The Express.
London, England, 1855-04-24 00:00:00

made the formal statement of these

insane in Conference a pretext for asking two days
further delay. His request was again granted, and,
at the end of the two days, no further evasion being
possible, be peremptorily refused to accede to the terms
of the Allies, and did not even attempt to persuade
them, by offering counter-proposals, that Russia
would assent to any terms that could limit its

preponderance in the Black Bea. Now, as from
the beginning, Rasa', with a view to promote its
lawless designs upon Turkey, is determined to keep
the Euxine a Russian lake, and to this end is pre-
pared to brave all the dangers with which the hos-
tility of France and England threatens it. The
Russian Government, while affecting to negotiate
with the representatives of these Powers on the terms
of a peace, has all the while been laughing in its sleeve
at them. We are not of those who entertain an ex-
aggerated idea of the statesman-like talent to be found
in the Councils of Russia. But allowing that

even the lent modicum of common sense exists in
these Councils, we are driven to the conclusion that
Russia has had a prospect of something to be gained'
by affecting to listen to terms of peace, and that there
hu been something in the deportment of its oppol
nents, or of governments professing neutrality, to
encourage it to trifle as it has done in the Con-
ferences.

Two things there are in the past conduct of the
Western Allies that may have encouraged Russia to
actin the manner it has done. In the first place, the
forces hitherto sent by France and England to the
East, and the preparations in progress to forward

reinforcements, are not of a nature to convince Russia
that it incurs any serious danger from their efforts.
This has naturally induced the Cabinet at St. Peterk
burg to believe that France and England have
been threatening 1t with more than they have
ever intended to perform. And in this belief
the terms offered by France and England
at the Vienna Conferences, as the means of cur-
tailing the Russian influence in the Enxine, cannot
have failed to ounfirm the counsellers of the CZAR.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE declared yesterday, when
examined by Mr. ROEBUCK'S committee, that the
siege of Sebastopol was undertaken because there
was no prospect of an honourable and permanent
peace unless that fortress were reduced and the
Russian fleet destroyed. This is pretty nearly in
effect what was said by Lord Raw RUSSELL in
the House of Commons, when he first pointed
to Sebastopol as a standing menace against
Turkey. And yet, if we ucderstand Lord
PALMERSTON aright, neither the reduction of
Sebastopol, nor the entire destruction of the Russian
fleet in the Black Sea, was insisted upon in the Con-
ferences at Vienna. Again, the alternative proposal,
that no ships of war of any nation should be allowed
to float on the waters of the Euxioe, is utterly des-
titute of sense. To banish all ships of war from
that sea would be tantamount to a declaration to the
barbarous tribes which occupy many of its coasts that
they might forthwith organise a system of piracy
with impunity. Ships of war are required in the
Etuitie, as in all seas, to exercise the functions
of a high national police against pirates. This
proposal could not be regarded by the Russian
diplomatists in any other light than as some•
thing pat forward to talk about, not to
be adopted. The tacit admission that Russia
might be allowed to retain Sebastopol and great part
of its fleet in the Black Sea was equally calculated
to excite a belief that the Allies are not in earnest.
, In these circumstances, it is quite easy to conceive

that the Cabinet of St. Petersburg may believe it
incurs no serious danger by allowing the war to
go on.
The advantage that Russia may have proposed to it-
self by spinning out the aimless negotiations at Vienna
is equally obvious. Every day or week gained by those
negotiations afforded additional opportunities of
working upon the insincere and feeble Government
of Austria, with a view to detach it from the Western
Allies. How far such an intrigue may have
been successfully conducted must soon become
apparent. Austria must now either declare
for the Allies, or stand convicted of the
grossest hypocrisy and treachery. For our own
part, we confess that it appears to us • matter of
perfect indifference what course Austria may see St
to pursue. We are, indeed, given to understand that
the prevailing impression in Government circles
is that Austria will break faith, and that such an
event is anticipated with much anxiety. It is said
that if Austria and Prussia can contrive to remain
neutral, they may be able, when the contending
powers have exhausted their resources, to strike in
with undiminished energies and give the law to
both. This, it is alleged, would invest Austria and
Prussia with the power to decide the fate of Europe.
But for France and England to shrink from
acting upon their convictions through fear of such an
ultimate result, would be to invest Austria
and Prussia at the present time with the preponde-
rance so much dreaded. There is hazard, no doubt,
is prosecuting the war; but to shrink from it would
be to place the destinies of Europe at the mercy of
tie two falsest and feeblest of European Govern-
-1 musts.

There is but one choice for France and England,
consistent with the honour and security of both
nations. If they quail before the impending dangers,
the old despotisms of Europe will be encouraged to
interfere incessantly, by all kinds of intrigues, in the
domestic affairs of France, and keep that nation in a
state of chronic anarchy. If they quail, England
will soon see Russia on the Mediterranean,
threatening our communications with our Indian
empire. The war must be persevered in, even
though Austria should become and Prussia con-
tinue false. There is little danger from either, if care
is taken to give the world clearly to understand that
the quarrel of France and England is with dynasties
or governments, not with nations. Neither country
entertains any hostility to Prussians or Austrians,
Poles or Hungarians, Croats or Italians. They will
draw the sword, if necessary, in self-defenoe, and in
defence of the liberties and independence of Europe,
against the Courts and Cabinets of Vienna, Berlin,
and St. Petersburg. It is not without regret that
we look forward to such a struggle. The progress of
commerce, arts, and science may be for a time inter-
rupted, and the expense of the war will press heavily
on many who are ill able to bear it. But for
the ultimate results we have no fear. We
have ere now, under Ministers u imbecile u the pre-
sent, waged a successful contest against a world
banded against us under the influence of France. We
now have France, the only Power really able to injure
us, for a faithful and sympathising ally. And the
necessities entailed upon us by the prosecution of the
war cannot but lead to valuable and enduring
reforms in our administrative Government. Were
the war to stop now, the growing conviction of the

inefficiency of our Executive would soon be dulled;
but every month that the war luta will bring nu,
tional stimuli to rouse the nation to insist upon,
Administrative Reform. Providence chastises us in
kindness ; the scourge of war is meant to compel us to
set our house in order.—Daily New.

THE NEWSPAPER STAMP.

- .• -

Tan Bill for the repeal of the Stamp Duties co
Newspapers, as originally framed by the preatmt
CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the principle of
which was sanctioned by a large majority of the
House of Commons, has at length passed safely throlo
Committee. A great deal, however, remains to be
done in order to render the measure thoroughly nett,
plete. Ia its present form the Bill amounts to
nothing more than a simple repeal of an obnoxicov
duty, whose prcflt to the revenue was in an involve
ratio to the injury it inflicted upon the public.
As we have previously shown, and as was ad.
witted, moreover, by several speakers in the Home.
it is extremely doubtful whether the revenue accts,
fag from this source will not be more than made up
by the proposed extension in our postal system; bat
whether this be the case or not the last restriction
has been taken away from what all Englishmen,
except Mr. DRUMMOND, are accustomed to regard as
a great privilege—the liberty of the prem. Two
questions, however, still remain to be dig,
cussed—registration and copyright. According to
the original Bill, it was not proposed to make any
change in the existing law as to either of these points,
and it was in consequence of a strong expression ti
opinion in the house itself and out of doors, that
Sir CORNEWALL LEWD{ Was induced to complete his
I former scheme by the addition of the resolutions
which we published the other day. With respect to
registration, the law has hitherto been extremely
unfair upon the proprietors ot newspapers. In owe
of a criminal information for libel, the action may be
laid against the publisher, but in case the proprietors
themselves wish to assume the offensive, they us
compelled to sue in the name of every single person
who hes any share in the property ot the joarnaL The
inconvenience of this arrangement, to say the least,
is very obvious, and the CHANCELLOR of the &CH&
QUER proposed, last night, that henceforth it
should be in the power of two or more proprieties
to be registered as representatives of the rent,
and to sue or be sued in their behalf. This
registration, however, was not to be compulsory, and
was on this ground that exception was taken to

it by Mr. WHITESIDE. The result was, that Sir
CORNEWALL LEWIS gave way, and the further con&
derstion of this point is deferred till Monday.
The same fate naturally attended the clause respect.
ling copyright; but we earnestly hope that nothing
will induce the Government to desist from their de.

termination on this point. We only ask to be pis.
tented against the wholesale robbery that woeld
certainly ensue in case the Bill were pined without
the addition of such a clause as that proposed by the
CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. It will, of course,
encounter the vehement opposition of those who have

been preparing for the establishment of a cheap paper
which shall be a mere reprint of the London morning
journals. As the public know very well, these journals
arc at an enormous annual expense in procuring in.
formation from every quarter of the globe, and in
presenting it to their readers in the best form they
eau. Now, what is the case at present? The even.
ing journals already rob us by wholesale ; but that is
the pettiest form of larceny compared with what will
certainly ensue in case we a.e not protected
against piracy. lust about the time that oar
London readers have been presented with their copy
of the paper, a few hundred printers, may have
struck off a reprint of all the moat valuable intelli•
genre culled, or rather clipped by piratical scissors,
from the different morning journals. And we cer
tainly think that, in calling upon the Government to
complete their own work, and not to inflict injustice
upon us while they confer a benefit upon our readers,
we are not asking a whit too much. It is said that
it will be extremely difficult to carry out such a law
of copyright. Our answer is—only furnish us with
weapons, and we can easily take care of ourselves.
Al for poor Mr. DRUAIMOND, who tried hard lent
night to prove to the House of Commons that the
so-called liberty of the Press is a most obnoxious
form of slavery, we hardly know what kind of a
paper would suit his taste. In the first place, how-
ever, he would have every writer sign his name. In
the second place, we suppose, he would have all the
leading articles written in that peculiar style which
may be described as a combination of buffoonery with
slander. He would have every editor array himself
in cap and bells, and endeavour to act the part of
a public instructor by the unsparing use of what
Mr. CARLYLE tells us is the meanest of all
weapons—ridicule and sneering. Thank Heaven!

we have in this country, • certain thing called public
opinion, and to that the Press, not less than the
House of Commons, is obliged to do homage.
Shall we live to see the day when HENRY Dsuu•
MOND shall be Minister of Instruction and Censor of
the Press, in addition to the many other offices,

. .
civil and religious, which he is said to SW—Daily
News.