The Press.
London, England, 1854-03-18 00:00:00

NEWFOUNDLAND.

The last Newfoundland accounts state that the
House of Assembly has refused to transact any bu-
siness whatever until they are put in possession of
the views of the Colonial Secretary on the subject of
responsible government, in reply to flip memorial
recently submitted to Lim by the delegates sent
home by the island Assembly.

RUSSIA.—THE CZAR AND THE COALITION
MINISTRY.
THE accusations of ill-faith and deceit which the
English Ministers have successively urged in Par-
liament against the Emperor Nicholas have been
made the text of a formal rejoinder from his Russian
Majesty. This reply appears in the shape of an
official article published in the St. Petersburg Jour-
nal of the 2nd inst., the British text selected for
comment being a speech by Lord J. Russell in the
House of Commons, in which, among other things,
his lordship declared that the Czar had exhausted
every modification of falsehood. The Russian retort
commences as follows:

"We have just received a report of the sitting of the
House of Commons of the 17th of February, and the
speech which Lord John Russell made on that occasion.
It is not here the place to repeat brutal outrages of which
every faithful servant of the Emperor will preserve the
recollection, but which do not reach the august person to
whom they are addressed. We shall confine ourselves to
remarking that the parliamentary annals might be searched
in vain for an example of such intemperate language from
the mouth of a Cabinet Minister iu reference to a Sovereign
against whom the country of that Minister has not yet de-
clared war. What are of importance in this speech are,
not the invectives of the Minister, but the nature 6f the
determinations of the Government which the speech re-
veals. It must be very evident henceforward that the
peace of the world does not depend upon chance only, but
that war forms a decided element of the plans of the Eng-
lish Ministry. From this cause has necessarily arisen that
fatal distrust which in the Eastern question was the origin
of all the previous difficulties, and which will lead at last
to the most deplorable result."
After remarking that France, whose Government
was "still recent," might have had some reason to
lose confidence in the professions of Russia, the
writer proceeds to argue that the present English
Ministers were of all men the least warranted in
taking umbrage at the proceedings of the Russian
Emperor with regard to Turkey, seeing that they
had themselves long ago shared and abetted his
views in that quarter :
" Long before the present condition of affairs, before the
questions which led to the mission of Prince Menschikoff
to Constantinople bad assumed so serious an aspect of
difference, before Great Britain had adopted the same line
of policy as France, the Emperor had spontaneously ex-
plained himself with the most perfect candour to the Queen
and her Ministers, with the object of establish* with
them a friendly understanding even upon the most im-
portant result which can affect the Ottoman empire: Since
the year 1820 his Majesty followed with great attention
the march of events in Turkey. The Emperor could not
shut his eyes to the consequences of the changes which
were, one after the other, introduced into that State.
Ancient Turkey disappeared from the time when it was
sought to establish those institutions diametrically opposed
as well to the genius of Islamism as to the character and
usages of the M usaulmans—inatitutiona more or less bor-
rowed from modern liberalism, and consequently entirely
opposed to the spirit of the Ottoman Government. It be -
came evident that Turkey was undergoing a complete
transformation, and that these experiments, at least doubt-
ful so far as regarded the reorganisation of the empire,
seemed rather calculated to lead to a crisis which would
overturn it. • • • •

" Penetrated with the extreme importance of such a
result, the Emperor thought it necessary to assure himself
beforehand whether the English Government shared his
apprehensions. He wished more particularly by a frank
previous understanding to remove every subject of mis-
understanding between Great Britain and himself. It
seemed of the highest importance to his Majesty to estab-
lish the most perfect identity of viewswith the Government
of Great Britain. _ _

" With this view the Emperor engaged the English
Minister at St. Petersburg to cause her Majesty to be in-
formed of his anticipations with respect to the danger, more
or less imminent, that menaced Turkey. lie requested on
this subject a confidential interchange of opinions with her
lliitannic Majesty. That was certainly tl.e most evident
proof of confidence which the Emperor could give to the
Court of St. James; and thus did his Majesty most openly
signify his sincere wish to prevent any ulterior divergence
between the two Governments.

" Sir H. Seymour acquitted himself forthwith of the im-
•rtant commission which the Emperor had impressed on
in a long and familiar conversation.

MARCH 18, 1854.

" The result has shown itself in a correspondence of the
most friendly character between the present English
Ministers and the Imperial Government
" It is not permitted to us to divulge the contents of non.
official documents, which do not concern the Emperor
alone, and which contain the expressions of a mutual
confidence. What we are permitted to say is, that in
examining the circumstances more or less likely to affect
the duration of the statue quo in the East,—an examination
undertaken from the conviction respectively entertained
that every effort should be made to sustain that *tutu, quo,
snd to prolong it as long as possible,—there never was any
question of a plan by which Russia and England might
dispose beforehand, and between themselves, of the
destiny of the different provinces which constitute the
Ottoman empire ; still less of a formal agreement to be
concluded between them, without the knowledge and
unassisted by the counsel and intervention of the other
Courts.

" The two parties were limited to a frank and single
confidence, but without reserve on either side, to commu-
nicate what might be adverse to English interests, what
might be so to Russian, so that in any given case hostile or
even contradictory action might be avoided.
" In looking over the different parts of this confidential
correspondence—in recalling the spirit iu which they
themselves had interpreted it—the Ministers with whom
at th 3 time it was carried on, and who since have
permitted themselves to be swayed by prepossessions to be
regretted, will be able to decide if these prepossessions
are just. Let Lord J. Russell more especially repernse
that correspondence, in which he was the first to take
part, before ceding to Lord Clarendon the direction of
foreign affairs. Let him consult his conscience, if the
passion which leads him astray permits him to recognise its
voice. He can decide now whether it be really true
that the Emperor has been wanting in frankness towards
the English Government; or if rather his Majesty has
not unbosomed himself to England with as little reserve
as possible ; if there exists the least reason for believing
that we have ambitious or exclusive views on Constanti-
nople; or, if on the contrary, the Emperor has not
explained himself in a way to remove all doubt as to
his real intentions on the subject of the political combina-
tions to be avoided, in the extreme case which he at
the time pointed out to the foresight of the British
Government."

Commenting upon this indictment brought by the
Russian against the English Government, the Times
gives the following explanation, derived apparently
from a Ministerial source, although eagerly denied in
Parliament by the Ministerial spokesmen, and the
Premier himself :

" We have not now to learn for the first time that before
the Emperor Nicholas engaged in these extraordinary
transactions he had attempted at various times and in dif-
e. rent forms to lure almost every Court in Europe to share
in the plunder of Turkey. As long ago as his own visit to
this country he held the same language, and it may have
been repeated in greater detail in the course of last winter.
But what answer did he get to these overtures ? What
answer did he get, when he sounded Lord John Russell, of
all men in the world, on the subject of an eventual partition
of Turkey? We confidently reply that he was met by an
indignant refusal on the part of the British Government.
He was told, if we are not greatly mistaken, that this
country could entertain no proposal in any form which pre-
supposed the dismemberment of an empire the integrity
of which we had frequently engaged to respect and even to
protect; that the British Government strenuously opposed
any change in the status quo of Turkey, as a source of dan-
ger and difficulty to the world; and that, as this communi-
cation had been made in a friendly spirit, England
strongly recommended the Emperor of Russia to abstain
altogether and scrupulously from any interference in the
affairs of Turkey, which must be productive of great
perils to the world. As these communications were of a
confidential nature, and wholy anterior to and unconnected
with the affair of the Holy Places and Prince Menschikoffs
mission, the Government appear to have thought that they
did not properly form part of the correspondence recently
laid before Parliament, but constituted a separate trans-
action. This challenge of the Russian Government re-
Neves them from all further uncertainty on that point.
Lord John Russell's answer to the Russian overture will
do him no dishonour ; and, although in time of peace it
might have been inconvenient to lay bare the pretensions
Russia has sometimes indicated, our present relations are
not likely to suffer from an ' indiscretion' she herself
has provoked ; and we trust the whole correspondence will
be immediately produced."
On the day following the publication of the retort
to Lord J. Russell, the same official organ of the
Czar issued a voluminous ". circular," addressed by
the Russian Cabinet to the ambassadors and agents
of the Emperor, giving a detailed account of the ne-
gotiations on the Eastern question from the very
beginning, and attempting to justify the whole
course adopted by the Czar in relation not only to
Turkey but the Western powers. This new
6' Nesselrode note " occupies seventeen columns of
the St. Petersburg Journal, the history of the Eastern
affair being interspersed with copious recapitulations
of the arguments already urged in previous notes of
Count Nesselrode or the letter of the Emperor
Nicholas, refurbished and rechauffe for the occa-
sion. Throughout this historical review the desire
for peace and the moderation of the Emperor of
Russia are spoken of, and he is represented as having
been constantly thwarted by doubts, suspicion, and
distrust, which he had done nothing to deserve ; and
it is endeavoured to make the world believe that the
Eastern question has been brought to the state in

THE PRESS.

which it now is, not by any refusal on the part of the
Czar to make all the concessions which were com-
patible with his honour anti dignity, but by the want
of confidence in his declarations evinced by the
French and English Governments.