The Express.
London, England, 1864-11-30 00:00:00

as the Tories

performing
have long since _
gather. A negative creed is usually a safe basis
for agreement ; and, if there were no general elec.
tioas, a good deal might be said in defence of this
latter alternative. Unfortunately, however, a
successful canvass is apt to require a political con-
fession of faith ; and as in the days of duelling
it was sometimes more easy to oompose the chal-
lenge than to invent • reason foir sanding it, so a
candidate for Parliamentary honours would often
find his task the simpler if he had not to discover
• difference between himself and the sitting
member. The results of this severe intellec-
tual strain are sometimes a little peculiar. It is
never safe to trust to the judicious reticence of a
man who is at once obliged to make a speech, and
desperately hard up for something to say ; and
though the Conservative leaders carefully abstain
from giving any pledges for themselves, they can
hardly be surprised that their followers are ram-
aionally disposed to discharge that duty for them.
If a politician steadily refuses to say what he
really means to do, he must not expect his sup-
porters always to adopt the charitable hypothesis
that be does not mean to do anything. Oracular
statesmanship is a fair field for speculative inter-
pretation.
The county of Barks has lately been favoured
with a manifesto of this kind. The Conservative
electors are naturally anxious to obtain a larger
share of the representation, and having fixed upon
Colonel LINDSAY as the fittest man for the purpose,
they held a meeting on Saturday to introduce him
to his future supporters. Colonel Las DBAY himself
is disposed to appraise his political antecedents at
a very modest figure. " If," he says, " I
"have not hitherto expressed any Conservative
" feelings, I have not expressed any sentiments of
"an opposite character." The fact that he has
thus to begin from the beginning may account for
the somewhat elementary character of a great part
of his speech. There can, however, for the future
be no question that he has learnt his political
alphabet well. He is " firmly attached" to the
constitution in Church and State, while at the
same time he thinks that "our affections should
" not be blind and unreasoning." He is aware
that there are "flaws in our time-honoured insti-
" tutions," but he knows that under these insti-
tutions the country has become wealthy and pros-
perous. He feels sure—in spite of appearances—
that Lord PALMERSTON cannot last for ever, and he
prophesies,with some show of probability, that when
Lord PALMERSTON " has passed away " he will be
succeeded in the leadership of his party by " Mr.
" Gicsneroaz or others." Of sentiments so un-
exceptionable we need only say, that if any of
those who listened to them should think them
good enough to be heard over main, we can safely
promise them an opportunity the next time either
of the Liberal members for the county takes as
occasion of addressing his constituents.
If Colonel LINDSAY had stopped here, his audi-
ence might hardly have been satisfied with so
general a profession of belief. Principles may be
safely left a little vague, but interests require
something more definite. Commonplaces are all
very well when you are talking about the consti-
tution, but when you come to speak of taxation, do
pray be a little more particular. We are bound to
say that Colonel Limiest' proved himself fully equal
to this demand, though whether Mr. DISRAELI
will thank him for his candour is a matter on which
we are not so positive. When he came to touch
upon the malt tax his frankness rose almost to
originality. "If the House of Commons were
" composed entirely of land occupiers and owners,
" we might get rid of the tax without difficulty,"
but unfortunately there are other" large interests
" and classes which will require a great deal of
"convincing." As the speaker had admitted
just before that the amount of the duty is equiva-
lent to nearly half the cost of the army, and also
that the tax is borne, " not by the producer but
"by the consumer," he probably felt that it
might be a long time before these refractory
" interests" could be brought to see the
expediency of its abolition ; but he bad not by any
means as yet arrived at the end of his resources.
The real way to get the tax removed is to obtain a
Conservative Ministry. If that can ones be secured
he has no doubt all the rest will follow. And this',
with a really charming simplicity, he gives his rea-
son for thinking so. Every Government '—this
is what his argument amounts to—' looks after
' the interest of the party which has placed it in
power. Mr. GLADSTONI thinks of trade and
commerce, and repeals the paper duty. Mr.
Dtsitszu will give a lift to the agricultural
interest, and abolish the malt tax. When the
Liberals are in office, they do their best to shift
the burdens of the State to the shoulders of the
Conservatives ; and it is time for the Conserve-
tires to have their innings, and shift as much
as they can of them back again.' Here is
Colonel LINDSAY'S philosophy of taxation, and we
think it repays examination. The whole tone
and temper of his speech are thoroughly
fair and gentlemanlike. He does not mean
to use any hard words of his opponents.
On the contrary, he evidently thinks
they have done nothing but what is perfectly
natural, and what he expects his own friends to do
when they get the chance. It never seems to enter
into his mind that there can be any higher ideal of
statesmanship than easing the pockets of your own
party. As to any notion of legislating for the whole
nation, or of treating the welfare of any single
clam or interest as subordinate to that of the
country at large, there is absolutely no place for it
in his theory. Comprehensive statesmanship Is
hardly to be expected from the rank and file of any
political party, and it is not perhaps surprising that
an individual Conservative should be found to hold
such opinions as these. But it is strange that, after
five years' experience of Mr. Gisurroica's finance,
any one should be bold enough to avow them. It
is only fair, however, to say that there is one tax
which Colonel LINDSAY, speaking on behalf
of his party, is willing to leave where it
is. " Church rates," he maintains, " are
" almost entirely paid by the landed interest,
" and if they are willing to maintain that rate "
he cannot see " why we should be called upon to
" wipe it away." Here, at all events, is an intel-
ligible proposition. ' You relieve us of the malt
' tax'—the landed interest may be supposed to
say to the country generally—' and we will con-
' tinue to pay church rates.' In other words,
You pay yearly half the coat of the army,
'or about 6,000,0001,, and we will spend
300,0001- in keeping up the fabrics of the
' churches.' The equitable adjustment of taxation
has always been a hobby of Mr. Disaactes, and
we are sure that it would be superfluous to be-
speak his favourable consideration on behalf of this
admirable scheme.

A meeting of the Capital Punishment Commis-
sioners was held yesterday, at which the chairman,
the Duke of Richmond, the Attorney-General for
Ireland, H. Waddington, Esq., W. Ewart, Esq„
M.P., Gatborne Hardy, Esq., M.P., C. Neate,
EN., M.P., and G. W. Ward, Esq., attended. The
secretary, J. H. Patterson, Esq., was also present.