Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-04-21 00:00:00

THE PEACE OF EUROPI

IN the present intense excitement of our home
politics, the vast importance of preserving the peace
of the Continent is too apt, for the moment, to be
overlooked. We say for the moment, because we

cannot suppose that Englishmen, especially those
who are engaged in, or are connected with, the
commercial affairs of the country, can ordinarily be

indifferent about a state of things in which their
own particular interests are deeply involved, along
with the general interests of the kingdom, and
of Europe at large. There is so much at present
to distract the attention of our statesmen,
of both the great parties, from this momen-
tous question of peace or war, that but for the
vigilance of those who, at head quarters, have it now

very much in their own hands to wield the influence
of this realm at will, there might be cause to
apprehend that advantage would be taken of it to
escape altogether from the control of British influ-
ence ; that influence which, we verily believe, has
been exerted with more force and effect than any-
thing else besides, throughout the now long-pending
crisis of European diplomacy. But, it must be
acknowledged,—and it is admitted, we think, on all
hands, that her Majesty's Government have
kept, and yet keep, quite alive to the
importance of the question ; and that they are
sensible of their own great responsibilities in the
matter. Their peculiar position has all along been,
and it is now more than ever, in one respect, a most
unfortunate one, for a Government, taking upon
them to represent the opinion and the feeling of
this country, in such a case, for the purpose of
influencing the Continental Governments which
have been so eagerly preparing for war. Only too
truly did Lord PALMERSTON express the general
regret, not less than his own, in such a con-
juncture, that Parliament should have to be
dissolved under circumstances which show that our
Foreign Minister and his colleagues in office have
not the confidence of the Commons of England. But
even Lord JOHN RUSSELL has not been able to re-
frain from confessing to the City of London, that,
apart from this, he had no reason for distrust of the
present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
"If his position is difficult," Lord JOHN observed,

" it is rendered more so by the difficulties of the
Ministry, which have never had a majority in the

House of Common

than by his own want either of

inclination or ability." And this is precisely, and
ever has been, our own opinion. Nor could there be
a better reason, in itself, Why such a Ministry should
seek to acquire a majority by means of a General
Election. Only the particular moment taken for it
is so unhappy a one ; and the immediate occasion of
it so much to be regretted.
But with respect to the threatened disturbance of
the peace of Europe, which it is not denied that our
present Cabinet have done a great deal to avert ;
though, it is more than probable, they have much
more to do yet, ere there can be any settled tran-
quility and contentment,—" it appears to me," Lord
JOHN RUSSELL went on to say, in his remarks to his

" that the Foreign Minister will have
two questions to consider, when he is either called
to attend Congress or to speall on the part of Eng-
land to foreign Powers. The one question is that
of peace, and upon this •question there can be no
doubt that he should advise everything which is
most conducive to the peace of Europe. But there
is another position he must hold, and that is a posi-
tion not unbecoming the Minister of a free country.
My belief is that the present complications in Italy
have arisen, not as alleged from the conduct of Sar-
dinia. They have arisen from an abuse of military
power by one of the great Powers of Europe from
1815 to the present time. Hence the uneasiness in
Italy. Hence the temptation perhaps to the ambi-
tion of other Powers who seek their gratification in
this moment of difficulty and crisis. For my part, I

constituents,

entirely approve that we should ask that these
Powers should be at peace amongst themselves, and
that we should likewise ask that the territorial
arrangements of 1815 should not be disturbed. But
this I must say for the States of Italy, that I think
these States—independent States as they were
engaged to be by the treaty of ;Vienna—ought to
have free power to amend and reform their own
institutions." Now, Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S memora-
ble diplomatic mission to Vienna naturally comes to
mind, when one finds him casting such an imputation as
this upon Austria ; and remembering that mortifying
failure, we must receive with a grain of salt any such
implication, from such a quarter. But with regard
to the free power of the Italian States to amend and
reform their institutions : Who can, with justice,
deny such a right ? No English statesman, we
trust, would be found to do so. Certainly they who
constitute the present Government of England have
never done so. In opposing war, ostensibly for
such an object, they have probably done more
for the due reform of Italian institutions than
the belligerents would ever do, were they as
triumphant as they could desire. Neither
Sardinia nor Frances in our humble opinion, is to be
entrusted with any such object as that of the
regeneration of Italy—least of all Sardinia as the
tool of France. LOUIS NAPOLEON, it is believed,
did not require to be asked to aid VICTOR EMMANUEL ;

he had already resolved to take Italy under his care.
" From that purpose," says a recent letter from Paris,
"he has never swerved, though his own Ministers
and the great majority of his subjects are dead
against any such crusade in favour of nationalities,
and though nearly the whole of Continental Europe
is arming to prevent the realisation of .his favourite
scheme. The fact is, he means t .see this Italian