The Press.
London, England, 1856-11-08 00:00:00

PARTICULAR ORDERS.

Being anxious to obey strictly the orders directed
against the license of the press, we expressly forbid
that any book or books shall be circulated without
first having received the permission of the Holy
Office, and any one violating this order shall be
rigorously punished according to the decrees of the
apostolical constitutions, and especially of those pro-
mulgated by Clement VIII. and Gregory XV. Fur-
ther' we order and command that uo Christian shall
hold commerce with any Jew—that is to say, to eat,
drink, play, dance, or have any relation, social or
commercial, with him, and to abstain from the
slightest familiarity and confidence with the people
of this denomination. Both Jew and Christian who
shall be disobedient to this order shall be punished
in the modes duly prescribed (as above) by the bull
of Clement VIII., " caeca et obatirata."
Given at the office of the Holy Inquisition, at
Ancona, this Bth of August, 1856.

TOMMASO VINCENZIO AMAMI.
Pesaro, Imprimeria d'Armesio Nobili, 1836.

The Whigs, not excepting Lord Lansdowne, have
always insisted in Parliament and on the hustings
that their Roman Catholic clients, from whom they
received a fee, and to whom they paid back a fee,
were liberal and accomplished gentlemen—grateful
for kindnesses, generous of heart, and especially
tolerant when treated with a corresponding spirit ;
that they had ceased to be bigoted, and were the
first to acknowledge, in the benignity of their nature,
the progress of an intellectual and spiritual civilisa-
tion which superinducee that cardinal virtue of
charity without which whosoever liveth is declared
to be counted as one that is dead. Who can have
faith in the political word of a Whig ? Where is the
hope for Roman regeneration in the spirit ? and
where the charity in the above Roman and Vatican
manifesto The Roman mummeries of Lord John
Russell at Vienna have been admitted; his genu-
flexions were performed before the face of his co-
Minister, the Earl of Westmorland ; and bis pos-
ture and imposture excited the attention of the
Imperial Court. lie was then standing on the
threshold of Popery, and he is now gone to visit the
Holy Father of his adoption with an exceptional
petition in favour of his colleague Baron Rothschild.
Everywhere on his way, at Perugia, Spoleto, Terni,
Viterleo, Civita Castellana, Ronciglioni, even unto
Baccano and La Storta, this edict of the Inquisition
is placarded on the walls and stares him in the face.
It is Vie,work of the Whig. It is the blight resulting
from a family conspiracy for power. By the 'Whig intro-
duction of a Roman Catholic attorney and swindler
into the Privy Council of the Queen—by elevating a
felon and forger to the position of a Lord of the
Treasury—by prostituting Government patronage in
favour of the Romanists of Ireland—and by the late
and frequent conversions of persons of high estate
in England to the Roman faith, the Romunists on
the continent of Europe have been taught to believe
that the powers of Papal Rome are gaining ground in
Great Britain. They have deemed the time ripe for
their work, and, having sound themselves together
in a Popish and continental league, they have
openly declared by this manifesto of the Inquisition
at Rome that the intolerant supremacy of the middle
ages is in force; and in Belgium they have pro-
claimed, through the bold bacchanal of Ghent, that
the persecution of liberty in word and deed is at
hand. Let three things be noted in the edict of the
Inquisition :—first, that the Deity and the Virgin are

SATURDAY,

joined in name, ignoring that of Christ our Saviour;
secondly, that the worship of graven images, idola
try, is directly and literally acknowledged ; and,
thirdly, that a claim is put forth wanting only the
power to possess the cathedrals (luoghi) of Protes-
tantism existing before the Reformation. And this
edict emanates from ultramoutane Italy.

C. A. H.

PARIS, Nov. 5.
Ix political circles the recent Moniteur article is
still a prevailing topic. Few amongst the French,
however, know to what it refers. The English
public are at no such loss. The infamous slanders
on the character of the Emperor and Empress, in-
sinuations as to the objects of the fornier's visits to
Plombieres, &c., may justly have called for a rebuke
on the part of the Emperor Napoleon more severe
even than was administered. At the same time it is
to be regretted that prints under the control of the
censorship here should be allowed to use such
language in regard to England and the alliance as
the Union, Assemblie Nationale, and Gazette de
France, are constantly in the habit of em-
ploying. The latter is now the most virulent and
abusive of all, and I perceive in the English papers
attention has been called to its articles. As if to
make matters worse, Lord Palmerston's Sunday
organ, the Observer, has conveyed by a sarcastic hit
in reference to Count Walewski an imputation of
something very like treason. So much for the
Palmerston policy of quarrelling with everybody and
insulting every power in turn.
Letters from Naples report all as quiet there, and
a Queen's messenger, just arrived with despatches,
informs me that there was title excitement visible
when he left a few days ago. The Narvaez Ministry
in Spain is gaining strength daily for the present.,
and is understood to be looked upon with favorable
eyes by the Emperor Napoleon, in a great degree
owing to the tact and good demeanour of Serrano,
the ambassador here. Efforts are being made to
raise a loan here for the Almanga Railway Company
in Spain, and application was made to the Credit
Mobilier on the subject ; but it was doubtful that
they could grant money for any undertaking out of
France, at least as originally constituted ; and, in
truth, that association rests altogether on a false
basis, as the shareholders therein may yet find to
their cost. Lately, however, money has been freely
advanced for foreign railways in Austria and Russia,
&c. Few people understand its nature. The
Bourse is much excited, and estranger gains the im-
pression that the actionnaires are ready to tear
each other to pieces. Thirty or forty men, with
scraps of paper in their hands and hats, shouting,
gesticulating, struggling, and grimacing at each
other across a circular spot railed in in the centre of
a vast hall, which is filled with a dense crowd all
bellowing, elbowing, floundering, kicking, and
shoving each other about regardless of smashed hats,
torn coats, blackened eyes, sore throats, and other
little egrimens incidental to operations on the Paris
Bourse. This, to a stranger, must look odd, to say
the least of it ; but an habitue here sees the same
scene of uproar and confusion from one to three
o'clock every day in the leer; and his eyes, at least, if
not his ears, get used to those daily financial opera-
tions which have so much the air of a revolution in
its zenith.

The alliance between Austria and England, so
much talked of, is not favorably looked on here, and
the articles written thereon in the English press are
decidedly productive of much mischief. The French
are naturally a most excitable people, and anything
like ridicule or sarcasm wounds and exasperates
them in a manner which the English—who take
these things so coolly—cannot understand.
It is doubtful now if the Court will go to Fon-
tainebleau. As yet the Parisians have troubled
themselves little about the proceedings in reference
to the Austrian occupation of the Danubian pro.
winces and the British fleet in the Black Sea, con-
tent to leave such matters to the wiser heads of
Count Walewski and Napoleon 111. ; but I appre-
hend ere long more public attention will be drawn to
these facts, and certainly Lord Palmerston's present
policy is eminently calculated to place England in
an invidious position. There is no concealing the
fact that the English are by no means so popular
here now as they were even a few weeks since. This
I ascribe mainly to the bad management of the
English Envoy at the treaty of Paris, who left every
loophole for future difficulty and disagreement.
Frenchmen cannot understand (and no wonder) why
" Sir Peel," as they call him, is allowed to be ever-
lastingly making speeches telling exactly everything
that he should not, and insulting anyone whom ab-
sence renders it safe to attack. They ask, naturally
enough, if this is really a son of the cautious, clear-

NOVEMBER 8, 1856.

headed old statesman who never would " pledge
himself " to anything. It is not surprising that in
the redtapery of the one son, and the indiscreet
babbling of the other, they find it hard to recognise
any trace of the " Sir Peel " of former days.
The concession of the three great lines of Russian
railway to the Credit Mobilier, as just announced, has
created a great sensation, and settles all doubts
about the limits of the company as to foreign invest-
ments, &c. In truth, however, the Austrians have
long since become debtors of France for the same
purpose; and I apprehend the great Spanish lines
will in the end have to be constructed mainly by
French capital. The reception of Baron Brenier is
understood to have been very cordial. He is under-
stood to be in favour of a more active interference
than it has yet appeared right to our ally to adopt.
My impression, however, founded as well on proba-
bility as on good authority, is that the Emperor will
take no such step, but content himself with what he
has done already, and continue to urge the pro-
priety of another European conference. England
made such a mess of the last that she does not seem
likely to consent to this; and thus, therefore, the
matter stands.

Meantime there can be no question that active
influences to effect a rupture of the entente cordiale
are at work, as well on the part of various sections of
Frenehm.m (Socialists, Orleanists, Red Republicans,
&c.) as on that of the emissaries of Russia, who are
now swarming in Paris. A certain M—, one of
the most eminent intriguers in Europe, arrived here
within the last few hours, and is already deep in all
kinds of political manmuvres, all tending the same
way. The English press, therefore, should endeavour
to counteract (in place of aiding) these efforts of our
foes; and the French Government, which prohibits
all comment on the festivities of Compiegne, or the
price of food, to the Paris papers, would act wisely
in prohibiting also such articles as I have already
referred to, emanating daily (to-day another) from
the Union and Gazette de France.

It is strongly reported that M. de Persigny's calm
judgment and advice will be sought by his Imperial
Sovereign at the present crisis ; and never, in truth,
was it more needed. M. de Morny, whose abilities
are of the highest order, heads a party whose princi-
ples are dangerous when the great object is the
maintenance of that alliance which has been of such
incalculable advantage b Ali to England and
France, and is the best safeguard for the peace of
the world.

Fresh arrests have, I understand, place this
morning. It is only wonderful that the offence in
question (placard posting) can take place, when the
police are so constantly on the qui rice as they
appear to be, but really cannot be.
E. W.
Nov. 5, Night.
. _ _

PS.—Since writing the foregoing two events have
occurred, one the arrival of M. de Persigny, which I
announced to you as probable; the other the all.
important article in the Constiiutionnel, which is con-
sidered to be a following-up of the Moniteur hint of
the other day, and fixes all the blame at once on the
Times, which we knew to be the right quarter, though
the Frenchmen generally here did not.
The article in question is certainly very strongly
worded, and contains facts highly anti• English in
tone; but there is an "appeal to the gc.od sense of
the people of England " which marks something like
the Imperial hand itself, and it is to he hoped will
not be unresponded to in a fitting spirit on the part
of those to whom it is addressed.

Meantime the sensation created is profound, and
speculation, I need hardly tell you, abounds.

foreign ant( (tokniat 3ntellipct.

FRANCE.

The Constitutionnel on Wednesday contained a re-
markable article upon the state of the leading poll
tical questions of the day, the continued occupation
of the Principalities, and the Black Sea. Refusing
to recognise the change of Ministry at Constan
tinople as a check to French diplomacy, the writer
insisted that Turkey had demanded the withdrawal of
the English and Austrian forces ; and observes:—

We are told that the intention has been formed of occu-
pying the seas and the provinces of the Turkish empire
until all the stipulations have been accomplished. This
policy is open to the most unsatisfactory interpretation
in fact, the presence of English naval forces in the Black
Sea, of Austrian troops in the Principalities, must hence-
forth be recognised as an arbitrary and a violent means of
preventing the solution which Russia is willing to consent
to, by proposing to submit the question to her natural
judges. Will it be proposed to have recourse to force—to
recommence the war? Will the English Cabinet feel in-
dined to re-enter the lists, not certainly to assure the
execution of the treaty of Paris, but in order to tear it to
pieces imprudently before the eyes of the world, with the
view of satisfying an ambition momentarily disguised ?
We do not believe that the English people are prepared to
ratify such a policy, or to accept with joy the come.
quences it may entail. We would willingly submit our
opinions to the good sense, to the loyalty of the British