The Press.
London, England, 1856-12-13 00:00:00

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No. 189.—VoL.IV. LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 13 1856. STAIWPED ....SIXPENCE.
•UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE.
. . _
c 4.1 r t J. The action of the Conference will of course I actually in progress. A difference of opinion
• lie within narrow limits Its functions will be as to the new frontier line to be adopted can
rather judicial than political. It will not be never justify a continuance of that occupa-
called on to reopen the Treaty cf Paris in any tion. Even after the Conference has assem-
way, but merely to construe its provisions. bled and pronounced its decision, it may still
LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 13, IBM. One preliminary point appears likely to be be some time before the new boundary
raised. Ought not Turkey to be relieved from arrangements can be determined and carried
the pressure of foreign occupation before the out. Is the Austrian occupation to last till
Conference commences? That occupation every detail can be settled, and there is no
THE Conference about to assemble in Paris may be friendly, but it may be hostile or longer a point of difference between Russia
will be important for other reasons than for minatory, and prevent Turkey from assuming and the Porte ? When all has been done, may
the independent attitude which it is most not some new pretence connected with the
the points in dispute. The majority of the desirable she should take. administration or political state of the Princi.
Powers to be represented at the Conference In answer to this it may be said, that Tur- palities be pleaded for continued occupation ?
will have no personal interest in the decision key will, of course, vote for what she takes to In fact, will this most essential condition of
of the questions at issue. These matters may be her own interests, and that with her deei- the Treaty of Paris be ever carried into effeet,
sion on such points foreign influence can have if the allegation of petty points of difference
directly concern Russia and Turkey, and re- nothing to do. But there is the fact, that before on questions of detail between Russia and the
motely Austria; but neither England, nor the Conference was settled Lord STRATFORD Porte are to he allowed to stand in the way of
France, nor Prussia, nor Sardinia, can care, for exerted all his influence at Constantinople, its execution ?
the point itself, whether the new Moldavian backed by the presence of the English fleet in France was with England a principal in the
the Black Sea, to overthrow AALT, whose opinion war. Of the allies France had by far the most
frontier bends a little more one way or the
on the disputed points was doubtful, and to numerous army on Russian soil, and had
other. substitute for him REosentn, whose views were established the most powerful reserves in
The adherents of Lord PALMERSTON'S Admi• known to he identical with those of Austria Turkey itself. Yet France has, without ques-
nistration, driven from the ground they lately and of Lord STRATFORD'S Government. The tion, fulfilled the Treaty to the letter. She
Court of Paris heard of this mantEuvre with refused to take advantage of any pretext for
took up, that there would be no Conference to surprise not unmixed with indignation, as it delaying to recal her forces from the seat of
decide on the points in dispute, now insist excited an impression that the Government of war, and she may now with peculiar force and
that the Conference is conceded only because England was attempting to create for itself a propriety insist that the Danubian provinces
its decision has been made safe. The Confer-
separate interest and influence in the councils shall no longer be subject to the restraint of
of the Divan. foreign occupation—a restraint which must
ence, they assert, will be a mere form. The be felt in Constantinople itself, and give to
votes of the Powers have been canvassed, and I the Court of Vienna greater weight in the
are known, and Lord PALMERSTON is sure of a Councils of the Porte than it is fairly entitled
casting vote on his side. He does not mind to exercise.
empannelling a jury to try a question of Euro-
pean right when he has the promises of a cer-
tain number of the jurors in his pocket.
This is the argument of his supporters.
They do not seem to see how in their endea-
vours to laud his dexterity they degrade him
into a trickster. Of what use is a Conference
to decide matters already decided, and to dis-
cuss foregone conclusions? If no moral
weight attaches to the conclusions of the Con-
ference, it will assemble in vain, or will only
assemble to give formal expression to the
intrigues end combinations which have been
antecedent to its existence.

There is another and stronger reason which
may be urged for the immediate withdrawal
of the Austrian troops from the Principalities,
and the English fleet from the Euxine. The
assent given by England and Austria to the
reassembling of the Conference has mcdified
the position in which they stood with reference
to the claims of Russia ; for by acknowledging
that on those points of the Treaty authorita-
tive explanation of the text is required, they
admit that the retention by Russia of Bolgrad
and Serpents' Isle is not necessarily a violation
of the Treaty. The right of Russia to those
possessions becomes an open question from
the moment when the validity of her appeal
to a second Conference is admitted; while the
Cabinets of London and Vienna have acted as
if the illegality of her pretensions was so
clear as to justify on their side a departure
from the clear and express stipulations of the
Treaty.
The French Government is believed to be
opposed both to the English and Austrian
occupations, but it recognises a distinction
between the two cases. An English squadron
in the Black Sea is not injurious to Russia. It
is mere absurdity to suppose that England
entertains designs of territorial aggrandise-
ment in Turkey. With Austria the case is
different. Ships leave no track of their
passage in the waters, but the effects of a
military occupation of territory may be perma-
nent. It may establish agencies and root in•
fluences which it would be difficult, if not im-
possible, to eradicate. Besides, the occupa-
tion of the Black Sea by English ships may be
assumed to he bona fide; but no one can sup-
pose that the continued occupation of the
Principalities was suggested, or is justified, by
its avowed objects. No one can believe that
a Power which, when mighty interests were at
stake during the war, refused to draw the
sword, is now disinterestedly maintaining a
costly occupation in order that a village and
an islet may be secured to the Porte.
The Austrian occupation of the Princi-
palities was only justifiable while the war was

This continued occupation of the Princi-
palities, in violation of the terms of the Treaty,
has become the great question demanding
immediate settlement Of all the Powers
concerned, Austria is the only one who has
taken no step to fulfil the Treaty. Her posi-
tion now is exactly what it was en the day that
peace was signed. Russia may plead that on
the points at issue between her and the Porte
there is room for doubt, but how can Austria
plead that there is any kind of doubt as to her
duty to evacuate the Principalities
Should France, in the interval that must
elapse before the meeting of the Conference,
demand that Austria shall evacuate the Prin-
cipalities to relieve the Turkish Government
from the pressure which that occupation im-
poses on it, and as an evidence of Austrian
good faith, it is difficult to see how the de-
mand could be evaded. But whether it is in-
stantly made, or whether it is postponed until
the Conference assembles, it must be insisted
on as the one great condition of the Treaty
which has heretofore been violated, and vio-
lated with scarcely the shadox of au excuse.

We regard the assembly of the Conference
as important for very different reasons. It
will sanction the principle, that in differences
between nations a court of European arbitra-
tion is the natural remedy to be sought. In
proportion as this court shows itself fair and
unprejudiced, disposed to investigate the
questions at issue, to receive evidence and
determine according to its weight, will the
principle of arbitration gain ground, and enlist
enlightened opinion in its favour. Nothing
could be more fatal to its authority, or to the
idea of arbitration in international disput's,
than that the verdict should be arranged
before the cause he heard.
In this case it is unfortunate that the meet•
ing of a Conference should have been so long
delayed, and that in the interim the Powers
most nearly concerned should have openly
proclaimed their intentions. That impartiality
which would have been so desirable in a Court
of Appeal cannot now be expected, though we
may hope that neither on one side or the
other will there be any ground for an indecent
boast that the Conference was conceded
merely because its decision was previously
secured,.

THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT AND THE
ENGLISH OPPOSITION.
THE visit to Paris of one of our most distin-
guished Parliamentary orators, and a Leader of
Opposition, with his cordial reception . the
Imperial Court at the Tuilerig, . (fit Z
back the mind of the Emperor,fif the FRS
to the period—more than half e. century
when his uncle received with the warea,.
demonstrations of respect and esteem a great
orator of that age, and also Levier.ofthe Par. 4
liatnentary Opposition in England. ShortliA i 7941
after the Peace of Amiens, in 1802, Mt. Fox", V
visited the French capital and was-received