The Press.
London, England, 1854-06-03 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

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MINISTERIAL NONI3ERFORMANCES.

A series of five bills, disfranchising certain electors
of the boroughs of Canterbury, Cambridge, Kingston-
upon-Hull, Maldon, and Barnstaple,respectively, stood
for second reading on Monday. Those electors in-
tended to be disfranchised had been pointed out in the
reports of committees who had inquired into recent
election proceedings in the several boroughs as
having been guilty of bribery or corruption, and
their names 'were set forth at full length in the
schedule annexed to the bills. When the measures
were first introduced by the Attorney General con-
siderable objections were raised by Sir F. Thesiger
and other members, who dwelt especially upon the
unfairness of entrapping persons into a confession of
their proceedings by a promise of complete impunity,
as had been the case with the electors in question,
e.nd then visiting them with the penalty of disfran-
chisement. Upon the motion for the second reading
of the bills Sir F. Thesiger had given notice of an
amendment "that the bills be read * second time
that day six months." When the order was called
on upon Monday evening, however, Sir A. Cockburn
announced his intention to save further trouble by
withdrawing the whole series. He acknowledged
the force of the argument touching the injustice he
was committing sufficiently to abstain from perpe •
trating it, and acknowledged besides that some
practical difficulties stood in the way of carrying the
bills, seeing that the schedules in which the guilty
persons were named had been found to be full of
errors. Sir F. Thesiger agreed entirely in the pro-
priety of withdrawing the bills, remarking that the
conduct of the Government had fully justified the
course be had himself pursued with regard to them.
A brief debate followed, in the course of which a
query, urged by Mr. V. Smith, elicited from Lord
John Russell the information that he should not pro •
pose to issue the writs, so long suspended, for the
five boroughs under discussion until the report from
the select committee on the Bribery Bills had been
presented and discussed.
Mr. DISRAEII thought that the opportunity should
not pass without requiring from the Government
some explanation of their views respecting the pro-
bable progress of public business and the measures
which they expected to be able to pass during the
session. Seven measures of the highest importance
had been announced from the throne at the begin•
ning of the session, and been introduced by Minis-
ters ; three of which—those on the Law of Settle-
ment, Scottish Education, and Parliamentary Oaths
—had been defeated ; three more—the Boroughs
Disfranchisement Bill (that before them at the
moment), the Civil Service Bill, and tho Reform
Bill—had been withdrawn or not brought forward;
while one only—the Oxford University Bill—re
mained, but considerably changed in the course of
discussion, during which the Government had sus-
tained several ignominious defeatF. It was remark-
able that all these measures resembled one another
in this—that they assailed either the rights of the
subject or the institutions of the country :
" It is (continued Mr. Disraeli) of greater importance to
press these matters on the attention of the house, because
we enjoy the inestimable happiness of having our affairs
administered by men remarkably distinguished for ability—
(laughter)—men who have made enormous sacrifices for
their country—and for themselves. (Great laughter, and
much cheering.) No man has made greater sacrifices than
the noble lord. (Laughter.) He has thrown overboard
all his old Mends and colleagues, and has connected him-
self with a coterie of public men who have passed a great
part of their lives in deprecating the abilities of the noble
lord, and running down his eminent career. (Loud
laughter, end .ronical cheers.) If the noble lord had suc-
ceeded in the object for which he doubtless made such
sacrifices, we should understand his position more clearly
than we do. But when we fiud that, out of seven most im-
portant measures he has proposed to us, three have been
defeated, and three have been withdrawn, I cannot help
considering that the time is come when we can hardly but
consider that we have not received such ample compensa•
tion as was held out to us for the breaking up of parties,
and for departing from the spirit and genius of our
parliamentary constitution. (Cheers.) We have not
received, I repeat, such full compensation or well-digested
and statesmanlike measures as we were led to anticipate—
(laughter, and cheers)—aud that when we were told that,
though it was true that the Government had no principles,
they had ' all the talents '—(great laughter, and cheers)—we
had a right to expect that the noble lord, who doubtless
desires always to deal handsomely with the house—
(laughter)—would at least have given us something—
would have done something—as a compensation for so
remarkable a state of atfairs—(laughter)—which has
banished all his natural colleagues to invisible corners—
(loud laughter)—and has placed him on that bench—
surrounded by men who have been decrying his career for
the last quarter of a century. (Great laughter, and ironical
cheering.) I have thought it necessary to offer these
' passing observations'—(laughter)—for really this is such
a busy country—and we have so much to do—that rarely
have we time to take an account of what we are doing.
And it is important that we should understand that now—
, at the end of the month of May—the Government have

SATURDAY,

introduced six measures of importance, which are defeated
or withdrawn, and that on a seventh, which still remains,
they have received already two considerable defeats, and
are destined, I trust, to be more signally discomfited.
(Loud cheers.)"
The forms of the house admit, generally speaking,
of but one address from any member in the course of
one debate. On the present occasion, however,
there was a series of bills, each of which had to be
successively presented, and thus afforded oppor-
tunities for replies and rejoinders on either side.
Availing himself of this chance, when the next bill
(fur Cambridge borough) was brought forward, Lord
J. RUSSELL replied to Mr. Disraeli. He observed,
preliminarily, that Governments were now very
differently situated with regard to the Legislature
than they were in the ante-reform days, when a
minister could always reckon on the support of
obedient majorities whom he had himself in great
measure returned to the house. lie then confessed
to having sustained many defeats, and suffered
much disappointment from the failure of his mea-
sures since the session opened ; but pleaded, on the
other side, that the house had supported him in
other matters of far greater consequence—namely,
the negotiaticns that preceded the war, the preparsa.
Lions for carrying it on, and the finance propositions
for raising ways and means. On these points the
Opposition had either abstained from challenging a
vote or been largely outnumbered upon a division.
He alluded to Mr. Disraeli's "disappointments " when
in office, and to his conduct with regard to the ques-
tion of Jewish emancipation :

" The right hon. gentleman has more than once, and no
doubt with great sincerity, declared his wish that the
Jews should be in possession of those privileges which us
enjoyed by all the subjects of her Majesty. He thinks they
are peculiarly worthy of them ; but still I cannot under.
stand his great anxiety to see the Jews in possession of
these privileges, for sometimes he does not vote at all, and
sometimes be votes against them, and the political con-
venience of the hour seems to have overcome his attachment
to the Jews. Such is the position of the Government
and of the right hon. gentleman. I regret that these
great measures have been defeated; but, with regard to
the much greater question than all, I must repeat that
the house has not shown confidence in the right hon.
gentleman, but that it has, both in discussion and on
divisions, shown that it has confidence in the Government.
(Ministerial cheers.)"
Mr. DISRAELI rejoined, observing that his own
Ministerial disappointment had been followed by
resignation, while the noble lord endured repeated
defeats of most disgraceful character without think.
ing such a course necessary. Questions belonging
to the late Government having been raised, he fol.
lowed them up by showing what had been Lord
John Russell's conduct when in opposition, and
while aiding in the construction of the Aberdeen
Ministry :
" Whatever may have been his inducement, from the
first moment that Lord Derby's Government was formed,
they did not find in the noble lord a fair opponent. The
Government had scarcely retired from office, from which
they were not driven, when a Government to which the
noble lord now belongs was formed—a Government in
which the noble lord had for a colleague that very one by
whose motion on the Militia Bill, on the establishment of
a militia on the voluntary principle, the Government of
the noble lord was forced to resign. (Cheers.) The noble
lord vehemently opposed that measure when it was
brought forward by my right hon. friend the member for
Midhurst (Mr. Walpole). He exhausted every combina-
tion of faction, and at length exhausted the patience of
his own friends—(cheers )—in attempting to defeat that
measure. And now let me appeal to the house, and the
people of this country, if this very measure has not been
one of the most successful that ever was passed—if that
force is not at this very moment the safeguard and pro
tection of the nation? (Cheers.) But is that all? I
remember another measure of the Government of Lord
Derby. We wanted to bring forward a bill for the reform
of the Court of Chancery. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord
and his friends opposed us with derision, and asked us,
' Are you going to put Parliament into Chancery? This
will never do ; and it was only the good feeling and the
high spirit of the house which enabled us to carry these
important measures, introduced in another place by Lord
St. Leonard's. (Loud cries of `Hear, hear!') Suppose
that important measure for the reform of the Court of
Chancery had not been brought in by the Government of
Lord Derby. Would you by this time have obtained it
from 'All the Talents " ?—(cheers)—from this Govern•
ment, who brings forward such magnificent proposals, but
which accomplishes such slight results—( renewed cheers)—
some of whom supported and some opposed the voluntary
establishment of the militia? There was another measure
proposed by Lord Derby's Government which they did nos
succeed in carrying, and which forms a very appropriate
subject for discussion this evening. Year after year. baling
disfranchised petty boroughs, there were vacant seats to be
filled. The Government of Lord Derby came forward and
laid before the house a large, enlightened, and liberal prte
position. (Cheers, and counter cheers.) They laid down
the principle which the noble lard has adopted in his own
Reform Bill since. (Cheers.) They said you should give
those forfeited seats to those counties with Large consti•
tuencies—the west riding of Yorkshire and Laitir!...
How were we opposed? Why, we were opposed With. hall.
the sanctimonious rhetoric of the Chancellor of the Ex,
oc e_
quer. (Great cheering.) The hon. gentleman said, otdo
forbid you should permit a Government ou sufferance

JUNE 3, 1854.

introduce a measure of parliamentary reform !' Well, the
conutry had a Government pledged to parliamentary re-
form. Where are their measures? Has Lancashire or
Yorkshire wore members now than then? (Hear, hear.)
Where are their great measures of parliamentary reform?
In the political dusthole, in which lie the suffrages of Sud-
bury and St. Alban's—(cheers)—and you have absolutely
so little power or so little inclination that you cannot deal
even with the other tainted boroughs. (Cheers. )"
Mr. Disraeli proceeded to examine Lord John's pre.
sent position in the house, declaring that he had de-
serted his old friends and broken up an historical
party for the sake of occupying a subordinate position
among men who had spent their former lives in op-
posing his measii..!: nal vilifying his fame, and under
a chief whom he bad himself stigmatised, a few years
since, as a " conniver with foreign conspirators."
With regard to the charge of having sacrificed the
cause of Jewish emancipation either by his vote or
his absence, the right hon. member met it by an un-
qualified denial.
Sir G. OBEY interposed in support of his former
colleague, regretted the "acrimonious" tone which
the debate had assumed, and declared that all the
old friends and supporters of Lord John Russell still
placed implicit confidence in his honour.
Colonel PEEL, speaking as a Conservative, could
not join in assaults which might have the effect of
weakening the hands of the Ministry in carrying on
the war.
Lord Jowl Russzu. renewed the defence on his
own account. He had opposed Lord Derby's Admi-
nistration at first because he considered their pro-
posal for continuing to bold office, with a Parliament
whose confidence they did not possess, for eleven
months before proceeding to a dissolution, most pe-
rilously unconstitutional. Afterwards he consented
to join the Aberdeen Ministry, in defence of the great
principle of " parliamentary government," which
stood at the time in serious danger, and but for his
aid appeared impossible. On this point of his per-
sonal history Lord John entered into some interest-
ing speculations :
" If I had thought a Government could have been formed,
either by myself or by other parties, without a junction
between different parties in politics, which Government
could hope to be strong in the confidence of the House of
Commons, I would rather that the Government should
have been formed of one party only, than that the Govern-
ment should be formed of different parties who had not
hitherto worked together. But when I came to consider
the position in which I might be placed, should her
Majesty have sent for me to ask my advice on that occasion,
could 1 form a Government which was likely to obtain a
permanent majority in the House of Commons ? Could
Lord Aberdeen, with the assistance of Sir Robert Peel's
friends, have formed such a Government? Lord Aberdeen
thought that was impossible. He has frequently declared to
me that he thought thatwaa impossible. The Government of
Lord Derby had just been defeated, and was not able to com-
mand a majority in the House ofCommons. Was I then to con-
tribute to bring parliamentary government into discredit?
(Laud cheers.) Was it not my duty, by every means in my
power, to enable Lord Aberdeen to form a Government
which would have the confidence of the House of Commons?
(Cheers.) On this subject I did not act alone. I did not
betray, nor desert, nor surrender the confidence of that great
party with which I was associated. (Great cheering.) My
right honourable friend Sir G. Grey has given his testimony
to the fact that I did not desert them ; and I may add,
that the man whom I naturally went to consult on that
occasion was not one who had constantly been my enemy
—one in whom I had no political confidence—the man
whom I went to consult was my Lord Lansdowne ;
(cheers)—and I found with him a right honourable friend
of mine, as distinguished fur hie talents, as distin-
guished for his character, as any member of this
house or of his party. I mean Mr. Macaulay.
(Cheers.) I think I betray no confidence when I state
what passed on that occasion. I asked Lord Lansdowne,
supposing that lord Aberdeen has a summons from her
Majesty to form a Government, whether bethought that I
could be a member of the Cabinet with Lord Aberdeen—
whether he thought it was my duty so to do. We discussed
numerous contingencies, and Lord Lansdowne ended by
declaring that in his opinion it was my duty—s duty which
I owed to the public—to accept office underLordAberdeen.
Mr. Macaulay expressed his opinion still more strongly.
He said, ' I know you are not afraid of responsibility—
(loud cheers)—but you never incurred a more awful res-
ponsibility than you will incur if yon do not lend your
utmost assistance to form a Government on the present
occasion.' (Hear, /war.) I consulted others, and they
were also of opinion that it was my duty to form a Govern-
ment which would unite the Whig party with the party of
the remaining friends of Sir Robert Peel, who were then
ready to accept office under Lord Aberdeen. (Hear, hear.)
The question was this: if, as 1 thought, it was impossible
to form a Ministry composed of the Whig party—if it was
impossible to form a Ministry composed of those who fol-
lowed Sir R. Peel—if it was unwise, if not impossible, to
leave the Government in the hands of a party which had
not the confidence of the House of Commons, and which,
In my opinion, did not deserve to have that confidence—
(cheers)—there remained the question whether those men
who had acted together on the greatest question that for
some years has divided Parliament—l allude to the ques-
tion between protection and free trade—whether the men
who concurred on that question might not be able to
concur on other questions, and enter office together?"
His Ministry, Lord John added, were now engaged
upon a most difficult task, quite distinct from any