The Press.
London, England, 1858-01-30 00:00:00

THE PRESS, JANUARY 30, 1858.

painful subject, and one hitherto but too prominent in the news from
India, he deprecates the vengeance sought to be exacted for the
alleged dishonour of Englishwomen, by asserting his belief that such
atrocities have never occurred to the extent usually supposed. After
careful inquiry, be declares that he has been unable to substantiate a
single instance in which the honour of our countrywomen has been
outraged. There seems here a strange oversight. Does he think it
likely that women who have endured such misfortunes would
be very ready to proclaim them? Would they not rather
hide their heads in the deepest obscurity than confess
to the world the humiliation to which they had been
subjected ? If this be the case, as we have heard in fact it is,
is there anything wonderful in the difficulty which he finds in proving
the truth of these accusations? In the next place, what becomes of
the inscription on the wall of the Assembly room at Cawnpore, which,
invested with the solemnity of a dying declaration, contains ono word
which no special pleading will explain away ? That there is exaggera-
tion on the point we do not deny; but that there have been very
numerous instances, the letters of credible witnesses, and the proba-
bilities of the case, we fear leave no room for doubt.

We believe we may state confidently that among the earliest
measures introduced by Government at the approaching meeting of
Parliament a bill, framed with special reference to the recent atrocious
attempt upon the life of the Emperor of the FRENCH, will be produced
to restrict the privileges of aliens. It is obvious that the unrestricted
liberty hitherto enjoyed by political refugees in this country has been
conditional. There has ever ,existed a tacit understanding that our
hospitality was not to be abused, and if such men commit a wilful in-
fraction of that understanding they can have no just cause of complaint
at the imposition of a restrictive law.

A curious case has lately arisen out of a recent marriage between
a gentleman of the Mahomedan persuasion, late Major in the Turkish
Army, and an English young lady. The course which the affair fol-
lowed is rather remarkable. Mr. ST. AUBYN, the rector of Stoke Damerel,
proceeded to publish their banns in his parish church. His curate, Mr.
Brass, forbade them as calculated to bring scandal on the Church ; but
whetherany canon was infringed by the proceeding we are not informed.
By way, however, of overcoming the difficulty, the rector seems
unfortunately to have taken a step which is undoubtedly forbidden by
the letter of the Rubric, and administered the sacrament of baptism to
Major MAHMOUD, without previously notifying it to the bishop of the
diocese. It were to be wished that official persons would comply with
these little forms, which are not enjoinel without good reason, can
hurt no one's conscience, and would frequently prevent litigation
most injurious to the welfare of the Church. It is desirable that this
question should be placed on a permanent footing. Our increased
intercourse with the Turkish empire may lead to many such caaes.
But individuals should remember that by taking the settlement of
such points into their own hands, they rather retard than promote the
object they have at heart. We believe that the conduct of Major
MA HMOUII has not been approved by the Turkish authorities. But we
have no doubt that by the exercise of a little patience anti prudence,
the affair might have been arranged satisfactorily to all parties, and
the present disagreeable embarrassment avoided. Our readers may
be interested in knowing that many Christianised Turks are serving as
officers in the Turkish army. But they are not allowed to marry, and
MAHMOUD had accordingly resigned his commission before he entered
into the proscribed state.

The official despatch©s of Sir COLIN CAMPBELL and General
WINDHAM published in last night's Gazette throw some light upon the
recent operations at Cawnpore. The conclusion, we apprehend, that
will be drawn from them is that General WINDHAM slightly exceeded
his instructions iu attacking the enemy, and then, from the inadequate
forces at his command, he suffered a disastrous defeat. His instructions,
it is clear from the words of his own despatch, were " to preserve " the
safety of the bridge over the Ganges and his communications with Sir
CoLIN at Lucknow. But General WINDHAM healing of the advance of
the rebels, chafing under the inaction so necessarily imposed upon him
by Sir CoLIN CAMPBELL, and having received no letters from Sir Court
at Lucknow "for several days," was " compelled to act" for himself.
This question of compulsion is just the point. Sir COLIN had not re-
plied to General WINDHAM'S frequent notes for an excellent reason, he had
not received them ; and from this we may infer that the communications
between Cawnpore and Sir COLIN had not been kept opet. from the
paucity of troops General WINDHAM had at his disposal, and which
the threatening aspect of the Gwalior rebels compelled him to
concentrate at Cawnpore. General WINDHAM, however, feeling himself
"compelled to act," advances out of his intrenchments, passes through
the town, camps six miles beyond it, attacks and defeats.; the enemy
next day, and the day after is attacked, and front sheer inability,
from the inadequacy of his forces to afford the necessary support to his
front and flank at the same time, defeated, with the loss of his
camp equipage and stores, the abandonment of more than one lin-
portant post, the whole of the town of Cawnpore, and the death of
many brave men. The next day the fighting was renewed, and with
sufficient success on the part of the enemy to render the preserva-
tion of the bridge over the Ganges a matter of serious anxiety. The
destruction of this bridge would have imposed a serious responsibility
on General WINDHAM. Happily, however, for all, Sir COLIN CAMPBELL
reached the other side of the Ganges that evening, and crossing to

109

the intrenchments, made such immediate dispositions as checked the
advance of the enemy. The rest is better detailed in Sir .OLIN'S
despatch of the 10th December. It is clear, however, from both
despatches, and particularly from General WINDHAM'S, that " want of
men " was the proximate cause of his defeat. He was tremendously
outnumbered. It is the old story over again. When will our Govern-
ment learn that skill and daring will not always compensate for
inequality of force? From the tone of both Sir Coutes and General WIND
HAM'S despatch a certain coolness is perceptible between the two Generals,
and from the reported return of General DUPUIS of the artillery to
Calcutta, we may assume that Sir COLIN CAMPBELL has frankly
expressed his opinion upon a too free indulgence of the very laudable
and natural desire of all men fresh from England "to get at " the
enemy. The very essence of Sir COLIN'S system of tactics is precision,
and to attain that lie must have obedience in the strictest sense.
When the proper time arrives for striking a blow he issues precise
instructions as to the time and manner in which the blow is to bo
delivered. We fear after a careful perusal of these despatches that
General WINDHAM cannot be held altogether blameless in the dis-
astrous affair of the 27th and 28th November.

Now that the whole question of " Reform " must be actively dis-
cussed in all directions, it is probable that frequent references will be
made to the " electoral statistics " of Mr. NEWMARCH. Not a few of
our correspondents have asked us the question—" On which side is
" Mr. NEWMARCH to be counted ?" And the inquiry is by no means
unreasonable or irrelevant. Yot in answering s uch questions the
journalist often has some difficulties. It is not right, for example, to
hold an inquisition into the party opinions of a private person who
has not chosen ostensibly to commit himself. An English gentleman
has an undoubted right to address the public on any social question
without being compelled to answer a peremptory inquiry as to whether
he supports any party in particular. But after such an announcement
as will be found in another part of our impression of to-day it will be
impossible for gentlemen who treat of " electoral" affairs to avoid
being classed, rightly or wrongly, in one or other of the great political
divisions of the country. We cannot call to mind any speech or tract
of Mr. NEWMARCH in which that accomplished inquirer has distinctly
committed himself. Even in the valuable reprint from " The Journal
of the Statistical Society," which is a sort of manual of electoral
statistics, the learned and able writer says, with a sort of deliberate
looseness:—

I do not pretend that on these fundamental questions T am entirely neutral It
is probable that I entertain opinions so distinct that I might be described u a pronounced
adherent of one of the great parties.

This language has an uncertain sound, and the "it is probable"
reminds us of the fatal " perhaps" which was too constantly to he
found in the "opinions" of the late profound but undecided Sir JAMES
MACKINTOSH. We believe, however, that it is not difficult to
describe the general character of Mr. NEWMARCH'S opinions. In the
first place, Mr. NEWMARCH has one of those minds which do not think
politically. Abstract truth is his idol, but deductions in politics must
be made with reference to time, circumstances, and opportunity. A
mere ethical inquirer cannot by any contortion of intellect twist him-
self into a politician, no more than a mere ethnologist. Politics are
practical essentially, although by dexterous logical processes they can
be sublimated into speculative abstraction. Mr. NEWMARCH is such a
devotee of abstract truth, as it is worshipped in the Statistical Society,
that even if his nature became by accident tinted with the hues of the
"Orange," " Green," or "Blue and Buff," all these party colours would
gracefully disappear from him at the moment of his perceiving what
he supposes to be abstract truth. This character of mind is not un-
common amongst purely scientific natures, and it is very noticeable
amongst that eminent clique who denominated themselves " Philoso-
phical Radicals." Traces of it were visible in the exercitations of Mr.
WARBURTON, Mr. GROTE, and some of the other admirers of Mr.
BENTHAM. It is worthy of note that Mr. JOHN STUART MILL, as his
mind has matured, has thought more closely with reference to prac-
tice, and to social exigencies, than others of that school. Mr. NEW-
MARCH, on the whole, according to present appearances, must he
ranked with " Philosophical Radicals.' Ho is far more of an ultraist
and of a sectarian than Mr. GREG (of the Edinburgh Review); but, at
the same time, we believe that Mr. NEWMARCH is wholly incapable of
warping statistics to the purposes of any party in the State ; and to
those competent to handle them on either side of the question, his
lucubrations on " electoral statistics " will be extremely interesting,
but we are not prepared to accept them as politically decisive, and
there is no part of them which should be accepted with more caution
than his " groupings" of counties, " according to a princple of territo-
" rial and industrial similarity." Any practical logician must at once
perceive that in the " grouping " a series of erroneous conclusions may
have been tabulated ; but on this point we shall have more to say on
another day.

Our readers will recollect that we have always maintained that
the force with whiob Sir COLIN CAMPBELL relieved the garrison of
Lucknow ail not exceed 5,000 men. We are now in possession of
accurate details of the number of his troops after the relief of the
Residency, when he had been reinforced by the forces under Sir
JAMES OUTRAN and Major-General Nous. They then consisted of
forty-eight field guns, thirty siege guns, 6,000 infantry and 600 cavalry.
Our previous calculations are thus completely verified, and we may
learn what trust is to be given to the exaggerated estimates of our
forces which are furnished in the Government telegrams, and so po►n-
pously put forth by the Government journals.