The Press.
London, England, 1856-12-27 00:00:00

to avenge the indignities they were compelled
to receive at Lord PALMERSTON'S hands. Time
has brought round the opportunity for them
to fulfil their vow. To make Lord PALMERS-
TON an instrument to forward the policy of
Austria, and to advance its designs, is the
sweetest kind of revenge which the statesmen
of that Court could desire.

As a condition of consenting to the Con-
ferences, and of supporting the views of the
English Cabinet on the Bolgrad and Isle of
Serpents questions, the Cabinet of Vienna
has stipulated that only those two points shall
be raised at the Conference. The far more
important question of the evacuation of the
Principalities will thus be postponed indefi-
nitely. Austria will gain her point, and the
terms of the Treaty of Paris will still be as
far as ever from being faithfully executed.
It is not necessary for us to inquire whether
this policy of Austria is defensible. Those
accusations of perfidy commonly directed in
this country against the Courts of the Con-
tinent, are worth very little. The fact is, we
must look upon the policy of those Courts as
normally aggressive. Their efforts are con-
stantly—and surely not unnaturally—directed
to the growth of the power and the extension
of the influence of the countries they repre-
sent. Austria has no colonial empire. Of
all the great Powers of the world, she is the
only one that cannot look beyond her imme-
diate vicinity for the extension of her terri-
tories. Except to the south, she is hemmed in
by settled countries and well-defined boun-
daries. She has no prospect of advancing,
save on the side of those countries which
once constituted part of the Turkish empire,
but which have gradually loosed themselves
from Turkish authority.
Witb the extinction of Russian power in the
Danubian provinces, Austria may hape to so
far extend her influence in them as to render
their subjugation an easy task when a favor-
able opportunity shall arrive. We can con-
ceive that Austrian statesmen may anticipate
such a contingency with great satisfaction,
and we cannot wonder should they endeavour
at the present moment to smooth the path of
acquisition by-every means in their power.
The question is not what policy the Cabinet
of Vienna should legitimately follow, for that
question will ultimately be decided by the
policy which that Cabinet deems it mo-t for
its interests to pursue. Its policy will not
assuredly be affected by mere popular clamour
in this country, or by the writings of jour-
nalists. The real question for this country
is, whether our Government should favour
Austrian designs, and should employ its in-
fluences at this particular crisis to promote
their realisation.
We conceive that our policy should be less
ambiguous. It is not for our Government to
play the game of Austrian diplomacy, through
a paltry and peurile desire to spite the Court
of St. Petersburg. Our.• proper course is as
plain as any political course can possibly be.
It is to insist on the literal and faithful execu-
tion of the conditions of the Treaty of Paris
by all the Powers subscribing it. Instead of
that, what is our Government doing? It con-
nives at the open and flagrant violation of the
Treaty by Austria, on the pretence that diffi-
culties have been interposed by Russia to the
settlement of her new Bessarabian frontier.
Difficulties in the way of the faithful execu-
tion of engagements are met in very different
modes by different order of minds, as the ex•

perience of any person of common sense must
have taught him. There is one class of mind
which goes direct to its object, and whenever
any obstacle is raised only considers how it
may be most speedily and effectually over-
come. Minds of this order clear as they go ;
they continually advance nearer to the end
they have in view; the must complicated
affairs yield to their honesty and perseverance,
and eanh difficulty removed wonderfully for-
wards the work of final clearance.

The other and opposite order of mind is
distinguished by the facility with which, when
a difficulty occurs, it raises other difficulties
out of it. The means which it suggests for
removing any complication are sure to tend to
its deeper entanglement. When a fire is to be
quenched it pours oil on the flames. Sometimes
this is the result of incapacity—sometimes of
that peculiar genius which loves perplexity for
its own sake, and which, through its natural
action, is always preparing disturbance,
troubles, and complications, reckless of the
disastrous consequences that may attend
them. It is to the latter order of minds that
Lord PALMERSTON belongs.
When a difficulty as to the new Russian
frontier was raised, the direct and simple way
to remove it would have been to submit it to a
tribunal of authority. This course was much
too plain for Lord PALMERSTON. He denied
that there was any difficulty at all, and en-
couraged Austria to retain military occupation
of the Principalities while he sent a British
squadron into the Black Sea. By this pro-
ceeding a very slight difficulty was raised into
a very complex one. The obstacles which
existed to the fulfilment of the Treaty of Peace
were raised from a molehill to a mountain.

This plan led to other consequences. Lord
PALMERSTON took his course irrespective of the
French Government. Hence a breach in the
alliance of the Western Powers was effected.
Their policy was no longer an united policy.
They became in a measure rivals, with sepa-
rate objects to pursue.
Tbus, from a question whether the Bessara-
bian frontier should turn most this way or
that, there arose under Lord PALMERSTON'S
dexterous management—lst, an indefinite

postponement of the Austrian evacuation of
the Danubian provinces; and, 2ndly, a cool-
ness, leading to separate action, between the
French and English Governments.
Each of these results is destined to be prolific
of other consequences.
1. While Austria holds military occupation of
the Principalities, there can be no settlement
of the Eastern question. It was through the
invasion of those provinces by the troops of
Russia that the war began ; can it be said to
be concluded while they are held by the troops
of Austria, and while so material a condition
of the Treaty of Peace as the entire freedom of
these provinces from foreign control remains
unfulfilled ?

2. The separate action of the French and
English Governments is already felt in the
_ _
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