes a bad
basis for success. When resorted to lav" the
waiters for office, they are pretty sure intimations
of an ambition too eager to be over-scrupulous or
over truthful. But when it is the party in
power who feel themselves compelled to descend
to this mode of weakening their opponents, it is
apt to be taken as a tolerably decisive proof of a
weak and tottering position.
Copy-books will tell us that it is those who are
themselves most committed to a fault who are
most likely to charge it in the like circumstances
upon others. There is, therefore, a sort of poetical
justice—or injustice, we suppose,—in successful
coalitions suspecting the victims of their intrigues,
of always looking about for occasion of reveng-
ing the peculiar manner of their defeat. Yet
this was surely no reason why the Saturday
Reviewer, of all others, should take to hunting
about in the foul stables of faction, and picking
up his pretended mares' nests. To no one so
much as .to our valuable and instructive weekly
contemporary, ought the present foreign policy of
the Government to wear a suspicious and ques-
tionable appearance. lie has himself more than
once intimated a suspicion, that the French
Emperor, filled with the same designs, as insin=
core as ever, and as astute as ever, is making
cats-paws of the guest at Compiegne, and the
celebrated diplomatist of Vienna. Is it treason
to utter these suspicions where alone their utter-
ance can be of any weight, or produce any effect ?
Or are the Conservative Guardians of the
country's honour, to shrink from a hostile vote,
because the majority may possibly be swelled by
the votes of Roman Catholic adherents to the
Pope ? If this is to be the rule of action we may
ask in whose hands is the irresponsible and final
arbitrament of our policy to be placed, and what
is the practical need of representative Govern-
ment? On this understanding the Government
is to be allowed throughout the session full
swing, and impunity for the wildest eccentricities
or the most hazardous experiments. Nay, the
worse the pressure is upon which they stake their
political existence, the more sure will they be of
its success ; for in proportion as it is likely to
challenge the opposition of all parties—the Ultra-
montane one included—the more fearful will the
Conservatives be lest a united vote should dis-
place the Government, and practically instal -.the
Pope's servants in power. Now it is evident that
the plan of action thus negatively laid down for
the Opposition, will not work, and is- fantastical
on the face of it. And accordingly we find, that
it is only prescribed to a Conservative Opposition.
Let these come into power, and the old rule of
party warfare, exaggerated as it has been so
often of late into positive and open faction, is
to be duly reinstated in its proper Whig func-
tion. The Conservatives are bidden to smother
their suspicions, and veil their disapprobation in
the presence of a foreign policy which they may
have very uncomfortable and unequivocal
grounds for considering dangerous and impolitic ;
because if, by the assistance of the Irish Members,
the present Government should be outvoted and
resign their office, the result will be a more
favourable opening than ever for playing the
game of faction ; and that the cards will be in
hands that are well up to their use, that have so
often given us a taste of their skill, and, indeed,
are now enjoying the reward of its latest exer-
cise. Yet damaging as such a plea is to the
character of the Whig party, we are quite pre-
pared to ascribe so much patriotism to the Conser-
vatives as the offered advice takes for granted.
The Conservatives are not to do anything which
may turn the Whigs Qiit of office, because—the

Whigs out of offiee are factious, and a factious Oppo-
sition would be at this time especially pernicious to
the best interests of the country ! We are quiti,
willing to admit, that there are crises at which such
advice cannot be received with indifference by
the heads of the Conservative party. There are
times when the country is safer with Whigs in
power, watched by a vigilant Opposition, than
with Whigs infuriated by the loss of power, and
ready topick up the most dangerous and the dirtiest
weapon to hurl at successful competitors. Yet
such very delicate and even very anomalous
counsel must, of necessity, be attended with con-
siderable qualification. If the country is in
danger of becoming irrevocably committed to
engagements with the Emperor of the French,
which depend upon nothing but the changing tem-
peranient, or the dissimulating professions of that
great tactician—if those engagements involve
adherence to a peculiar, ambitious, and un-English
policy, and also a pretext of war, should we at
any time scruple at its process or its consequences,
not even the Saturday Review would counsel
forbearance at the outset, when alone the catas-
trophe can be prevented. He will scarcely re-
commend that England shall be committed to
untold dangers for the future, lest Lord PALMER,"
STON should return once more to the cold shade ;
Lord JOIIN RUSSELL be happily relieved of a
work he has shown no natural capacity for ; and
Mr. GLADSTONE have another chance given lain
of meditating a repentant return to his first love.

THE LATEST NEWS.

BY BRITISH AND IRISH MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH.'

FRANCE.

PARIS, Feb. 8.

The French Government has received to-day a
telegram from its ambassador at Vienna, an"
nouncing that Count Itechberg has received with
great deference the communication of the English
proposals, but that Austria will never accede to
the third point, concerning the annexation bf
Central Italy to Piedmont. The direct reply of
the Cabinet of Vienna will be sent to Paris ill
few days by courier.

THE FRENCH FUNDS.

The funds remain steady. Rentes, 67f. 70c.

3.0. P.M.—The market has shown some anima'
tion, and closes firm, Rentes 67f. 90e., being a
further improvement of 15 cents since yesterday

AUSTRIA.

THE NATIONAL DEBT.

VIENNA, Feb. 8•

The Commissioners of the Public Debt publish
an account of the state of the sinking fund. The
total capital amounts to about 196,000,000 of
florins, of which a nominal sum of 143,000,000
of florins will be applied to the redexur
tion of the Public Debt, thus saving about
6,000,000 of florins in interest per annum. This
reduction of the public debt, says the report, Will
increase confidence. A sum of about 41,000,0°
of florins will also be transferred to the bank as a
payment on account, namely, 91 millions Grind-
sentlashung Securities, 11 millions Northern Rol
way Bonds, 14 millions Gallician Railway Bond*
and 151 millions Tneiss Railway Bonds. The
remaining 121 millions will be given to the gene
ral administration of the finances.

VIENNA, Feb. 9'
A circular of the Minister for Public error.
ship, &c., dated the sth instant, referring to the
basis of the new division, requests the Protestant
superintendents in Hungary and liroyowodschaft
to discuss their wishes in private conferences, ill
order that they may be officially examined and
brought to a definite decision before the con-
vocation of the Synod.