Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-07-29 00:00:00

Divor

Court Bill pa.ssetti
Lilt moved by Iliel

were advanced a

tiled at a quarter

past s

Service Estimates, 1]
Harbour and Port A
time, .and passed.

amend

} Mr. W. G

C. PAGET

In reply to qt

C. LEWIS said to

le London Coi

N AFFAIRS

his sta

.ed period of the s

had his fe;rs leSt the neutra

f peace on less favourab:

tly wi!

smired

,t no s

.nment

wo Err

50,000 bodies ling
He was convinced the
upon their minds. The treaty o

sentiment

ne, Tin

lay, Ai

was made to-day in h,

very b:

ant one,

twenty bands

at Cremor

ss to discuss the preliminni
Every one would agree i

neither was there th

Government by the E:

'Ville of

confer on
the Grea'

to a congress

views between t

that, if Italy cou]

have a fee

forr,ign.

I‘,l Bibs.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

ND MAGNETIC TELE(

HOUSE OF LORDS.-

I ESTERDAY

1 Of 11
nyul_

110,TJSE OF COMMONS

'poratio:

Moniteur of this day, that the Emperor of the French v
about to place his land and sea forces a peace footir
This, he hoped, would be a -
With regard to the late peacc
had declared his apprehensions lest 't
to Germany. The Emperor of Aus

good augury fc
e, the Emperor

war should

than h

f humanity had its of

leace 6)aciuded at Vill

franca consisted of two parts. One 01
of Lombardy to Sardinia. This was

was not' for them to comment upon or criticis'
much blood had been spilt, and seeing, the im

of life which further iroceedings
Austria was fully justified in a

re which

'eein to a peace

other part of the treaty was very different ; it proposed the
organization of the future of Italy. He referred to the
threatened motion of Lord Elcho againSt our goit

into

motion put in such

the fiiture of Italy, what-was to b 3 the state of that
country for many years to come? whether it was to be
settled by France and Austria alone, or by all Europe

one. Lord Clarendon had, in 1856, thought it his duty, in
-Conjunction with France, to bring the subject of Italy before
the Paris Conferences ; and that such subject could be fairly
considered by her Majesty's Government, was what no one
ventured to impugn. A proposition had been.made to our

alinerOr of the Frein4l, not, as was

supposed, to enter into a congress fi
tion ^of the_ details of the peace

the considera-
at Villafrinea,

but for a chtlerent purpose. That proposal°
tained in a despatch from Count Walewski ; he would read
it to the House. He could not produce the terms of peace,
which had been signed only by Austria, which were meant
to be embodied in a formal treaty, and which were word for
word the same that had appeared in the newspapers. The
despatch stated that the French and Austrian plenipo-
tentiaries were about to meet at Zurich ; that the French
Government had always desired that the great powers should
e settlement of Italy ; and' that it hoped
owers would be able to meet either in

a was con-

conference or congress, so as to coffer on all points
of general interest connected with that country. This
implied certain preliminaries, which should be under-
stood between the different Powers. With regard to the
course to be pursued by her Majesty's Government, he did
not think it necessary to give, at present, a precise answer.
Two things were absolutely necessary before they could go
into a congress. One of them was, that they should know
the precise terms of the treaty of Zurich. They must

know- whether it was merely intended to confirm the
treaty already agreed to between the two sovereigns, or
whether it was to lead to the settlement of Italy. There
was another construction. It would be useless for England
to enter into a congress, unless Austria was a party to it

If that] Power was absent, it could not be
called a general Congress. It would then be necessary to
consider what points the congress had to consider. It might
be doubtful whether any advice then given would tend to
ie market was heavy, and in settle the questior pommunity of

unless there was som
Powers. There were three matters of

did not settle any of those questions relatin' to Italy which
had been brought under the notice of the Powers of Europe
in 1856 and 1859. The first question related to a Con-
federation. The treaty only stated that the two Powers
would further the Confederation. There was no doubt. but

she would 'in strong enough to withstand aggression, and
there would be no necessity for the intervention of
foreign Powers ; but he doubted whether the time was
come when such a confederation was possible. He examined

the component parts of which such a -confederation must, at
the moment, mikessarily be composed ; and argued that no
union or community of views could be expected between
them. • Could they agree, for instance, on the great question
of liberty of worship? Another question arose as to the
mode in which the treaty was to be carried out. Her Ma-

jesty's Government must be satisfied on this point before
they sent a representative to the congress. How were the
expelled Grand Dukes to return to their dominions ? He
spoke without official information, but he was convinced that
neither French nor Austrian troops would be employed in
such restoration. Evbu. if Austria were so disposed, the
Emperor of the French would prevent it. The people of
Tuscany—a wise 'and orderly people—were to choose a form
of government for themselves. Her Majesty's representa-
tives could not declare against them. On this point
there must be a clear understanding. (Hear, hear.)
There remained a third question, the most difficult of all, in
naming the temporal power of the Pope. How could the
Papal Government, on the existing feeling of the country,
be made acceptable to the legation. Such were the diffi-
culties Which encompassed the question. At present, a
treaty was 'to be considered at 'Vienna. A confidential agent
of the French Government had been despatched to that
party to agree as to the terms. The Emperor of the French
was, he believed, anxious that Italy should have the benefit
of self-government. He could not say whether any confer-
ence would be held upon the subject; but it would be most
unwise, either for the British Government or the. House of
Commons, lo pledge itself in advance as to the course it was
to pursue. After this nation had taken part in all the great
questions of Europe since 1815, it would be strange if it
were suddenly to withdraw itself while there was any chance
of doing good to Italy. As to simply assisting at the pend-
ing peace, it was not only absurd, but the Government had
not
even been called upon to do so. He concluded by
pafltencre soin
tmhaenfyaniceilnyturofie nsatoifn
de-
claring that if this beautiful and renowned country of Italy,
ns,mistheellr, whole could w
world
dwould
restoredrejoi toictse
at the result.

Mr. DISRAELI adverted to the obscurity of the state-
ment of the noble lord as to the terms likely to have been
offered to the Emperor of Austria by the neutral Powers,
and asked for clear and more satisfactory information. A
scheme had no doubt been proposed for the settlement of
hostilities, which he (Mr. Disraeli) had been informed had
reached the Emperor of Austria through the agency of her
Majesty's Government This implied sanction on our part
to the terms of that proposal. On this head he demanded
authentic and ample mformation. If the statement were
proved, the Emperor of Austria had obtained easier terms
from his adversary than he would have, obtained through
his natural allies, and the Government had again committed
the same fatal blunder which it made in 1848. He criti-
cised at some length the policy pursued by Lords Palmerston
and Russell at that period, contending that a great opportu-
nity had been lost, as it was now, for a great and
theffective
mediation. Coming to the real issue before em, the
treaty of Villafranca, the question was, how far the treaty
affected the balance of power. In mother ease ought this
country to take put ut a Mare& The transfer of Loa-