The Press.
London, England, 1854-01-28 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

keep flunkies yourself, and sometimes you go
,ur flunky why you have gone out. May not

Ave blundered your simile, as I observe you
,as the instructor in this case, and explained
le out. I don't believe that a crammer was
td so utterly disbelieved. They will try to
it.

bishop confirmed it, and confirmation is a
id not believe it.
hall have it out before long. I detest per-
Av.—(Hear, hear)—but, sooner than it should
om, I shall sacrifice my feelings and make an
ich will bring up the parties.
shall see. It is possible that we may be asked to

another matter, if we are asked properly.
lo dislike personalities, which are irrelevant
it right to mention that, one of these days,
Somerville will be alluded to in the House.
end ; and, if it concerns anybody here present,
his answer to what may be adduced.
_igrateful fellow, that ! After all that we did
,mired him—to have the meanness to go about

iness of which, people say, the League itine-
Well, if it comes, we must do the best we can
Id a friend ; and it seems to me that some
to our left hand of a night will want a good
ssion.
oresaid, they must make it worth one's while,
damaging work to march through Coventry

•
set they are ! However, Christianity, tells us
13 in need the more is our duty to succour
Samaritans, we will pour in oil. •
tne
' They may do the opening for then selves
Jf them.
cannot quite understand yet what is to be done
. wish you would tell me.
will see when the time comes. The bill is not
b may be reasons why we should support it.
bill may be what we desire, in some respects,
ions why we should obstruct it. Perhaps we
r course. All that you need know atpresent
•ports Lord Aberdeen because he upholds
to war ; and that the League supports Lord
calls himself a Reformer. And, if a crash
that our speeches will go into one lobby and
Do you understand?
3tly.
41. Then we'll go to bed.

S OF RADICALS.

RADICAL RANK AND FILE.

[ging this series of papers to a close, and I
contemplation of these fellows. Let us
owing, and then leave them to their own
them, that I never expected. There are
and philosophical Liberals, men who, at
int; but the British Radical is inaccessible
to truth is, Radicalism is not so much an
if disposition and circumstances. Radicals
nty remark; they have strong and obstinate
itis feeling, but that is rare) ; they have a
Tial progress of modern times, and of the
Id institutions in reference to it ; all the
late. Half the Radicals I have known have
aristocracies from motives no more respect-
lake the costermongers (according to Mr.
tto the police. It is generally a matter of
'ing of the motives of Little Pedlington into
" politics." Potts dislikes lords, because
end on't.
they reformed Rome were better than the
friends were better and higher spirits than
. That kind of reform I understand. But
Radical party are any better than their neigh-
their charity, their piety, or what is it we
;ution of a naughty world ? It is with little
to denunciations of Nell Gwynue by the
'earsheet ! But is it their party that are so
deuce a bit, as far as I can see. Many a
in agitation who scarcely knows the differ-
td a choriambus. And as for their speaking
t dozen men who, if chance had made them
of partridge-shooting and salmon. fishing,
ikroaeh and Potts over and over again. Sir
ion that Erskine's brother, the Earl of
Aural gifts ; but the earl was cursed with
idicrously small for an earl, was sufficient
At and turnips ; so he " declined to serve
inferior family," and died, having done

85

nothing. I think, however, that such men begin to see that it is time
to be up and doing, now ; and I don't despair of having an almanac
with " Potts shooting begins," or some such announcement, duly
entered in it.

When Tanqueray, the distinguished novelist, goes to Knights-
bridge-house, the Radical literati call him (the sweet, affectionate
creature) a " tuft-hunter," being to a man " tufts " themselves to anybody
who. will pay them the compliment of attention,—only minus
pedigrees and manners. Mr. Cobden made it a charge against the
British people generally, the other day, that they were apt actually to
show a great deal of respect to the large proprietors. One deduction
may be made from all this vulgar quarrelling (which discredits our
literature), viz., that the aristocracy are really more popular than
these fellows like. It is a common complaint with the Radicals, and
ought to give them sad misgivings, when they look round the country
for their rank and file. Who are their rank and file ?
There is not a more difficult problem than to pronounce as to
what the " popular opinion "is at any given time. The public were
all for Caesar, and his death demolished Roman freedom and paved
the way for the Empire. For the fall of the historic aristocracy and
the rising of the money interest to undue heights invariably produces
despotism. So, in our own day, the cry against the aristocracy is, after
all, a superficial one (does not come from the heart of the mass), and is
likely to encourage a despotism here of the most intolerable character--
with Radical libertini for counsellors and senators. The peoples (as
distinct from the Radical Rank and File) feel instinctively an oppres-
sion which, under the fine names of " progress" and " laws of
political economy," is crushing them to the mire. Cotton potentates
sneer publicly at the operatives "on strike ; " and, after years of
effort to set the agricultural labourers against the owners of the soil,
protest that a question of wages is not a question of politics ! But the
operatives have clearly little confidence in these potentates, and begin
to see that they are not to be made tools of for political purposes on
occasion, and dismissed with a sneer and a few cheers in their distress.
It is the supporters of Radicalism to whom they are indebted for this
kindness : they are the men who, after assailing every rank in turn,
now wish to secure the whole power of the country by trampling upon
the labouring classes too. Perhaps,' after hearing so much against the
aristocracy for the last fifty years, the labouri ng classes would not
like to be roughridden by a bran-new body of nobility, bragging of
its investments, and calling itself a " Horder ! "
Out of all these confusions, it emerges clearly enough that the
Radical Rank and File is a limited body, intent rather on plunder and
excitement than gifted with any definite convictions ; while the com-
monest observation of the people shows one that the popular feeling
is decidedly on the side of the hereditary and tra!litionary influences.
Say, for instance, that in towns, as of course is the ease, the Radical
has his best chance ; yet, what bond is there between the Radical and
his leader? In periods of excitement the leader has an influence; but
nothing dies so quick. Many a moneyed man, again, favours Radicalism
to salve his wounded self-love. But where is his popular following?
The labourer owes him nothing—nay, it is ostentatiously put forward
that only " supply and demand " is to rule between them. Nothing
about this relation appeals to the imagination or the heart a man.
With all our " progress," we are a less brotherly and friendly people
than we were centuries ago. Is a man a machine, then, to have oil
only that he may work ? Is there to be no affection, which, coming
from the superior, is repaid with loyalty from below ? Now, here is
Radicalism's weak point. It exists only in negation, in denial. It
" cobbles institutions," and leaves man as poor us it finds him. It
appeals to nothing in humanity but its cheapest qualities. Hence,
what spectacle of moral elevation has this sect presented us with? It
has given us no poetry—no illustrious examples of personal grateful-
ness and nobleness—no great friendships—no martyrs but "church-
rate martyrs." How can it stand in competition with anything that
appeals to the romantic element in mankind ? For this, and a hun-
dred other reasons, I look upon this noisy body, who are trying to roar
down the historic names of Europe, as nothing but a commonplace
FAL-nos, intent on the vulgarest objects—the offspring of a mechanical
age and of the deification of trade, and to be dealt with by opponents
with /goy little ceremony !
We are apt to exaggerate the importance of these men
.altogether.
To prevent anybody from making the complaint, I now dismiss the
subject, hoping that, in an age when men like these pretend to great-
ness, even the present writer may hope, without presumption, to add
his quota to the cause of philosophical Conservatism.

EXTRACT FROM AN UNFINISHED EPIC TO BE ENTITLED
" OXFORD REGAINED.
4, Oh weep, fair Oxford, mourn Sir Robert Harry !
The sad intelligence bid Isis carry ;
From tower to tower the dismal tiding swells;
Mu is ed and sad the merry Christchurch bells.
Oxford, of classic learning once the seat,
But now of Gladstone's clique in Downing-street!
No more the portly form, and polished pate,
Shall rise the Prospero of each debate ;
No more the flower that graced his ample coat
Shall cast a vernal fragrance o'er the vote;
No more shall Fitzroy or kind Mahon reach
An orange moisture for Sir Harry's speech.
Old times are passed, no longer shall old ties
Of shoes and neckcloths claim our sympathies.
The fob, the watch, the seals, the pendent chain—
When shall we gaze upon his like again?"