The Press.
London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

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to the speedy issue of the war. The popular voice
had been hitherto more eager for war than the
Government, but in proportion to our reluctance in
undertaking the war would be our vigour in carrying
it on. He reprobated all appeal to revolutionary
passions, hoped much from the German powers,
and said we must prevail with a just cause, a united
people, and a faithful ally.
Earl GREY concurred with Lord Derby in con-
demning the financial operations of last year in the
face of the war. The preparations hitherto made
were probably inadequate, even if peace could be
secured in a few months. He concluded by a long
peroration in praise of the great blessings of the
late peace.
Lord HARDWICILE said that our naval preparations
were as yet inefficient, and that our policy was to
behave with the utmost liberality towards our
seamen.
Lord LANSDOWNE denied in strong terms that the
Government had shown any want of appreciation of
the importance of the war. They had shown their
opinion by their reluctance in engaging in it. No
one could point out any particular moment when it
could be said that war ought to have been declared,
dealing as we were with a Sovereign considered
above all others a man of honour. Without a regu-
lar system of mistrust how could we refuse to trust
him ? The war, amid all its horrors, would have its
consolations : it put an end to all wars of aggression,
and cemented the alliance of France. With regard
to the sailors, every care was taken both of their effi-
ciency and of their pay. The rapid equipment of
our ships had been a marvel to the world.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAT.
THE IRISH REFORM DILL.--THE OATHS BILL.
Replying to Mr. French and Mr. Spooner, Lord
J. RUSSELL stated that the Irish Reform Bill,
though in a state of preparation, could not be laid on
the table before Easter, and that he should not pro-
ceed with the Oaths Bill until after that date.

THE ROYAL RESSAOE.
Lord J. Russzu then moved the address from the
Commons in reply to her Majesty's gracious mes-
sage, and which was identical with that presented in
the House of Peers. Dwelling emphatically upon
the vast responsibility of the task which the British
Government had undertaken, the noble lord recalled
to mind that more than fifty years had elapsed since
a notification such as that conveyed by the royal
message had been communicated to the house, and
depicted in forcible language the advantages and
progress which forty years of peace had enabled us
to attain. The momentous change that was now
inaugurated by the commencement of war called for
the fullest explanations to show its cause and justify
its conclusion. Lord John Russell then entered into
a detailed narrative of the events and analysis of the
arguments and propositions with which the history
of the last twelve months had been filled, and in
which Turkey, Russia, and the Western powers of
Europe were all deeply interested. Upon every
point he contended that proof was shown of a con.
sistent determination on the part of the English Mi-
nistry to discountenance the attempts of Russia,
to repudiate her proffers, and baffle her in-
trigues, at the same time that no effort was spared
to accomplish a pacific solution of the difficulty.
Showing how the question grew continually more in-
tricate and threatening, he remarked that a last
element of perplexity was added when the Sultan
declared war against Russia, admitting, however,
that the step must be considered justifiable, even by
those who most regretted it. Russia, indeed, was
altogether in the wrong, and Turkey so completely in
the right as to have compelled the adherence of two
powers—Prussia and Austria—who had long been
closely united with the Russian Emperor. Bringing
his narrative down to the present moment, the noble
lord stated the result of the last opportunity for re-
pentance offered to the Czar, and urged that when
it failed no alternative but war was left if they wished
to maintain the equilibrium of Europe. Under
these circumstances war bad been declared as
announced by the royal message. It. was a determi-
nation of the utmost gravity, but rendered indispen-
sable by considerations for the position of the coun-
try, and the interests of England and of Europe,
which would be imperilled by the aggrandisement of
Russia. England, he proceeded to argue, could not
stand aloof from all the disputes that might arise
among the other European nations. She was some-
times bound by interest and duty to become a party
or an arbiter in those controversies. With respect to
the allies that were to stand by our side in the con-
test, the noble lord stated once more that with
France we bad been, and were, in cordial concur-
rence. With Austria and Prussia the relationships
' were less satisfactory. Those powers had joined in
recommending the Czar to accept the last proposals
offered him, and evacuate the principalities. But
neither of them was bound by a convention, or
had even given an assurance of joint action with the
Western powers. Prussia especially bad evinced a