Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-03-18 00:00:00

THE NORTHERN TIMES, FRIDAY, MARCH 18 1859 .

to demand it for themselves. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
To withhold it is to perpetuate an injustice, and it should
not be permitted. Hitherto taxation has been the basis of
electoral qualification. What does this bill propose to do ?
The very reverse of that. It no longer gives the privilege
of voting to those who take care of the state— it
throws the state to the winds, and it gives it

to those who are either pensioners upon the state, or
who simply, take care of themselves. (Hear, hear.) It
gives it to annuitants in the funds, to the holders of bank

stock—
A Voice : What about bankrupt stock. (Cries of order,
and laughter.)
Mr. Jeffery : To the holders of India bonds to various
state pensioners, and so on, who may live wherever they
please, and by the aid of voting papers can give their votes.
(Hear, hear.). Is that right. (No, no.) Gentle-
men Mr. Steams referred to the £6O deposit in the Savings'
Bank. Let me say three words upon that subject : It is a
delusion, and if you trust to it, it will prove to be a rotten
reed. (Cheers.) In the first place, many of you
know that, according to Savings' Bank regulations, it
requires a year to deposit £3O. It will, therefore,
take two years, at the least, to collect £6O, and
then you must have it deposited for twelve
months before you are entitled to vote by virtue
of it. So that it takes three years, be you as econo-
mical as you will, and all these parties thus entitled to vote
may live anywhere. Now, gentlemen, this is what is called
,the enfranchising portion ; but the bill proposes to dis-
franchise every working man in the employ of the govern-
ment, every mechanic in her Majesty's dockyards is to
be disfranchised. Mr. Disraeli said, indeed, that they will
only be disqualified. Sir, I cannot imagine how the House
of Commons could have permitted any man to stand up and
address it with such effrontery; how it could have permit-
ted him to proceed until he had retracted such an equivoca-
tion. (Hear, hear.) If artizans are to be disqualified,
why not disqualify every man in the pay of
the Government ? (Hear, hear.) Why stop at artizans ?
Why select artisans ? Because they are comparatively
helpless in the estimation of the Government. (Hear, hear.)
Let them disqualify every officer in the army and the navy ;
let them disqualify every man situated in the same position,
with regard to the acceptance of pay, as the Government
artizans. (Hear, hear.) Let us be no parties to the
disqualification of the artizan I will be no party
to it (Cheers) I have said that the payment
of taxation hitherto has been the basis of electoral qualifica-
tion. Who does not pay taxes in this country ? More
than half the gross revenue which comes into the exchequer
of the country, is raised from commodities which the people
eat, drink, smoke, snuff, or consume in clothing. Who
consume such commodities to a greater extent than
the working classes ? (Hear, hear.) And yet these
very classes are the people to be ignored in this new
Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Again, I say, demand your
rights through your representatives, and cease not until
you obtain them. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the whole bill is
a huge trap. (Laughter.) It is made to catch the rats
running away from the Liberal camp. (Cheers and laughter.)
It is quite obvious that unless the government cam have
some ratting from the liberals they can never carry this
bill. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt that the masterhand
who baited this trap thought he had done it very cleverly,
but we see what he .is about, or, if we do not see it, we
ought, and he will not catch us, I hope, in that trap.
(Hear, hear.) Now let me give you a word of warning—
beware of your professed friends. (Hear, hear.) There
is more danger from within than from without. We
know how to deal with a decided and declared opponent ;
but we do not know how to deal with a sinister and pro-
fessed friend. Let me call your attention to two letters
which have appeared within the last few days—a letter from
Mr. Ellice, of Coventry, and one also from Lord Grey to
my Lord Elcho. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I venture to say
that there is something very like a conspiracy upon
this question - (hear, hear) —a conspiracy in order that we
may be sold. But let us sleep with one eye open until the
fate of this bill has been decided. (Laughter and cheers.)
Now, lam going to be very modest. (Laughter.) lam
not going, like my friend Mr. Steains, to stand up here
and frame a Reform Bill.

A Voice : You can't. (Laughter and cries of " order,")
Mr. Jeffery : I want two things. Now, mark me; I want
two things, and less than those two things I, for one, will
not be content with. (Hear, hear.) The first is, that each
and every elector shall, as nearly as possible, be made of
equal weight in the scales of the nation. Do you know our
relative weights at present, and our relative values ? Just
let me give you an idea. First, then, let me take the town
of Chippenham. How many Manchester electors
do you suppose it requires to make one Chippenham elector ?
Well, this is a plain Rule of. Three sum. Forty. (Hear,
hear, and laughter.) It requires forty Manchester electors
to be equal to one Chippenham elector. Is that equity—is
it justice —is it common honesty ? (" No, no.") Let
us take Buckingham, the capital of the county
which Mr. Disraeli represents himself—
A Voice :.Three cheers for Mr. Disraeli. (Cheers and
hisses.)
Mr. Jeffery : 11( w many Glasgow electors would it take
to make one Buckingham elector ? It requires 43.
A Voice : Three cheers for Oliver Cromwell. (Cries of
order, and laughter.)
Another Voice : Three cheers for Queen Elizabeth.

(Cheers, laughter, and cries of order.)
Mr. Jeffery : Now let me come home. How many
Liverpool electors would it take to be equal to one of
Devizes ? Fifty-five. ( Oh, oh, and laughter) One Devizes
elector has as powerful a voice in the Legislature
as fifty-five of us. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) Equal
intelligence, I say. should command, and 'if it does not
command, it should demand electoral equality. (Hear,
hear, and cheers) Now let us try the same thing by the
test of money value. Let us have another Rule
of Three sum. If a Liverpool elector be worth 45., what
will an elector of either these three places I have named be
worth ? Answer that question for me. If a Liverpool
elector is of the value of 45., an elector of either of these.

three places is worth £lO. (Laughter, and cries of " oh,*
oh.") That is the relative money value, gentlemen. How
can any representation be considered fair which is so
based—and that will be the state of things, remember,
if this bill should become law. I am not dealing with any
of the places which Mr. Disraeli proposes to denude of one
member. lam taking those which will remain as at pre-
sent even if his bill should pass. I told you that I
wanted two things, and I have named one of them.
I shall now name the second—that every elector shall
have secured to him an equal independance in the
exercise of his franchise. (Hear, hear.) Now these two
principles embodied in a bill shall receive my most strenu-
ous support. I shall not cavil at the particular means by
which such results are arrived at. Ido not care whether
the protection and security I think requisite be called the
ballot, or any other name, so long as it produces the
result.
A Voice : What about the wreck ? (Cries of order,
order.)
Mr. Jeffery : My friend, we shall all be made a wreck, if
we support this bill. (Cries of hear, hear, and loud
cheers.)
A Voice : Where do you keep the hose. (Order, order,
and laughter.)
Mr. Jeffery : Give me those two points and I shall be
satisfied. Now, do you want them ? (Cries of " Yes, yes.")
Then give your commission to your members, requesting
them to give your orders to the government and the legis-
lature, with instructions for immediate execution. (Loud
cheers, amid which Mr. Jeffery resumed his seat.)
Mr. Samuel Rathbone was loudly cheered on coming
forward. He said : Gentlemen, I am much obliged to
you for the reception that you have given to me, and
which I know I owe to the name of my father, who,
though he is not present with us to-night in person,
is here with us in heart and soul. (Loud cheers.)
I have great pleasure in seconding the resolution
that has been proposed to you by Mr. Jeffery,
for I do believe the wisest friends of the constitution
are those who desire to extend the franchise to the
working classes. (Hear, hear.) I know there are many
who warn us not to follow the example of the United
States, not to " Americanize " our institutions, as the cry is.

A Voice : Give it him sharp.
Mr. Samuel Rathbone continued : The heavy taxa-
tion, the insecurity of life in her great cities, and the
corruption lately revealed among her prominent statesmen,
have alarmed them beyond measure. But though we shall,
I trust, profit by her dearly-bought experience, it would be
mere weakness to allow it to prevent us remedying the de-
fects in our own constitution. When the last great reform
bill passed, the cry was, don't let us have a French revolution
in England, and famous capital the Tories made of it.
They brought out a most amusing caricature in which the
King was represented playing leap-frog with his peers
down Constitution-hill. The crown had fallen from his
head, while two portly bishops had rolled over in the fun,
and were meant, no doubt, to foreshadow the coming fall
of the church. Well, that great measure of which sad dis-
asters were predicted, has now been pretty well tried ; and
I will put it to the veriest Tory in England whether we are
not now a more loyal, united, and more prosperous nation
than before it passed. And even our old friend, the church,
which was to be its first victim, has, I think, rather
benefitted by the change. Her ministers are admitted to
be more zealous and active than ever, while her earthly
position remains securely fortified, as of old, behind the
outworks of her innumerable livings. And while these
have been the results of carrying reforms in time, let me
remind those timid Conservatives who foresee disaster
from every change of the year 1848, what flocks of
despotic kings and princes came for safety to our shores,
some of them without a second shirt to their backs, and
one of them, who had left home in such hot haste, that he
actually forgot to bring his wife out of the e mess. These
pallid fugitives were, surely, so many warnings, or to speak
more correctly, running commentaries on the madness

of checking the natural growth of a country's institutions.
We have now had nearly thirty years of inaction, and
surely the time has come to move a step on. The time,
too, seems to be most favourable for passing a well-
considered measure of Reform, because this difficult
question is happily as yet unincumbered by passion or
excitement ; a measure which, like all past changes in
our constitution, shall be based more on experience than
iheory :—and I trust, also, a measure which, while it
provides for the 'representation of every important, class
in this community, shall not be calculated to overwhelm
the influence of any. There, are two bills now before the
conntry, and we hear that Lord John Russell and Lord
Palmerston are each anxious to lay their hands on ano-
ther, so that we shall have lots of choice ; and I, for
one, shall most truly rejoice if one is brought which will
unite in its support the whole and entire Reform party
in Liverpool. I trust we shall see a bill proposed
which will land both the express and parliamentary
trains of the party at the same terminus after their
temporary separation. • I will not longer trespass on
your patience. Indeed, the exhausting- eloquence of the
speakers who preceded me, exhausting, of course I
mean, to the subject, not the audience, left very little
to be said in support of this motion.
.I have cordial plea-
sure in seconding the resolution that I hold in my hand.
The motion was then put and carried, only about twenty
hands being held up against it. The parties who opposed
the resolution then commenced " the Kentish fire," and
kept it up some moments.
Mr. James Molyneux then rose and said : Gentlemen, I
have to submit to your consideration the third resolution,
but before I do so I will avail myself of this opportunity, as
a very old reformer (bear, hear, and "speak out"), to
express my unmitigated contempt of the Government
measure, which they call a reform bill. It might be more
properly called a sham ; and it is, at least, an attempt to
regain the power from us which we now hold. Gentle-
men, I have the privilege to submit to your consi-
deration this resolution, and to ask your approval. of
the petition which will shortly be submitted to you.
But before I do so I avail myself 'of this- opportunity as a
very old reformer to express my unmitigated contempt of
the Government measure which they call a Reform Bill—
(hear, hear)—but which I regard, if not as a sham, a
delusion, and a snare ; at least as an attempt to enable
the monopolist to regain the power which we have
wrenched from them, and which I hope the people of
this country will never allow them to possess (cheers).
Gentlemen, I confess I did not expect from Lord Derby any
good thing as far as reform is concerned, and therefore
feel no disappointment. lam not visionary enough to hope
to gather figs from thistles, or grapes from thorns. Gentle-
men, I am aware that the object of this meeting is to protest
against the Government measure (uproar), and not to sug-
gest any plan of our own. Still, gentlemen, I perhaps may
be allowed to read to you the opinion of one of the first men
of the age, if not the greatest man of the age, and the greatest
benefactor of the human race, I will add, upon this sub-
ject. In his opinion I think the majority of the reformers
will concur. (Applause.) Lord Brougham said the gross
inequality of the electoral divisions is much to be repro-
bated; a million of persons and an enormous wealth in one
or two counties have no grater weight in the scale of Par-
liamentary influence than a few hundred persons in some
obscure town. It is plain that, while this inequality con-
tinues, little confidence can be given to the resolutions of the
Commons as an indication of public opinion. The:duration
of Parliament is clearly too long ; members chosen
while the state of the • Sovereign's _ life pre-
sents the prospect of a six or seven
years' seat, never think of their constituents any more
than if they had none. Triennial parliaments ought,
most certainly, to be substituted for septennial. The
necessity of securing the electors, by the plan of secret
voting, seems at length to have forced itself on the minds
of those formerly most reluctant to entertain the subject of
the ballot. It seems, however, clear that it would be some
shelter to tradesmen, and that such protection, if town
elections are to be other than a farce, is necessary. Gentle-
men, as I do not see as well as I did some thirty years
ago, I will call upon Mr. Maxwell, the son of our
lamented friend Mr. George Maxwell—(loud applause)
to read the petition.
Mr, Maxwell then read the following petition :
TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE UNITED
KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, IN PAR-
LIAMENT ASSEMBLED.

The petition of the electors and non-electors of the borough of
Liverpool, in public meeting assembled
Humbly showeth,—That this meeting views with extreme regret
the very meagre, inefficient, and delusive measure of Parliamentary
Reform which has been presented to your honourable house by her
Majesty's Government.
That in the year 1852 and 1854, her Majesty's Ministers then in
office called the attention of Parliament to this question, and sug-
gested that alterations should be made in the Reform Act of 1832,
calculated to give more complete effect to the principles on which
that act was based, and to extend their application.
That your petitioners consider that the bill now introduced fails
to promote the ends which in any bill to amend the representation
of the people it is desirable to have in view, and is not calculated to
give more complete effct to the principles on which the act of 1832
was based, and to extend their application.
Because, Ist, it does not enfranchise, as a body, any portion of the
working classes, by wholly omitting to lower, in any degree, the
borough qualification of a voter.
Because, 2nd, the effect of the measure will be to a large extent
to disfranchise prospectively, if not immediately, a mOst intelligent
and independent class of county voters, viz., those resident in
boroughs sending members to Parliament.
Because, 3rd, such last mentioned provision is calculated to throw
the representation of the counties still more into the hands pi' the
large landed proprietors.
Because, 4th, the proposed bill does not disfranchise wholly or
partially certain boroughs whose constituency is so small as to
render their representation undesirable, exposed, as many of them
have repeatedly been proved to be, to venal practices ; and, in
consequence of the retention of such parliamentary boroughs, many
places which, by their importance and intelligence are far more
entitled to return members to Parliament, are thereby necessarily
debarred from the privilege.
Because, sth, many of the new franchises proposed by the bill
I will be incapable of a satisfactory working, and liable to abuse.
Because, 6th, the voting by means of voting papers will be
certain to open a door to fraud, intimidation, and dictation.
Because, 7th, the proposed enlargement of the existing Parlia-
mentary boroughs is intended still further to emasculate the
county register, by removing from it prospectively, if not im-
mediately, the county- voters resident in the neighbourhood of
such boroughs.
Because, Bth, the measure, as a whole, will not put an end to
the agitation for reform which has more or less existed of late
years, and which it is highly expedient that any new Reform Bill
should do.
Your petitioners, therefore, humbly pray that your honourable
house will refuse its assent to this bill on the proposed second
reading of the same.
And your petitioners will ever pray.
Mr. Molyneux then said : Gentlemen, I beg leave to
move thatthat petition be adopted by this meeting, and signed
on its behalf by the chairman, and that Mr. Ewart be re-
quested to present it and support its prayer :
Mr. 141‘Gregor said : I wish I had the voice to say a
word or two, so that you might all hear me, but I won't
occupy your time further than by saying, I second the re-
solution ; and I only wish that there was time long enough
to have this petition signed by the masses of Liverpool, so
that the House of Commons might know the feelings of
the people, not only all that are here to-night, but of the
entire town of Liverpool.
Mr. Phillip Rathbone came forward to address the
meeting in support of the resolution. He commenced by
observing that when old George Stephenson was about to begin
the first railway, a friend asked him how would he carry
out his project if a cow got on the rails, when old Mr.
Stephenson replied, " it wad be unca bad for the cow."
So it was with Mr. Disraeli when he saw that it would be
awkward for his cow in the way of reform. He did much
wiser than to attempt to stop a meethig which he could not
prevent, and when he could not get ou he put a bill across
the way. But there was a good engineer at the head
A Voice : What are you afraid of. Raise your voice.
Mr. Rathbone : When Mr. Disraeli found that
his bill was found out, and the forty shilling
franchise wast talked of, he said, " You pays your
monish, and you takes your chance." Ile (the speaker)
would say that they were called upon to vote against the
second reading of the bill. He distrusted the
cause in the hands of those that could
not to be trusted, He did not know by entrusting the child
to the care of such a stepmother, who might be tricked out
of that franchise which was pretended to be given them,
and he would vote against the bill brought in by him, if
there was no other reason whatever than that it had been
brought in by him. (Cheers and hisses). Let them have
men in whom they could put their confidence, and they
would pass their measures, but don't let them have men to pass
measures in whom thel could put no confidence.
A voice : Your a Jesuite.
Mr. Rathbone : It was time, he thought, that Lord
John Russell and Lord Palmerston would make their
battle. He concluded amid applause, by remarking that
their sitting member was likely to become a standing one.
Mr. J. C. Ewart, M.P., said : Mr. Chairman and gen-
tleman, I would indeed be wanting in the common feelings
of a man, if I did not show some emotion at the kind and
generous manner in which you have been pleased to receive
me this evening. (Hear, hear.) I confess that I have
come down from London this morning at some public incon-
venience to myself, but when I heard this meeting was to
great
ipoll;liavae)e..
take place here this evening, I could not resist the tempta-
tion of attending, in order to show my fellow townsmen and
brother electors that I would always be ready to stand up
for the rights and the privileges of the people.
We, the liberal party, hate, I think, shown gre(
ance to the present government (hear, hear), and
honour-
d
been most anxious to give to the right
' able gentleman, the leader of the House of
Commons a fair trial, so that he might have an_ opportunity
of redeeming the promise which he made at the commence-
ment of the session. "That he fondly hoped," was his
expression, " that he would be able to introduce a bill for
reforming parliament whi(cola.h,wohou)ld
Ibe satisfactory to the
people of this country."
what astonished at that declar.ationonfl s
somewhatsome-
pleased that the right hon. esfesltl wa
a declaration as that. For I
I
will, he had the pow
satisfaction to the power of b knewgentleman could make such
_ . very well, if he had the
ringing iu a bill that would give
people of this country. I find that bill

has been brought in, and I appeal to this cast assembly before
me, I appeal to the intelligent community of Liverpool,
whether that right hon. gentleman's wishes which he fondly
indulged in bn not now scattered to the wind.

_
A Voice :It miscarried. (Laughter.) —.
-
Mr. Ewart : It is now twenty-seven years since the
Great Reform Bill was carried. During that time, I need
not ask you what. vast improvements have been made in
knowledge and science amongst the people. We have seen our
steamers, perhaps, I may say, visible in every sea in the world.
Our wishes and our wants are carried like a flash of lightning
to almost the remotest corners of the globe. Libraries are
open to the public, lectures are given for their instruction,
cheap concerts have been given for the rational entertain-
ment of the people. I appeal to you, and I appeal to you
with perfect confidence, arc not the people since 1832,
very
a
much improved and arc they not entitled to a larget
measure of reform ? (Hear, hear.) But,- gentlemen, v
says Mr. Disraeli, the Chancellor of the Exchequer ? He
says :—" I cannot deny the truth of all you say, but I will
not allow any greater measure of reforni than giving to a
man who has £6O in the bank a franchise, to doctors and
, lawyers, and a great many other persons of that kind, and I •
will give it to lodgers, not who pay
.their £lO, but
who pay their Bs. a-week, or their £2O a-year."
I ask you is -that giving a fair franchise to the industrious
community. (No, no.) Gentlemen, I have been one who
have always, I trust, been advancing the liberties and rights-
of the people. (Hear, hear.) I will be no party to such
a proceeding, but I will unhesitatingly declare that if I
possibly can, I will do my utmost to throw that bill out of
parliament. (Hear, hear, and applause.) But, gentlemen,
while alluding to the present ministry, it is but right and
fair—and I never will say anything but what I do consider
ight and fair—it :s right I should separate froa that
ministry 'two most aistinguished persons, who have arways
been considered to be most honest. Now, gentlemen, what
did these distinguished men say? They said, "We cannot
go quite so far as the £lO county franchise, but we must
admit that the people have advanced in intelligence, and
we at all events will not agree to your proposition, but we
insist that the £6 franchise shall he adopted in the boroughs.
(Hear, hear.) Now these gentlemen stood ..to their
opinions, and like true honest people. when they found they
could not get that first measure of- Reform passed, they in-
stantly resigned their seats. - Now gentlemen, I am one of
those, who though 'perhaps I do entertain what some
people may consider to lie somewhat strong opinions, yet I
hope lam not-so wedded to my. crotchets that I will not
always give way' to what I consider is for the good
of the people. I will frankly tell you, if the government
had brought such a bill forward as Mr. Henley and Mr.
Walpole brought forward, I would have voted for it;
although I have always voted for the £lO franchise. Or if
such a bill as that brought in by Mr. Locke Kin, had been
brought in, I would have voted for the £2O franchise for the
county, on the condition that the boroughs got their £6
franchise. Gentlemen, this. country cannot stand this
system of perpetual agitation. Let government bring forward
such a measure as the people are fairly entitled to. The
people of this country find this constant agitation interfere -
not only with their daily avocation, but it interferes also
very materially. with the general pursuits of commerce. I
will most gladly* present this petition to the House of
Commons ; and in doing so, I shall feel that I am repre-
senting the opinions, not only of a vast majority of this
intelligent community, but that I am representing the
opinions of the vast majority of the people of England.
(Applause.) Mr. Ewart then resumed his seat.
A Voice : Will Mr. Ewart vote for the ballot?

Mr. Ewart : I hope I have never shrunk from giving my
opinion upon all occasions. (Hear, hear.) As I under-
stand.the gentleman, he asks me whether I will vote for
the ballot. I think that gentleman has not consulted the
general votes of the 110v.60 of Commons upon that question.
I may refer him to the votes given by me since I have been
in Parliament, and he will invariably find that I was not
skulking away from a division. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Charles Holland hoped the gentlemen was perfectly
satisfied with the answer he had received. (Cheers.) The
duty which he had to perform was a very easy one, upon
which he felt sure they would have perfect unanimity—
it was to move a vote of thanks to their worthy
representative. (Cheers.) He. trusted that the miserable
phantom of a bill, the paltry juggle which kept the word of
promise to the car, but broke it to the hope, was now atterly
disposed of, and that the voice of the people of England,
uttered throughout the vast meetings which had taken place,
with the voice of the present meeting added, had consigned
the bill to the tomb of the Capulets for ever, and that they
should hear no more of it. (Cheers.). There was still,
however, a great question to be settled in the House of
Commons, and he trusted the people of England would not
permit the question of the enfranchisement of the working
classes to be made a foot-ball of by any party in that house.
(Cheers). He called upon them not to be
wedded to any great man, however aristocratic
or whatever its antecedents, but to consider only the ques-
tion of the measure which should carry out the object they
sought to attain, and with nothing short of which they
ought to be satisfied. No measure, by whomsoever proposed,
which did not effectually carry out upon a broad and
intelligible basis, the wants and wishes of the people
of the country, ought to have their support.
(Hear, hear.) He congratulated the meeting upon having
one member with them upon whom they could depend to be
true to the cause of the working classes of the country, and
concluded by proposing, " Thatthe thanks of this matting
are due and are hereby given to J. C. Ewarn;, Esq., M.P.,
for his presence at this meeting, and for his efficient
services as one of our representatives in the House of
Commons." (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Robinson said he had much pleasure in seconding
the motion of the preceding speaker.. He had watched
Mr. Ewart's career with interest and a great deal of care,
and he had found that he had done his duty in a most
!conscientious manner. In him they had a merchant prince
without ostentation, a churchman without bigotry, • a
townsman who sought the common good of his country, a
member of Parliament who combined the gentleman with
the politician.
A Voice : IVhat'do you get for that ?
Mr. Robinson : He was a Statesman who sacrificed his
time and his talent for the benefit of Liverpool. lie did not
want to lift Mr. Ewart up above all others, but he thought
he would be borne oat in what he had stated. Two years
ago the people of Liverpool returned him by a large majority
and he believed if another appeal was made the people of
Liverpool would return him again. (Hear, hear, and ap=
lause.) Mr. Ewart, twenty-seven years ago, was a reformer,
when to be n reformer was counted by some to be a reflec-
tion on the State. He was an advocate for religious liberty,
when- to be such was considered to be against Queen and
Constitution. He was a free trader, when the farmer was
told that if the measure was carried there would be no more
land cultivated in England. These things must be pleasing
for him to reflect upon. He also possessed another quality :
His name was connected with the benefit of tire people, and
the institution of free libraries (applause) ; and it was only
natural to think that he wished to share with them the
liberty which he possessed after having enlightened their
minds by such means. Many people had
apprehended_ much from the power of the working classes.
They were the wealth producers of the country, and the
.etltfharaet
protectors of the country. Some people thought that t 4
constitution was a watch or a clock, or sonic piece of
mechanism ; his opinion was that it is an organiser. He
heavedconsidered n
dtehra
at the
fustiansam jacket, same feeli feeling wag
ow
faasr feltas
within the
country's
was concerned, as moved the hearts of the fine gentleman in
Hyde Park, who said "dem'e."
While England remained a
the
welfare
nation, there would exist one common bond of brotherhood.
He had no doubt that the meeting would concur with the
resolution moved by Mr. Holland, and he would not have
the slightest objection if they passed it uproriously. (Great
cheering).
Mr. Ewart thanked them for their kindness, and con-
cluded by moving a vote of thanks to the chairman. •
*At this stage of the proceedings a drunken fellow arose,
amid shouts of" Sit down, and hold your tongue," "Go on,"
&c. He was invited to the platform, which he succeeded
in reaching by the assistance of several of the audience.
He said he wanted to ask Mr. Ewart a question, and
toa
attemptsfewby to askingd o
why Mr. }wart had not
so, he manaied to make
attended a meeting in Liverpool, called by Mr• It b
haiftneirself several
lierd
• oe tick, at
which religious liberty was advocated.
Mr. Ewart renlied that he was in the south of England
at the time, and did not consider himself bound
to attend
any meeting that Mr. Roebuck might be pleased to call.
Mr. Jeffery then put the resolution, thanks of
that the . d
the meeting be given to the chairman, which was came
• amid cheers, and the •
meeting broke up.

kIIRIVAL of