Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-10-31 00:00:00

NORTHERN DAILY TIMES

"ould openly and: secretly sap its foundations ; and
&en a clergyman may Use the influence which he possesses
to give his support to those who will be true to his church,
and that must be my apology for coming here to-night to
unite you in paying unfeigned respect to the dis-
tinguished nobleman, that consummate statesman, who
graces this occasion with his presence. (Cheers.) In
conclusion, for I ,will [not detain you longer allow me,
in consideration of the sacred office which I 'hold, to
mingle my earnest prayers with your hearty good wishes
that God may bless his strenuous efforts—more strenu-
ous, I.
I hope, than ever—for the advancement of the
divine glory, the good of His church, the safety, '
honour, and welfare of our Sovereign and her
dominions. (Loud applause.)
The CHAIRMAN again rose, and, after a suitable intro-
duction, proposed "The Army and Navy." He said that
he had received an apology from General Peel, who had
been selected to speak to the toast, but that, in his
absence, the duty would be suitably discharged by Lord
Hardwicke. (Cheeri.)
He proposed "The Army and Navy." (Loud cheers.)
The Earl -of HARDWICKS, who was. received with
cheers, said :—Mr. Shand and gentlemen,—lt becomes
my duty to return thanks for the honour you have done
the army and navy. I regret exceedingly that I am
obliged to undertake the duty of returning thanks for
the army, in consequence of the absence of General
Peel, who has 'been called, by the sudden death of a
very near relative, to London. I feel sure that you
will all join 'with me in that regret which I feel for the
absence of that right honourable gentleman, who is so
much honoured and respected in the army,—(cheers)„
—in which he has fulfilled all those duties which,
the public service have called upon him to perform
with singular ability and with singular honesty of
purpose. (Cheers.) And no man, I believe, in the
country :can say otherwise than that he has had the pro-
fession.of the army and .all its interests deeply at heart.
Gentlemen, I see befere me officers of that profession
who are much better able to do justice to the subject
than a am; but I know this, that the two professions,
the army and navy, being toasted together, have gained
on this occasion a new interest—that this toast, usually
considered a formal one, has gained by the circumstances
of Europe at large more importance In 'the minds of the
people of this country than it possessed some years ago. i
It s-a, misfortune, undoubtedly, that a warlike spirit per-
vades Europe at this moment, in a much greater degree at
least than it didfor a long period of time after the battle of
Waterloo up to the time of the war with Russia. That was
a Period sv-hen the angel of peace spreads her wings over
Europe, and we -sat down silent, and contented, as far as
re aided that question, and when these toasts were
c.re-
ceived as a matter of mere formality. At this moment
there is arising in the, minds of -the people a sense of
necessity towards -their support, and a sense that the
public should look to them with a closer eye of scrutiny
and -diligence. The evil <senius df war, since the period
of the Crimean -straggle, has certainly entered into-the
minis of the people with much greater force, and the
tendency to armaments of a warlike character has led
the people of this country to contemplate this subject,
and to consider those toasts of a less formal character
than they were on former occasion. With respect to
the army, I am-Sure those gentlemen I see near me who
are connected with that profession will permit me to
make use of the same language that is always used in
reference to that profession, namely, that whenever it is
called upon' to perform any public duty, it does as it is
told to do, and when it is ordered on the field of
battle to stand in one place, it never goes away. (Loud
cheers.) This is a remarkable feature in the British
soldier, that retreat is the last thing that ever enters his
head. (Immense applause.) Gentlemen, in addressing
myself to my own profession, you will permit me to say
that I do not forget that I address gentlemen of that
great emporium of trade, the town of Liverpool, con-
' nected so nearly and deeply with the maritime inte-
rests of this country, that I can appeal to them with-
out the slightest chance of being rejected in my ap-
peal for the assistance which they are always ready to
give towards the support of the dearest and most impor-
tant maritime interests of this country: (Hear, hear.)
And I know fall well, that, in addressing myself to the
men of Liverpool, and in receiving from them the expres-
sion of good will towards the profession that I have the
'honour now to represent, that this feeling is one univer-
sally in their hearts, and that an earnest desire exists
that they may be enabled to give in their support the
greatest assistance to the arms of the country whenever
the necessity of it may arise. (Heat, hear.) Gentle-
men, I feel sure that upon this occasion you will be very
desirous that I should curtail anything that I have to say
upon this interesting subject. And I say that in dealing
with the question, although it is a very large one, my
duty is confined simply to returning thanks. But at the
same time, I am sure you will forgive me, if I, as a sea-
man, express the feeling that I am confident that at all
times the naval profession will render those services to
the country which they have ever shown the power
and ability to do ; and that the kind expression
which you offer towards the service, on every occasion
stimulates them in their desire to do so. We have
recently, I regret to say, to lament that which is
very seldom known or very seldom heard of—a
defeat. But the defeat by no means need at all dis-
courage, or need at all detract in any way from the
character of the service, for in that action there was
the'greatest display of courage, and the most devoted
chivalry was exhibited. (" Hear, hear," from Lord
Derby.) The arms of England acquired a brighter fame
under those circumstances than the circumstances would
have led us to expect. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, I know
no engagement like it, wherein the commander-in-chief
of an expedition against an enemy has suffered no less
than three vessels to be sunk under his foot, until
wounded he retires to the fort, unable any longer to per-
form the active duties of commander. (Applause.)
There was an exhibition of glorious chivalry, of high
and honourable bearing, of daring and resistless courage,
which was only imitated by the officers and men,
who, in their devotion, sacrificed their lives in a worth-
less attempt, but against a force which was not to be
Wt down by the contemptible means brought against it.
hile we rejoice in the magnificent display of that
useless carnage, we at the same time ought, as a public
duty, to speak of, and mildly to represent the causes of
the failure, and the extent of the loss. The cause of
the failure will be evident to every man. We have
been accustomed to consider the Chinese as enemies
that were to be beaten with the greatest ease—that a
defeat was never dreamt of ; and although the enemy
was strongly posted, it was naturally conceived that he
could be defeated. I am not surprised at it, and I can
hardly blame it, because the successes had been so easy
on al: former occasions that we were led to believe that
success was inevitable and certain under the circum.
stances; that ordinary European warfare would have been
considered irresistible. But that was a defeat caused by
a want of respect for your enemies, and which is not
likely to happen again ; but the loss was occasioned, in
my opinion, by another mistake, and by one which the
public can mildly correct, by noticinc, it in meetings of
this kind„and by pressing upon the Government of the
country the attention which the public mind has given
to it. (Hear, hear.) It has been 'the practice in the
naval profession, and a practice which was full of use and
of importance, that on no occasion of flotilla or boat-
service should the commander-in-chief or the admiral
himself take the lead, and expose himself in an act of
that description. It is manifest that the moment that
an individual who commenced an attachment of that sort
involves himself in it, his personal honour becomes im-
mediately concerned. Captain Tattwall, the chivalrous
American captain who witnessed the whole of those
operations, said, in the letter to his Government :
" In fifteen minutes I saw they were beaten, and there
was not the slightest shadow or chance of success." If
the gallant and chivalrous admiral had consented to
continue his flag flying on board the Miranda, or on
board of whatever frigate his flag was flying at the
time, and had sent his second in command to take
charge of the -flotilla that was sent against the batteries
--if he had brought his eye close enough to observe
the engagement, he would have recalled his flotilla at
the time Captain Tatwall saw it was useless to fight
any longer, and all the loss would 'lave been saved to
the British people, and so many grieved hearts would
not have had to grieve over the loss caused by continuing
too long an action which was utterly lost at the begin-
nings. I say, then, the old practice of our profession
ought to be followed, and that the commander-in-chief
has no right to enter into an action of that sort, but be
prepared to direct them, and save the personal honour of
the men whom they send, and not risk their personal
honour, which compels them to fight out an engagement
to the last. I have been drawn to make these remarks
on this occasion because it is here, when English hearers
learn a defeat, that on such an occasion it is proper we
should be able to account for the defeat, and state those
causes from which it has arisen, so that those causes
may not happen again. I will make no other re-
, mark on the engagement on the Peiho, because I am
quite ignorant of the ground, and am not acquainted

with the nature of the defences against which the
flotilla was engaged. I shall not venture to enter on
the,question of_p_olicy ; but all I will say on the past
of the subject is that of dislike to the policy which has
brought us into constant war from the date of the giving
up of the: Charter of the East India Company down to
the present time. Gentlemen, I have now only to return
you thanks for the honour that you have done the Army
and Navy in proposing their health--(cheers)---and in
-doing so, -I beg leave to express what I believe is the sen-
timent of those professions, namely—that the houour
they receve at the various tables, and in various societies
of this country when the formal toast is given, is one of
those means by which the public interest is sustained
towards those professions, and one of those stimulant
which is given by the public, which induces them to
render at all times their whole heart and soul in the ser-
vice and for the benefit of their country. (Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of the High
Sheriff—a gentleman who, in that district, represented
her Majesty, and who, he ventured to say, bore the
sword of justice, - like Heaven itself, with mercy,
(Cheers.) The dignity and courteousness with which
that gentleman fulfils the duties of his office deserves
that a toast should be greeted with acclamation which
introduced the name of the High Sheriff of the county.
(Loud cheers.)
Sir ROBERT *GERARD, who was received with great
cheering, said he could not adequately express the grati-
fication he felt at having received an invitation to that
magnificent entertainment. (Cheers.) He felt that the
honour was intended for the office which he bore—(cries of
"No, no,")—but still it proved to him that no act of his
had met with the disapprobation of his Liverpool Con-
servative friends. (Cheers.) He felt that it would be
unbecoming on his part to detain the meeting even for
a moment, and he • therefore begged them, at once, to
accept his sincere and grateful thanks for the honour
they had done him. (Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN—My lords and gentlemen, when I
look around this magnificent assembly, and consider the
cause which has attracted it together, I find that words
are quite inadequate to introduce the toast which it
is my especial purpose at the present moment to
propose. I propose to you, gentlemen, the health
of the Earl of Derby. [A burst of acclamation
interrupted the speaker, and every one in the hall
rose and joined in the applause, while handker-
chiefs waved from every part of the building.] I say
again, gentlemen, the health of the Earl of Derby--
our great Conservative leader. (Renewed cheering.)
I am sure there is none here who forgets the period
of anxiety at which he was called upon to take the
head of affairs ; anal am sure that there is none who
does not feel the greatest amount of respect and grati-
tudefor the skill and prudence with which his diplomacy
was applied, and for the power with which he exercised
it. (Cheers.) I can, having this day had the honour
of presenting an address from 7,090 Conservatives, in
that box which is now placed—for the better advantage
of your seeing it—upon the lower table ; having had
the honour of presenting such an address, I can draw
from it the elements of hope. (Cheers.) But still, I
must lament that party spirit overrules so often every
process of.generous sentiment—every motive to generous
actions—and that that success which ought to have
won for him a triumph from the nation, has, as in the
case of Aristides for his justice, condemned him
to depart from his authority. (Hear, hear.) I
know not whether we ought to rouse any feel-
ing of desire' for his 'return' because we ought,
at the same time, to prepare you for some dread crisis of
difficulty, because we have never yet seen him called to
power except when there was some unexampled difficulty
to be encountered. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) But we
know what has been his success upon every such occasion,
and, therefore, we look with hope and with confidence
to his return to power, and to his conducting the affairs
of the country in that manner which has always made
memorable the measures of the Derby Administration.
(Loud cheers.) The chairman then concluded his ad-
dress (which, it should be added, was very imperfectly
heard) by again proposing the toast.
Lord DERBY, on rising, was again received with
great cheering. The Noble Earl spoke as follows :
Mr. Chairman, my lords and gentlemen, words would
wholly fail me, were I to attempt the hopeless task of
expressing, in adequate terms, the sentiment of deep gra-
tification, and, may I venture to say it, not wholly un-
justifiable pride, with which I survey the magnificent
assembly before me, and rise to acknowledge the splen-
did compliment which you have paid to me and my late
colleagues in office, by your attendance this day, andby
the overwhelming reception you have given to the toast
proposed by your worthy chairman. (Cheers.) Next
to the consciousness in a man's own breast of having
endeavoured faithfully to discharge those duties and
those obligations which his station in life impose upon
him, the highest reward for which a public man can look,
is the expression of the feelings of bodies of his fellow-
countrymen, such as that which I have now the honour
of addressing,—thut those efforts have not been wholly
thrown away, and that he has acquired some claim and
some title to their past approval and to their future
confidence. (Cheers.) And if there can be circumstances
which could heighten the value of such a compliment as
that which you have been pleased to pay to me this day,
it would be that this compliment is paid in the centre of
this great commercial metropolis of the country ; but
not only so, but in my own native county—(cheers)—
and where not only my public but my private life, from
my earliest boyhood, is open to the criticism of all whom
I address. (Renewed cheers.) And one more circum-
stance I must add, gentlemen, namely, that in inviting
me to this splendid banquet you have associated with
me, and I am happy to find myself surrounded by, the
great body of those colleagues in the late Government
—(hear, hear)—by whOse energetic assistance, by whose
cordial co-operation; a load of responsibility was
lightened to me which no single frame could bear ; with
whom, I may venture to say, I never had a subject
of difference or of controversy—(cheers)—and who
carried on with me the difficult, the sometimes anxious,
affairs of this great country with a spirit of union,
which is the best security for the harmonious conduct
of the affairs of the State. -(Cheers.) But, gentlemen,
deep as are my feelings of personal gratification at this
mark of your esteem and confidence, they sink into
nothing as compared with the political importance
which, upon public grounds, I attach to this influential
gathering. (Cheers.) I am willing to believe that
many—nay all, whom I have the honour now of ad-
dressing are actuated by kindly personal feelings towards
myself—(cheers)—but it is not as, an individual that
you here receive me, nor as individuals that you receive
my late colleagues ; you receive us as the holly imper-
sonation of Conservative principles. (Cheers.) It is
true, gentlemen, that we do not meet upon the present
occasion for the purpose of celebrating the total and
entire triumph of those principles; they have been
overborne by the decision of the present Parliament ;
but we do meet here—and that I take to be the signifi-
cance of your invitation to me—you do meet here to
testify and to declare your adherence to the principles
and to the doctrines of true Conservatism. (Cheers.)
I mean by this, not that Conservatiim falsely so
called, which would obstruct all useful change—
(hear, hear)—but I speak of that Conservatism
which is not obstruction, and which is the best promo-
ter of safe and gradual social improvement—(hear,
hear,)—of that Conservatism which strenuously adhering
to the old machinery of the Constitution—(hear, hear,)
—adapts, from time to time, the various parts of its
mechanism to the real requirements and the real capaci-
ties of the age in which we live—(hear, hear,)--of that
Conservatism which should give to all orders and degrees
of men within this realm their due weight, authority,
and preponderance—(hear, hear,)—of that Conservatism
which loves the interest of the people at large—(hear,
hear)—but will not be led away by the noisy demon-
strations of blustering demagogues—(cheers)--either to
shrink at the voice of menace, or timidly to concede
rights and positions to large bodies of men for the pur-
pose of obtaining a temporary moment of popularity—
(cheers)—when, in our hearts, we believe the concession
of those coveted boons would be the worst injury to the
classes to whom we give them. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
this is the Conservatism to which, I take it, you pledge
yourselves by your attendance this day. (Hear, hear.)
They are the principles which I have ever professed, and
upon which I have ever endeavoured to act, and you are here
this day, not only to testify your adoption of the principles,
but to declare, that you will shake off, for the future, all
apathy—(loud cheers)—that you will not be content
with mere acclamations or enthusiasm, however great,
but will by sober, steady, and united action—(cheers)—
evoke that great dormant spirit of Conservatism which
,has too long been allowed to be latent in the country.
You have, in this county, amidit all discouragemcnts

and all difficulties, achieved a great victory. (Loud
cheers.) But I hold the
.great merit of that victory to
have been, not the acquisition to the House of Cork
mons of my two honoin able friends whom you have
succeeded, in returning; I take the great merit
to be that you have shown to .the, country at
large, and you have shown to yourselves that which
you did not suspect, your own inherent strength
(eheers);--and the firm hold which your principles had
in the hearts of the constituency at large. (Loud
cheers.) Gentlemen, I am told that at the 'last elec-
tion, even when we won the battle, the registration
had been so neglected, that several gentlemen who
might have been very properly applied to to propose and
second the respective candidates, were found not even to-
have their names upon the register. .(Hear, hear.) I ,
know that this has been the case with some of the most
devoted friends of the Conservative interest—(hear),—
and if I may whisper a secret in the ears of so
large a party—(laughter)—l have had it whispered
in my ears that, previous to the last revision of
the registration; the name of my respected friend
the chairman of this assembly, was not upon the
county register. (Loud cries of " Rear.") Now, gen-
tlemen, I say it is not only for this you have put your
shoulders to the wheel, you have succeeded in returning
two Conservative members for this division of the
county—(cheers)—and, if I am rightly informed, you
have made upon the present registration an advance
and an improvement, which renders future success a
matter of no question. (Loud cheers.) May I be
permitted, gentlemen, to say—l speak with all respect
of the late member for the county, whose wise and
judicious liberality has endeared him personally to all the
residents of this town—(hear)—on account of his per-
sonal character and his great liberality—l wish to speak
with no disrespect of one of the present members for the
borough of Liverpool, I know his high character, I
know his business-like habits, I know the respect and
the esteem in which he is held by those who are his
personal friends, but I say boldly of Mr. Ewart here,
as I say of Mr. William Brown, with regard to the
county,—l speak of both of them with most unfeigned
respect,—but I say that their political opinions are not
those of the constituencies which they profess to repre-
sent. (Loud cheers.) I say that, as South Lancashire
will not hereafter be satisfied without retaining her two
Conservative members, Liverpool ought not to be
satisfied without obtaining two. (Great cheering.)
My lords and gentlemen, I have watched with the
deepest anxiety, and I have seen with the highest
gratification the gradually progressive improvement in
strength, in unity, and in everything which constitutes
the political power of the Conservative party for the last
fourteen years. (Hear, hear.) I wish to speak in this
assembly—as I have spoken upon all occasions—in no
terms indicative of anything but the highest respect for
the distinguished genius, and for the personal character
of that great statesman, whom England has lately had
to lament, the late Sir Robert Peel. (Hear, hear.) And
if there were any occasion upon which I could not speak
in terms other than those which I have always used, it
would be at a moment when a melancholy domestic
calamity has prevented the attendance of his
nearest relation, one of my most veined colleagues in the
late Government, and who gave me most able and admi-
rable assistance in the management of the most difficult
department, namely, the civil' department of the army
in this country. (Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I ant
not speaking disrespectfully of the memory of a statesman
with whom I had the honour of many years of personal
friendship, and, I believe, reciprocal esteem, if I say that
the course which, at the close of 1845, was taken by the
late Sir Robert Peel, completely and entirely, for
the moment, shattered the Conservative party of
this country. (Hear, hear.) lam now able to
state fact, which I believe is not known to half a dozen
individuals in the country : (Hear, hear.) -Upon the
failure of Lord John Russell's endeavour to form a
Government, I wrote confidentially to the most eminent
man of the country—to the late fluke of Wellington—
a warm and cordial admirer and supporter of Sir Robert
Peel, and a man who had stood for many; many years
prominent,—the foremost man of the world, in the eyes
of his countrymen—(hear)—l wrote to consult him as to
the position of the Conservative party, and the best
means of restoring that unity which had been so lament-
ably disseVered. I received a long letter from the Duke
of Wellington—which I need hardly say I have
kept, and deeply value,—in which he explained to me
his own position, and in which he stated that, having
accepted, under the abortive attempt of Lord John
Russell to form a government, the duties of fie neutral
position of Commander-in-Chief of her Majesty's forces,
he considered that he had for ever broken off his poli-
tical'connection with any party. Ile intimated his con-
currence in the opinion which I had ventured to express,
that the alienation of the Conservative party from Sir
Robert Peel was not a mere temporary feeling-, but that
it was impossible that he should ever again place him-
self at their head with a prospect of success; and the
Duke of Wellington, I will not say entreated, but I will
say he exhorted me, as a matter of duty to my Sovereign
and to my country, to throw aside all doubts and
-all hesitation, and to assume at once the leader-
ship of that great Conservative party, whose exist-
ence, and whose power he deemed to be essential to
the well-being of the country 'and all its institutions—
(hear)—and he almost implored me, in my attempt to
foim an administration, not to be discouraged by any
difficulties, except those which should absolutely be in-
superable, but to sacrifice all other feelings to the desire
of serving my Sovereign. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, for
fourteen years I have endeavoured to act in the spirit
of that wise and patriotic advice, coming from that
eminent man—(cheers)—and I have been rewarded, by
seeing the Conservative party, not only in Parliament,
increasing in numbers and in union, but spreading
their roots deeply into the feelings and the heart of the
country, and forming, as our opponents are compelled
to acknowledge—and in doing so their fears rather
magnify the position—and declare that we are actually
at this moment at the head of a Parliamentary majority.
(Cheers.) And I have seen it added, with a melan-
choly sense of the painful contrast between the two
sides,—and the advantage thus obtained is doubled by
the fact—that it is a majority of a united party.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, you may perhaps ask me,—and
it is a fair question on the part of those before whom I
appear,—to justify the course which I have pursued ;
and—l am prepared to speak to you with the most
entire and absolute frankness—you will perhaps ask me
what is the use which I desire to make of that
greatly increased parliamentary strength, and that
all but majority in the House of Commons. Perhaps,
advantagewere
re the
I
dgeesintrleesmoefn ,s
olm e shallof the
m disappointore enthusiastic,
the
andprobably
and
of most of the younger members of that assembly which
I now address, when
ashra have
no
ng desire
mightuf w o
hd the p
immediate overthrow of the present administration.
bt(ol conceivees
a o
r gainedhea that ;
r .) Ishould
e
a I say
momentaryol that
but there are considerations higher than
those of party, only so considered; these are considera-
tions of that which is for the public advantage, for
the advantage of the Sovereign, for the strength
of the country in the eyes of foreign countries, and
and for the strength of Parliament, and the -respect due
to Parliament in this country. All those considerations
militate against ephemeral governments acquiring office
by a barely possible majority, liable at any moment to be
displaced by the caprice of some few dozen votes in the
House of Commons—(hear),---and exposing the Crown
and the country to a perpetual change of persons and of
principles, which renders all steady legislation impossible,
and which, whether for internal respect or for external
power, paralyses the hands and weakens the power of
the Government of this country. (Cheers.) But,
gentlemen, as it appears to me that policy which is
dictated by a due consideration of the interests of
the country at large, is the policy which. is also
dictated by the interests, well considered, of the party
to which I have the honour to belonce--(hear, hear)—
it cannot be for the advantage or the interest of that
party that, for a short time, I should be prematurely
called upon to form a Government, without sufficient
strength to maintain it against all attacks and against
all combinations. (Hear, hear.) What is required is
the effort of the country itself—(hear,) the effort of the
Conservative strength of the country, to prepare for
future events ; to consider that every man has a duty
to perform and a cause to sustain (hear) ; that it is by
the combination of small efforts that great results are
to be' produced—(hear, hear) ; and not to compel me
not to compel
or any who may represent the Conservative party at the
time, when the moment shall have arrived,
them to accept an office which they cannot be confident
of holding--confident, at least, of holding so long as
honestly and fairly they discharge the duties which they
owe to their Sovereign and their country. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, your worthy chairman has spoken of the period
of difficulty and of anxiety at which we succeeded to office.
In some respects, I believe that, at the present' moment,
-the difficulties of the present Government are fully
as gteat, and their anxieties as great as these to
which we wore heirs. (Hear, hear.) I know nothing but
what I hear from the public organs of intelligence, but
I am much mistaken if our rioreign relations, at the

present moment, are upon as satisfactory a footing, and
are as generally amicable, as they were a few months
since. (Hear, hear.) The present Government have
difficulties to contend with, in the position of what is
called the Italian question, in which I hope and trust
they will be steady in their purpose not to entangle
themselves in the negotiations of any congress. (Cheers.)
They have difficulties in China ; they have difficulties
upon the coast of Africa, seriously threatening us,
unless a decided tone be taken, and unless
this country is disposed to maintain rights
which are absolutely essential to our welfare.
They are threatened with difficulties in the North
Pacific, where our transatlantic brethren rather, if I
may use tho familiar expression, appear to be " trying
it on." (Laughter.) They are threatened with diffi-
culties in various quarters, but they are not difficulties
which may not be surmounted by a mixture of firmness,
of good temper, but at the same time, of a determination
to maintain the rights and the honour of this country.
(Cheers.) They have, on the other hand, great advan-
tages in their favour; they preside over the destinies of
a nation which never at any time was so abounding in
material resources, in wealth, and in prosperity, as
it is at the present moment; they preside over a
nation in which commerce is prosperous and
active almost beyond precedent, and at the same time,
as I believe, free from all undue speculation.
hear.) They preside over a country in which labour is
abundantly employed, and the population is generally
contented; they have the consciousness that within the
last—l will not say how many months,—but that in the
last certain number of months, the military and the naval
resources of this country have been greatly improved ;
that if the national defences are not altogether
what we desire them to be, our great fortifications
of Gibraltar and of Malta have' received from the
labours of the late Government-T(hear)—an amount
of reinforcement which has placed them in a far better
position of defence than they had been for the last
twenty years; and they know that they preside over
the destinies of a country the population of which are
keenly alive to the necessity of maintaining the national
protection, in which the military ardour has been again
awakened—(hear)—in which private and personal efforts
will not be spared for the vindication of their country's
honour—(hear)—and they may feel assured of this,
that while the country and while Parliament will not
readily forgive that minister who petulantly or hastily
should embroil this country in an unnecessary war,
they will, without regard of party, or without
regard of any other considerations than those affecting
the national interests, bring forward the whole weight
of public opinion, of all parties, bring forward the inex-
haustible resources of this country, in support of any
minister. in whose hands the honour and dignity of the
country should be threatened, and who should steadily
set himself to resist, from whatever quarter it may pro-
ceed, any attack upon the independence, the honour, or
the interests of the country. (Cheers.) Above all,
gentlemen, the present Government have this great
advantage over their predecessors, that they will not
have to contend with an opposition which will condescend
to any factious combinations—(cheers)—from men of
opposing principles for the purpose of ejecting them
from office, without respect to the consideration of the
country, or the probability of their being enabled p: r-
manently to maintain the position they may attain.
(Chew.) It may be that the present Government may
fall by their own internal dissensions—(hear, hear) ;
indeed, looking to the composition of, that Government,
I can feel no great confidence that such may not unhap-
pily be the case—(hear) ;—but honestly and sincerely
I say that I desire that those differences may ba made
up. Among the members of the Government, and still
more among those who support them, there are men who,
in their hearts, are as sincerely Conservative as those
whom I have the honour to address—(cheers and
laughter)—there are others who most unwillingly, fol-
low a power which they feel to be too strong for them ;
and there is another party, I verily believe, who are
the loudest in clamouring for those measures, and setting
themselves at the head of that motion which they feel
themselves unable to resist, but who would deeply and
sincerely deprecate the very success of their own osten-
tatious attempts at legislation. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
this is not the time or the opportunity for me to enter
upen the consideration of individual questions ; but I
will say, in all sincerity of heart, that I earnestly
desire that her Majesty's present Government may
be enabled to bang forward such a bill of parliamentary
reform as may be safely supported by the great body of
the Conservatives of this country. (Hear, hear.) I
think it is of the highest importance that that question
should be finally and speedily disposed of. (Hear,
hear.) If the Government of which I was a member
undertook to attempt the settlement of that question, it
was not because we deemed that it was, in itself, called
for by imperative necessity, but that having been repeat-
edly promised in speeches from the throne, and in de-
clarations of ministers, we felt that it was of the most
vital consequence that it should not be long left in
suspense, and we honestly and 'fairly endeavoured to
introduce a measure which might conciliate various
opinions and settle the question by the adoption of our
measure by moderate, men of all parties. (Hear, hear.)
How that attempt failed you all know ; into the details
of that measure I am not about now to enter. Wever-
tainly considered that the, extension of the franchise to
the amount of introducing the principle of uniformity
between the county and the borough was a principle which,
while it largely increased the constituency, was likely
to satisfy the claims of justice, and at the same time
hold out the best hope--I will not say of a final—but,
at all events, of a durable—settlement 'of the question.
(Hear, hear.) But the House of Coili?nons repudiated
that principle; and I presume that, in whatever measure
may be introduced, some reduction of the borough fran-
chise will be introduced by the Government. I am not
prepared to say that no such reduction may be admitted
without danger, but I do say that it is a question before
the adoption of which it is necessary that the greatest cir-
_wirnspection and the greatest care should be exercised, and
the most minute caumlatioris entered into, as to the
practical effect of the amount of the reduction which
may so be made. (Hear, hear.) I am not jealous,
the Conservatives are not jealous of the interests of the
lower and of the working-classes. (Hear, hear.) I
desire to see their interests fully and fairly represented;
but I confess to you, if I look to the revelations of
Gloucester and of Wakefield, and of other places
(hear), I doubt whether any great extension of the consti-
tuency wonld not tend largely to extend that corruption
which is the bane of our electoral system. (Hear,
hear.) And if I look to the manner in which even the
most intelligent of the workmen in some of the labour-
ing classes have been misled by false and delusive
advisers, I think it is, at least, a subject for serious con-
sideration how far, in the interest of those classes them-
selves, it would be desirable to give a preponderating
power to the voices of those largely numerically
superior, who, pursuing what they vainly believe
to be their own interests, would, in point of fact,
if legislation depended upon their voices, proba-
bly introduce measures which would be absolute)
suicidal and fatal to their own interests. (Hear, hearl,
!nay, gentlemen, therefore, that while a Reform Bil
introduced by the present Government shall meet with
no factious Conservative opposition, I hold it to be the
duty of any ministry who are responsible to their
Sovereign and to their country, not to be led away by
mere popular clamour upon a subject which may be of such
vital importance, but before they propose a measure to
Parliament, to seriously consider
I can
the effect of their
proposed legislation ; and a
say is, God
grant that this Government may the wisdom
and the prudence to introduce such, measures
the aswill meet with the sanction, and pass with ap-
probation
of a united Parliament, . whether Conser-
vatives or, as they call themselves, Liberals. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, before I sit down, there is one subject more,
and one of some delicacy, but one upon which. I should
desire to say a few words, because the greatest possible
misrepresentations have been made with regard to the
conduct of the late Government
upon this question.
Among other inventions, which were introduced
to calumniate the policy, . and to produce prej
dice against the late Administration, was one—that
they had entered into a corrupt alliance with the Roman
Catholic body of this country, for the purpose of obtain-
ing their support by concessions dangerous to the Pro-
testant interests of this country. (Hear, hear.) I need
'not say, gentlemen, that that imputation was as baseless
as one to which I have seen great currency given,
namely, that I had countersigned a paper containing
stipulations with regard to the Reform Bill, upon
the faith of which I was to obtain the
votes of certain Liberal members. (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) All I can say is, that until I saw
that subject a few days ago dealt with in the newspapers,
not only had I never counter-signed, but I had never
seen-1 had never heard of such a document ; and upon
writing to the gentleman whose reportel speech had
given rise to this imputation, he most candidly and
honourably assured me that his language had been
wholly misrepresented ; that such a document indeed
had been signed by himself and others, and it had
been intended to be presented_ to—(laughter),—and

by them intended to be signed by Lord Derby.
Gentlemen,—to revert to the other topic to which I
called your attention lam happy: to say that, with re-
gard to the great body of enlightoned Roman Catholics
of this country, I have for some time past perceived a
growing tendency to alienate thentwlves from the ad-
vanced Literal party, and to unite themselves with
those who are their natural allies,-the Conservatives of
this country. (Cheers.) I have myself personal friends,
among others, I may specify my honourable friend the
High Sheriff of this county {(cheers), than whom no
stauncher Conservative sits at this 'table, and whose re-
ception to-night by you satisfies me tthat you share with
me the feeling, that a difference in „religion ought not
unduly to pvejudice politically. ((Cheers.) Still less
ought they to interfere with the obligations of private
friendship. I have Roman Catholic tenants, I have
Roman Catholic labourers, in my employ; and I should
be ashamed of myself, if, in the treatment of either one
or the other, there could be discovered the slightest dif-
ference between my treatment of them and those of my
own religion. Hear, and cheers.) Igo further ; and
' I say that I. ,cordially and earnestly sympathise
and accord with those endeavours which were
made, so much to his credit, by my excellent friend, the
late Secretary of State for War, to afford to those
gallant soldiers who are receiving in our army greater
opportunities than they had hitherto possessed for
exercising the rites lef their own religion •and obtaining
the consolations of their priesthood. .(Cheers.) But,
gentlemen, I think I may appeal to the whole course of
a somewhat long political life, of now somewhat near
six and thirty years, whether I am a man who, with
every desire to maintain the principles of entire tolera-
tion and of religious liberty, which I have at all times
supported and maintained, whether I am the man who
would voluntarily yield to any of the encroaehments of
the Roman Catholic Church as a political body
(cheers); or whether I would sacrifice one jet or one
iota of the rights and of the privileges of that church to
which I myself belong; or whether I would diminish
its means of public usefulness, or whether I would
depreciate it, as a great portion of our political institu-
tions, by lowering its position and depreciating its
rank and influence in the councils of this country.
To that chureh I have always been sincerely attached,
for that church I have made many sacrifices even against
the opinion, at the time, of its members. I have intro-
duced many measures, the value of which has been sub-
sequently acknowledged (hear, hear,) and you
may depend upon it, gentlemen, that there are few feel-
ings which are nearer to my heart, and few principles
which I am more determined to maintain than the
maintenance of the dignity, the importance, the rights,
and the privileges of the Established Church of these
realms. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I know that I have
detained you longer—(no)--than would have been con-
sistent with my duty on ordinary occasions ; but this is
no ordinary, it is a most gratifying, but a most extraor-
dinary occasion. I am called upon here to receive a
high compliment ; I am called upon to receive your ap-
proval of my past course, and you have a right to know
what are my principles and opinions upon which I have
acted,—the course which, if your confidence be con-
tined to me, it is my intention, with God's blessing,
to pursue. (Loud cheers.). I speak to you in entire
openness ; and I say to you that there ought not to be
in my hands, or in the hands of my successor, whoever
may be at the head of that great Conservative party
which now honours me with their confidence, the fate
of that party, the fate of this country (because I con-
sider the fate of this country to be involved in the power
and in the prosperity of that party)—(cheers). That
fate is in your hands,—it depends upon your energies, it
depends upon your confidence in your leaders, it depends
upon your united action, it depends upon your shaking
off all that apathy which has hitherto paralysed your
resources. (Hear, hear.) And what you have to do
is to determine that there shall be a Conservative
Government in this country—(cheers) ;—and, gentle-
men, to act upon that principle in such a manner
as, by your own endeavours, and by your own exertions,
to render that possible which, without those exertions
and without those efforts, will be wholly hopeless, viz.,
the prominence of Conservative principles in the Govern-
ment of this country, in whose very hands it rests.
Gentlemen, once more let me gratefully and cordially
thank you for the high honour which you have done me,
and assure you that no time will ever obliterate from
my memory the gratifying recollection of this proud and
triumphant oceasion.---The noble lord resumed his seat
amidst enthusiastic cheers.

The CHAIRMAN —I read the other day in a poem, by an
author not perhaps much read in the present age, the
words " What constitutes a state ?" where he said—

" Not high-raised battlements,
Nor laboured mound,
Thick wall nor moated gate,
Nor cities proud, with
Spires and turrets crowned."

No, he said,not these, but " men—high-minded men"—
(cheers)

" Men who their duties know ;
But know their rights; and
Knowing, dare maintain—
Prevent the long-aimed blow,
And crush the tyrant
While they rend the chain."
(Loud cheers.) These, he declares, these a contitute a
state." (Renewed cheers.) I could not but at once
identify with these words, the character of the late Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs, Lord Malmesbury. (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) When I remember his con-
duct in freeing our countrymen from the tyrannical
chain of Naples, and when I remember his general con-
duct with regard to foreign affairs, I think we must see
in the Earl Malmesbury one of those men who most
truly constitute a state. (Loud cheers.) I 'shall not
detain you any longer, but propose at once the health of
the Earl of Malmesbury. (Cheers.)
The toast was drank with all the honours.

The Earl of MALMESBURY, who, on rising, was re-
ceived 'with loud cheers, said : —Mr. Chairman, my
lords, and gentlemen, I feel it a very great
difficulty, and a very hard task, to express to you
my sincere gratitude, and all the feelings which
move me at this moment, for the compliment which
you have paid to an individual who deserves so little at
your hands as myself. Gentlemen, I have not even the
natural advantage of my noble friend at my left of hav-
ing had the great ability to serve the country, during a
now somewhat long life, with such eminent distinction.
' I have not the local advantage, like him, of being per-
sonally known to each and all of you. But I come from
a very distant part of the country a Conservative servant
of the public to attend this great Conservative demon-
stration. (Vehement cheering.) My lords and gen-
tlemen, it is with no object of self-glorification that I
admit the truth which has been stated several times
this evening, by our respected chairman and by our
noble friend, that when her Majesty called my noble
friend to office, I found the foreign affairs of this coun-
try in a most alarming and anxious state. (Hear,
hear.) I found the country, to whose cordial alliance
we principally look—whose cordial alliance is of the
utmost importance to, this country—in a state Of mind
towards us which was the most dangerous, 4nd raised
the greatest anxiety in the minds of both the statesmen
and the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) My
lords, thank God those days have passed away, and
I hope we shall never again shall be so near a
rupture with our neighbours as we were at
that moment. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible for any
of you, living in this great emporium of trade and
commerce, acquainted, as you are, by your great in-
telligence, with all subjects of business, not to under-
stand the immense value, the unspeakable value, of a
cordial alliance with France. (Cheers.) My lords, on
the first occasion when my noble friend was called to be
Prime Minister of this country, we found France in a
very anxious position. She was obliged to change, or
had determined to change, her form of government, and
even to change the dynasty of her sovereigns. My
nalohbdileehffereiehnsnd, and I acting under him, saw at once that
vnthe only was . course which to be pursued, was that
g mosts
oconsistent
ofrespecting
the feelings and thethe principles
Englishmen,—thatwishes of the French
people. (Hear, hear.) We at once, and without hesita-
tion, recognized the prince whom France had chosen to
rule over her ; and, although other countries did not
follow in our steps, and hesitated to do the same, we
refused all advice to follow their course, and at once,
following out those principles which I havei described,'
we acknowledged, and cordially acknowledged, Louis
Napoleon as the Emperor of the French. (Cheers.) My
lords and gentlemen, it so happened that it was my for-
tune in early life, and even before he was an exile in
this country, to be intimately acquainted with him—
and I assure you that I really, deeply, and completely
appreciated, from the moment I first knew him, his
great qualities and abilities ; and there are men
now who could bear witness to my having
publicly and constantly stated what I do here, of those
abilities and qualities when very few, if any, other
Englishmen were acquainted with him, or had an op-
portunity, like myself, of judging of them. And, my
lords and if,entlemen, it will be a satisfaction to you,
and it is right, for the sake of truth, on this occasion,

spoakiag of that prinee,.to say,t that whenever I had
any oonversation with upon ;pelitical matters, tong
ago and since, and even the very [last time. I hat-the
honour of any communication. swath his Majesty, he
,always held the same language, -land always expressed
his belief that it is scat only the Itest policy of France
itself, bat it is his earnest personal wish to' main-
tain a cordial alliance with -this land. (Hear,
hear,- and loud cheers.) That, nay lords and gentlemen,
is a fact which ought to be known,—(hear, hear)—
and a fact which ought to 'be -pondered upon by-the
states:len of this country. (Ilear, hear.) But,. not-
withstanding the feelings of the Emperor of the French,
we have again, since that time which I have described,
been tinder considerable apprehension` as to the feelings
of the French nation, and the French Government,
towards us ; and if I may be permitted, from the ex-
perience I have had of foreign affairs, to express my
oyinion with respect to the feelings and the policy of the
French Government, I would say -this, that however
earnest.their ministers may be to maintain that friendly
alliance, I think they do not quite understand the policy
and the nature of this country. (Hear, hear.) My
lords and gentlemen, it appears to me that we can
with perfect ease maintain a cordial friendship, a
complete alliance with France and she with us, without
our being obliged to go hand in hand, and arm in arm,
and step by step in every course and every path which
she may-follow consistently with her own political in-
terest. (Hear, hear?) And I say that it is unreason-
able in a French statesman, or in a French monarch, to
say that, because upon certain points we cannot agree
with ker -policy, and because, at certain moments, we
cannot follow in the paths in which they would lead;
because, in fact, the policy and interests of the two
countries upon particular subjects are various- and
different, I say it is unreasonable to turn round, as
the
_French press has often done, and has latelplon ,e
upon us, and to say, "You are no lon-ger a;faith-
ful and cordial ally." (Hear, hear, and cheers.) ,X 7, I
would go further than that, and
.I would say that it is
not for the interest of any permanent alliance, that we
should go hand in hand, arm in arm, and foot by foot,
in every path which France may follow. (Hear, hear:)
Because, if upon any occasion by chance we should differ
and not be seen by the rest of Europe, and the world at
large, joining France in an intimate manner, a suspicion
would be immediateJy 'roused that our cordial alliance
had ceased. (Hear, hear.) My lords and gentlemen,
I maintain that the policy of England is entirely and
naturally different ia many points from that of
France. They taunt us—the writers in the French
press taunt us —now with having lost our
former (power, with being isolated—that's the word
—from the other nations of Europe, and having taken
up the position of a second-rate power, because we did
not interfere in the affairs of Italy. I accept the word
isolation. I take it in its aneient and literal sense, and
from its Latin derivation. Our geographical isolation
has been our safety hitherto, and you may depend'Vpon
it, that our isolation from foreign policies will often be
our safety hereafter. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We
may be a warlike, but we are not a military' nation.
We are an industrious and commercial people. That
fact will never prevent ns from defending our own rights
and our own country—(cheers)—but it certainly prevents
us, as it ought to prevent us, from meddling with the in-
ternal affairs of other states. (Hear.) My londs and
gentlemen; I regret that at this moment; the horizon of
foreign politics should be so clouded. I cannot say any-
thing upon the subject of China, which has been touched
upon to-night, because the information we have_ is so
incomplete ;—the instructions issued by the late GOvern-
ment and written by me, those instructions which many
of you must have read, because they have been published
in the public prints, I should say, for the sake of truth,
were not written in any spirit of hostility to China, and
never contemplated the events which have taken
place. But at the same time ,it is fair to Mr. Bruce
to say, that in sending a public servant to so
great a distance that he could not appeal to the
Government at home upon any sudden emergency
I left him with a very wide discretion to his judgment,
and a judgment in which I had a very great confidence.
(Hear, hear.) Until we know more of his reasons for
acting as he did, I think it would be unfair to form any
opinion, or, at all events, to express it on such a public
occasion. (Hear, hear.) My lords and gentlemen,—l
have detained you long enough, and perhaps too long,
for I know that several speakers are to follow me,
but it would not- have. been respectful to you, having
filled the depart nent which I did—a department pecu-
liarly interesting to.a great commercial town like-this,
influencing its interests so much, according to the 'man-
ner in which it is conducted—it would not have been
respectful in me to have altogether been silent upon
the subject of foreign affairs. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I can only add, in a few words, in allusion to what has
been said by my noble friend as to myself and the' rest
of my late colleagues in, office. My noble friend has
been kind enough to say that we were a material assis-
tance to him in conducting the affairs of the state. I
can only say, for my part, that if a Conservative Govern- .
ment has any one thing to boast of more than the rest,
it is one that must add immensely to its strength, and
that is the entire cordiality and, unanimity which exists
among its members. (Cheers.) That cordiality, and
that unanimity, were caused by the high private cha-
racter, and the demeanour to us all, of my nohle friend.
(Cheers.) His straightforwariness in all his views,
in all his requests, in all his instructions ; the com-
plete confidence ich we felt, each and all of us,
that under any circumstances of difficulty, even if we
had inadvertently made a mistake, he would stand by
us. (Cheers.) His generosity and his good temper en-
deared him to each of us, and never was there a Minister
wham a set of men with more pleasure and pride can
support and serve. (Loud and prolonged cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of a noble-
man who had occupied one of the highest posts in the
country—Lord Chelmsford. (Loud cheers.)—The toast
was received with loud enthusiasm.

Lord CHELNI9FORD rose amidst loud cheering, and
said :—My Lord,

As in a theatre, the eyes of men,
After a well-graced actor leaves the stage, '
Are idly bent on him who follows nest,
Thinking his prattle to be tedious,—
so I feel, after the powerful and eloquent speeches of
my noble friends, that all who succeed them must be
listened to with impatience, and that in such an assem-
bly as this, and amongst so many eminent men, be must
be cold and miserable indeed who does not deeply feel
the honour of being selected as the subject of such a
popular compliment. lam aware lam not shining here,
by any light of my own—the lustre which I may have
on this occasion in your eyes is reflected from my noble
friend, and, I may add, from those distinguished col-
leagues with whom it was my pleasure and honour to be
associated in the late Government.. (Cheers.) The high
office which I had the honour to fill did not appear to
have that immediate and direct influence upon the public
interest which belongs to those of other departments.
I allude, for instance, to the affairs of the army, which
were so admirably conducted by my right hon. friend,
General Peel, whose absence we all regret,
,and those
of the navy, by my right hon. friend Sir John Paking-
ton. But although conversant with individualsubjects,
and individual rights and interests, yet the operation of
the office which I had the honour to discharge was
equally important to the public interest as those great
bulwarks of the national interest. Although it may not
have appeared that there was any immediate order upon
the general interests of society, yet it was as important
to the administration of justice in each individual case,
as the action of those great interests to those great na-
tional defences of the country ; and it was in the same
rate as prejudicial to the interests of the country, that
there should be a perverse administration of justice, as
that those defences should have been neglected, as the
internal cancer is more fatal to the constitution than
even the loss of a limb. (Hear, hear.) When I under-
took the responsibility of the high office, I might well
have shrunk from the duties I had to perform, when I
looked back upon the illustrious line of predecessors
who had filled the chair I was called upon to fill. I
felt that there was something which was in the power 'of
every man of intellect to perform from the highest to
the lowest, and that was to exercise every faculty he pos-
sesses in the performance of the duty which he is called
upon, according to his station in life, to perform ; and
I think I may without presumption claim at least the
credit for having performed my duty to the best of my
ability. I know that the public is always generous
towards those who may be supposed to have done their
best in the position in which Providence has placed them,
and as it has been so ordered that the esteem of our
fellow men should accompany their good actions, so,
where that esteem is net the end and object of those
actions, but where it follows upon them, it is, as my
noble lord has observed, the highest reward of public
service—that reward my noble friend has had, and
has seen reflected through this great meeting a
manifestation of the public estimation in which he
is held. But there is something to me peculiarly
striking in this demonstration. It is said that
great man appears less the nearer you approach

IVORMERN !DAILY TEMES.