The Press.
London, England, 1857-04-04 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

adheres to is a selfish policy, which never can make the
country great or keep it famous. (Great cheering.) Well,
all f can say is that I am entirely opposed to any change
of that kind, and that I believe it is a policy which would
end in the degradation of England. (Cheers ) I wish to
impress particularly on the dwellers in the south that if
this new scheme should find favour you will sink in
political and social importance. This, instead of being a
county which had acted a great part in history and
produced famous men and passed great measures, would
only be a portion of an insignificant district, and you,
the inhabitants, never would enjoy that conscious feeling
of pride and superiority which, 24 electors of the county
of Buckingham, you have a right now to feel. (Loud
cheers.)

With respect to the ballot, without a great extension
of the suffrage it would be impossible :
It would be a tyranny unsupportable that the electors of
this country, whu now under the law enjoy, and for cen-
turies have enjoyed, the privilege of voting—for the power
of voting is a privilege, and nut a right or trust—l say it
would be intolerable that the electors should exercise this
privilege in secrecy, without being subject to that fair cri-
tteism and control which all possessors of public privileges
ought to experience. (Applause.) Her Majesty has pri-
vileges—her prerogatives are privileges—but they are not
privileges exercised in secret—and it must be an infinitely
small minority who would for a moment entertain the idea
that with the present electoral body the ballot is justifiable
or endurable. ( Hear, hear.) I assume, therefore, that if
the ballot were introduced, it must be introduced together
with a great extension of the suffrage. Well, you will have
to consider that which is an important question, but which
the supporters of the ballot like to evade, whether the
ballot if introduced must not be accompanied with plu•
rality of voting. Understand, you are to have in connec-
tion with the ballot a very extensive suffrage, say house-
hold suffrage, exercised in secret. Well, do you mean to
say that a lord lieutenant of a county is to have no more
influence on the legislation and government of the country
than some man, perhaps, in his service, and receiving
weekly wages, but in consequence of the tenure of a
house exercising the franchise? There must, then, be
plurality of voting ; but how are you to fix the limit and
the degree? Is the working man who gets in manufac-
tories 11. or '23s. a week to have one vote, and the man
with 50,0001. to have 50,000 votes? (Cries of " No!")
Then where are you to draw the line between men of
different classes? I say that I would rather have open
voting than the ballot, with this plurality of voting. I say,
further, that you cannot introduce the system of voting by
ballot without changing the whole character of England,
political and social. (" We want the change"). You say
you want the change. But what would be the probable
result of the experiment? It has been tried in another
country. The French are not interior to oily people in the
world in intelligence and spirit; a few years ago they
elected a parliament by universal suffrage, anti they re-
turned a body of men who exercised no control or in
fluence over the public mind. ( Heat•.) Depend upon it
that the reason why the Parliament of England has lasted
so long, in spite of all its faults, is, that in the main it has
consisted of men who, from their property, their family
connections, their intelligence, their talents, or their
virtues, were persons that the great body of the people
looked up to. (Hear, hear.) Men of equivocal position
or indifferent character may get into Parliament by acci•
dent at a general election ; but in the long run, it• a man is
a considerable time in Parliament, whatever may be his
deficiencies, whether he be 'fury, or Whig, or Radical, you
may be sure that he has some toot in the sympathies of
his countrymen. In France the people elected a Parlia-
ment by the ballot and universal suffrage ; but the very
first moment that Parliament did not do what was wanted
of them, the people ceased to entertain for theta any
respect or regard, and as soon as they were in danger from
another authority, their fellow-countrymen never rallied
round them ; they were at once swept away, a despotism
was established in their stead, and that despotism is, I
believe, at the present moment the only form of Ciovern-
'tient which is fit to rule that intelligent and high spirited
race. (Hear.) The same thing would happen in England
if you went on perpetually changing your Parliaments.
You wou.d at length be led to despise those Parliaments,
and under the contempt to which they would be exposed,
all your liberties would, before long, expire. When I
remember how great this country has become, and how
much of her greatness she owes to her Parliaments, I
think that Englishmen ought not to speak lightly and with
little feeling of institutions so influential and so venetable.
(Cheers.)

All that now remains for me to do, is to thank you most
cordially and sincerely for the kindness and good temper
with which you have this day listened to my observations.
I again offer you the expressions of my gratitude for the
great distinction which you have just conferred upon me.
Believe me, this is a feeling which dues not quit me when
I leave the hustings. Whatever may be toy deficiencies—
and no man is more conscious ui them than I ant—called
upon, as I often find myself, to perform duties to which the
gravest responsibility attaches, I am sustained by the con.
scionsness that I receive the support of a large, an en.
lightened, And au independent constituency. (Hear,
hear.) It is your approbation that is my beat reward ;it
is your sympathy that is my most valued possession ; and
whatever may be your political opinions—however opposed
they may be to those which I entertain, 1 am proud to be
your representative, and I earnestly desire to gain your
favourable judgment.

The right hon. gentleman, who had addressed the
meeting for a space of about an hour and three-
quarters, then retired amidst loud and considerable
cheering.

LONDON.

SATURDAY,

The official declaration of the London poll was
made on Monday in the Guildhall. After the usual
formalities,

Mr. Sheriff MECHI came forward, and made the
official declaration of the state of the pull us
follows :—•

Sir J. Duke ..
Baron Rothschild
Lord J. Russell
Mr. Crawford ..

..
.. .. 6,001
' • - .. 11,39r4
- - .. 6,:iN

Mr. Iteikes Currie .. • • .. 4,519
Mr. Sheriff Mechi declared that the election had fallen
upon Sir J. Duke, Baron Rothschild, Lord J. Russell,
and Mr. Crawford. The declaration of the numbers
was received with loud and protracted cheering.
Sir J. DUKE first returned thanks. He should
continue to support the Government of Lord
Palmerston so long as he brought in measures
worthy of a Liberal Administration. He should
support an extension of the suffrage ; the vote by
ballot, to protect the honest elector ; and he should
continue to give his aid to any measure for the re.
moval of Jewish disabilities.

Baron ROTHSCHILD, who was received with great
cheering, next returned thanks. If the attempt to
obtain religious freedom in the ensuing session of
Parliament should fail he should, as he bad before
suited, place his seat at their disposal.
Lord J. ltussku, next presented himself, and was
received with great cheering. Thanking the eltctors
for the honour they had once more conferred upon
him, the noble lord made a few remarks " with
regard to our future prospacts"

Hitherto we have had as an excuse from every Minister
who has happened of late years to be in power—it was my
excuse, it has been the excuse of Lord Palmerston, and I
think it a very fair and just excuse—that parties were so
finely balanced in the House of Commons that it was
difficult to carry Liberal measures with a sufficient
majority to secure the assent of the other House of
Parliament to those measures. Now, if it he true, as I
hope it is, that the result of this general ele.uici will be to
give a large Liberal majority in the House of Commonq, so
large that the Upper House will no longer have any reason
on that ground to refuse the measures that may be passed
by the other House of Parliament, then that excuse must
henceforward fall to the ground,and Lord Palmerston will
have no such reason to allege for not bringing forward, not
six or seven or a dozen measures, but such measures,
beginning with one or two of great importance, as shall
show that Ministers are truly reformers, and that nothing
but the circumstances to which I have alluded have
hitherto cooled their ardour.

I see some symptoms of improvement in this respect,
because this election has not turned—the people of the
United Kingdom would not allow it to turn—on the tem-
porary question of whether Sir J. Bowring was right or
wrong. The nation has had too much good sense to allow
itself to be divided between Bowringites and Yehites.
They know that the true distinction is between Conserva-
tives and Reformers, the Conservatives desiring to main-
tain our institutions and not to improve them, and 1:e-
-formers desiring to improve our institutions and at the
same time to preserve them.

The noble lord then referred to Mr. Locke King's
motion :

We heard in the House of Commons nothing but
objections to that measure ; and we were told that
if it hail been a larger measure the objections would
have been stronger and more decisive. But as soon as
there was a question of the dissolution of Parliament it
was discovered that they were in favour of that measure,
but it seemed that there were in Mr. Locke King's bill
which they had never seen, and which I am told Mr.
Locke King had never communicated to them, certain
faults and defects which had alone prevented them from
supporting it. If that be the case they will have an
opportunity in the new Parliament of bringing in new
measures of their own, in which they can put all the guards
and securities which they can desire, and in which they
can insert all the guards and securities that I inserted in
a bill which I introduced two years ago, and then they can
no doubt carry it through both Houses of Parliament. It
is in this way that this dissolution of Parliament will be of
real use to this country.
I trust, as J have formerly said, to see Ihe edifice of
religious liberty perfected. I trust to are free trade corn-
pleted by the abolition of some obnoxious duties. I trust
that by economy and retrenchment we shall be able to
spare those additional duties on sugar and tea which tend
so much to diminish the enjoyments of the people. I
trust, also, that by extending the franchise to the en-
lightened, the respectable, and the honest classes who have
not had hitherto the benefit of exercising the franchise we
may extend still further the basis of our representation,
and give an additional security to our institutions. Such
may be, I trust, the result of this dissolution. The good
sense of the nation has seen the advantage which might
be taken of it in having a new Parliament, fresh from
communicating with the people at large. lientlemen, I
trust that you will in the future see supported by the tour
members for the city of London measures of economy,
measures of reform, measures conducive to the prosperity
of this great empire. deutletnau, again I thank you ter
the honour you have done me. I have been exposed for
some years to much obloquy, to much misrepresentation,
to much misconstruction of my motives; but whatever I
may have suffered in this respect the generous manner in
which you have come forwardto support ins at this election
affords me full compensation.

Mr. CRAWFORD briefly returned thanks, and the
meeting separated.

APRIL 4, 1857.

SIR JOHN PAKINOTON, last week, upon his return
for Droitwitch, addressed his constituents at some
length. The right hon. baronet declared his utter
want of faith in L9rit Pairnerston's foreign policy.
Lord Palmerston, it was true, had closed the war
with credit, but the peace he obtained was unworthy
of our position :
I think the negotiations at Paris were marred by three
blunders, which are very d;screditable to our representa-
tives at those conferences. The first of those blunders
was their utter neglect of the Asiatic side of the Black
Sea, having taken no steps for the security of Turkey on
that side ; the second was that no security was afforded to
the Circassians, who had struggled through prolonged con•
tests with Russia; the third blunder to which I allude
was, that no effectual means were taken for providing that
the Russian forts in the Black Sea should not be re-erected.
I hold that the negotiations at Paris were further marred
by the attack which was made upon the freedom of the
Belgian press—an attack to which no British Minister
ought to have lent himself, and by the most unwise, unjust,
and unpatriotic abandonment of those maritime rights, in
regard to countries engaged in war with England, which
have always been regarded as one of our greatest bulwarks.
Upon these grounds [ am of opinion that we owe Lord
Palmerston no thanks for the negotiations which took
place at Paris. But peace having been concluded, we all
lighted our bonfires and sent up our fireworks, and rejoiced
that, war being at an end, we should at length be able to
attend to our domestic affairs, and to make rapid strides in
the way of social progress. Alas, we found that our fire-
works were hardly extinguished before we became involved
in three new quarrels. We have a quarrel with China ;
we were engaged in a most painful negotiation with Naples,
in which we have only escaped uar by eating dirt ; and we
were involved in a war with Persia Do not these facts
justify the opinion that under the administration of Lord
Palmerston we cannot hope for the enjoyment of anything
like permanent peace?

Sir J. Pakington then referred to questions of domes-
tic policy and social improvement:—

It is perfectly idle to talk in British institutions of any
like finality. I hold that Conservative opinions are
compatible with the improvement and progress of those
institutions. If I thought otherwise, I fur one should not
profess Conservative opinions. In these days of the steam-
engine and of the telegraph, to contend that British states-
men alone ought to stand still appears to me to be absurd.
The line by which the two great political parties in the
ountrl seem to me to be separated is, that in the one
party f see, or think I see, a tendency to unnecessary de-
mocratic innovation ; while in the other I perceive a love
of the monarchy, a love of the Church, and of that principle
of local self-government which I think ought to be adhered
to and extended in Eugland. To no detailed arrangement
which shall carry out those three great general principles
shall I, for one, offer any serious objection. When I speak
of an extension of the franchise, I must frankly tell you I
never approved of that change in the suffrage which was
effected by the Reform Bill of 183'2. It operates, in the
arrangement of local districts, to too great an extent in
favour of the party by whom it was brought about. As to
the further extension of the suffrage, I can cnly say that
there are many classes upon which I think it ought to be
bestowed that do not now possess it, and to which the ex-
tension of it would be a step rather in a conservative than
in a democratic direction. Upon the other hand, I am
strongly opposed to dealing piecemeal with this great sub-
ject, and I for one am not prepared to disturb the act of
1833, unless great practical advantages should seem to me
to he likely to be the result. I shall, however, give no
pledge that would fetter me hereafter in the consideration
of any change in the suffrage which I may think would
really tend to promote the general interest of the country.
With respect to church rates, the right hon. baronet
observed that the opposition of dissenters was
founded upon false grounds:—
Church rates are almost invariably described es a heavy
tax upon dissenters, but they are no more so in reality
than tithes, or any other impost of that character. Church
rates are a tax upon the land, and not upon the individual,
and from time immemorial the property of England has
been subject to their payment. There is not a dissenter
who does not purchase property subject to the tax, and,
therefore, lie has no more right to ask to be relieved from
it than from the poor rate, or any other rate which is levied
in support of any one of the great institutions of the
country. At the same time, in order that those dissensions
which exist with respect to the payment of church rates
might as speedily as possible be put an end to, I should be
glad to see such a compromise of the question effected—
such a compromise, for instance, as would operate as an
ahandonment of the rate in the case of things which could
nut be regarded as essentials, while it would continue it
fur the support of the fabric of the Church.

SIR EDWARD LYTTON, at Hertfordshire, made the
following remarks upon public affairs :-
-

- • -
I think it would he rather incaution, in a politician to
may at once, viithont knowing in the least what Lord
Palmerston's policy is, that he will give to Lord Palmers-
ton himself an unqualified support. I can only say this,
that the country has decided that Lord Palmerston shall
have a candid and impartial trial, and that I think it the
interest and the duty of every party that that trial should
be afforded him. (Cheers.) Mr. Cowper, with that
transcendent genius which he claims for himself and
his party—(a laugh)—not only doubts the wisdom of the
Conservatives, but conside.-s them very flinch behind those
great Whig gentlemen who, when out of office, hove always
promises Olk their lips, but when fixed in li,,wning•street
always contrive to break them. (Cheers and laughter.)
Gentlemen, if you will refer to the part I took in common
with the Conservative body for the revision of the income

THE PRESS.

tax, by which I proposed a distinction between the profits
of precarious industry and incomes derived from realised
property, you will find that in the division I was sunported
by the whole body of Conservatives ; and I think it was
the friends of Mr. Cowper who opposed the motion.
(" Hear," and laughter.) You will remember, also, that I
proposed a reduction of half the malt tax, and that the go-
a-head friends of Mr. Cowper aiso opposed me there.
(Cheers and laughter.) You will remember that I asked
the consent of the House of Commons to pledge the
country to administrative reform. If you will consider,
also, the part which I, in common with all Conservatives,
took to press upon Minister after Minister, Cabinet after
Cabinet (and in every one of them Lord Palmerston held a
place), vigour in the prosecution of the war and honour
in the terms of peace, I third( that candid men will allow
that whatever may be the faults of Conservatives, they are
not obsolete politicians; that they do not the less love the
people, because they revere those institutions which have
won fur the people their liberties and renown. (Loud
cheers.)

The right hon. baronet considered that the house
had been dissolved upon a false pretence :
If the Government at the time had told us that they
were about to send forth a plenipotentiary to China, of the
just and humane principles for which Lord Eight is dis•
tinguished—there would have been no majority against
them, and no neees.ity for dissolving the House of Com-
mons. ( Cheers.) If that resolution was the conse-
quence of our vote, our vote is vindicated. (Cheers.) If,
on the other hand, the Government were predisposed to
send out a plenipotentiary, they should have acted frankly
and generously, and told the house so, and, f say again, there
would have been no majority recorded against them. (Loud
cheers.) What is this House of Commons, thus unfairly
treated and hastily dissolved ? ( Hear, hear.) Why, that
House of Commons which stood so steadily by the Crown
and the people throughout the whole of the Russian war
—which kept Ministers firm, not Ministers it—that House
of Commons which poured out our resources with no
stinted hand. ( Hear, hear.) It is that House of Com-
mons along whose benches, a few months ago, you could
not have looked without some warning of a son lost in
defence of England. ( Cheers.) It is this House of
Commons which has been branded and insulted with in•
difference to the national flag. ( Hear, hear.) Is it
honest, it is ingenuous, to make an appeal under these
circumstances? And can Lord Palmerston fairly appeal
to the country gentlemen and Conservatives of England
for their support, when he could—in a moment of haste, I
am sure—insinuate that they could desire to make the
degradation of their country the stepning•stone to power ?
(Loud cheers.)

Lord HENRY LENNOX and Mr. J. A. SMITH, the
late members for Chichester, were re-elected last
week without opposition. Lord Henry Lennox
addressed the electors in an ahle speech. 11 lying
referred to local topics, Lord Henry stated he was
glad to find that his honourable colleague had
adopted his creed of peace, economy, and retrench-
ment, for he feared that he (Lord Henry) was the
greater Liberal of the two. The most orthodox
dogma of the Liberal creed was, that as Parliament
was the representative of the people, and the people
paid the wer bills, Parliament therefore had a right to
be consulted before war was entered upon. What was
the case here? The Liberal (?) Premier had
actually declared, waged, and concluded a war with
Persia, without vouchsafing one syllable of informa-
tion to Parliament, while the Chinese war was els)
begun without the sanction of Parliament. After
entering into the question of the Chinese war, and
justifying his vote upon these grounds, the noble
lord observed:—

And for these at best paltry pretexts we, the nation,
that above all other nations aspires to liberal and Chris-
tian views, have cast destruction and desolation among an
unoffending and unwarlike people. At the smallest coin
putation, and in the suburbs alone, 30,000 beings have
been shelled and turned out of house and home. lint it is
not the charred and deserted villages, not even the narrow
streets of Canton, teeming with death and reeking with the
blood of all ages and sexes, that is most pitiable to contem•
plate. To my mind there is another picture more sicken-
ing and more hateful to the eyes of every Englishman,
and that is the spectacle of an English statesman, not only
palliating the acts of unworthy subordinates, but identify.
ing the hitherto unsullied purity of the British flag with
the disingenuous prevarications of Sir John Bowring and
Mr. Parkes.

Lord Henry Lennox, alluding to the charge of" coali-
tion," pointed out the fact that the last five confidence
votes had been carried by so-called " combination."
In 1846, when Sir It. Peel was turned out on the
Irish Arms Bill • in 1852, when Lord .John was
ousted on the dfilitin Bill ; in 1852, when Lira Rd-
mersion joined Lord Aberdeen's followers, and every
section of the house coalesced to turn out Lord
Derby; in 1835, when all sections joined and ousted
Lord Aberdeen on the Sebastopol Committee ; and,
finally, the most glorious and least factious vote of
all, last month. With respect to the Liberal mea-
sures of the Government, Lord Henry Lennox stated
that he was glad to hear his honourable colleaque
say the Liberal party would not trust Lord Palmers-
ton if he did not give them ballot and a strong
Reform Bill ; for that, to his (Lord Henry's) mind
secured Lord Palmerston's downfall :

Writers on constitutional history agree that no Go.
vernment was so dangerous as one without definite prin-
ciple or policy. I agree with that principle, and I would

333

feel less alarm even at Lord John's accession with a strong
Liberal Government, than at the present makeshift un•
practical set. Lord Palmerston is not a Liberal, all
allowed; he is not a Conservative; he is neither fisb,
flesh, nor fowl. Firebrand abroad, and do nothing at
home; ultra-Evangelical in England, and raging ultramon-
tane in Ireland.

In conclusion, the noble lord rapidly glanced at Lord
Palmerston's financial and domestic policy, pointad
out the pressure of the increased tea and sugar
duties, and insisted upon the necessity of a reduction
of public expenditure, in order to obtain a remission
of taxation. The noble lord, who had addressed the
meeting for upward: of an hour and a quarter, retired
amidst the hearty cheers of both parties.

LORD STANLEY, at King's Lynn, of whose speech
we give but a brief abstract last week, expressed his
opinion as follows upon parliamentary reform :

Recent attempts to introduce a Reform Bill have not
been so successful as they might be, but it is certain that
the question must. be brought forward, and at no distant
date. There is the question, however, of lowering the
franchise, and the question of distributing it more equally
over localities. These are distinct from each other. It is
not very easy to say where you will fix the imit of the
franchise, without reference to what may be proposed by
party leaders. There seems to be no limit unless tou
come to universal suffrage, which I am not prepared to
assent to. (A voice—" How about the ballot?") I think
that some extension hat become inevitable and necessary,
and in all probability it is a question which will be sari.
only discussed in the next Parliament. I have be n
questioned in private as to my vote on Mr. Locke King's
motion ou the county franchise. I voted against that
motion because I did not think it possible that under
present circumstances it could end in any practical results.
Gentlemen, this subject of Reform requires to be treated
as a whole. It must not be treated bit by bit, but, as in
the case of the finances, in its integrity. I have already
in this place advocated a greater approximation to equality
in the distribution of the franchise among the various
localities. We have still some rotten boroughs, which are
a mere mockery of the representation. We have, on tl.e
other hand, under represented districts in the north if
England ; and I confess I do not see what danger to pro-
perty could arise from such a nearer approximation to
equality in the distribution of the franchise. I cannot
understand the language of a man who says, " It is right
that property should have a certain amount of influence,
but I would not give influence to wealth or property
created within a hundred years." I confess I see nothing
unconstitutional or revolutionary in so changing our in-
stitutions as to bring them into harmony with the altered
electoral representation.

The noble lord further expressed himself in favour
of the abolition of the paper and insurance duties,
and that in 18(10 a house tax should be substituted
for the income tax. Upon the point of expenditure,
the noble lord expressed himself strongly in favour
of a wise economy in the naval and military esti-
mates, while he would eagerly promote legal reform.

Ma. S. ESTCOURT, at North Wilts, upon re-election
addressed the electors, observing that his cour,e had
hitherto been and would continue to be that of a
Conservative. He had thought it his duly to givo
his general support to the present Government,
believing they were the men best calculated to carry
on the affairs of the country. He should go into
Parliament unfettered and bound to no party. With
respect to church rates, he did not think as many
did, that they were a burden to dissenters, nor could
he listen for a moment to the question of their ad•
justment. All that was required to be done in the
way of legislation with respect to church rates was to
obviate the disorders and the scandal which took
place in the voting at vestries, and to limit the amount
which any man in one year should be called upon to
pay. Willi respect to the national Church, he thought
the State should allow it to draw up those rules for
its own management which were indispensable to
uniformity of system. He was opposed to the ballot,
but, with respect to the elective franchise, he cared
not how low the qualification was carried, provided
the voter possessed such a permanency of tenure in
his occupation that he was not liable to be turned
out of it.

Sin GEORGE GREY, at Morpeth, gave a slight indi-
cation of t?ie future financial policy of the Govern-
ment :

A great deal had been said about the income tax
being kept up at sevenpence instead of fivepence. With
regard to that he had only one observation to make. They
were now at peace, and paying the debts contracted during
the war. The people ot this country, he thought, were
too honest not to pay those debts. A course was taken by
which the burdens of the people were largely increased in
order to pay the money borrowed within a stipulated time.
The taxation was kept up solely for the purpose of paying
off that debt incurred in the war which was to be paid elf
in a given time. The Government had, therefore, no
desire to keep up the taxation of the country beyond what
was necessary.
The right hon. baronet also freely expressed the
views of the Government upon electoral reform.
Alluding to the extension of the franchise, Sir George
Grey said ;

334

We feel at the present time that there is no desire
throughout the country for what we term large and com-
prehensive measures of reform.

Mn. LOCKE KING, on hi 4 re election for East
Surrey, said :
One of the great questions to be discussed in Parlia-
ment web, were they to have Reform or not? He bad
repeatedly brought forward the subject, but it was only
considered to be so mach political capital, and did very
little good ; but at length he was determined to try who
were real Reformers and who were not. The fact was
glaring that at Reigate a person having a 101. house had a
vote, but at Croydon he could not vote unless he had a
bOl. house.

At Montrose, ➢ir. BAXTER, who was returned
without opposition, observed :

It was said that Lord Palmerston was no reformer.
Well, that remained to be seen. If he did not prove him-
self a reformer he should not have his support. It was
said, also, that the country did not want Reform. That, he
thought, was a mistake ; they wanted political, social, and
ecclesiastical reform, and when these were demanded On a
sure and practical basis he did not think that Lord
Palmerston or any other Minister could refuse the country's
demands.

Mn. DENISON, in the West Riding, expressed him-
self in favour of a wise economy, and said he should
not object to parliamentary reform "in accordance
with the principles of the Constitution," but would
not pledge himself to support any measure until he
knew what it way. He was opposed to the ballot,
and expressed himself in favour of an extension of
the present system of educational grants.
Lord GODERICH, on the other hand, declared him-
self in favour of the ballot, and generally in support
of Lord I'almerston's foreign pclicy.

Sin FITZROY KELLY, at East Suffolk, male the
fo:lowing remarks upon the extension of the fran-
chise:—

He was one who hail always thought there should be no
" finality " in what was called the reform in Parliament.
There were now some millions of adult persons in this
country who did not possess the elective franchise, and
mong them were hundreds of thousands of persons of
independent incomes—persons possessed of competence,
of intellect, and education, which would do honour to any
society. He would at once confer the franchise on persons
of property, of intellect, and education. He would support
any statesman in the House of Commons who would in-
troduce a measure that would give the franchise to Finch
persons as he had spoken of. He would, sooner or later,
br ng forward such a measure in the House of Commons
under which every man in the three kingdoms should be
put in possession of the elective franchise who possessed
either property enough, or intellect or education enough,
to exercise that elective franchise with independence and
intelligence. Then would be the time to extend the
franchise downwards. But let them not suppose that he
would oppose the ex•ension of the franchise still further
among the householders in this county. He said he
would not first begin with the householders, as he
considered that a most fallacious test. He much ques-
tioned whether his hon. friend Lord Henniker would
possess the franchise had he not large property in the
county, bec.iuse his lordship, when in London, might
live in lodgings, or in a furnished house, or in chambers.
They might have a Newton, or a Shakespeare, unpossessed
of the elective franchise because he might not happen to
live in a 101. house within any borough. He would there•
fore confer the franchise first upon those persona he had
mentioned ; then he would at once secure the franchise to
those persons who uuqueetionsbly were fit to exercise it.

Mr. Sidney Herbert., Mr. Wyndham, and Lord
Henry Thynne, addressed the electors of South
Wilts on Wednesday.

Mr. SIDNEY HERSERT expressed himself in favour
of law reforms, of the settlement of the church-rate
question ; and upon the question of the franchise
expressed himself strongly against Mr. Locke King's
motion. It was a partial measure :
I want to see other ingredients mixed with it. If you
make the county and borough franchise the same you will
disturb the balance between town and country. Such an
arrangement would be unsatisfactory, because you might
have 300 men in a borough wielding equal political power
with :10,00 in a county. You must, therefore, have dif-
ferent franchises. I wish to see an industrial franchise and
a prudential franchise. I think a man who has 501. in the
savings-bank outil:t to have a vote. The man who pays
408. of direct taxes ought also to be invested with tile
franchise, and all graduates of the Universities sliculd
have the same right conferred upon them. lam against
extreme measures—universal suffrage for example, which
I believe no man of sense in the country now demands;
but with a large miss of our population increasing in in-
telligence and prosperity--thanks to those wise measures
of 1846 which our friends on the other side of the hustings
so much regret--(cheersl-1 think we ought to enlarge
the basis of representation. But it should be done care•
fully and deliberately. With a great crowd to manage, I
would much sootier have them inside the citadel to defend
it than outside to attack it: but I must pick my men. I
must choose the more intelligent, the more industrious,
the more prudent, and exclude the ignorant, the lazy, and
the improvident.

In conclusion, Mr. Sidney Herbert expressed him-
self in favcur of a judicious reduction of public ex-

THE PRESS.

penditure, and against a foreign policy of perpetual
interference with other nations. _ _

Mr. Wysoxam justified his vote against Mr. C ob-
deti's motion. _ _

Lord HENRY THYNNE declared himself a firm
supporter of the Established Church, for the aboli-
tion of Maynooth, a peaceablo foreign policy, and a
reduction of taxation.

♦ poll was demanded for the noble lord, and the
election takes place this day.

THE KIDDERMINSTER ELECTION terminated on
Saturday in a disgraceful riot. Hr. Lowe, upon
leaving the polling-booth at Blakebrook, was pelted
with stones and brickbats. Mr. Lowe wa; struck
several times, and much cut about the head and face.
The party were fortunately rescued by a Mr. Shep-
pard, of Woodfield-house, who was watching the
scene from his garden wall. He writes
the time the party reached the wall where I stood
several gentlemen were prostrated, and several bleeding
profusely. Those who remained upright were evidently
suffering severely. Having seen something of popular
commotions, both in this country and on the Continent, I
felt no doubt in my own mind, from the bearing of the mob
and the nature of the weapons employed, that the lives of
the persons beneath me were in imminent peril. I there.
fore hastened with all possible speed to render what aid I
could.

I was fortunately successful in directing the attention of
the party assailed to a gate in my own grounds, and hav►ng
removed the interior fastenings, with the assistance of
another person, I drugged in Mr. Lowe, literally streaming
with blood, and he was immediately followed by several
gentlemen wounded like himself. We had a hard struggle
at the gate, during the course of which I was once down
and several times struck with missiles. Finally we closed
the gates. An attempt was made to scale them, which was
defeated by the prompt resistance of one of the persons
present.

One of the electors who had to run the gauntlet
gives a vivid description of the affair. Stone-throwing
began bafore the poll-books were made up. Mr.
Lowe, attended by his supporters, attempted to
escape:—

On each side of us the mob, fifteen or twenty deep, were
throwing stones with all their might. They were well
armed. The women had stones in their aprons, the men
bed their pockets filled ; every stone found a target in the
body of some of our number. The stones rattled off the
hats and shoulders of Mr. Lowe and Mr. Pardoe like hail-
stones on a roof; in this way we lan the gauntlet for 230
yards, losing one of our number at every stride. Those
who fell were savagely kicked by the brutes around, and
several policemen were disabled in rescuing them from
their brutal assailants. We made for a gentleman's house
which lies back from the road, but the great gate was
locked or fastened so that it could not be opened. Mr.
Lowe and his two friends were nearest the gate. Mr.
Best and Inspector Forty having left us the mob came up,
and, though Mr. Lowe was bleeding, his white hair
dabbled in blood had no effect on them—they kept pelting
him with cowardly ferocity and the most horrid impreca-
tions. With great difficulty we got him through a little
door about a dozen yards further on which led to the back
door of the Rev. ➢lr. Sheppard's house. Out of the nine
of us who got in there seven were bleeding badly, and
those of our friends who were in the road were maltreated,
followed into the houses were they took refuge, and kicked,
and the windows smashed where they were thought to be.

The riot extending to the town, a body of hussars
were telegraphed for and soon arrived from Birming-
ham. The troops have remained at Kidderminster.

THE IRISH ELECTIONS.
(From our own Ccrrespondent.)
Deimpr, Thursday, April 2, 1557.
I WAS not misleading you when, in the face of the
prognostications of the Ministerial prints, I stated
last week that Messrs. Grogan and Vance's seats
were secure. The contest was a severe one, and the
majority small, but the result was never in doubt
from the commencement. The triumph has been
achieved under circumstances which largely enhance
it. At no previous election for the city was Govern-
ment influence so powerfully or unscrupulously
exerted. A stringent decree went forth from tha
Castle, that hotbed of intrigue and corruption, that
every support was to be given to the Ministerial
candidates. This mandate included, of course, all
the tradesmen employed in the Lord Lieutenant's
establishment, as well as a vast variety of persons
aspirants to places and honours of different descrip-
tions, who were told that on this occasion they stood
on their promotion. A viltory consummated amid
such difficulties, and in defiance of such opposition,
is most important as well as most honourable—
and it cannot fail to assert a very beneficial
effect upon the general elections in Ireland.
The struggle for the county will be a sharp one,
but the ci.nduct of Sir E. Domville, in command-
ing his tenants to support Reynolds and Brady, has
materially damaged his prospects of success, and
considerably assisted the Conservative candidates.
Money, however, is beingprofusely expended, and the
Castle agents are busy and energetic. The Lord

SATURDAY,

Chancellor, who owes his elevation to the woolsack
entirely to the fact of the present Chief Baron being
a Riman Catholic, and therefore ineligible for that
post., is burning to be avenged for his loss, in more
than one sense, in the city. In spite of all he can
do, or any of his confederates, it is believed that Mr.
Hamilton and Col. Taylor will retain their seats by
a satisfactory majority.
The contest fur the University has created great
excitement. Mr. Lawson was put forward on the
Castle interest, in conjunction with a Mr. Wilson,
known only to fame as being favoured with the sup-
port of that eminent divine and disinterested Chris-
tian Dr. Blackwood, of whom a word or two presently.
Mr. Lawson is to some extent a formidable an.
tagonist. Distinguished as a member of the Uni-
versity, his professional career has been honourable,
if not brilliant. His claims were, moreover, to be
respected as the exponent of the principle that the
University should be represented by its alumni, and
not by graduates of other Universities.
The conflict commenced on Monday, and it must
have been evident to the meanest comprehension
that Messrs. Hamilton and Napier were the popular
candidates. Their reception was triumphant. Their
admirers rallied in such numbers that none of the
rival party were permitted to remain in the Court-
house. As soon as a Lawsonite was discovered, a
rush was made at him simultaneously, and he was
propelled out of the chamber with violent velocity.
Among the other personages who seem to stand
high in the favour of the students, is Mr. White-
side. His speech in reply to Professor Foley
was greeted with tremendous cheering. He
administered a castigation to the Professor, which
he will not easily forget. In this respect, how-
ever, his duty was a very easy one. Mr. Foley has
so completely ruined his own character for political
probity and consistency, to say nothing of his con•
duct in a social point of view, that it needs no orator
to confirm his exposures, or ratify his humiliation.
Hamilton and Napier both spoke with admirable
effect. Clear, bold, faithful, and uncompromising,
they vindicated themselves from the malignant
calumnies of their opponents. They enunciated
their attachment to Conservative principles, and
avowed their confidence in the Conservative leader.
So that the issue raised was plainly brought out.
It was the battle of Conservatism against Liberali-m
which was to be fought. All other questions retired
into the shade before the importance of that. Ire-
land has reason to be proud of the response it is
giving to the appeal made to it. It the close of the
poll last night, Mr. Napier's majority over Mt.
Lawson was 388, and over Mr. Wilson, 539 ; while
Mr. Hamilton had vanquished the former by 350,
and the latter by 448. Boore the election terminates
this advantage will be increased very largely, and a
blow will be given to the Liberalisers of the college,
of which they will not easily lose the disfigurement
and disgrace. Blackwoodism is therefore pronounced
to be an exploded delusion. The admirable and
spirited letter of Judge Crampton upon the conduct
of Dr. Blackwood, has annihilated the already
prostrate worshiper of Lord Palmerston. Your
readers must know that, among other proofs of the
Premier's wisdom and goodness in ecclesiastical ap-
pointments, not the least convincing and satisfactory
is his having conferred a living of 8001. a year upon
Dr. Blackwood. This little episode remembered,
the public will be able to understand the part
taken by the meek, amiable, and veracious
proposer of Mr. Wilson. The support the
Ministry receive in this country, like that they
secure in England and Scotland, has very little
foundation other than their possession of large anl
increasing patronage. It is astonishing what changes,
what metamorphoses, are effected by these means—
provosts that would like to be bishops, and arch-
deacons that desire to be deans; Queen's counsel
who intend to be judges, and juniors who hope
to be Queen's counsel —oh ! there's a plentiful
and luxuriant crop of them to be found in the Castle
forcing•beds ! I have got my eye on a few of them ;
and 1 will not. fail to observe how, when, and where
they have their exceeding great reward.
Among other amusing incidents of the elections
here may be mentioned Mr. M'Birney's voting for
Grogan and Brady after having himself proposed
Reynolds. The affair created a great deal of amuse-
ment. Mr. M'Birney vows it was a mistake, and
applied to have it rectified ; but, of course, was
refused. On Tuesday he was observed to go into
the Court-house of the University; the students
allowed him to push his way into a pleasant position
for hearing Mr. Lawson's speech, and then at a given
signal he was surrounded, and, amid boisterous
cheering and laughter, summarily ejected.
The contest at Athlone has resulted, I regret to
state, in the return of Mr. Ennis. Captain H,,nd•
cock's defeat, however, has been accomplished by
such corrupt means that it is to be expected the
triumph of the priests will be a brief and unprofit-
able one. Mr. Hassard is, as I predicted, returned
for Waterford, Mr. Alexander for Carlow, Mr. Miller
for Armagh, and Mr. Dobbs for Carrickfergus. These