The Press.
London, England, 1858-10-02 00:00:00

THE PRESS, OCTOBER 2, 1858

Cart anb ,fasion.

HER MAJESTY, the Prince Consort, the Prince of
Wales, Prince Alfred, and the other junior branches
of the Royal Family are at Balmoral, from. whence it
is expected that the Court will return about the 15th
inst. The weather continues highly favourable for
deer-stalking, but the Prince Consort has not been so
successful in the forest this year as he was in former

staSORS.
THE portrait of his Royal Highness the Prince
Consort, painted by Mr. Phillip, was placed iu the
Aberdeen Town hall on Friday afternoon. The
likeness is said to be admirable. His Royal Highness
is represented in the Highland garb.
THE PRINCE OF WALES killed his first stag in the
forest of Balmoral last week. The deer was brought
home in the evening, when the Queen surveyed it,
cougretnlating the Prince on the success of his rifle.
A party of eight gillies with torches then danced a
reel in honour of the occasion and in the presence of
the Royal ►
household, after which thu health of the
Prince was toasted by the company.

His Excellency the AMBASSADOR or FRANCE has
returned to London, from visiting the Duke and
Duchess of Wellingion at Claremont, Norfolk. His
Excellency left town On Monday for Paris.
LADY F.URBAIRN, the Mayoress of Leeds, has just
had the honour of receiving from her Majesty a
beautiful bracelet, set with diamonds and turquoises,
accompanied by a letter from Sir Charles Phipps,
expressive of her Majesty's gratification for the at•
tention the Royal Family received during their visit
to Woodsley-house, the residence of Sir Peter Fair-
bairn, the Mayor of Leeds, and also for the admit able
arrangements so successfully carried out in the town
of Leeds during her Majesty's visit.
THE APPROACHING MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE DE
MALAKOFF is the engrossing topic in Parisian circles.
The gallant marshal is said to have written a letter
Majesty the Empress, thanking her in the
terms for bestowing upon him the hand of
relative, and breathing in every line the
tvoted attachment to the Imperial dynasty.
tdegrooin has received gorgeous presents from
the crowned heads in Europe for the future
de Malakoff. The Sultan is said to have
11 his brother sovereigns by the magnificence
It is a tiara of dist:Rinds, in the centre
is fixed a pearl of immense size, the value
is estimated at two millions of piastres. The
contract, engrossed upon vellum, will be, it
masterpiece of the calligraphic art. On the
'ill figure the arms of the Marshal and his
settlements being drawn up according to
community between husband and wife.
atract is highly advantageous to the bride
and confers on her a large jointure. The
will probably he celebrated in the chapel of
tate ; but if the Emperor and Empress, as is
, should decide on being present, it is not
he that the ceremony may take place in the
'the Tuileties.

'VWItal.

LORD STANLEY ON INDIA.
Michaelmas banquet of the Fishmongers'
, which was held on Wednesday evening,
additional eclat by the presence of Lord
, the President of the ,Indian Council, which
further represented by Lieutenant-Colonel Sir H.
inson, K.C.B , Sir H. Montgomery, Captain East-
`r. R. Mangles, M.P., and Mr. A. Arbuthnot.
returning thanks for his health, which was pro-
• the Prime Warden, Mr. BODDINGTON,
STANLEY said :
sieve it would be impossible for any pnblie man to
4 am sure I cannot rece!ve—such marks of eour-
kindness as you have manifested, without regret-
inabtlity to express that gratitude
is impossible aot to feel. Much as I should at
Wave felt the compliment you have paid me, I
peculiar reasons for appreciating it at the present
'nt, because [ have now the privilege of addressing
t merely as an acquaintance, but as a nest neigh-
It is here, in this city of London, and very near to
spot, that the greater part of my time, and that of
saveral of the gentlemen by whom I am surrounded, is
passed ; and I think 1 may say for my colleagues in
Ilan Council, as well as for myself, that as we met
wit a reneption in the east, we shall not be in any
4ular haste to migrate westwards. Your chairman
been pleased to connect my name with the G‘tivern-
ot lathe. Ido not wish to revive, or even to allude
. controversies, but this I may be permitted to say,
throughout those parliamentary discussions which
in the transfer of the Indian Government from the
idle Company to the Executive of this country, that
was uniformly represented by me and by those
illeagues with whom I acted as not being in the nature

of a penal proceeding—as not involving any sentence of
condemnation against the administration of that great
company whose century of empire has come to an end.
We regarded it—and I think rightly—as a change which
was a natural, and even a necessary, result of the lapse
of time and the progress of events. I believe that that
change will be productive of benefit to India. I hope it
may lead to the larger introduction into that country of
European energy, enterprize, and thought. But I cannot
conceal from myself, and I do not conceal from you, that
if that change of rule has increased the opportunities
possessed by the Government of this country, it has
also augmented, in a similar degree, the responsibilities
which attach to us. We hate to guard against a double
dangee. We have to protect India from the fluctuations
of parliamentary politics, and to protect England from the
more indirect and remote, but perhaps not less real,
risk which may arise from the connection of its execu-
tive with an executive which is necessarily despotic. I
believe—and rejoice to believe—that. as the insurrection
of the last fifteen months is gradually dying out, so also
the exasperation of feeling which prevailed in this country
against the natives of India—and which, under all the
circumstances, one can hardly regard with astonishment,
though it may be a matter of regret—is in course of gra-
dual extinction with the cause to which it owed its origin,
and will at no distant period—if it has not already dune
so—give place to a better and habitual frame of mind.
I think, however, we should remember that it is not only
from ill will or ill feelings on our part, but also from unin-
formed and wisdirected efforts for doing good, that our
influence and government in India have been exposed to
danger. We do, I believe, regard—and undoubtedly we
ought to regard—the natives of India as persons towards
whom it is oar duty to feel good will, and for whose web.
fare it is our duty to labour; but that is not enough. It
is not enough to regar 1 them as objects upon whom our
benevolence may be exercised, or as persons upon whom
it is in our power to operate important changes for good.
We must look upon them, also, as men with whom, and
not against whom, we have to work—as men with feelings
of their own—as men who, although politically subject to
us, have a sense of their own rights and a respect for their
own independence, and as men who will be apt to be all
the more tenacious of their intellectual independence and
national customs because of the political subjection in
which they are held. There can be no doubt that the
position of a conquering and governing race confers many
advantages as regards the influence which may be exer-
cised over a conquered people ; but that position carries
with it this disadvantage, that a conquering race almost
inevitably displays a certain sense of superiority—a certain
arrogance, if that he not ton harsh a word to use—a
certain disregard of the feelings of others which, not being
placed under such circumstances, it is !frailly possible for
us to understand. l do not hesitate to sar that, unless we keep
within proper bounds our feeling of national superiority, un-
less we remember car fully, and even jealously, to respect
the feelings, and even the prejudices, of those with
whom we have to deal,—above all, if we attempt to intro-
duce the force and influence of Government into that
which ought to be matter of private conviction between
man and his own conscience, or if we are even suspected,
upon plausible grounds, of attempting or intending it, our
endeavours at improvement will be thrown back in our
faces as insults, and we shall end by doing more harm than
good. lam sure that in this ball there is no need of such
words of warning and caution as I have uttered, but in
some quarters out of this room such warning may not be
superfluous. I have been called upon to return thanks
for my colleagues the members of the Indian Council,
and, considering the almost paternal relation in which
the Government of which I am a member stands with
regard to about one half of that Council, I feel that
I am not the person to speak in their praise. This I may
say, hcwever, for I can cay it with truth, that in selecting
those who are to assist us in the administration of Indian
affairs, we looked not to parliamentary connections, not to
agreement in English politics, not to personal friendships,
but solely to administrative cflialency and to acquaintance
with the various branches of the. Indian service. (Cheers.)
I am also bound to say—because criticisms have appeared
in a contrary sense—that I think we have no less reason
to be satisfied with that election which Wet; the last govern.
mental act performed by the East India Company. To
any one who considers what the position of India is it
must be obvious that upon us there devolves a labour
which is not light. We have an army to reorganize and
an empire to pacify. I confess that when I think of the
amount of responsibility which at this time and in this
position devolves upon us—although, perhaps fortunately
for myself, I have not much leisure to reflect upon it, I
em inclined to feel appalled at the weight of the teak we
have undertaken. This consolation, at least, we have-4
believe we are surrounded by those who are competent to
give advice as good and as honest as was ever afforded to an
English Minister, and I believe the English public is just,
and will look at least with forbearance upon an earnest
effort to do it service. although the success of that effort
may not be commensurate with its object.
The noble lord concluded by proposing the health
of the Prime Warden, and resumed his seat amidst
loud cheer.
The PRIME WARDEN returned thanks, and gave
" The House of Commons.'
Mr. R. D. 11 ANGLES briefly acknowledged the toast,
and, regretting that his acceptance of a seat at the
Board of the Indian Council would necessarily sever
his connection with a constituency whom he had long
represented in the House of Commons, expressed his
earnest hope that the new system of adinicistration
for India would work satisfactorily, and bore testimony
to the knowledge, ability, and assiduity displayed by
Lord Stanley since his acceptance of the office of
President of the Indian Council.

951

The Count de MoNTF.BELLO, in returning thanks
for the foreign visitors, expressed his opinion that a
war between France and England would be a kind of
civ►l war.
The tow.ts of "The Visitors " and " The Ladies "
were subsequently given, and the company soon
afterwards separated.

THE EARL OF SHREWSBURY, LORD SANDON,
AND THE RIGHT HON. C. B. ADDERLEY,
IN STAFFORDSHIRE.
At the recent annual dinner of the Staffordshire
Agricultural Society, at Lichfield, which was presided
over by Lord Hatherton,
Viscount SANDON proposed " The Army and Navy,"
and thus alluded to the state of our national de-
fences :—He was sure that the country was now fully
aware of the necessity of keeping up the national
armaments, so as to maintain our shores intact and
free from the tread of hostile foes. But as a member
of the House of Commons, and having the care of
the monetary matters of the country, he could not
help saying he was afraid that now public feeling had
been excited there would be too great a display of
feeling exhibited with regard to those defences. He
was afraid they would be led into more expenditure
than perhaps they would be justified in incurring,
because now that the subject had become popular
expenditure would not be se much regarded. What
he himself felt was the best to be done was to keep a
great and overwhelming Channel fleet—such a fleet
as would render it almost unnecessary to maintain a
monstrous army. He spoke for the general good of
the country, and for the sake of those who had to pay
the taxes of the land ; those taxes were even now
sufficiently heavy. For the sake of those taxpayers
he asked them not to keep up a large army, hut to keep
up a large Channel fleet, in which, he again asserted,
lay the safety of the nation. D i not let the public
money be squandered in fortifying every little place
on the coast—do not let the money be so spent ; but
do not let the Channel fleet be reduced on any pre-
tence whatever.
Earl TALBOT and SHREWSBURY, who was received
with much cheering, in returning thanks said his
noble friend had spoken of the defences of the
country, and he could not do otherwise than support
his argument that the main defence of the country
were its wo )(len walls. He believed, too, that those
gentlemen who had so guardedly buttoned up their
pockets when the subject of naval and military expen-
diture was mentioned would now unbutton their
pockets, and be ready to spend money at a fearful
rate. His lordship then went on to show that he had
always advocated a just and manly expenditure in
providing an adequate means of national defence, but
was always anxious to avoid anything approaching
recklessness. He had seen the majestic sight at
Cherbourg, and had then, among other sights there,
seen a number of members of the House of Commons.
He himself had been in that house, and knew its
members pretty well. He believed they were afraid
of what they bad seen at Cherbourg, with its frown-
ing artillery and immense fortifications, and that they
would now be for spending million after million, night
after night, and hour after hour, to improve the
national defences. Now, he would tell them there
was no necessity for it ; he bad told members of the
House of Commons so. He was glad to see one step
being taken. There was a small Channel fleet now—
let it be increased ; there could be no doubt about
manning a fleet, for, if danger threatened England,
the British seamen who were now serving other
nations would beyond all doubt flock back to the old
standard. All that was required was not to fall
napping and be caught sleeping. England must
always tract to her fleet, though at present he did
not think there was anything to be afraid of ; for,
should a foe attempt a landing upon our shores, the
yeomanry of England would give them a pretty warm
reception, and, with a good Channel fleet to back their
efforts, he believed very few of those who landed
would get back again. Lord Talbot then paid a
feeling tribute to the memory of the late Captain Sir
William Peel, whose death was so serious a loss to
his country. In conclusion, his lordship most
cordially thanked all present for the kindness they
had shown in so enthusiastically drinking the toast
of the navy.
Mr. S. P. SHAW proposed "The Health of the
Peers," and coupled with it the name of Earl Talbot
and Shrewsbury, who returned thanks.
The PRESIDENT next gave "The Health of the
House of Commons," to which
The Right Hon. C. B. ADDERLEY responded, and
said that, although lie saw a distinguished array of
gentlemen representing the House of Commcns, he
bad been ordered by the chairman to respond to the
toast. He begged to thank them for the honour they
bad shown the House of Commons. He hardly
knew what to say, for it was agreed at agricultural
meetings that politics should be strictly excluded.
When he looked around and saw so many members
of Parliament of different opinions, he could not but

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