The Press.
London, England, 1858-04-24 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

IT is not to be denied that so long as two such Powers as Naples and
Sardinia are at variance, and have a substantial ground of quarrel,
uneasiness must exist as to the preservation of the peace of Europe.
But the nature and extent of this peril is so thoroughly understood,
and the desire of all the great Powers for the maintenance of the
general tranquillity is so unquestionable, that we cannot for a moment
doubt that a pacific solution of the question in dispute will in some
way or other be found. Meanwhile the Emperor of the FRENCH has
manifested in the clearest manner, by sending us such a representa-
tive as the Duke of MALAKOFF, his desire to be on the most cordial and
friendly terms. This of itself is nearly a sufficient guarantee that no
important disturbance of the peace of Europe will occur. France and
England in unison, and desiring peace, can do much to insure it.
During Lord COWLEYS absence from Paris, Lord CHELSEA has
taken charge of the Embassy. Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLTFFE'S return
to Constantinople to take leave will probably not take place until
August; and in the meantime no successor will he appointed.
The papers on the Cagliari affair were delivered yesterday. We
postpone our observations on them until our next publication.
Mr. KINGLAKKS motion, it will (he seen, was withdrawn. The fact
is that in an affair of this delicate and perilous nature, the less public
discussion takes place, the more hope there will be of a pacific
solution.
The first struggle on the India Bill is likely to occur on Monday
in the House of Commons. At least, Lord Goosatcu gives notice that
he shall oppose the going into committee on the resolutions pro-
posed by the Government. But it is well known that Lord :PALMERS-
TON himself, having surveyed the ground, thought such an attack not
likely to be successful. And if he could not indulge hopes of success,
it is not probable that Lord GODERICH will prove more fortunate.

The stage which the discussion on Church-rates has nowrAilehed,
and the position in which it stands, is rather a curious one. By the
forms of the House the question now stands over till next
Wednesday three weeks, and if every debate in committee is
like that of Wednesday last, when the House did not even get so
far as the first clause, there seems reason to believe that
the Bill will not be disposed of during the present session.
It is not, therefore, surprising that Sir JOHN TRELAWNY
and Mr. Baicur should press the Government to grant them
a day for going into committee on the Bill. But, on the whole, we
cannot believe that there is any valid reason for acceding to their
request. Mr. BRIGHT says that "the country is determined" to have
this question settled. Now, we all of us know very well what is the
usual behaviour of the country when it is determined to have a
question settled. Crowded public meetings year after year, petitions
from every town and county in the kingdom, and a steady succession
of articles in the public press, are the ordinary symptoms of the
country having made up its mind. But on the subject of Church-
rates there is no such agitation. The fact is, people are very
apt, if we may so speak, to take the name of the country in vain ;
and to cry war when there is no war, as much as peace when there is
uo peace. We cannot persuade ourselves that the country is at ali
excited about the matter ; and we believe it will be rather glad
than otherwise that the settlement of the question should be deferred
until the modus operandi has assumed some definite shape.
The Times favoured us with a column yesterday to prove that the
Church would be far better off without Church-rates ! This could
only be done by the aid of a great fiction. It was assumed that forty
years ago the Church had Church-rates, and that at that time no new
churches were built ; but that recently she lost her Church-rates, and
then new churches sprang up by thousands. This, as we have said, is
a great fiction. The Church of England 'had Church-rates in 1800, and
she has them in 1858. It is very true that of late years Dissenters
have opposed Church-rates, and have succeeded iu their opposition in
about 400 or 500 parishes out of 10,000. But in nineteen-twentieths
of the parishes this opposition has never been heard of. When the
Times says that " since the beginning of this century several thousand
churches have been built or restored," it should add, that nine out of
ten of these churches have been built in parishes where Church-rates
are made, and often by means of those Church-rates. How such a fact,
if truly stated, can furnish an argument against Church-rates, it is not
easy to see.

The position of political parties at the present moment is almost
without precedent. On the one side we see the Government, with perhaps
not more than 250 to 260 reliable supporters. But on the other side,
under the general term of " Liberals," we observe at least three clearly.
defined and distinct parties. There are the members and supporters
of the late Ministry, many of whom, if not all, are really anxious for its
speedy restoration, But, next to these, though inferior in numbe'r,
are those Whigs who prefer Lord JOHN RUSSELL as their natural leader.
These do not despair of seeing a Russell Administration in less than
twelve months; but they are not disposed to help to restore the late
Cabinet. A third party, of "advanced Liberals," dislike both the Whig
chiefs, and, having no hope of constituting a Ministry of their own, they
are for keeping Lord DaRBY in power, in the hope of extorting or other-
wise gaining concessions from him. These three sections or the
Liberal party are clearly separate and distinct ; and so long as they re-
main apart, the present Government can hardly be disturbed. But
the estrangement of these three sections from each other is not-.$
circun3stance the endurance of which can be safely calculated upon.