The Press.
London, England, 1856-07-12 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

point be chosen for strategical reasons. Italy will not
be entitled to much sympathy if it be merely moved by an
anti• German feeling. The Austrians are a nuisance in
Italy, it is true; but it is mere foolish prejudice to say that
they are a greater nuisance than would be any other
foreigners whose Government was based on similar prin-
ciples. Evidently, it is much less humiliating for Italy to
receive orders from Vienna than from Paris.
And further :

The history of Italy in modern times is the history of
the wrongs it has suffered from all the great powers of
Europe who could get at it, but especially from France.
It is evident, however, from the vigorous manner in
which it developed itself in the Middle Ages, that Italy
would have been even now the leading country of Europe,
had not the man who, as the Emperor Napoleon 111.
informs us, is the " Vicar of Christ "—otherwise called the
Vice-God—taken up his abode there. He was and is the
canker in the bud.

When Italian Liberals talk of independence, therefore,
they mean that they want to be delivered from all foreign
armies and foreign influence, and left as free to deal with
the Papacy as the Americans, fur example, are to deal with
the question of slavery.
It is not very likely, we think, that the King of
Sardinia, or his advisers, will commit them-
selves to such " real Liberalism." For the
last century the great Catholic Powers on the
Continent have had a tacit agreement that
the Pope should be kept at Rome. The first
Napoleon also argued that the Papacy should
be kept weak, and showed that the Pope could
never be permitted to reside at Vienna, or
Paris, or " even Madrid," as Napoleon added.
Where is the Pope to be sent to, if driven out
of Italy ?
The Sardinian statesmen avoid the dangers
of being embroiled with such troublesome
questions. Their course is guarded and mo-
derate, and regulated by common sense, even
though obnoxious to the charge of selfishness.
We may admit that there is much ignorant
enthusiasm about the King of Sardinia in
England, but we do not like seeing him treated
in the sneering tone exhibited by Mr. Bayle
St. John. We should prefer an honest attack
to such elaborate and oblique detraction as we
find in these volumes. Let us cite some ex-
amples :
I heard a flatterer call him a Washington king ; but I
think Washington did something more than abstain from
overturning the Constitution he swore to protect, and
sulkily hold aloof " a hunting of the deer," playing tho
part of King Cophetua, and leaving agents at the head of
affairs, who, under pretence of being responsible, and of
acting only on their convictions, employed his influence to
make that Constitution a dead letter.

The countenance of Victor Emmanuel is also well
known to the frequenters of our streets; and those who
did not see the living person can, no doubt, obtain in.
formation from portraits. Ido not know what likeness is
most iu vogue in London. In Turin they are fond of a
ludicrous engraving, in whioh his Majesty, who has no
pretensions to beauty or elegance, but is a fine soldierly
personage, is made to round his eyes, puff out his cheek,
throw back his hair, and place his fist on his belt like a
termagant cook firing up at some criticism on his sauce.
From the size and importance of this print, I am afraid
it must be the one patronised by the Court—a fact that
may enable us to find out their apprecktion of their
master's character.

When tho King opened his Parliament, Mr.
St. John writes :

The King took his seat, and read his speech in a
hurried, slovenly manner, putting the emphasis in the
wrong place—just as a wicked poet might read a copy of
verses by a rival, in order to make them appear very flat
indeed. The ceremony occupied ten minutes, perhaps ;
and was long enough. It is curious if true, as the gossips
of Turin pretended it was, that merely to annoy bis good
people for making him go through so solemn a business,
the King appointed the early hour of ten in the morning.
Even the most loyal ladies abused him heartily for making
them begin their toilette before daylight.

And here is more of the same cynical style :

I believe, however, that the King is personally liked by
most of his subjects. The extreme care he takes to pre-
serve the remnant of his royal authority, exhibiting itself
principally in inexorable exaction of compliance with the
rules of an absurd etiquette, becomes disagreeable of
course to but few people. Among the elegant classes there
seems to be some discontent that the traditions of Valen-
tino are not followed out ; and I was told as a horrid cir-
cumstance, that instead of choosing his ladyfavorites in
high circles, Victor Emmanuel can discern beauty when
unadorned by rank and wealth. The preference over
countesses and marchionesses given to a charming
drummer's daughter mght lead to a revolution, if female
rivalry ever expressed itself in blows.

The writer then goes into subjects of Court
tattle, where we need not follow him. He
knows the art of spicing with scandal.
His opinion of Count Cavour is not very
favorable. He thus describes him :
For my part, in the parliamentary manners of this
Piedmontere Minister I thought I recognised reminis-
cences of Sir Robert Feel; and it is quite certain that

SATURDAY,

Count Cavour was an assiduous attendant in our gallery
during a portion of the career of that statesman. At any
rate, it soon became evident that the count was playing a
part ; and this, although the " make-up " was very good,
naturally destroyed the first impression. We instinctively
start and hold off on finding calculating cunning pulling
the strings of apparent honesty.
I began to understand why the Piechnontese, almost to a
man, even the Ministerial deputies, even the other Minis-
ters themselves, are inclined to dislike Count Cavour. He
is reported to be overbearing, and jealous of the talent of
other people ; and his colleagues have the satisfaction of
hearing it said, that be will never act with persons who
rise in the slightest degree above mediocrity. It is undis-
puted that he has considerable talent, and that he shines
especially in knowledge of the history of political
economy ; but there is no doubt that he owes his present
exalted position principally to the fact of his enormous
wealth and aristocratic connections. Englishmen have
had many opportunities of knowing that it is not necessary
for a prime minister to be a man of genius. Count Cavour
does not, certainly, merit that appellation ; but he is a
clever courtier, quite capable of a caprice of independence
now and then, a well-read man, may be a dexterous diplo-
matist, and is a successful manager of the inferior arts cf
debating.

And lie mentions facts by which it would seem
that Count Cavour has taken a leaf out of the
book of an ex-private secretary of Mr. Glad-
stone :

Count Cavour, as I have hinted, is a man of immense
wealth. They say he is the largest landed proprietor in
Piedmont ; and be is always busy in adding to his stores.
It is his doctrine that he who enriches himself enriches
his country. There may be some truth in this; but the
Piedmontese, of all classes, complain that he is more occu-
pied in adding meringue to meringue than in improving
the condition of the people he undertakes to govern. They
cannot understand a commercial and trading Prime
Minister; and, indeed, it is difficult to account for this
perpetual thirst for money, except on the supposition that
the count was born to be a banker rather than a states.
man. His constant speculations expose him to suspicions
and calumnies which the anti-constitutional party are
careful to keep alive and circulate. I scarcely met a
single person in Turin, except the deputies, who (lid not
accuse him of taking advantage of his position to fill his
coffers. When bread is dear, the populace lay the fact at
his door ; and there are now thirty people in prison in
Turin for having formed part of a mob which attacked his
palace, or threatened to attack it, in order to wreak
vengeance upon him. lam quite sure—whatever may be
thought of the events that are taking place whilst these
sheets are passing through the press—there is not, per-
sonally, a more unpopular man in the Sardinian States
than Count Cavour ; and yet I constantly hear him spoken
of, since he crossed the Alps, as if he were a well-beloved
Minister enjoying the confidence of the Crown and the
love of the nation.

But we must recollect :that this same sort of
scandal has often been unjustly circulated
about many continental statesmen.
The political conclusions of Mr. St. John
upon Piedmont are nearly all summed up in
the following passage, which is open to con-
troversy :

I think it very essential that the English public should
be put in mind of the difficulties that lie in the way of the
settlement of the Italian question. It seems so easy,
when we look at a map, or rely on a few trite statements
about the progress of Piedmont and the misery of the
other provinces, to come to a satisfactory arrangement.
Why should not Austria be driven out and Victor
Emmanuel intrusted with the task of governing the
peninsula, by influence or otherwise, under the patronage
for the present of his two great allies? To drive out the
Austrians would be the easiest matter in the world. They
would have been driven out in 1848, had Charles Albert
been a great, or an unselfish, or an honest prince ; and had
not the Italian sovereigns, from the Grand Duke of Tus-
cany to the King of Naples, been inferior in morality to
the wretches in yellow jackets who sweep the streets of
Leghorn.