Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-04-28 00:00:00

THE INCITEMENTS TO INTERVENTION.

IT was satisfactory to find Lord JOHN RUSSELL,
in the City of London, the other evening, advocating
a policy of positive and decided non-intervention in
the present disturbed state of affairs in Continental
Europe. " They were going," he said, "to amend
their representation, and consider several other
things, which concerned them and their future
liberty and happiness. Were they going to give up,
attending to all these things in order to help the
Austrian Empire to preserve its rule in Italy ? Or
were they going to enter on what he should deem a
Quixotic enterprise, to say to the States of Italy,
We know better than you do how your States
should be constituted ; and therefore we will inter-
fere and give you a good Government '—a Govern-
ment which, perhaps, was not the Government which
suited them ? He was for not interfering either way,
but for attending to our own measures, and not
abandoning those questions of Reform and internal
improvement in order to help any continental strug-
gle in which nobody would thank them, in which
some party or other would be eager to get their aid,
and then having achieved their object, spend the
rest of their lives in abusing England, as they have
always-done." This, we may depend upon it, is the
policy that will be most likely to promote the best
interests of England; and the Government that
shall pursue such a policy will be well entitled to the
gratitude of the country.
It is the more satisfactory to find that such a
policy of decided and entire non-intervention is
advocated in that quarter, because there are not
wanting popular incitements to interfere in favour of
Italy, and in hostility to Austria. There are too
many of our more Liberal politicians who think
with regard to Italy that they " know better than
the Italians do how their States should be constitu-
ted ;" and who would gladly act on that assumed
knowledge, and give them institutions under which
they would soon fall into a state of anarchy, because
they are not yet fit for the freedom of such institu-
tions. One cannot but sympathise with any
oppressed people that are longing to be free,
and that deserve to be so. But we must not
be too meddlesome, if we would avoid embroiling
ourselves in foreign quarrels. Italy is in a condition
that is very unsatisfactory, very abhorrent, indeed,
to the English mind._ Enjoying the blessings of
rational and well-regulated liberty ourselves, we
would fain see the Italians enabled to enjoy it also.
But we must not presume to interpose, even for such
an object, rashly or injudiciously. It is a popular
feeling that would urge such interference ; but even
popularity must not be allowed to incite us to do
mischief. Such sentiments as those which Mr.
DUNCOMBE expressed last week in the House of
Commons are doubtless popular sentiments
but they could not be acted , upon without in'
curring the danger of committing the country
to a dispute which it had better be kept out of. The
hon. gentleman thus declared himself in sympathy
with Italian liberation,—" He repeated that the state
of Italy was a disgrace to civilised .Europe ; and he
believed nothing short of the complete liberation of
Italy would satisfy Italy before long. Austria was
the curse of Italy. She had been so long, and it
was believed that the British Government were
playing into the hands of Austria. They must get
rid of the Austrians altogether from Italy before
they could secure the peace of that country. War
might be staved off for a time by this Congress,
but they could never hope for the settled peace
of Italy, or the happiness of the Italians unless
Austria were excluded from that country."
Now this, we admit, is a very natural sympathy
for an English Liberal to express. But how it would
embroil us with Austria, were we to attempt to give
practical effect to it ! And how easy would it not be
to get drawn into what Lord JOHN RUSSELL calls

" a Quixotic enterprise," in any attempt of the
British Government to aid in "the complete liberation
of Italy !"

To pursue such a course—to take up the cause of
Italy—to send forth armaments from this country in
aid of its liberation,—to thus openly and actively
espouse the cause of liberty, would no doubt be a
very popular proceeding with large bodies of the
English people. Were the idea but once fairly
afloat, it would not fail to be wafted along by
popular acclamation. And the incitements to inter-
vention might thus become irresistible, had we only
an Administration of a more Liberal complexion.
But we must consider what might be the result of it.
In the words of Lord DERBY, " Italy would be the
central point or platform of a war of the most san-
guinary description, because it would be a war of
principle and of passion ; it would not be
a war between two great nations, or for some
definite and ambitious object, but it would
be a struggle that would excite the most
conflicting principles, and develop the most violent
of passions, and of which, as regards the future fate
of Italy, no satisfactory solution or cessation can be
foreseen. But it would do far more—for, war once
broken out in Italy, it is hopeless to imagine that it
would be confined within the compass of that prin-
cipality. Other passions would be aroused, other
conflicting nationalities would arise, and other nations
be called on to interfere in the conflict ; and war
once originated in Italy would, at no distant period,
extend throughout its centre and to its frontiers,
and bury the whole of Europe in one general con-
flagration." Who, then, would like to incur so
fearful a responsibility as this ? We may thank
Heaven that there is at present no prospect of any
Ministry being formed in this country, that would
be likely to rush into such an enterprise, even in a
cause so dear to us as that of liberty.

THE ELECTIONS