The Press.
London, England, 1858-02-06 00:00:00

111eY .
iss-rerdings.
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the public journals of tha last ten years.
The discords of the Radicals, the way in
which they quarrel about leadership on eer-
thin questions, and their want of political
unity, are eithemely instructive to all who
study the action of Parliamentary party.
Amongst the fladiegi leaders are many gentlb-
men of greitt indepandencej and high pet
-
Bond respectability of character. Although
opposed to their principles, and hostile to
their progress, wo do not dispute the fact that
in intentions many of them mean well ; and
they have often shown more patriotic feelings
than could be found in the servile band that
cheers a Whig Cabinet on all occasions. The
great political fault of the Parliamentary Radi-
cals has been their violent assumption that
they alone represented " the people, that the
masses were with them, and that all the how
mercial intelligence of the country was on
their side. The vehement tone in which they
asserted their supposed predominating force
often misled people as to the real nature of
Radicalism in the country.
But Radicalism, like Liberalism itself, is
undergoing a new process, and it is passing
into a state of candid confession. As Conser-
vatives, we rejoice at the frank avowals that
have lately come from the pen of Mr. BRIGHT.
In his recent letter to Mr. GEORGE EDMONDS,
of Birmingham, the Honourable Gentleman
makes several statements which cannot be
hastily forgotten. It adds to the weight of
those statements that they are in a letter in-
tended for publication, and not in a mere
speech. Amongst those statements are the
assertion that—" Any Reform Bill which is
" worth a moment's thought or the least effort
" to carry it, must at least double, and it
" might do mu2h more than double, the repre-
" sentation of the metropolitan boroughs and
" of all the great cities of the United King-
" dom." Such is the end of " Reform," as
proposed by the Honourable Member for Bir-
mingham ; and Conservatives can see at a
glance what sort of Parliamentary Government
would result frpm such a measure when we
remind them that at present the Cities and
Boroughs in England and Wales return 335
members, while only 159 are assigned to the
Counties.

It is not, however, on the speculative errors
of 'lnch a scheme as Mr. BRIGHT advocates
that we desire to fasten attention. " The
" effort to carry a large measure," and the
utility of employing Radical strength and
agitation for that purpose, are glanced at by
Mr. BRIGHT. Thus, if the Ministerial Bill
prove a mawkish and moderate scheme in the
opinion of Radicals, their whole connection
will be directed to do nothing to support it;
but let it be a large scheme (as it undoubtedly
will be), breaking in further on the Conserva-
tive intrenchments, and then, as a step in the
right direction, we may be assured that the
Radicals, for ulterior purposes, will be banded
together for the carrying of the Ministerial
measure.

Another observation from Mr. BRIGHT is
even of more importance, as it lets in a flood
of light on the Radicals behind the scenes.
"I dread," says Mr. BRIGHT, " to think of the
" consequences of a wide extension of the
" suffrage in our manufacturing districts
" should it be obtained without the Ballot.
" It will tempt employers of labour to a hateful
" tyranny, and it will bring down multitudes of
" the employed. I fear, to a not less hateful condi-
" tion of political degradation."
That is, indeed, one of the most remarkable
statements that we remember ever to have
seen from a Radical. We have been so often
sickened with the cant about " the spirit and
" intelligence of the working classes," and we
have been so frequently disgusted with the
fallacious and invidious comparison of the
working men in cities as contrasted with
" the serfs of the squirearchy, that it is
pleasing to hear a candid acknowledgment
that there is another aide to the question.
" Employers of labour " in the factory districts
are likely to be " tyrants " unless the Ballot is
conceded along with a wide suffrage. Mr.
BRIGHT, of course, julges from experience and
observation, and he certainly ought to know a
great deal about " the employers of labour " iu