The Press.
London, England, 1856-06-21 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

the noble lord that, in so far as the Government of the
United States was concerned, that could not be looked
upon as a complete rupture of diplomatic relations. But
could not help feeling that it was my duty at this moment
to say that, although the Government of the United States
has drawn a distinction between the conduct of Mr.
Crampton and the conduct of her Majesty's Government, I
trust the House of Commons will not follow that example.
(Cheers.) I was glad to hear that the noble lord did not
by his authority sanction this distinction. I am perfectly
willing to accept as it has been expressed the statement of
Mr. Marcy—that, so far as her Majesty's Government is
concerned, the Government of the United States is com-
pletely satisfied with the explanation respecting the con-
duct of Mr. Crampton, and that of her Majesty's consuls,
with regard to the recruiting in the States ; but I am quite
sure that the house will not adopt the distinction which
the United States Government has made upon that subject.
It will hold her Majesty's Government responsible, and
will not in a moment of extreme difficulty, if not of peril,
announce to this country, to Europe, and to America that
the House of Commons is prepared to Ray that her
Majesty's Minister at Washington—an individual who, at
all events, attempted to do his duty to his sovereign and
to his country, and wha has apparently acted upon the in-
structions of his superiors—is to be made the scapegoat of
diplomatic sins. (Cheers.)

Re did not wish to offer any opinion upon the con-
duct of tho Government:—

This is not the occasion on which I would express such
an opinion, but I wish to guard myself against being sup-
posed to accept without demur the distinction which the
United States Government has made between the conduct
of Mr. Crampton and that of her Majesty's Government in
this matter. I must distinguish between the two questions
which have so much interested this country and the United
States.

He hoped that the cause of these constant misun-
derstandings between England and the United
States would be inquired into by the house, for he
believed that the policy founded on the idea that we
should regard with extreme jealousy the so-called
"aggressive" spirit of the United States was not
sound

Whatever may be its ultimate decision upon these ques-
tions, I wish that the House of Commons would take this
opportunity of inquiring calmly what is the cause of these
painful and frequently recurring misunderstandings with
a country between which and ourself es there ought to be
such constant sympathy and such cordial alliance. Sir,
it is impossible to suppose that the recruiting, or the mode
in which it was conducted, especially after the apologies
which were offered by the Government, can really be the
cause of the misunderstanding which has unhappily oc-
curred. I want to know why the United States Govern-
ment, even admitting their cause to be a good one, is so
prompt, if not eager, to insist upon immediate reparation?
It will be well if we take this opportunity—l do not mean
this evening, but before these great questions are settled—
of arriving at some definite result upon this point. It
would be wise if England would at last recognise that the
United States, like all the great countries of Europe, have
a policy, and that they have a right to have a policy. I
observe in the papers which have been laid upon the table
of the house that the American Minister who is here com-
menced his communications with her Majesty's Govern-
ment by Baying that he thought it right to announce that
the President had adopted the Monroe doctrine as the
foundation of his system of government. Now, sir, the
Monroe doctrine is one which, with great respect to the
Government of the United States, is not, in my opinion,
suited to the age in which we live. The increase in the
means of communication between Europe and America
has made one great family of the Governments of the
world, and that system of government which, instead of
enlarging, would restrict the diplomatic relations between
these two quarters of the globe is a system -which is not
adapted to this age. In making that observation, however,
I would say that it would be wise in England not to regard
with the extreme jealousy with which she has hitherto
looked upon it any extension of the territory of the United
States beyond the hounds which were originally fixed to
it. I am of opinion that the treaty concluded by Lord Ash-
burton was one of the wisest diplomatic acts that has been
performed in modern times, at least in this country ; that
it was the indication of a sound and liberal policy, and
that those who oppose it are the supporters of a policy
which is regarded by the Government of the United States
as one hostile to the legitimate development of their
power. Moreover, I am persuaded that it is the belief on
the part of the United States that the British Government
is animated by such sentiments in their regard which has
excited the feeling that has seized upon the enlistment
question as a means of expressing their dissatisfaction and
distrust. (Hear.)

It was through no desire to introduce controversial
questions on the present occasion that he ventured
to offer these remark:, but simply because he wished
to remind the house that such was the feeling which
prevailed in America; and that, if it were always to
be impressed upon England that she was to regard
every expansion of the United States as an act de-
trimental to her interest and hostile to her power,
she should he pursuing a course which would not
prevent that expansion on the part of the States,
but which would involve England in struggles that
might prove of the most disastrous character :
I remember what extreme jealousy existed a few years
ago in this house in consequence of the conquest of Cali-
fornia by the United States. That was an event which
was looked forward to with the gravest alarm, and one
from which the most calamitous results were anticipated.
Have any of those gloomy forebodings been realised? I
would ask the house how far the balance of power has

been injured by the conqnest of California by America,
and whether there is any event since the discovery of
America which has contributed more materially to the
wealth and, through the wealth, to the power of this
country than the development of the rich resources of
California by means of the United States ? These things
are worthy of consideration; for, telieve me, sooner or
later we shall have to adopt clear and definite opinions on
this subject; and, indeed, I cannot hesitate to express my
belief that if sounder views with respect to it had prevailed
in this country, the Government might not have felt them-
selves justified in taking a coarse with regard to the en-
listment question which, whatever may be its immediate
consequences, certainly has not terminated in a manner
flattering to the honour of the nation or grateful to the
feelings of any class of her Majesty's subjects.
With regard to the enlistment question, he looked
upon all that had happened as indicative of the dis-
trust which prevails in the United States, and which
had its origin in the conviction that the policy of
England was hostile to the legitimate development
of their power :
It is my opinion that all that Americ% has fairly a right
to expect she may obtain, without injury either to Europe
in general or to England in paiticular, and that it is the
business of a statesman to recognise the necessity of an
increase in her power, and at the same time to make her
understand that she will most surely accomplish all the
objects she proposes to herself by recognising those
principles of international law which in civilised commu-
nities have always been upheld, and to impress upon her
that, instead of vaunting that she will build her greatness
on the Monroe doctrine, which is the doctrine of isolation,
she should seek to attain it by deferring to the public law
of Europe, and by allowing her destiny to be regulated by
the same high principle of policy which all nations which
have great destinies to accomplish have invariably re
cognised. (Cheers.)

COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY.

Mr. GROGAN moved a resolution to the effect
that the regulation value of the commissions
of officers in the army who shall have died of cholera
or fever in active service during the late war might be
paid to their representatives, and deemed part of
their personal estate.

Lord PALMERSTON opposed the motion, on the
ground that the arrangement of last year, upon which
the warrant of March, '56, was founded, was under-
stood to apply only to officers killed in action, there
being a clear distinction between their case and
that of officers dying from disease.
Upon a division, the motion was negatived by 81
to 39.

ARMY ESTIMATES.
On the supplementary vote of 101. being pro-
posed, in addition to the 7,00 ),0001. already voted,
Colonel DUNNE protested against the extravagant
payment of the foreign legions compared to the Eug-
lish forces. Nearly 00/. a year per man, including
everything, was paid to each soldier of the loreign
legions, while the utmost pay our men obtained
was from 121. to 15/. per annum. If such
terms as had been granted to foreigners had been
offered at home, there would have been no lack of
recruits. The state of the accounts was also dis-
graceful, and it was necessary that a committee of
the house should be appointed to examine them.
Mr. DISRAELI, considering the important changes
—a reduction of 14,000,0001.—which had occurred
in the estimates, thought the explanations of-
fered by the responsible Ministers were not such
as Parliament and the country had a right to expect.
Sir DE LACY Evses did not wish to say anything
to the discredit of the foreign legion, but, although
German troops might be extremely well disciplined,
it was no reason to prefer them to English soldiers.
During the late war the militia had nobly reinforced
the army, and the country was indebted to the noble-
men and gentlemen of England for their patriotic
conduct in training the militia. These gentlemen,
however, had been treated with the utmost contempt
by the War Department. Tne militia were disbanded
with a gratuity of fourteen days' pay only, while the
foreign legions obtained a whole year's !

The militia were sent back to their homes in
England or in Ireland with 14s. each in their pockets,
while he German Legion were brought up from
Sandgate and installed in the place of the militia at Alder-
shott. He found, too, from the newspapers that comforts
and accommodation were afforded to the German Legion
which had not been provided for our own militia.
Now, how was this ? Was such a system to con-
tinue? He had heard that some of the German Legion
were to be sent :o the Cape, but he should protest against
the disbandment of national troops if Germans were to be
stationed at the Cape. About a hundred years
ago there were great complaints of the introduction of
Hanoverian troops into this country, but Germans seemed
to enjoy a similar preference now. He thought
the War Department had acted with the greatest incon-
sistency with reference to these subjects. He said dis-
tinctly there was a German influence exercised in this
country which ought to be set aside. (Cheers.) When
they were disbanding the militia and the troops of the line
in the most ungrateful manner, to send up German re-
cruits, who had never fired a shot in the war, to be estab-
lished as it would seem permanently at Aldershott, was
not a state of things which should be allowed to continue.
(Cheers.)

_
Mr. F. PEEL entered into a detailed statement
the reductions contemplated in the military forces