Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-03-07 00:00:00

PRUSSIA

BERLIN, Saturday.—The solemn christening of
the infant prince has taken place this day, at one
o'clock. The name of the young prince is Frederick
William Victor Albert. A general illumination for
the evening is prepared.
BERLIN, Sunday, March 6th.—According to
advices received here, Lord. Cowley will leave Vienna
on Wednesday next.

SWITZERLAND.
BERNE, March G.

The Federal Council discussed, in its sitting of
yesterday, the state of political affairs, and unani-
mously decided upon defending and upholding by
every means in its power the integrity and neutrality
of the Swiss territory. Besides the above, a resolu-
tion was voted to extend measures for defending the
country in case of need, and in accordance with the
treaties to such part of Savoy as might be found
necessary in order to maintain the neutrality and in-
tegrity of Switzerland. Communications relating
to these resolutions are to be addressed to the diffe-
rent European govern ments.

THE FRENCH FUNDS.
PARIS, Saturday, 11 50. a.m.—The pacific article

in the Monitcur of this morning has produced great
excitement here. Rentes commenced at 68 50 rose

to 69, and are now 68 70.

1 15 p.m.—The agitation has somewhat subsided.
Rentes open, 68 70.
345 p.m.—The Bourse closes very firm. Rentes
69 for money, and 69 10 account ; being nearly 4-

per eent. higher than yesterday's closing. Austrian
railway shares are also 22f, and Lombardo-Venetian
191 higher.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

AUSTRIA

The following is the text of the Austrian
despatch of the sth of February, addressed to the
Austrian representatives at the different Courts of
Germany :

" VIENNA, Feb. s.—The serious anxiety which
affects the political situation 'of Europe since the
commencement of this year has also been seriously
felt in every part of Germany. To the astonishment
of the governments and of the nations who desire
peace, and whose efforts tend to so many important
results of which peace is the condition, general
confidence in the future has been shaken in a lament-
able manner. There does not exist any serious
difference ( Zerwiirfniss) between the Powers which
can explain this anxiety, but the fears which have
manifested themselves seem the less inclined to cede
to a more favourable appreciation of the state of
things as they cnnnot be traced. to legitimate
causes.

" If this general feeling of uncertainty is to be
deeply regretted, a salutary effect, and which it is
impossible not to recognise, has, on the other hand,
been produced by the unanimity and decision with
which public opinion in Germany, in presence of the
eventuality of war, which appeared certain, has
pronounced itself in favour of an energetic co-opera-
tion.

" This fact, which none can deny, is a bright and
satisfactory light in the sad darkness of the present
moment.

" The language of German statesmen, as of the
press, has widely spread the impression that Ger-
many would look upon itself as threatened as a
united power (Gesanuntmacht), if Austria, by an un-
just attack on her possessions in Italy, should find
herself called upon to take up arms against
one of the greatest military powers in
Europe. The convictions of the whole of
Germany have united in an energetic
protestation against a return of the days of the Con-
federation of the Rhine. With a common consent
which commands respect, youblic opinion has declared
that if the rupture of the public law of Europe
should threaten a German Power, even should it only
be at first in her non-German possessions, all her
allies ought to make common cause with her, so as
to preserve peace by the moral force of so powerful
a union. And in case, against all expectation, that
result should not be obtained, would protect in com-
mon from tta 'c, the possession of a member of the
Confederat:cn as well as the sanctity of treaties ;
and thus shield, at the- same time, the honour, the
dignity, the safety, and the power of united Germany.
" Under these circumstances, not a few German
Cabinets have expressed to us their wish to examine
closer by what firm determination, and in what
form, a joint line of action, 'in case of an attack on
Austria, could be adopted so as to be prepared at a
moment's notice. On various sides our opinion has
been sought on the state of affairs, especially as
whether it would be opportune to provoke a declara-
tion from the constitutional authority of the German
Confederation, or to prepare resolutions for eventual
adoption by that authority. This induces us to make
confidentially known to our allies our views upon
the necessities of the present situation.
" This situation shows an improvement in the
political symptoms which indicate in a more re-
stricted manner the existence of a danger of imme-
diate war, but at the same time, by the absence of all
guarantee, that the explosion of war in Italy may
take place at any moment, under, Any pretext what-
,ever, and again threaten, in a serious manner, the
peace of Europe. Faithful to its moderation and
love of peace, the Austrian Cabinet will exert all its
influence to prevent ulterior complications. But we
cannot close our eyes to the fact that, as long as the
policy of Sardinia perseveres in its present character,
contrary to the law of nations, and calculates upon
war and revolution, war presents itself as the pro-
bable consequence of our firm resolution to defend
against every attack the rights of Austria, in Italy,
as resulting from treaties.
" Under these circumstances, we must in truth at-
tach a great importance to the conviction being fully
established in Europe that Germany, closely united,
will not allow such an attack to be made.

" We do not, it is true, draw the conclusion there-
from that the suitable moment has arrived to open
deliberations at Frankfort and for the German con-
federation to take decided measures.
"We must take into careful consideration the
presumed effect that will be caused abroad, as well
as upon the internal situation of the Confederation ;
and, under the necessary influence of those consider-
ations, we, for the present are inclined to the opinion
that the firm establishment of the common action
of Germany with Austria, in case of war, ought
not to assume the obligatory forms of the Federal
Constitution as long as the realisation of the even-
tuality for the advent of which the community is
prepared has not presented itself as certain. But
we need not give the assurance that the opinions
our august allies may wish to bring to bear upon
this essential point may beforehand count upon our
most serious attention, and will be by us eagerly
taken into consideration.

'" Nevertheless, we think that it is decidedly de-
sirable already that the Governments of Germany,
as members of one great body, should mutually
communicate the convictions which animate them in
presence of the dangers of the future, which it is
impossible to disown, and prepare themselves, by a
firm agreement, to hold at the proper time the same