The Press.
London, England, 1858-05-08 00:00:00

THE PRESS, MAY 8, 1858.

Corresgonttnce.

IDEAS OF FREE TRADE IN FRANCE.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—The Parisian correspondent of the Times
recently stated some very striking and important
facts in connection with the trade of France, the
state of the public mind, and the position and policy
of the Government. The Times correspondent as•
sures his readers that " the Emperor is notoriously
favourable to the principles of Free Trade, so much
so, indeed, as to cause serious uneasiness to the Pro-
tectionists. But his Government, centralized and
powerful as it is for many purposes, is impotent in
presence of the selfishness, obstinacy, ignorance,
and unscrupulous misrepresentations of the enemies
of Free Trade, unless backed by popular opinion/
At the close of the Russian war, the ironmasters, on
the mere strength of a rumour that the Government
proposed to continue the reduced duties on iron im-
ported into France, asserted " that if they originally
voted for the Emperor, it was from a firm conviction
that the nephew would maintain and carry out
to the full the policy of the uncle ; and that
should this expectation be baffled, they would think
a second time before giving their support to a Go-
vernment which sought to curtail their profits." (The
Times, April 26, 1858.) There is an old proverb
about " hard words," &c. ; it is not by any means
undeserving the attention of the able correspondent
of the Times. He charges the French Protectionists
with ignorance, unscrupulousness, misrepresents

Lion. " Like the old robber barons of the Rhine,"
he continues, "they claim to despoil all who come
within their influence, and maintain their right to
levy extortionate contributions upon the whole nation
under the pretext of national industry, and of render-
ing France independent of the it•eigner. Undoubtedly
the vain and impracticable notion that France
suffices for herself' is one of the legacies of the first
Empire, the produce of the Berlin decree, which has
struck deep root in the public mind, is strengthened
by national prejudices, and which cos's great labour
to eradicate." On asking a French gentleman his
opinion on these statements, he exclaimed, "The
writer, I suppose, would like everybody to sell with-
out profit, for everybody's benefit—everybody to
rush into the streets and empty his pockets for the
gain of everybody ! Frenchmen know better than
that." The First Napoleon maintained that every
sovereign or minister ought to acquire all the special
advantages possible for the country over which
he ruled, and to hold the national interests of
his own country paramount. Addressing O'Meara
at St. Helena, Napoleon said :—" The world
is too enlightened to allow you to usurp the whole
of the trade and manufactures. I, myself, during
my reign, gave up neat five hundred convents, with-
out any payment, to individuals, on the sole condi-
tion of their engaging to establish a manufactory in
each. Moreover, I lent them out of my own pocket
upwards of fifty millions of francs to enable them
to go cn, which they were to retain for nine years,
without paying any interest—after which term the
principal was to be returnee. In England your
machines are so numerous that in a short time you
would have had no occasion for bands You
were obliged to have recourse to the aid of machinery
because the necessaries of life are twice as dear in
England as on the Continent, and your taxes six
times greater, and also because other nations have
them. Otherwise you could not have sold your
manufactures as cheap as they could, and conse-
quently would not find purchasers. In Germsny
and Switzerland, for example, there were a great
number of machines." It thus appears that a
system of national policy so exceedingly reprehen-
sible on the authority of the Times correspondent
was, in the estimation of the First Napoleon, founded
on knowledge and patriotism. It is notorious that
France watched with intense interest the Free-trade
discussion in England, from the presentation
of the celebrzted merchants' petition in 1820
to the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1810.
She looked on the opening of British markets as
favourable to her industrial interests. Some of the
most acute free writers of the age have been French-
men—conspicuously among these Bastiat and Che-
valier. Argument and experiment have not changed
her opinion and practice. The present Emperor,
powerful in most respects beyond precedent, is
powerless against Protection. The fact is instructive.

437

Open the sea-board of France, and in a month, in
some kinds of productions, ber markets will be
keenly contested by British merchants. She knows
the result—England knows it—to her ;it could not
fail to be favourable. England has been knocking
at the door of France for many years ; the answer
is today what it has long been, "You must, for
such articles as we do not totally prohibit, pay from
twenty to thirty per cent. for the privilege." Eng-
land, on the other hand, taxes her citizens the more
heavily for the loss of import duties, and welcomes
all the world to sell against her in her own markets.
Whether Free Trade be right or wrong, the irnpor
tance of the circumstances narrated by the Times
correspondent remains unaltered. Our nearest neigh-
bour, "our faithful ally," peremptorily refuses to
follow our example. In France. for upwards of a
century, there have been a few Free-traders, but the
national feeling has been on the other side.
Revolution has followed revolution—dynasty has
followed dynasty—change has been the order of
the day—but Protection continues supreme. This is
the answer which experience gives to theory. " Open
your ports," said the Free traders, " and all the
world will hasten to follow your example." In 1840,
this was done. " Modify the import duty on British
iron imported into France," say the French iron-
masters, " and we refuse you allegiance!" In 1858,
the French ironmasters continue to triumph ;
Napoleon 111. continues to capitulate. These things
notwithstanding, the leading Free traders, through
their organ the Times, are absolutely ferocious if
their prophetic judgment be impugned, or the
wisdom of their policy doubted ! It is reason.ibly to
be assumed that the Timer correspondent has good
grounds for his affirmation that the French Emperor
is " notoriously favourable to the principles of Free
Trade." The columns of the Times bear frequently
very direct evidence that the Emperor is "noto-
riously favourable" to liberty, the enemy of
titles, the supporter of free discussion, instead of
all those public institutions and theories of which
English "Liberals" are prone to boast. The proof
of the notoriety is in the Emperor's own writings,
deliberately republished after ample time for correc-
tion and improvement. The opposite practioe in
France is equally notorious; no doubt the Emperor
in all such cases finds his defence in necessity. For
this " necessity," Englishmen who sell merchandise
in France must put their hands in their pockets.
In every important nation in the world a similar
" necessity" is maintained. Old John Bull pays
for all. No wonder that occasionally his nether
garments show that he is losing in flesh, and that
after doing an immense export trade, his pockets are
empty. John's instructors of the " New Broom
School" have convinced him that Free Trade must
be right; therefore, until John can pay no longer,
no doubt his mentors will recommend him to con-
tinue the practice. It is just possible that rich,
stubborn, and proud as John undoubtedly is, he
may get tired of " buying, selling, and living on the
loss ; " the more readily so, that while his profits
diminish, his taxes and debts increase ! Once
thoroughly restive, John will make a plunge without
much regard to philosophic treatises or Manchester
orators. On. what side will depend very much
upon surrounding circumstances. One thing is
quite clear—John cannot for ever continue to pay
fair wages to his workmen, and high taxes to his
' rulers out of low profit. Fair profits cannot possibly
exist i under a system of trade which places all other
sellers on an equality in British markets, and John
on an inequality, and which takes from him one yard
out of every three or five of his cottons, woollens, &c.,
in every important market beyond the limits of his
own territory.-1 am, sir, your obedient servant,
May Ist, 1851. FAIR TRADE.

THE VERY REV. Slit WILLIAM COCKBURN, DEAN OP
YORK, died on the 30th ult. at Kelston, Somerset-
shire, of whirl he was rector, at an advanced age.
The late dean was third son of Sir James Cockburn,
eighth baronet, by his second wife Augusta Anne,
daughter of the Very Rev. Francis Ayscough, D.D.,
Dean of Br'stol, and preceptor to George 111., and
brother of the late Admiral Sir George
Cockburn, Bart., G.C.8., and of General Sir
James Cockburn, Bart., G.C.B. He was educated
at St. John's College, Cambridge, and obtained a
fellowship of that college; he graduated as B.A in
1795, when he was 19th Wrangler, M.A. in 1798,
and was made a D.D. in 1823. The rev. deceased
was Christian advocate to the University of Cam-
bridge in 1803, and was in 1822 appointed Dean of
York, and in 1832 appointed rector of Kelston. He
married first in 1805 Miss Peel, second daughter of
Sir Robert Peel, Bart., and sister of the late
eminent statesman; and, secondly, in 1839 (his first
wife having died in 1829), Miss Pearce, daughter of
Colonel Pearce, of Harley-hall, Cambridgeshire. The
late dean succeeded to the baronetcy on the death of
his brother, Admiral Sir George Cockburn, in 1853.
Failing male issue the baronetcy devolves upon his
nephew, Sir Alex. Cockburn, the Lord Chief Just
of the Common Pleas.