The Press.
London, England, 1858-02-20 00:00:00

THE PEESS, FEBRUARY 20, 1858.

SYKES told the House of Commons that he
had seen more misery in one small street in
London, than in a whole Indian province.
We are sure that any man of sense must see
the fallacy of such arguments, and the folly
and iniquity of annexation or invasions based
on them. But even supposing that every
detail of misgovernment in Oude was to be
accepted as gospel that emanates from
such interested sources, still tho ques-
tion as regards our proceedings there would
be left precisely where it was. For, as Lord
JOHN MANNERS clearly showed, if the country
was misgoverned and the,. King was imbecile,
there existed under a treaty, acknowledged
previously as valid by both parties, ample
means of remedying the defect. Under the
Treaty of 1837, which had been duly ratified
by Lord AUCKLAND—which had been confirmed
by the Directors, except in regard to certain
provisos, in which the alteration had not been
adverse, but favourable to the interests of the
King—which had been acted upon both by
Lord ELLENBOROUGH and Lord HARDINGE, and
which had been embodied in the collection of
Indian treaties laid upon the table of the
House of Lords—under this treaty the Go-
vernonGeneral was furnished with full powers
to take all the necessary steps for securing,
if need he, the future good government of
Oude. This he might have done without
trenching in the slightest degree on the rights
of the Royal Family or the institutions of the
State. He was entitled under it to place any
portion or the whole of the Oude territories
under the management of British officers as
long as he might deem necessary ; and to in-
troduce any reforms into the Administration
which he might think it desirable to intro-
duce. The entire cost of such reforms he was
empowered to deduct from :he Oude revenue ;
the only thing he was not entitled to do was
to abolish the dynasty, destroy the institu-
tions of the country, and appropriate the sur-
plus revenue to British use. Everything
necessary to secure the best interests of the
kingdom he was fully authorised to do; and
if that had been the object of the Governor-
General, he had in the Treaty of 1837 the
fullest powers lying ready to his hand.
It is needless, however, to say that it was
the surplus revenue of Gude and not the in-
terests of the people that our Government
cared for. That, indeed, its organs at the
period unblushingly proclaimed. Nor did
the Governor-General, in the famous minute
recapitulating the fruits of his administration,
forget to dwell upon a topic so agreeable to
the sordid mind. Fourteen hundred and fifty
thousand pounds were added annually to our
wealth, he told us, by the annexation of Oude.
Then there was, besides, the plunder of the
palaces and of the treasury of the King. We
read the other day of the vast amount of
royal jewels brought away by the army under
Sir COLIN CAMPBELL from the Residency at
Lueknow, where they had been under seques-
tration; and many more had before been sent
to Calcutta and sold. There was, besides, a
large sum in ready cash. How the seizure of
all this royal property, and the appropriation
of it to British uses, was to serve the people of
the country with whose sufferings our Go-
vernment affected so deep a sympathy, it
would puzzle the most ingenious occupant of
the Treasury benches to explain. Nothing
could prove more clearly than acts so shame-
less that spoliation was our chief, if not our
only object, in the annexation of Oude. If
our wish was to improve the condition of the
natives, we had a sufficient field in our own
territories, without going elsewhere. But the
same rulers who refused, on the score of
economy, to reform the infamous police of
Bengal, were wonderfully philanthropic when
they thought they could get a million and a
half sterling per annum, besides a vast sum
in jewels and cash, by extending their nub/
and beneficent system to the kingdom of Oude.
But why go on tearing the mask from these
Pharisees when Lord JOHN MANNERS has torn
it
from them so effectually in the House?
His speech will find a hearty response in the
breast of every truehearted Englishman in
the land; and show that if we be a nation of
shopkeepers, we are not without. some sprink-
hng of men, who do honour to their illustrious
descent.

Sortign 6orrespanbliqt.

PARIS, Feb. 18.
THE violent language made use of in the Rouse Of
Commons and at some public meetings has created
a certain irritation in the minds of the ;people of
France, with the exception, as you may naturally
suppose, of the Republican party. The Legitimists of
the Faubonrg St. Germain, the Orleanists, and in.
deed several conscientious republiaans,are indignant
at the unfair way in which the conduct of the En.
peror has been misrepresented.

The question is constantly asked,—" What object
have these speakers in view? Do they wish to break
up the alliance between the two countries? It so,
let them boldly say so. Do they wish to bring about
a general war? If so, let them be assured that,
although every effort would be made to avoid so
great a calamity, they would find France prepared."
It is the height of absurdity to attempt to separate
the Emperor from the French nation. The people
will not accept such an argument.
I have no wish to be considered the defender or
even the partisan of the Emperor of the French;
but this much is certain, and known to every Lug.
lishrnan who has resided for any length of time to
France, that the majority of the nation are Bona-
partists, and that were it possible to put to the vote
to-morrow the choice of a ruler, Louis Napoleon
would have nine-tenths of the votes of the nation.

The people require peace and tranquillity—they
now possess it. They require the extension of their
commerce ; and never have the merchants, manufac-
turers, and shopkeepers been so prosperous as they
now are. In short, commerce and agriculture are
daily improving in importance. There can be no
doubt that every Frenchman would be desirous to
possess the same constitutional liberties as those
enjoyed by Englishmen, but no one is so mad as to
suppose it possible. France for more than half a
century has suffered from a chronic revolution,
and it requires a strong and decided hand to steer and
guide the great State vessel. Once let "conspiracy
and crime " cease, and Louis Napoleon, you
may rely upon it, will be prepared to give such free
institutions to France as France will be in a posi-
tion to enjoy. The nomination of the Due
de Montebello as Ambassador to the Court of
St. Petersburg is most significant. The Due de
Montebello—the possessor of a large fortune, the
owner of vast estates--has always been a steady
friend of the Orleans family, and ever since 1851 has
retired into private life. The nomination of his
brother as aide-de-camp to the Emperor first drew
him from his seclusion, and his unhesitating accep-
tation of the high post offered to him confirms his
adhesion to the Empire. The duke, who is the
eldest son of the late Marshal Lanues, is nearly
fifty-seven years of age. He is married to an Eng-
lish lady named Jenkinson, and has seven children,
tho eldest of whom is a midshipman in the navy.
I cannot too often caution you to be on jour guard
against the news given by certain foreign journals.
One of them lately gave as positive that a coolness
had arisen between the Courts of Madrid and the
Tuileries, owing to the Queen of Spain not having
sent a special mission to the Emperor immediately
after the attempt to assassinate him on the 14th of
January. Now, what are the facts ? On that same
evening of the 14th, the Duke de Rivas hastened to
the box of the Emperor at the Opera, and expressed
himself to their Majesties in the warmest terms on
their miraculous escape. The next day the duke
went to the Tuileries with the diplomatic corps, and
a few days afterwards the Empress received from the
Queen of Spain an autograph letter. This letter PM
presented by the Duke de Rivas. You thus see that
all this pretended coolness is pure invention. lam
enabled also to deny the report that the French
Government has any intention to increase the num
ber of French troops now in Rome.
Another difficulty has arisen in the great Danu-
bian question. Up to the sth inst. the European
commissioners had not been able to come to amy
agreement as to the framing of the general report to
be presented to the Paris Congress. There are three
projects put forth for this report—one by the English
commissioner, a second by the French, Russia n,
I'russian, and Sardinian commissioners, and a third
by the Austrian and Turkish commissioners.
Notwithstanding that 11.tvaria has thought proper
to publish officially the Danubian Riverian Conven-
tion, I have good reason for saying that the Paris
Congress will examine this interesting subject, not
as &fait accompli, but will make such alteratioos as
may be found necessary in the interests of the fees
navigation of the Danube.
The Saone will leave Brest on the 20th with 700
men for China.
Count Persigny will leave Paris for London in the
course of next week.

Irottebings in artiaincut.

HOUSE OF LORDS-MOND tY.
EXECUTIONS IN INDIA.

The Earl of ELLENDOROUG n called attention to the
announcement, received by the last telegram, that 149
sepoy mutineers bad been executed in a single day.
Since the taking of Delhi it was computed that similar
executions had taken place, on the average, at a rate
of five or six per diem. He inquired whether any
instructions on this point had been sent out by the
Home Government; and suggested that some penalty
short of death might be enacted equally effectual to
suppress or punish the mutiny in Bengal.
Earl GRANVILLE stated that no instructions on
this point had been transmitted from this country,
the entire discretion being left to Lord Canning and
the Council of Calcutta.

GENERAL WINDHAM.
The Duke of CAMBRIDGE intimated that a letter
bad been received from Sir Colin Campbell exoner-
ating Goneral Windham from all blame on account
of the late disasters at Cawnpore. So satisfied in-
deed was the commander-in chief with that officer's
conduct on the occasion, that he proposed to recom-
mend him for some higher command.
Lord BROUGHAM, in moving for some returns in
connection with the Bankruptcy Commissioners, de-
scribed the course of business procedure in the Bank-
ruptcy Court.
The returns were ordered, and their lordships
adjourned at twenty minutes to six o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-MONDAY.
NEW MEMBER.

Mr. EWING took the oaths an,l his seat as msmber
for Paisley.

THE EAST INDIA. COMPANY-ADJOURNED DEBATE.

Upon the motion of Lord PALMERSTON for leave
to bring in hill for the better government of India,
Mr. ROEBUCK remarked that there were
three courses before the house,—that of
maintaining the present double Government ;
'or handing back the entire authority to the
Court of Directors of the East India Com-
pany; or adopting the bill of Lord Palmerston.
'With respect to the first course, the double Govern-
ment destroyed all responsibility. As to the second,
there had never been a worse Government known to
the world than that of the Court of Directors, as
testified by Lord Macaulay, a great defender of the
Company; they were not, therefore, the persons he
-would trust with the government of India. There
remained only the bill in question, the great mistake
of which was the Council of Eight, which it proposed.
The very principle which made the present Govern-
ment mischievous—viz., divided responsibility—told
against this council. Moreover, Lord Palmerston
proposed that the council should be composed of
"Old Indians." That circumstance greatly
strengthened his objection to it, because in England
at the present moment were to be found men far
more capable of governing India than any " Old
Indian " whatever
The beat Homo Government for India would be a
Secretary td' State, who should choose his own advisers,
and in villein all responsibility should centre. Such a
Secretary of state would be selected by the Prime Minister,
who was practically chosen by that home, which was
elected by the people; therefore, in the last resort, the
Secretary of State for India won't' be appointed by the
people of this country. Now, if there was any virtue in
;representative government that was just the thing for
'which it was useful; not that the people should govern
themselves, but that they should choose their governors ;
not that they should do the duties'of the of of Prime
Minister, but that they should choose a man who could
do that duty, and should force hi:n to do it. Such a man
would be responsible to that house, and would in the moat
effective manner bring to bear upon the Government of
India the feelings and wishes of the people of England.

Mr. DUFF supported the bill, which he thought
substituted a reasonable and simple plan of govern-
rent fur a complicated machine, though there were,
111 his opinion, matters of detail in the measure
susceptible of improvement.
Mr. WHITESIDE said his difficulty had been to find
out what was the principle, not of the bill, but of
Lord Palmerston's speech. It might have been
.expected that the East India Company would have
,been shown to be indolent, apathetic, incompetent,
yr corrupt ; but no blame was imputed to the Com-
pany, who were complimented by Lord Palmerston,
its they had been eulogised by fir Charles Wood in
]853; they were to be abolished simply because
they existed. Sir Charles Wood, as the organ of
the Ministry, explained to this house in 1853 the
reasons why the charter should be renewed. The
right hon. bbro tet, at that period, established an
imposing air ly of facts upon policy, revenue, trade,
and justice, Icc., in favour of the Company, with
the full assent of the noble lord, who sat beside him,
and heard and applauded every word he spoke, and
in doing so he was also accompanied by the hearty
cheers of the Secretary to the Treasury, who the