The Express.
London, England, 1863-01-16 00:00:00

[Stamped, Id. Additional.]

MR. BRIGHT AND MB. SCHOLEFIELD AT

BIRMINGHAIL

--•--
BIRMINGHAM, THURSDAY.

Thia evening, the members for Birmingham were
both present at the annual dinner of the Chamber of
Commerce, and made political speeches. The Vice-Purr-
DENT (Mr. George Dixon) presided. After the usual loyal
toasts had been proposed, the chairman gave the health of
the " Borough Members," which wee drunk amidst loud
applause.

Mr. SCBOLEPIISLD, in reply, said that it was now twenty
years since the restrictions which formerly existed on
trade bad been removed, and although it would seem
at first sight that the removal of all restriction
would 'render it mummery for the government
to exercise any supervision over trade, bat leave it to its
natural development, in point of fact the supervision of
the government bad become more than ever necessary, both
u regarded foreign treaties sad the operations of commerce
at home. With that view the House of Commons bad last
Dillike devoted its attention to the amendment of the Bank-
rupee, Law ; and although it was generally considered that
the bill which had been passed would require some alters-
tion, there was little doubt that it would eventually tend
greatly to improve the law. There was Dolling in
which Chambers of Commerce mold be more usefully
occupied than in giving their attention to questions
tenting to foreign tariffs. There was another question epos
which he must say one word, although he was afraid be''
should have the misfortune to differ from his honourable
colleague, and therefore he spoke with great misgiving.
Questions had arisen as to the rights of communal ships
when one country was at war with another, and inasmuch
as that question must inevitably come before parliament
for decision, it would be well that the Chambers of Coin-
memo throughout the country should direct their attention
to it. The declaration of the Congress of Paris in 1856
made &considerable modification in regard to the rights of
neutrals, and altered international law to the extent that
neutral flags should cover enemies' goods, and that
neutral goods not contraband of war should not
be subject to capture in enemies' ships. A great
change was effected in an irregular, not • to say
an unconstitutional manner, and although the making
of that change might be one of the prerogatives of
the crown, he could not but regret that the matter had
Dot been brought before parliament at the time, and that
the people of this country had not an opportunity of ex.
pressing their views upon a question of such national ice-
penance. He regretted as much as soy one the exist.
once of a state of war, bat if they made war a mere
this( of bloodshed and carnage alone, and exempted all
vessels engaged in commerce from its operations, they
would certainly withdraw one of the strongest motives
that now existed for putting a speedy termination to it. It
had been said that property on land was never confiscated,
and why, then, should property on sea be? But he denied
the truth of that assertion, sod pointed to what had
taken place in America in reference to the pro-
clamation for the emancipation of slaves, which, he said,
was the most gigantic confiscation ol property on record ; he
could not but think that by allowing the commerce of an
enemy to go on nourishing, they were not doing all they
could to injure the Queen's enemies, and through that means
to bring about • peace. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Bemire in • lengthened address on the general coon.
mercial politics of the day, observed that the question of
international law did not pram very much at the present
moment. International law was not very clearly
defined, and • year or two ago be was very
much blamed for saying that it was really
no law at all, but merely • collection of opinions,
sometimes very contradictory and very difficult to
be understood. He would sot discus' whether the treaty
of Paris was constitutional or not, but the fact was that the
ambassadors of some of the principal powers of Europe
agreed to certain alterations in regard to some points of in-
ternational law, and having dons so they asked the swot of
all civilised Christian aatioas—they obtained the assent of
every one except that of the United States govern-
, meat, which country proposed to go i further than
was proposed by the Paris congress, and did not
like to assent to their propositions) in the shape
in which t►ey were put. lie understood from
j the tone of his hon. friend's speech, than there would be
some attempt in parliament to undo what had been done at
the congress of Paris ; but he doubted very much whether
any such attempt would succeed, because what was dove by
the English ambassador on that occasion was done, not so
much as representing the views of the English government sod
nation, as because it was the only mode of extricating us
out of • great difficulty. When the war was first
commenced in Russia, a war which most people
uow wished had never been commenced, the Queen
issued • proclamation to the effect that • portion of the
right formerly exercised by this country should be aban-
&sod, and that the property of Russians, if carried on
board neutral vessels, should be safe. The reason why the
English government came to that conclusion was this—
when the Russian war began England was not iu the posi-
tion she was in fifty years ago, at the close of the last wan
when, to use an insolent phrase, she was mistress of the
sees. Bat there was • nation on the other side
of the Atlantic who bad a mercantile marine as
peat as ours, and a spirit as arrogantly disposed ; and it was
felt by ths governments of England and France that if the
old policy of capturing; goods were continued and put in
practice with respect to the vessels of the United States,
six months would not elapse before we should have to
fight. not Remission*, but the United States as well ; but
for that reason only the government agreed to the pro-
clamation, and it was mule the law of Europe for all
future time. He did Lot believe that the House
of Commons would retrograde in this matter.
Hardly anything could be more absurd than the
point at which the emigress officers stopped, and
if anyone supposed that he was giving • wrong com-
plexion to this matter let him turu to the debate on Mr.
Horefall's winos, aid be would see that be explained the
cause of the change instituted by the congress of Paris in
the same way that he did now ; and so both Lord Palmer-
ston on the one side, and Mr. Disraeli on the other, said
that it was the true explanation. What was it they did?
He (Mr. Bright) admitted the absurdity of it, but they
said that when nations like France and England were at
war, instead of as formerly the English taking the goods
of the French under any circumstances, that the mongrels
of Paris mime to the conclusion, which was ludicrous
enough, that the merchants of Marseilles and Bordeaux, and
of Havre, might trade with us, and as long as they liked, but
they must send their goods by another route, audio neutral
bottoms. He quite speed that that was not a very sea-
sensible point to stop at ; but he disagreed with his honour-
able friend in saying that they must go back, for, on the
contrary, he thought they must go forward, sod that, in
his opinion, was the only course they could adopt
They had got still the United States with its greet mercan-
tile marine, and whatever was the result of the present
strife, they might rely upon it that the Coned States
would continue to be of the very first rank of maritime
powers ; and therefore the sum reason that existed for
making • change in international law existed now, and
therefore it would be • far more liberal course of policy to
look forward and see if greater advsntage could not be
gained, rather than go backward and allow bellies rent powers
the right of senior( goods in neutral vessels. There
was a somewhat kindred question which had been discussed
at great length before the Chamber of Commerce of Man-
chester, by his friend Mr. Cobden, via, the question of
blockade. That likewise was • question which did not press
no long as nations were at peace ; and the reason why public
attention was called to it now was es account of the
blockade of the Southern porta of the United States, and
the consequent interruption to commerce ; but he thought
it was oery undesirable, whatever might be their old
tnulitionsgto decide absolutely opal the somewhat low
question without an earnest and careful examination. His
boo. friend's argument was that blockading WAS • desorip.
tins of war him houounthle than that of caunosiediag, and
that we wen bound to na►e war so b►rrsssiog to those
engaged in it that they should entreat their government to
put ea end to it ; while, on the other hand, Lord Pannonian
said that no country which puts au end to war, sued for poses
as the result of any easharrasuneot to its commerce. and
that it was may by the destruction of its ship of war,
or its armies, that they could bring a nation to
sue for peace, and he believed he was right. The
misfortune was that whoa war ensued it was the interest of

[TWOPENCE

many that that war should be prolonged. What would be
the result at this moment in Liverpool if news came that
thin wan an armistice between the contending parties in
America!—Ruin to many who now consider themselves
wealthy. It did not follow at all that because was somewhat
disturbed oommeroe that the commercial element was at once
eti affected that people asked for a oration of the war ; bat
if they asked the great body of the people sande,
weekly wages—say from lOs. to 30s. per week—they
would find that they were the people whom war now
affected, and therefore who most earnestly desired its mew
Con. Every man must now see that the blockade was vir-
tually at an end. England could not blockade Ramis
during the Russian war, for the simple reason that goods
came through Preemie, neither could they blockade Prussia,
or Spain, or Austria, or Italy, because unless they amid
blockade them all, blockading one was of no use whatever,
He believed it was for the interest of ell nation, but
especially of this nation, that we should endeavour to make
war more humane and consistent with the moral
code and put an end to everything like commercial
blockade. That was the proposition of the United hates,
sad be only regretted that it had not bees acceded to. He
maistained that if war were made leas savage, if passim.,
were less roused, if pesos were mad* more poesible—and be
thought it would be by these changes men would
begin to look, whenever any little difficulty arose, to some
ether mode of nettling disputes than that of war. They
were not mach advanced in this respect beyond the
ecaditioa of the savage sr Bed Indian, and so instants of
that was sharer then that which happened twelve mouths
I ago. The asantry was told by its press that an insult bad
I beset offered, although many now knew that no insult was
intended, but the nation at once rushed to arms. The
government were not honest enough to undeceive the
people, but snit 10,0011 men across the Atlantic is the
depth of winter, whereas if they attempted to settle
disputes in a friend way., he believed such a
settlement would not only be more just, but
infinitely more rapid and more lasting. More
thee this, if they looked to the history of every
country, sad more particularly to the history of this
counts), they would And that if tl ley traced the canoe of
every war, looking at it now molly r ahem the time had hag
passed by, they must be &mud .Rif ie paseioas and feeling'
which led the government and the pa opts to enter into such
wars. Our statesmen were fearful of going beyond the
prejudices of the people they govonsocl, and were as full of
superstition as they could be, recalling to ape s mind the
sentiment; of the post, who said, " Old pests chew on
wisdom, and totter on in business to the bah" He had
no doubt that the statesmen who dated the essemencemeott

of their career during the time whoa the war with France
was raging throughout Europe were not likely at this time
of dayand at their timed life to eatettain differentispinions,
although he must say that Lord Palmerston. did on one
occasion express opinions entirely is accordance wish those
which be (Mr. Bright) wow expressed. He hoped. that his
hon. friend would not threes from the course of theopmern-
met in offering to esde the lonian Islands, because, in
his opinion, they had takes • very wise moth, for
those islands were of so edvantage to us ; they cagy in-
volved us in • heavy expenses, and he thought it highly
honourable, both to the Queen and the ministry,. to have
consented to the proposition to cede those islands themes.
Many things which he approved of and advocated were
thought by some at first to be foolish, but in time. people
came up to them, sad he bad the satidartion of sowsistia.as
being • little a-head of the gtheronmet and the mina* The
other day, in the Town-ball of Birmingham, be made ode
recce to the mike of the Rock of Gibraltar. He eould
conceive bow this would shock 60036 people— (laughthir)—
but he thought it • question which, when men dis-
avowed it, they come to be tolerably aoaniosons
about. The foreign newspapers in Germany, France, and
Spain bad alluded to what he bad said upon this lien=
mid argued from it that there was a great party in
in favour of the cession of the Rock of Gibraltar. He the
aware that there were smociations sad memories coenethed
with that spot which might well make English people pause
when they were salted to give it up to Spain. They bad
been told from their childhood that it was impregnable,
end some people had a notice that what was impregnable
I must be valuable, but that depended entirely on whether
that which was impregnable was in such a position that its
being impregnable wes a great safety for something whisk
' was invaluable. He believed that at this moment most
men connected with military affairs would admit that steer
all the Rock of Gibraltar was of aerates whatever in time
of peens, except that we smuggled • few good. into Spain. It
ems monument of a very foolish war, and a very dishonorable
paths. It was taken in the name of Charles 111., the secalled
lawful sovereign of Spain. sued when the treaty of Utreeld
was made we were permitted to keep Minorca and Gibral-
tar. It had been for a hundred you a grievance to Spain
and • constant smarm of embitterment between the tin
nations. He bad it from high authority among English
statesmen that every negotiation had been thwarted by
the exasperation of Spain io consequence of England
bolding • portion of her, territory. He hod co doubt
if it were given up that suit only would the com-
mercial relations be improved, but that we should
be able to prevent the traffic in uegroes bowies Africa and
Cuba, and put an end to the horrible barbarities of the
slave node. Some people imagined that the Emperor of the
Preach the a most dangerous neighbour—a man of destioy—
and that it wag written ins the book of fate that he was to
do something dreadful to the Bank of England. Surely if
England was anxious for • gaited Italy, as a balance against
the power of Fleece, it aught to be still more aexicen to
make • friend of Spain for the came purpose. Ho
did not himself believe that France IVY a dampness
neighbour, but he put forward this argument
to meet the views of others. If England were
to become more moral and mom just, its Menthes
amongst the nations would be greatly increased. and it mould
no
imager be in the power of such men as General Peel to
say that England is detested throughout the world. (Bear,
hem.) There was only one other question with which he
seed trouble them • the people of Birmingham had sub-
scribed 3,000/. towards the relief of their suffering coustry-
men in Leacasbne. That was very honourable to Riming.
ham. At the present moment there was the most thins-
ordinary paralysis that had ever been sees in any seat of io-
dustry. One party had refused to export cotton, and the
ales had blockaded the cottoa parte, so that the whole seethe'
cotton in the world had been ionsumed except what remained
locked up io the United Stone. What that quantity was
nobody knew, but there beig that stock is the united
States, with prices four times the ordinary rate, they could
conceive how the interests of those engaged in cotton specu-
lation were affected. He complained that in the 'notion
which was made upon the subject of blockades is the House
of Lords that the Foreign Secretary had made • careless
speech, which be concluded by saying that be lisped the
North would in two or three mouths consent to the indepen-
deuce of the South. The effect of that speech was moot dises-
teems. Everybody on the Manchester Exchange wasted to sell
immediately, and in one cam a man who was taking stork
with his partners actually bed to write down that stock at
2,000/. lees then he would otherwise have dose ; then smith
the Chancellor of the Exchequer ramie a speech at New-
castle, in which he contrived to mislead everybody as to his
real meaning, tie effect of which was that • gentleman, who
the week before had bought 300 bales at Liverpool for the
purpose of keeping his mill going till Christmas, pro
immediate olden to sell ; and in consequence of the
same speech agenta were directed to countermand large
orders that had been sent out to India. That was not
all, for as soon as the intelligence reached them the
circulate of every Bombay house seated that Mr. Gladetone's
speech had created great uncertainty, that the price of
cotton had fallen, and that them was a dearth of buyers,
because it was expected that it would fall still lower.
Not ooly had the speeches of public men tinkled the
public on this subject. but the neesiapers had also done
serious injury. The Timm had for two years taken up its
parable against the tweedy millions of men in the free
states, end lied indulged in as many prophecies es Merlin• not
one of which lied been fulfilled. There was pot a 01110 in
M6Debtater or Liverpool but admitted that the influence of
or, to speak noire correctly still, the malice of
rtrlpnaPear to the United States bad produced the most
dieuttons cousequenose in Lancathire. It had been
constantly holding out hopes that the present state
of things would shortly come to an end, and its
arteclee, coupled with the speeches of our states-
men, have induced people to believe that toy stork Of
cotton now in the United States would shortly be released.
Witbio the last two years, however, great events hail takth
place. In Ramie serfdom bad been put an end to, and is
the United Metes, by the most wonderful series of combs
that was coming to path which three years ago no lima
dared hope for, is spite of what prejudiord, unjust, or
wicked men might du ; the cause of freedom moved Deward,
sad it wee not in human power to resist its onward pro.
moo for
" God from evil still educes god;
And freedom's seed, will grow though steeped in blood.'
(Cheery.) Many conscientious men, said the Imo. eeetlemea,
in conclusion, may think me mistaken and danger-
can, but I say that if we are to shun • party
spirit, to examine these questions feirly and mo-
rally to endeavour to decide them thoughtfully, much
will lie done to elevate our people, to humse our nth-
teflon.. to make broader sad infer the fonadations of our
freedom, and to build up sad to preserve that spirit of
liberty which would do much to help forward the advance-
ment of the world. (loud cheers, amidst which the boa.
member roomed hi seat).