The Express.
London, England, 1864-11-25 00:00:00

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HAYMARKET.
Tuts Krntrco. THE SUN AND THE WIND.—THE
STRANGER. Messrs Howe, Farren, Chippend.ls, Compton. and
Boners . Mesdames Ilestalos and Keeley.—ON THE ELY. Mr.
Buckstoue.—And OCR MAZY ANNE. Mr. Clark.

I.IIINCHBB4.
Tyyta ETENTRO. BORN TO 000 D LUCK. Mr. D. Mum.
And THE STREETS OP LONDON. Mesas. Vining. J. W. Ray,
D. Mbar. D. Murray, J. Nelson. H. Yorrester, and H. Mellon ;
Mrs H. Marston. Mom Barnett and (Wynne.. •

LYCEUM.

rpris Emma, Nritszy—cliieirwitzp.—And THE KING'S
Eirri7JZFLY. Mein. Yachter, Ryder, Widdloomb, Charles,
Mclntyre, Raymond. Clifford, Contra; Mums C. Iddarcq,
Y. Remade, E, Lorena, and R. 'ATOM/.

intrwrinA.
TIM! MEM, UPSIDE DOWN. - Sinidralt PT Mr. Albert
Steele and Halle DontL —Men Howard Paola Impersonation
of Mr. Sinn Leers* as Fra Di►rolo.' —And THE
DYING CHILD. Mrs. S. lann—Commence at

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LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 25.

IT is not surprising that a large portion of Mr.
COBDEN'S speech at Rochdale should be • celebra-
tion of the victory he won on the field of Foreign
Policy in the last Session of Parliament. There
are Liberals who demand what they style a ge-
nerous, spirited, sympathetic foreign policy—who
extol the moral influence of this country, and
speak of the louse of Commons as the Areopagus
of the world. There are other Liberals who hold
that this country should enter into no official dis-
cussion and no public engagement on affairs which
do not directly concern herself ; that the Govern-
ment should reserve its power and influence for
British purposes, and not pronounce an opinion
unless it is resolved to support it by action. If
we are going to remain in our present mood,
and take non-intervention for our rule,
then, as Mr. COBDEN has pointed out,
there are certain practical consequences which
concern the public as much as they do the
Government. Every year we require more strictly
of our rulers that they shall faithfully reflect the
opinion and the character of the nation ; and if the
Government is to modify its policy, the public
must change its action and language accordingly.
We all remember the popular agitation on behalf
of Poland last year, and bow it ended. The Go-
vernment was forced by public opinion to diplo-
matic action against Russia. It is probable that
not one person in three of those who attended the
meetings on behalf of the Poles would have con-
sented to go to war with Russia on their account.
It is certain that the country at large would have
peremptorily arrested the execution of any plan
for that object. Seeing, then, that public demon-
strations of that kind have no practical aim—that
they mislead the objects of our sympathy—
that they strengthen the hands of the
oppressors, and betray our Government into
• position in which its acts cannot correspond
with its words, does it not follow that to be
consistent and rational we must, without dissem-
bling our honest opinions, cultivate a reticence in
harmony with the course we mean to follow as •
nation ? Such is Mr. COBDEN'S argument, and no
doubt it is logically sound. But we must not ask
for or expect that which is impossible to human
nature. A free people will discuss the great events
of the time. It may do so in a liberal spirit so as
to bring out the political instruction they contain,
or it may survey the affairs of mankind through
the medium of narrow prejudices, and so make
discussion only another form of ministering to na-
tional egotism. We have no hesitation in cha-
racterising a considerable portion of the pre-
tended discussion of foreign occurrences as
• rank outgrowth of Pharimism, which,
far from enlightening the public, is calcu-
lated to confirm the most patent faults of the
national character. It would seem better to try
and reform our present practice than to lay •
futile interdict on what we have been in the habit
of regarding as a sign of our liberty.
The great practical security which the country
has against being plunged needlessly into war was
shown last session. At the same time credit
is due to those of our public men who
strive to make our foreign policy consis-
tent by placing it on • basis of intelligible
principles. It is easy to raise a prejudice against
those who counsel the public to consider the place
of England in the world, and measure the nation's
responsibilities by its means, before joining in de-
monstrations which either mean war or are worse
than meaningless. This is what we saw at the
beginning of the year. When Parliament met last
February contempt was poured on all whose pro-
fessions did not come up to the standard of •
"spirited" foreign policy which should make Eng-
land. • redresser of the wrongs of Europe. But
when the time came to test these professions it
was found necessary to take into the account •
class that had been overlooked, and give weight to
the interests of those millions of our own country-
men who would have been plunged into the
deepest distress by the outbreak of war. That
lemon will not soon be lost.

Tat reduction which took place yesterday in the
minimum rate of discount of the Bank of England
and of the Bank of France, had been fully anticipated
for days past. The extraordinary margin of li per
cent. hitherto existing between the Bank of Eng-
land minimum and the rate of discount in Lom-
bard-street could not be long maintained, and the
figures in last night's Bank return, given elsewhere,
show that the Bank had really no choice but to take
the present step. Since the 10th instant, when
the rate was lowered from 9 to 8 per cent.,
the coin and bullion have increased from 13,847,2701.
to 14,131,0544—a gain of 4843,8241.; and the reserve