The Express.
London, England, 1855-02-24 00:00:00

'many. How caa mei a committee impairs into the stab
of your army in the Crimea? Its power does not extend
bead the Wein of this kingdom, it is to hear witting,* at
borne, sad it has es pews" to real those whose conduct
limy be impugned. I will sot now speak at any length
of the proposed maimarso of my noble friend, but it
Y. impossible sot to me their miimatag• over any.
wog that maid be dose by a committee of this house.
Bees if the usamittee should ascertain the truth ;
it cannot apply a remedy except by applying to that atom.
the which ion now affect to deems. But what I principally
object ts is the formidable character of tho committee, which
is not a committee of punishment or of remedy, bat a ton-
tines of gots:saint. It is limply taking out piths hands
of the government its most important and most delicate
functions, and I say that such a proceeding is inoompatible
with the authority which ought always belong to the minis-
ten of the crown. But tie evils of the case are much ag-
gravated by the circumstance that the committee is to be
Moat, in which you delegate inmost' powers to
a small committee of your own members. It
is said to be an easy matter, but let me illustrate the
difficulties into which you will get. I Mud the hon. mem-
ber for Aylesbury cite ono cast is which you could proceed
at once, namely the dismisul of Captain Christie for neglect.
Here the government had the advantage of the house, for
when the suorestion was made, Captain Christie had already
been dismtued. But that is not all. Captain Christie was
at Malts, on his way home, when my right bon. friend hay-
lag lessee to think he bad been guilty of mismanagement,
ordered him back to the Crimes, to tab, his trial by court-
amnial. (Hear, hear) The** were not matters for the
house. 'The hon. member for Aylesbury,who left the Crimea
in October or November,says Capt Christie has been guilty of
misconduct; bet the bon. member fur Linlithgow, who left
in December, bears the testimony of an eye-wi:neos to the
main of Captain Christie. Here is a conflict of ee-wit-
nesses respecting tranuctioas occurring 3,000 mile, off,
which shows how much better such mitten mast be la the
kends of pusses is authority than in a committee up stain.
But frankly I own that I object to the committee an coasti-
rational grand* I am no perot, nor remsrkable for the
Gamma conservatism of my opinions; but I confess
that I em emservativit trough to revolt at taking
the army out of the hands of the government
and entrusting it to a committee of this boats.
There are a* presodante for this course, bat it is said that
we should toy aside those eousidsratiuns in a cast of great
emergency and ealainity. If you could show me bow you
are to reach the Mom I could understand your argument,
bat se you manse de so your argument about the 'majesty
loossmse weak sad futile. However, supposing all thew
say settled, those is yet no answer given to my right
the moot serious and solemn anal-
ilsrademe townseeta with the discipline of the army and our
Wanes with the French army. The right bon. baronet the
=tsr for Droittrich thinks be con distinguish
n the policy of the expedition to the Crimea
gni the circumstances under which it took plus.
I* enetset that he will find the task /ethic did,
▪ Bat suppose be can. Among the circumstances are
Ike Want of information and the lateneu of the smut.
Doss he think that these circumstances apply to the English
army alone, or did the French go sooner ? Does he know
either .at what period the bareriag train left Toulon?
(Hear, bear.) Aurae other things a committee would have
to inquire iota is why a rood was not sootier made from
Balaklava? If the committee does not inquire into that it will
do nothing. If it do ioquire, the answer will be want of la.
bout. If it be asked why there was want of labour,the answer
will be the men were working in the trenches, and then were
of great extent, in consequence of the mode in which the
lines were divided between the English and the French. I
hope it will not be supposed that I hint a doubt of the gal-
lant spirit of the Fritsch, or of their disposition to give us all
the aid in their power. But what the French would claim
would be that they should be totally independent in their
action, and that no committee of this house should pre-
sume to interfere with them. I tell you that your inquiry
will he a mockery if it do not inquire into the question of
the roads; and if you do inquire, the defence of the
parties sector' will go right up into the most intimate
relations between England and France. (Hear, beer.)
80, then, if this step is to be taken, it will
not be taken without warning. The patient* of the
British army is great, and its discipline is admirable; but 1
would not sneerer for any army under such inschiaery and
such interfi rent* with its generals. It is impossible for me
to discuss the question farther. With respect to the gen-
tlemen who sit opposite, I have great diflieulty is ander-
staading their conduct, but of this I am almost sure, that if
Lord Derby came into office three weeks hence, or even
now, we should have his best assistance in getting rid
of this committee. I may be accused of 'silty in not
thinking of this matter three weeks ago; that
may be so, bet that would not justify us in adopting
a policy we thought wrong, sad besides I thought but
that my noble friend held similar views to myself on this
subject. He knows that before I accepted office we had
convenation respecting this committee, in which he gave
his opinion that the opposition of government ought to be
offered to its appointment. (Hear, hear.) This is no
secret, for that, and that only, was the meaning of my
speech of Friday night last. I have now to thank the house
for the attention with which I have been listened to,
and I trust I have said enough to justify my friends
and myself for the course we have taken. I trust
that this house will be content with its own greet
and noble functions ; and, rely upon it, we shall
Dave enough to do. My hon. friend the member for the
Wick burghs said that now we had the prospect of the
great question of army reform, why not at once take the
question in hand? If the proposition be that promotion
should depend upon merit, to that I heartily assent, but I
fur that the greatest obstacles to that principle will be
found within the bons, itself. (Hoar, hear.) I admit that
in the course taken by my right hon. friends and ausolf, we
are opposing ourselves to the popular feeling. The time of
military disaster is always the time of public excitement,
and at other periods that excitement has led to lament-
able results, and even blood has been shed under the
idea of justice. But we live in milder times, and the
fault of the constitution is that public stresses are not called
to accounts stißeiently stringent, and that their rsepoaai-
bility is only found through the medium of their honourable
feelings. 'rho support of Thyestes, which are daily served
up to the people, do not stimulate them to cry out for
ungoance, all they wish for is this parliamentary irregu-
larity which we oppose on other than mere tudiaicial
grounds. We say in the first place, that it must disappoint
mpectation, and next that it will involve gross jejune,.
Immediate) y in the rear of this is the dark form of public
disaster, and it is therefore our duty, whether alone or in
company, to resist sad protest *genet this measure with
that immoveable determination which our conviction of
what is due to public justice demands. (Hear, hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON—I can assure my right hou.friends

(Hear, hear.) Well, this, that °plaice of the trountry
roasted urn this lour. *gybes we mat this bones as
• goyim**. seammlllelled eller the attest* irk*
had tailed to
widelheila4mteeement, we hit eueb.
selves this we might bath
wished, either Sheathe eithmilles=tet be appeal* et
all, or that its endear* *Nil be paelpieed, we had no
right, any of ue, to deader enrealle by the eapaeeuys
that it wee pomade to nit the minimittee er se
persuade the house to moil thew* to rellsirrhad seem.
(Hear, bear.) I did nadetthletift think that *en we shield
state to this house theme theism &gee, impthemeate, eel
administrative reforms whisk we were prepared to maise.--•
that when we should state to the bolo the ***which
we were ourselves making into the eases of thine fair
chances, this house might be disppoaasesdd,, Ise a time in least,
to forgo the appointment of • and he war to
see the result of our *sages and impairie• Bet, sk, I
never would have uadertaltaa the teak, net would se*
and right hos. Mods bare jibed me be tmdmtakmf the
task, if we lied Weeded to stab the seatieneem of ear ea-
anions veva the question whether this boom would as-
tinue to affirm the vote which is bad pealed. (Chem.)
We should have thought that that was not worthy of us.
(Hear, hear.) We should have been trifling with the
country and with the Sovereign of the country If we had
determined in oat own minds to shrink from
our poets if the house should not be per-
suaded to rescind a vote which it had passed
the or two weeks before. (Hear, bear.) Sir, no doubt there
may be inecevotheasse and evils at the isquiey ; but
I think it would he a ;poster evil that this sesatry should
present to the world the lementable *Waale which would
be pretested, if, la esesequesas of Faisal differences, in
eenaequeue of the fragnestup diviaiene parties, we were
for • month or six weeks, *Hie t• lied say set of paha
men who could present themeless le the annley Nil go-
vernment, and undertake to endue the puling Wake Mika
country. (Hear, beer.) And at what period would this
spectacle have been presented ? (Hear, hear.) Why, at •
period when you are carrying on • greet and arduous war;
at a period when we are ere aging in a most important
negotiation ' • when, on the one band, energy and vigour in
conducting the war are imperatively required ; and when,
on the other hand, • great spirit of Lou-Illation and noes-
ration may be required in conducting negotiations for petite.
(Hear, hear.) Sr, I think the coons which we have fol-
lowed ii the none which it was our duty to pursue.
(Cheers.) I think that if we had absedoned our posts on
this weasion—if we had set up our opinions against the deli-
berate judgment of the nation—(hen, hear)—if we had
undertaken the task of resisting the unanimous sentiment
I may say of the where people of this country—(hear,
hear)—by •'-opus"
le refuse inquiry, I think we
should bath undertaken a vain task, and should not
have pedantsd the duty which we wars pledged to per-
form. (feed thiseis.)_ Now Sir, we hays been asked by
the hon. eatable by Manche*, (Yr. Bright) whether we
knead to abide by those erereideu for peace which were
settled by the *shiest whisk nil* before the first vote on
this subject, end irk* wen esseaneed in afterwards by the
cabinet whisk wee km* aka I bed received a commission
to form a getheitineal 111,, must usdsebtedly we do intend
to abide by these proC:. (Men from the Ministerial
side.) Uequestionab the thetractient seder which my
noble his* (Lard J. ) is now peeseeding to Vienna
are founded upon thus resolutions to whisk my right hon.
friends who sit upon that beeeh (roferrieg to • back bench I
on which were seated Sir IaINS Graial, Mr. Gladstone, '
and Mr. S. Herbert) were parties; end, meet undoubtedly,
when I am asked whether cos NO p 111.4111011 le *egotists in
good faith, I say that we are myna to negotiate in good
faith ; and that if we were not prepared te do so, we should
be unworthy, not only of holding the fallen which we do,
but of being members of this great mumbly. Sir, we are
as anxious as any man can be to be upon terms
consistent with the future safety of Europe, consistent with '
the attainment of those objects for which the war was began,
to put an end to the war by an honourable treaty of peace ;
bet if, through an over desire for peace, we were to eon-
clads what would he more properly described as a hollow
and insecure trues—if we wen to consent to terms which
would lead to the same kind of danger by which we have
been driven into the arduous straggle in which we are now
engaged—if we were to agree to terms which would leave
that danger in all its former amplitude, instead
of deserving the confidence of the cottony we should,
I think, deserve its censure—(hear, bear)—we should
have betrayed the trust reposed in us, and,. for the sake of
achieving a temporary peace, we should have laid the foun-
dation of great future calamities. (Cheers.) That, then,
is the line which her Makesty'sgovenment are prepared to
pursue. We have felt it our duty, is a moment of great
emergency, when other persons who bad the opportunity
of forming • government were usable to do so—when
the question pet to us was, whether the country should be
left, I may say, In a state of anarchy, or whether we would
undertake the task of directing its affairs, we have felt it
our duty, I say, to undertake the task of governing the
country. We intend to perform that task honestly and
conscientiously. (Hear, hear.) If pesos is to be obtained
consistently with the future smirk of Europe, it will not
be our fault if peace is not obi Oa the other hand,
if it shall unfortunately herpes that the abilities of my
noble friend, and the sincere *sirs of the government to
put an end to the was up= proper enaditioas, shall ulti-
mately. fail, it will then be our duty to theesente the war with
the vigour which may be neatesary tie bring it to •
successful termination. Aad fa that mees I am persuaded
we shall not appeal to van to the genre= support of par-
liament. (Hear, hear.) I am einviinied that whatever
differences may exist between parties who sit in dif-
ferent parts of this house, those differences will,
for the moment at least, be laid aside ; that we shall
all feel that this is a national, and not a party ques-
tion—(cheers)—we shall feel that we are bore represeating
this great empire in the face of Europe, and
shall not exhibit a spectacle which would be
humiliating and disgraceful to the country—the
spectacle, namely, of party differences or personal
jealousies or differences upon minor questions, p Ogg
the parliament of this country from giving to the govern-
ment which may exist for the time those means by which
alone it can conduct the country through an arduous and
difficult struggle to • successful and honourable result
(Loud cheers.) Sir,these are the grounds upon which we have
undertaken the task which has been imposed upon us. If,
on the other hand, this house and the country should think
that we do not properly perform those duties which are
expected from us, and if any other government can be pre-
sented to us which will be more acceptable to parliament
and to the country, then, I say, no feelings of personal
ambition, no paltry lon of power, will induce us to cling
to the posts which we occupy longer than we tidak we can
do so with advantage to the county and with credit to our-
selves. But until we shall find that ws have loot the confidence
of parliament and of the country—(load cheers)—until we
shall find that the nation is disappointed with tumid condemns
us, instead of being disposed to support us, so long as we
have the support of public opinion with us, and the good-
will of parliament and of the country, this house may
depend upon it we shall exert ourselves to the utmost, and
shall not gait the places to which the confidence of the
Queen has railed as. (Cheers.)

who have this evening explained to the horse the grounds
upon which they separated themselves from her hlajeery's
government that I shall not latter a single word of criticism
on the source which they have thought it their anti to
panne—convinced, ea I ask that they acted from sincere

ronviatisa—that a sense of duty pointed to the path they
parmd—ead that by following that path they not only gave
West la the best mom to their own eaaviatkes, bat
they performed what they considered to b. their duty to
the seamy. I feel the greatest repel at having lost the
anieteame of ay right hoe. friends, with whoa it ha. Mu
ay good fortune to act for two ysan past, and of whoa I
au say with whet truth that no different, of °plaint as
to the great principles sad policy of the government has
ever weaned Utensil no. On the other sand, when it
me her Majesty's pleasure to monamad me to endeavour
M ham a government, it was impossible that either I or
then with when I was about to sat mid shut oar
eyes to the fast that then was this oonesittse
whisk the ham had determined should sit, and ths ap-
polatmat of whisk we nun be premed to meet. Looted
as s Is.. oseerlea **objectless I had to the wane which
the Mee hod dotemind by • large seniority to plum.
These Amens, to a man degree, still remain ; bat whoa
I had to ernsider what was the real natal. of the scum
whisk the limn bad hilowod, it was leeposmiblo set to see
that whoa this goodie, was Messily proposed, the peat
majority whisk Amid the sonlin of may honourable sad
learned friend send on two apstW sad distinct
• great ponies of those who airasi the itisoin="t:imi-
d*ubt•dly did as became they thought**, ought to take
plan. (Hsu) Bat there wn mariasedsaably mother
portion who, as hoe been stated by ny right
_hen hinds,
supportad the main booms they cosiherod that It was
$ am of so *sadden.. is the goverment whisk then ex-
ited. Well, Or, the 111661011 woe sinned. We
eases. ilex Majesty then sonnissimed Lorrdetl:4rly to
Sin, anther government. The noble Mod was unable to
de so, I mated to bin that I thoutAt that, ander
the eiressistanose, say jonetion man not enable
kin so ism that Mug gave/moat whisk it was
stained en all mob the country required. That
man felled. Mg nein friend the swam for the
City enemas Mamma to fore a gonentant. H.
use, was mssesisfuL Why, then, sir, I hit, Mos called
glige
tmwee ay dad: is endeavour, to the best of ny
)—to govirsmat which the
nanny enegastry mon. If we had set fennel a
Warms% sad pummeled ourselves to the sentry, the
emelt nail him Ms, I that that sobis lord who
ildt that he Mil emedit'lm ihmelf or with advaa-
legs laths amloyigmonat del giumminmet
ash`
be email Ism% nen hen Ina eel nein te mule the
oftale, sada nem* lbspieminlet whist be bad hen
self dent dna AWN to the eneeeles eel the esentry.
Mace, hear.) Well, des de an deny net then
ere piat °Nunes to thleennaitter ; but the essatry took
a difrenat Nen ben that in whin_ any pause

Mr. DISRAELI said the noble lord was sweet is sail-
(Arida; that say existing goverment would, in the present
emergency, noel,* a liberal sad candid support fres that
home. (Opposition sheen.) Bat it would have bees satis-
factory to the house, that being the esoalades of the week,
if the noble lord could have foetid it coshesient M More
them and the matey that a government was is ezisteme.
(Load opposition cheers.) The noble lord omitted in his
speech to answer the arguments of the late First Lord of the
Admiralty sad the late Cheapener of the Embergwar against
treating this committee. The motile lord also mob mallies
eiaimioa ascot equally singular: he forget to ebb lOW
he (Mi. Disraeli) had thought they were ell salted tegother
to hear, namely, that he, at lead, had Ma emenulli it
imolai an adatinistratioa. If that were the OWN Si be
meted it was, there was some meat of busboy In the
leader of the Hem of Comm peraittieg thenaloolgenen
that evening without having snob gratifying YAtmaYsa
moseyed to them. Instead of that, the asii• M NM.
" shin Mg as we poem the conlidenes of the bowie milks
matry we Mead to do oar duty to bet Musty ad to
nab our plasm." What they (the swam) wasted to
know was, who are we? (Olsen sad lora
The prompt moment, no doubt, was use of gnat
peril ; the einergemy was 'noted by all ; all were NO* fe
mend to the government, with Isis reforms 1:10,mots
Mg than wee exhibited at any time, a Netlll
support. But it was not a very severe MININIII Er:-
posed by members of the Hems of 01111IMIMI fejt
should at least know the Imes of bee a
Ministers—owl know
Meld knew
wen the paidels elm they me isiggettleg la
the fulfilment of the amuse dulls -et a -sibs
es pave as the lomat. e, Rem" MI ahem) In Mee-
log te the renisite el the mile lord with regard to the
=Meet be shoal poem in sehmen So the sposiameas
of this osmium, is bend the mile lord to he sit
wet estiebelby, but even lasehemit. Ile led mi=
Ina the aside bud arm miser to the ea You
speeltes of his late cellsegnees sod ems Militia of a
pansy which seemed to he ordinal with the gee-
seat administration. mile lard bail igeeed

-ot-ter —soinaiiii; Aim —_
by geatlesten es that (the eggsithis)
fi et the bra" said by may others es hle evis sib, in
Laps. the nest strenuous, sad hi a spirit the area us.
etwessekkig. The governasest et whia the sells lord
wee sassisher, after tits tote et the Uses, sewed Ss mist.
It was sessesuary for hiss (sr. Diemen) is ye late
what weal is the interval Wows that vete sal
the period gybes the adasishbelles et the ad&
lewd was Sward ; sad there was only use remenik be
wield stab!. Decew et a Miasmal of the wile

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 24, 1855.

bee, but whisk no doubt lived In the seamy
off the bow. TN
any agile heed had farmed his ad-
if
minishalem eta mineiple at all on the rier
aphid opposiag the natio. for • committee, to inquirepinto
the audition of our army before Sebastopol. In trying to
hem his govesniment, no other subject required say con-
mead= between him and his late colleagues. o As re-
M:INIall the members of his government, said the noble
"ms Yo subject of foreign policy there was no
diatoms el lt,inion between his cabinet and that
of Lad ." There could only be one ques-
ting en which en explanation was to take place
beltegin the noble lord and his colleagues when he woe
bean his administration. The right lon. hart. (Sir J.
Guam) had enplaned why there was net so complete a
mainteasebetweea the noble lord and himself, as was usual
as sub eesedenn But they had had it from the right hon.
gentlemen the members for Wiltshire and Oxford,
and the noble lord had not disputed their assertions,
that the committee was a subject on which they
neighed a steer sad complete understanding,
sad, as ha (Mr. Disraeli) collected from the two right hon.
gentleseen„ the noble lord was of the same opinion then as
he had bees previously, when he opposed the motion in
the House ef Commons en principle, and offered to it $
determined resistance. What did the noble lord do oe
Friday last? Again he summand that he should resist
be appointment of the committee. And what was the
ground on which he founded his resistance to it ?
Why, on the ground that it was not constitutional.
It was not a petty or slight ground that he took, but he
urged against it the most powerful of objections. It was
mange Wen the first Minister of the Crown in a short week
prepared to agree to that which • week ago he declared to
be unconstitutional, and for what reason ? Why, because
he was determined to remain Minister of the Crown, as no
one else could form a government. He (Mr. Disraeli)
imagined that many persons might be able to form a
ministry as strong es that of the noble lord. (Hear, hear.)
The noble lord voted and .spoke against the committee ; he
funned a cabinet on the Insis of an opposition to that com-
mittee, and before • week had passed he rose in his place
and staked the existence of his governmeet on the appoint-
ment of that committee, and that without urging one res-
eon in its favour. After listening for boon to the arguments
against the committee, which he (Mr. Disraeli) thought
answerable, and which could and ought to have been
grappled with in discussion by the leader of the house, the
noble lord merely stated that he had changed all his
opinions, and that that which a week ago in said was
unconstitutional, he not only accepted, but made
the basis of his government. (Hear, hear.) And
that was the man whoa firmness and ability
was tosses the county. (Loud cheers) The noble lord
did not give • reason for the granting of the committee. lie
had head out saes last Friday that there was a strong
opinion in the country on the 'abject of this committee t,
inquire into the condition of the army before Sebastopol,
and that a feeling had been produced so irresistible that no
ministry was justified in attempting to resist it. What
me acute observer of the nation and of public opinion must
the sable lord be; how skilfully be must have felt the pulse
el die public mind, if it was only since last Friday that he
hod head that out. The disconteat of months, which had
ellenhigLin the overwhelming majority which had de-
=ed•le late government, had not induced the
lord to thick that • committee like this was a
weseesity. Called on to perform the most responsible duty
Mlldsk • man could assume,the formation of a government—
s time when, if ever, men felt and thought profoundly, the
mile lord was still unconscious of the necessity.of this cow
mate.; so ignorant of the public mind, that the noble lord
formed a government, not in oblivion or neglect of that
great meanly, but in absolute defiance of it (Hear, hurl
Yet that was the political sagacity of the government.
(Hear, hear.) The administrative ability bad vanished in
the last two years, but the political sagacity at least was
supposed to be a quality of the First Minister of the Crown.
Atter the experience of one week, and after the speech
ef the noble lord that night, his (Mr. Disraeli s)
hope were much less glowing than they were.
Be had referred to the change of opinion in the
noble lord; he could not say anything about his argu-
ments, fir he had offered no reasons for that change. He
(Mr. Disraeli) had not changed his mind with respect to
this committee, though he bad listened to the speeches of
the late colleagues of the noble lord, to which he bad ex-
pected an answer. It was said that the appointment of
the committee was not a constitutional proceeding on the
part of the House of Commons. He hardly cared
to enter into that question, because it bed been
amply hemmed; after listening to the speeches of the
right hon. gentlemen, he could not have alluded to those
speeches but for a remark of the member for the University
of Oxford. For he was not there that night to argue the
legation of the committee, but to hear the statements of
three distinguishes' statesmen, and to listen to the reply of
the noble lord to those gentlemen. He thought that the three
right hon. gentlemen bad taken the authorised course in the
statements they had made to the house. He was sure the
Wag would have been justly offended if they had not made
teeth • frank exposition; and he thought that it was an error
elan noble lord that once when he left the government
et
Lord Aberdeen and returned, be did so without such an
=planation to the house. He (Mr. Disraeli) did not
one there to see if they were to have a coin-
tattoo or not, for that question was settled by
as overwhelming majority, and he should like
le see the minister who, directly or indirectly,
soldered to overturn it. But it was impossible not to
notice the statements of the right hon. gentlemen, and
especially one of them (Mr. Gladstone). The right hon.
gentleman bad taunted the member for Ididhunt with
appopling to precedents. The right hoe. gentleman found
that his right hon. friend had brought forward pre-
cedents which it was not easy to grapple with,
and saw the impression this had made on the house.
and therefore be divided the appeal to precedents, and:said
be would not deemed to argue the question on such low
grounds. But the question of precedent was Introduced by
another right hon. gentlemse(Sir J. Graham), in the com-
mandment of his weighty and matured speech. The right
hen. gentleman said that there were thous one
or two preestents, but that they occurred in
bad times, and be spoke of them as of no sense
queue. But if the precedents had been good ones,
they would have had considerable :effect on the house
and the country. His right hon. friend (Mr. Walpole) had
quoted many precedents which the right hon. gentleman
(Mr. Gladstone) admitted to be applicable. Reference
had been made to committees of the whole house
to inquire into the circumstances connected with
a war, and he (Mr. Disraeli) would mention one,
which occurred in 1779, when Lord Cornwallis
was examined before a committee of the whole house
What was the opinion of Mr. Burke on that 001311a1011 ? He
(Mr. Disraeli) was quoting what was said by Mr. Burke
from the Annual Register, and he stated that the committee
produced no effect, from the bustle and confusion in the
house during the examination. Not only was that
not a precedent for a committee of the whole
house, bat it proved the inconvenience of that course.
Bat if you admitted the precedent of committees of the
whole home, you admitted the principle of an inquiry into
cirtamatamme like throe is the Crimea, and precedents there
were out UM bat legies. He (Mr. Disraeli) would not
plain the questina se pendent, bat there were numerous
presidents. Than was ens in the time of Charles 11.,
another is the reign of William 111., another in
the time of Amu, and others ia the reigns of
George 11., Gouge 111., and daring the Regess7,
I do net bass this question on precedent (continued the
right bon. patianian). I say, had there not been a proso-
dist, la the mesas instance. it woe the duty of the hones to ,
nuke a precedent ; because the circumstances of the awe
don are grave. • fine army disappears, and the noble lord,'
who was shied walaistes of the crown fa this house—the
loader is ids Men at the right hon. gentleman—tells es
that to blot ispasessien of the secrets of the cabinet,
the causes sin& disaster were to him inexplicable. New, sir,
I say, if them bed been ao precedent, it was the duty
dna brass, vela suck circumstances, to have made ape
salmi I sea notwithstanding all the refined and sustained
ugumeatatins of the right hon. member for the University
be may rely upon it that the people of England, not fa a
moment of pules, but in the calmest periods of exist.
sees, will always feel that in such an unparalleled disaster
net estplioable to the chief statesmen of the day, it was the
duty of their representatives, and their het duty, to inquire
into the cause. (Hear, hear.) Bat, says the right he..
mamba for the University, leave it to theGovernmant—why
did pa not leave it to the Government? I am for intothy,
says the right hoe. member for the University, but not he
WOW in this way, by a committee of the Hoses of Caw
moss. Wei. am, I am perfectly ready to shalt that yen
might, under eallinuy circumstances, have found modes a
inquiry more satlefectary than that which is proposed; but
what does thee ISM to? I admitOt thatt, ander ordinary dr-
camases., the piereneset * debt duty end the
phase le ample imm malatlmiOleMinathe , and le seem-
easel end me devise a taimady. Bat the fest is, that to
the present slab of lairs the country bad so esahleses
I. the government (Ohters.) It is that coevlstise I
that me irk gelid, se sheers and ended relief,
email be shred by the admilabtratiou, whether by the
late se he peimei ailmlnineaties (far I am speaking new
ebbed ...knave to any peseresleseelderationS)—it Is that
eimeisthin that the geversmust meld not male the inquiry
that was wasted whisk has made dm psle feel that ft
vs their own House of Gmenswe hem -wWch aloes they
*Mak endemism& ea iefaillse. gheme.) Bat that the
deantimise he the Uniesseity, _ with cabman lasseantly—and
this was shame lie mast Waimea poet ef kb argument—
Mhos up the Ist of the eamatittso, be moms very huhu
with the eptians d ail the potions" upon it, sad
he NM 1111•11:11 epiniw st
a peat
ell auth..
a • ss ass be ahead, unless the
bear met "high emnisyed his hems( the task whisk
e espy. to ;" and that was eindderad by bit
Mimi se sedeinly a moat inmserarshis argument. But
MI h coat NM to kin that every orpreest that he was
apiett he sametituden ef side_ sabot essamittee

cabinet • but lam certain ;hot if you wish to deal a Wow
eplast puikunentary authority, you can deal no more
effoodve one than to impress on the country that the ele-
ments of • parliamentary committee are not adapted to'
effect their purpose. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord
has, instead of answering the arguments of his late *oi-
liness respecting this committee, which, a week ago, he
declared was unconstitutional, end on which to•nigbt he
has staked the existence of his government —the noble
lord has again favoured us with flattering visions of an im-
pending peace. lam quite sure that if the country believes
that peace with honour can be achieved by the noble lord's
ministry, the noble lord may count on the earnest support
of this house. (Cheers) All I can say to it is this, that
I hope the instruct►ons which the noble lord here has
given to the noble lord the member for London, are con-
ceived in a more imperishable spirit then the communi-
cations which he had, on behalf of Lord Derby or the
right hon. gentlemen—(cheep)—and than the understand-
ing which he had arrived at with his late colleagues, as to
the basis upon which the government was to be formed.
(Cheers.) If the noble lord has gone to Vienna to be the
promoter of peace, with a foregone conclusion in favour of
war, that, I think, is not a satisfactory prospect for the
country. I can, therefore, only hope that the instructions
which be hes received from the Fint Minister had been
couched in • franker spirit, and expressed in mere
intelligible language, than the conditions which he made,
apparently, to be the basis of his government—(bear, hear)
—e government that, after ten days' existence, has expe-
rienced a disastrous blow, et a period when, as the noble
lord assures us (and it was unnecessary that he should
wears us of it) it is most important that this country should
feel that it was effectively governed; and when the noble
lord, after all, after circumstances so discouraging to the
country, after a week nearly has elapeed since this unfortu-
nate and untoward event has been proclaimed—the noble
lord dies not find himself in • position, at the con-
clusion of the parliamentary week, to feel, alter
all his exertions and all his combinations, that he can aunts
the country that kis sovereign possesses at this moment a
complete body of responsible advisers. (Cheers.)
Mr. GLADSTONE—I wish to explain a few points that
have been touched upon in the statement of the right hon.
gentleman oppasite. One of them is with respect to pre-
cedent. What I stated was, that all the precedents which
had been quoted by the right hon. gentleman the member
for Midhurst failed entirely in the essential point
—that in every case they related to operations
which had closed, whereas the es once of this use is
that the operations are still in progress. The other is
a matter of much more importance. lam afraid I may have
been unfortunate in my mode of expressing myself, or I
certainly was misapprehended by the right hon. gentle-
man ; he is of course at liberty to put his own construction
upon any statement I may employ, but I am sure I
stated that my noble friend told me that Wewould form his
government on the basis of resisting this committee ; or that
I asked for any stipulation from him on that subject. I
, indeed, made it a subject of stipulation at all.
(Hear, hear.) I
until I had written to my noble friend, and acquainted him
that, after the communication* we had had respecting
foreign policy, I was ready, if it were his desire,
to accept office in his government. After that, I had the
pleasure of using my noble friend, before any final agree-
meat was meee, or rather at the interview, at which I
may say the final agreement was made, and I then inquired
of my noble friend abut this matter; I never had the least
doubt &boat it, and therefore I had no idea of asking for a
stipulation ; but he then acquainted me that his opinion
continued to be what it had been, and that his intention
was the same, as to that committee. (Hear.)
Sir G. GREY denied that thecommittes bad been formed
on the basis of resistance to the committee of inquiry.
Their great principle was the vigorous prosecution of the
war, and to this sad all other consideration were subordi-
nated.

After remarks from Mr. MVNTZ,
The nomination of the committee was proceeded with,
end the names of Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Drummond, Sir John
Pakington, Colonel Lindsay, Mr. Layard, Mr. Ellice Lord
Seymour, Sir George C. Lewis, General Peel, Mr. Brans-
ston, and Mr. John Bell were agreed to—the quorum to be
seven.

In the discussion which 'prang up,
Lord PALMERSTON mentioned that he bad no inten-
tion to propose any limitation as to the points of inquiry.
lie had every confidence in the committee, and was confi-
dent they would not travel into the delicate subjects which
had been adverted to in the course of the evening.
The other business was disposed of, sad, at a quarter-put
two o'clock, the house adjourned till Monday.

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