The Press.
London, England, 1857-06-27 00:00:00

JUNE 27,1857.

tains a judicial organisation emanating from the Executive
Government, but independent of it, and completely
separated from the legislative power. By the power of
convocation, adjournment, prorogation, and dissolution,
the Chief of the State dominates the Legislative Body.
By the right of nomination the Chief of the State domi-
nates the Senate. Nevertheless, he dominates the
Senate, which is a conservative and stable element, less
than he dominates the Legislative Body, which is a popular
and changeable element. The Ministers have not the
right of entrance to the Legislative Body. They only
depend on the Chief of the State, and are only responsible
each for such acts of the Government as specially
concern him. There is no mutual responsibility between
them ; that is to say, they are only the first agents of the
Government, not the Government itself. The Constitu-
tion leaves a large part to be played by the Council of
State; in that body are absorbed and extinguished the
most stormy part of parliamentary government. The
Council of State, which enlightens the Government with
out enchaining it, prepares and draws up bills and
administrative regulations ; it supports in the name of the
Government the discussion of bills before the Legislative
Body and before the Senate. In the discussion the
Councillors, designated by the Chief of the State, express
the opinions of the Government, without representing, as
the Ministers formerly did, the Administration itself. It
evidently results from this mechanism that France now
possesses, not a Government more or less despotic, as the
old parties sometimes assert, but a veritable representative
and constitutional Government—a Government of discus-
sion, of enlightenment and progress, founded on the prin-
ciples of 1789.
In point of fact this Government guarantees all the
conquests of 1789—civil and political equality, liberty of
conscience and instruction, proportional equality in the
payment of taxes, judges nominated for life, and responsi-
bility of the agents of Government. It recognises and
consecrates the University, trial by jury, liberty of the
press in a great measure, military recruiting from all classes
without distinction, the institution of the national guard,
the inviolability of private property and the public debt.
But what distinguishes this constitutional Government
from the parliamentary regime is that by its mechanism it
closes the door against new revolutions. Thus all the laws
are freely discussed—not a clause can be promulgated,
not a centime can be levied, without the vote of the
Legislative Body ; but, thanks to the proper limitation of
the Parliamentary element, we no longer see the hypocrisy
and violence of tribunes, the Ministerial oligarchies, the
wars of portfolios, and the coalition of statesmen, which
under the parliamentary monarchy enervated the Govern-
ment, misled public reason, roused passions, and prepared
those sudden catastrophes in which we saw the Govern-
ment vanish all at once like the dust of a struggle, or the
smoke of a conflagration!

On the popular demonstrations which after
the coup-d'etat led to the re-establishment of
the Empire, our author dilates with real en-
thusiasm ; but on that great measure itself he
is not so communicative as it seems to us he
might have been. The book is studded in
Macaulay fashion with portraits of the prin-
cipal personages who played a part in the
events it relates, and they are hit off with
really admirable skill, though without any-
thing like fairness ; but we have not room to
dwell on them. We must also abstain from
any examination of the first volume, which
records the overthrow of King Louis Phillippe,
and the troubled career of the Republic from
its commencement to the election of Louis
Napoleon. But we cannot refjain from
quoting, because it will be new to many of
our readers, the scene which occurred at the
Tuileries when, on the memorable 23rd of
February, 1848, the tumult which prevailed in
Paris appeared to the Royal Family to render
the resignation of the Guizot Ministry de-
sirable :

Louis Philippe had never bad any taste for the policy of
the Opposition. . . . He was, therefore, determined,
from the commencement of difficulties, to maintain by all
means the tranquillity of the country and the rights of his
crown. This resolution, however, was not that of his
Court, nor even of his family . . . . and they had
succeeded during the last two days in creating trouble and
distrust in the mind of the King, though not in convincing
him.
Thia new situation of mind was shown, though with
hesitation, in the first words which the King addressed to
M. Duchatel, Minister of the Interior. He expressed, as
he had done before the hope of succeeding in re-establish-
ing order, hut he desired that his Minister should have a
conversation with the Queen on this grave and difficult
subject. Called immediately by the King, the Quecn
entered the Cabinet.
" If M. Guizot has the least sentiment of devotedness
for the King and for France," said her Majesty, "he will
not remain in power an instant longer. He is ruining the
King !"
" Madame," replied M, Duchatel, " M. Guizot is re-
solved, like all his colleagues, to defend to the last extre-
mity if necessary, the King and the monarchy; but he has
not, any more than we have, the desire of imposing him-
self on the Crown."
" Do not say such things, my dear," cried the King to
the Queen. "If M. Guizot knew it !"
" l do not wish for anything better than that he should
know it," replied the Queen. " I would say the same
thing to him personally—l esteem him enough to do so.
lie is a man of honour, and would understand me."
• • .