Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-04-12 00:00:00

Tilt NORTHERN TIMES TUESDAI, APRIL 12, 1859

whosoever attacks the possessions of the-one, attacks
those of the.other likewise; they, nevertheless, have'
deemed it advisable to - fix the amount of military
force which each is bound to furnish in every war
that places the tranquillity of Italy in jeopardy ; and
the Emperor undertakes to furnish at least 80,000
men, all arms being counted together, and the Grand
Duke undertakes to furnish 6,000 men of all arms."
Another article declares that " the two contracting
Powers undertake mutually to keep in good order
the strong places which are destined to secure the
system of external defence of Italy." Now it is the
proceeding to act upon these articles, on the part of
Austria more particularly, that has given umbrage,
real or feigned, to Piedmont and to France. But
Austria, in prospect of the Congress, declares
her readiness to disarm, provided France
and Piedmont would do so likewise. These
belligerent Powers, however, refuse,—and not only
refuse to disarm, but France, in particular, has since
gone on arming all the more formidably, until, we
read, "the apprehensions excited by the immense
preparations and the movements of troops are so
great as to destroy all confidence in the efforts of
diplomacy to settle the quarrel between France and
Austria."

Again, it is contended, on the part of France, that
the mere revision of the treaties contracted between
Austria and the Central and Southern Italian States
will not suffice ; but that the Congress must draw
up a system of reform, and submit the same to the
Sovereigns of those States. This, of course, at the
bidding of France—not at the call of the Italian
States themselves, and, as Austria reasonably
enough suspects, not so much for Italian as for
French interests for Louis NAPOLEON'S own
ulterior objects, the precise nature and extent of
which can only at present be surmised.
One thing in connection with this subject •is
remarkable, and important ; and it is what even the
journals opposed to the Derby Ministry are
prominently noticing ;—the belief in France, if not
on the Continent generally, that it has had more to
do, than any other question, in deciding her
Majesty's Ministers to retain office, and try the
chances of a dissolution, at such a conjuncture as the
present. It is significantly remarked, that " the
presence of Lord JOHN RUSSELL or of Lord
PALMERSTON at the Foreign-office might have placed
obstacles in the way of the Congress or at least
have excited the mistrust of Austria. Moreover,"
it is asked, " is it well known what has taken place
between the Cabinets of London and Vienna for
some time past?" There is a singular unanimity of
opinion on this subject in the Paris journals ; and,
indeed, throughout the Continent, the impression
appears general and deep, that a change of Ministry
in England just now, would have involved a change
of policy that could not but be unfavourable to the

ts of peace.

The assurance given by the Foreign Secretary, in
the House of Lords the other night, that her
Majesty's Government had done all that could be
done to preserve the peace of Europe, had rather an
ominous sound; seeming to imply, as it did, that the
exertion of all their means of mediation had not
proved available towards a settlement of the matter
in dispute. The Memorandum presented by the
Sardinian Goveinment, in reply to that of her
Majesty's Ministers, in which demands are made
regarding Italy that Austria will never assent to ;
and the declaration of the CHANCELLOR of the
EXCHEQUER in the House of Commons, on Friday
night, that any discussion on the subject at that
moment would " be -inconvenient, and more than

inconvenient, to the public service ;" only go to
confirm one's worst apprehensions as to the very
critical state of the case. HoWeyer, we suppose that
on Friday night, something explicit, on the subject,
will be stated in Parliament.

whole case into account-that the state of things
which has been in existence during the war, has
been wholly exceptional, and cannot be estimated in
forming a judgment as to the future. We find, for
example, that the entire amount of military forces
in India, at the present moment, amount to 112,000
Europeans and about 320,000 natives, including the
native police, which show that the native troops,
including police, exceed now by 50,000 those in
existence at the commencement of the mutiny ; at
which time the number of native troops was 260,000,
and they are now 320,Q00. It is in these sources of
outlay, then, that measures must be taken for re-
dressing the balance between Indian revenue and
expenditure. In nothing is retrenchment so abso-
lutely necessary as in the reduction of the military
expenditure. At the same time it must be acknow-
ledged that this may not be safely done immediately,
or all at once. If the position of undisputed sway
that has been recovered there is to be maintained,
the Government must be prepared for any emergency
that may arise,—and which it is not so improbable
would arise, out of the still smouldering
embers of the rebellion, were there not the
means at hand to extinguish the flame on the
instant. Lord ELLENBOROUGEI, who is no mean
authority on the subject, calculates that five years
must elapse before the army in India can be safely
reduced to what may be considered a peace contin-
gent. It would not, in his opinion, be safe to leave
the country without an European force of at least
sixty thousand men. The expense of one European,
it seems, is equal to that of three native soldiers, of
whom also a strong force must be kept up, in order
that the battle of rebellion may not have to be fought

over again

So long, therefore, as the people of India have to
be overawed by British bayonets into subjection to
British dominion, must the cost of our Indian
empire be enormous. But it is quite poSs.ible to
have it otherwise. We entirely concur with Lord
ELLENBOROUGIX, whose Indian experience makes his
testimony valuable, that our object should be to
govern India well ; and that were we to establish a
Government in that country in conformity. with the
feelings of the people, it would enable us to reduce
our military establishments and relieve the people
from taxation,—a consummation that is on every
account most devoutly to be wished. At the same
time there must be some qualification of even so
generally sound a principle as that on which such an
object is based. The "feelings" of the people of
India must be respected—but with discretion, and
still keeping in view the raising of them from the
degraded condition in which some of their " feelings"
keep them. We cannot govern India well save upon
Christian principles, which are the only principles,
indeed, on which a professedly Christian nation can be
justified in dealing with a Pagan population. Not
that there should be any attempt to bring them over
to Christianity by a coercive influence, of whatever
kind,—by any influence whatever, indeed, but only
that of the constraining charity and beneficence of
the Christian religion itself,—by the gentle, winning
influence of its own divine principles ; by the force
of its example, as presented in the lives of those who
profess it ; and by the effect it is shewn to produce
in the civilisation, and elevation of a people. As an
able writer on Christian Politics- has truly remarked,
" even a worldly statesman must confess that to sit
as an arbiter among surrounding kingdoms—as a
model of example—as a source of wisdom and truth
--as the benefactor both of the civilised and the
savage —not by unauthorised interferences, but by

just and desired mediation, is an ennobling office."
And this office the. Government of India has it now
in its power to assume,—nay, it lies, we humbly
conceive, under a solemn obligation to assume it,
and to perform its duties with the most scrupulous
fidelity and care.