The Press.
London, England, 1856-10-11 00:00:00

lurtign Corrtsganbturt.

BRUSSELS, October 1.
WHEN Mr. Ewart, at the closing of the " Congres des
Reformes Douanieres," proposed an address to King
Leopold, conveying a grateful sense of his ackuow-
ledged merits as a wise and benevolent sovereign, it
was not a lip acclamation only that greeted the
motion of the English member of Parliament—but
it was a loyal sentiment of approval, spontaneously
emanating from persons of different nations and of
larious opinions, all concentrating in a unity of as-
sent on the deserts of the monarch whose high worth
elicited this common eulogy. No forced expression
of sycophancy—no redundant application of courtly
terms, where hyperbole strives to conceal the effort
of insincerity—defaced the sterling tribute of regard
offered by honest men to an honest king. It was a
truth inwardly felt and freely enunciated, and the
value was the greater, since by the liberty of speech,
fully and constitutionally possessed, words of another
nature would have been equally exempt from the
danger of a repressive authority.
The Russian manifesto continues to be debated by
the journals of Europe. But one interpretation can
be given to the words that " Le Roi, dans l'exercise
(le ses droits ineontestables, gouverne ses sujets
comma it l'entend." Without (living intc the political
bearing of the " vexata questio," it is sufficient for
the moment to doubt the policy of unnecessarily
hazarding the expression of an opinion hostilely
anti-constitutional, arid promising to be the motive
of action on the part of Russia, at this or any future
stage of European embarrassment. It will impera-
tively produce amongst constitutional monarchies,
deserving the name, the effect of bracing their
sinews of resistance for a time that may come. The
tendency certainly is not pacific, and forcibly brings
to the recollection the warning voice of the Earl of
Derby, in precatory hope that the peace might be
lasting.

The question of the principalities does not
appear at present capable of satisfactory solu-
tion. The Austrian troops have reoccupied Ga-
latz, while to propitiate Austria, and to serve its
own purpose, the Porte has summarily abolished
the liberty of the press. Discussions upon the
benefit of Moldo-Wallachian union are forbidden,
and no reports can be given of any public meeting
without undergoing Ministerial revision. It is diffi-
cult to say of what use the European commissions
can be, or what reliance can be placed upon a re•
port, if the evidence upon which it is made is one-
sided and partial, and not the free testimony of the
Roumani inhabitants of the principalities.

On the Italian question, there are two points upon
which Piedmont will probably insist firmly and justly—
the right to send two vessels of war to Naples to protect
Sardinian interests and subjects, and a protest
against the entry of Austrian troops into the Grand
Duchy of Tuscany. In the latter country the spirit
is very determined, and unalloyed by the leaven of
republicanism. Notwithstanding the strong oppo-
sition and remonstrance of the Duchess Regent of
Parma, the Austrian Government has crudely in-
sisted upon a renewal of the customs treaty, whereby
Parma is a considerable loser. It is an open
spoliation, and has been imposed by the " droit du
plus tort."

By the Roman treaty with the Porte, the Pope has
lost much prestige with the more bigoted of his
supporters, and he has not gained ground with any
other party. He has Ruttier set aside the rules of
Papal etiquette, by giving a public dinner in the
Vatican, and by presiding thereat in propria persona.
The attempt to acquire a questionable popularity by