The Press.
London, England, 1856-08-30 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

good policy which thwarts his own schemes;
and so far the language we refer to is both in-
t( lligible and allowable. But when the same
p riot's go on to elptracterise the professions
of Conservatives oa questions of future im-
portance Ns " vague and insincere general-
tei," it Leo wiles our duty to our supporters
to offer a practical contradiction to such
wanton falsehoods Time only can test the
sincerity of stittoinSats which time only can
realise. But it is iji the power of every man
to show that his aims are neither vague nor
general, but, on the contrary, definite and par-
ticular.

In our remarks last week on the attitude of
the Conservative party we alluded to their
future policy in regard to the Church of Eng-
land as calculated to command the support of
all true friends of our ecclesiastical institu-
tions. It is clear that various Church ques-
tions are gradually rising to the surface of
public affairs. Church rates, education, and
episcopal property are three subjects which
have lately engrossed a considerable share of
popular attention. " The Church," in fact, is
rapidly becoming one of the questions of the
day ; and we invite the calm consideration
of the English clergy to this one point. Under
whose auspices is this question likely to re-
ceive the most satisfactory solution—the Con-
servatives or the Liberals ? Every little sec-
tion of the Church cannot expect to choose its
own Cabinet. In whose favour can they all
combine with the greatest chance of satisfying
the greatest number, and without danger of
becoming the unintentional abettors of a
policy thoroughly uncongenial with their own
principles and traditions? In the question
here proposed there is no want of clearness.
Its limits are well defined, and its aim per
fectly apparent.

It is a circumstance redounding greatly to
the credit of the English Church, that she has
always maintained her professional spirit in
subservience to her patriotism. Some excep-
tions to this statement might possibly be dis-
covered, but we think it must be conceded
that as a rule she has displayed in her con-
duct towards the State a peculiarly moderate
and national spirit. In the two great emer-
gencies of the Reformation and Revolution,
this side of her character was especially con-
spieuous. Had she chosen to make a stand
against either HENRY VIII. or WILLIAM 111.,
foreign aid would not have been wanting; and
in the latter case, had she been bent alone
upon hierarchical aggrandisement, she must
have seen that, notwithstanding the menace
of Popery, her interests were involved in the
maintenance of the Stuart dynasty. But on
each occasion considerations of national wel-
fare prevailed over ecclesiastical ambition and
sectarian prejudice, and her clergy earned a
permanent title to the gratitude and respect
of the people.

Our reason for dwelling upon these parti-
culars, which might at first sight appear some-
what irrelevant, is this—that the clergy may
he brought to remember that they in great
measure owe their present high position in
this country to the temperate and manly con-
duct which they have usually displayed in
civil affairs ; to the fact that they have never,
as a body, allowed theological prejudice to
interfere with their duty to their Sovereign,
or to weaken the sense of responsibility which
their vast political and social influence natu-
rally entails. We believe they have generally
made a conscientious use of this influence ;
and have sought to discover in what way they
could best contribute towards the stability of
our institutions, without giving more than a
secondary consideration to the furtherance
of particular tenets.

But we do not shut our eyes to the fact that
the same cordiality does not at present exist
between the Church and the Tories as existed
but a few years ago, and as we hope is soon to
be restored. What causes of coldness have
come between these ancient friends, what
" graceless zealots" have been, and are, teach-
ing them to fight, we shall consider, perhaps,
on a subsequent occasion. At present, we do
but reiterate our question. Whitt party in the
State is, as a whole, the moat likely to give
effect to sound Church principles ? Particular

SATURDAY,

sets of Churchmen may have taken a dislike
to particular Conservative statesmen; and
there may be individusla in the Liberal ranks
even better atfeets,l towards the Church than
individuals in the Conservative tanks. But
on Witch party mut the Church rely in the
hour of danger? Which cf them will oppose
a bald mad united front 40 those who would
rob her both of hor plisperty and her pri-
vileges ? Which fa 4etri is most truly con-
genial with her own spirit? Let the clergy
honestly ask themselves this question, and we
have no diffidence as to the reply.
The Church of England is peculiarly a Con-
servative body. Her fundamental principles
are identical with those of Conservatism. Her
differentia is the union of dogmatic teaching
with the free exercise of private judgment,
and the differentia of the English Constitution,
as now existing, is the maintenance of order
and authority with the fullest individual free-
dom. We hear religionists of a certain school
declaiming against all dogmatic teaching, and
politicians of a certain school declaiming
against the graduation of orders in society.
All such persons are certain to be found in the
ranks of that party to which Lord DERBY and
his supporters are opposed, to which, in its
better days, that Noble Lord himself once
belonged, and which he quitted precisely be-
cause he would not consent to tamper withthe
Irish branch of the Imperial Church.
We strongly advise Churchmen to forget for
a while their internal dissensions, and to
ponder well upon the future prospects of the
Church of England. From which quarter of
the political horizon do the dangers which
menace her arise ? Dangers, not threatening
to any particular doctrine, but to the very
existence of the Church herself, and fraught
with solicitude to men of all shades of opinion
within her pale. The Church has ere now
allied herself with Dissent to resist the
danger to their common Protestantism—can-
not she now hush the disputes of her own
members to resist the danger to their common
Churchmanship ? Could the Church once
bring herself to gaze with unprejudiced
eyes on the state of political parties, she would
not be long in recognising which was her
natural ally—an ally which, if not able to
acccomplish all that she hopes, is still able to
prevent the accomplishment of much which
she fears, and to maintain her in as high a
position as her most judicious friends could at
present desire.

One more truth remains to be enforced,—
which is, that if the clergy shall acknowledge
the superiority of the Conservative party to
be generally better for the interests of the
Church than that of their opponents, it be-
hoves them to put their hand to the plough
and not to look back. If we once make up
our minds that one course of conduct is better
than another, we do not pursue it less vigor-
ously because the exact difference between that
and some other plan we have rejected may
still be a matter of dispute. It is foolish
for the clergy to say, "Oh yes, the Conner-
" vatives are the best, but I don't like this
" man," or, " I won't support that." When
they have once decided which party is, by the
general tenor of its policy as well as by its
traditions and antecedents, most likely to
benefit the cause they have at heart, all minor
objections, and all personal prejudices, ought
at once to be discarded.

THE DICTATOR OF THE DAILY PRESS.

WE are surprised that Mr. Lofty, who con-
descends to favour the public with his notions
through a certain newspaper—we adopt his
own allusive style of reference—should occupy
his space (which he takes care to inform the
public is of immense value) with matters of
no greater importance than a vestry squabble
or a parish pump. Mr. Lofty should be
above such trivial subjects altogether. What
are our domestic politics to him? Has he not
to lecture " King BOMBA," as he calls the
Sovereign of the Two Sicilies, and to give
President PlEacE a shaking, now and then?

AUGUST 30, 1856.

It is wonderful that he recognises the ex—
istence of a Conservative party at all ; still.
more wonderful that he should be aware that
it has organs, and that he should have some
dim kind of comprehension of what those
organs contain.
But, to be just, Mr. Lofty, when he does
condescend to subjects beneath him, does
so in a style of hazy dignity befitting his
'grandeur. He is aware of a slight hubbub
somewhere in his vicinity. Ho looks round
him with his double glass to his eyes. and
.then, without condescending to inform himself
of any of the particulars, or deigning to
address himself to the parties concerned, be
forthwith harangues at them, as being quite
unworthy of more than a second-hand sort of
notice at his hands. Mr. Lofty resembles the
boarding-house dictator who figures in a late
number of Household Words. He is so vastly
superior to all the rest of the world, as to be
entirely above controversy. A stare, and an
insolently-indirect allusion, is the utmost
notice any contemporary can expect from
Mr. Lofty. unless a little flattery is adroitly
administered, when Mr. Lofty becomes aware
of the existence of s class of beings known as
toadies, and honours the insignificant creatures
with a pat on the head, or a contemptuous
smile.
Mr. Lofty, from the heighth of his stilts,
looks down on political contests with supreme
indifference. He alone is patriotic; he has no
private ends to serve ; he can afford to attend
to the public interests unmixed with baser
matter. Parties are nothing to him ; he has
no connection with them. The country must
receive what appears
__ in his columns as purely
disinterested. Who will dare to suspect the
integrity of Mr. Lofty?. His assumption
would be merely amusing, if it were founded
in truth; but is it so? Let us speak on this
subject more seriously. Mr. Lofty will stare,
or, like the footman in the School for Scandal,
he will opine that he thought he heard a—a—
a something. But . our hint is intended, not
for Mr. Lofty in propriii persona, but for the
acute writers who, in turn, don Mr. Lofty's
airs and mount his stilts.

The great credit Mr. Lofty has obtained
with the public is owing to a belief that his
newspaper is really independent; and it is
far from our wish to disparage the value of
any expression of independent opinion:
There are certain journals which are known
to represent certain parties, opinions, and
principles. They are read with this under-
standing. There is no mistaking , the flag
under which they serve. Such journals, what,
ever may be said of their merits or demerits,
are at least honest. They deceive no one, for
they show their real character without dis-
guise.
The newspaper of Mr. Lofty, on the Contrary:
pretending to be free from all favour,
be guilty of great deceit, and would • palm a
huge imposture on the public, if behind- his
curtain he allowed the interests and prejudices
of partisanship to prevail. If it were under-
stood that Mr. Lofty was quite willing to re-
sign his pen to a certain member of the Go-
vernment, that the views of the Government
on particular questions might be expressed,
that its animosities might be circulated, and
that the public might be bamboozled. no great
harm would be done. The patriotic profes-
sions of Mr. Lofty would then be rated at
their just worth, and no more. People would
laugh at them as a good joke, and they would
regard all his tirades against the Opposition
and the Opposition leaders as written to
order. Instead of being supposed to be the
reflex of public opinion, the newspaper of Mr.
Lofty would be known to be, on all political
questions, the reflex of one or two individuals,
whose political fortunes were bound up with
the existence of the Ministry which had re-
tained their services. But so long as Mr.
Lofty professes that he is far above all such
sinister influences, and so long as credit is
given to his professions, he would surely com-
mit a species of fraud on the, public, if he
placed his journal at the mercy of members
of one party or the other. •
Now, it is very generally reported . in. quar-
• tors likely to be well-informed on such matters,