The Press.
London, England, 1856-09-20 00:00:00

ie4,4
STAMPED LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1856. UN ST ....STXPENCEA*
AMPED-FIVEPENCE.

LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1850.

TIM theory of Representative Government is
so simple that it /seems , at first sight easy to
establish it in any country. Concede to the
community the right of electing representa-
tives under certain conditions,—make pro-
vision for their meeting at stated times, invest
them wiLl powers and. privileges by .
practically the management of the States Is,
thrown into their hands, and a representative
system is formed. The simplicity of the pro-
cess has led to the promulgation of those,
various constitutions which have been a dis-
tinguishing feature in the politics of Europe
in modern times. The experiment has been
tried under every variety of form—in periods
of convulsion and in periods of quietude ;
every precaution has been taken against
failure that experience and ingenuity could
suggest, yet in England alone has the system
survived the shocks of trial, and worked out
the great political problem of combining
Liberty and Order.

How is this ? To what cause are we to at-
tribute the vitality of Parliamentary Govern-
ment in England, and its failure in the chief!
countries of the Continent? The answer is!
to be found in the perils to which Parliamen-;
tart' Government is, from its very nature,'
peculiarly liable.. ' ' (1
It is. in the first place, in continual danger.
of being overthrown by democratic turbulence.
Nachecka aud! safeguards that can be devise 4
have been found in practice proof against this
peril. The waves of democratic passion are
not to be restrained by mere parchment.
decrees—" Thus far shalt thou come and no,
" farther." The aristocratic eleniebt la eviky
country must be weak in point of number 4 ;
and when by representation any considerable
body of the people is invested with political
power, no restrictive rules can .prevent them
from attempting the destruction of those in
atitntione which tlwy see are OppoSed torn
state of complete social equality. In cotintries
where ordersionSiciety are distinctly marked,
a representative assembly is commonly
agitated by a war of classes, or a war against
privileges essential to that framework of
society which exists. In the strife, the demo-
cratic element obtains/ cioarplete aseendatlet,
and accomplishes a great revolution, or the
nation, alarmed, torn, and wearied by the con-
tention, seeks refuge from the evils which
dist) act it under the shelter of despotic
power.

Representative Government is exposed to
the ohance of insidious end lingetinlgdisso
Lien, as well as of violent and sudden ciesth.
It may perish through thoae very in-
fbiences which are employed to ivard off
the more obvious danger that threatens
it. Corruption may be employed to dis-
arm opposition and 'restrain turbulence.
As soon as individuals become obnoxious to
the governing power, and enlist public
svinpathies on their side, they may be bought
Olt The plan is promising. It was brought

to great perfection by WALPOLE in this count'',
and by Louis PHILIPPE in France. In the
atterocase the patient died .under the decitroils,
hands; and in the former he had a narrow[
escape. It was saved by the spirit of Party.;
which, having been crushed under the reign ofj
the first thirty years of the house of Hanover,li
revived under the auspices of the English
gentry, and rescued Representative Govern- 11
ment from the systematic corruption
threatened its total extinction.

It is against these two dangers—'-opposite in
character, yet equally fortnidable—that Party
association alone can present a successful
front. Such association must be mainly
aristocratic, and for,. this reason,. it has been
assailed by those solemn fools who believe
that in politics there is nothing more profoald
than their own capacity of comprehension. It
must be under the guidance of men whO,
from their station and talents, are best
qualified to direct it, and whose character is
so high and honorable As to set them above tlpe
corrupt influences which every Government
has at its disposal.
In proportion as the force of Party is
diminished, the strength to resist democratic
agitation declines, and the sentiment of
honour which should actuate politicians is
weakened. To resist those sordid temptations
which laifsail men in their individual capaCity,
it is necessary that they should learn to set
together, that they should be connected by
ties of honour which cannot be broken with-
out loss of character, that they should assume
such an important position in the eyes of the
public as to attract attention to their pro-
ceedings, and make the action of each member
of the Party a matter of moment. The union
which gives them strength and consistency,
inspires them also with motives to resist
temptation, and fortifies the higher and more
patriotic impulses of their nature.

That we do not exaggerate the importance
of Party is evident from this, that when the
association is broken up, there is a great ad-
vance of deniocracy or of corruption, and fre-
quently of both together. In one of the most
pointed of his political sketches, HB repre-
sented Sir ROBERT PEEL as seated on a heap
of stones by the wayside, wielding his hammer
vigorously on the great blocks lettered " par-
ties." Sir ROBERT PEEL broke up the Conser-
vative party in 1829, and the Reform Bill was
the result. He again broke up his party in
1846, and the not distant result was that Coali-
tion which adopted as its first principle of
union a pledge to introduce " a large measure
of:Parliamentary Reform." It was,owing to the
rupture of the Conservative party that Loril
ABERDEEN, Mr. GLADSTONE, Lord JOHN RUSSELL,
Lord PALMERSTON, the Duke of NEWCASTLE, and
Sir JAMES GRAHAM met in the same Cabinet,
pledged to overthrow the Parliamentary set-
tlement of 1830. We were preserved from a
great constitutional crisis by the Russian war.
The political atmosphere is now serene, but it
is only by Party Organisation that it can be
preserved pure, or that it cati be guarded
against sudden tempests.

It is perfectly intelligible that the represen-
atives of democracy in this country should
desire to seo Party Government overthrown,
as while it subsists it offers a barrier to their
designs. What moves our surprise is, that
men should declaim against Party who are not
favorable to democratic impulses. If we dis-
pense with political association, we dispense

with the only security we can have against the
grossest Administrative corruption. Instead
(0,4109;4/At by party tlPs,. men. would sepa-
rife Tift6 anal[ political 'connections, whose
pgippwonldisoon be known, or >flley would stand
alone waiting for an advantageous offer
present itself. The ease is not imaginary.
The independent Liberal members of the
•House of Commons have contrived to turn
their position to admirable account. Imagine
the leading members on all sides to be as in-
dependent of party ties as Sir BENJAMIN HALL
and 4r, Ilsiw)6l and as eastly manageable, and
parliament would sink into a submissive
arrei the Ministry itself
become ss permanent bureau.

The patty which in Opposition, preserves its
fealty, which faithfully guards the public in-
terests, has * right to look to power as the
reward of its services when, through any poli-
tical conjuneVatei the Crown shad'. rift occa-
sion to call new advisers to its councils. That
is the position of the Conservative party at the
present moment. It preserves the tradition*
and the practice of our constitutional system.
Those persons are traitors to the cause they
profess to serve who would insinuate suspi•
cions of its integrity, or who would advise it
to accept tests which would operate as a per-
petual exclusion from office. A great party
must be comprehensive in its views, it must
be tolerant in its opinions, mindful that it
has great objects to fulfil, and that it aspires to
represent the predominant sentiments of a
mighty awl enlightened people. It mu*
utterly discard the narrow and impracticable
tenets which never can be entertained without
impairing its force and detracting from its
usefulness.

DELUSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.
No fundamental opinion of Conservatism is
more positive than that unbalanced demo-
cracy is entirely unsuited to the genius of
English institutions. The main fallacy of our
coatemporary “ Liberalism " has been to ep,
courage the preaching and writing of a reek,
lesaly censorious school of politics, which aims
at peremptory decision of grave questions. To
reconcile unlimited tribunitian sway with a
vigorous execution, is a problem that has
never been completely solved. When out of
office, the Liberals are bold and arrogant de-
nouncers of all that is established ; but when
they are in Downing•street. their declaimers
become silent; demagogues soon pass into
mute officials, and aristocratic titles of a sub-
ordinate kind hush the heroic rage of whole
sale railers at corruption.
There are eccentric leaders, a Smith
O'Brien or a John Frost, who become the
dupes of other persor
at once dangerous and
of crowds is confound,
opinion. They have b
that ominous noun of
invoked on all occasio
and salaried Libetals,
through the interested
lated enthusiasm of
used for a time, the
nounced. With moi
less sincerity, they
honours. But for

sons, and make themselves
.ndridiculous. The
..., • ;(fity-f:
ended by thet, .• 47 'Nig
'e been accusteugXi'
of multitude, "Abe
di. ; '',.'°"' .-1.
lions by applaudad
Is, and such mw • ••• **do
,
ted partisanshit .11r ' ...—I
miirsi
their associate • • 3
:,e-
Len deserted, allil 3404., . •')
)re common setae- Orvivith
would avoid such 'llridafalL:.Y.
men of such misguided