The Express.
London, England, 1864-02-05 00:00:00

THE^ EXPRESE4-I_I4IDAY .--FATTAINE4

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embodies a lsh, H the goverestest of thill imuntry had
exercised the iallesoce it possessed, it might by goW ma.
segemmit hers Nettled satisfactorily without sodugering
the peon of the whole of Europe. How can you expect
that Cressy will rude Irma her pretensions, obstinately
enforced sad impatiently urged as they am upon • people
who are oasteeding for what they believe to be their
liberty sod independence, who In that contest no doubt
will carry with them • great amount of the sym-
pathy of Europa, mom especially when the dispro-
portion of the forces are (=adored - how can you
expect to sunrise that influence when you have alienated
France, offended Howie, and quarrelled more or leis with
every power in Europe—when you have not a ccuutry you
could callyour friend, and when the danger which threatens
you in addition to all other complications is • destructive
sad fatal war between England and all the powers of Ger-
many
witted? I cannot imagine that it is possible to con-
template &position more full of peril, or which threatens
more the pesos of Europe. France alienated, Russia and
Prude offended, England committed to • sanguinary con-
test against the whole united force of Germany in respect to
& question on which the feeling of the people of Germany
is excited as that of one man, I frankly say that I
should shrink from suoh a war as one of the
greatest disasters that could befall this country,
and I earnestly hope the noble earl opposite—
who must give us some clear, deficits indication of the policy
which her Majesty's government are prepared to adopt on
the question of foreign policy generally, and more especially
on the German question—will make such an explanation as
will col:mime the house and the country that we Sr. sot
committed by any act or deed of the government, on the one
hand, to • disastrous war with Germany, or on the other, to
the betrayal and shandomest of an ally who has trusted to
oar protection. I have seen it urged, but I think the go-
vernment will hardly accept such • plea, that it is for par-
liament to indicate to the government the course it should
take. Thar, however, is not the course usually adopted,
not is it the constitutional coarse; for it is the
ministers, the responsible &rimers of the crown,
who are responsible to parliament ; and it is for
them to decide upon the worse of policy which they
shall adopt, and to announces it to pa lamest for its ap-
proval or condemnation. Ido not pretend to judge of the
position in which matters steed at present ; I only know
that we are between the horse of a dilemma of the most
formidable character, namely, the sacrifice of the honour of
the country on the one heed, or the engagement in a most
perilous end disastrous war on the other. (Hear, bear.) If,
however, it be &subject of pusher interest to England—ad
I think that the subect of a possible war with Germany
would be ono of the deepest interest and regret to English-
men—l would implore Germany to consider what coo/se-
quences such • war must entail on her. It is sot only the
breaking up of old relations and the; severing of old friend-
ships; tt is not the breaking of ties between countries
which may be said to be connected almost by ties
of consanguinity, but it is giving an opportunity to all who
are opposed to the stability of her institutioes, who are
desirous to profit by anything that may tend to disorder or
confusion ; all who envy the rising prosperity of Germany
and growing strength of Austria under the well directed
force of the constitutional proceedings she has adopted—a
war with England waged by Austria would atop bee at once
on that coarse of prosperous advancement—would entail on
her all the elements of discord, excite all the elements of
revolution throughout Europe—and England would be in
the unhappy position of being an unwilling and unconscious
participator in bringing forth that great evil. (Hear,
hear.) Without outing the slightest imputation oa
the designs of France, Germany must see that •
I war with England would, at all events, leave her is such
a state that, France would be the muter of the position
and that if she did entertain any ambitious views toward;
Germany, that would be the moment of Germany's greatest
peril and England's greatest temptation. every cuss of
Lord Ramell'e interference he bad offended, not one side
only, but both. He had offended the Confederates, and
from the Federate he had been met by • demand that
oat-blustered Lord Russell himself. The Federal govern.
merit held this country responsible for all the damarm the
commerce of the North had suffered from the Alabama.
He (Earl Darby) hoped the despatch bad been answered is
• manner that would put an end to all such demands. In
conclusion, he recapitulated the existing differences betel/ea
her Majesty's government and most of the European
powers, and denounced the policy that had produced such
embaussimeets as • source of national danger.
Lord RUSSELL defended the course he had taken on
the ground that intervention generally failed of its object,
and aggravated the evils it sought to prevent. He did not
admit Lord Derby's principle that England was bound to
accept whatever France proposed. As to Mexico, her
Majesty's government had stated from the Ingests( that
England bad no intention of regulating the internal affairs
of that country. We acted to obtain redress of our own
grievances, not to set up any particular form of government.
As to the French proposal is referee°e to the states of
the Amadeu confederacy, it would have irritated
the people d the North, ad failed to attain it. pur-
pose.- He believed the general policy of England fully
approved the resolution of the government to remain neutral
in the conflict. As to the plan of • °merges, the Polish
and Italian questions at once prevented Austria and Russia
from taking any part in the proceeding, and without the
cooperatios of the great poem the scheme must have
failed. Her Majesty's goverment had given the Emperor
of the French every credit for his motives, but England was
quite justified is considering whether the congress was likely
to promote the peace of Europe or sot. In this quest." as
well as on the war is America, England had a right to pursue
its own policy aod crousider ileum Moneta Having mieutely
described the meow for negotiating the treaty of 1852, to
settle the succession of the Danish crown, and sketched the
present state of the dispute between Germany and Den-
mark, he characteriesd the ea:key of Austria and Preemie
to rush into war as something inexpbeable sad melancholy.
It was the with of forty millions of Germain to be • great
end united nation. Bat this they believed they could not
become without attacking Denmark. The position of that
kingdom was most unhappy. Whatever might be the form
of the Germs. governowats, whether the couervative or
the democratic principle was in the secoadancy, the Germs.
mind soused but on the desires:oos of Denmark. Friuli.,
and Austria had not repudiated the treaty of 1852. To prove
they had not be read the last despatch received from Berlin,
contaisisg tbareply of thegovernment of Prussia toe distinct
question on the subject. This despatch was as follows
" Berlin, January 31, 1864.
" M. Le Comte,—The government of the King, by bowleg
on the stipulations of 1851-2 the rights which, in °motet with
Austria, it is proceeding to enforce upon Denmark, has by
this very act recogoised the prieciple of the integrity of the
Danish monarchy as established by the transactions of
1851-52. The government of the Kim, in proceeding to the
occupation of Sleswig, does not intend to depart from this
principle. If, however, in consequence of complications
which may be brought about by the persistence of the
Danish government in its refusal to accomplish its promises
of 1852, or by the armed intervention of other powers in
the Deco-German conflict, the King's goverameet was to
tied itself compelled to renounce combinations which would
so logger offer • result proportionate to the sacrifices which
events might impose upon the Gurnee powers, no definitive
arrangements could be made without the concurreees of the
powers who signed the treaty of London. The British '
government would then and the King's government
ready to come to an agreemeat with them as to the
definitive arrangement of the Deno-German. question.
Your Excellency is requested to road and give • copy
of this despatch to Earl Russell.—(Sigel) Bisirsecx."
I have already said (continued the adds earl) it
would depend on events to give se interpretation
to that answer. It may be that, having oceupied
Rissole, or only put of Sleswig, Austria and Prussia
would be ready to consider with other powers what
may be fairly demanded of Demuth consistently with the
integrity of the Danish moos:shy. If they should be mode-
rate is their proposals, and if the other powers of Europe
be anxious for peace, as I believe them to be, it may be pos-
sible to &Mugu a permanent and advantageous arrange-
ment of this difficult &Heir ; and bee Majesty's goverontent
would greatly rejoice at such an Igoe. We have made many
—some will say too many—effects towards the preserva-
tion of peace is the way of advising the various parties
to make socommons, whilst at the same time we
have not adviaed anything which does not put
i Denmark in a better position by putting her in the
right. "Thrice is he armed who bath his quarrel just."
We advised no cooosesioa to Denmark whica it was not
right for her to yield, and at no time have we give. any
ametarice, nor even hopes of material assistance. The
Danish minister has repeatedly said to me, " We expect
no material 'unusual from this country, all we expect is
sympathy." That is the state of our (muumuu as re-
i garde Denmark, but what the filters may brut forth it
would be rash for rue to predict. It would be rash even to
attempt an clothse of what may happen with the troops
actually fighting in the disputed territory. I do ask to-
night, having stated in as far ies I could what has taken
place, and 'outriding as soon as possible to give the actual
papers that have pawed, Ido ask that your lordships may
agree to decide, as smuts err arise, what shall be best for
the pesos of Europe, for the welfare of Denmark as an in-
dependent kingdom, and also for the real welfare
of Germany. I am happy to say that in France, is
Rude, and in this country, there is the greatest desire
to maintain peace, and if three such powers are disposed to
maintain peace, I cannot believe that any long war is likely
to occur in Europe. It will be the object of the govern-
ment not rashly to commit themselves to any policy which
• may entail evils upon this country. But at therm* time I
must, accepting whet the noble earl said, state that it is
the duty of the government not to look to parlianieot
for suggestions or seek advice from pull/meat, but to look
seriously at the situation of the country, and to avail them-
selves of all the lights which they ma 014.011; but having
so availed themselves, mid thee made up their mieds, to state
to parliament what is their policy, and to stand or fall by the
result—that is their duty. ( Hear," and cheers.)
Lord GREY thought England .iuglit have created an ire.
preesion is Denmark that aid would be f 'welshed to that
country. U so, with the force at their coantisod, more
might have beau done without difficulty, though he did not
say that such • course ought to have been taken. He re-
gretted the 'meats that bad involved this country in each
difficulties is Jams. China, and New Zealand.
Lord GRANVILLE deeded that the government was
bound to istersiene in the Gorman sad Danish conflict,
merely beaus it had • large force, without reference to
the interests of this country. The coarse the government
had laid down was the just bee of policy to pursue—to hold
out no hope it could not realise, and to avoid asy language
tending to mcoorsge those from whom the government dif-
fered in supposing they could act with perfect iinpnoity.
The motion for the address was then agreed to, and their
lordships adjourned et 25 agnates to 10.

ROUSE OF OOMMONS. —Mummy, F'irs.
The B.mi= look the chair shortly E.tar. 4 o'clock, ►t

which time the steseriseee et bee. reirebers was Dee by 'wry
mime large ; bet the eler ober wee well filled by hell-peat
4 o'clock. Lord Pabweeehes ca hie why wee balled with
loud cheers.