Northern Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-25 00:00:00

OUR NEUTRALITY.

THERE is evidently a lurking desire in certain
popular quarters, just now, to give our neutrality a
twist in one particular direction, and thereby to
make it, beyond a certain point, no neutrality at all.
We say, in certain popular quarters—that in
quarters in which a popular course is adopted on the
public questions of the day, and where popular
sympathies are appealed to in furtherance of the
objects in view. In this case, the obvious design is
to popularise the cause of France and Sardinia, by
representing it as that of the independence of Italy.
They yield credence, or affect to do, to the hollow
pretence of Louis NAPOLEON, that he invades the
territory of Austria to free the Italians from oppres-
sion,—he himself being an oppressor at home—his
own people whom he rules with despotic sway,
having almost equal need with the Italians to be
delivered from oppression. And so long as he and
his confederate of Sardinia can manage to keep
Austria at bay, and thereby have their own way in
Italy, there is to be neutrality on the part of England.
" Hands off !" is to be the cry, while Austria is re-
pulsed and beaten —should it happen so ; but if it be
the other way, if Austria should get the upper hand

—then our neutrality is to be scattered to the winds ;
we are to join with the "liberators of Italy," and
enable :them to conquer Austria, and become the
masters themselves of her Italian possessions.
Now this sort of conditional neutrality will never
do at all. To be neutral, is not to act or engage on'
either side. A neutral State is one that stands aloof
from both the contending parties —that does not act
or engage on either side. Neutrality is a condition
of impartiality and forbearance,—a state of neither
friendship nor hostility, as respects either of the
belligerents, as such. Their war is one that is
abhorred, and therefore the determination is to have
to be neutral. It is not as if

nothing to do with it

it were a case in which our own interests were
affected—our own safety threatened. Then it might
with truth be said, as said it has been before now

" Men who possess a state of neutrality in times of
public danger, desert the interests of their fellow-
subjects." No such consideration as that is involved
in our present neutrality. We condemn the war
which has been so wantonly entered upon in Italy,
we regard it as a most criminal proceeding,—we
have no sympathy with either one side or the other,
whatever regard we may have for that which one
party pretends to be the object of it ; and therefore
we wisely and justly stand aloof, and are neutral—
sparing, thereby, our country the infliction of those
enormous evils which war invariably produces and
entails.

But the neutrality which seems to be desired by
certain popular leaders, is a neutrality all. on one
side, and therefore no neutrality at all. This was
really the neutrality in furtherance of which they
got M. KOSSUTH to harangue the meeting in the City
of London a few days since. His idea is, that if
England does not remain neutral, she will take part
with .Austria, of which Power he is the revengeful,
the implacable foe ; and therefore his definition of
our neutrality is, that' we forbear from assisting
Austria in her resistance of France and Sardinia.
" Turn as we may," he says, " the alternative is this
—either England remains neutral, or else she will be