The Press.
London, England, 1857-03-21 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

subordinating the interests of all classes to the sel-
fishness of one. Therefore, as a new Reform Bill
is inevitable, Conservatives should address themselves
principally to tho task of opening up to the general
advantage this close corporation of the shopkeeper
class, which, consisting of about 500;000 in all, has
at present the monopoly of political power. This
can be done by the adoption of an ancient Conserva-
tive principle which that party have always main•
tamed.

The principle is representation based on property,
practically carried out by a graduated franchise. Let
the ten pound householder keep his vote, but give
two votes to one who is a fifty-pound householder,
three to one who is rated at a hundred pounds, and
so on, till a just representation of property as well as
of population is obtained.
But are those below the ten-pound householders
to continue excluded from electoral privileges? It
was not so under the Prim Reform system when
"scot and lot voters" gave at least the semblance
of a franchise to the working classes. I think the
old principles or the Constitution should in this
respect be revived a'al realised in a practical manner;
for our principle of a property qualification and a
graduated suffrage not only naturally suggests such
a concession, but permits of its being carried out
with ample safeguards against the dangers of demo-
cracy. Let the franchise be reduced to five pounds,
but let those whom this reduced ft anchise would
entitle to a vote have only half a vote; or, for sim-
plicity's sake, let the five-pound voi-er be the unit in
the graduated scale, and give two votes to the ten-
pounder.
I throw out this suggestion for the consid?ration of
the Conservatives, animating that to many of the
most valued of the party it will appear at first sight
to savour of democracy ; but if they reflect on the
balancing effect of the increased representation given
to property by the ascending scale of a graduated
franchise, they will peraaps admit that this conces-
sion to popular wishes is nut inconsistent with an
enlightened Conservatism.

But I have already said enough. The programme
—my programme (for I pretend to no authority)—is
simply the condensation of the principles I have
attempted to develop :-
1. Peaceful foreign policy.
2. Publicity of diplomacy.
3. Sir John's Pakington's Education Bill.
4. No fuitther centralisation.
5. A graduated franchise involving a large increase
of the electoral body.
I am, sir, J. A. G.

THE SUGAR DUTIES.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—The question of how to escape from the yoke
of the high-priced slave.cotton monopoly, which our
modern legislation in favour of the slave system hits
entailed upon that emporium of intense selfishness,
unbounded conceit, liberal opinions, millionaire
millocrats, dEvil's•dust and shoddy, is, I perceive,
still anxiously mooted.
Mr. T. Barely at a meeting held recently by the
Manchester Chamber of Commerce said :
It was at all events important,that India should be
forced to keep pace with America in developing her re•
sources.

And he further told his hearers that half a century
ago, or before we began to foster foreign slavery, we
received forty per cent. of our cotton from India,
whereas now we only received twenty-six and a half
per cent.; and that slaveholding America had in-
creased her production fourteen-fold, whilst India
had only increased hers nine fold; and that the price
of a slave in America had increased 200 per cent.,
and that the value of an able slave now considerably
exceeded `3001.;• and he proposed the formation of a
cotton league for the encouragement of cotton growth
in every part of the world. Now, it' Mr. Barely will
replace the id. per lb. duty on slave-grown cotton, he
need not trouble himself with the formation of a
cotton league, as India then would be able to de-
velop its resources and compete profitably wit')
slaves, when the price of cotton might fall to a low
figure, and no force would be required, and the
present high price of the raw material would speedily
be taken from the Yankee monopolists.
Some few years since, and when the staple pro.
duce of the West Indies was ruinously low, Mr.
Cobden and some other gentlemen ssibscribed and
sent out a Mr. Smith to Jamaica to teach the
ignorant old planters the scientific Manchester
system of growing sugar profitably on the low prices
which then ruled, and who, after a year or two of
trial, and making less sugar from the same land
than the men of the old school bad done before him,
and sinking a large sum of money, gave up, ac hope-
less, the attempt to compete with the low prices at
which the slaveowners could work with a profit.
In 1850 51, I believe, Manchester sent Mr.
Mackey to India, to see if the cultivation of cotton
there could not be stimulated to compete successfully
with the slave-grown article in the United States. In
1853 Mr. Mackey's report was published, and he

269

stated that India could not, with low prices at Man-
chester, and 12,000 miles of extra tralsit, compete
profitably with the slave-growers of the United
States : and he says at page 9 :
No matter to how low a point American prices might
drop, they seemed to have in reserve a lower point still.
Now, however, that the price of raw cotton has
risen nearly 199 per cent. since the slave duly was
repealed, the Indian free-grower can send it here and
make a fair profit, and take Manchester fabrics in
exchange, whilst the Yank'e and other slave-growers
are making enormous profits, and whose slaves take
little nr nothing from Manchester in exchange.
Mr. Barely also talks abort the high price of
slaves being a bar to tha profitable employment of
their labour. I presume Mr. Barely is harping on
my Lord J. Russell's string, who told the uninitiated
in 1846 that, by relieving slave labour of the burden
under which it laboured in our market,' in the shape
of a differertial duty in favour of freedom, that then
free labour would speedily supersede slave labour;
and we have now the result of this logic in a slave
monopoly. And, further to enlighten Mr. Barely on
this subject, we will take his price of 3001. for an
able slave of twenty years of age, with interest
thereon at eight per cent., which would he per

annum

£24 0- 0

As slaves have increased 200 per cent. in
value, it is natural to conclude that
mlre care wilt be taken of them by their
owner, and instea(l of taking ten per
cent. out of them annually and killing
them in ten years, that they take only
six per cent. anagive them nearly

seventeen years of life
And better food and clothing, say

52 0 0

Now, a free labourer, like a free trader, will alwals
sell his produce, his labour, in the dearest market he
can find, as our weavers, colliers, and shipwrights do,
or attempt to do, when they strike for wages ; and
there is no free man that would work stea lily for
nine hours per day, and give as much labour per
day, say for 310 days in the year, on such work in
such a tropical climate as the slave in America is
compelled to do, and now that labour is filo, rising
in value in all protected countries, for less than Os.
per day, annually+ £93 0 0
Deduct the annual cost of the slave to
his owner

52 0 0

41 0 0
Here we at once get an advantage of 411. by the
employment of slave instead of free labour; and, in
addition to this, the number of extra hours the slave
works per day, which may he put at four hours at
least, or thirteen hours ner day, and which is equal
to another 411. Thus, in fact, the cost of a slave
as compared with a free labourer in America would
be as 111. to 931. for the free man, or fle2/. in favour
of the slave, to say nothing of the profits on the larger
amount of the slave's produce.
By way of showing how the slave can be worked. and
to what advantage, I will state, that in 18.24 I was
placed on a silent-e.-tat • in Jamacia to learn my busir ess
as a sugar planter, and get initiated into the mystei ies
of sugar boiling and rum distilling. The number of
slaves of all descriptions,of young and old, belonging
to it was some 370 ; this inebeled coopers. carpenters,
sawyers, masons, blacksmiths, farriers, Sze., and who
performed ali such respective work as the e•tite
required, cutting and splitting and preparing from
native timber the sugar casks, the staves for the rum
puncheons coming out in the rough from England
and made un by them. In that year the estate
turned out 390 hhds. of sugar, of nearly one ton
each, and 190 puncheons of rum ; both sneer and
rum were of good quality and brought the best prices
in the home markets. These 580 casks were carried
twenty miles over a dangerous, mountain, rugged
road to the shipping place at a cost of nearly the
freight to England. The time occupied in manu-
facturing this produce was twenty two weeks, and
with a cattle mill only ; during which time one half
of the working hands were up every other night
alternately. I was, myself, every day, and every
other night, in the boiling-house, having my mea's
brought me there. During the other portion of tl e
working days of the year, not occupied in makirg
sugar, the slaves were always at their work in the
morning by the time it was light enough to see to
read the list of their names, and they continued
until dusk, with half an hour for hreaktast and an
hour and a half allowed for dinner. The net value
of this crop to the owner who resided in London, at
the Gazette price of that year, and to which the
present is rapidly approaching, could not have been
much less than 17,000/., after deducting all charges.

• We are assured by the New York Herald, that forty yew's.
registering from 150 to 250 tons, are annually fitted out in Ame.
rican ports, and make on the average ten voyages in the year '0
the slave coast, and carry away some 4.,00n human bein,
losing one-sixth of the nnmher on the passage, and that tb•
profits thereon are 22,000,000 dole.
+ ',the price of the slave has risen 200 per cent, in America.
It is fair to put free labour twenty per cent higher, or from 51.
Ce. per day.

270

Now, what has been done before may be done
amin ; and with the advantages of the improved
machinery, skill, and knowledge of the present day,
and with ready access to a railroad, a shipping place,
and with as smart and industrious a manager as I
served under, it will, I think, be tolerably evident to
the uninitiated that so far as pecuniary profit is con•
earned there can be no doubt of the great advantage
t) be derived from steady and commendable slave
labour, over the irregular and desultory free labour
to be obtained within the tropics, despite the asser-
tions to the contrary of non-practical men of the
Russell and Grey school.—Yours, sir,
Feb., 1857.

AN 01.1) JAMAICA PLANTER.

Vrottebings in prlianicnt.

HOUSE OF CONI NIONS.—SATURDAY.
The H o use of Commons held an exceptional sitting
at one o'clock on Saturday last.
A bill founded upon the recent resolution of the
house, granting a retiring pension of 4,0001. per
annum to the Speaker, was brought in and read a
first time.

On the motion for the second reading of the
Mutiny Bill,
Mr. F. PEEL, replying to Mr. Henley, stated that
the bill had been so modified as to abrogate the prac-
tice, heretofore the source of so many complaints, of
billeting soldiers upon private houses in Scotland.
The bill was then read a second time; as was also
the Marine Mntiny Bill.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in answer to
appeals from Mr. Sotheron Esteourt and Mr. H.
Herbert, promised, if the opportunity were afforded
him, to reintroduce next session the Savings-banks
Bill, which had been withdrawn in consequence of
the approaching dissolution.
The Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill was
brought in and read a first time.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—MosnAY.
TflE DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.

The Earl of DERBY, in accordance with the notice
he had given, called attention to the circumstances
under which her Majesty's Government had resolved
upon a dissolution of Parliament. The noble earl
sketched the course of legislation as far as the session
has hitherto proceeded, and expressed his hope th at
the new Parliament would apply itself at once to
the consideration of the financial condition of the
country. It appeared to him that, in 1860, there
would be a deficiency of six and a half
This formidable deficit required the exercise of the
most vigilant economy. The noble earl then pro.
ceeded at length to refer to questions of foreign
policy, more especially the Persian and Chinese
wars, which he condemned in no measured terms,
and having reviewed the position of the country with
reference to other European States, said that, if the
noble lord at the head of the Government would
enter upon a course of enlightened policy abroad
and social improvement at home, he should have the
support of the much abused and vilified Conserva-
tive party; but that if, on the contrary, lie adopted
a course of innovation, that great party would step
forward to arrest his downward progress. For the
rest we must refer our readers to the Supplement,
wh« re the eloquent speech of the noble earl is given
at length. The noble earl spoko for rather more
than two hours. and. was loudly cheered when lie
resume .1 his seat.

Earl GRANVILLE vindicated the policy of the Govern-
ment. lie admitted it was "an unfortunate contin-
gency " that her Majesty's Government required
the support of the Conservative party to resist
Mr. Locke King's motion ; but with regard to the
electoral and other questions, her Majesty's Govern-
went had pledged themselves to " progressive
improvement." Lord Granville then referred to our
foreign relations, and congratulated the country upon
the firm and friendly nature of the alliance with
France :

Then, with regard to Austria, our relations with that
power were of the most friendly character; and though the
Government claimed no merit on that account, it was
nevertheless an agreeable coincidence that, while our re-
Ivions with Austria were thus improving, the Emperor of
Austria should be engaged in inaugurating a more liberal
system of government in his Italian dominions.

L )rd Granville then justified the interferenco with
N tples, and the Persian and Chinese wars, and,
co ning to the question of the " factious coalition,"
s►d.—

In the very first week of the sessicn the leader of the
Opposition and Mr. Gladstone were found in most friendly
co•operation, though ➢lr. Gladstone said he could not
help it if the Conservatives came to him and adopted his
financial plans, and that he could not refuse their support.
But this " monstrous calumny " about combination ur co-
operation. was not, entirely confined to the Liberal party.
The artick which appeared in THE. Parss—the noble earl
shakes his head. I know nothing about it, and can say

.THE PRESS.

nothing about it. [The Earl of Derby was understood to
say that ho also knew nothing about it.] I acquit the
noble earl of any connection with Tip: PaEss; bat THE PRESS,
whether rightly or wrongly, does owe its circulation prin•
cipally to the circumstance that it is supposed to be the
organ of the party opposite, and to receive very important
and semi•otficial communications from them. Well, iu
THE PRESS there appeared a short time since what pur-
ported to be a report of a speech made by the noble earl
opposite.
The noble earl here read extracts from the article
published in the first edition of THE PRESS of Feb.
29tb, and also Lord Derby's denial of the autbenti
city of the same report on the Monday following :

Tae l'itEss, acknowledging that it was in error in
kitting that the meeting took place at Lord Derby's
house, pointed out that the only other inaccuracy was the
statement that the noble earl said he had had no commu-
nications with Mr. Gladstone, whereas what he said was
that be had no compact or understanding with Mr. Glad-
stone, though there had been political converations
between them. (Hear.) I ant quite ready to accept the
noble earl's declaration ; but when the public bear rumours,
however unfounded, of the noble earl being in a room
with Mr. Gladstone, or with a friend of that gentleman, in
the House of Commons, they must have a confused
nation that there is, if not combination, or concert, or
coalition, still something passing, particularly when they
see that the interview is tollowed by a decided vote, which
puts the Government in a decided minority.
The Earl of Dmitiv: Did the noble earl advert to some
conversation in a room in the House of Commons?
Earl GRANVILLE: I said there were rumours of that
kind, to which I attached no importance whatever.
The Earl of DERBY: There is not the slightest fouoda•
tion for them.

Earl GIut:N.II.LE : With regard to combinations, there
might be combination which upon occasions might be ho.
nourable to all parties concerned and useful in their ten.
doncy,and I must take this opportunity of saying,with respect
to a large portion of members who voted recently against
the Government in the other house (not referring now to
Conservative memben, who had a perfect right to vote on
any party question against the Government, but to some
of the most diatinglished members who adorn the House
of Commons), that we—and I now speak not only for
myself, but for my colleagues and the noble lord at the
head of the Oovernmeut—entirely repudiate the notion
that the great portion were actuated by other titan the
highest and most conscientious motives. (Hear, hear.)
We think, and the country, I believe, also think, that
they misjudged the question ; but we should regret that
honourable men, who gave a disinterested support to the
Government during the war and subsequently, should
be visitel with penalties too heavy for a single vote.
(Hear.)

In conclusion Lord Granville said that, with regard
to the Government having no policy on which to
appeal to the country, he
.thought the question of
whether the electors were willing to support the
present Government was stifficient, and he believed
that its result would be triumphant to Lord Pal-
merston's Administration.

The Earl of MALSIESBURY added his denial to
what had been already stated with regard to an
asserted coalition or combination of parties to bring
about the adverse vote in the House of Commons.

The Earl of HARDWICKE expressed his deep indig-
nation at the general tone in which Lord Derby's
explanation had been noticed by Lord Granville.
It was, he thought, neither courteous nor even
honourable so to act in the face of Lord Derby's
solemn denial of any coalition with any party.
—The bill was then read a second time.

HOUSE OF CoMNIONS.—MONDAT.
The Speaker's Retirement Bill. the Exclicquer-
bills Bill, and the Consolidated Fund (Appropriation)
Bill were read a second time.

The Mutiny Bill and the Marine Mutiny Bill
passed through committee.

THE NAWAB OF SURAT BILL.

Sir E. PERRY moved for a copy of correspondence
between Mir Jafer Ali Khan and the Court of
Directors, and between the same and the President,
of the Board of Control, respecting the property of
the late Nawab of Surat, and asked Mr. V. Smith
what were the intentions of Government relating
thereto.

Sir F. KELLY urged that the act passed by the
Indian Legislature in this matter had set aside the
prerogative of the Crown and was therefore void
in law.

Mr. V. SMITH did not object to the production of
the correspondence, and explained that ►t had
already been decided by the Privy Council that no
appeal would lie, but an opinion had been expressed
that the Crown might direct a reference. The course
which he had pursued in respect to such a reference
was the only course open to him. As to the Act of
the Indian Legislature of ls-18, which had been in
force for ten years, if it was really invalid, recourse
should be had to a court of justice in England or in
India. It was open for the party claiming to contest
the act in that manner, and lie thought that, under
the circumstances, he (Mr. Smith) could not pro-
ceed further in the case.
The motion was agreed to.

SATURDAY,.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAY.
CRIMINAL BREACHES OF TRUST.

The LORD CHANCELLOR, in reply to Lord St. Leon-
ards, stated that it was his intention to bring in a
bill next session on the subject of criminal breaches
of trust.

CHINA.

Lord HARDWICICE preQsed for the proluction of the
depatches recently received from China, and wished
to know whether there was any truth in the report of
our defeat by the Chinese.

Lord GR-INVILLE promised that the despatches
should be forthcoming,—and denied the reports of
our defeat.

Earl GREY said it was idle to wage war without
adequate forces against, an immense population like
the Chinese, acquainted as they were with the use of
gunpowder. The noble earl charged Sir John Bow-
ling with having disobeyed the instructions of suc-
cessive Secretaries of State, by which he would have
been precluded from undertaking any warlike opera-
tions in China without the sanction of the Home
Government.

The Earl of DEnnY said that the entire responsi-
bility of the war must rest upon Sir John Bowring.
He had repeatedly asserted that the only objection
to his entering the city was on the part of the man-
darins, and that the Chinese population had no ob
jection to it. If that were so at the commencement
of these proceedings, there was the more reason to
complain of his conduct in having converted a popu-
lation who were friendly into the most bitter and
resentful enemies that this country ever had. Those
were the charges against Sir J. Bowring ; and
without considering the means at his disposal, and
miscalculating the opposition ho was likely to meet
with, and of which the admiral could know nothing,
he had taken upon himself the responsibility of
disobeying his positive instructions, and had plunged
the country into a war the eud and cost of which no
man could foretel.
Lord PANMURE defended the conduct of Sir John
Bowring, and stated that he had not acted without
the full concurrence of the British Consul and the.
British admiral, who were equally responsible with
him. There was no reason to apprehend a national
war in China, as the Government were informed by
a private note front Admiral Seymour that the
Emperor of China had instructed his subjects at the
four other ports open to British commerce not to
interfere with or molest her Majesty's subjects.
The question, a little later in the evening, was re-
newed by Lord CLANItICARDE, who inquired as to the
rate of pay which the troops sent to China were t'
receive, and whether Indian camp followers were to
be attached to them.

Lord PAsmunE explained that the troops sent from
this country could not receive the pay and allowances
granted to troops serving in the East Indies, but
that upon arrival at Hong Kong they would receive a
certain colonial allowance usually granted to troops
in that colony. The officers would receive a six
months' field allowance. A certain number of camp
followers would be furnished by the Indian Govern-
ment and attached to the several regiments.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH explained the uses of
camp followers, and suggested that the troops should
not be over-fed. He ventured also to represent the
unusual expense officers leaving this country would
be put to, and suggested that something beyond
their ordinary indulgence should be granted to them.
He then passed on to deplore French co-operation
with the British arms in China. There was no pre-
tence for such intervention. In conclusion, Lord
Ellenborough declared that much time might be
saved by employing the troops set free by the
Persian treaty, instead of those about to be sent.
from England.
The matter then dropped.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TuEsnyt.
THE SOUND DUES.

Her Majesty the Queen's favourable reply to Ifitf
aildress of the house with regard to the servicel+ of
Sir John APl'sleill and Colonel Tulloch having been
brought up by Viscount Castlerosse,
Mr. BRAMLEY MOORE rose to call attention to the
question of the Sound dues, and asked the Chancellor
of the Exchequer if a treaty had been signed to capi-
talise those dues and indemnify Denmark for giving
up her reputed rights, and it it was the intention
of her Majesty'.{ Government that such treaty
should be acted upon before Parliament votes the
money.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXcHEQUER said the negc-
tiations which had been carried on by the principal
States of Europe for the redemption of these dies
(which were detrimental to the trade of this countr),
not only on account of the sums levied, but of the
delay and the additional charges thereby incurred)
had terminated on the 14th of this month in two
treaties, signed at Copenhagen,—one between Den-
mark, on the one part, and Russia, Prussia, France,
Great Britain, and other States, on the other, con-
taining general stipulations ; the second was a
separate treaty between Great Britain and Denmark.,

MARCH 21, 1857.

Copies of these treaties, as signed, had not yet been
received, and he was therefore unable to answer the
questions put to him with confidence, but from the
draught he could state their effe.ct, without pledging
himself to the accuracy of his statement. By the
general treaty the Sound would be opened on the Ist
of April, and the compensation to be paid by each
power was fixed. By the separate convention between
Great Britain and Denmark the amount fixed for this
country, subject to the decision of Parliament, was to
be paid within three months. The question of hypo-
thecation was between the Danish Government and
the bondholders.
Sir H. Wit.r.ouowsv inquired what was the amount
of the compensation.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied
1,1.25,206/.