The Press.
London, England, 1854-11-11 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

As time slips on, and Sebastopol holds out, misgivings begin to be
felt for the fate of the allied expedition. Up to the 3rd instant Prince
MENSCHIKOFF reports that no impression had been made on the
Russian defences, and that the fire of the English was growing
weaker. As we are still solely dependent on Russian sources for
early information, we have no means of ascertaining the truth of this
report, but, from the general correctness of former despatches first
published at St. Petersburg, we may assume that this one is substan-
tially correct. The siege had then lasted twenty days, without any
material impression being made on the works of the besieged. Their
losses must have been undoubtedly very severe ; but the losses of the
allies also had materially weakened their strength—so materially that the
resolution of the commanders not to storm until more work had been
done by their artillery may not improbably be referred to this cause.
We are still without authentic details of the engagement of the 25th,
but Prince MENSCHIKOFF reports that the two redoubts taken from the
Turks had been strengthened and occupied by the Russians ; and if
this be so, and they continue to be thus held, we must suppose that
the allies were unwilling to hazard an attack for their recovery. The
engagement must have been severe, as MENSCHIKOFF admits a loss in
infantry alone of 300 men • he boasts of having made sixty prisoners.
We hear, from private sources, that the cause of the heavy loss of our
cavalry was, that the Russians brought up twelve pieces of artillery,
masked by their cavalry. As our cavalry charged them, their horse
broke up, wheeled left and right, and thus exposed our men to the full
fire of their gulls. When authentic details come to be published, we
fear it will be found that this expedition, so long delayed, and at last
so hastily and recklessly undertaken, has been one of the most
destructive to life recorded in our annals. The flower of the English
army has been, in great part, struck down by it.
The speech of the Premier at the Guildhall and his dismal
mention of the vicissitudes of warfare having fallen upon us, has
raised a suspicion that the Grove rnment may be in possession of
more disastrous information than it has yet thought fit to publish.
There was a kind of gloomy satisfaction in the Premier's tone as he
dwelt upon " the horrors of war," which showed that the topic was
not wholly distasteful to him. He foresaw the vicissitudes which
we should have to deplore, when those who were now discouraged
by them were most eager for war. The aim of the speech seemed to
be that we ought never to have gone to war at all, but, as we had, it
was quite as well that we should learn how wisely Lord ABERDEEN
had acted in avoidiug hostilities so long.
The return of our Baltic fleet has been signalised by the capture
of one of our merchantmen on the coast of West Courland. We con-
tinue to hear of differences between the Admiralty and Sir CHARLES
NAPIER, and it is currently reported that a reprimand was sent out to
him in the course of last week. The country will now anxiously
expect explanations as to those differences between the Admiralty
and our naval commanders which have notoriously prevailed, and have
probably been attended with serious injury to the naval service in
both seas.
The difference between the Turkish authorities and the Austrian
officers in the principalities are becoming continually more serious.
The Austrians wonder, naturally enough perhaps, that military occu-
pation can have but one meaning, and regard themselves, therefore, as
masters of the country. This is very obnoxious to the Turks, as well
as to the principal persons of the principalities, and tends still further
to complicate the anomalous position of Austria. A firmer policy
would, before this, have compelled her to take one side or the other.
Even as a foe her action could hardly have been more mischievous
than it now is as a neutral.
Negotiations between Prussia and Russia are still, it appears,
open. It is even said that, in answer to the last Prussian note, a
missive is on its way from St. Petersburg, stating that if Prussia will
obtain from the four Powers an assurance that they will not go
beyond the four points, Russia will not refuse to negotiate on those
bases. Are there any politicians, even in Prussia, so credulous as
believe that these negotiations can now have any practical result?

Mr. BRIGHT has published a long letter explaining his particular
views on the war, for the benefit of his Manchester constituents in
particular, and of Russia and the world in general. With many of
his statements and arguments we have little to do, just because they
are undeniably true, and have often been urged in our columns.
Thus : " She [Turkey] drifted,' as Lord CLARENDON said, exactly de-
" scribing his own position, into the war, apparently without compass and
" without rudder." Again : " The whole policy of the Government in
" this matter is marked with an imbecility perhaps without example."
Mr. BRIGHT indicates the future policy of his political section by
dwelling on " the high prices of food, chiefly because war interferes
"with imports, and we have declared our principal food growers to be
"our enemies." On this ground hereafter there will perhaps be an
attempt to make the war unpopular, and should it succeed,—should
there be an anti-war agitation as clamourous as the former free trade
agitation,—how will it be met ? The Emperor N:CHOLAS may well
conceive that he has yet good cards in his hand, while he reads Mr.
Barawr's peace letter, and Lord ABERDEEN'S peace oration. The
Honourable Member for Manchester very emphatically says that he of
all people will "bear no part in this terrible crime," that his " hands
" (of all men's) shall be unstained with the blood that is being shed."
But is he sure that the stain is not fixed on them, and so deeply, too,