The Press.
London, England, 1858-07-10 00:00:00

CONSERVATIVE-LIBERALISM.

Ix his opening Declaration, on accepting office,
in December, 1852, Lord ABERDEEN said :—" I
" declare that, in my opinion, no Government
" is possible except a Conservative Government.
" I make another declaration, that no Government
" is possible in this country except a Liberal Go-
" vernment. The truth is, that these terms have
" no definite meaning."
Upon which Lord DERBY calmly remarked,
I that " the only intimation of the policy of the
" Government is that it will be Liberal-Conser-
" vative or Conservative-Liberal. I confess that
" this does not convey to my mind anything
" very distinct."
Mr. DISRAELI, with more pungency, remarked
that "the people of England did not love Coali-
tions." And the truth of this remark was
seen in the shipwreck of that Government within
two years from that time.
We were somewhat surprised, therefore, to find
the Aberdeen doctrine revived in the Standard,
a few days since, in an article which assures us
that " there is no real antithesis between the
" terms Conservative and Liberal."
Was, then, Lord ABERDEEN right in 1852, or
was Lord DERBY right, when he said that this
mixed phrase conveyed no distinct meaning?
Is a Liberal the same thing, or nearly the same
thing, as a Conservative.
What is the creed of a real, earnest, outspoken,
and sincere Liberal—such an one, for instance, as
Mr. BIUGIIT, or Mr. GILPIN, or Mr. FRANK CROSS-
LEO These are the men who are entitled to
expound the Liberal creed; the mere Whigs are
guilty of nothing more than flirtations with
Liberalism.

Liberalism, in its breadth and completeness. de-
nies thejustice and the expediency of Church Esuth-
lishments, and it intends, as Mr. MIALL plainly
warns us, to open the •
of Church and State,

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say that, when the Established Church is " re-
" duced to its proper level," and the House of
Commons has been made "truly to represent
" the millions," the other branch of the Legis-
lature will be expected to comport itself with
due humility—if indeed its continued oxistenee
can be tolerated at all. Liberalism means the
systematic dissolution of the Constitution of this
country. It would govern Engla'd as America
is governed, or as the Australian colonies are
governed ; and with this state of things an Estab-
lished Church, an aristocracy, and a monarchy,
can hardly be made to agree.
We dispute not Mr. BRIGHT'S honesty, or his
right to his own opinions. But what we do
q terra with is, the assertion of Lord ABERDEEN
1,1 1852, and of the Standard now, that between
Liberalism and Conservatism there is no real
difference ; but that a Government called Con-
szrvative may unite the views of Lord DERBY
with those of Mr. BRIGHT. Such a fancy seems
to us to lead to nothing but confusion. To use
Lord DERBY'S own words, " A Liberal-Conser-
" vative or Conservative-Liberal policy, is a
" phrase which conveys to our mind nothing
distinct."

What follows from such a system ? That
which Mr. DISRAELI denounced with so much
truth and force in 1846, when he charged Sir
ROBERT PEEL with reducing his followers to the
position of mere janissaries. Public men who
are shy of enunciating a creed, and prefer to
f Blow a leader, soon sink into a mere clique or
f fiction. But no mere clique can hope to carry
the country with them at an election. This was
veil in 1847. There went to the general election,
the Whigs, the Protectionists, and the followers
o!' Sir ROBERT PEEL. The Whigs gained largely,
Vie Protectionists stood their ground, but the
Peelites lost two-thirds of their number.

In fact, an indefinite, unintelligible policy,
like "Conservative-Liberalism," would be the
worst possible platform for a general elec-
tim. A system of neutrality or mixed
principles will never enlist the judg
mint or the sympathies of the people of
England. It is the greatest possible mistake to
imagine that " a wide support " can be obtained
fur a system which no one can understand. The
great party which was reared up in 1840-41, was
gathered around certain distinct and well-
u iderstood doctrines,—Protestantism, the Church
of England, and National Independence, secured
by Protection to Native Industry.
What we earnestly desire, therefore, to im-
press upon all Conservatives, is, that this
notion of an indefinite creed, something
which conveys to the mind " nothing dis-
fact," is a GRAND MISTAKE. It will not
answer. You cannot lay hold of the affections
o" the people, by presenting to them an unintel-
ligible medley. In every town, in every county,
there arc the Blues and the Yellows ; there are
the Conservatives and the Liberals. To either
of these you may appeal with some hope ; but if
you appeal to both, you will gain neither. Unite
tie two colours in one cockade—the electors will
stare, but they would not, if by law allowed,
f tsten the novelty in their hats. And, to go
higher, the rational and sensible electors will
put some puzzling questions. Will you maintain
Church-rates, or will you give them up? Are
you for an Established Church, or for Volun-
taryism? Would you keep the Bishops in the
House of Lords, or turn them out ? Are you
for the Ballot ? Will you give us Man-
hood or Household Suffrage ? These and
fifty other questions will be proposed, and the
cand►date will gain no votes till he takes the one
side or the other. If he attempts to answer,
with the showman, when asked, " Which is
WELLINGTON and which is BUONAPARTE ?"
" Which you please; you pays your money and
you takes your choice"—the querist will be ready
to answer, " Are you merely the showman ?
Do you care little which side wins? If your
maxim is, ' Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow
we die,' then play your own game—fight your
own battle. What is it to us whether Lord A, or
Mr. B. manages the Treasury ?"
No mighty diff. rence cm we see
'Twixt Tweedledum and Tweedledee.

In one word:—The Conservative party rose,
advanced, and triumphed, by a bold and manly
- and uncunceding appeal to known and valued
principles. That taEsman touched all hearts,
and rallied around the leaders of 1899-40 a