Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-08-03 00:00:00

life, staining alike the Senatorial robes', the' gentle=

man's honour, and the woman's chastity

legal maxim-false in one thing, false in all, applies
equally, and perhaps with greater foree,-to this
fancied distinction which is hypicritically set up

between a man's private and public character. The

thief in the 'lobby, the liar:in the fOrum,:the clan=

" derer in the Capitol, must be the same in private
" life in a common-sense view of the matter." Now,

we put it to ,any well-disposed mind, however
" Advanced'? in our popular Liberalism,—ls this a
state of society, political or moral, to which it is at
all desirable that we should be brought?' We can-
not for a' moment suppose' that all out own evils,
whether in politics or, in morals, heaped altogether,
and even aggravated, as they are so apt io !be, can
yet constitute anything which it would be• desirable
to change for such a state of things as the- American
journalist describes, in the quotation we have given
from one of the latest of the newspapers from their
commercial capital. No ; we humbly think one
may rest satisfied with the assurance that, hoWever

capable of improvement our own condition may be,

it is yet, in the sight of such a picture as, that, better
—infinitely better,

" to bear the ills we have,
Than fly to others that we know not of.'

ENGLAND has never shown to much asivantage in the
Congresses of Europe. There are cogent reasons
why she should not do so. The Government of a
free people cannot feel itself at home in the head-
quarters- of despotism. ThrOwn upon the friendship
of tyrants, or at least compelled in some measure to
cultivate their good offices, and even respect their

interests, it is impossible that it can at the same time
'preserve its 'indigenouS regard for liberty and
nationality. England, by the necessities of her'
position, cannot refrain from taking her share in the
arts of diplomacy: At least- not by any method
which has yet revealed itself to statesmen and
politicians. It has therefore appeared ,to them

nothing short of a dreadful necessity, that she should

become so involved_ in the complications of despotisms

as sometimes to seem a partner in their crimes,

That specious formula, "the Balance of Power," for
instance ; what is it but too often the fatal charm by
which tyrants delude free Governments ? "The
" Balance of Power" represents both a fact and a
policy. As a fact, it means not seldom the' consum-
mation of the most nefarious designs. As a policy,
it means the permanent and cruel necessities which
that consummation is deemed to impose. England,

having been unable or unwilling to prevent the fact,

becomes as unable, 'even though she should'be-les4

unwilling, to resist the policy. A gigantic heritage
of evil is thus entailed upon European peoples, and

of 'suspicion upon the Government of England.
This becomes a fruitful topic of inquiry and warn-
ing, at a time when England is invited to anothet
Congress of despotism.

The natural position of France and England, is to
be the guardians and the propagators of the principle
of free nationality, and freedom in general in Europe.
It is one of the greatest crimes of LOUIS NAPOLI/ON,
it' is one of the saddest misfortunes of the French

people, that by one fell act-.
history-7he has robbed his country of this high
honour, and the -.awe of freedom in Enrol* of this

—the crime of modern

Re has left