Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-03-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.--WEDNESDAY.
POSTPONEMENT OF BILLS.
z_l r. Spoonnooter postponed, till Tuesday, his motion respect-
Su'... ah, and
"nunittee on the
J, Trelawne for a week, his motion for going into
Church Rate Bill.
~_,..
Sheriffs' BILLS.
tinge nigh Expenses Bill was read a second
Ur. Black moved the second reading of the Edinburgh
Annuity Tax Bill.
billbe
Cumming Bruce moved, as an amendment, that the
~ e _ read a second time that day six months. The_ bill
m most
ush:lraareeledssivas a barefaced robbery; and one of the
--tt
benefit alto
afns submitted to parliament. I
PrePese confiscate long established property for. the
advantage. ew ,without even the pretext of national
kgMr. Babxter seein that it. was admitted that something
yherat
raentdone, he wished to know the intentions of the
tskt
131%1:Blackburn opposed the bill as a direct attack on the
31 ".„Iled Church of Scotland.
adalit„lersman said that the principle of the bill had been
d
therefore--""``'. by the house in the case of Church-rates, an
time he thought that the bill ought to be read a second
.
ogr. Stewart opposed the bill, admitting that the subject
lddt
be be settled, and expressing his expectation that it
Miloproperly dealt with by the Government.
Lord Advocate declared that he had already prepared
4 the subject, which had moreover the sanction of the
exa"etra_ra. en!. Idle could not at that moment state what the
well, principles of the bill would be, but he trusted that it the 4 reconcile the strong feelings entertained in favour of
ch volantary principle, with the rights of the Established
bintireh• Under these circumstances, he trusted that the
xiwould be allowed to stand over.
to'r. Moncrieff thought that the bill ought to be allowed
shot into committee. They were agreed that the text
'413 ebbs abolished, and the only question was what ought
di,,, in its place ? The committee might be fixed for
the "'n't day, and the bill of the Government considered in
knirearilitime•
tiee 0,,' -(Piven supported the bill, which inflicted no injus-
ICtrany existing interest.
re
ore
-`-`• Bairn° said that the tax was not voluntary, and
aboli ?re bore no analogy to Church-rates. When they
stitu sued 11nnisters Money in Ireland, they provided a sub-
taxthet, while the principle of the present bill was to abolish
consent without any substitute, and to that he could not
sires. I)
at Dale , unbar supported the bill, characterising the tax
_ r.q al and unjust.
'cr la.__ Scott opposed the bill, the principle of which
Lor,,TeanY bad.
loidefl
„..,ebo and Mr. Mackie also opposed the bill, which
womulire.ble.rilgshiipt ported by believe bouchere.
did not hat a satisfactory measure
o_
the i ntroduced
bfrref:e3dilcu.gsuunruh:obilistcettao:urtetsvoblyi:tlht_e government.
. The
. great majority
' aad he did ° Edinburgh were in favour of the
" deteiledh 11°t
"e whY the EstablisheadsCdhaurnechbcyotulhde
voluntary principle as w
Mr.
until ,hour,
duce 11 the bill of
rged the postponement of the second
the Lord Advocate could be intro-
kfr, Biackijee,,,sen., and Lord Duncan, supported the bill.
tile worst repued, sayinc,
.... e _ feelings in Edi b''
that the present system excited.
hi'n "lodi ~ , n urgh.
' 4161 l7 viueu, when the amendment was negatived
ilei,ooiti :as' then read a second time. 1
D) ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
bill Itlieri (4irresigßan:rrAiot(vierAthile second reading of the Poor
Amendment Bill. The object of the
parenwtaa to settle the religion in which a child, to whose
This oanga no clue could be found, should be brought up.
lii sh -Cneinstim excited violent discontent throughout the
'could' 1;,,—,115. The present law enacted that such a child
as, urou,
.‘ up in the Protestant religion, but there
child W' Probabilit in most unions that the parents of the
thril'ireaerseh 11')Irlau YCatholics The bill provided that the
o, the faith should be brought up. according to the probabilities
the Beearccrof the parents, which were to be calculated by
the Lord j. !'' Oua.rdians.
popid :rowne seconded the motion. In many unions
t
was alto at"oa Were entirely Roman Catholics, in others i
decided ,c' exclusively Presbyterians. All cases should be
the chdci;7aratelY• There was great mortality amongst
that re drew when brought up in the workhouse, and for
Dardians 4. clause was added to the bill, empowering the
lava Arr. Gt,.,,' Put their children to nurse.
.
0 ~,.....
0.0 Protested against altering the law of the
i;itt_ , 4 aCCOun
the Uallee Other probabilities. The proposed bill would
prin,,, confusion and discord into the unions. If
klobted 'line of taking deserted
.child Fen to nurse was
pose
~ mothers king
abliaeridonil
enbte,ingi-lazytiel„,, desert their children forlePur:
months,r. • r bill aleitd-; '
second time that day
°Piaiot'"nsell called on the government to declare its
t kt.• Dobbs moved the adjournment of the debate.
ileac, B. Osborne taunted the government with their
, Lordlthe subject.
Vatt otherl said that there was no indisposition on the
'lit kwn tghoyernment to declare its opm. ion, but they had
tekdt,t,ratioYnl,lciami:
' full provisions of the bill for above an hour.
~itted that the subject deserved serious con-
dis:dedrebbityt
etheo' ought to be settled, but it was not to be
theseNion.
attproposed bill, which would produce greater
nughetrltoinobneyatranurwneads now felt. He thought
the •J. b. Fitz
jrisrerioos
rli
hge.rald said that the government had on
.4 t introduced a bill on the subject of the
kttle4
0,, as there any provision in that bill for the
le The Att i this question.
pinion444l4ooregyi
;General for Ireland, after referring to the
114.11 ln. en on the subject, said that the present bill
4,4lre,ste4intacr_e_as_e a.gtation. He
.did not think that the
m:rh'e ctbate,WrrenneadAni); prrsion on the subject.
utes to°lllBil. adjourned] immediately afterwards, at ten

Tilt MERSEY DOCKS AND
lIARBOTTit BILL.

_
PRo".11 OUR OWN REPORTER.
Y.
Lslll,ae Select
01:10IISE OF COMMONS,
WEDNEsDtAnoon
r‘ll 9, the , .—0, mad tte e on this bill re-assembledaiiLew
11144' All ht llon. Sir George .Cornew
atte,i thed other members of the committee wiserien,
soggest. °Pe cott, Q C ,
r. 1 °lice.
also
1111koter I°ll raade by .th'e saoidmthitatteeinmaceForriddaal,e
twhiet with trill)!
,_kihBgltzerrielie,W prepared°,lllth_ clauses for providing te.r a
7 the el , ',O commence in the year 1860. The following
,?, . ause :----
erwtell(l,e' prlleeir,„
Ito make provision for the repayment Pa monies which have alread
by the
kard
~el' Which hereafter be borrowed
ex.
acted v.,,hder th May
.been o
!tad
ei,lat after e authority of Parliament, be it
es
of rates or
and
kfter ~.: theretao ellth - recovery thereof,
monies
iliciciel4ellseB 134yalg latheeaccholleycetaiornof
for tirYneat
e,,, , or. to theall charges
accruing due, on
and :
the
0. al/. interest
charge
onsuch rattees,
by tiler the deu,e,ing forming
aautherised to be grsanancl
eXpelise kard, `-,k
andannuities
avment of all charges pelisse
8 Of su . after p- , • in and repairing the
bearcoutheija4Porting, maintain
al ! Preser„N ofth... t 0 be established
teetito.lllg, hlligeineral managenm
and P 11-
li dig, maintaining,
1 -and
gn,e da e
ebur
ty
.tnrhge,
apply )ear, Babse u c
etl
' the
Merse; iljgo' ka_Esetaate thenetbdocaorninddauiscnhttaiain. yearly
which
of the rates w
Bhsp the _ 9, ent to th-6, 24th day of June, 1860,
at' rekahisQrPias of any
-keteat to the
a esaid, on their hands after such payment as
4e,Payliii,aB the aaid surpl shall be equal to in, or,. towards_.o.
extent of £lOO,OOO, or such less
sqn4dti then °f, some or- anyaa of the principaltymoofntihees which
tl,e Which shall'!le arid owing on the sectin.
ail Neh then have become due and a able ; and in
r eoitie4 ing of, and extinguishing of, the ;Jersey Dock
trille°Pecti "vulch may be then existing, according to the
eiple Priorities of such monies and annuities, until all
e
been ~-,` ra.ionies duel,a.n the security of the rates. shall have
'll n-va"-1) and u
Pro,,i„Orchased up aandMeexti extinguished and subject to the
Mersey Dock annuities shall have
Ithiehlens herein contained; a all rates and other
eeei,llAliall
monies
or
13e collected levied, borrowed, and raised
itli e' nader or b ' 'f
the said recited . acts, or
he oetrit;rwi.th°4l)'or of)rtlils'ir tut theo' application of which 'Ray.
by
bloti:. le expressly etir".c4ted, shall and may hefapptilieaat
see uoard according to the provision% !_
°e Af‘Lontained in see,tion 284 of th °Mersey
11111 P„Tinoetoenaolidation Act, 1858." .
ttle
018 claqae ji'ewere ander_ the impression
-n the suggestion of
&, etakittee. 1 were strictly an,OP, g
rider to
on h
ftsuse whi.. , Butt hey had also p. ePared a
retsision that in bringing
litas cash `; he thought the committe.ee would sanct
;In
111eli ,„Y,e the board shall at any timean/
41.0 '''
'llB as af • • towards .. baying
b,, we,:f nio_.es, :resaid, applicable
Mersey
t uishini;
possess 0
( anntltie: .
,r redeeming or ex ing
apply
al: 7 sue
deja of the ! it shall be lawful for them to
he,4l_ expedi 'lllPlus, applicable as aforesaid, as th sh-a
' Ett h eat in or towards any purposes for which. theyi
e rates „ line power to borrow money, on the
4 ‘`
WhePrOPOSed to insert another clause, as followt:--en
tlie)'t e t'
security o
PPlied hia, aral as often as any surplus moneys shall have _
4 Y the board, 111,-!: • the above provisions, in re

Mr. Hope Scott was about to show why it was necessary
to postpone the application of the surplus until 1860,
when

The Chairman said he need not argue that point.
Mr. Scott then went into the proposal to leave out the
words "amending arid improving," and endeavoured to
show that if they were omitted the board would be unduly
crippled.
The Chairman said, that the words " amending and
improving," were undoubtedly very general words, because
they might be construed to mean the building of new docks.
He wished to guard against any vague words being here-
after brought forward as having the force of an act of
parliament. Would it not be better to leave out the words,
and introduce the words " for the general management
and all reasonable expenses for conducting and maintaining
the docks ? "

Considerable discussion followed, Mr. Hope Scott ob-
jecting to leave out the words " amending and improving,"
on the ground that it would be highly injudicious to
restrain the board, and that such an important body ought
to be allowed a large discretion as to the improvement and
extension of their works ultimately.
The Chairman said, the committee had decided to intro-
duce the following words into the clause : "for the general
management of the dock estate, with all reasonable
expeness necessary for conducting, securing, maintaining,
preserving and improving the same," it being a distinct un-
derstanding, that the construction which the committee
intended to put on those words was, that nothing of an
extraordinary or new character, in the way of works or
erections was included.

The clause with this alteration was then adopted, and the
preamble of the bill declared proved.
Mr. Sergeant Bellasis expressed dissatisfaction with the
clause as modified, but after the decision of the committee
he said the opposition there on behalf of those for whom
he...appeared, would be carried no further.

Mr. Hope Scott : Then it is to go to the House of
Lords I suppose. Just what I thought.
Mr. Sergeant Wrangham, on behalf of the Great
Western and the Birkenhead Railway Companies,
proposed the introduction of a clause preventing
the opening of the new works; which would
be constructed under the present bill until the works at
Birkenhead were completed. He did not impute any desire
on the part of the Board to commit a breach of faith, but
he at once admitted that there was a distinct leaning towards
Liverpool on the part of the Board, and that was the reason
why he proposed the clause.
Some discussion followed on the proposed clause, Mr.
Hope Scott opposing it on the part of the promoters.
The Chairman said, he supposed that if the proposed
clause was admitted into the bill, the learned counsel
thought the Board would be glad to finish the Birkenhead
works in order to open those at Liverpool.
Mr. Sergeant Wrangham. : Exactly so.

The committee rejected the clause; and the other clauses
having been agreed to, the bill was ordered to be reported
to the house.

LIVERPOOL COTTON TRADE.

ASTOUNDING DISCLOSURES
BEFORE VICE-CHANCELLOR SIR W. P. WOOD

MPrRTENS v. HAIGH.—His Honour gave judgment in this
case on Tuesday, which came on upon a motion for an
injunction to commit the defendants, and Robert Bell, of
India Buildings, Liverpool, who had acted as their agent,
for breach of an injunction. The plaintiff was a merchant-
edi y Lug uit u tnillbb Sib ew Orleans in tne cotton traue,
and the defendants, Messrs. Haigh, who were cotton brokers
at Liverpool, had.acted as his agents in respect of dealings in
cotton to a large extent. In Dec., 1857, upon the plaintiff
agreeing to give the defendants additional security to meet the
depreciation in value of the cotton then held by them as a
security for the balance due from him, they wrote to him
pledging themselves to hold the cotton until the 20th of
February, 1858, unless requested by him to dispose of it at
an earlier period. In February, 1858, the plaintiff was in-
formed that the defendants intended-to sell the cotton at the
expiration of the time limited by their agreement. Wishing
to obtain possession' of the cotton, he offered to discharge the
balance due from him. His applications upon the subject not
having been acceded to he gave them notice of his intention
to apply for an injunction to restrain them from selling the
cotton. He had accordingly filed a bill, and obtained an
inj unction to that effect ex parte on the 19th of February,
1858. The defendants had not moved to dissolve the in-
junction, but the cotton which they stated to have been
under the control of Messrs. Overend, Gurney, and Co., as
security for certain bills drawn by Bell upon the defen-
dants, and discounted by Overend, Gurney, and Co., had,
notwithstanding the order of this Court, been subsequently
sold. The plaintiff had moved to commit the defendants
and Bell for a breach of the injunction. The defendants
stated that the cotton, as to the greater portion of it, was
pawned with Messrs. Overend, Gurney, and Co. by their
Liverpool agent, Bell, before notice of the injunction which
was obtained had been received, and that the balance owing
to them by the plaintiff was very heavy, and could not be
adjusted until the cotton—which was of doubtful •if not
inferior value —had been sold.
Mr. Daniel and Mr. T. Stevens were for the motion ; Mr.
Rolt and Mr. Eddis appeared for the defendants, Messrs.
Haigh ; Mr. F. J. Wood for Bell.
The Vice-Chancellor, after stating the circumstances, said
that the plaintiff, in obtaining the injunction, had set out
the case plainly and clearly, and had not concealed any fact
from the Court. The defendants did not move to dissolve
the injunction, and must be taken to have submitted to the
justice of the order. They had, in May, 1858, put in an
answer setting up a variety of things, but neither to Messrs.
Gurney nor to the plaintiffs had they behaved in a fair
or ingenious way. With respect to Bell, there could be
no doubt that he had committed a breach of the order
in spirit, if not in the letter, by making himself, as he had
done, a sort of instrument in the transaction. However
strong a case of suspicion there might be against 'him, the
Court could not go so far as upon mere suspicion to commit
him, that being in the nature of a criminal proceeding. As
to the defendants, Edwin and Reginald Haigh, they had
committed a plain breach of the injunction. He had never
had to deal with a case which had caused him more anxiety.
These defendants seemed to have been playing the same
tricks with the Court that some merchants, he regretted to
say, were in the habit of doing with their neighbours.
They ought either to have obeyed the injunction or to have
stated their case plainly and simply, and applied to dissolve
the injunction. His only reluctance as to actually commit-
ting them was that neither the plaintiff nor any one else
would gain any benefit by such a course being taken. He
had made up his mind, however, if ever such a case came
again before the court, to make an example and commit the
parties. In the present instance he should not commit the
defendants, and the order would be that they undertake to
abide by any order this court would make as to damages
occasioned to the plaintiff by the sale of the cotton, in
the event of its appearing at the hearing that the plain-
tiff did not authorise or acquiesce in the same being
made over to Messrs. Gurney and Co. by way of security.
A receiver would be appointed, and the defendants, Regi-
nald and Edwin Haigh, must pay all the costs of the
present application. [We are informed that the plaintiff
has appealed to the Lords Justices to secure a commitment
of the defendants.]

PICTURE SWINDLING. -We feel it advisable to call the
attention of collectors to a trade in counterfeit pictures,
which has for a long time past been successfully carried on
in the principal towns of Germany, esnecially those in the
neighbourhood of the Rhine. The pretended originals con-
sist chiefly of copies from what is called the Dusseldorf
school, which are produced in incredible numbers, and are
executed with more or less ability, and with all the usual
trickery and artifice employed on such occasons. This trade
is the more successfully carried on from the circumstance
that the unfortunate victims of the deceit are generally,
from a feeling of false shame, little inclined to bring the
offender to account. One of the most industrious of these
manufacturers, named J. Hellen, was, however, lately
brought before tai police court of Dusseldorf, and, in
‘f4pite of his strenous denial of the offence, found guilty,
anti sentenced to three months' imprisonment, together with
a fine of one hundred thalers, and a suspension of his
privileg6.! of citizenship for tize space of three years.—
Bulletin.

payment of any moneys borrowed on the security of rates,
or in the purchase or extinguishment of any dock annuity,
or on or towards any purpose for which moneys might
otherwise have been borrowed on the security of the rates,
the borrowing powers of the board, to the extent of the
moneys so applied, shall be extinguished."
The Chairman said, he did not think there was anything
objectionable in the proposed clauses. But there was one
word in the first clause to which he would call their
attention. It was the word " established." Did that
apply to new works ?
Mr. Hope Scott replied, that it meant the maintenance
of the works authorised. The words " erected" perhaps
ought to be added.
Mr. Sergeant Bellasis opposed the clause, on the part of
the Birkenhead Comissioners, on the ground that it would
give the Mersey Dock Board an unlimited power to employ all
the surplus in the construction of new works at Liverpool.
He urged that the words "improving and amending,"
should in any case be struck out of the clause.
Mr. Scott contended, that the restriction was explicit on
that point, and that as it was extremely likely that in a very
short time additional powers would be required from Parlia-
ment, the present opposition, (which he could not but
consider of a most factious character) might be raised
should the board have misapplied the surplus.
Mr. Sergeant Bellasis said, the board admitted that they had
now a surplus of £120,000, and therefore the application of
it to the purpose of a sinking fund ought not to be postponed
until 1860.

THE
GOVERNMENT REFORM
BILL.

what is the result of it ? Why, that very large majority,
particularly of electors, but especially of non-electors, have
given their sanction to the permissive prohibitory bill, pro-
hibiting the sale of intoxicating drinks. (Oh, oh, loud
cheers and some laughter.)
A Voice : A teetotal meeting. (Laughter.)
The Chairman : If the franchise were largely extended,
would you not come up in masses to the polling-booths, and
there say to those who offered themselves as your represen-
tatives ' Are you willing to carry out a legislative measure
for the permissive prohibition of the sale of intoxicating
drinks ?" If they said " yes," then you would give them a
majority of votes, and send them up to parliament to repre-
sent you. (Hear, hear, cheers, and laughter.) You are
the law-makers. (Cries of "Question, " Question.") I
am showing you the principles upon which we ought to
act, if we are looking fir the good of the country. There
is another good thing to be attained, which will increase the
consumption of all you are producing most enormously, and
give a most extraordinary enhancement to the value of your
labour. If all the customs' duties and excise duties were
swept away from the face of the land, the demand for the
products of your labour would be beyond all human calcula-
tion. (Hear, hear, and cheers) What would then be
the price of your labour in the market no man could calcu-
late, so great it would be. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let
us have a legislative measure instituting direct instead of
indirect taxation, making every man pay, rich or poor,
according to his ability to pay, and not as the system now
is, making poverty pay, and letting the rich man go free
(cheers) —free at least, comparatively—l do not say that he
is entirely so, but to a very enormous and unreasonable
extent. (Hear, hear.) Now comes the question —is it not
desirable, if you look for good legislation, that the franchise
should be extended to the broadest limits ? (Hear, hear,
and cheers.) I believe it is, and therefore lam willing to
be here to-night. (Cheers.) Ido not feel my opinions at
all compromised by being here to-night. (Hear, hear.)
I am willing to be with you to tell you, and to incite you
to strive for measures having such fruits as their results,
and I shall therefore feel very great pleasure in listening to
the arguments which shall be adduced by the several
speakers who will be called upon to speak to you, and to
the resolutions which will be prqposed for your decision.
(Cheers.)
The Secretary read the following letters :
Union Court, 21st March, 1859.
Mr. Robertson Gladstone presents his respects to Mr. Allen, and
regrets to state that he has an engagement on hand for every even-
ing this week, which will of necessity prevent his thinking of un-
dertaking any other duty. This circumstance has prevented his
attending a meeting of the Reform Club this week, for which he
received an invitation ; but, at the same time, Mr. R. G. cannot help
stating that it would have afforded him much satisfaction to be pre-
sent on the occasion of the meeting of the working men on Wednes-
day next, for Mr. R. G. hopes that, in connection with the all-
important question of Parliamentary Reform, the working men will
direct their thoughts, in close relation to this matter, to the subject
of taxation, for the purpose of ascertaining whether the revenue is
now raised from proper sources, and whether the working man
does not pay more than his fair proportion.
To Mr. Alexander Allen.

House of Commons, March 22, 1859,

Dear Sir,—Your favour of the 20th only reached me this morning.
Had it been in my power to leave London I should have been ♦ery
glad to have attended your meeting to-morrow evening. We should
probably not all agree as to what measure of reform may be neces-
sary at this moment; but I am sure that, whilst stating my views
of the measure now before the country, I should have received from
the working men of Liverpool a candid and impartial hearing.
It was well observed by Lord Stanley last night, "that to reject
a measure of reform does not necessarily insure the passing of one
of a more extended character," and that "it is well to remember
that in politics a lost opportunity does not always recur." Acting
upon this view of the matter, although I do not approve of some
portions of the bill, I 612411 feel it my duty to Tote for its second

MEETING OF WORKING MEN IN THE CONCERT.
HALL, LAST NIGHT.
A meeting of working men was convened in the Concert.
hall last night, for the purpose of allowing members of thai
most important class an opportunity of expressing their
opinions upon the subject of the Government Reform Bill.
The body and galleries of the hall were well filled, although
there probably was not, at the opening of the meeting, such
a crowd gathered as one might'have expected to see upon
such an occasion. As the proceedings went on, however,
the crowd grew more and more dense, until, at length,
every inch of the building became filled. That the meeting
was not likely to be completely unanimous, was indicated
beyond doubt by various outbursts of Kentish fire from one
portion of the galleries. Shortly after half-past seven
o'clock, Mr. Lawrence Heyworth came upon the platform,
and was loudly cheered. He was accompanied by Messrs.
James Smith, Hardie, Thomas Gibson, James Hall, William
L. Costene, James Farrell, W. W. Broome, Edmund Jones,
James Chadwick, James Hobbs, W. Peck, Joseph Hughes,
Thomas Cope, James Steele, E. Flower, J. Robinson,
Thomas Chapman, and several others. Loud cheers were
given, intermingled with some very unmistakeable peals of
Kentish fire.
Mr. Farrell came forward and said : Fellow working
men—(interruption and uproar.)
A Voice : Never mind—it is only some of the Orange
gang. (Hear, hear, cheers, and hisses.)
A Voice : No surrender. (Groans, hisses, and Kentish
fire.)
Mr. Farrell : I beg leave (renewed interruption)—l
come forward to propose, that Mr. Lawrence Heyworth
be requested to take the chair this evening. (Loud and
general cheering.)
The motion was carried by acclamation, and Mr. Hey-
worth took the chair.
The Chairman said : Let me say, that I fpel highly
delighted to see you all in such good humour, and when we
have an object in view such as that of our present meeting,
which contemplates the better condition and circumstances
of the great mass of the working people, there is no reason
why we should not be in good humour. (Hear, hear.)
I hope every man present to-night will maintain
order—for order is essential to good humour during the
whole of the meeting, and from the conversation I
have had with the committee, I may add that I am glad to
be able to announce it as their particular wish, their pecu-
liar wish, that if there be any one here present who differs
in opinion from any resolution that be put before you for
your consideration, any party so differing will come upon
this platform—(loud cheers)—and so long as yon maintain
my authority I will see that every such person has a fair
opportunity of expressing his opinions. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I shall give you my reasons
for personally adopting and recommending that course. 1
do so because I. am persuaded there is no means of ascer-
taining the truth upon any subject—political, social and
religious; upon no subject is it possible to attain to any
knowledge of the truth unless by free discussion.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let any question be freely dis-
cussed before rational men, before Englishmen, and lam
persuaded that they will divine the truth which is
contained in the matter that is so discussed.
(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, that being the case, lam
sure that by your authority I shall be enabled to
maintaia order daring this evening. (Hear, hear.) Now,
with regard to the great subject of parliamentary reform, a
question has been put—and a very pertinent and proper
questiOn —by the 'Times newspaper, which asked, " What
good is to come by any parliamentary reform ?" That is a
very important question to decide in our own minds before
we take any further steps; otherwise, mark you, we may
be attempting to get a parliamentary reform which will
lead to no fruit. (Hear, hear.) What we want is a
reform from which we shall derive fruit, beneficial fruit, to
be enjoyed by every man, woman, and child in England.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) That is the object we seek to
gain in demanding parliamentary reform, and we, therefore,
ought to know what we are about to aim at. There are
many points we aim at,, but the principal is this
The property of the working man is his labour, and
what we want is to embrace the value of that labour.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) If you embrace the value of his
labour, you put the working man in the position to provide
for himself, with all that is essential to his comforts and
his enjoyments, and to educate his children with the best
knowledge which can be provided for them. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore we can answer the Times, and say that the good
we expect is to enhance the value of the labour of the
working classes, which is their only propery
hear.) If we rre,t, which will
beim representatives to parliament who will have that
object- —the enhancement of the value of your labour—
mainly in view, then I say we shall obtain good legisla-
tion. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) If you ask me in par-
ticular what I would point to, I would reply that there are
manifold means by which such results can be obtained,
but there are two or three in particular which now
present themselves to my mind, and which I
will point out to you. One of the great evils of the present
day, and which depresses the value of labour, is—what ?
It is the great number of gin-palaces, and beer-shops, and
ale-houses. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We all know it.
We all know that they bring crime, poverty, and distress.
(Hear, hear, and loud cries of " Question.") They prevent
the value of your property being what it otherwise would
be. How do they do that ? In this way. They take
sixty millions of money, chiefly out of the pockets of the
working classes of the country. (Cheers.) If that money
were expended in useful articles, which come from your
own productive hands, the consumption would be enor-
mously increased; there would not be hands enough to
produce what was wanted, and what would be the
consequenee ? Everyone would be running after labourers,
and the labour market, your property, would be enormously
increased in value. (Hear. hear.) It is a well-known fact that
the hope of legislation in this respect is not an impractical
one, provided you receive the suffrage, because many of the
large town of England have already been canvassed, and

proof of their intelligence, and concluded by moving
" That it was the opinion of that meeting that the mea-
sure of Parliamentary reform proposed by the Government
of Lord Derby, is an insult to the great body of the people
of this country, and should therefore be rejected by the
House of Commons. (Applause and cries of "No, no.")

Mr. Hardie came fOrrcl to second the resolution, Lind
after considerable interruption, went on to say that his
impression of the bill was that it was a gigantic sham, a
pyramid of hypocrisy, and something more (applause and
hisses)---a Bradford lozenge, with a little Jewish salve.
(Applause and hisses.) If they had Lord Derby, Lord
Stanley, and Benjamin Disraeli there that night, they
would not listen to them, if they stated what they did in
the House of Commons.

A Voice : Two pies•for a penny.
Mr. Hardie : He would tell them the reason why he
opposed it. Just because he believed, as a working man,
that it did not do justice to the class from which he had
bust released himself, by making himself a ratepayer, and
uying a vote.
A Voice : Where did you get the money ?
[Here a man in the gallery got on his feet, and
insisted upon the speaker answering him a question.
Great uproar was consequently occasioned, and the only
thing that could be heard from the questioner was, that he
was a Protestant elector. Ultimately he was persuaded to
come to the platform]
Mr. Hardie again essayed to speak, when three cheers
were called for Lord John Russell, which was responded to,
mixed with hisses.

A voice : Turn out the parson.
[This applied to some person with a white neckcloth on
at the back of the gallery.]
_

Mr. Hardie said there was another reason why he was
opposed to the bill. It disfranchised 60,000 county
electors. (Cries of no, no.) He looked upon that as
exceedinFly wrong and selfish, and having a tendency to
re-establish the power and tyranny of the landed classes. If
these 60,000 electors were disfranchised, the intelligent, the
hard working, the honest, the industrious—(no, no),—the
independent voters for the county would be swept away—
(no, no),—and then there would be very little independence
left. (Nonsense, gammon.) It had been shown to the
House of Commons and the country . at large, that votes
could be manufactured by landed proprietors and swamp the
borough constituencies and establish the landed tyrannies of
this country. (No, no.) He objected to the bill, because it
did not lower the borough franchise below £lO. (Hear,
hear.) Why did it not ?
A Voice: It has no right to do.
They were told by men in the House of Commons who
d) ,b—u
tt hf
for
tehnip3ecbtielf
wtaso guooreinr tiouttehnedeLdorfd(bors,
—thew°w wow,orlingellvasoswes

THE NORTHERN TIMES, THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1859

reading, in the full assurance that it will be materially amended in
committee.—l have the honour to be, dear sir, your faithful servant,
THOMAS B. HOESFALL.

House of Commons, 22nd March.
Dear Sir,—l have to thank you for your letter of the 20th.
I should have been most happy to have attended your meeting
to-morrow, but it will be impossible for me to leave my post here
until after the division on the Reform Bill.
My opinions have so recently been expressed on the subject, that
it is unnecessary for me to trouble you with a repetition of them.
I cannot support any reform bill which does not extend the
right of voting to the working classes, who have latterly advanced
so much in intelligence.—Believe me truly yours,
To A. Allen, Esq. J. C. EWIRT.
Great applause followed the reading of each of these
letters.

A letter was also read from Mr. S. B. Jackson, amidst
shouts of "coals, coals," and " how is he off for slack," &c.
Mr. Smith, of the Tailor's Institution, then came forward,
and said, as one of the working classes of Liverpool, he
thought it, at least, his duty to appear on that platform
that night to state his opinions in reference to what were
the conditions, the usefulness, and the intelligence of the
working classes, and why they should be omitted from the
bill before the Louse of Commons. Ile was not there for
the purpose of declaiming against the bill of any particular
Government. He regretted to hear at the meeting on last
Thursday that one speaker stated that if the bill had been
ever so good brought in by the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer he would have opposed that measure. He was glad
that did not emanate from a working mau, for working men
had been invariably put down as the declaimers
to a great extent against other classes of the
community, simply because of their position. There was
another gentleman made a statement at that meeting to the
effect that he would oppose the Government bill, because
forsooth he had not half a. dozen votes. He believed that
gentleman although an honest reformer, committed a
mistake ; because he was a freeholder and an owner of
property in the borough, and he considered he should
have two votes. He (Mr. Smith) did not see, politically
speaking, that any property should have a right to vote,
because if that were the case it would be bricks against
brains. (Applause.) He also regretted that the meeting
on Thursday evening partook too much of the old Whig
school. There was a good deal of Whiggery about it, of a
shuffling character, that did not represent fairly the people
of the town of Liverpool, and hence was called that meeting
of working men. They had not at that meeting such letters
from Horsfall and others, and why had they not ? But it
was not a question whether this man or that man was a
Whig or a Radical—it was the question whether govern-
ment, having taken up the reform bill, would extend the
franchise to the working classes—whether the working
classes would be admitted within the pale of the constitution.
He would say that the working men were within the mark
of intelligence, and ought to be admitted. He had worked
with the working classes, and had mixed with them for the

last fifteen years, and seen them in all positions, .and he
was convinced that the working classes were as good men
of intelligence in 1859 as the middle classes were in 1832.
The objection was, that the working men were not suf-
ficiently intelligent. Now, if that had been the objection
against the middle classes in '32, it would have
been many years before they would have &ot the
franchise. (Hear, hear.) This was only a sidewind,
to deprive the • working men of the possession
of that which they ought to have in such a country as this,
where liberty was enjoyed to such an extent, where the
institutions were the freest in the world, to which the
working man gave his protection, and ought he not to have
a voice in the country ? He would ask them to look at
France and to look at America. If they went to America
and looked at what they were doing with the suffrage.
There was no analogy between America and France. The
French people never enjoyed those free institutions that
the English had. The French never had any free
debating, and free public platform, but they had a
liberty and a right to protest against any grievance.
And whenever a grievance went abroad in France and
was even murmured, the man was put in prison. They
could come there and protest against the Government Bill if
they thought right. Having adopted the educational course
which England had done amongst the working classes, he
contended they were sufficiently educated, at all events, to
be admitted within the pale of the constitution. One fact
was evident, that the government of the day did not intend
to admit the working men to the constitution. This was
quite clear. He was not going to stand there to hold up his
hand to vote any government out unless they could secure a
better one. He would say that the bill was a sham, in-
tended to cast the working classes over for the next thirty
years, when the one-half of that meeting would be in their
graves. The time had now arrived when they should seek
that franchise for themselves which they deserved, and he
asked them, in the name of all that prosperity and success
—in all the enterprises which they undertook— he
asked them to make a clear stand before any
government except that government which gave them
their legitimate rio.hts. He did n want narlia-
mentary reform merely because of the question of
.rhey all knew what advance had been made
in this country since the last reform bill passed. In the
great railways, steam communication, telegraph, and 'docks,
and warehouses, &c., and the working men had done all
this, and they were praised for doing this, and they were
flattered, but unfortunately the working classes had
been often class-trapped into the support of princi-
ples which acted against themselves. (Hear, hear.)
But if the working classes did this, and support the great
great manufacture of a country like this, was that not
sufficient intelligence to qualify them for a vote. Should
they pass a degree in college,were they required to be doctors
of law, or schoolmasters before they got the fran-
chise ? This was not the sort of franchise they wanted.
The basis of their right was the franchise of brains, and
the franchise of industry. Let them have a fair examina-
tion, and he would guarantee the result of that examination
would be the extension of the franchise over the length and
breadth of that country. In regard to property, they
were not men of property, unfortunately—at least,
they were not men of property that produced the vote,
but they were the men that produced the property,
and many of them possessed money property.
(Cheers.) It was a fact that there were two million indi-
viduals enrolled members of friendly societies in this country.
It was also a fact that they had nine or ten millions of
money invested in savings' banks, and if they were so Con-
servative for he maintained the working classes were truly
Conservative, as to lay by a little money, and if they handed
this money for the use of the government, why were they
not within the pale of the constitution ?—why were they
not to partake of the advantage ? If they would not give
the franchise on manhood suffrage, they ought to give it on
this. It was one of the points of the bill that if a man had
£6O in the savings' bank he was to have a vote. Was
that not absurdity ? Where was the working man
that could afford to put £6O in the savings' bank ?
He wonld ask those who had been Conservative with regard
to the present Government, was that an honest condition to
give the franchise upon? Let them leave politics aside.
They wanted their rights, and their rights should be their
intelligence and their industry. (Applause.) They were
told they had no stake in the country. That was a pre-
posterous idea. Mr. Smith went on to refer to the ability
with which the working men managed their societies as a

the, middle classes, who, according to their own showing,
had at the present moment the greatest influence and
power in the country, of any other body. He
would mention a man who made a sßech the previous night,
in proof of what he was saying. (" Name.") Bulwer Lytton.
What did he say ? (" Who ?") Bulwer Lytton. (Laughter.)
(" What's his name ? where does he live ?") Mr. Hardie
then proceeded to read an extract from Bulwer Lytton's
speech amidst cries of " that's from the Post ;" " it's not
correct, &c." Mr. Hardie, however, assured the meeting
that the paper from which he read the extract was the
Morning Star. He said, they did not want to take the
right from the middle classes, they wanted their own rights.
(Hear, hear, and applause.) For the government to say
that the working classes were not fit to receive the franchise,
was to say that all their efforts for their amelioration and
education had been fruitless; was to say that
the working classes were void of brains. That
they had no interest at all in common with the other classes
for the preservation of the country. He would say that
that man studies best the interest of his country who was
willing to give the working classes their rights. He could
not believe that the working. men had not improved by
railroads, by free libraries, and by reading the best works,
and who to-night were reading the debates of the previous
night's discussion. He could not believe that such things
as these had produced no effect on the working classes of
this country. He also objected to the £6O in the savings'
bank qualification. He would ask if a man who had a
moral character which could not be impunged had not a
right to vote. He would ask them to work until they got
their liberties, and if they did not work they never would
get them at all. He also objected to the bill because it did
not secure vote by ballot, and then concluded amidst applause

and hisses.
Mr. Parsonage, clerk of St. John's Church, then presented
I himself, and was received with mingled cheers, groans, and
hisses. Ile proceeded to say that he came forward to move
an amendment, which he held in his hand, before doing
which he might perhaps be permitted, after the very lengthy
speeches which had been made, to relate just one anecdote.
(No, no, and hear, hear.) When Benjamin Franklin was a
boy, he was once standing at the door of his father's work-
shop, and a man came up, who said, " My little fellow, you
are a very nice little boy ; you are a beautiful boy"-
A Voice : We can't say ditto of you. (Laughter.)
Mr. Parsonage continued : The man wound up by saying,
" My beautifnl little fellow, has your father got a grinding
stone ?"

A Voice : Too old ; too old. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Another Voice : We have heard it a thousand times
(Renewed laughter.)
Mr. Parsonage : H(
me a turn

asked the little boy will you give

-A Voice : We'll give you a turn out. (Laughter.)
Mr. Parsonage : The little fellow complied in conse-
quence of the flattery, and ho turned at the stone, the
man grinding all the time, until his strength was fairly
exhausted. Then what did the man say ?
A Voice (in sepulchral tone):_Amen. (Great laughter).

Mr. Parsonage : He said "My little fellow, did you
hear the bell ring? It is after school time, so now set
off to school, for it is very late, and you will get a good
flogging. There were many parties who might be
represented by . that man. (Hear, hear.) They were
certainly flattering the working man, and, nevertheles, he
(Mr. Parsonage) would appeal to the working men there,
and ask them whether the parties who talked most of the
rights of the working man, were the working man's best
friends. (Cheers, and cries of question.) Who were the
best employers in the town. (Hear, hear, and question.) The
men who talked most of the rights and privileges of the
working man, were the men who would keep him to the
grinding stone if they had the power. (No, no, hear, hear,
and cries of question.) The preceding speaker had said
that the working man was robbed of his rights unless he
got universal suffrage. (No, no.) Now what did Lord
John Russell say upon that subject ?
A Voice : Lord John Russell is a fool. (Laughter.)

Another Voice : Lord John Russell is like Parsonage
then.. (Renewed laughter.)
Another Voice : Only he has'nt got quite such a Cor-
poration. (Great laughter.)
Mr. Parsonage made some quotation from Lord John
Russell's speech, which amid the noise that prevailed, was
unaudible, and proceeded to ask where, if they desired the
progress of Reform, or to whom they were to look for a
better measure than that proposed.
A Voice : To John Bright (loud and repeated cheers).

Mr. Parsonage : I am u friend to Reform.
A Voice : What sort of Reform ?
Mr. Parsonage : With your present opposition to the
Government you impede the cause of Reform.
A Voice : Preposterous (loud laughter).
Mr. Parsonage : In consequence of the disturbed state of
this meeting-

A Voic• You may thank your own mob for it. (Cries
of hear, hear, and cheers.)
• T shall content myßplf ietallng the
amendment. I have a right to move an amendment, and
you ought to hear me. (bear, hear, and No, no.) This is
my amendment :

That this meeting condemns any movement of any political
party whatever which will delay the settlement of the Reform
question, as being prejudicial to trade, reform, and the best inte-
rests of the country; and views with regret the amendment moved
by Lord John Russell, on'3londay evening last, because it is im-
possible to escape the conviction that it is not the desire for the
advancement of the working classes, but that of place and power
which actuates the opposition to the second reading of Lord
Derby's Bill.

Mi. Parsonage then resumed his seat amid mingled
cheers, groans, and hisses: _ _

7 0
Mr. Shaw (who scrambled down from one of the side
galleries to the platform amid much laughter), came for-
ward to second the resolution, and proceeded in very vehe-
ment style to address the meeting. He reminded them of
the anecdote of the gooso and her golden eggs, and said

there were men whii get golden eggs every day, and yet
tkey were not contented. They wanted now to kill the
goose.
A Voice : A bad prospect for you. (Great laughter.)
Mr. Shaw continued to address the meeting, but owing
to the noise, it became to those not close to him inexpli-
cable dum show. From an occasional word it could ke
gathered that he was making some remarks upon the foreign
policy of England, probably conceiving that topic perfectly
appropriate to the discussion of a home reform bill. Ile
finally seconded the amendment, and took his seat.

The Chairman then put the amendment, in favour of
which a great many hands were held up. On the negative,_
however, being put, an overwhelming majority of hands
exhibited themselves. _ _

The Chairman : I need hardly say that the amendment
is lost. You all know it. (Enthusiastic cheering.)

[A person who had previously risen several times in the
gallery and had been invited ou the platform, now rose on
the latter spot and was greeted with hisses, laughter, and
cheers. His name was stated to be Doyle. He proceeded
vehemently to address the,meeting.]
A Voice : Sure he is only a Connaught man. (Laughter.)
Mr. Doyle : Never you mind what man I am;
lam not ashamed of my coat. (Laughter.)
The man who does not know how to exercise
his vote independently, and who is biassed to sect or party,
is unworthy to have a vote. Now, I appeal to any man who
knows what Itomanism is. (Oh, oh, older, order, hear,
hear, hisses, and cheers.)

A Voice

Oh, what an ass

! (Laughter.)

Mr. Doyle : Where is the nian, under the influence of
Romanism, who could exercise his Tote without prejudice,
as a rational being. (Laughter, cheers, groans, and great

confusion)
[The speaker here turned round, and appeared to bo
engaged in an animated polemical debate with some 1
person on the platform. No sentence of the dia!oguo
reached the audience in the hall, except the words, "Is he
not a slave —I appeal to yourself," uttered by Mr. Doyle
with amazing emphasis of tone and gesture.]
Mr. Doyle again turned to the body of the hall, and cried
with stentorian lungs--I appeal to this meeting; I have to
put a question. (No, no, hear, hear, andconfasion.) This
is my question. (No, no.)
The Chairman : I am exceedingly anxious to give every
one a fair hearing, but this speaker wanders so completely
from the question, that it is a perfect waste of time. (Hear,
hear.) He begins to talk about the Roman Catholics.
(near, hear, hires, and groans.)
Mr. Doyle : Will you allow me to ask one simple ques-
tion
? (No, no, and hisses.) Here's civil and religious
liberty. (Groans.) Is this civil and religious liberty I ask
you. (Groans, hisses, and laughter.)
Mr. Parsonage : This is universal suffrage and fair play. I
(Cheers and groans.)
Mr. Gibson rose and proceeded to address the meeting,
but was met with shouts and groans, which rendered it
impossible for him to be heard. Ile made several unsuc-
cessful attempts, and then waited patiently for a subsidence
of the storm of opposition. , Some gentlemen on the plat-
form went up to Mr. Parsonage, and apparently asked that
gentleman to endeavour to get a hearing for Mr. Gibson.
Mr. Parsonage came forward and said : I merely want
to ask my friends present, for I have no party here (oh,
oh) —none that I know of—(oh, oh)—to give a fair hearing
to the speaker.
Several Voices : No ; hear Doyle first. (No, no.)
Mr. Parsonage : They wiltnot hear Doyle, although they
have a right to do so. They ought to hear him, but they
will not. Therefore, I hope, you will hear the other
gentleman.
Mr. Gibson : I thought we had met here to-night on
very serious business ; business which affects you more than
it does me. (Cheers.) I thought we had met to discuss
the Reform Bill now before the House of Commons • to
talk of the clauses which affect the working men of 'this
large community, and to say whether the bill gives them
that fag. measure of citizen rights_ to which we think they
are entitled (cheers.) Now, I unhesitatingly say (uproar)
that the amount of Po er placed in the hands of the
working classes by
this measure, is far too stinted, and very

That it is the opini
mentary Reform will

'Great 61(

Are permanent satisfaction to the p.

agree with you in tote,

ones continu

not hear him, for thouc,—
some time, his voice was completely drowned in the dii
and babble of the people.]
Mr. Broom came forward and said he was a stranger
but for all that he hoped they would hear him in support o
a resolution which would give every working man fright
to send in a representative to the Commons House of Par-
liament. He was in favour of that, and he should like to
know why working men paid taxes without having a vote.
It was despotism to deny it to him. He asked if they were
prepared to have a representative in the Howe of Com-
mons.

[The audience, being rather musically inclined
" Rule Brittania," and kept their heels going in
style, during all which time Mr. Broom stood in a perplexed
condition, not knowing whether to stand or sit down.]
Mr. Broom then asked the opinion of the audience,
what he should do, and they told him to sit down, which he
accordingly did.

struck up

rummer

The resolution was put to the meeting and ca
Mr. Allan then read the followingpetition

Your petitioners also respectfully submit that the vote by ballot
is indispensable as a preservative of the purity of elections; that a
more adequate apportionment of members to property and popula-
tion is imperatively necessary; and that the duration of parliament.
should be considerably shortened.
Your petitioners humbly pray that these measures may receives
the immediate consideration of your honourable house,
ras
eing
such as the advancing intelligence and increasing.cniVeuxßnee.ol
the working classes of the population, and the polio. al igencies
of the country require.
And your petitioners will ever pray, dre., &C.
It was moved and seconded, that the meeting approve of
the petition, which was passed.
It was moved and seconded, that a vote of thanks be given
to the chairman, which was carried unanimously.
Thie done, the meeting then separated.

unfair. (Cheers.) A growing community, such as we are,
requires a suit of clothes to fit the present age ; and, as the
bill of 1832 extended the franchise to the middle classes, I
have no hesitation in saying that the working classes of the
present day have grown so much in intellect and position,
that the franchise ought now to be extended to them.
(Cheers, and cries of hear hear.) In that sense I am a
working man. I demand for the classes who meet
in this hall. to-night, the privileges which, as a
citizen, I have enjoyed- for many years. (Hear, hear.)
I have grown so dissatisfied with parties that I am
for measures not men (cheers) ; and if the old
war cry of " measures, not men," had been more promi-
nently raised before the country long ago, we should have
found that the working classes of the country would have
been listened to by the statesmen of the country years
before this. (Cheers.) The bill of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer is good as far as it goes, but I contend that it
does not g.o far enough. (Hear, hear.) The direction it
takes is rather towards the educated classes, as they are
called, and the working classes are almost entirely ignored.
(Hear, hear.) If gentlemen here are disposed to allow a
Government, by whatever party name it ma.
ride rough-shod over them, then upon themselves the blame
must rest ; and I am rather of opinion, from the behaviour of
some gentlemen here to-night, that there is a large body
willing to be ridden over, or, at least, not seeming
to resist it. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) For mysel
only say that if Lord John Russell, Mr. G
Derby, Mr. Disraeli, or Mr. Bright-

to care

ae, Lord

A Voice : Three cheers for Bright. ,
Mr. Gibson : If any one of these statesmen - I care not
who—the rose by any other name will smell as sweet - will
bring . forward a satisfactory measure of Reform, I for one
would gladly accept it ; and if the bill now offered by Lord
Derby to the working classes of the country were such a bill
as their intelligence, their education, and their true Con-T.-
vliitism entitled them to have, I should be inclined to give
him a warm support in his measure. (Hear, hear.) Mr.
Gibson pointed out several defects in the present bill, which
he declared an insult to the working classes of the country,
and concluded amid loud applause by supporting the original
resolution.

Mr. Allen then came forward, and was greeted with all
manner of noises, amid which he said : Chairman and
Gentlemen, I am very sorry that there is no chance of
being heard. (Order.) I rise to say a few words in support
of the second resolution. I will read that resolution to yoti
and save time. He then read the following resolution :--

measure of Pulls.-

111.
this country which does not secure residental manhood suffrage,
vote by ballot, a more equal distribution of members to property
and population, and a shortening of the duration of Parliaments.

Mr. Farrell said: I come to second the motion that has
just been made, and I hope you will all consider yourselves
worthy of the condition in which you are placed. If you
are not all men, I hope you will live to be men; long
enough to know the value of manhood suffrage.
A Voice : It's a hoax.

Mr. Farrell continued : I hope you will have that
suffrage which I came here to get for you. lam favourable
to the ballot, because I wish you, as working men, to

•
enjoy the right and privilege of giving your vote according
to the dictates of your consciences. (Tremendous uproar.)
I tell you the ballot is not an un-English institution.
It is no more harm for a man to vote in secret
than it is to say his prayers in secret, or to lock
his door at night when he goes to bed. This is my
view of the ballot. It is not un-English.

A Voice : It is a hoax.
Mr. Farrell : A man should give his vote a3cordiug to
the best of his judgment.
At this stage the audience, as if by pre-arrangement,
commenced to sing something having in sound a faint
resemblance to the National Anthem. At the conclusion,
Mr. Farrell said he had only to say that he most cor-
dially seconded the resolution.
Mr. Warden then rose, and said: I rise to move an
amendment to the last resolution, and I am sorry to find
that we have so much noise ; but I am very glad to know,
that if we had noise, we have had it mixed with a little
harmony. lam a working man, and not ashamed
of it. My trade is a basket maker. This meet-
ing was called to hear the opinions of the
working men and nobody else should have spoken. lam
a Conservative. (Hisses, and hear, hear.) I will give
everybody fair play.
Mr. Gibson : I did not get fair play.
Mr. Warden : I like to see a little spirit, but I think we
have had enough of this noise. (Hisses and groans.) I
was about to move as an amendment, that voting by ballot
is not in accordance with the constitution, and not only that,
but it is not in accordance with the constitution of the
people as Englishmen. (Gammon.) I am told that the
ballot is to protect us. I am not ashamed to register my
opinion in public. I don't want to hide it and vote in
secret.

A Voice : I don't want to lose my work.
Mr. Warden was about to proceed when another voice
cried out, " Vote by basket.," and roars of laughter followed.
Mr. Warden said he would not occupy their time any
longer, but would say that all who wanted to make a noise,
let them do so at once, and let it be over.
A Voice : It is your own party that makes the noise.
Mr. Warden concluded by moving the amendment.
Mr. Jones then rose and was gi eeted with " What's your
name ?" Jones was the reply.
A Voice : Who stole the child ?
Mr. Jones went on, amid the tumult of' voices, to say
However much you may differ from my views, or with the
views of our chairman, in political matters, there is one
thing that we all know that he has done his duty, and with
those who differed from him it was only a matter of opinion.
(Ho, ho.) I say there is something due to his age, and to
the sincerity of his motives, to hear his opinions expressed
in your hisses.

A Voice : Are you, a souper r •
Mr. Jones : I did think, and do still thin
addressing an assemblage of intellectual and rational beings
—(hear, hear) but I shall be compelled to conclude by
thinking lam in the wild beast menagerie at the bottom of
Shaw's-brow, if you go on in this way.
A Voice : Three cheers for the ballot. [This was heartily
re-ponded to, and they did not appear to be at all
scrupulous about adding one to the number proposed.]
Mr. Jones continued : I do not see the necessity of this.
I believe that no man having a feeling of honesty about
him and no Englishman will shrink from the manifestation
of his view, but will record his vote openly. I. hope you
will do me the favour of listening to a few remarks or
reasons why I hold these
A Voice : Give him firm

Lk, that I was

Another Voice: We di.
Mr. Jones continued : There is a very respectable man
the flour trade who is most anxious to rate himself
me. (Laughter and interruption.) I entered th.
staunch supporter of church and state. (Cries of question.)
An ardent admirer of Lord Derby —(hear, hear) • both for
his eloquence as a debater, and his ability as a statesman;
and I do believe (boo) that to-night in this assembly then:
is no exemplification of his principles. (Great interruption.)
I will ask but three minutes and then 1 will sit down.
A Voice : Sit down now.
[The audiencethat th,v w
sein eeddetefiniiiiir do the .n
d if theycooxut best hn
could not
tmaik;
him sit down.

S room a

TO THE HONOITRABLE THE COMMONS OF
TUE 'UNITED KINGDOM OF
GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAN D IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED.

Gentlemen,—At a meeting held on the 23rd March, at the Concert
Hall, Lord Nelson-street, Liverpool
purpose of affording the working classes and other inhabitants an
opportunity of expressing their ov-
, Which was convened for the
Luions upon the various • projects
of Parliamentary Reform which are at present before the country,
it was resolved that your honourable house should be made ae.-
by such meeting, and
quainted with the sentiments which were unanimouslv expressed
With the decision arrived at upon the above
important subject ; and in conformity thereto it was resolved to
petition your honourable house.
Your petitioners humbly show that in expressing their decided
disapprobation of the measure recently introduced by her Ibjesty's
Ministers, they are at the same time of opinion that no m..a.,ure of
Parliamentary Reform can be expected to give permanent satisfac-
tionl
to the people of this country, which does not secure residential
manhood suffrage, independently of the ratepaying qualification
altogether, it being believed that such a restriction upon ae elec-
toral priA liege is a positive injustice perpetrated upon the great
body of the people.