The Express.
London, England, 1852-04-29 00:00:00

THE ENGINEERS' DISPUTE.

The following address of the Executive Committee
of the Amalgamated Society eads the struggle of fifteen
weeks' duratiun against the combination of the employers:
" From the Executive Council of the Amalgamated Society
to their Members and the Trades in general.
" Fellow toembers,—Ada meeting of the General Execu-
tive Council, which was attended by five delegates from
Manchester, Oldham, Belton, and Rochdale, held on the
2'2nd of April, 11552, for the purpose of deliberating upon the
present dispute between the operative engineers and their
employers, the following iesolulions were adopted:
• 1. That in consequence of the present porition of our
affairs in relation to the dispute this meeting is of opinion
that those of our members who may he compcllca to sign
the ''eleelaration' should not be excluded.

" 2. That the General Executive Council recommend
the necessity of making a levy of half a day's wages on all
the members in work, for the purpose of supporting those
out of employment in cineequence of the present dispute.
" ' 3.'1 hat any member neglecting to pay the levy of
half a day's pay, the same shall be placed to his arrears of
contributions, subject to the approval of the next delegate
meeting.
" 4. That the non-sneitty men receive their lair biome of
support the same as formerly.
6. That, in the opinion of this meeting, hostile resist-
ance of labour against capital is not calculated to enhance
the condition of the labourer ; we, theiefore, advise that all
our future operations should be directed in promoting the
system of self employment in associative woreehops' as the
best means of effectually regulating the conditions of labour,
and that this resolution be submitted to our mat delegate
meeting.'
" The executive council, in publishing the foregoing re-
solutions, think it necessary to accompany them with a few
words of comment and observation. They frankly and un-
hesitatingly make the avowal that, in the contest between
capital and labour, the latter has been defeated. Whatever
hopes were entertained that the worker might successfully
assert hi. rights by an opot and avowed resistance to a
ttrireainn,l,onfsetheponswosert
(,eli!,ftwpoctpiicthkianndl they yd,htarvme,ifnit,dteidonh:ffoiret.
possessors to be absolute and unconditional masters. How-
ever we might have relied upon the troth of our cause, and
the justice of the effort to elevate the industrial
position of the artisan—to have conciliated and con-
vinced our adversaries, and to secure us extended support,
we have found, by bitter and dear-bought experience
that mere right—right unsupported by strength—truth
discarded from power, may be beaten down and trampled
upon by rich strong-handed wrong. Nothing that we could
do hu been left undone. No effort that it was in our ponce
to make has been spared. We have invited diuusisiun and
criticism—we have challenged controversy—we have fear-
lessly laid bare before the world our motives and our pur-
poses—we have invited the verdict of public opinion—we
have offered to submit to arbitration—we have endeavoured
to arouse the trades of England, tho'c who are as much in-
terested in the result of our struggle as ourselves. to unite
action and at lest, we have offered concessions as great as
could honourably be made, and withdrawn our circular of
the 24th of December, MI, but all without avail. Help
we have had, but not to a sufficient extent to enable us to
continue the battle ; sympathy has been awarded te us, but
our opponents, great in the world of wealth, were enabled
to command the m at influential portion of the press ; hope
that we should triumph has made thousands of hearts beat
high; but they belonged to those whore: voices were not
heard in the world—the workers of the country ; and they
were comparatively powerless. Through all the history of
the strife we have nothing to reproach ourselves with,
nothing to regret but the want of success.
"In the list extremity, when we had given up all that
could be conceded, the Employers' Association mill main-
taining their determination to suffer no man to work unless
he would admit his own slavery and degradation by
signing their infamous declaration, it became neces-
sary to take some steps to avert the crisis. We
must submit to inevitable necessity. The poor man,
without funds to fall back upon, is dependent upon
labour for life. In the midst of all the wealth he
has created for others his roily right is toil, when he can
get leave, (or a bare subsistence—he:is an infant in the grasp
of a giant, to whom he must perforce submit. We cannot
ask any man to become a pauper or starve. We cannot
say to the artisan, let your wives grow haggard arid your
children pale and thin, and ragged, and your hearths cold,
till misery past endurance forces you into the poor-house,
where social affictiuus are violated by the law which
attaches degradation to relief. We cannot command abso-
lute self-sacrifice. Between two evils we are compelled to
choose the leapt. The proposals contained in the above
resolutions if they are adopted, as we doubt not they will
be, will place those members who continue iu theeociety,
after having signed the declaration, in a position not to
violate a moral truth,however reluctant they may feel to sub-
mit to such an net of tyranny ; and, in the prospect of this
change, we say, that we will not exclude any member who
now signs the employers" declaration' to obtain bread for
I himself and his family.
We are aware that honest men may feel an instinctive
abhorrence of doing what may subject them to the slightest
imputation of acting unconscientionsly. But we think that
this honourable scruple need not prevent their continuing
in the society if this be done. We think that any one may
justly consider his present position to be one of moral com-
pulsion, which his not the stringent obligation attending a
freely made agreement. We hold ourselves and every man
who unwillingly puts his hand to that detestable document,
which is forced upon U 9, to be as much destitute of that
power of choice which should precede a contract, as if a
I pistol were at his head, and he had to choose between death
and degradation.
" Our future efforts must be constantly directed to pre-
vent the possibility of such a catastrophe again occurring.
How shall we set about the work of preparation for • coming
time ? There is but one way—we must co-operate for pro-
duction. The events of the last few months have directed
the attention of working men to co-operation, and inclined
them to it more decidedly than years of prosperous industry
could have done. Perhaps a grestergood is to come out of
present evil than mould have been in any other way brought
about. We have learned that it is not sufficient to accu-
mulate funds, that it is necessary also to use them repro-
ductively, and if this lesson does not fail in its effects, a
few years will see the land studded with workshops belong-
ing to the workers—workshops where the profits shall cheer
and not oppress labour, where tyranny cannot post an abo-
minable declaration on the gates, where the opportunity
of working is secured without the sacrifice of all that makes
work dignified and honourable. Then, indeed, the artisan
may successfully assert his claims to be treated as a man
with thoughts and feelings, instead of a machine. And if
the employers, seeking to wrong him, close the gates of the
fasiberlim he will not then stand in forced idleness, consum-
ing the accumulations of past years, but with double energy
he will tarn to the factory and there do the work of the
wuntry, without the unneeded help of others. That is a
conrammation devoutly to be wished," and if we set about
the task with only the same earnestness', good faith, and
patience as have been brought to bear upon our past move-
ment it will be accomplised.
"So much for the put and the future. With respect to
the immediate present—we hope that those who are in
work, and those who at once procure employment, will not
refuse or even hesitate to support those who are less fortu-
nate, whether society men or non-society men, till labour is
found for them. It is beyond the power of the employers
to induce upright men to disregard thou obligations into
which they have voluntarilyentered. We hope, for the re-
putation of our trade, that the half -day', will be cheerfully
accorded—we hope for the consideration of those honest
independent men who have larva families dependent upon
them the support, and who still. with irresistibto loathing,
refuse to sign the atrocious declaration.
" That done, we must organise for the future—assisted as
we have been by the advice of men who take a deep inte-
rest in the promotion of working men's associations, and
have counselled the abandonment of all attempts to deal
with capitalists in a spirit of hostility—and given it as their
opinion that nothing but creating anew r, lattonship between
capital and labour can effectually elevate the condition of
the toilers of society, we must progress in than principles ;
and we hope that our next delegate meeting will lay down
the basis of our future permanent prosperity.
" Immediately on receipt of this circular each secretary
is instructed to convene a meeting of the members of his
branch, so that its contents may be made generally known
to the members.

" (Om behalf of the Executive Council)
" W. ALLAN, Sec rotary.
4' London, 15, Little Alie•atreet, Whiteehspel, April 26."

The Manehester Guardian says: " The struggle
between the amalgamated workmen and their employers
has virtually terminated in the unconditional submission
of the workmen to the terms required from them; and
such of the men as the employers can and will accept
are hastening to offer their services, and to sign the decla-
ration which they so loudly denounced."

AIIERICkN PIRACY OP AN ENOLIOH SACCIL—Tho
proprietors of the Worcestershire sauce hero had occasion
to prosecute a store-keeper in New York, named Raphael,
for counterfeiting their labels and selling his miature as the
genuine sauce. The case was tried at the Court of General
&miens of the Peace of the City and County of New York,
on the sth of March. It was proved by a person who had
been in partnership with Raphael that ho compounded a
sauce et his own, which be put into bottles in which the
Worcestershire mice had once been, or into others made
somewhat in imitation of them, and that the labels so closely
imitated the originals, even down to copying the names of
Lea and Perrino, that purchasers could scarcely fail to be
deceived. Messrs. Duncan and Son, grocers, et Now York,
who are the sole agents hie genunne Worcestershire sauce in
America, pointed out the particulars in whirls some bottles
which had been purchased at the prisoner's store, under the
United States hotel, differed from the true ones. The pri-
soner's counsel made an appeal to the prejudices of the
jury against British manufacturers, and they found a ver-
dict of acquittal.—Worcester Herald, April 24, 1852.

~ THE COLONIAL BISHOPS' BILL"

irrcia the Dear Ness.)

Yesterday, Mr. GLADSTONE pressed upon the
notice of the House of Commons his extraordinary
proposition for `lnterference in the clerical affairs
of our colonies. We say extraordinary proposition,
because his plan is nothing short of a bill for
legalising in the colonies what arc illegal and in viola-
tion of the Act of Submission at home—Synods of the
Church of England. Sach a measure is of course
quite in conformity with Mr. Or..ensronE's principle
that the state, having a conscience, is bound to ign.
pegate religious truth, and having established, in the
realm a church, is bound to support it oat of the
realm. But as hitherto the legeMiture has
nut treated the Church of Enosna as the
state church of the colonic;, it ought, we
submit, to hesitate before it dives the Church of
England therein powers awl privileges, and autho-
rity of holding synod*, tr.sking canons, and punishing
recusant members, 'which were advisedly denied it
in England at the period of its establishment=at the
Reformation.
Ostensibly, 'indeed, Mr. GLADSTONE'S bill is one of
" relief;" in. reality, however. it is a measure of ag-
rvallion:, and a very offensive one, too. From its
Prva'n'Ac to its last section it is tractarian, Anglo-
eutl".olic and sacerdotal. Under the guise of Femur-
ir.g doubts, it liberates the clergy of the Church of
England in the colonies from the restrictions placed
on the it power of what is called synodal action by
the fundamental statutes of Henry VIII.; it enables
them to meet in colonial houses of convocation, there
" to make all such regnlationsas may be held neccery,
for the better conduct of their ecclesiastical affairs ; tt
empowers those assemblies to impose spiritual penal-
ties and disabilities on the menthe's of their church
which shall have the full force of law ; it proportion-
ably detracts from and lessens the royal supremacy
over that church; it throws around the Church of
England in the colonies (there a perfectly voluntary
bud)) the atmosphere, sanction. and support of im-
perial care, protection, and legislation ; it thus far eles
vates it in those dependencies, at the expense of the
other religious communities; and it thereby holds it
forth as what Lord Dr.alis. offensively proclaims it to
be, "the cfrpoulary ofrelalinus truth.
But this is not all—nor half—its vice. In all the
colonic* but one to which Mr. GLADSTONE 'S bill
refers there are now existing colonial parliaments;
and in the Cape, the present exception, there will
shortly be—unless Lord DEanY arrests Lord GREY'S
instructions—a local legislature. And these colonial
parliament,' have full power and authority to deal
with all internal questions; their jurisdietiou is only
restricted when they interfere with external matters.
The imperial parliament has, it may be, power to
legislate even on their domestic concerns, but that is
a power which no wise or prudent statesman—which
no judicious or liberal legislature of the metropolitan
country—would ever think of exercising, save and
except to assert the dominion of their common sove-
reign over all portions of the empire she rules.
In giving to Canada its latest constitution, the im-
perial legislature itself fixed for a while its civil
list ; but, the necessity for that over, Lord GREY re-
mitted to the Canadian parliament power to fly
the civil list of the
colony. At the saute time,
the clergy land reserves in Canada were legis-
lated on by the parliament of the United King-
dom; but the Colonial-office is at present under
the most solemn pledge to repeal the act by which
they were reserved from the authority of the colo-
nial legislature ;—a pledge to which Sir Jonn
I'AEINGTON must be strictly. held. And so in the
Australian colonies; in giving them constitu-
tions, their legislatures received full powers
to deal with all their domestic affairs. Yet
here have we Mr. GLADSTONE now trying to
induce the imperial parliament to interfere di-
rectly in the most delicate of all questions--either at
home or in the dependencies—to interfere with reli-
gion in all the colonies to which most power and the
freest agency have been granted. Here have we an ex-
Colonial Secretary asking the British legislature to
give the Church of England especial privileges in
British North America and Australia. If this lia set
an offensive, impolitic, unwise interference the
legislative unctions of those colonies, then WS 711,
GEORGE GRENVILLE the wisest of all Ene4 _stater
men, anal his attempt to tax the New
pendeseies the most laudable of all his -osseous,
Mr. GLADSTONE'S bill is then in every rapped as
aggressive measure, alike on the legislative power. of
the colonial parliaments,on the principles of religiose
equality in the dependencies, and, by implication
and logical consequence, on the religious freedom of
the mother country ;—for no man acquainted with the
opinions of its author, and with the policy of his
friends. can doubt that he and they intend that its
principles shall return home at last. It is meant to
confirm over to the colonies the influences of " the
depositary of religious truth"; to augment the power
of episcopacy in our dependencies ; and to develop
there, in full bloom, the practices of Synodal action,,
in order that we may here abandon the earnities
which the protestant people of England yet have
to priestly domination.

But has not the Church of England, in its volun-
tary character, a right to free action in the colonies?
To this inquiry we answer by another. Who and
what prevents it there doing what it pleases? Neither
the law of England, nor the law of British North
America, nor of Australia. It may hold whatever
synods, assemblies, or meetings it chooses ; and it may
constitute them howsoever it pleases ; for it is there es
free as the other voluntary churches it co-exists with.
But Mr. GLADSTONE seeks to confer the force of law on
its councils and on its acts; he seeks to clothe its
voluntary colonial organisation with all the authority
and influence of metropolitan legislation ; he seeks
for its interpretation of all disputed questions and
for all its limitations of comprehensive doctrines the
influence of legality. Ile claims for the decisions of
his " depository of religious truth" the additional
force of imperial rescnpts and legal decrees. The
Presbyterians, the Independents, the Wesleyan', the
Baptists, who largely preponderate in the cote-
nits, have no such rights, and Mr. GLADSTONE would
be the first to deny their pretensions to any such—
why, then, should the church of England make such
pretensions It has no higher status than they have
in the colonies, and no higher should be given to it.
Such a bill as that Mr. GLADSTONE proposes the
enactment of, will make Canada ring with religious
controversy. For is bleepale7 fail Bemire of the
Canadian parliament it an act which wholly
repudiates all such exclusive pretensions. Listen to
Its preamble :
Whereas the recognition of legal equality among, all reli-
giose denominations is as admitted principle of colonial
farnlation. And whereas in the state and condition of
this province, to which such a principle is peculiarly appli-
cable, it is desirable that the same should remise the sanc-
tion of direct I. gialatire authority, recognising and de-
daring the same as a fundamental principle of our civil
petite. . .

And on this broad and comprehensive basis the
Canadian parliament proceedd thus:
It is hereby deelared sad ensteed that the free (itemise
and raysysionst of religious profession and worship, without
otaarrtosioollos or prefertoce, so as the same he not made an
assess for licentioasnesa, or • justiticution of practices in-
consistent with the peace and safety of the province, is, by
Use constitution and laws of this province, allowed to all her
Majesty's subjects within the same.
Does Mr. I:3I.AD.TONE suppose that a legislature,
which in August last passed such a law as this, will
for one instant endure " the discrimination and pm.'
tonne." which hie bill proposes to confer on the
Church of England ,in Canada? If he thinks so,
small must be his acquaintance with colonial sturdi-
Des&
It is indeed pitiable to see so powerful a mind as
Mr. °LAWTON/el engaged in such work as this. But
what might have been neglected whilst a ministry
was in power that had refused its consent
to his incorporating such principles in the
Australian Constitution Act,—becomes a matter
of high importance, and a question on
which to exercise great jealousy, when in presence
of a cabinet, whose chief —in has opening speech to
parliament--endorsed all the high church preten-
sions of MT. CIIIADSTON EN friends. Mr. 01.AORTONE'S
bill was yesterday postponed for further considera-
tion to the 19th of May. The conduct Sir JOHN
PAKINOTON will then pursue in reference to the
ensure--and on the greet question of the Canada
Reserves, which preens for legislation—
will a matter that must be closely watched by
all the trims& of religious freedom and all the oppti-
ants of sacerdotal authority.

MAMA ANTOWLI RAILWAY. Talk /Or tie
wok alig Apit ur ists, mu. um, um