The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1857-06-01 00:00:00

put in doubt the right of England to offer, and
Honduras to accept, an arrangement for the
cession of the Bay Islands, by which slavery
shall be for ever excluded from these islands,
then may we be sure that Lord PALMERSON'S
Government will be sustained by the people of
Great Britain as it ought to be, heartily, and at
all risks, and to any end."
On looking at the attitude on this question,
assumed by the Senate of the United States, we
cannot help thinking that the hue and cry
raised by the New York Herald, and kindred
prints throughout the Union, is not only absurd,
but conceived in a spirit reckless of the conse-
quences of the fiercest hostilities. The paper in
question, however, is given to the practice of
magnifying every unpleasantness, and inventing
malicious causes for very simple actions, so that
the effects of its jaundiced ebullitions will not
have any great ',effect on the other side of the
Atlantic. Be this as it may, we ask—what
have the people of the United States to do with
the Bay Islands ? They never put forward any
claim to the possession of them, nor did they
give any intimation of their intention to appro-
priate them. They objected to our occupation
of Ruatan, because they regarded that occupation
as antagonistic to the terms and stipulations
contained in the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. They
required that we should put a stop to the
dissentions between the two countries, by a
cession to Honduras, a third and neutral party,
of possessions to which Honduras had always
advanced a claim. All these terms our Govern-
ment finally assented to. Now, any reasonable
minded person would think that on' Great
Britain making all the concessions demanded
on behalf of the Udited States, by her ambassa-
dor, Mr. I)ALLAs, that then the American
concern with the Central American difficulty
would have terminated. How the cession of
certain possessions should be given up by this
country to Honduras, and how that country
should receive them, were matters for the con-
sideration of the two contracting parties.

The interference of the American Senate was
uncalled for, and a species of official inter-
meddling for which Brother JONATHAN is
somewhat remarkable. But, supposing, for sake
of argument, that it is an infrinzement upon the
independence of H induras for that State to
consent to a provision excluding slavery from
the islands which are ceded to her by this
country, surely the United States are not called
upon to assert for Honduras what Honduras has
not considered it necessary, expedient, or politic
to assert for herself. The phraseology of the
treaty, as amended by the American eSenate, is
an evidence that the Executive of the United
States wishes to interfere with the efficiency of
the anti-slavery clause in the Anglo-Honduras
Convention. By such conduct they have
delayed the settlement of a much-vexed question,
and exhibited a political spirit not only foolish
but unjustifiable and unwarranted.

Nothing can be further from the fact than the
assertion that it is the object of Great Britain to
gain an undue supremacy in the Bay Islands,
and throughout Honduras generally. We could
demonstrate the accuracy of this remark by
questioning several acts of civility and friendship
performed by the English authorities towards
American citizens. If our object, as some of the
American papers allege, was aggression, and a
desire to cause in the very Union itself the
extinction of slavery, how comes it our naval
officers at Greytown, during the late military
operations under Colonel LOCKRIDGE, were
assidious in their attention to Americans, and
that humanity and good faith reached its climax
in the conveyance to New Orleans, by Her
Majesty's steam corvette Tartar, of nearly 200
survivors of the deluded and hapless fillibusters.
We are glad that Mr. DISRAELI asked the ques-
tion he did, as it will carry out with it this day
the answer of the PREMIER—an answer that
manifests the moderation of the British Cabinet,
and must convince the people of the United
States, that we desire to cultivate nothing but
relations of peace and goodwill, and that our
earnest hope is that these will be cordially
reciprocated from the other side of the Atlantic.

THE liberty of the subject is a matter near
and dear to every one living under the British I
Crown. Any undue interference therewith, or
the adoption of harsh and arbitrary measures to
cause an abridgement, is not only unconstitu-
tional but tyrannical in the extreme. According
to the laws—local as well as national—the
police forces of the United Kingdom seem
to exercise a power and an authority which to
some extent nullifies the good intentions of the
Magna Charta itself. To the police we grant
every due license for the purpose of enabling
them to exercise the onorous and the important
duties they are called upon to discharge. No
one is better convinced than we are of the bene-
ficial tendencies of an upright and truly efficient
police. They are the guardians of life and
property ; and when the midnight burglar or the
desperate andblood-thirsty murderer would seek,
the one to take away your property, and the
other to deprive you of that which is far dearer—life
itself, the active vigilance, and the heroism, of the
constoble, and a regard for rectitude, honesty, and

honour, cause him to discharge his duty regard-

less of friends or foes. The importance of such a
calling is therefore not only apparent, but at
once suggests that those who are engaged
therein should be honoured and respected. But
to ensure that honour and respect, not only
collectively but individually, the police force