The Press.
London, England, 1856-02-02 00:00:00

MR. BRIGHT AT MANCHESTER.

THE MANCHESTER MEMBERS, Mr. Bright and Mr
Milner Gibson, met their constituents, according to
annual custom, at a soiree on Monday evening. The
meeting took place in the Corn Exchange, which
was densely crowded. Mr. Heywood, M.P., General.
Thompson, Mr. Sturge, Mr. Wilson, &c., were on the
platform. After a brief opening speech by the chair-
man, Mr. Wilson, Mr. M. Gibson addressed the audi-
ence at some length upon topics.of domestic legislation
and with reference to the war, expressing his convic-
tion that it wouid promote the liberty of no nation
in Europe, but rather prove to he the parent of taxa-
tion and standing armies. Alluding to the Peace

SATURDAY,

Conferences of last year, the hon. member thought
the present terms precisely the same in point of fact,
and expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with
them as with those accepted by Russia in May
last :

They knew there had been from the beginning a peace
party in the British Cabinet. Lord John Rue±ell had left
that Cabinet, but his spirit was left behind him. Only a
short time since a great office in the Cabinet became
vacant, and what was the course proposed to be adopted at
that time ? Why, to fill that office by the appointment of
en eminent member of the peace party. Did not that
look as if there was a wish in high quarters to make that
party stronger in the Cabinet! If they had not in view the
desire to have the means of making peace, would they have
invited a gentleman like Mr Sidney Herbert to join the
Administration!
_

could not get Mr. Sidney Herbert, to whoin— did they go
next? Did they go to a flaming war man? No; they
went to Lord Stanley, a gentleman belonging to the party
of Lord Derby, but who had distinguished himself in the
House of Commons by able speeches of a peace character,
and who had been remarkable from the commencement
fur the statesmanlike moderation with which he had treated
this question.

Mr. Bright, M.P., after criticising the origin and
results of the present war—which he believed arose
from the desire of the Western European powers as
much to share in the spoil, if Turkey broke up
under the pressure of circumstances, as to prevent
her falling into the hands of Russia, and which would
result in neither giving independence to Poland,
freedom to Hungary, nor liberty to Italy, but leave
Europe much as it was in 1853—proceeded to ex-
patiate upon the Austrian proposals in detail, express-
ing his opinion that they were simply the four points
over again, and perfectly sufficient, as far as negotia-
tion could go, to secure Turkey and lead to peace.
Mr. Bright then spoke at some length upon the
average losses of the belligerent powers during the
war, estimating, at a "moderate computation," that
of Russia at 250,000 men, France 100,000, Turkey
100,000, and ourselves 50,000; while we had spent
at least 100,000,0001., France possibly more, and
Russia at least 50,000,0001., and for the next ten
years we might with certainty look forward to further
frequent loans to pay off the liabilities incurred. The
theory that the more we carried on the war the more
extensive were our commercial transactions, he dis-
puted, because he believed that the injury inflicted
upon Russia would sooner or later react upon our
own commercial interests with serious consequences.
Mr. Bright then attacked the English press with
much energy, expressing his belief that, in the
matter of this war, " since the day when Ahab, at
the b;dding of 400 prophets, whose tongues Satan
had glibbed with lies, went up to Rarnoth Gilead to
battle, there has not been a greater imposition prac-
tised upon any people than that by the writers for
the public press of England upon us." He then
proceeded to ridicule the term " balance of power,"
a phrase which no man living has ever understood
or yet succeeded in defining—and referred at some
length to the various treaties concluded by this
country from the time of William 111., with the
view of ascertaining that " balance of power," in
which view be believed England had no interest
whatever. After contrasting the economy of the
Government of the United States with the costliness
of our own, Mr. Bright traced the ruin of ancient
and modern countries to the neglect of the industrial
interests of the peoples, and the preference for
military glories and territorial acquisition. In con-
clusion, Mr. Bright claimed consistency for his
conduct throughout the whole of this "unhappy
war," and in a few telling sentences exposed the
falsehood of the rumoured coalition :

A short time ago there appeared a most portentous
article in the Times newspaper about a coalition that was
to be formed between men so eminent as Mr. Gladstone
and Mr. Disraeli—both regularly est.iblished as statesmen,
both having been in office—and so humble an individual
as I am. Now, I did not think it was necessary for the
information of anybody down here to contradict that state-
ment. I will only take this opportunity of saying that I
am satisfied the man—be he a privy councillor or no, I
know not—who wrote that article had not a shadow of a
shade of foundation for that which he wrote; and more, I
believe that he knew that every single syllable he wrote
with regard to that matter was an absolute and unmitigated
falsehood. But what was this done for? It was done in
the interest of Lord Palmerston, with whom the Times
now has an unholy alliance, the object being, first of all,
to drive away certain of Mr. Disraeli's friends by persuad-
ing them that Mr. Disraeli was entering into political
relations with persons so much opposed to him, and at the
same time to convey the impression to the public that
Lord Pahnerston was a very interesting individual and a.
most valuable Minister, against whom several active ana
energetic politicians were intriguing in the most unscru-
pulous manner. But what turned out to be the fact? i‘hy,
that Lord Palmerston himself was trying to get up •
coalition. He did not actually go to Mr. Disraeli, but he
went to his most intimate and personal friend. He did
not go to Mr. Gladstone, but he went to his intimate and
personal friend, Mr. Sidney Herbert. I am sure I cannot
express my gratitude that he did not come in this direc-
tion. Lord Palmerston at that moment was offering a
profligate bribe to a young man in Parliament, whom he
hoped to find as unscrupulous and changeable a politician
as he has proved himself to be.

FEBRUARY 2s 1856.

Ipore6ings in Varliamcnt.

OPENING OF THE SESSION.

PARLIAMENT was opened by the Queen in person on
Thursday. The usual ceremonies were observed on
this occasion. The House of Lords was thrown open
at noon, and the peeresses' gallery, with the cor-
ridors and galleries through which the Queen
would pass, were soon filled with a brilliant crowd of
spectators. Outside the House the royal route was
lined by dense bodies of people. Shortly before two
p.m., the royal procession, consisting of six carriages
and her Majesty'sstate coach, escorted by a troop of the
Life Guards, left Buckingham Palace, and proceeding,
amidst the heartiest reception of the people, down the
avenue and through the Horse Guards, arrived at
the Palace of Westminster in twenty minutes.
Her Majesty on reaching the Victoria 'rower was
received by the great officers of State, and then con-
ducted to the Robing-roam. After a short interval,
the Queen, leaning on the arm of his Royal Highness
Piince Albert, entered the Chamber of Peers, attended
by the Mistress of the Robes (the Duchess of Suther-
land), the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Lans-
downe, bearing the Crown, arl Granville the Sword
of State, and the Marquis of Winchester the Cup of
Maintenance. _ _ _

Her Majesty having ascended the throne, the
Commons were summoned to the bar, and the
Queen opened the session of 1856 with the following
gracious

SPEECH FROM THE THRONE.

My Lord.' and Gentletnen,

Since the close of the last session of Parliament, the
arms of the allies have achieved a signal and important
success. Sebastopol, the great stronghold of Russia in
the Black Sea, has yielded to the persevering constancy
and to the daring bravery of the allied forces. The naval
and military preparations for the ensuing year have neces-
sarily occupied my serious attention ; but while determined
to omit no effort which could give vigour to the operations
of the war, I have deemed it my duty not to decline any
overtures which might reasonably afford a prospect of a
safe and honourable peacs. Accordingly, when the
Emperor of Austria lately offered to myself and to my
august ally the Emperor of the French, to employ his good
offices with the Emperor of Russia, with a view to en-
deavour to bang about an amicable adjustment of the
matters at issue between the contending powers, I con-
sented, in concert with my allies, to accept the offer thus
made, and I have the satisfaction to inform you that cer-
tain conditions have been agreed upon which I hope may
prove the foundation of a general treaty of peace.

Negotiations for such a treaty will shortly be opened at
Paris.

In conducting those negotiations I shall be careful not
to lose sight of the objects for which the war was under-
taken ; and I shall deem it right in no degree to relax my
naval and military preparations until a satisfactory treaty
of peace shall have been concluded.

E. Although the war in which I am engaged was brought
on by events in the south of Europe, ray attention has not
been withdrawn from the state of things in the north, and,
in conjunction with the Emperor of the French, 1 have
concluded, with the King of Sweden and Norway, a treaty
containing defensive engagements applicable to his domi-
nions, and tending to the preservation of the balance of
power in that part of Europe.

I have also concluded a treaty of friendship, com-
merce, and navigation with the Republic of Chili.
1 have given directions that these treaties shall be laid
before you.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

The estimates for the ensuing year will be laid before
you. You will find them framed in such a manner as to
provide for the exigencies of war, if peace should unfortu•
nately not be concluded.
My Lords and Gentlemen,

It is gratifying to me to observe that, notwithstanding
the pressure of the war, and the burdens and sacrifices
which it has unavoidably imposed upon my people, the
resources of my empire remain unimpaired. I rely with
confidence on the manly spirit and enlightened patriotism
of my loyal subjects for a continuance of that support
which they have so nobly aflorded me, and they may be
assured tluit I shall not call upon them for exertions
beyond what may be required by a due regard for the great
interests, the honour, and the dignity of the empire.
There are many subjects connected with internal
improvement which I recommend to your attentive con•
sideration.