The Press.
London, England, 1858-03-13 00:00:00

TnE PREg S, MARcit 13, 1858.

which fall froll ay lips, sad whisk I know you will missive
u men who have themselves a duty to perform to society.
(Cheers.)

It is impossible to overrate the importance of the posi-
tion which this oountry and France occupy with respect to
each other. I have been a strenuous supporter of what is
called the French alliance. (Cheers.) I have always
believed that a cordial alliance between England and
France was equally necessary to the interests of both coun-
tries, and for this primary and paramount reason, totally
irrespective of numerous other considerations—that that
alliance is necessary for the independence, and even the
importance, of Europe. All the oli traditions respecting
the balance of power which were crested and devised in
times when the great theatre of human action was confined
to Europe have become obsolete. Under these circum-
stances, a rivalry between France and England—the two
foremost nations of Europe—was natural, and under some
circumstances was even necessary. The general effect of
such a rivalry was, no doubt, salutary to the progress of
that civilisation which has made Europe—though a small
portion of the world—pre-eminent. Of late years, how-
ever, other imperial influences, no longer limited to
Europe, have arisen in the world, which render it neces-
sary that, if the pre-eminent power of Europe is to be main-
tained, a rivalry between these two chief nations should no
longer be encouraged, but that a cordial alliance should be
cherished as the only means by which the independence and
importance of Europe in the scale of the world can be main-
tained. ( Cheers.) That is the real reason wby both English-
men and Frenchmen should support the alliance be-
tween England and France. ( Renewed cheers.) To obtain
that great result the petty jealousies of traditionary times
must, by the strong common sense of both countries, be
forced to become obsolete, for oar existence as great
civilised powers, and the maintenance of Europe itself in
the political and social scale, depend upon a cordial union
of feeling between the populsuons of the two foremost
European countries.

With such a conviction, and regarding that alliance—as
I described it in the House of Commons—es the vary
corner-stone of civilisation, 1 cannot express the anxiety
and apprehension with which I, in common with all
who were elected by the people to guard over their in-
termite, viewed the recent circumstances that have dis-
turbed the good understanding between these two countries.
If the principle I have laid down be just, whatever be the
form of government in France—whether it be Imperial, or
Royal, or Republican—l maintain that it is the essence of
English policy, and of French policy also, that there should
be an alliance between England and France—an alliance
founded on principle, totally independent of forma of go-
vernment, totally independent of dynasties, totally inde-
pendent even of the' character of the rulers of Frew*. It
thee, indeed, so happen that the present ruler of France is
a man eminently gifted, and who from a variety of circum-
stances necessarily exercises a great influence over events.
The Emperor Napoleon is not only a prince, but he is a
statesman. He is a man who not only possesses peat
knowledge of human nature generally, but who has a great
knowledge of English human nature. ( Hear.) It is
therefore clear that when the ruler of France is not only a
statesman, but is intimately acquainted with the character
of !Englishmen, and with the laws, the customs, and the
whole condition of England, we have a security for the
cultivation and maintenance of the alliance with France
which under less favourable circumstances we might not
enjoy. We have reaped the fruits oflan alliance guided
and guarded by such a prince as I have described, who is
not only a statesman, but who is intimately acquainted
with the character of England. We have found France,
and the ruler of France, a faithful ally at a great emer-
gency. (Cheers.) Not a faithful ally of mere courtly
phrases, expressed in a Queen's speech or in a diplomatic
document, but in the deeds of a nation, sealed by blood
and crowned by victory. (Cheers.) The French people
have fought, and indeed are at this moment fighting, by the
side of the English ; and therefore, after all that has oc-
curred, there does appear at this moment a prospect of
the alliance being so confirmed in the convictions and feel-
ings of the two nations that statesmen who know its para-
mount importance, and how necessary its maintenance is
to the independence and liberty of Europe, must have
reckoned upon it as that cardinal point from which all poli-
tical calculations must be made. We must remember, also
—and it is of the greatest importance that the minds of
the English people should be fully and completely en-
lightened upon this subject—that the great body of the
people of England ( I think I may say so without exagge-
ration) is favourable to the French alliance. (Hear.)
They look to the French people, to whom they have many
points of resemblance, and with whom they have many ties
of sympathy, with respect and even with affection. They
have no prejudicea. They know that the French like
themselves are • highspirited people ; that the French
like themselves are a brave people; that the French like
themselves are eminently illustrious in the pursuits of
science ; and that the French like themselves are in the
enjoyment of a degree of social refinement and civilisation
which probably can be rivalled by no other nation. But,
although in France the more enlightened and superior
classes of the country have discarded ancient historical
prejudices and have learned to respect England, there is
no doubt that among the great body of the French people
much of the ancient prejudice which past events have, I
will not say justified, but occasioned, with regard to this
country, still survives, although it has considerably dimi-
nished, and a better feeling has been gradually spreading
every year. The ruler of France, therefore, in guiding
the feelings which should cherish and consolidate the
alliance has a much more difficult task to perform than
the Government of England, for, whatever prejudices there
may be against France in this country, they are rather
confined to some of the superior classes, and are not en-
tertained by the great body of the people. Upon such a
question the Government of England could with confi-
dence appeal to the good feeling and the right sentiment

U 5

of the gnat body of the English people while the Elio
peror of the French, even when he kela lonlidetice in the
wisdom of his views and the correctness of his policy,
has to deal with a proud, irritable, and jealous people—
(Hear, hear)—and, therefore, his position with t to
this great political question is infinitely morrir Moult
than our own. If I have been right in the view I have
taken of the true reason for cherishing the alliance bil-•
tween the two countries at every sacrifice short of
honour—if I have described correctly the relative position
of the two Governments—let me now recall your recol-
lection to those great events which have recently occurred,
and which have occasioned such prodigious political
changes.
I am sure that when the late horrible attempt wee
made upon the life of the Emperor of the French the
first feeling in this country was one of as much indigna-
tion and disgust as could have been exhibited in France
itself. (Cheers.) An attempt to assassinate a prince
who, whatever difference of opinion may exist among
some classes of his subjects, has raised his country to the
highest pitch of political influence—an attempt moreover
to destroy not only his existence but that of the lady
whom he has raised to a throne which she adorns by every
charm and virtue--( Hear, bear)—was something so
horrible in its conception and execution, so alien to every
manly feeling, that I hardly know any public event which
was more calculated to create sympathy and to confirm the
amicable feelings which prevailed in this country towards
the ruler of France. (Cheers.) Unfortunately, gentle.
men—for it is necessary that I should speak with perfect
frankness—on that occasion the French Government,
and indeed I believe the French people, in a spirit of what
I may call indignant consternation, visited that atrocity
upon the land and laws of England. I know that ,there
were many extenuating circumstances in the position of
France at that moment which should not be forgotten
when we recollect the commission of this error—for a
great error it undoubtedly was—on the part of the French
Government and of the French people. (Hear, hear.) I
cannot but feel that when that act of aocusation
the laws and the people of England was handedtars
it were, by authority—although I have no wish on 'this
occasion to comment with any severity upon the eiondset
of my predecessors in office —I cannot bat feel that if
was not met in a manner or in a spirit adequate to the
occasion—(cheers)--and I regret that eirenmstenee, not
merely for the honour of this country, bat ter use intermits
of France itself. I do believe that at that seimesst an
English Minister, displaying a frankness and Ihrniases
which are quite consistent with the nest entire
and friendliness, might have taken a eosins which
have indicated to the French Government, in a manner
that could not be mistaken, the error of their ways, which
would have prevented them hoes pane* • course of
error every step of which rendered it an Mask lac
them to recede, and which, while it vindicated the harems
of our country and the dignity of our Goeseamentonight
at the same time have respected with the feel-
ings of France, and have retained, asi elm ehesisheik.
that cordial friendship which I regard as so isivainabie
( Hear, hear.) lam bound to say, bormese--end /sand
the Parliament of this country has redid the
that I perceive a total absence in the emminst of=
jesty's late Government with respect to these impullana
transactions of the qualities adequate to the pest emu**.
Instead of a public reply we had private estremendesm
Instead of a frank sad liras eapositket to the Goommenest
of France of our kelhart, sad of the film peeitiem le
which they were &Meg, I. tar mire sun lase soy
as to the course posessil as the past of tie Go-
vernment there was vacillation, Maid*. Widen% um-
nceuvre--aoything but an open assertion at oar
( Hear, hear )—anything but airs thee* friendly=
strstion to the French Government of the awe whisk
they were committing; anything bat the applies at them
means which were requisite when the pease of two great
nations—indeed the peace and future hapgkseas of Ennio
were depending. (Hear, hear.)
Under these circumstances, suddenly, and salt were tty
some judicial act, power fell from the hands of a Ministry
that was deemed omnipotent, and it came to us, not lig
any cf the routine of faction, not because we wage the
Eoglish Opposition, and not because we bad taken
considerable share in the parliamentary opinion which
was expressed upon the subject—for it was net the party
of which I am a member that originated the irmatien on
which a vote took place. I say that power did net sees is re
by any of the routine forms of Wises, for yes hare been
recently told by Lord Darby in his *se in Pesiiimeent
that when her Majesty was graciously placed to stsmaeon
him to her councils he entreated her Yalesty to think well
over the critical position of affairs—( ear, hear ) —and
although he told her Majesty that while—eritieel as was
the occasion, and vast as were the diffieulthes with which
he must grapple—he would not shrink from the conjunc-
ture, but would serve her Majesty if neemeary, he begged
her Majesty to take one night to think over existing cir-
cumstances, anti not to renew the offer unless her Majesty
felt convinced that his presence in her councils was, in
her Majesty's opinion, essential to the welfare of the
country. It was subsequent to such mature consideration
that her Majesty again called upon Lord Derby to take
the helm ; and I say, therefore, without exaggeration, that
it was to serve her Majesty at a critical moment that at
her Majesty's instance the present Government was
formed, and under those circumstances it appeals with
confidence to the people of this country. (Loud cheers.)
Gentlemen, the political problem which we have to col
is one of no common difficulty. We have at the same
time to assert the dignity of this country, and to maintain,
perhaps to revive, our cordial friendship with Francis.
Any man and any Minister can do either. It is very easy
to bluster, and to insult with high flying terms an ally who
has proved his constancy and fidelity. On the other hand,
it is not difficult to cringe to a great power—( Hear,
hear)--and to be subservient to its wishes--(Hear, hear)
.--but to combine at the same time the vindication of the