The Express.
London, England, 1852-11-05 00:00:00

NAPOLEON SECOND Olt THIRD P

A contemporary, seldom remarkable for its infor-
mation, lays; The diplomatic circle of the French capital
is, as it appears, rerioutly agitated upon the question of the
title which is to be borne by the new emperor. Whisper.,sufficiently distinct to be ine,pable of misconstruction,
were that the gre..t Northern l'owers, whilst they acknow-
ledge the unquestionable right of the French nation to
choose its own form of sscrument, and to elect its own
ruler, are yet exceedingly unwilling to recognise the
numeral 111. as an addition to the name Napoleon. They
silage that this title asserts the actual reign of the Due
de Ifeichstaelt, which they
also, that it is inconsistent with the treaty of 1816.
Upon the main question, namely, the recognition of
the imperial reign in the person of Prince Louis Napo-
leon, neither the great deaputimns of the north, nor
any one else, entertain a doubt. Russia and Austria, as
well as England and Spain, will, it is not disputed, se-
knowledge the empire on the instant of its proclamation.
NsT, more—not the slightest doubt is entertained that
their acknowiAgraent will include any title which the
will of the nation more immediately concerned may con-
firm. Still, for the reasons which we have hinted at, the
united diplomacy of the northern powers is said to I, wing
every possible effort, not only to prevent the Prince Presb
dent from ascending the imperial thione by rho style of
Napoleon 111., hut also to induce Eng.und to join them in
a remonstrance upon this subject.
Now, when trifles are put forward with an emphasit,
and insisted upon with • warmth, so much over-pro-
portioned to their intrinsic value, there is always reason
to suspect that something mare important is con.
cealed from the car, but intended to be, effected by the
result. It is clear enough that, first, the title of the
Emperor, and the numeral that shall follow it, is in itself
a matter of indifference to all the world, except the wearer
and the nation which has chosen him by that style. It
affects neither the rights nor the interests of tiny other
crown or people. As to the treaty of 1815, and to the
recognition of titles which are inconsistent with J. 6 pro-
vi...uns, it is only necessary to mention the instances of
Greece, and llelgium, and France under the reign of
Louis Philippe. In the two forme r cases the great power.,
now so uneasy upon the point, were active in establish-
ing the independence of the two severed states; in tl c
third, they acknowledged a power in direct opposition
to all the principles averted in the restoration; and in
all three they practically negatived the consequent treaty
of 1815.

The wrest substance is, then, the empire ; the name, or
rather the numeral appended to it, can be objected to only
with a view to secure come more important end, which does
not appear on the face of the objection. The subbtAnce, EV,
we have repeatedly shown, the empire itself, is not opposed
by the powers of which we speak. On the contrary, they
hail its approach with welcome, strengthened in no mean
degree by the gratitude which they owe and own to the
genius and courage of hint who, in achieving its restoration,
bas also re-established order in the place of confusion, and
given repose to his country and to the Continent from all
the terrors of unbridled anarchy. And yet they take grave
exception to a matter which in itself cannot, and does not,
directly or otherwise, interfere with the extent of the new
or restored empire, and which doer, and can, therefore, 11l
no way, effect their right*. What, then, is the meaning of
this

We are not left to answer this question by conjectare.
The northern despot‘snis, especially that of Austria, have
the strongest possible aversion to England. The last.-
named power detests our reformed church, and no less cor-
dially dues she hate our constitutional government. In this
she s)mpatiiises with the l'riecedeJu.oville and M. Berry's,.
—representatives respectively of the Orlesuist and Legiti-
mate dynasties in France. These personages have spuaen
and written as Austria has acted, in conformity with the
moat intense hatred of England, h, r institutions, sacred
and civil—aud, above all, the " broad margin " of her
constitution, which admits of its expansion in progres-
sive proportions with the expanding wants and caps-
eitiea of her people. They have lost France—buth
legitimists and Orieanists—not, indeed, because they hated
England, but because they entertained reactionary and
anti•progressive notions, of which that hatred was the sig-
nificant index.

Prince Louis Napecon, on the other band, has proved
himself to be neither en idealist nor a theotictan—nor a
mimic, nor a slave of the past. Ile has shown, on the ,con.
trail', the genius of a practical statesman...he has studied as
well the beacons as the examples afforded by history. He has
marked the course of dynastic falls as well as of impe-
rial successes. Ile bu studied and understood the
spirit of the age. His sympathies are all with the
sympathies of England. Witness his prercnt policy
with reference to Sardinia A constitutional state
embarrassed on the one hand by the machinations of despe-
rate
foreign refugees, combined with • handful of domestic
firebrands ; and, on the other, by the pressure of Austrian
and Italian despotism. These labour to impede the ad.
vancement of liberty in a country where its growth is
natural, and where, under its development, national pr3s-
peaty aiready begins to flourish. There Louis Napoleon
has cordially united the mural weight of his government
to that of the government of England. The two combined !
have secured to Sardinia that amount of independence and
prosperity which she happily possesses. Everywhere else
Louis Napoleon has manifested the same liberal and en-
lightened policy.
It is feared, then, by the powers of the north that Prance
and England, bound together by common interests and
common sympathies, will form a united power in the west
too strong for their dtsigns. Their object is said to be, by
' gaining the assent of England to their remonstrances against
the title of the new Emperor, not to defeat that title (for
they will be ready and eager to recognise it), but to sow
the seeds of coldness and discord between the two nations
whose good understanding they so much dread.
It is devoutly to be hoped that our government will pave
themselves from the embarrasement, and their country from
the &grace, of being caught in so transparent • snare.
We mined believe that, assuming the accuracy of the facts
related by our correspondent—and they are assuredly not
to be ili-credited—any Hoglish minister would be defeated
by so feeble a device. At all events we have spoken
in time.