The Press.
London, England, 1854-03-25 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

solutely to vote that we have no confidence in them. Rut
is that all) The noble lord the leader of this lipase like-
wise described the war in which IN e are going to embark.
He described the war as a holy war—as a just war—a war
for justioe, tbr truth, and for public freedom—and in a
manner which I admired, in a most solemn and fitting
manner, he invoked the name of the Most High upon that
war. What happened the next night in another place ?
Why, the leader of that house told us, 1 believe, that he
thought that war was not yet inevitable, and that in
his opinion war was a curse. If it be a war for justice, fur
truth, and for public iiberty—a war to arrest the progress
of a colossal despotism, to maintain the interests of this
country, and to secure and promote the progress of civi-
lisation—it is not a curse ; but, it it be not fur thoscobjects,
then I say the noble lord is not justified in csamselling his
Sovereign to embark in it. (Hear.) Such is your po.
sition upon the Turkish question—upon a question which
we are told confideutially alone keeps you together ILI a
Ministry. (Cheers.) There are similar differences among
these gentlemen upon other subjects ; but when a nation is
at war its tiovennneut should not be disturbed! I would
like to know how the war is to be carried on with efficiency
and success by men who have not settled what the object
of the war is. The war has been brought about by two op-
posite opinions in the Cabinet. (Cheers.) That has led
to all the vacillation, all the perplexity, all the fitfulness, all
the timidity, and all the occasional violence that have oc-
curred. (Cheers.) If the noble lord the leader of this
house-I speuk my solemn conviction—had remained
Minister of this country—if the noble lord the Secretary
of State, who is not here, had been Minister of this country
-if Lord Derby bad continued Minister of this country—
nay, if Lord Aberdeen-1 wish to state the case fairly—had
been hlinister of this country, witlia sympathissing Cabinet,
there would have been no war. (hear, hear.) It is a
coalition war. (Cheers.) Rival opinions, contrary politics,
and discordant systems have produced that vacillation and
perplexity that at last you are going to war with an oppo-
nent who does not want to fight, and you are unwilling to
encounter him. (Cheers.). What a mess for a great
oountry ! (Cheers.) And this brought about by the splendid
administrative talents of the gentlemen opposite. What
is your interest on Exchequer Bills compared to that I
The financial _faux pas of the Chancellor of the Exchequer
may soon be forgotten, and even forgiven. What is the,
value of his conversion scheme compared to this duplica-
tion of the income tax, and to this terrible prospect of war,
brought about by the combination of geniuses opposite me*
and brought about absolutely by the amount of their taleuti
and the discordancy of their opinions? (Cheers and laughter. )
But then they say, if we criticise their policy we are bound
immediately to come forward and propose a vote of no
confidence in them. I tell them again I will not propose
a vote of no confidence in men who prove to me every hour
that they have no confidence in each other. Sir, 1 have
tried them upon the greatest of all questions—the question
of peace or war ; but there are others almost equally great,
upon which they may be tested. Why don't you proceed
with your Reform Bill ? (Cheers.) That seems at the first
sight the only question which you could put in the same cate-
gory with the questions of foreign policy. Peace or wiu—the
disposition and distribution of political power—these are
the great and august matters with which it becomes states-
men to deal. These are the policies upon the recommen-
dation of which men gain the confidence of nations. It is
the sympathy of nations with statesmen who have opinions
upon those subjects which entitles them to hold their posi-
tion. When you have enunciated a policy to a great
community—when you have told them that you can prose-
cute a war with vigour in the vindication of great principles
—when you can tell them that you can secure peace
at home by arrangements which will last—then the nation
will rally round you. When a great statesman declares
that he seer' and has deeply considered the signs of the
times, and has studied with the patient and fanciful ante
lysis that becomes a profound and disciplined mind the
condition of the oonnnunity—when he declares that the
existing disposition of power is injurious to the permanent
interests of the country, and that he is of opinion that
• change should take place, and that classes who are not
now enfranchised shall be called into a participation of
political power—the man who says these things has a right
to rally round him great crowds of his fellow-men; but he
must not say such things idly—he must not trifle with
the public conviction and the public feeling upon such
subjects (IVar, hear.) When I know that this Cabinet
is an incoherent council upon these subjects—when I
know that upon such questions as peace or war and the
disposition and distribution of political power there are
not two men among them who have the same opinion,
that there are not two men among them who have confi-
dence in each other—l receive the cold taunt and frigid
counsel that it becomes me, as the humble leader of a too
indulgent party—(a laugh)—to propose a vote of no con-
fidence in her Majesty's Ministers with the indifference
which it deserves. (Cheers.)"
Referring to other topics and their home policy, Mr.
Disraeli pronounced that the opinions of the Minis-
ters were equally discordant, and cited many inci-
dents and passages in late debates regarding reform,
education, the university system, and the Protestant
cause, to justify his conclusions. Finally, he
declared himself unable to support the amendment
proposed by Sir H. Willoughby. He foresaw that
the Chancellor of the Exchequer would speedily
find himself seriously embarrassed for money, and
could not consent to do anything to add to the die-
culties of the country at such a moment.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed
upon the discursive nature of the topics which had
been touched upon in the course of the prolonged
debate, among which the amendment actually before
them had occupied bat a small place. Replying to
Mr. Disraeli, be observed that the omission to pro.

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