The Press.
London, England, 1857-02-07 00:00:00

TILE PRESS.

tion connected with the Treaty of Paris; but there are
other questions not yet settled, and about which we ought
to have some information.

Most important matters are involved in that brief para-
graph which refers to America. The Central American
question was one of those difficulties which during the
last summer were upon the hands of the Government
which have never been wanting since the conclusion of
peace, and of which I am much afraid at the present time
it is not possible to foretel the termination. We have
seen in the newspapers an arrangement, which I think a
fair arrangement, with the United States about the
Central American dispute; but I must say, although it is
no fault in my eyes, it does give a sanction to the opinion
that the settlement was based upon concessions to
America which previously we had long and unhappily re-
fused. The capital point in this matter upon which
American opinion and argument ran highest related to the
Island of Ruatan. That point has been conceded, and my
right hon. friend the Secretary for the Colonies has
allowed this gem—if it be one—to be removed from the
diadem of his Sovereign. lam far from regretting that
loss. In my opinion it was wise and just to give it up. It
was unfortunate that it should ever have been occupied, or
that such occupation should have received the sanction of
the Government at home ; but still I do think there is a
great constitutional question involved in the surrender of
Ruatan, about which we ought to have had some informa-
tion, and which we are still entitled to ask for. Ruatan
had become by a regular and competent act a portion
of the settled dominions of the Crown, and I apprehend
that by the law her Majesty has no right to give away her
settled dominions without the assent of Parliament,
although with respect to territories acquired by war
another and a different principle prevails. if that be so, I
am afraid the treaty we have made with the United States,
the substance of which I approve, has not been drawn with
all the care that was desirable ; because, instead of making
a surrender contingent upon the assent of Parliament, the
island of Ruatan has been absolutely handed over to the
State of Honduras. If I am wrong in these statements I
shall be glad to be corrected ; but the subject is one to
which I feel it my duty to call the attention of the Govern-
ment, and respecting which 1 submit that information
ought to be given to this house.

Sir, with respect to the unhappy events which have oe-
earred in China, I must say it would have been agreeable
to me if they had been noticed in the Royal Speech in
somewhat different terms. (Hear, hear.) Whoever may
be right or wrong in that complicated affair, it has cost the
blood of hundreds, if not of thousands of innocent and
helpless men—(Hear)—subjects of a power which dies
not come up to our ideas of civilisation, but which, at
least, has nu intrigues of policy, no schemes of aggrandise-
ment, no designs upon India, no fleets upon the Caspian,
but is a power whose subjects, after all, are our fellow-
creatures, and I must say, if the stupidity or bad faith of
their governors has rendered it necessary—a point on
which at present I give no opinion—for to us have recourse
to arms, I could have desired to see some expression of
regret—(Hear, hear)—upon the ground of common
humanity, in that portion of the Speech which treats of
this most painful subject. ( Hear.)

With regard to another question of great importance—l
mean Persia—l am disposed to complain that no promise
of information has been given to the house. Upon the
merits of that quarrel at the present moment I do not pre-
sume to pronounce; yet at the same time I must proceed
to the point of saying that no facts have appeared in the
public journals, or in any sources of information open to
me, which afford any adequate justification for our pro-
ceedings. (Hear. hear.) Ido not speak of justification
merely on the bare and dry point whether, as an advo-
cate in a court of justice, we can show that somebody has
committed an abstract wrong. Much more than that is
required to justify the Government of England involving
the country in hostilities. The cause must he adequate
and the necessity strong. (Hear.) I trust, therefore, we
shall hear that information with regard to Persia will
speedily be laid before the house.
But there are tw, other questions, and questions of
great importance, in connection with this question of
Persia, upon which I think it my duty not to refrain from
offering a remark, because these two questions do not de-
pend on any matter of right touching the controversy, or
touching the local or even the Asiatic policy of this country,
but relate to matters of domestic importance, having a
powerful and immediate bearing on the welfare of the
people and the duties of Parliament. The first is this—Bv
whose authority has the war against Persia been waged.?
(Hear, hear.) I think it is not difficult to see that the
war against Persia has its root elsewhere than in Cal-
cutta. Of the sentiments of the Governor•tieneral I
have no knowledge, except the knowledge derived from his
own proclamation ; but I must confess the terms of that
proclamation conveyed to my mind the impression that
the expedition to Persia was undertaken by commands
from Landon, and not by order of the Supreme
Council at Calcutta. The expedition from Bombay sets
sail, but by whose command? By commands from Lon-
don ; and this, unless I am much mistaken, cuts very deep
into the consideration of the question, by what system is
our government of India carried on ? (Hear.) ))•ho is it
that has given orders for this Persian war? I speak in
ignorance, but I ask for information which I think the
house is entitled to receive. (Hear, hear.) Has it been
done by the Court of Directors of the East India Com-
pany? The theory of our East India Government—which,
to use a homely phrase, is in a verb• leaky state—is, that it
is a subject not fit to be handled by the rude hand of Par-
liament, that there must be an intermediate body, apart
from the influence of Parliament, beyond a remote influ-
ence, in order to secure the good government of India. I
can cwiceive the advantage, though not paramount to the
objections, of governing India through the medium of a
body not under the direct control of Parliament. I can
conceive the advantage of placing India under direct par-

SATIIIIDAY,

liamentary government; but there is one system which
has the recommendation of neither of these two, and it is
this :—The setting up a body, nominally the governors of
India, that shall really serve to stop Parliament consider.
ing the interes:s of India, but at the same time shall have
no power whatever to check the discretion or caprice of
Ministers, either by privileges of its own or by any effec-
tive appeal to the House of Commons. If India is to be
governed by a Court of Directors, then we are entitled to
expect that these measures, which never had the sanction
of Parliament, must have had the sanction of the Court of
Directors. I beg to put the question to the First Minister
of the Crown whether the expedition undertaken against
Persia, and the policy of that expedition, have had the
sanction of the Court of Directors, or been adopted with
their knowledge? (Hear, hear.) I think no man can re-
gard the Persian war without considering how it is that
wars of the kind have come to be waged under .:he
name of being merely Indian wars. Would it be right
that we, holding India as we do, and having entered into
this quarrel with Persia, removed by so many hundred
leagues from our Indian empire, should compel the
people of India to bear the charge? If it is right that
they should bear the charge, then it is right that the Court
of Directors, who govern India, should have something to
say; but we have no information upon the question, at
whose charge this war is waged ? ( Hear, hear.) I wish
to ask the noble lord at the head of the Government
whether any arrangement has been made by her Majesty's
Government with the Court of Directors, or otherwise, for
charging either the whole or a portion of the expenses of
the Persian war upon the revenues of this country ?
( Hear, hear.) I may be wrong, and it may be an old.
fashioned notion, but I have less scruple in expressing it,
because I cannot be deemed to say it in concert with any
person or any party, but I frankly own that if her
Majesty's Government have carried us into a European
war, it was their duty to have called Parliament
together at the first moment when they ventured to con-
template so serious a step. (Cheers.) I will not now
inquire whether there be any precedent which may either
palliate their neglect, or, in their own estimation, justity
their proceedings; but I will say, without fear ot' contradic-
tion, that the practice of commencing wars without asso-
ciating Parliament with the first measures is utterly at
variance with the established practice of the country,
dangerous to the Constitution, and absolu'ely requiring
the intervention of this house in order to render the re.
cognition of so dangerous a proceeding utterly impossible,
(Cheers.)
I pass from the consideration of our foreign policy to our
policy at home. When I read the paragraph in thegracaous
Speech from the Throne in relation to the Bank and the
currency, I was impressed with the belief that her Majesty's
Government were about to invite us to legislate on those
questions. I think that a proposal well matured by the
Executive Government and supported by its authority
would be much more likely to lead to a satisfactory con-
sideration of the question than the mere reference of the
subject to a select committee ; but as I find the Chancellor
of the Exchequer has given notice of a motion that a select
committee shall be appointed for the consideration of
these important matters, I will venture to express the hope
that the Government will go into that select committee
with the view of guiding its deliberations, aiel proposing
to it a definite plan. (Hear, hear.) I oentiot too re.
spectfully and, at the same time, I cannot too gravely sub-
mit to the house that unfortunate changes have for many
years been tAking place in the credit,dignity, and efficiency
of the proceedings of its select committees on questions of
public interest and importance. There are happy exoop.
tions ; there are cases in which select committees lave
thoroughly investigated the matters referred to them, and
presented most valuable reports, which have become, or
may become, the basis of useful legislation; but I think
the public feel that too much of a slovenly character on the
whole marks the investigations of our committees—( Hear,
hear)—and I think there are few members who have not
found that the labours of the select committees of the
other house have been contrasted with our select cont.
mittees to the credit of the Upper and to the disadvant.g
of this house. (Hear, bear.) I hope that will not be the
case with his committee; and if he goes into that corn.
mittee ready to propose a definite course on the. part 4
the Government, that will be likely to lead the committee
to a safe decision. Ido not say what the nature of that
course ought to be, and I think that this paragraph of the
Queen's Speech was perhaps expressed with less of caution,
than the importance of the subject deserved. It states,
" Her Majesty commands us to recommend to your eon.
sideration the expediency of renewing for a further period
the privileges of the Bank of England." Now, sir, 1 have
a very strong opinion that the privileges of the Batik of
England, properly so called, require revisiou quite as
much as renewal. ( Hear, hear.) The relations between
the Bank and the State are extremely ill-defined. They
date from a period when financial ideas were immature,
when public faith did not exist, and when it was important
to induce a body of merchants to become security for the
State. These were the circumstances that called the
Bank of England into existence. I admit that the Bank
of England has rendered great services to the State, but
much of the relations now existing between the State and
the Bank of England is based upon these antiquated, and
in the present day highly inappropriate ideas. (Hear.)
Therefore I am prepared to contend that whatever
arrangement is made with the Bank of England should be
agreed to after comprehensive and careful investigation of
the whole matter, and of the character of the Rank of Eng-
land as the agent of the State for the purposes of finance.
I think that this paragraph ought not to have indicated a
foregone conclusion with respect to the renewal of the act
of I e-11. (Hear, hear.) That act was one of a long course
of progressive measures. It did not pretend, in the judg-
ment of Sir R. Peel, its responsible author, to a character
of absolute finality. I am not prepared to unsettle any
portion of that act for the state of things that existed be-