Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-31 00:00:00

THE NORTHERN TIMES, TUESDAY, MAY 31, 1859

such " graceful offering to the Italian people," during
the war that is now being waged professedly in their
cause, and yet pretend to be neutral—that is, neither
on the one side nor the other. It is clear, therefore,
how readily such an "ejection of Lord DERBY from

power " would commit us to a calamity which •y,
they hypocritically pretend the overthrow of ti
present G

t is necessary to prevent,

amity, namely, of our entanglement in the Italian

It is 'virtually admitted in the same quarter from
which this factious cry for the " Austrian Ministry
of St. James's" being got rid of proceeds, that there
is no other Ministry that could be formed in which
the country could confide at sucl
present

a crisis as th

We have no great faith,"
" in the Liberal sympathies of Lord PALMERSTON
and although Lord JOHN RUSSELL means well, he i!

they -confes

weak and prone to en

And yet they would have

us believ

either or both, at the head of affairs

would offer a guarantee against the danger of a
coalition with Austria or Germany, which is inherent

in the possession of office by the Derbyit
it, then, be anything but the voice of faction which
_ _

!" Can

could thus proclaim so arrant a pretence for disturb-
.

ing the Government of the country, at a moment
when such momentous issues depend upon EnglaKd's
being enabled to maintain that attitude of dignified
and constitutional neutrality, which only the policy
of the present Government can possibly ensure ?
OUR NEUTRALITY. IN DANGER.

THE principle of non-intervention is not only essen-

tial to the maintenance of neutrality in times of wa

also as a preservative against war in tim

Intervention is more frequently a cause of war mor(
It was the cause of the late wal

than anything els

the interventio.

let it not be recorded to England's reproach that she
neglected to encourage the endeavour by her appro-
bation, and to cheer it with her sympathy." Of
course we all know what this means. But come
when it might, that England was thus to manifest

.er encouragement, it would assuredly involve her
i those very " complications," and entangle her in

I the very war which is aggravating and incensing

them

A thoughtful writer in the Star, a day or two
since, placed the question in a very just and common
sense point of view, when he said,—" Should the
growing antipathy to Austria, manifested at present
by the English public, become developed into

something like the furious hate exhibited towazds

Russia during the late war, through the continuance

of KOSSUTH'S crusade of denunciation, there would
only be one obstacle to the coalition of England with
France and Sardinia : the suspicion which is

entertained in regard to Louis NAPOLEON'S

motives and objects in this war. This obstacle
might be removed, however, by his showing himself
sincerely and earnestly bent on delivering Italy from
all foreign rule. In that case, and it is by no means
an improbable one, the sympathies of this nation
would be with him ; and, what is more, the estab-
lished principles of English foreign policy, and the

prevailing views of international and imperial

interests, would not only permit an alliance with
France, but would recommend it as highly advan-
tageous. It might probably be argued that England
could not, without forfeiting her position as a great
Power, remain a passive spectator while t
wo

fle great

of liberation went on, and allow the future

ement of Europe to be determined without her

co-operation ;—and I greatly fear that- under the
influence of these fancies, she would become the

confederate of France in the present war." Thi.

view of the case is oars also. England cannot keep

out of the war, if she is to manifest her antipathies on
one side, and her partisanship on the other. There
would be no neutrality in that. " Seeing, therefore,
as the writer we have quoted judiciously adds,

" that

the present tendencies of public opinion might
coincide with the prevailing ideas of foreign policy,
in recommending this alliance. I cannot but regard

the course taken by some parties in holding up
Austria to the execration of public meetings, as
calculated to do incalculable mischief to the cause of
peace." Such is the view which our Liberal con-
temporary has allowed a shrewd and sensible observer
of the case to put forth in his columns. And it is
just the drift of our own argument, and the

expression of our own apprehension. The character
of the public meetings, too, to which the assailants
of Austria are addressing themselves, is not such
as to afford any calm and contemplative considera-
tion of such a question as that which is at issue.
Their declamations cannot fail to excite plenty of
glamour, but they can assuredly obtain no accession
of judgment. The friends of peace, therefore, may

ivell tremble

for the preservation of our neutrality,
if such a perversion of the popular feeling should

.sisted in.

AMERICAN SLAVERY

NEW YORK has its May Meetings," as well as
London ; and very comprehensive they arc in their

range of ,religious and philanthropic objects,—more
so, if possible, than is the case in our own metropolis.
Nor can one wonder at this.