The Press.
London, England, 1858-04-17 00:00:00

PRESS, APRIL 17, 1858.

THE RIVAL BILLS AND THE HOUSE

OF COMMONS.
WE may congratulate our readers on the
effective progress that has been made in the
right direction on the subject of legislation for
India. Her Majesty's Ministers and the House
of Commons are of one mind that the better
way is to follow the precedent of 1813, and to
proceed by preliminary resolutions, which can
be submitted to both Houses of Parliament.
It was known during the recess in Ministerial
circles that there was a strong opinion in in-
fluential quarters that proceeding by resolu-
tions would save time, and conduce to the
efficacy of a legislative measure to be sub-
sequently introduced. But as Ministers had
introduced Bill No. 2 on India, it was obvious
that the Cabinet could not go to the House of

Commons, and then suggest another course of
action. Let the whole conduct of the Cabinet
be fairly considered on this point, and it will be
seen that it acted in perfect good faith towards
Parliament, and with great discretion. The
subject requires special notice, and we shall
place before our readers some views on it
which will help them to a sound understanding
of the course followed by the Government.
It might have been anticipated, when Lord
DERBY was unexpectedly called to assume the
Government, that the new Cabinet should be
prepared to introduce a counter-project to the
scheme of Lord PALMERSTON. For if the
Ministers, on entering office, had proposed to
proceed by resolutions, the cry then would
have been—" Oh ! the Cabinet has no views of
" its own. It throws the whole subject on the
" House." A moment's consideration will
show that it would have been most impolitic
if Lord DERBY had in the first instance pro-
posed to follow the precedent of 1813. It
would also have been equally unwise if,
having brought in a Bill (No. 2), the Noble
Earl had then altered his plan, and had
proposed that another course should be fol-
lowed. It must be at once obvious that it was
more judicious for the Cabinet to let such a
proposal come from the House of Commons.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER put this
view very plainly (as we thought) before the
House on Monday, though factious oppo-
sitionists purposely misconstrued his words.
" Having introduced a Bill (No. 2) into this
" House, I should have now felt great difficulty
" in asking the House to consider resolutions
"on the same subject." Precisely so; but
that difficulty is now removed by the proposal
coming spontaneously from the House itself.
That proceeding by resolutions in a Com-
mittee of the whole House is the better plan
can, we think, be shown on a consideration of
the facts. On domestic questions the colli-
sions of "party" can do little damage, because
such subjects are familiarly understood by the
whole country. But the whole question of
India is strange and complicated. In a legis-
lative scheme for the future government of our
Oriental empire there are a vast number of
claims to be considered. Parliament will have
to take into account the rights of the Crown,
and the proper means for securing and per-
petuating those rights ; Indian progress and
the social improvement of the whole com-
munity cannot be overlooked; some parties,
also, will pertinaciously insist that a certain
amount of feeling ought to be entertained for
the East India Company, with its claim of
prescription (though its tenure was only on
periodical renewals) ; and all parties will
equally desire that the working of any new
scheme should be made to harmonize as
much as possible with the official action of the
Home Executive, so as to secure vigorous
rule, combined with direct responsibility. So
great a subject requires to be carefully sounded;
and the feelings of the community at large
should be consulted and represented as far as
possible, in order to obtain the national appro-
bation for the new measure.
And to such times as the present the
precedent of 1813 is clearly applicable. The
circumstances of the two periods are not so
very dissimilar. Then, as now, foreign affairs
were critical. If in 1813 there was a Euro-
pean war, in 1858 we have had to suppress a
gigantic mutiny. Then, as now, the political
world was divided into many sections. In
1813 the House of Commons was broken up
into Tories opposed to Catholic claims and
Tories favourable to " emancipation," Court
Whigs, Grenvillites, New Whigs, " Econo-
mists," and the " Irish members," who (lid not
blend easily with English parties on account
of the recent Act of Union. In 1858 we have

-"" t.

Faction, however, will not be silent, and
Lord PALMERSTON'S followers in the public
press get up a hue and cry after the Minis-
terial Bill. They assume that it is lost and
to be withdrawn, and they affect an air of
triumph on the occasion. They are completely
mistaken on the subject, and it is obviously
one on which they can have very little know-
ledge. They seem not to read the reports of
what passed in Parliament. The CHANCELLOR
of the EXCHEQUER said emphatically on Mon-
day—" It certainly never entered into my ima-
" gination to give up the bill which I had the
" honour of introducing . . . . and I have
" a lively conviction that we shall carry the bill
"by a considerable majority, modified no
" doubt by the criticisms brought out in die-
" mission." One would think that such lan-
guage was plain enough, but faction panting
for office can be wilfully blind, and can even
rush into open absurdity in its rancour.
The notion is utterly erroneous that Bill
No. 2 is withdrawn. The House of Com-
mons has never given a vote on it yet, or at
all intimated how it might deal with the
Government measure. Lord Patin:lissom,
speaking on the subject of India, does not
seem to command the ear of the House, for i$
is well known that the Noble Viscount has
never given much attention to Indian subjects.
On Monday, when the Noble Lord impugned
the proposal of proceeding by resolutions, it
was noticed how coldly his suggestions and
criticism fell upon his hearers. It is recol-
lected, also, that legislation is not the faculty
of the Noble Viscount. His own measure is
now forgotten and laid aside, and no one can
tell with the least degree of certainty whether
Bill No. 1 or No. 2 would command most votes
in the House. The fact that Mr. BRIGHT and
Mr. Rozsucx preferred Lord PALMERSTON'S
measure will not necessarily settle the point;
and after the abuse so constantly showered
by Palmerstonian journals on Mr. BRIGHT, it
is most amusing to observe how eagerly they
site the opinion of the Honourable Gentleman.
As for the insinuation of the Times of Wed-
nesday, that there was any " intrigue " between
the Cabinet and Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the thing
is absurd. Lord JOHN RussELL saw that there
was a rising feeling in Parliament in favour of
resolutions, and the Noble Lord dexterously
sought to seize the initiative, and by doing so,
without intending it, the Noble Lord did what
was not illtitned. The Daily News speaks of
" Lord PALMERSTON'S desperate subordinates,"
and the articles in the Times betray their
authorship. Lord PALMERSTON has amongst
his followers a certain " apostate Peelite," who
was introduced into Parliament by Peelite
influence, but who "ratted " to the Whigs in
the most unblushing manner, and whose
sudden rise in life has been the subject of
mysterious comment amongst colonial persons.
A failure in debate, this ex-follower of Lord
ABERDEEN is active in employing anonymous
type to aid his fallen reputation, and his
blunders in journalism are almost equal to
those which have lost him credit " on his 1 egs "
in the House of Commons. But the Times
must always have somebody to attack. For

prise Wu, u.......... ~• ups, caLs.a ..1..) .4./../LA%dr.s,A.ves pacptuvu iu nlirollUCe a Counter-project to the Lona! cliques, weakened power, were features t
of the EXCHEQUER may have as much as he scheme of Lord PALMERSTON. For if the of 1813, and some of them can be recognised
likes on holding up his finger on as good Ministers, on entering office, had proposed to in 1858 In 8 9 I_l-, when Mr. PERCEVAL was •
terms probably as a Government has ever assassinated, it was thought that the junction
proceed by resolutions, the cry then would ,
borrowed upon. We may regret that any- between Lords GREY and GRENVILLE made
thing should interfere with the arrangements have been—" Oh ! the Cabinet has no views of them almost supreme. In 1857 Lord PALMIRS•
made by Parliament for the redemption of " its own. It throws the whole subject on the TON had his "immense majority." But where
debt, and we may admit that it is desir- . House." A moment's consideration will is it in 1858? It is where the dictatorship of
able that we should proceed, as was originally GREY and GRENVILLE was in 1813—gone. Can
.show that it would have been most impolitic
proposed, annually with its progressive liqui-any one examining the two periods doubt
dation ; but if that can only he effected by im- if Lord DERBY had in the first instance pro- about the applicability of the precedent of
posing at a most untoward moment severe posed to follow the precedent of 1813. It 1813 ?
financial pressure upon the people, upon would also have been equally unwise if, Faction, however, will not be silent, and
trade and upon labour; and if, moreover, it .
having brought in a Bill (No. 2), the Noble Lord PALMERSTON'S followers in the blic
happens that concurrently with uneasiness in press get up a hue and cry after the Minis-
theEarl had then altered his plan, and had
commercial world there exists unusual terial Bill. They assume that it is lost and
easiness amounting to plethora in the mone- proposed that another course should be fol-
to be withdrawn, and they affect an air of
tary world, no financial Minister of common lowed. It must be at once obvious that it was triumph on the occasion. They are completely
sense would hesitate, we imagine, which course more judicious for the Cabinet to let such a mistaken on the subject, and it is obviously
to take; or would turn from the simple and easy one on which they can have very little know-
ro D posal come from the House of Commons.
mode of meeting his difficulties, to the corn- • ledge. They seem not to read the reports of
plicated and oppressive one, for the sake of The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER put this what passed in Parliament. The CHANCELLOR
preserving intact the symmetry of a financial view very plainly (as we thought) before the of the EXCHEQUER said emphatically on Mon-
scheme of some former year. The Exchequer House on Monday, though factious oppo- day—" It certainly never entered into my ima-
Bonds of Mr. GLADSTONE, and the payments sitionists purposely misconstrued his words. " gination to give up the bill which I had the
out of the Sinking Fund on account of the war " honour of introducing . . . . and I have
loans, fall due in the same years, and present "Having introduced a Bill (No. 2) into this a lively conviction that we shall carry the bill
for 1858, 1859, and 1860 a heavy accumulation " House, I should have now felt great difficulty "by a considerable majority, modified no .
of redemption. Now, surely it would be a "in asking the House to consider resolutions " doubt by the criticisms brought out in die-
perfectly legitimate operation to postpone the aon the same subject." Precisely so; but " mission." One would think that such lan- •
Sinking Fund for three years, so that it shall . guage was plain enough, but faction panting
that difficulty is now removed by the proposal ,
not be operative till the revenue gets the ad- for office can be wilfully blind, and can even
vantage of the termination of the Long coming spontaneously from the House itself. rush into open absurdity in its rancour.
Annuities, and to raise by loan a sum suffi- That proceeding by resolutions in a Coin- The notion is utterly erroneous that Bill
cient to pay off the Exchequer Bonds, and No. 2is withdrawn. The House of Com- ,
mittee of the whole House is the better plan
provide for the extraordinary expenditure mons has never given a vote on it yet, or at I
can, we think, be shown on a consideration of 14
occasioned by the late exceptional events. all intimated how it might deal with the
This seems to us an obvious and legitimate the facts. On domestic questions the colli- Government measure. Lord Pautzesrox,
arrangement; nor can we see that it is in any sions of "party" can do little damage, because speaking on the subject of India, does not
way inconsistent with the principles estab- such subjects are familiarly understood by the seem to command the ear of the House,' for i$
lished by the soundest financiers. is well known that the Noble Viscount has
country. But the whole question of
The country expects with great anxiety the whole never given much attention to Indian subjects.
statement of the Finance Minister. The ex- India is strange and complicated. In a legis- On Monday, when the Noble Lord impugned
perience and the discussions of the last few lative scheme for the future government of our the proposal of proceeding by resolutions, it
years have added much to the financial know- Oriental empire there are a vast number of was noticed how coldly his suggestions and
ledge of the public, and they now fully recog 1 . criticism fell upon his hearers. It is recol-
c aims to be considered. Parliament will have nise the truth that a Budget is not a proper • lected, also, that legislation is not the faculty
subject for the exercise of vivid imagination to take into account the rights of the Crown, of the Noble Viscount. His own measure is
or fertile genius, and that the financial and the proper means for securing and per- now forgotten and laid aside, and no one can
arrangements which are most acceptable to petuating those rights ; Indian progress and tell with the least degree of certainty whether
public feeling and most easily workable for Bill No. 1 or No. 2 would command most votes
the social improvement of the whole com-
the public good, are those which are the most
munity cannot be overlooked; some parties,
simple and the least dependent upon esti.Mr. ROEBUCK preferred Lord PALMERSTON'S
also, will pertinaciously insist that a certain le
mates of the future course of events. Mr. measure still not necessarily settle the point;
ought
t
o be entertained for
DISRAELI is a man of sound sense as well as amount of feeling
and after the abuse so constantly showered f'
with its claim of
Company,
of genius, and we feel sure that the lesson the East India by Palmerstonian journals on Mr. BRIGHT, it
prescription (though its tenure was only on
which may he learnt from the brilliant finan- is most amusing to observe how eagerly they
all
and l parties will
Periodical renewals)
cial failures of his successor will be found psite the opinion of the Honourable Gentleman.
ll equay desire that the working of any new
not to have been lost upon him.As for the insinuation of the Times of Wed-
scheme should be made to harmonize as neaday, that there was any " intrigue " between
much as possible with the official action of the the Cabinet and Lord Jour; RUSSELL, the thing
THE RIVAL BILLS AND THE HOUSE Home Executive, so as to secure vigorous is absurd. Lord JOHN RUSSELLsav/that there
OF COMMONS. rule, combined with direct responsibility. So was a rising feeling in Parliament in favour of
great a subject reuires to be carefully sounded; qeuy
WE may congratulate our readers on theresolutions, and the Noble Lord dexterously
and the feelings of the community at large
effective progress that has been made in the sought to seize the initiative, and by doing so,
should be consulted and represented as far as without intending it, the Noble Lord did what
right direction on the subject of legislation for possible, in order to obtain the national appro. was not illtimed. The Daily News speaks of
India. Her Majesty's Ministers and the House bation for the new measure.
"Lord PALMERSTON'S desperate subordinates,"
of Commons are of one mind that the better And to such times as the present the and the articles in the Times betray their
way is to follow the precedent of 1813, and to precedent of 1813 is clearly applicable. The authorship. Lord Pansficasros has amongst
circumstances... of the two periods are. not
.so his followers a certain "apostate Peelite," who
.
proceed by preliminary resolutions, which can very dissimilar. Then, as now, foreign affairs was introduced into Parliament by Peelite
be submitted to both Houses of Parliament. were critical. If in 1813 there was a Euro- influence, but who "ratted " to the Whigs in
It was known during the recess in Ministerial pean war, in 1858 we have had to suppress a the most unblushing manner, and whose
circles that there was a strong opinion in in- gigantic mutiny. Then, as now, the political sudden rise in life has been the subject of
fluential quarters that proceeding by resolu- world was divided into many sections. In mysterious comment amongst colonial persons.
1813 the House of Commons was broken up A failure in debate, this ex-follower of Lord
tions would save time, and conduce to the into Tories opposed to Catholic claims and ABERDEEN is active in employing anonymous
efficacy of a legislative measure to be sub. Tories favourable to " emancipation," Court type to aid his fallen reputation, and his
sequently introduced. But as Ministers had Whigs, Grenvillites, New Whigs, " Econo- blunders in journalism are almost equal to
introduced Bill No. 2on India, it was obvious mists," and the "Irish members," who (lid not those which have lost him credit "on his 1 egs"
that the Cabinet could not
blend easily with English parties on account in the House of Commons. But the Times
go to the House of of the recent Act of Union. In 1858 we have must always have somebody to attack. For
i
Ilan

r

years and years it was the systematic assailant
of Lord PALMERSTON, and never guve a good
word to the N, ble Viscount. It seems now to
have decided on making a bite noire of the
Noble Member for London, who dues not
forget that he is one of the representatives for
the City, non obstante the Times.

ON THE BALLOT.

The Inn throws up the cream.—Sir P. ',amis.

THE trade of an agitator would appear at first
eight exceedingly difficult as well as preca-
rious. To explain away prophecies belied by
the event—to reconcile false theories with
patent facts, and confound the memory after
misleading the reason, so that old dupes may
he accessible to new fallacies, might be deemed
feats only possible to great ability.
Yet the difficulty is less in fact than in
seeming. The agitator has an ally within the
camp which he assails ; ho appeals from the
judgment to the instinctive hopes of mankind.
There is a principle akin both to credulity
and cupidity, yet deeper and higher than
either, which prompts a yearning for ideal
good, and suggests a panacea for physical,
social, or political ills. Hence alchemy and
astrology, South Sea schemes, and " the
Hygeian system." Hence the Charter and
the Corn Law League, the five points and
the "big loaf." The men who have once
drawn on this principle learn to renew their
bills, or draw them on a fresh account, with
little fear of their being dishonoured. The
Reform Bill was to have given everybody
everything, but it is now found to require a
thorough reformation itself; and the experience
of its failure has served to abate expectation
from the same source. The Corn Laws are
gone, but prices and poor rates ere as high
and wages as low as in the dark ages of the
bread-tax. So a new theme for agitation is
wanting, and the poor frozen-out Leaguers
wi:1" go in " for the Ballot. There is a fair
primi-facie case, and they will make the most
of it, while the solid and deep-founded objec-
tions to the scheme will be studiously ignored.
We desire, therefore, before the new move-
ment commences, to clear our consciences by

a distinct and emphatic protest against what
we consider as a degrading and demoralizing
proposal.
A few words by way of preface as to the
Ballot agitation. The Whigs, though they
never meant to espouse the measure, coquetted
with it after the Reform Bill, before they had

yet learnt the art of retaining their Radical
advocates gratis. Ballot-stock was rather
looking up, when a solid citizen stepped for-
ward to stereotype the great idea and purge
the representation by mechanism. GROTE'S
rat-trap appeared ; but instead of raising the
market, depressed it fearfully. The romance
of secret voting was gone—there was a moral
bathos about the contrivance which chilled
and repelled sanguine spirits. Thorough•
going partizans might still maintain the use-
fulness of the Ballot, but its dignity could
never be restored.
SYDNEY SMITH'S attack was another grievous
blow. Clear arrangement—sound, conclusive
reasoning—playful wit anl cutting irony,
tempered by a good humour which left the
quizzed no excuse for flying into a passion,
combined to make it the facetious divine's
masterpiece. If his view was not large enough
to embrace the whole breadth of the moral
argument, he saw farther and more distinctly
than hie opponents, and remained unanswered
and unanswerable. Then came the lowest