The Express.
London, England, 1852-11-24 00:00:00

rents and the other for unfettered indastey and un-
taxed food. The conflict of years has now been
brought to its climax—and the nation awaits the
result. Nursed in the school of BENTHAM ; gaining
early popularity in the witty and logical pages of
n Colonel Tnoritotv's " Catechism of the Corn Laws,"
winning strength and wide-spread power by the
agency- of the Anti-Corn Law League; gaining
countenance and help from the M hig Ministry
of Lord Julie Resseu. ; rising superior
to the viralent attacks of Mr. Disaveu ;
and securing a fair trial from the statesmanship of
Sir Homier l'set.,—Free Trade, in the full tide of
the national prosperity it has induced, comes at last to
ask for solemn parliamentary- ratification of its
wisdom and its justice. 'the division that must
follow this debate is not to be viewed as one involv-
ing mere eititiv or party, but as a dispassionate de-
cision on a vital point—not of place—but of princi-
ple. Those who now righteously decide to vote
that Free Trade is wise and just, will by that act do
what can be done to render permanent existing pros-
perity—will secure the applause of judicious and far-
seeing politicians all over the world—and win the
blessings of the industrious millions of this country
now enjoying full employment and rational plenty.
The men who have all along supported Free Trade
will complete the crowning act of their good work;
the converts to Free Trade will vindicate the wisdom
and justice of Sir Itouterr l't.et.'s successful policy.
The success of Mr. VlLLteas's motion will check the
longer continuance of en injurious antagonism of
class inti rests ; will remove *purees of jealousy that
in days of struggle--should such come—might prove
sources of weakness also: and place upon the solid
basis of national contentment the most valuable of
oar existing institutions.

Till Times, " willing to wound but yet afraid to
strike," perseveres in its insidious hostility to the
motion of Mr. VB.t.ltais. The Tunes, indeed, ad-
mits that it is " impossible to deny either the pro-
priety or the wimlom" of that motion. And jot all
the ingenuity of tits Times is devoted, day after day,
to throw cold water on it, and to insinuate that it is
of no consequence whether it be carried or lost—
that all things considered it were better to allow
Mr. Vtt.t.tEßo's motion to drop, and adopt the sub-
stitute proposed by Mr. DisiintLi, lest the stability
of the DLKBY Nlinistry should be endangered.
The question at issue, according to the Time',
is not what shall be the national policy in respect
to finance and commerce, but whether Lord JOHN
liosstai or Lord 14:anv ought to be Minister. " This
brings it," *loot h the Two's, " to a practical question,
and so far rescues it from the perplexed and thorny
wilderness of constitutional etiquette and personal
recriminations. Which is most likely to do our work
well, Lord MIN Russzt.t. or Lord DEBT ?" The
rinses inclines to favour the present rather than the
past " Lord JOHN litcsstil, had a good
character and threw it away. Lord DERBY has a
character to earn, and if we are to jailye by the his.
I try ,!#' the past oestion, and the promises of the recent
address from the Throne, he will make great duets to
earn one. A good word, too, is put in tor Mr.
1/Isgit:Lt. The CUANCELLOR of the ExcitEier.a, it
is admitted, has been the animating soul of Protec-
tionist agitation for the last six years; but that is
now at an end, and Mr. having obtained
°See, by discrediting and reviling Free Trade and
Free Traders, is about to become in odic° the most
efficient and reliable champion of both. "If it had
" not been fur his (Mr. DISKALLI'S) genius, the whole
" tribe of Protectionists would hare dropped into the
" Limbo of current impostures, and gone clean out of
" mind six years ago. But it is fortunate that this
" connexion has come to an end at last. Mr. Disraeli
" reds riot mode far such spirits, nor they for him. Let
" him turf their desertion to good account, sad quit at
ester a rotten policy for a Sound one, without fit-
" tempting to conceal an error which everybody can
" discern, but which nobody will be anxious to make
" worse than it is."

Now, in the first place, it cannot be conceded that
the question at issue in the debate which began last
night is simply whether Lord DERBY ought to be
allowed to retain office, or whether be or Lord Jon%
RUSSELL is the more eligible Premier. The question
is. what views are entertained by the new Howe of
Commons as to the principle upon which the com-
mercial policy of England ought to rest. The coun-
try anxiously awaits the decision of the House of
Commons, for that decision will inform it
whether we are secure against any ministerial
attempts to undermine the system of Free Trade, or
whether the nation must remain on the alert to de-
tect and frustrate such insidious machinations. The
people have much at stake. Any retrograde mme-
ment from a Free Trade policy would shackle
national industry and enterprise, and diminish us-
tiooal wealth. All uncertainty, as to the perseverance
of Oovernment and the Legislature in our existing
commercial policy deters men from trading under-
takings, by introducing an additional clement of
uncertainty into their calculations. If the House
of Commons affiim the motion submitted to it by Mr.
axixas, a sense of security will spread through
the country that, let who wi.l be in office, trade will
remain free. If the evasive substitute proposed by
Mr. DISRAELI is affirmed, the country will know
that attempts arc to be made to restore Protection
under some new form. The result of the vote of
the Howe of Commons on the motion of Mr. VIL-
LIERS is of infinitely greater importance than the
stability, or rise, or fall, of any party or ministry;
the permanence of national prosperity, the existence
of the industrious poor, the comfort of every class and
grade in society, will be affected by it.
When such interests are at stake, can any true-
hearted Englishman—any reasonable being pause
even for a moment to consider what effect the deci•
race will have upon the DERBY ministry's tenure of
office! Is that ministry so skilful, so wise, so
honest, as to make it worth while to incur any risk, I
in ceder to ensure its continuance in office? if the
Mute Ministry wen turned out to-morrow, would 1
there be the slightest difficulty in constructing one
quite as efficient and good' Would there be any
possibility of bringing together a worse? 1
if the Turns is to be believed, Lord DERBY will
make greet efforts to earn a good character.
It is wee thing to make efforts, and an-1
other to porno the qualities necessary to
neceses. But when are the indications that'
Lord DERBY will make any such efforts? We are
',Weed to his actions during the last session of Pis-,
liament, and the promises he has embodied in the
jlenl3?eech at the opening of the present. Public
t has already passed upon the deeds of last
. A few good minor measures of law reform
were carried through Parliament. These measures,
however, were not those of Lord DERBY, bat of his
predetwoore in office, from whom he inherited them
ready made. His budget, too, was the budget which
he found prepared cm coming into °dice. The con-
duct of Ministers last session afforded no proo of
their capacity for office; but mush of their skill
in devising excuses for sot actin !pee their
prolkseed principles. As for the priests., of this
weehm's Queen's Speech, there is Itle reliance to
he placed in promisee. Hassel men may fail, and
dishonest mss may have no intention to fulfil their
preadeee. The rrulence adduced by the Times to
show that something may be gained by keeping
Lord DERRY in office is utterly worthless.
Bat Lord DERBY has himself let in some addi-
tional light on his own character as a Minister, by
his elaborate reply to the question addressed to him
by Lord CLANRICARDE on Monday. The few
grains of wheat in that speech, when
winnowed from the busheLs of chaff in
which they are immersed, will be found to be
in substance, as follows:—Lord DERRY promised to
convene an autumnal session of the new Parliament,
for the sole purpose of taking its opinion on the prin- 1
eipise of commercial policy professed by Ministers.
Lord DERRY will not press any legislative measures
during the continuance of his abort session which
has been opened in fulfilment of his promise. But
Lard DERBY will not challenge the judgment of Par-
Unbent on hi commercial policy by tabling a sub-
iterative motion, and when Mr. VILLIERs attempts
to bring his lordship to book by tabling •substantive
motion of his own, Lord Beata bran& seek conduct
as factious. At the same time that the hellinitt shrinks
from raising in Parliament the 'ay dhewnia•
for which he pretended to call Partisant together.
he ieatrode the CHANCELLOR, the law *Seers oldie
Crowe, and others, to propose in Parliament meal's
measures of law reform. These measures, however,
he announces are not to be proceeded with till next
stesioe t their nature and tendency. are only shadowed
forth in general terms, and in point of principle the
LOW Macau= sad the Irish law often are

avowedly at Tolima. It is clear that in snob cir-
cumstances Lord DEativ's promised law reforms are
' neither capable of being carried, nor meant to be
carried. They aro merely talked about to divert
attention from the Plll[lllElOO cowardly shrink
ing from • parliamentary judgment on his
commercial policy. In his last public appearance,
as in all that preceded it, Lord DERBY has shown
himself to be, as • statesman, timid, incompetent,
insincere, juwgling.
While, therefore, it must be borne in mind that
the direct and immediate aim of Mr. Vicums's
motion is not to abridge Lord I)Eitur's tenure of
office, but the immeasurably more important aim to
give the public confidence in the stability of the
national commercial policy, it is no sufficient objec-
tion to that motion that its success might in the
end drive Lord Deane and his colleagues from
Downing-street. Every hour that they are allowed
to remain increases our national risks. Parties long
resident in Paris attempt to explain the success of the
corgi ifflal on the assumption that French politicians
care only for cleverness in public men, and disregard
' principle. In Englund it has hitherto been directly
the reverse. Statesmen of admittedly inferior talent
have often contrived to retain office on the strength
of public confidence in their probity. This political
puritanism may be carried to excess, but it undue
weight is to be attributed to moral worth on
the one hand, or to intellectual cleverness
on :the other, there can be no doubt that
the decision of Englishmen will bo in fa.
your of the former. And when the political
fortunes of England, in which the probity of states-
men is the paramount consideration ; and France, in
which their cleverness is mainly if not exclusively
cared for, are compared, we have good reason for ad-
hering to our old fashion of choosing our ministers
mainly with a view to their honesty. But the argu-
meets by which the Times and other advocates of Mr.
DtsitvEtt and Lord Dfianv assert their claims to office,
rest upon (a very questionable) assumption of their
ability, and an (undeniable) admission of their poli-
tical profligacy. Political morality is endangered by
the continuance of the DEBIRT-I)ISRAELI Cabinet.