Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-06-08 00:00:00

pply to Mess:

THE NORTHERN TIMES, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 8, 1859

were fifteen candidates, for eleven vacancies. The
following gentlemen were elected for three years :
Messrs. Bradley, Bell, Walker, Gilbertson, Verelst,
Willoughby, and Peck ; and fessrs. Whittle and
Beazley for two years. The election passed over very
quietly indeed. There was no excitement, and,
generally speaking, but little interest was shown as
to the result, only about one-third of the electors
voting on the occasion.

THE REAL CHARACTER OF THE WAR.

THE more one learns of the origin of the war in
Italy, and the more its real character is thereby
disclosed, the greater becomes one's apprehensions
regarding its influences and its issues. The revolu-
tionary spirit which has pervaded the deep-laid
scheme throughout, cannot be successful, in this
instance, without danger to all established systems
of governance, more or less. Not that we are without
sympathy for the oppressions of Italy, as of every
other country where the people are deprived of those
free institutions under which oppressions can alone
be effectually resisted,—France not excepted. But
the way in which the emancipation of Italy is now
to be gone about,—even supposing that such is
really the object of this war, which we very much
doubt,—is a way that can never be pursued without
doing violence to the recognised principles of the law
of nations, and inflicting a scourge upon the country
in whose behalf the war has to be waged, which a
generation of political freedom and progress will
scarcely atone for. And then the example is so
mischievous -

If a precedent is once established
anew, that one State may interfere by violence in
the domestic affairs of another State; and, espousing
the side of this State's disaffected people, and by its
own arbitrary will, having overthrown one
authority, is to set up another in its stead, who can tell
what it may lead to elsewhere ? France herself is in

a condition to call on neighbouring States to interfere,
in a similar way, for the emancipation of her people

from a most oppressive system of arbitrary rule.
There are some people who still declare that Ireland
is an " oppressed nationality "—that the Irish, as
well as the Italians, have national wrongs to be
redressed. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN, and his com-
patriots in Ireland, as well as in the United States,
can still declaim loudly against the " sufferings "
which their country has to endure at the hands of
the English ; and he has not scrupled to tell the
Irish-Americans to still "give their sympathies to
Ireland with all her sufferings, all her hopes, and p.ll
her future destinies ;" at the same time expressing
his happiness at being able to say, that " this
sentiment of sympathy extends, to a very great ex-
tent, to the great mass of the American population in
that country—sympathy for Ireland and its wrongs."
Now, upon the same principle as that on which the
French Emperor has undertaken to redress the
wrongs of Italy by the sword, why may he not, or
some other warlike Potentate, try a similar experi-
ment upon Ireland ? We do not say there is any
similar cause ; we are not comparing Ireland to Italy.
But there are thousands and tens of thousands that
do. The popular feeling in the United States, for
example, is precisely of that character. The vulgar
idea is, that Ireland is an " oppressed nationality,"—
virtually, quite as much so as Italy is ; that the Irish
people have crying " wrongs" to redress,—that
they suffer all the miseries of an intolerable
" oppression." And we are persuaded that there are
multitudes, on both sides of the Atlantic, who would
applaud an armed interference for their " emancipa-
tion," as they would call it, as vehemently as they
do that which is now being carried on, amid all the
horrors of war, for the emancipation of the Italians.
There are closer parallels between the two cases
than may, perhaps, at first sight, appear. The
allied invaders of Austrian-Italy are only giving
due practical effect to the revolutionary devices of
very similar organizations of the disaffected to those
which have so frequently kept up a mischievous
political agitation in Ireland. " This war was
planned six years ago," says a letter from Turin,
" and the movements which have resulted in the
revolutionary element of Italy now uniting with
the King of Sardinia were projected in 1856 by
Count CAVOUR, his Prime Minister, who established
the Italian National Society, for the double purpose
of checking the schemes of MAZZINI'S party and
redeeming Italy from Austrian dominion. This
Society formed a committee in Turin, the president
of which WAS Count PALLAVICINO, from Milan, a

gentleman of great wealth. The vice-president was

General GARIBALDI, who, after the defeat of 1849,
took refuge in the hospitable city of New York, and
since that time abandoned the party of MAzziNi.
The secretary was LA FARINA, Prime Minister of
This committee formed sub-com-
mittees all over Italy, from the Alps to Sicily, and
some, too, beyond the Alps. MANIN, the Dictator
of Venice in 1848, was at the head of the committee
in Paris, and Louis NAPOLEON and Prince NAPO-
LEON gave it their secret countenance. In London,
too, an-other sub-committee was formed, under the
direction of the head-quarters at Turin. It has
ramified even to Hungary and to Germany. The
central committee at the capital of Sardinia dis-
seminated all over Italy, through means of the sub-
committees, secret

Sicily in 1848

publications, advising the people
f their duties to the country, and exhorting them to
bide their time and not break out in useless abortive
ipts at revolution, which would be only extin-

guished in blood by the Austrian Government." Such,
£t seems, was really the origin of this Italian war,—
such is its character. And is it not, we ask, an
_ _

c;e of the carrying out of revolutionary designs
by established foreign Governments, which, if once
successful, may be pursued elsewhere,—not, it may

instanc

be, with the same chances of success, but at even a
more fearful sacrifice of life, and still direr mischief
to the cause of peace and order in Europe

The P

'ower whieh is feared by the belligerents,

and th

abettors, in the present most wanton dis-
turbance of the peace of Europe, is England. Had

a any countenance to the war,—above
all, had she consented to take part in it, which, it is
_ _

said, she wa

invited to do,—then it would have
been materially different. But having opposed it
from the first—having done everything to prevent it
—and still disapproving, and seeking occasion to
terminate it, she is regarded with dread, and, not

unnaturally, with aversion. The same letter from

Turin that we have quoted from, says,—

The

English Government is detested here almost as much

as the Austrian."

And why, but because the English

Government is opposed to the war ? This war is a

darling project oiSardinia's—or, rather, of the Sar-

dinian Government's. At Turin it is popular enough,

perhaps, among all classes ;

Mr. Paget, he.

for. The English. Government is feared by the allies,
—feared, but hated. And, as Skylock, says,—

"Hates any man the thing he would not kill ?"
They look upon the English Government with
Shylock's feeling, we may depend upon it ; and
neither the character of the war itself, nor what
they design as its ultimate issues, will ever be so
regarded in England, we opine, as to improve that
feeling.

THE " SINEWS OF WAR" FOR THE
RIFLE CORPS.

ANY want of the sinews of war is generally the
greatest of all discouragements to warlike prepa-
rations, whether offensive or defensive ; and it
threatened to be severely felt, we find, all over the
country, in the formation of the Rifle Corps. Even
the metropolis, it appears, was no exception. The
formation of such Corps there, as it is everywhere
else, is a most popular defensive organisation; and
the whole country sees and acknowledges the great
practical value it may have, under the present
circumstances of Europe. But that serious want
that we have named, was unfortunately at one time
likely to be the great obstacle in the way. "It is
notorious," said one of our London contemporaries, a
day or two since, " that in the rural, in the manu-
facturing, and in all town districts, there are
hundreds of brave and adventurous young men, well
acquainted with the country, tolerably skilled in the
use of arms, and anxious to show their desire of
being useful to their native land, upon whom even a
very small expense will bear too heavily to allow
them to become volunteers. This is a great subject
of regret, and an evil not to be denied; but there is
a still greater evil to be apprehended from such a
state of affairs. There are large numbers of young

men who will not have, perhaps, the firmness and
self-denial to abstain from a course involving ex-
penses which they are unable to meet, and who may
join such corps as are now forming, with the costs
of their outfit hanging like a millstone round their
necks who may disgrace the service by dis-
reputable expedients, or become reckless from the
feeling of embarraisment, and cease to be good
citizens without becoming good soldiers. To prevent
results like these, there should be at once commenced
a fund." The case is here very reasonably stated.
And in Liverpool it can be thoroughly understood,
because the whole subject has had to be taken up,
with all such difficulties attaching thereto.
These Rifle Corps, it is evident, if they are to be
formed at all, must be organised on the voluntary
ciple. As was stated at the meeting in Liver-
pool last week, HER MAJESTY'S Government will
not give any material support to them. Mr.
CHADWICK, it will be remembered, informed the
meeting, that he and Col. BOND had obtained an
interview with Lord ROSSLYN, the Under-Secretary
at War, to whom they had put the question,—" In
case one or more regiments, of 600 each, be enrolled,
will Government modify their conditions as to
furnish for each regiment the requisite number of
arms, accoutrements, and uniforms, or any part
thereof ? " The answer was, "They could not accede
to the proposition ; first, because they had no money,
and secondly, because they had no arms." That is
to say, no rifles. In other respects, the Government
will do everything that is reasonable to meet the
wishes of the parties concerned. For instance, they
will endeavour to have the feelings and wishes of
the Corps themselves respected, as to the appoint-
ment of their officers —as a matter of grace, of
course, not of right. Then as to the demands upon
the time of the members of such Corps, which with
those who are constantly occupied is an important
consideration : in answer to the question, " What
number of hours would be allowed to constitute a
day's drill ; and would any half day in one week,
Sunday excepted, be considered sufficient for that
purpose ? " the answer was, " That two or three
hours would be considered sufficient for drill, and
such drill would be allowed to account as one of the
twenty-four days required by each regiment, before
the regiment should be considered effective." And
to the further question, " When a regiment shall
have been declared effective, will twenty-four days
drill each year be insisted upon ?" The answer was
that it would not. So that the time of the members
will not be very seriously encroached upon.

All this is doubtless very satisfactory. But still

the question of the " sinews " remains. Now, as
was well observed at the meeting we allude to,
"inasmuch as there is nothing to be expected from
Government, they must make the best of what they
could get amongst themselves ; and the best plan,
therefore, would be to establish a regimental
fund for each Corps." And this is just what it
is proposed to do in London,--6,nd, most likely,
in many other places also. It is there proposed,
" that with a proper organisation, and under such
management as shall be at once frugal and delicate,
a fund should be initiated from which assistance in
defraying the expense of outfit and arms should be
rendered to those who, while able to give valuable
military service, are debarred by their circumstances
from undertaking an expenditure which might
cripple them with debt." Here in Liverpool the
raising of such a fund has already been commenced;
and judging from the liberal spirit in which it was
started, we have no doubt it will soon be sufficient
for the object in view. Another suggestion at the
meeting last week, was that the officers of the Corps
should be required each to contribute a fixed sum to
the fund, according to their rank. But this, we
think, is objectionable. It would, in the first place,
be at variance with the voluntary principle which is
to sustain the movement ; and in the next place, it
might, in some instances, be taxing the officers too

much, as their own uniforms, accoutrements, and
other items, will involve a rather heavy expenditure.
No,—since it is to be, let it be fairly carried out on
the volunteer system, pure and simple. The rai

of a fund, by voluntary contributions, as our metro-
politan contemporary has well observed, " will com-
mend itself to all who have really at heart the highly
important national movement which seems now to
be thoroughly launched, and we hare no doubt that
many will look on the occasion of subscribing as a
pleasant opportunity to aid the best of causes."

The Herald is authorised to state that the announcement
that Prince Paul Esterhazy is expected in London, on a
diplomatic mission, is entirely without foundation.

RESUMPTION' Op DIPLOMATIC INTERCOURSE WITH NAPLES.
—FOREIGN OFED3E, June 6th.—The Queen has been pleased
to appoint Sir Arthilr Magenis, now her Majesty's Envoy to
the King of Sweden, to be her Majesty's Envoy Extraor-
didary and Minister Plenipotentiary to th
but not so, we-believe, I Sicili"

The Gazette announces other diplomatic appoilitmoutf!,
Majesty's Minister at the Court of Saxony

is appointed to Sweden. The Hon. C. Murray, late Minister
at Teheran, succeeds Mr. Paget at the Court of Dresden.
Mr. Lowther is transferred from St. Petersburg, to be Sec-
retary of Legation at Naples. Mr. George Glynn Petre is
appointed Secretary of Legation at Hanover.

CONFERENCE OF THE LIBERAL PARTY.—The result
of the meeting on Monday is communicated in a lead-
ing article of the _Daily News, which says, that it has
more than realised the hopes that were entertained regard-
ing it. There were only two or three dissents from the
policy of the amendment to be moved in the House
of Commons, on the address, and which would
declare that the present advisers of the crown do not possess
the confidence of the country. As to the administration
which is to succeed Lord Derby's, both Lord Palmer-
ston and Lord John Russell admitted that, unless the
different shades of opinion in the party were fairly
represented in the administration, it would be vain to
assert any claim of pre-eminence over their Conservative
rivals. On this point, says the Daily Hews, Mr. Bright
did good service, by disclaiming manfully any desire to

impose upon the more moderate section extreme opinions
for which they were not prepared. The duty of a Cabinet

professing to carry out fairly the ideas and opinions of the
party in general was to show_ equal respect and regard for
all, but in its proposal for legislation to embody what he
called the average sentiments of the party. lie insisted,
however, on demanding publicly from tofd John Russell,
whether it was to be understood that he meant to adhere
fully to the propositions for electoral reform stated by him
at the close of the last Parliament. It is almost superfluous
to say that the reply was in the affirmative. Lord

Palmerston's explanations referred chiefly to foreign policy.
Ile professed himself to be sincerely anxious to preserve the
neutrality of England in the present war, and to be unable
to foresee any reasonable probability or justification of this
course being departed frOm. He added, however, that, if
any danger existed, it lay in the direction of a possible
misunderstanding with France. To avert such a calamity,
he had long anxiously striven, and, whether in office or in
opposition, he should always do so. He declared his
sympathy to be on the side of Italian freedom in the im-
pending struggle, though he felt it was neither the duty nor
the policy of England to interfere by arms. Mr. Roebuck,
Mr. Lindsay, and Mr. Horsman raised objections, but the
Daily News says was as nearly of one mind apparently as
any assembly of the kind within recollection. Mr. Sergeant
Deasy repudiated, on the part of the majority of the Catholic
members, any disposition to turn Tory. Both Lord Pal-
merston and Lord John Russell repudiated the idea of
being unwilling to serve in a subordinate capacity in any

new cabinet. The Times says that 274 members were
present, but the Star gives the number as 270 ; and the
Herald says that scarcely one, if one, of the independent
Irish members was present.