The Express.
London, England, 1862-02-25 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 21

Ir is difficult to imagine how the French Senate,
composed as it is, can continue to form • working
part of the Constitution of the Empire. The framer
of that Constitution has found it necessary to ad-
vance, and conform his policy more and more
to the ideas and requirements of the age. A
dynasty cannot be founded otherwise. The
EMPEROR'S steps towards liberalism are indeed
cautious, dissembled, and prevaricating. Yet, such
as they are, they call forth, not only from the
orators, but from all the benches, that is, from
the large majority of the Senate, a degree of
resistance and remonstrance which amounts to
frenzy.
It was originally thought that the formation of
a Senate, composed of such of the notable persona
of the country as would take the oath of allegiance
to the Empire, was the best way to combine for
the support of the throne the calmness of age with
the interests of the higher classes and the ex-
perience of veterans in each prokssion. Instead
of offering the dignified spectacle of this union, the
French Senate is remarkable only as a museum of
embalmed specimens of all the prejudices, ran-
cour, superstition, and pretension of bygone ages.
It is to be doubted if the Assembly of lioblzs,
which met at Versailles in 1798, did not form a
body more liberal and more enlightened than the
Upper Chamber which occupies their place at the
Luxembourg in the year 1862.
Yet there never was an epoch in which govern-
ments in general, and especially the Government
of France, stood in greater need of enlightened
advice and support from those classes which
a Senate is generally suppoeid to represent.
Owing to the unfortunate circumstances under
which liAt‘ol,E4ol4 111. obtained the crown, he was
obliged to rest mainly upon the clergy for support.
They were allowed, in consequence, to develop
their ac+ion and authority immensely. And they
are now turning their great power against the
throne, the cr.wn, and the dynasty of the
EMPERoIt, because he will not re-establish the
Pore in the plenitude of dominion and supremacy
which his anteceasors enjoyed in the middle ages.

There is this difference between the Conserva-
tives of 1789 and those of 1862, that the former
were willing to accept a compromise, while those
of 1862 will have none. As for the Cardinals,
whether it ho the 31..evers and Goresens in Paris,
or Atiroxtul 6i Rome, their exclamations are
the same. All or nothing. What they demand
for the Papal cause is the hiltless of reaction,
or the fulness of ruin. So highly charged with
this feeling were the minds of the clerical and re-
actionary party iu the French Senate, that they
did not wait fur the paragraph upon home or
foreign policy to be brought forward, but even
while domestic policy was the subject disclaimed,
rushed at once into the field of controversy. No
party in Europe can certainly be more circumspect
and moderate than that of the Liberals in
France ; yet, because it combats the extravagant
pretensions of the ultras to sacrifice Italy to the
Pore, the Hot aims% and the House of ACNTRIA,
)131. DE SE,4I. a awl LA Iln nrrA. ql KLEIN denounce
the liberal press, and the Government itself, for
treating it with leniency. They actually stigma-
tised Pitem.•S as aPI oLIGNAC, for restraining the
license of clerical prints, and not suspending alto-
gether the liberal journals. In the opinion of M.
Da LA 11414-lii.l.ii-oI'ELEtN, it was as great • crime in
the OlitOTlODelli nut to have opposed the election
of M. HA%n, the editor of the Siick, as it was to
recognize the conquerer of the RODIEglla as the
King of
31. Pllaltl brought the discussion to more
serious points, when, after recapitulating all that
the Emeseoft had done for the Church, he de-
clared that whilst the lower clergy, sprung from the
people, cordially shored the popular predilections
fur the Enemies, the Prelates had joined the league
of the malcontents of all exploded dynasties against
NAnitroe. No doubt it was to give voice ai.d
presence to this league, that a Council of Prelates
had just been summoned at Rome, under the pre-
text of bunouriug the martyrs of Japan. Fur a
definition of Rome, he said, we need go no farther
than the words of Father LACORDAIRE, who de-
clued it to be eminently " a government of the
" each,, Mein., without a vestige of civil, political,
" or religious liberty."
Tsuntslike th...se led M. us LA RO47IIEJAiNUILEIN
to expatiate upon his favourite paradox, the supe-
rior liberalism and enlightenment of the here-
ditary rule of the Boresiets over that of the
Bps at least in its present tenden-
cies. This in turn provoked Prince NAPOLEON
JEROME not to await the opening of the Italian
question, but to descend at once into the arena
with the Legitimists on the subject of domestic policy.
Nothing could be more outspoken, more eloquent
than the PRINCE'S address. He began by declaring
himself in favour of complete liberty of the press,
the Government having no need whatever of the
powers which it had retained ; and later be pro-
nounced what might be considered his political
programme. This was—" Glory abroad ; the
" reversal of the Treaties of 1815, as far as was
"consistent with the interests and the forces of
" France ; the support of Italian unity, as the best
" ally of France in the future. At home, order, no
" doubt, but order based on liberty, and, first of all,
" on the liberty of the press ; popular instruction
" widely disseminated, not doled out by religious
" congregations ; the abolition of administrative
" barriers and distinctions ; the welfare of the
" manses ; and the getting rid of that bigotry of