The Press.
London, England, 1856-12-13 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

LANDOR that the English people, as a body, has no sympathy with his
extravagance, whatever a few romantic young ladies may choose to
thick on the subject.

It is certain that another Arctic expeditionimust be undertaken
before the public mind is satisfied as to the fate of FRANKLIN and his
crew. We readily admit that there is scarcely a shadow of hope that
any individual of that expedition is now living ; but we want to leak!'
the fate of his ships, and, if possible, to recover the logs and journals
of the expedition. A combined search made from the North American
side, ant' fi om Barrow Straits on the other, would almost certainly dis-
cover traces of the ships, now we know with tolerable exactitude the
course they must have taken. Our own idea is, that FRANKLIN pursued
the route which he was ordered to take, and which he expressed his
determination of taking; that he penetrated to the west of Cape
Walker, found a channel through the ice to the southward, and got
frozen up somewhere in that region leading to King William Land
which has never yet been explored. Our conviction is, that the ships,
or at least traces of the expedition, are to be found ; and it would be
disgraceful for ever to our character for pluck and perseverance if,
with such strong probabilities in our favour, and such incentives to
exertion, we abandoned that search which constitutes one of the
greatest episodes in the history of our naval enterprise.

A movement against the income tax has at last set in. This was
to be expected. With the close of the war it would have been wise to
have closed our war exnenditure—to have taken account of our debt;
to have cleared it off by a loan at once ; and then have commenced a
regular system of finance. This work must be entered on next
session. Whatever other business is postponed this must be done.
An adjustment of our income and expenditure is the first necessity of
the time. The day for makeshifts is passed, whatever precedents the
learning of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER may suggest for pro-
longing them.

There can be no doubt that, as tar as his merits are concerned,
few criminals ever deserved hanging more richly than the murderer
MARLEY. But what a culprit may deserve, and what it may be expe-
dient for the public to inflict, are two totally different things. The
punishment of death stared MARLEY in the face, and he was not
deterred by it. He calculated his chances, and elected to run the
risk. Had his victim merely been made an idiot for life, MARLEY
would have saved his neck. Such is the mode in which the majority
of criminals reason ; and, indeed, it is merely in accordance with the
mode pursued by the world at large. How many men pursue conduct
which the chances are twenty to one may bring them to ruin. Yet
they look to the one chance, and ignore the twenty. When people
wish to commit a foolish or a wicked action, it is not the magnitude
but the certainty of the consequences which deters them. Where
these are uncertain, they all become alike. A man thinks he has as
good A chance of escaping death as imprisonment, and straightway
death and imprisonment assume the same dimensions in his mind.
On the other hand, that the punishment of death does exercise to
some extent a demoralising, influence on the crowd can hardly he
denied. What then is the great efficacy of the penalty which shall
balance it against this evil?

would like to join us, I will either shelve our bill, or give it to him for
amalgamation with his own.
The DUKE.—I have no authority for saying that he has one.
His views, of course, remain unchanged, but whether he perceives
any immediate necessity fur endeavouring to carry them out I can-
not say. Would it not be better fur you to introduce your own
measure ?

The PREMIER—If Lord John Russell does not think that this is
a fit time for a Reform Bill, I Should feel disposed to defer to his
judgment.
The DUKE.—I do not express his opinion one way or the other.
The PREMIER.—Then I wish you would. I think I may complain
that you do not meet me, my dear Duke, in the spirit I could desire.
The DUKE.—My dear Lord, it is needless for me to say bow
delighted I am to see you at the Abbey, and how I wish you favoured
us with your presence more frequently. But this special visit was
your own suggestion, with a view to business, and I hope I am not
oblivious of the duty of a host, in merging it for the moment in that
of a statesman.
The PREMlER.—Charmingly said. Why don't you speak oftener,
Duke ? You mean that I ought to open my hand, and then you will
see what. is iu it. Well then—will Lord John Russell join us, and
carry a Reform Bill?
The DUKE.—Is the second condition indispensable?
The PREMIER.—The devil a bit. On the contrary, I would rather
he let it alone—much rather. Will he join me without a Reform
Bill ?

The Dcxe.—The choice of the office is a mere detail, but
The PREMIER.—He shall have what he likes. But my notion was
to offer him Ireland.
The DUKE.—And Lord Carlisle?
The PREMIER.—He's detail. We'll find something for him.
The DUKE —lreland, my dear Lord. This, of course. you advance
as a joke. A place which Lord Carlisle can fill scarcely requires Lord
John Russell.

The PREMIER.—I didn't think of the place, but of him. His health
has not been very good, and a year or so of light, pleasant occupation,
and a post of notoriety and responsibility, might have suited him.
The DOKE —Except as regards the addition of his name, and all
that it brings, you do not strengthen' yourself by placing him in the
Lord Lieutenancy.
The PREMIER.—My dear Duke, it is just his name and all that it
brings that I want. I want the Abbey. I du not want politics, but
politicians. Do you comprehend ?
The DUKE.—Perfectly, and thank you for your frankness. But it
appears to me that in the alliance you propose the gain will he all on
one side, and that side not ours.
The PREMIER.—The point to which I wished to come. What
terms can I offer? I wish that you saw your way to his views.
Plainly now—the War-office and a Peerage : will that do?
The DUKE.—I should regret to see my brother out of the House
of Commons.
The PREMIER.—I am sure that I should share that regret. But
why should he refuse the honours of the Constitution which he has
done so much to fortify and adorn ?
The DUKE.—Business, my dear Lord, business.
The PREMIER.—WeII, well. That is, however, a far way of look-
ing at it.
The DUKE.—In a newspaper.
The PREMIER.—The fact is that I mean to have him, if I can, and
I make no secret to you that it is so. lam not disposed to cavil on
terms, for I have a reason for wishing to be enabled t ) a.there to my
own Liberal convictions and policy. It is fair to tell you, Duke, that a
Coalition is proposed to me.
The DUKE —Eh ?
The PREMIER.—No wonder that you are startled. But it is so.
In forty-eight hours I could make an arrangement that would give me
two-thirds of the House—l may say three-fourths—under almost any
given circumstances. _ _

The DUKE.—But not without a sacrifice of your principles.
The PREMIER.—If the—shall I say obstinacy ? of the natural
leaders of the country refuse me their support, I may be compelled to
modify my views for the sake of serving her Majesty.
The DIKE.—You might resign.
The PREMIER —I
The DUKE.—True, I spoke like an Arcadian. May one hear
more?

The PREMIER.—Three words—yes. (IG7tispers.) Yes, now ready
to join at once.

The DUKE (most earnestly )—Do nothing of that kind, my dear
friend. Remember your antecedents.
The PREM lER.—SO I do—and my relatives.

The DUKE.-Ah ! Don't jest. This- is serious. This is a crisis,
indeed, an awful crisis. What ! a Tory Government ! 0, dreadful!
My dear I ord Palmerston, let me beseech you to do nothing until I
have more to say to you. lam certain that we can meet your views--
only give us time.
The PREMIER (asrelessly).—Well, take it : but rely on what I have
told you. I am far from certain that the course in question is tortuous
or wrong. A strong Government—
The DrxE.—Don't speak of it—you make me ill. It would be
horrible! There's the first gong-0, horrible ! Promise me not to
take a single step until you hear from me again. I am sure that my
brother would do anything to prevent such a disaster. lam certain
of it. This way. [Exit.
The PREMIER.—So am T. Frightened him out of his senses.
What a good thought ! An inspiration! Hooked him! Evidently an
inspiration. Ha! ha ! Exit.