The Press.
London, England, 1857-02-21 00:00:00

IRUARY 21, 1857.

,ntinent to disarm by showing reason-
deuce in the continuance of peace.

iefensive forces, or defensive works,
never can excite jealousy ; they are essentiilly
different from establishments which partake of
an aggressive character.
Considerations of this kind are especially
necessary at a moment when the temper of
the people is not unfavourable to an increase
in our naval and military establishments.
They have been led to look to an increase of
our armed forces as a remedy for the disasters
of the late war—when, in truth, those disasters
were much less owing to any deficiency of
strength than to a deficiency of discretion on
the part of men at the head of affairs. At the
commencement of the war we were enabled to
send forth an army of fifty thousand men, in
the highest state of discipline and efficiency.
The disasters which befel it arose not from
inadequacy of strength, but from want of fore-
sight. Had the army been double its strength,
its sufferings would, in all probability, have
been infinitely augmented. No amount of
numerical strength can possibly save a military
force from the terrible consequences natural
to rash enterprise and thoughtless manage-
ment.

With more energy at the commencement of
the war our services might have been recruited
to any extent deemed necessary. Bounties
were tardily offered, and sparely raised. When
a more liberal system was adopted, the diffi-
culty of augmenting our forces by sea and laud
vanished.

Whatever establishments we may resolve to
maintain, the transition from peace to war
must require great administrative energy and
skill on the part of met: at the head of affairs.
No previous preparation will avail if these
qualities be wanting ; and if they be present
combinations and arrangements scarcely pos-
sible to be made beforehand, will be rapidly
effected, suitable to the peculiar character the
war may assume, and the localities where it is
to be waged. It would be a miserable mistake
to rely on large and costly establishments as a
preparation for war instead of on adminis-
trative vigilance, efficiency, and vigour.

MR. CANNING AND " HIS PUPIL."
WHEN Mr. COCHRANE on Tuesday night asked
an important question upon a most serious
subject relating to Foreign Policy, the Honour-
able Gentleman was replied to by the Prime
Minister with his customary levity, which we
suspect is now becoming perfectly wearisome
to his audience. " I will answer his question
" by asking another," said Viscount PALMERS-
‘.roN ; and his Lordship then recommended Mr.
COCHRANE to go to Downing-street, and give
Lord CLARENDON the benefit of any information
which ho possessed. The Prime Minister
grimaced ; and the Lords of the Treasury
forthwith grinned at their Leader's " wit."
It is really time that the House of Commons
should consider whether mere jocoseness,
consisting of pointless banter delivered with
flippant assurance, should be allowed to pass
without condemnation. Political wit, whether
from Lord NORTH, Mr. CANNING, Mr. SHERIDAN,
is a very different thing from the monotonous
jocoseness of Viscount PALMERSTON. The
Noble Viscount was recently complimented by
the Right Hon. Member for Bucks, with
the allusion of "a pupil of CANNING." With all
respect for Mr. DISRAELI'S opinion, we may be
excused for objecting to that description. It may
be worth while to compare Lord BROUGHAM'S
characterisation of Mr. CANNING with an obser-
vation of Viscount PALMERSTON, and to observe
the remarkable points of difference along with
some highly unpleasant features of resem-
blance between the master and his " pupil."
Before citing Lord BROUGHAM'S description,
we must remark that the Premier's attempt at
" wit " on Tuesday, answering the question by
asking another, is noted as an Irish habit.
We recollect when an eminent Parliamentary
personage informed the House of Commons
that Lord PALMERSTON was an "Irishman,"
and such possibly may be the case. If so, the
Noble Viscount must be admitted to be
1 Ike Mr. CANNING, at least in one particular.

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