The Press.
London, England, 1854-07-29 00:00:00

THE PRESS

was, on a former occasion when mooted, so
fully dealt with by the late Sir CHARLES
NAPIER, that one would have thought it would
have been set at rest for ever. The argument
is given at pp. 306-7 of Sit WILLIAM NAPIER'S
" Administration of Beiude," and must be
deemed conelusite ; but since Lord DAL-
ROUsIeIi quarrel with Sir CHARLES NAPIER
every opportunity appears to have been taken
of reveling the policy of Sir CHARLES. And
among other alterations the Ameers have been
allowed to return and settle in Scinde. Had
Lord DALHOUSIE completed the business by
restoring their thrones and country to them
as well, the act would at least have had the
merit of consistency, if it had had no other
merit. But this was too much fGr Lord
DALHOUSIE to accord, so he did the work by
halves, and the threatened " war to the knife

is the result.
To look for any other consequence would
have never entered the brain of any reasonable
man; but his Lordship is not a reasonable
man when dealing with the measures of the
late Sir CHARLES NAPIER. It would not be
more absurd to allow at the present time the
Duke de BORDEAUX to live in France, or the
Conde de MONTEMOLIN in Spain, than it is to
allow the ex-Ameers to live in Scinde. The
question in these cases is, not whether the
several claimants to the throne have or have
not been deprived of their lights unjustly, but
whether it consists with human nature that
dethroned Sovereigns in any country will de-
sist from intriguing for the restoration of
their power if they can only find facilities for
doing so ; and whether it accords with com-
mon sense to afford them such facilities by
allowing them to return and take up their
abodes in the countries which they conceive
they are lawfully entitled to rule.
In the concluding portion of the news thus
given us there is, however, matter of deeper
import than even these intrigues. That the peo-
ple of Scinde, who were formerly so contented
under our rule, should now be conspiring
solved to wage war to the knife with us is a
strong proof of the gross misgovernment to
which they must have been of late subjected ;
and in point of fact we have long been familiar
with complaints of great mismanagement
there. A revenue fallen to two thirds of its
former amount, a commission established for
the resumption of the estates of the Belooch
nobility, the 'and tax levied in a new and
arbitrary manner, the removal from office of
all the higher native public functionaries of
the province, and, finally, the lax discipline
maintained among the local regiments, whose
disorders are thus rather encouraged than re
pressed,—these are all circumstances calcu-
lated to goad any people into disaffection ;
and we need not be surprised, therefore, that
they should have had such an effect in
Scinde.
What steps' it may please the President of
the India Board to take with a view of reme-
dying these evils, and preventing this
threatened outbreak, we cannot guess ; but
that something should be done, and that
quickly, must lie plain to all.
The blunders of the Ministry have already
brought work enough upon our hands without
adding to the complication by a murderous
outbreak in Scinde, an event which, in the
present state of the public mind in India,
would be infinitely more disastrous to us than
even the outbreak at Cabool, for the flame
would certainly spread to the Punjaub, which
at present appears to be not over well affected
to our rule. The Nizam's country would be
up, and it is probable that the Burmese and
Affghans would seize so favourable an oppor
tunity of renewing hostilities. Under any
other Administration we should be inclined to
attach less weight to the danger; but, seeing
what our Ministers have managed to effect in
Europe during the last year and a half, there
is nothing improbable in the supposition that
they may as a climax be outwitted by the
plausible but treacherous ex-Ameers of Scinde.
It is for this reason that we call attention to
the ominous hints supplied by the Indian
journals, and state plainly the reasons which
induce us to think that they are well founded.
Should the threatened outbreak occur, it will
take no one acquainted with the facts by sur-
prise, except, perhaps, her Majesty's Ministers,

SATURDAY,

and that one of them in particular to whose
vigilant sagacity is confided the care of our
Indian empire.

THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL.
PARLIAMENT having now legislated for Oxford,
it remains to bo seen how the measure of
University Reform will succeed in practice.
Experiment alone can finally test the truth of
the conflicting views put forward in the pro-
longed discussions on this important subject.
Unshaken in our general sentiments ou the
character of the leading provisions of the mea-
sure, we shall await the results of its working
with interest. There seems to be reason for
fearing that a party struggle will take place in
Congregation on the first exercise of its
electoral privileges. The worst of a conflict
in such a body is, that a bare majority of
voices may exercise a lasting influence in the
choice of the Hebdomadal Board. Cliques
and coteries will toil to the utmost to achieve
a triumph at the first election, which will
necessarily be of the greatest importance.
If another course had been followed, there
would not be any reasonable grounds for such
apprehensions. The debate of Thursday
proved that in certain qtuirters there exists a •
strong spirit of sectional sympatlL Mr.
GLADSTONE was reproved by Sir WILLIAM
HEATHCOTE for his partisanship in debate, and
we have no doubt but that the admirers and
followers of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
will, in Congregation, emulate the plausible
casuistry of their subtle and dextrous leader.
Uenuine Protestants and thoroughly English
politicians cannot, therefore, be too vigilant
in their observation of the practical working
of the new measure. The fact that its actual
parentage is obscure and uncertain gives
reasons for additional caution in observing
its "developments" in action. Lord DERBY
asked, very naturally, " who were the authors
" of the bill?" anti, even after the proceedings
in the Commons on Thursday, it would be
difficult to give a plain answer to the Noble
Lord's question. More than iu ordinary cases,
we must be cautious in regarding the early
results of the recent legislation on Oxford.

GENIUS AND THE PENSION LIST.
THE annual recurrence of the publication of
the literary names in the Pension List always
suggests painful thoughts. Recollecting our
profuse expenditure in other directions, we
are mortified at observing the wretched sti-
pends doled out to persons distinguished by
their valuable and original contributions to
science and letters. We read of allowances of
forty pounds per annum, and similar sums, to
the destitute families of men who have earned
a wide celebrity, and done honour to their
native land. An eminent man arises, we read
his works, or profit by his inventions. His
name is mentioned with respect in intellectual
:ireles. His writings or his discoveries may
not, to himself, be lucrative in a commercial
sense, though publishers and patentees may
realise from them large gains, The genius
languishes or dies, and a case is made out for
himself, or his dearest and must destitute
kindred, and, after due interviews with persons
high in station, a pittance is obtained, and
his family are told to be thankful, on an
allowance from the State less than is often
given to decayed servants in private families:
Bad as the niggardly system is, it is
felt by some that it is too dependent on the
caprices of power and the accidents of poli-
tics. There is, as yet, not the least recogni-
tion of moral right in the claims of gifted
individuals to ask for some small allowances
in their infirmity or destitution. There is
merely a selcction of applicants, in which the
decisions are in many instances governed
by personal considerations, rather than by
intrinsic merits. The most painful part of
the case of authors and artists is, as Mr.
DISRAELI truly observed not long ago, at the
Literary Fund dinner, that " they are urged