Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-12 00:00:00

—we do not at present know. He was

no ordinary criminal

We are no advocates for a
sanguinary revenge. But he ha-d certainly provoked

should be a si

final one,

and his disposal, therefore,

one—if ever miscreant did. Yet it is, after all, more
example that it is to be considered, than punish-
ment. It has been said, that " the very worst use
to which you can put a man is to hang him." But

this must always very much depend upon circum-
It is not, we repeat, to be considered as a
question of vengeance, or even of retribution, but of
Vengeance and retribution are in the
hands of Him who is the Judge of the whole earth
—the King of kings, and Lord of lords. It is the re-

stance

example

man is left to himself, and recognises no restraint to

his power from Divine law, there is apt to arise a

strong temptation to compel obedience, to revenge
opposition, and to deter from crime, by a continued
aggravation of punishment. The whole theory of

punishment," he continues, " must indeed be affected
by such an act. Of its three great ends, one —the
one which the Supreme Being chiefly proposes to
Himself, and chiefly entrusts to His ministers - the

exhibition of the moral law of retribution, and of
moral reprobation itself,—must be wholly sacrificed,

as it is too much sacrificed at present, to the inferior
and often hopeless objects of deterring by example,
and of correcting the offender. And hence
it is argued, that " men cannot punish, except in the
hope of warning or of improving, and his punish-

merits must therefore be regulated only by views of
expediency." But the fact is, that the State, of

itself, is' not now in a position to. do more.

—it does

not, as a present constituted, possess either the

ability or the authority to do more. It must there-
fore do what it can. Whether or not it can exhibit
thereby " the moral law of retribution, or of moral,

reprobation itself," it must at ,least. endeavour to

show its sense of the enormity of such crimes as
those of these monsters of the Indian rebellion. It
may well be regretted. that the State can do no

There must be no unnecessary severity in

any exercise of its penal code, that may now or at
any time be demanded

—certainly not anything

that would deserve the imputation of cruelty

those whom Providence has placed among a people
as their rulers, are not only authorised, but. bound,
to make examples of great offenders. They " bear
not the sword in vain." Thousands of lives have
been sacrificed through the crimes of those, one of
whom has now been captured. The same class of men
will still exist —with the same animosities ; and they
must at least be taught to know and feel, that if they
are guilty of such horrible offences as those which,
in this rebellion, have been so atrociously committed,
retribution will overtake them, even in this world.

d

OUR NATIONAL DEFENCE

" EVEN if it were not prudent to arm for the
maintenance of neutrality, self-defence requires a
continuance of all reasonable precautions. England
is far less safe from attack than Austria might have
been deemed only two years ago. The Emperor of
the French has shoivn that, when he wishes to
employ his army, he can never be at a loss for a
pretext of quarrel." This remark of an able and

farseeing contemporary is only too true.

are no alarmists, nor would it be excusable for
Englishmen to Ovince the slightest feeling of alarm
at so critical a moment. But it is impossible not to
be anxious. For our part, we are humbly of
opinion, that there can be no' question of the
prudence of being armed "for the maintenance of
neutrality."

Mr. HENLEY has well observed, at the hustings,
in Oxfordshire, this week, in allusion to the war,—
" I hope we shall have discretion enough to keep out
of it ; but I hope also that any Government which
may be in power will take care to keep the resources
of this country well supplied, and to keep our forces
in hand ready for anything." And to be thus pre-
pared—thus " ready for anything" -to have our
resources well supplied, and to " keep our forces in
hand,"—this, of course, is to be armed for the main-
tenance of neutrality. In one plain word, it is an
" armed neutrality ;" which is the only kind of
neutrality that the country can safely- be placed in.

But, as well as this, as it is stated, " self-defence
requires a continuance of all reasonable precautions."
And it is most satisfactory to find that the Govern-
ment are fully alive to this necessity, and the im-
portance of such precautions. The CHANCELLOR
of the EXCIIEdUER has given a renewed assurance
of this within the last few days. The most effectual
preparations are being made for eventual danger,-..

and not only for this, but that England, as a security
for her own safely, and the tranquillity of Europe
too, may be in readiness to assert her influence at
any moment with effect. And what, then, does he
show, is the condition of England, in that respect, at
this most critical moment ? " it is not," he says, "in
any boastfulness, but it is, I hope, with the becoming
pride of an Englishman, speaking to Englishmen, that
I tell you what is the situation of the country. You
have in India 100,0000 seasoned and valiant troops,
such, probably, as never before existed in the world
—equal to that army which Wellington rendered
immortal. A great portion of these troops ought to
quit India for England. They are at our command,
and if they come here it is not from the necessity of
England, but because the happy course of affairs in
India, and the position of the Indian Government
renders it desirable that they should quit India.
You have in England at this moment 100,000 valiant
and disciplined men, not equal -perhaps to the men
who have been. seasoned in the illustrious campaigns
of [ndia, but disciplined soldiers; and valiant, I need
not say, because they
_are your countrymen.."• - So
much for the army the regular army—independently
'Of any extraordintni- military resourcei; which
could so 'readily be called forth. Two - hundred
thousand British troops were no insignificant military
force, it must be confessed. Such a national defence

as this, at such a moment, ought to set . the nation's
mind at ease. And then there is that other great
arm of national defence. See what on the same high
authority, is'stated to be the actual strength of the

I was told by one of. the hon. gentlemen
who preceded me that nothing should satisfy him
but that we should have a powerful fleet in the
Channel. I say to you that before six weeks have

elapsed not only shall we have a powerful fleet in the
Channel, but a powerful fleet in the Mediterranean

also."

And these positions-the Channel, and the

Mediterranean—are just the points where our
defence and protection, may ere long be the most

urgently required.
But there is another provision of national defenCe
that may perhaps, . to be had recourse
to, and which the Government, it Would seem, have

already thought of. The Secretary of State for the
Home Department, Mr. SOTHERON ESTCOURT, in
addressing his constituents in North Wiltshire this
week, has expressed himself upon the Whole subject
of our defence in very encouraging terms. "We
shall take care," he told them, "to proceed with our
own defensive preparations ; we shall do everything
that can be thought reasonably necessary ; and, if
requisite, when Parlia;ment meets, we shall call upon
them, as we :are entitled to do, to give us an
indemnity. Neither the Parliament, nor indeed any
Englishman, would grudge the money that might be
required to preserve the country from insult."
Certainly they would not. The exigency is too
unquestionable, and too urgent, to hesitate about
such a thing. Our preservation, not only from
insult, but from something even more serious,
because more material, than insult; must be pro-
vided for; and the Minister that neglected it would
deserve to be impeached.
There is, however, another; an additional expe-
dient, to which the Home Secretary alluded, as
though the Government had considered it, and
resolved on its adoption, , advert," he says,
"for one-moment to a subject connected with this.
I wish to take the opportunity of saying that if, in
this counts, as in some others, there are gallant
spirits ready to enrol themselves in :rifle corps, we
shall be glad to receive the assurance of their willitr-

ness to do so, and as far as Government is concerned,
with the sanction of. Parliament, we shall be glad to
facilitate such desires and intentions. If the
occasion should continue —if the danger should remain
—we shall not be wanting in Wiltshire in providing
a sufficient number of young' men who will show the
capacity they possess in defe Ain; themselves, should
that be rendered needful." This declaration was

received, it appears, with enthusiastic acclamation -
a resp-m-4,.3 which unmistakably indicated the readi-
ness of the incn of Wiltshire to give their military
es to the country in the way suggested.. And

servic,

we are quite sure that hero, •in Lanea3
gestion will meet with a similar hearty acquiescence

hire, the sus-

Whether, therefore, it may happen to turn out,
that the Emperor of the-French shall seek a pretext
for quarrel with us, and the old Napoleonic threat of
a descent upon our coasts, in pursuance of his animo-
sity, be indulged in, or be attempted to be carried

into effect ; or whatever other necessity for self-
defence may chance to arise; all reasonable, all
requisite precautions may thus be taken, and the
country be thereby prepared for any emergency. All
party dissensions must, in such a case, be scattered
to the winds. We must all unite as one man to
repel the common enemy. Our national defence
must be that of all parties, and of all classes. Our
strength is to be in our union. And such a strength,
we may rest assured, must render us so impregnable,
that—

" Come the three corners of the world in arms, •
And we shall shock them Non9;ht shall make us rue,
If Lapland to herself do prove but true !"

The Herald, in reply to the Daily News, asserts, in the

most positive manner, that England has no understanding,
no arrangement or agreement, written or verbal, expressed
or implied, with Prassia, or any other country, respecting

present war.

A. SOLDIER SHOT

-ARREST OF THE - COMMANDINC

OFFICER.

—A soldier was shot at the Curragh, while a
firing party of the 14th Regiment, under the command of
an officer, were shooting at a target. A private soldier,who
was acting as buttsman, was accidentally shot dead, in con-
sequence, it is said, of the neglect of the officer in command,
who has been placed under arrest.—Freeman.

MR. ASPINALL TURNER, M.P. It is reported, both here
and in Manchester, that Mr. Turner made a distinct agree-
ment~ with the Tory party in Manchester, that if they
upported him for the borough his Whig friends should
upport the Tory candidates for South Lancashire. This, at
least, is certain. Mr. Turner was the second to sign the
requisition to Mr. Heywood to come forward, and yet he
did not vote for Mr. Heywood, and many of his supporters
canvassed zealously for Messrs. Egerton and Legh. The
Manchester Guardian has assured us that Mr. Turner's
conduct was owing to his personal dislike for Mr. Cheetham's
Manchester committee, who were also working for Mr.
Heywood. This excuse is in itself most frivolous, but it is
also, we believe, far from conveying the whole truth. We
would ask Mr. Turner, whether the Tory party
did not expostulate with him on having signed
that requisition to Mr. Heywood, and whether he
did not then withdraw his name and support from the
Liberal candidate, in order to secure his own seat. He
has gained his seat by the desertion of his principles, and
at the sacrifice of ail honourable consistency. The Liberal

party here and elsewhere are justly indignant at this story
of Mr. Turner's treachery; and if this gentleman can
explain away his conduct, or put it in a more favourable
light, we recommend him to lose no time in doing so.
Meanwhile, we hope the Reform Club and Boodle's will let
Mr. Turner know what their opinion is.