The Press.
London, England, 1857-03-21 00:00:00

LORD DERBY'S ADDRESS.

THE speech of Lord DERBY on Monday last,
which we present to our readers in a supple-
ment, and which in a few hours will be dis-
tributed through the United Kingdom, is in-
deed one to make the party feel proud of their
chief. Let us hear no more of Conservative
disunion or want of confidence in Leaders.
The Statesman who could deliver the noble
oration now before the country must command
confidence. There are certain occasions on
which minor grievances, petty cabals, and
lukewarm doubts are swept away by the effort
of some commanding mind, and bodies of men
restored to faith in themselves and enthusiasm
in their own cause. Such an occasion was
Monday night last, and we' have no doubt of
its magic effect upon the'Country.
After a brief and succinctatement of our
financial situation, in whichithe naked facts of
the case, disentangled froVa details, were
forciby and lucidly epitomised, the Noble Earl
proceeded to a discussion of the most urgent
topics of the day : to a vindication of his own
conduct, a review of Ministerial policy, and an
exposition of Conservative principles. •
We have little to add to Lord DERBY'S able
remarks on the subject of coalitions. If per-
sons who happen to disagree on a certain
number of points were never to be permitted
to agree on any others, society would exist, so
to speak, under martial law, and the ordinary
business of life could not go on. We should
be obliged to call the verdict of a jury a base
coalition, and the unanimous decision of Whig
and Tory judges a vile conspiracy. There is
no difficulty in defining what a coalition is.
When two parties whose views are fundament-
ally opposed stifle their convictions for the
purpose of defeating a third, whose principles
they ta3itly adopt, and of bullying a fourth,
whose principles they openly profess, such a
course is repugnant to our notions both of
honour and morality. But when two branches
of a great political party reunite after a tem-
porary estrangement, in order to give effect to
the policy they have all along shared in com-
mon, that is a consummation which honest
and impartial statesmen would rejoice over
rather than deplore. Such a reunion is. per-
haps, as Lord DERBY says, rather desirable
than probable ; but to stigmatise it with the
title of coalition is a wilful distortion of lan-
guage, adopted by the Liberals in order to
whitewash themselves.

The character of Lord
policy is an almost eximi
considers tut, rulers of It

savage, ho should observe
travelers hive found it

dealing with such peor
use threats which they d.
and newer to hit out unless

hurting. By the neglect
have suffered the King of
in a ridiculous position,jam

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266

difficult to renew our exertions in behalf of
his oppressed subjects. We have irritated
the King without curbing his tyranny, and
unsettled the people without promoting their
freedom. While England has reaped all the
odium of interference without a single ad-
vantage either to herself or others.
But the character of Lord PALMERSTON him-
self is an almost inexhaustible theme. The
Premier has had recouree to almost every
device for improving his political complexion.
Bathed in extract of democracy like Poppma
in the milk of asses, rouged with meretricious
patriotism which his dupes mistake for the
glow of honest zeal, perfumed with affected
piety—the Viscount is himself still.

Omni' Tram fecit, Thaida Thais olet.
Yet it is this " Comic Old Gentleman," as Mr.
DICKENS called him, this thing of shreds and
patches, which John Bull has for the present
made a pet of, whom he permits to sneer
with impunity at the two great parties into
which the country is divided, and to profit by
the popularity of both, while performing the
functions of neither.

Of the Conservative party Lord DERBY
spoke with dignity and moderation. Ile pro-
mised the Government his support while they
adhered to Conservative principles. This,
however. can only be cold comfort to the Pre-
mier. He must by this be beginning to see
the force of the paradox that the half is better
than the whole—that is, that it is better to
have the support of one party than of two. It
is easy to Fay that while he maintains an anti-
Liberal attitude he will have the support of
the Tories ; and that, should he become unpo-
pular with th-?se, he can easily fall back upon
the Liberals. This does not exactly follow.
Connections once interrupted, are not always
renewable. Nor will parties for ever consent
to be made mere conveniences. The Liberals
will not be kept waiting at the door while PAL-
MERSTON is dallying with the Tories, nor are
the Tories so lost to self-respect as to share his
caresses with the Whigs. It is impossible he
can maintain his present position. " How
" happy could I be with either " is well
enough for a little while, but the Viscount
mut t declare his intentions at last, or renounce
his claims to an alliance.

Lord GRANVILLE attempted to draw a com-
parison between Lord PALMERSTON and Lord
DERBY, and contrasted their relative position
twenty years ago and at the present time. We
do not think the allusion was felicitous. A
consistent placeman can indeed always say
that he is working foe his country's good.
But we all know the meaning of that. When
therefore the Noble Earl points to PALM ERsToN's
position as head of the Government, and Lord
DEaufs at the head of the Opposition, and
would thence infer that the former has dis-
tanced the latter in the estimation of the
country, we must inquire a little more closely
into the meaning of words. If the attainment
of office—si possis recte, si non, quocanque mode—
be the solo criterion of political virtue, then
we must admit the force of Lord GRANVILLE'S
contrast. But, if we believe that in politics,
as in everythirg else, the man encumbered
with fewest. scruples rises most readily to the
surface (as an army which abandons its
baggage can outinarch an army that pre-
serves it), we shall see no such great cause
either for praise or wonder in the relative
position of the two Noble Lords. A politician
who uses his principles in order to get power,
instead of using his power in order to promote
principles, is sure to be frequently in request,
because all parties can employ him easily.
He weathers the worst of storms ; just as a
man who always gives his purse to the robber,
never gets shot through the head. Yet the
fact that he has come safe through a dozen
such adventures is surely no proof of his
courage.
Lord GRANVILLE yet in some sense is right.
The OontraSt is, indeed, striking. But it were
well for the honour of the British aristocracy
that it were not too frequently dwelt upon.
The Noble Viscount has made politics a trade.
When Liberal principles were cheap, he laid in
a large stock, and has been selling them ever
since in the dearest market he could find.
And an uncommonly dear market it has proved
for this country. We may talk of the differ
encejbetween Lords DERBY and PALMERSTON

THE PRESS.

twenty years ago and now ; but that proves
nothing, if we do nut also compare the posi-
tion of this country at that period and the pre-
sent. If, when Lord llsaay was the most
popular man in the House of Commons, Eng-
land was also at the head of European affairs,
and if, when the Noble Viscount is the leader
of that assembly, she has sunk to a third-rate
position, we leave the world to judge in whose
favour the contrast tells.