The Express.
London, England, 1852-07-14 00:00:00

SOUTH STAFFORDSHIRE.

The election for the southern division of this
county took place yesterday at Lichfield ; the re-election of
the lion. General Anson and Lord Lewisham being unop-
posed; until some time, however, after the nomina-
tion had commenced this was a matter of uncertainty,
Mr. Baas, M.l'., Mr. Scholefield, and other influ-
ential gentlemen, being in Lichfield deliberating on the
subject of bringing forward a second liberal. The lion.
Arthur Wrottesley, eldest son of Lord Wrottesley, Mr.
Cardwell, and other gentlemen had been named; the first
hon. gentleman did, as will be hereafter seen, take part in
the proceedings, but not such so had been assigned to
and the friends of tho liberal cause thought it be'ter to de-
fer any opposition until entitle r election, although the state
of the register even now is ►ucb as to plate the return of •
second liberal beyond the slightest doubt.
The lion. AKT/l1:14 Wh en teoLEY nominated the lion.
General Anson.

JOHN RANKER, Esq., the great ironmaster, veconded the
nomination of General Anson.

J. S. MANLEY, Esq., in a brief speech, nominated Lord
Lewisham. The nominatiou was seconded ny JOSEPH
LOXIJALE, Esq.
The Sweater (J. Wise, Req., M.P.), then declared the
lion. General Anson and Lord Lewisham duly elect* I.
The lion. General ANSON then stood forward and ad-
dressed the electore. After thanking them fur the renewed
proof of their confidence, so oftentimes _ :Whited during a
Ling emirs'. Of years the honourable gentleman pro-
ceeded to advert to the state of public Wahl; at the
pr '.sent juncture. lie said that, although his
noble colleague was now, like himself, a free trader,
he believed that their differences on matters of general
politics were as wide as the poles asunder. (Cheers.) The
events of the last four years were, however, of so much
importance that it would le, necessary be should eatery their
attention back for a little, in order that he might properly
picture their present position. (Hear.) When he stood
before the electors in lgli the question then to be decided
was whether the commercial policy which Sir It. Peel
had brought about was to lee continued and extended, or
whether the country was to witness a re-imposition of those
laws which had so recently been abolished. And in advert-
ing to that subject he must be permitted to pay a just tri-
bute to the memory of the late Sir R. Peel—a man who had
rendered such large amines: to his Gauntry, and from whom,
and he grieved to say it, the weed of praise was by some
grudgingly withheld. (Hear.) For himself he could only
say that having been 32 years in parliament, he had had an
abundance of opportunity of witnessing the tine capacity of
that departed statesman, and although lie (General Anson)
bad been for a long course of years opposed to him on the
question of reform, ho had always been ready to pay
• just tribute to his public worth ; and he believed
the time would come whin he would be held up as one of
the greatest political characters that ever existed in England.
(Hear.) The country was deeply indebted to him, and
when he died he left a void that had never been tilled up.
(Hear.) Well, the result of the election of 1847 being
favourable to free trade, it left Lord John Russell in a ma-
jority, but with three parties in the house ; the party who
placed confidence in him as their leader, and wbo followed
him accordingly; those who concurring with him generally
were disposed to advocate more advanced reforms than Lord
John Russell felt he could sanction, and a large minority
pledged to uncompromising hostility to free trade—ready
to get rid of it in any way. (Hear.) The consequence of
there being these three parties was that the govern • ent was
liable to defeat and was weak accordingly. The bond
which united the party to which he last referred was that
of "protection " ; that was the watchword of the party ; it
entered into their policy both in site House of Commons
and in the Howe of Lords; it was the battle-ground on
which they fought for supremacy and was the rallying cry
at every election. (Hear.) Well, in 1850, Lord John
Russell was defeated on Mr. Locke King's motion fur
an extension of the franchise the consequence was that
the noble lord resigned, and Lord Derby was sent for by
her Majesty ; his lordship being at that time, however, un-
able to form an administration, Lord John Russell returned
to office, weaker than before. At the conclusion of last
year a most influential member of the late government was
removed from office ; it is not for me to say what was the
cause of that removal, but at least I may say that I believe
it was a necessary step. Lord Palmerston at the commence-
ment of the amnion offered explanations • those explanations
were not deemed satiafactory to anybody, but it daily
became clearer that the ministers could nut retain office,
and very soon they were beaten on the question of a militia
bill. Lord Derby came into power, pledged to that prin-
ciple of protection which he had so eloquently contended
for in opposition. (Hear.) The late House of Commons
was, however, unmistakably adverse to a return to pro-
tection, and from what has transpired since the present
government came into power, one is at a loss to understand
what its policy really is. (Hear.) But although Lord
Derby stands pledged to protection, and Mr. Disraeli,
on the other hand, says that it cannot be main-
tained, another member of the government, Mr. Chris-
topher, when questioned the other day by his constituents
in Lincolnshire, said that the government stuck as fast by
protection as ever. (Hear, hear.) Another right hon. gen-
tleman (Mr. Walpole), an influential member of the govern.
merit, in his speech to the "free and independent" electors
of blidhunt does not say one word on the subject of protec-
tion, but ha does say something about revision of taxation,
which, I suppose, means portection in some way or
other. (Hear, hear.) Why, I say too, that if you can find
that therein any unequal pressure or burthen on land, let us
have it remedied—(hear, hear)—but for my part I don't
believe that there is any such thing. (Cheers.) On the
contrary, If the subject is well looked into, it will be found
that the landowners enjoy immunities which other interests
do not possess. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Disraeli has op ken of
the 15 millions of poor rotes pressing on the landed interest,
and he proposes, I believe, to transfer this to the consoli-
dated fund—but do not houses, and every description of
property, contribute alike to the poor rate, and I
should like to see the government that would
attempt, or the House of Commons that would
dare, to impose such a burthen on the consolidated
fund. (Hear.) My Lord John Manners, another member
of the government, talks of going back : he is, he says, the
same under the scorching Sue of 1812 that he was under
the bleak winds of 1847. For myself, I do not believe any
return to protection possible. I have been a free-trader
many years, and I always thought that the country ought
never to rest satisfied with less than total repeal.
(Loud cheers.) I have been a supporter of civil and
religions liberty all my life, and see no reason
to change; I believe that the people deserve all
the privileges that have been extended to them. I be-
lieve that an extension of the franchise is required ; I shall
give my support to any well-conceived measure having that
object to view. I shall, as I have always done, advocate
moderate and useful reforms, but I cannot give my support
to a government like Lard Daley's, in whose sincerity I
have not seen reason to place the slightest reliance.
Mr. J. 8. WHIOUT' of liandsworth, asked the hon. gen-
tleman whether he would support a measure for the abolition
of church-rates.

The lion. Oen. ANSON replied—l should vote for the
abolition of church-rates at present.
Lord LEWISHAM next thanked the electors. His
lordship repeated the declaration in his address, that he was
a convert to the free-trade principle, but (he said) he could
not give in his adhesion to the violent and dangerous
policy of the late government. Though entering parlia-
ment an independent man, he could see no leader better
than Lord Derby ; therefore he should give to the go.
vernment of that noble lord his support on all
questions except that of free trade. With Tea; eel to tl.e
suffrage, he had no objection to extend it to those whom
the just claims of " worth, education, and praperty," en-
titled to it ; but be declined to say anything more specific
on that subject. Au an earnest churchman, he would sup-
port any motion for an inquiry into hiaynooth ; but he
would never be found amongst those who persecuted their
fellow-subjects tor the sake of their religion, or to deprive
them of their civil rights; ,he justified the recent
proclamation by government with reference to the
catholic, on the ground of recent extravagances in
different parts of the country; and the noble
lord concluded by again repeating his declaration
never to desert his pledge to support the free trade prin-
ciple, but on other questions he should cordial) support
Lord Derby's administration. (Hisses, mingled with alight
cheering, as his lordship sat down.)
Mr. Watour repeated to Lord Lewisham the question he
put to General Anson on the subject of the abolition of
church rates.

Lord LEWISHAM replied that ho had already voted
against the abolition of church rates. As Lord John Russell
had said, church rates were a great national tribute to
religion ; therefore he felt bound to oppose their abolition.
Mr. Wntonv —Will you vote for the extension of the
franchise to :if. householers
Lord LEWISHAM—I shall give no pledge. I shall say
no more on that subject than I have said. At present there
is no difficulty of an industrious working man obtaining a
county vote.
Two or three other questions were put to his lordship at
the same time, but the electors seemed to think the noble
lord had had enough, as they hissed the qucrists down, and
the proceeding terminated with the usual vote of thanks to
the Sheriff.