The Press.
London, England, 1856-07-19 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

681 '

I"' THE WEEK-

THE insurrection in Spain was not wholly unexpected. Indications of
a crisis have been gathering for some time past, and the well-informed
predicted that when it came it would prove the greatest trial the
throne of ISABELLA has yet known. Spanish insurrections have been
so frequent under the " Constitutional Monarchy " Lord PAL.
MERSTON took an active part in establishing, that we are accus-
tomed to look upon them as of little importance. The information
we have received leads us to believe that the present movement differs
from all previous ones in combining more numerous and more powerful
elements of discontent. Previous risings have been instigated by
political intrigues, and have been directed to the overthrow of un-
popular Cabinets or individuals, but this movement is directed
against the Royal authority. The secret societies which have spread
over the south of Europe are eager for action in Spain; the Republicans
believe that the time has come for carrying their favorite theory into
effect; the Constitutionalists are disgusted with a system which, pro-
mising them freedom, has only kept them alternating between one mili-
tary dictator and another—now ESPARTERO, now NARVAEZ, CONCHA, and
O'DONNELL—and the hopes of the Carlists revive with the general discon-
tent of the country. The throne of ISABELLA—never popular, never
accepted by the whole nation—has fallen into the lowest contempt.
It is unlikely that it will be able to make head against the formidable
combination which threatens it.
Marshal O'DONNELL seems for several weeks past to have foreseen
that a contest was inevitable. He decided to take the initiative, by
an order for the disarmament of the National Guard of Madrid.
ESPARTERO dissented, and the Queen was reduced to the necessity of
choosing between the military rivals. Her Majesty accepted ESPAR-
TICRO'S resignation, and O'DoNNELL proceeded to effect his coup-ditat.
On Monday the National Guard resisted the attempt to disarm them,
and street fighting began. No details have yet reached us, but, from
the telegraphic despatches, we learn that the fighting con-
tinued until Tuesday afternoon, when a truce was agreed
upon for a few hours. When the contest was resumed on
Wednesday morning the insurgents gave way, the disarming of
the National Guard was proceeded with, and on Thursday it
was announced that order was completely re-established.
The Cortes attempted to meet, and were dispersed at the point of the
bayonet. The insurrection is, therefore, transferred from the capital
to the provinces. Accounts have already been received that Saragossa,
together with all Arragon, has risen. Of the movements of ESPARTERO
nothing is known. When we next hear of him, it will be most likely
at the head of an armed force. It is believed to be the intention of
the insurgents to proclaim a republic, but such proclamation would
be little more than a cloak for the designs which any considerable
success on the part of the insurgents would bring to light. We re-
peat, the throne of ISABELLA is in the greatest peril.

•
The opponents of the recent Appellate Jurisdiction Bill have
brought themselves into this dilemma—Either it is or is not ex-
pedient to separate the supreme court of appeal in this country from
the upper branch of the Legislature. If it be, why the demand for
life peerages, which would preserve the appellate jurisdiction to their
Lordships ? If it be not, why oppose a measure to make the appellate
jurisdiction efficient? The appointment of appellate judges would
plainly be superior itp,,the creation of life peers, as the latter system
would fail to insure the great object desired—the constitution of a
regular and efficient Court of Appeal. On one point there is general
agreement.. "No Court of Appeal," says the Times, " will satisfy the
" public which is not the very best that can in the present state of
" judicial knowledge be constituted," To the like effect the Examiner
argues that the persons constituting the court must be the most
eminent men in their profession. The fault of the late bill in our
opinion was, that it did not go far enough. It being conceded on all
sides that the highest court of appeal in the realm requires to be re-
modelled, and that it should be so remodelled as to be in every
sense a tribunal of supreme authority, the sole point in dispute is,
whether this tribunal should or should not remain attached to the
House of Lords. On priori grounds, the arguments for retaining
the connection must be equal to those for severing it. Discarding
theory, and looking only to facts, there is one strong reason why the
newly- constituted court should remain an acknowledged element of
the House of Lords. The creation of such new court would not
supersede the present eastern of raising the most eminent and wealthy
members of the legal profession to the hereditary peerage. The
number of law lords would probably continue nearly the same as it
has been for years past. These lords, though not compelled to attend
the sittings of the Appellate Court, would yet form a part of it.
They would watch its proceedings with interest, and when cases of
peculiar importance and novelty came before it, they would doubtless
give the court the benefit of their sagacity. learning, and experience.
Who are the law lords at present in the House? Lord LTNDHURST,
Lord BROUGHAM, Lord ST. LIi.ONARDS, Lord CIANWORTH, and Lord
CAstesutt. The three first are unequal to attend the regular sittings
of an appellate court, the two last have other and pressing duties to
engage them. But it cannot be doubted that they would exercise a
salutary influence over any appellate court existing, and that on
special occasions they would record their opinions Separate the
supreme appellate court (rein the House of Lords, and this important

SATURDAY,

element of authority would be lost. We have great respect for the
present Lords Justices, but the public would certainly receive their
decisions with more confidence if the five law lords we have named
sat behind them to assist them with their judgment. Such a tribunal
would be as nearly perfect as human ingenuity could devise.

Sir CHARLES WOOD is one of those obtuse persons who can never
do a right thing but in the•wrong way. With peculiar maladroitness,
on Tuesday night he recommended his Coast Guard plan, upon the
fact of the increased naval force of France. Considering the present
entente cordiale between the two countries, this allusion from a Member
of the Government was remarkable for its indiscretion, to say nothing
of the folly of the argument, for if we are to maintain our resources
on a competitive scale, where will be the end of armaments ?
We shall run into the old extreme of excess, and then fall
back into the other old extreme of retrenchment, and in a few
years find ourselves as wo were in the days of Sir CHARLES
ADAM, with one liner and a guardship as our home protective squadron.
The measure—(ill-natured people do say that it is not original, but
that's nothing)—so far as it goes is good. The Grand Cross of the Bath
seems quite to have quickened lour First Lord's usually obtuse
faculties, but sera nunquain est, &c. ; and so we accept the Coast Guard
Service Bill, to some extent. It is the first step towards obtaining for
us a reserve of able-bodied seamen. We have a reserve of advanced
ships at every port—ships with guns, stores, and cables on board ;
but at present we have no men to man them with.
The admirable naval administration of France gives her a
constant reserve on hand of some 40,000 seamen, to be raised
with ease to 60,000, and, with some pressure, to 90,000 men. We pos-
sess nothing of the sort; and though with our immense mercantile
marine we may have no necessity for a reserve force of 60,000 men,
always available, yet we should have such a force of able-bodied and
well-trained seamen in hand as would bear some relative proportion
to our fleet in reserve. Sir CHARLES WOOD proposes to transfer the
Coast Guard service to the Admiralty, and to raise the Coast Guard
force from 5,000 to 10,000 effective men, to be kept in constant
training and exercise on board men-of-war stationed in the various
ports of the coast, and attended by a squadron of gunboats as
revenue cruisers. The preventive duties, under these circum-
stances, will be more effectually performed, and the men more
thoroughly exercised in their great-gun drill and other duties, than
under the present system. Increased expense will, of course, attend
the plan, but as we are daily adding to our stock of ships, it is only
reasonable we should keep some mon in hand to man them.

The House is doing the massacre work bravely. Some fourteen bills
were passed yesterday in two hours. The Vice-President of Council
on Education Bill last night passed through committee ; and the
salary was fixed, after a warm debate, at 2,0001. per annum. The name
of Lord Jour; RUSSELL is put forward in connection with the place.
Parliament, it is reported, will close this day week, but the Lords
have so many cases of appeal on hand that it is yet doubtful whether
the session may not be further prolonged.

A BOWOOD BALLAD.

Gaily the Troubadour."
Gaily the Ministers
Smirked at it—ah !
As they were welcoming
Williams from war.
Saying," in search of a
Hero we've pined.
You shall have Shelburne's seat
If you're inclined."

Shelburne on Downing-street
Still his eye kept.
Thought on it waking,
And thought as he slept.
Saying, " to get there—what
Would I not do?
Caine and that common lot
I could forego."
Presto! the business
Soon managed you see,
The Peer's son's a placernan,
The soldier M.P.
And dear! and oh, dear oh!
Who cares for disgrace,
When the Whigs win e‘ hero
And Shelburne his place?

SPITHEAD AND ALDERSHOTT.
Betwixt the signs of decadence
The difference immense is—
Peel only gave the Commons bread,
But Pam gives them " Circeuses."

JULY 19, 1856.

LOVETT'S LITTLE-GO FOR LEGISLATORS.
Mr. LovETT (the Chartist) has presented to the House of Commons,
Cirough Mr. Roebuck (the Administrative Reformer), a petition, pray-
ing that all persons professing to be statesmen shall undergo a severe
o.:amination into their fitness for place, and that the names of those
who pass this ordeal shall be entered in a book, from which list alone
shall selections be made when any Government office, high or low, is
vacant. The House received the petition with " laughter," but this
was no proof that the proposition was not a sensible one. We should
like to hear Mr. Lovett himself, as examiner, take some of our states-
men in hand. To begin at the top of the Ministerial tree, suppose
that the distinguished Chartist summoned Lord Palmerston before
him.
Mr. L.—Now sit down, and let's begin with common sense. What
is G.,vdrnment?
Lord P.—Government? why, office. That is, a Ministry, a
Cabinet, you know. Coves that dine at Greenwich at the end of the
session. But, excuse me, what is the use of asking questions like
that? Why not be practical? Impracticability is the fault of all you
outsiders—you go harping and trying back upon doctrines and
theories, instead of accepting the situation and making the best of it.
Mr. L.—Accepting a situation and making the best of it, you
mean.
Lord P.—Very good, very well. But, really, it seems to me that
you philosophers are all wrong. A police magistrate might as well
begin to talk about original sin when he has to sentence a pickpocket.
Mr. L.—And though your notions about original sin, and mine,
are not orthodox, I don't understand how the doctrine, if the magis-
trate believes the creed he professes, can be left out of the pick-
pocket's case. But we are talking of statesmen, not pickpockets, in
the ordinary acceptation of the word. I will be us practical as you
like. Define a statesman.
Lord P.—Definitions are the deuce. But let us see. He is one
who looks to all quarters of the world, who knows which way the wind
blows, and who can vary with the necessities of the time, while keep.
ing himself perfectly straight and consistent--
Mr. L—l beg your pardon. Did you hear me aright? I asked
about a statesman, and you very accurately define a weathercock.
Lord P.—Ela! ha !
Mr. L.—Not to say that you have favoured me with an auto-
biography.
Lord P.—Good again. But why not put a case? Anybody can get
up definitions out of a dictionary.
Mr. L.—As you please. Let us suppose the case of one country
doing a wrong, or offering an insult, to another nation. Now, without
regard to special circumstances, which of course must be considered,
what is the prima facie duty of the aggrieved nation?
Lord P.—ls the offender weak or strong ?

Mr. L.—Let us say weak.
Lord P.—The reading a great moral lesson to the world is a duty
which no statesman should neglect to perform ; and if you are quite
sure that the offender is helpless, order up your most imposing force,
and serve him out.
Mr. L.—And supposing, on the contrary, that he is strong?
Lord P.—The reading a great moral lesson to the world is a duty
that no statesman should neglect to perform. Abstain from seeing
that you are wronged and insulted, and remain tranquil. Qui capit ille
facit.
Mr. L.—Now, to be very practical. You have retained office, and
Parliament is about to rise, and leave you in power until next year.
What course of policy will you adopt during the next six months ?
Lord P.—The question is too general. Specify points.
Mr. L.—Will you strive for peace, or provoke war ?
Lord P.-1 must refer you to my answer touching weakness and
strength.
Mr. L.—l will name separate powers. As regards America ?
Lord P.—America is a great nation, and we are brothers in blood,
and pioneers of civilisation.
Mr. L —As regards Italy ?
Lord P.—ltaly is a great nation, powerfully garrisoned, and her
regeneration, could it be coexistent with present relations, would be
most desirable.

Mr. L.—Spain ?
Lord P.—Spain is also an interesting country, and its resources, if
developed under a liberal Constitution, would be enormously beneficial
ta our trade.

Mr. L.—Austria?
Lord P.—Austria's position is one of extreme complication, but
her destiny must be read by the key of advancing enlightenment.

Mr L.—Russia ?
Lord P.—Russia is renewing her ruptured relations with us, and
it will be gratifying should changed circumstances induce sincere
friendship between the countries.
Mr. L.—Greece ?
Lord P (in a rage).—D—n Greece! If she gives me any of her
impudence, I'll have up the fleet, and blow Athens to the Devil.
What's the good of talking to me about Greece ?
Mr. L —Or about anything else. I regret to tell you that lam
quite convinced that you have no real km—ledge of your duty, and no
principles whatever. You arc all selfishness and varnish. I shall not
enter your name in my book.
Lord P.—lt's devilish lucky that the House of Commons isn't
bitten by any of your didactic maggots. I am good enough for the
H use. I dare say you are a good old fellow, but you are a. great ass.
Addio !

Exit, jauntily

685

PASSAGES FROM A LOST DIARY.

[We are pot at liberty to state how we came into possession of the MSS. from which we
make the following extracts, nor are we able to state whence they came, or the name
of the writer, who is evidently a lady moving in the most distinguished circles, and
acquainted with the political relations of most important personages. These MSS.
were first seen by us tied up roughly in a bundle with the elegant instruments and
pretty little shreds of a lady's workbasket, and we should imagine from their torn
condition that they had been burglariously treated. The words " Pembroke Lodge "
were written upon a blank leaf, but as there are so many Pembroke Lodges in the
vicinity of the metropolis this will barely afford a clue to us or our readers.]
MONDAY.—I still continue excessively nervous. Nurse has the hay
fever, and the children are not looking near as well as when they came
from Vienna. My little man is not by any means so sprightly as he
used to be at the Hotel Munsch, and I am sure we should all be the
better for a change. if they'd send us on another mission I would'nt
mind the packing. The gardener and his wite should stay—the maids
would go with us—Susan should be my blanchisseuse attaché—Jane could
take care of baby and the despatch-box, and my little man himself
should have charge of the canary, for, as he's often told me, he's equal
to anything. Oh ! that we were all en route to the shores of the
Mediterranean. I would even go to Morocco if I was sure the be-
nighted Moors would be careful with my boxes. My John
says he has no doubt he could convince the Emperor of
Morocco of the advantages of representative Government. He would
schedule Morocco in a week, for my little man has a remarkable
talent for schedules. For my own part I would prefer an educational
tour among those romantic Bedouins. Oh! the camels and gazelles,
and the hour of sunset, when " all the forest leaves are stirred with
prayer,"—only the forests, like other Woods that we know of, would help
us little in this instance. What romantic scenes I can picture—my-
self in the tent with my crochet or sketch-book, and my domestio
Confucius on a low campstool, reading De Lolme or some other en-
tertaining volume, or dilating on the Edinburgh Review and the London
University to the Arab sheikhs, while I show their wives my newest
bonnets from Paris. We should realise that charming picture of Mr.
Lewis, at the Water-colour's, only in more gorgeous hues, and with
more important central figures. I and my lady's-maid and baby and
my canary, and my illustrious helpmate, the dear little Plenipotentiary.
But I must break away from this delightful vision, for I hear visitors
in the drawing-room.
TUESDAY.—What an arduous day T had yesterday ! Such a suc-
cession of Elliots wanting to know whether anything was likely to
turn up. How patriotic they are, and how eager to serve their un-
grateful country. The Listers arid Lewises, too, with Sir Cornewall—
elaborate sage—who took an hour to tell me that he was free to confess
that the economical attitude of the Opposition left him exoterically
little prospect of promoting my views out of her Majesty's Exche-
quer. Minto gave me some comfort by suggesting an admonitory
constitutional tour, similar to his own, along the crest of the Appe-
nines. My little man must mature his plans for turning St. Peter's
into a museum, and for putting out Vesuvius, and the thing is feasible.
If he could but call the Austrian occupation "a standing menace," I
would go at once and engage a courier. Now I must water my
myrtles. Dear myrtles, how vividly ye speak of Italy!
WEDNESDAY.—AIas ! I dreamt last night of Italian skies. Raphael
had come to life again, and was painting a picture of my little man in
the costume of Massaniello. The King of Naples and the Pope were
looking on admiringly. Alfieri whispered in my ear:—" it was the very
poetry of politics"' I woke Joha to repeat the phrase to him, when
he told me that he also had been dreaming that Disraeli had converted
him into maccaroni, and that he was devoured by mosquitoes. God
forbid he should be so worried. Wby, he's as thin and light as a
feather. _ _

THURSDAY.-A day of anxious deliberation. We have had a meeting
of our party. The Duke, Lord Minto, my little man, and myself. We
shut out the servants, and dined with the help of dumb•waiters at one
of the tables in the card-room. Three schedules,—l should say three
courses. and au ice pudding. My precious talked of commending him-
self to the country on the ground of his Repeal of the Test Acts. The
Duke recommended some newer programme. Discussed the Repeal of
the Act of Settlement, of the Spiritual Peers, of the Book of Common
Prayer, and of Plymouth Breakwater. But no question so promising
as the Italian—To pack or not to pack? The party promised to sup-
port my lesser half, and to see us off by the steamer if all went well.
John in the evening looking up materials for his speech, I con-
tributing.
FRIDAY.-Still at the speech—Lord Somers and Metastasio.

SATURDAY.—Metastasio and Lord Somers.
SUNDAY.—John took Sylvio Pellico to Dr. Cummin's, and read it
during the sermon.
MONDAY.—The eventful day—big with the fête of Russell and of
Rome. If I hadn't got that cigar-shop for Lucy from Louis Philippe,
how useful she m!ght be now. Told Susan not to forget my pet's
pocket-handkerchiefs. Remember how many he wetted the night he
withdrew his Reform Bill. What a state too he came homo in after
moving his educational resolutions! Mem.—To put a dry pair of
drawers in his carpet-bag, that he may change on leaving the House.
Oh, Italy! expectant laud ! Oh. day of tremors and hopes !
TUESDAY.—I could weep. I could go to Ramsgate. I could wish
Disraeli in the place of Poerio ; and as for Lord Palmerston, I trust in
Heaven or the other place that there may be a Spielberg hereafter.
When my little man quoted Napoleon, that Austria governed Italy
with a stick, I hear that he whispered to Hay ter that was how Woburn
had governed England. To day, too, there is a letter of condolence
from Lady P—. How she is laughing at me in secret. But my
chance of condoling in return will come some day. In the meantime,
where is Susan? I should like to box that girl's ears !

686

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