The Press.
London, England, 1858-08-14 00:00:00

THE PRESS, AUGUST 14, 1858.

creasing majorities against a scheme condemned
alike by the instincts of good faith, the conclu-
sions of reasoning, and the results of experience.
It is doubly gratifying to learn that this " pro-
gress " has taken place in the teeth of an
elaborate movement, organized by practised and
unscrupulous agitators. The triumph of " secret
voting," the millennium of shufflers, the apo-
theosis of mendacity, is now, we trust, postponed
sine die. And we again tender our acknow-
ledgments to Lord PALMERSTON for the aid
which his speech at the last "Meet of the
Berkeley Hunt " rendered to the Conservative
cause.

We wish our prospects were equally clear with
regard to the Church-rate question. But it
would be dishonest to affirm that there also the
" progress " is in a direction opposed to the
wishes of the Movement party. The agitation
against Church-rates is organized in pretty
much the same manner as that against open
voting. There is an Abolition Society, with
central board and provincial branches; there are
declamations in Parliament and "leaders " in
Radical and Dissenting prints; there are lectures
gratuitously given wherever a hearing can be
gotten; we should scarce be surprised
if the " Educational " line were followed
to its utmost point, and a new Nonconformist's
Decalogue published substituting for the eighth
commandment the somewhat antagonistic prohi-
bition " Thou shalt not pay Church-rates." So
far the two agitations seem much alike. But it
is in the practical character of the local
proceedings that the anti-Church-rate con-
spirators have an advantage over the Ballot
Society, who are but agitating for a theory. We
recently noticed a paragraph suggesting that
wherever in any country parish "an anti-
Church-rate spirit exists," an application should
be addressed to the Central Board (or some
equivalent phrase), who would, in reply, send
aid and " instructions " to the local malcontents,
teaching them, in fact, how to agitate most
annoyingly and effectively. Now, on paper this
seems but little formidable. "An anti-Church-
rate spirit" is merely one form of the very
common reluctance to pay what is due_; and as
ratepayers only can vote, it seems at first as if
the instructions could only refer to periodical
orations in the vestry, to the mitigation of Elder
Jedediah Woeful's snuffle, or the rearrangement

of Farmer Growler's IPs. But the actual
working of the system in some quiet and hitherto
contented rural parish is a grievous evil. The
Dissenting minister or close-fisted farmer of the
place, who have hitherto contented themselves
with an occasional grumble at the trifling illipost
which they know they are in fairness bound to pay,
are exhorted to a systematic resistance, and
initiated into the sublime mysteries of " agita-
tion." They are stimulated by high examples to
beat up recruits from house to house, and enlist
them by the bribe of a prospective three-
farthings in the pound to be saved out of the
repairs of the parish church. Pride is appealed
to as well as cupidity. What a glorious thing
it will be to muster a majority on the poll, after
the example of the dissidents in the neighbour-
ing manufacturing town, to floor the parson
and astonish the churchwardens ! And not
pride only, but " envy, hatred, and malice, and
all uncharitableness" are called into play. What
a chance for paying off grudges ! The minority
is swelled by a dozen angry men—from the
apothecary, whose wife was omitted from the
Squire's last dinner-party, to the labourer, whose
son was whipped for lying at the Rector's school.
Whether the resistance thus reinforced prove
successful or not, the parish is divided and dis-
quieted, and the Anti-Church-Rate League are in
their glory. They point to the unhappy com-
munity which they have convulsed, in the one
case as " the latest triumph of the Voluntary
principle," in the other as " a distressing instance
of the baneful influence of Church-rates." The
old " Church-rate martyr " dodge is worn out.
Since some canny, decorous Quakers devised the
notable scheme of leaving out a few silver
spoons, or the family teapot, to be seized by the
collector, and receiving them back from the
nearest silversmith's brighter than they went,
with a small bill for " cleaning plate," the soi-
disant sufferer for conscience-sake attracts no
sympathy even from those who believe in con-
scientious frauds. We have now not martyr-
dom, but persecution ; and MI ALL and Co. are
accomplished persecutors.

771

Now, though it is most true that Churchmen
are not to blame for this abominable system, they
must, we admit, be prepared to put an end to it
even at some sacrifice. And we trust to Lord
DERBY'S Government to show itself truly Con-
servative by finding the means of doing this
without abandoning the great principle of a
recognized legal provision for the maintenance of
the fabrics of the Church. The Whigs forgot,
or purposely forbore, to pass such a measure,
when it would have been a far easier task than it
is at this day: it is for the present Government
again to stand in favourable contrast to their
faineant predecessors. We trust that while with-
drawing from political Dissenters all ground and
opportunity for future agitation on this subject,
they will not take an exaggerated view either of
their numbers or of their influence. It does not
require much of either to create a nuisance.
BurixE's admirable simile of the " half-dozen
grasshoppers under the fern" is as true as
ever—we might say truer. Facilities for itine-
rant agitators—cheap circulation for puff or
slander—what are they but additional echoes in
the field which " rings with the importunate
chink" of the "meagre, shrivelled, insignificant,
insects of the hour!"

THE ROYAL VISIT TO CHERBOURG.
THE Cherbourg festivities, fireworks and all,
have "gone off" brilliantly. The weather has
been fait expres, the spectacle a ravir, and
countless international attentions have been
offered and received a raimable. The only con-
trelems of which we have heard has been in the
case of sundry M.P.s, who for want of the Go-
vernment stamp (there seems no ground for im-
puting the want of address) got, as it were, into
the dead-letter office. The only foul play was in
the case of " Banshee v. Frederick William,"
where, we trust, the damages were not heavy.
Good humour, kindly feeling, hearty enjoy-
ment, seem to have been the order of the day.
What marvel, then, that our anti-Gallican
alarmists are beyond measure afflicted ! Their
sage suspicions, their patriotic protests, their de-
clamatory warnings, not only have proved
groundless, but have been cruelly neglected. No
mischief has arisen spontaneously—in the broad
vernacular " promiscuously,"—and they have not
even been able to make any ! A recent number
of the Standard illustrated, humorously enough,
the unheeded pugnacity of the Univers by that
of the legendary Irishman at Donnybrook.
" Past twelve o'clock, and no row yet ! Will any
" jantleman tread upon my coat !" This is the
present mood and tone of the Times and its
fellow-labourers in the vineyard of national
enmities. They are not only prepared to quarrel
at the shortest notice, and on the easiest terms;
they are full of wrath against both nations for
not being quarrelsome. According to the eter-
nal fitness of things, France and England ought,
ere this, to have been at loggerheads. The bas-
tions of Cherbourg, instead of dazzling with feux
d'artifices, ought to have amazed the English flo-
tilla with a feu d'enfer, and the guns which
saluted the Royal yacht ought to have been all
double-shotted. If these demands of destiny have
not been satisfied, it is not the fault of our news-
paper belligerents. They disclaim responsibility
for the failure, and have no mercy for the delin-
quents. England, in particular, ought to be
ashamed of herself for not protesting against the
completion of the Cherbourg defences as an overt
act of hostility for not " considering herself as
kicked."

Now, a certain amount of irrascibility on the
part of the Palmerstonian journal is appropriate
and excusable. To have eaten much dirt gratis—
to have failed in inducing the House to uphold
Lord PALMERSTON or the nation to regret him—
to have in vain recommended first cringing to
the Emperor and then quarrelling with him—
may well have raised the wrath, as it has
lowered the influence, of the Times. But we are
pained to see other journals of better character,
though smaller circulation, taking the same line
in reference to French affairs, with no other
apparent object than to show that they can be
more delicately abusive, more ingeniously pro-
voking, than the splenetic satirists of Printing-
house-square. Evea were it true, as has been

772

boldly asserted, that in expressing suspicion of
France and contempt fur her ruler they do but
utter a common thought, the defence would be
insufficient. Something would still be due to the
Emperor of the FRENCH, if on no other account,
at least as one whose hospitality the Queen of
ENGLAND has enjoyed and is prepared to recipro-
cate. Something of the right of railing might be
sacrificed to that simple rule of prudence which
forbids our needlessly increasing the probability
of evil. Why be so offensive in warning when
on the hypothesis no one needs to be warned ?
But, in facts the Times and its abettors in inter-
national mischief misrepresent the opinions and
feelings of Englishmen with regard to France
and her ruler as grossly as they misstate the
wishes of the French nation and the character
of LoCIS NAPOLEON. Our countrymen are
alive—perhaps too sensitively alive—to the
hostile spirit displayed by a portion of
the French army, and by a section of the French
press. But they also see with pleasure the
growth of great commercial and industrial in-
terests, to which Peace is the very breath of
life; of wealthy and enlightened classes, who have
outgrown traditionary prejudices, and see Eng-
land as she is and France as she may be ; who
have learned to weigh the evidences of good
faith, and to count the cost of war. They see
that our neighbours can appreciate a compli-
ment as well as resent an affront, and are too
high winded to abuse a generous confidence.
And seeing this they are content to look calmly
on the present and hopefully towards the future,
avoiding strained inferences or harsh construc-
tions. They may believe the works of Cher-
bourg to be stronger and more extensive than
was needful, but they decline to consider their
completion as investing them anew with a special
character of menace, or giving a changed aspect to
our international relations. However they ma
deem of the prudence of an expenditure which
seems calculated rather to enfeeble than to
strengthen France, they do not assume to deny
to our great allies what Englishmen have never
been slack in asserting for themselves—the right
of constructing naval defences and maintaining
naval armaments more than commensurate with
the requirements of a growing commerce. Such
are the feelings and opinions of educated Eng-
lishmen in general with regard to the French
nation. In regard to the extraordinary man who
at present controls the destinies of that great
people, they are, perhaps, less unanimous; but
even those who make it a point of honour to
doubt the sincerity of his friendship for the most
part think highly of his prudence. They deem
him too wise a man to drop the substance of
power in catching at the shadow. Perceiving
that a successful war with England, were such 4
thing possible, might be ruinous to the Emperor
(by alienating the moneyed interest and raising
up some new idol for the military), while an un-
successful one must be so, they give him credit
for the like perception of an obvious truth.
Those who as moralists judge most harshly of his
career, yet as politicians cannot deny him a
resolute will and a clear head. Hence springs an
assurance that he will both recognize his own
deep interest in the maintenance of peace, and
pursue that interest steadily despite any vague
hankerings after a revanche de 11 aterloo. Many,
however (and with these we are proud to class
ourselves), believe that the English alliance is
recommended to NAPOLEON 111. by other
motives than those of mere self-interest. They
believe that during his residence in this country
he learnt not only to appreciate the wealth,
energy, and resources of Great Britain, but to do
justice to her good faith and honesty of purpose.
He has experienced British hospitality, both as an
exile and as a monarch ; he knows that this
country will neither be the tool of oppression
nor the fermenter of anarchy ; and he feels that
sincere respect for England which leaves him
even less desire than ability to injure her.
But, be the Emperor's good will to us greater
or less, of one thing our contemporaries may
assure themselves—that he is no fitting mark for
petty jibes or elaborate sarcasms. To speak of
him as " collecting the means of conquest as a
" magpie collects spoons" is silly and imperti-
nent as well as vulgar. To describe him as " only
a very sly man," denying
.hun the genius and
energy which have placed him where he is, is to
ignore history as well as to violate public
decorum, and betrays more than Mr. EUEUUCK'S