The Press.
London, England, 1854-02-25 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARYIB,IBS4.

POSTSCRIPT.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—Fainay.
Lord BEAUMONT moved a resolution declaring
that every effort had failed to reconcile Russia and
Turkey without recourse to arms, and that the
interests of the country require the adoption of im
mediate measures to repel the unjustifiable aggres-
sions of Russia, and place the relations of Turkey
and the rest of Europe on such foundations as may
produce a durable peace. He disclaimed all inten-
tion of reopening the Eastern question, but yet pro-
ceeded to examine the documents lately issued,
compared them with contemporary events, accused
the Ministry of credulity, admitting the difficulty
of their position, and the delicacy required in treat-
ing assurances vouched by royal authority. Tracing
the successive steps of the Russian aggression, he
blamed the Government for neglecting sources of
accurate information regarding the progress of
events, and believed that, with a juster knowledge
of the resources of Turkey, they would have assumed
a less deferential tone in mediating with the Czar.
He exonerated the Ministry from the charge of con-
nivance, but contended that their words and attitude
were most encouraging towards Russia, and con-
firmed his views by quoting his personal experience
of continental opinions during the last months.
He contrasted the tone of the debates in the two
houses, declared that Lords Palmerston and Russell
spoke like men of vigour and action, and Lord
Aberdeen like a member of the Peace Society. He
_ .

was astonished that on the refusal of the Czar to

assent to the last terms offered him the Govern
ment had not instantly declared war. They still
continued to hope against hope, for peace. Parlia-
ment was sitting, yet no Ministerial announcements,
no message from the Queen, no information given
when asked for by independent members. The
Government still left them in igm,rance of their
actual position, and they were warranted in de-
manding enlightenment. He had suspicions of a
still graver error. The note of the last Vienna Con-
ference was yet before the Czar, it might be ac-
cepted, and the Government might consent to treat
upon its basis. He entered his indignant protest
against so abortive a termination. Russia, he be-
lieved, had abandoned all intention of territorial
conquest : her views were directed to the consolida-
tion of a system of patronage and moral influence
over Turkey of a yet more dangerous character.
An opportunity was offered of frustrating these in-
sid ous designs, and he trusted that, after all the
expenditure of time and money, it might not pass
away unimproved. He concluded by eulogising the
treaty of 1844, which he hoped would be the basis
of further negotiation.
The Earlof CIARENDON rested the defence of the
Government upon the result which was now appa-
rent. Russia was completely isolated. France,
Austria, and Prussia were united with England
against her. l'ublic opinion was excited both here
and on the Continent in favour of resistance. War
would now commence under the most favourable cir-

THE PRESS.

cumstances—a consequence that had followed from
many months of patient negotiations and forbearance,
and which effectually repelled the charge either of
credulity or connivance. Remarking upon the im-
patient desire evinced in some quarters for a formal
declaration of war, he admitted that the event seemed
to be altogether inevitable, but pleaded that England
did not stand alone, but acted with and for allies,
and must not, therefore, act with precipitancy.
Briefly touching upon the terms of successive treaties
concluded between Russia and Turkey, and especially
the convention of Kainardji, he urged that Russia
had repeatedly attempted to evade or prevent their
meaning, and contended that as Europe was now
aroused there should be no peace allowed which did
not define the position of the two countries, putting a
final bar to the aggressions of Russia, and securing
Turkey her proper place in the great community of
nations.
The Earl of Monsisorox believed that no greater
benefit could be conferred upon Turkey than to teach
her Christian subjects to behave better, and he sug-
gested for that purpose the judicious interposition of
some Christian power.
Lord LYTTELTON analysed the terms of various
treaties and despatches, and argued that the demands
of Russia, if not reasonable, were at, all events
logical. He believed that the negotiators would
have been justified in insisting upon the acceptance
of the Menschikoff ultimatum by the Porte, and that
war would have then been averted. These past con-
siderations ho admitted bore little reference to the
present or the future. For months past war was
inevitable ; and, as an inevitable war was a just war,
it was now incumbent upon us to carry it on with
the utmost vigour.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE was convinced that
the Legislature and the country were unanimous in
supporting the Government for the prosecution of war.
They had begun, however, by sending out a large
force without sending any message from the Crown to
Parliament, or obtaining any address from Parlia-
ment to the Crown. This proceeding, he contended,
was altogether contrary to precedent. The noble
marquis then offered sone criticisms upon some
recent manoeuvres of the combined fleets in the
Black Sea.
Earl GRANVILLE dealt with the charge that
Ministers had acted with weakness and vacilla-
tion, and remarked that similar charges had been
brought against the Governments all round—Rus-
sian, Turkish, French, and English—and that it was
a mathematical impossibility they should all be true.
Earl FITZWILLIAM wished for further information,
being desirous that the world should know we had
no selfish motives in going to war.
Lord BEAUMONT then withdrew his motion, and
their lordships adjourned.