The Press.
London, England, 1854-12-16 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

peror of the French, I have concluded an alliance with
the Emperor of Austria, from which I anticipate impor-
tant advantages to the common cause." If the noble
lord ( Russell) condescends to address the house, I would
impress upon him that it is expected from him by the
house and the country that on this subject he should
speak with some degree of frankness. We are asked in
the Speechfrom the Throne to maintain this great war, and
to prosecute it with vigour and force. I maintain that it
is impossible to form an estimate of what our means will
be to enable her Majesty to prosecute the war, unless we
have some idea of the assistance she is to receive from her
allies. (Rear, hear.) We know the assistance she receives
from her ally the Emperor of the French. It is precise, it
is generous, it is cordial, it is sincere. (Cheers.) It is
doubly generous, because it is accorded to a Government,
many members of which were distinguished for the vitu-
perative language in which they have spoken of that
prince. (Loud cheers.) I know of nothing more to the
credit of the French people—l know of nothing more to
the credit of the French ruler and the French people,
than the cordial mannner in which they have cooperated
with the present Government in this war. (Much
cheering.) I remember when the First Lord of the Admi-
ralty inaugurated his manifesto against the Government of
Lord Derby by a diatribe against the Emperor of the
French—while I remember that another member of the
Cabinet, not so eminent —(a laugh) determined, in
cyder to make his court in the proper quarter, to outdo the
right hon. gentleman, and, not satisfied with abusing the
Emperor of the French, maligned and slandered the
people of that country—when I remember these facts, and
that the chief of the present Cabinet raised an opposition
to the Government of which I was a member on account
of our indecent and precipitate recognition of Napoleon as
Emperor, I must say that I admire the candour and gene-
rosity of our allies. (Hear, hear.) In his character, and
in the character of his people, I have unlimited confi•
dence. I believe the motives of our alliance are beyond
the intrigues or the insolence of individuals ; it is a prin-
ciple of civilisation, and a question of high feeling which
the Government, in my mind, do not comprehend—which
will continue to bind together France and England. (Bear,
hear.) France is an ally that does not want to be paid for
the aid she gives you. (Hear, hear.) She is not to be
subsidised. She is a friend with whom a treaty need
have no secret article. (Hear.)
A year ago, after the massacre of Sinope, when the Par-
liament met, and there were indignant demands from the
Government of some explanation of their conduct, the
First Lord of the Admiralty rose—and they could
not trust a bad cause to a better man—(great laughter
and cheering) and with all his specious eloquence
came forward to the table, and told us then—" 1 will
not defend the past; it is liable to much misconception.
We may have been idle or vacillating, but we had a great
object to gain and to accomplish, and that is the alliance of
the German powers." The massacre of Sinope took place
in order that we might obtain the alliance of the German
powers. Well, have they become our allies? (Hear, hear.)
I do not see that there is a treaty yet with Prussia; but
Austria, we are told, has entered into a treaty from which we
anticipate great advantages to the common cause. Now I
say that we should be the most spiritless batty of men that
ever• lived, if, recollecting that a year ago an attempt was
made to excuse your backslidings by the alliance with the
German powers—when we recollect that a year has elapsed,
and that this treaty has not yet been brought into action—
I say that we should be the most spiritless body of men
on earth if we did not demand from the Government some
franker explanation than we find in this niggard notice in
the Speech of the Austrian treaty. (Hear, hear.) The
noble lord may say that it is not yet ratified, and that it
will be laid on the table, and then we all may read it,
but I can hardly believe that a man of his ability and
spirit will make such a wretched excuse. I may agree
with him that it is unusual, but the noble lord should
make a precedent on such an occasion, when sacrifices are
demanded from the country, and should frankly in-
form us of the terms of this treaty. (Hear.)

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Sir, if the assistance we are to derive be of a
provisional and contingent character, I should say
that, although we are ready to support her Ma-
jesty with all the means in our power, it will be
the greatest hallucination if we imagine that Austria
is going to supply any of those means. (Hear, hear.)
I should have thought, indeed, that the noble lord and his
colleagues had had enough of the four points. If I re-
member right, the present Government was formed upon
four points. (Much laughter.) Was not there the pre-
servation of peace—was not there the extension of tree
trade—thirdly, was there not parliamentary reform—and
then, as the fourth point, was there not national education.
(Great laughter.) It was upon these four points that the
Coalition Ministry was formed—(renewed laughter)—but if
we are to judge by this precedent—if we are to suppose
than the four points which Austria is to secure are not
easier of accomplishment than the four points which the
noble lord promised us, and for which some honourable
gentlemen opposite sacrificed their principles, and some
only sacrificed their party—(great laughter aud cheers on the
Opposition benches)—but for which the noble lord sacrificed
both—(renewed laughter and cheers)—l should certainly
feel that we were not entitled to receive much encourage-
ment from this promise of the Austrian alliance. Sir, I
maintain that it is the duty of the Government, on the sub-
ject of this Austrian alliance, to be frank. If they will not
be frank with their opponents, whether they sit upon this
aide of the house or the other, I would humbly venture to
say it would be wise upon the subject to be frank with the
people of this country. (Loud cheers.) The people of
this country are not so blind to questions of this
character as they were a few years ago. The people of
this country are now beginning to comprehend the enor-
mous issue at stake ; and if they find that with Parlia-
ment called together, their affairs in an unsatisfactory
state—this old ghost of the Austrian alliances is again to