The Press.
London, England, 1857-10-10 00:00:00

THE PRESS, OCTOBER 10,1857.

named in the proclamation. But such a course would have savoured
too much of " religious equality " for the present guides of the Roman
Catholic Church in this realm. With respect to the doubts of Arch-
bishop CULLEN, or any ono else, as to the true liberality of the
" Indian Relief Committee," it is enough for us to draw attention to
the fifth rule of the Committee, after a meeting held on the 28th of
September, before Doctor CULLEN'S Pastoral appeared—" That relief,
" according to their principles, be given, without distinction of
" religion or nationality, to every person, of whatever rank, who has a just
" claim on the sympathy and assistance of the British people."

Among the Agricultural Meetings of the week, which may be
fahly regarded as indications of public opinion upon the present crisis
in India, the Headingham meeting deserves a very prominent place.
It was satisfactory to know that Maldon is not Essex, and that the
Conservatives of that county have not been affected with the Palmers-
tonian epidemic. But we confess we regret much to find that Mr.
BERESFORt has joined that clique which, professing to prefer their
country to their party, prove at once that they are ignorant of the
true interests of their country, and entirely misconceive the character
of their party. We confess that we are surprised, and as grieved as
surprised, to learn that Mr. BERESFORD considers that! in order to be
a true patriot he must cease to be a faithful Conservative. No leader
of that great connection, nor even its humblest' member, has ever
given occasion to its opponents to impute to it that unscrupulous
partisanship which is willing to realise "political capital " out of the
sufferings and disasters of their country. We recommend Mr. BEM:S-
-IVE!) to read again the sentiments of those eminent men upon whose
sagacity and integrity the Conservatives of the kingdom repose with
loyal confidence; and we are sure that the regret he will feel at the
injustice which he has done to them will in no way be compensated
by the approbation of the Ministry or the adulation of their journals.
It is refreshing to turn from Mr. BERESFORD'S speech to Mr. Du CANE'S,
which we have inserted so far as our space will permit us, and to find
that so able and promising a Member of ithe Conservative party
has had the courage to vindicate its conduct, its motives, and its
character.

Though strongly opposed in politics to the late Lord FITZWILLIAM,
We admired his sincere and honourable character, and the virtues
which added lustre to his race. Mr. COBDEN said truly in his pam-
phlet of " 1793 and 1853," that " the Fitzwilliams were always honest,"
and they paid for their independence. If rumour be true, a portion of
the Whig aristocracy were averse to the Sovereign's pleasure being
taken as to whether the Marquisate of Buckingham should be revived
in the Fitzwilliam family. In fact, the Fitzwilliams were too inde-
pendent and highspirited for the narrowness of mere faction. In
1793 the father of the late Peer left the Foxite Whigs, and gave power-
ful support to Mr. Pm. Twenty years after the same Earl became
obnoxious to Lord LIVERPOOL'S Government, because he actively
demonstrated his convictions that the war having ceased, " Reform'
should commence. In l S3l the late Earl was a powerful supporter of
the Grey Cabinet, and he gave a general but discriminatory support
to the Whig Ministers ; but our readers must recollect that the Noble
Earl offered a decided opposition to the policy of the China
war We must say, that amongst the adversaries of " Con-
servatism," Lord FITZWILLIAM was always distinguished by
fair and manly conduct. He was an ardent advocate of
" Free Trade," but he opposed its doctrines being made the means of
introducing a system of plebeian politics into the working of our
" Constitution," and he was averse to all " class Liberalism." He was
as independent (and some would say as " crotchetty " in his politics)
as the late Dr. ARNOLD ; and we think it not unlikely that the Marqui-
sate would have been given to his family if the Fitzwilliam connection
had been less independent. The Grosvenors have received since
Is3o a Marquisate and a separate Barony; the Psnsonbys (relations
of the Greys) have got an additional peerage (besides the " Viscounty "
to the late Lord PONSONBY) ; and many other Whig families received
promotion in the Peerage. But the Fitzwilliams remain "as they
Were." In territorial power and social importance the Fitzwilliams
rank extremely high in the Liberal connection, and they bear the
lustre of old Parliamentary associations. They always used their
boroughs in past days to introduce talent into the House of Commons.
Their political history is extremely interesting. Their social con
sequence is derived from the fact of their possessing
the vast estates in England and Ireland originally acquired
by the famous and unfortunate Earl of STRAFFORD. The Com-
mons, although they impeached WENTWORTH, did not confiscate
Liss estates, which went to his next heirs ; and EDWARD WATSON,
f.s.sond Lord ROCKINGHAM, married ANNE WENTWORTH, one of their
children, and assumed the proud name of Wentworth. The vast
estates of Wentworth, in York, came into their family on
the death of the last Marquis of ROCKINGHAM, in 1782. In
Ireland the Fitzwilliams own an enormous territory, lying along
the western and southern sides of the romantic county of Wicklow,
and on it still stand the four walls of the great castle (never roofed)
erected by STRAFFORD, and still called by the peasantry in the neigh-
bournood "Black Tom's House." For many years the Fitzwilliams
nominated the two members for the county of Wicklow.
GRATTAN, about the time of the rebellion, had withdrawn from
the House of Commons ; but when the Union was pro-
posed, a seat for him was wanted suddenly, a vacancy was
made for Wicklow, and at a few hours' notice GRATTAN entered the
House of Commons again as Member for Wicklow. In England,
at.ter BURKE was driven from Bristol, he sat for the rest of
Ins political career as Member for Mahon, one of the Fitzwilliam
boroughs ; and after the Union, when it was resolved to bring the
Catholic Question " forward as a Whig subject in the English House