The Press.
London, England, 1858-08-21 00:00:00

THE PRE S S, AUGUST 21, 1858.

policy and a new body of political leaders might
suddenly be discovered.
The Conservative party, therefore, has, under
present circumstances, a mission of the deepest
social utility to discharge. Sick of the intrigues
of Cambridge-house and the impotent ambition of
Woburn Abbey, the country desires to see affairs
carried on with temperate energy and sound
common sense. The age of noisy declamation
and revolutionary theories has passed away, and
a wish for steady government, steady, principles,
and steady statesmen has arisen in the most
opposite quarters. " Unstable as water, thou
shalt not excel," were words addressed as much
to nations as to individuals, and the instability of
Liberalism has tired out the patience even of
the Liberals themselves. A general feeling has
now sprung up iii favour of Conservatism. Lord
ROBERT Cwit„ in his able dissertation on the
theories of Parliamentary Reform, has observed,
while treating of the vagueness with which both
Conservatives and Liberals refer to "progress,"
that " there is a 'real difference between a Con-
" servative and Liberal, but it is not a difference
" of principles, but ofbias ; " and, without entirely
adopting that distinction, we may say that " the
bias" of the floating public opinion of the country
is rapidly and surely passing to the Conservative
side. We have all met with cases in practical
life where the arguments pro and con. seem
exactly balanced. In law and medicine, and in a
few cases of theology, there is as much to be said
on one side as on the other. In all such cases
mere " principles " do not resolve the difficulty.
People are led by their bias";" their leanings
carry them to one side or the other, and thus the
mass of crude and unformed electoral opinion
which a year ago was at the service of Lord
PALmxitsros, is now exhibiting its " bias " to-
wards Lord DERBY.

Now, we should be sorry that the great insti-
tutions of the realm and the strength of the
Conservative cause depended on nothing more
firm and lasting than the " bias" of fleeting
popular opinion. Our faith is in principles and
institutions, and, as we have said before, "Eng-
" lish liberty and English Protestantism are in-
" stitutions as well as principles," and the coun-
try expects that " Protestantism and Progress "
will be better taken care of by the Conserva-
tives than by the Liberals ; but in order that
such should be the case, it is above all things
necessary that Conservatism should be reor-
ganized. There have been vast mistakes, negli-
gences, and schisms, which will have to be reme-
died before the Conservative party will be fully
able to realize its destiny, and to fulfil the ex-
pectations of the country. Upon these points it
will be necessary for us to give a few practical
hints.

Not many weeks since the articles in our
journal on " Disagreeable Recollections" were
attacked in some captious circles as tending to
revive unpleasant quarrels. Such was not their
object, and such was not their tendency. These
articles were necessary, amongst other reasons,
to exemplify the evils accruing from want of
steadiness, and they also recounted the reasons
why the Conservative party was weakened. 'We
need not traverse ground so lately passed over,
but we must urge the imperative necessity for
new, vigorous, and comprehensive organization,
so as to place the Conservative force of the
country on a sure and certain basis. Without
union there cannot be organization; without
organization there cannot be strength ; and with-
out strength there cannot be victory. In the
great Parliamentary contest between the Conser-
vatives and Liberals, from 1835 to 1841, the
superiority in organization was on the Conserva-
tive side. The Liberals spent more money, and
had no scruples about compacts with Agitators
and revolutionary Radicals, but their force did
not present a dense and serried front. Conser-
vatism was then admirably organized, but
when the schism of 1846 took place, the electoral
power of Conservatism was greatly damaged.
rhe business department of the Conservative
party had for years been specially intrusted
to persons who were, as the events sub-
sequently proved, " Peelites to the backbone."
These gentlemen had great experience, much
private knowledge, and a complete acquaintance
with the internal affairs of the Conservative
party; and the consequence was, that when Lord
DEnny's Opposition was established, everything
had to be begun over again. The Conservatives

had no.* 2nly to build the house, but to fetch the
manufacture
business.the
omna
thecll i machinery,
other side
id
et, cathe he
po struggle
e_
ma t e
workmennal s ,
their
Peelites and the Liberals had a machinery ready
made to their hand, a fact which
t e Coalitiony e
rsinhalsBsdisci Butli
disciplined
e anew sgreatly faeir
o•
f
ftetd theireleasirtn
forces of Conservatism.
What should now be done, and in the first
instance, is to look to those localities where it ie
notorious that the registries have been delibera
neglected. After the Coalition was formed, te"
and
when the Conservative cause seemed almost hoped
less, several gentlemen, in neighbourhoods which
we shall not now particularize, withdrew their
subscriptions from the local registry clubs. Thy
were disgusted with the course of events, and,
recollecting Sir ROBERT PEEr, they were not in-
clined to place their faith in any political
leader. They were disappointed, also, because
Lord DERBY did not grasp the helm of poker
on the fall of Lord ABERDEEN, and they asked
significantly—" For what and for whom were
they to register ?" That question cannot
he
asked now. The country looks to the Conserva-
tive side for help and for practical government.
The gentlemen of England have now a valid and
public ground for the registration of their votes,
for the display of their influence, and the consoli•
dation of their party. We ask them to exhibit
renewed energy, not for the sake of any leaders
but for the welfare of the cause which we all have
at heart. If Conservatives will not be true
their own side, how can it be expected that the
country will be true to them ? If Con.
servatives, therefore, wish that they should
make an effective figure at a general electimi,
now is the time for taking measures •
place the local registries in a proper condition.
spirit of activity is imperatively required in order
to counterbalance the losses front the apathy
the last few years. The registration of voters
should be looked atter by local committees:; and
when the signs of renewed energy become visible,
the sluggish will be stimulated, and a wholesome
energy will gradually be manifested.
On one special point connected with registra-
tion we think it necessary to give advice.
some constituencies where Liberalism has a com-
plete and permanent numerical ascendancy, ('on-
servatives not unfrequently decline to register,
saying, " It would be of no use ; we never could,
" rescue the borough (or the city) from the Libe-
rals." But, nevertheless, it is desirable '
register, if for no other purpose, at least for that
of helping at times to choose the least obection-
able of two Liberals. Some of our Liberal adver-
saries are in favour of the Established Church,
Ind others are opposed to it. Some of the Libe-
rals are as adverse to " Maynooth" as the
staunchest members of the " National Club
Some Liberals are in favour of moderate mea-
sures, and others are the avowed partizans ,
revolutionary projects. There are times and
occasions, therefore, when a Conservative
public grounds (and where no Conservative can-
didate is standing) may find it useful and
patriotic to give a preferential vote to one of tr
Liberal candidates, though constitutionally op-
posed to both. For these reasons, therefore,
even where Conservatism is in a great minority
Conservatives should register ; and a fortiori,
they do so in such cases, they ought more impe-
ratively come forward in places where seats
to be gained from the foe, and constituencies s
fended from the inroads of a hostile connection.

JESUITISM.
WITH the Papacy, or a jure &vino polity,
up, and just so far as men are found who
believe its right to be divine, there is clearly
up the right to command the thoughts and
make forbidden thoughts a sin ; the right to
by in abeyance old universal laws and set up Ile,
bonds to bind men together with, new growl'
of love and hatred beside the old ones. But
this is far from being the whole of the necessu
which grows out of the recognition of a spinu,
sovereignty upon earth. Goes Vicar, a present
lord of the conscience, makes independence
the part of conscience rebellion. Wherever t
Pontiff sends his delegates, there he sends i
jurisdiction, and blind obedience becomes
once the easiest, surest, safest road for all w)