The Press.
London, England, 1854-07-01 00:00:00

THE IRISH COMPLAINT COMMITTEE.

THE select committee appointed to inquire into the
charges of corruption brought by the Times against
the Irish members of the House of Commons have
at length completed and presented their report. In
this document, after referring to the terms in which
the charges were conveyed, and the speeches of Dr.
Gray and Mr. Christopher Kelly, on which they were
ostensibly founded, the committee recapitulate some
of the principal statements given before them by dif-
ferent witnesses, and arrive at length at this conclu-
sion, as respects the charges regarding individuals :
" Your committee reports that, having followed up and
exhausted such sources of information as have been sug-
gested by the various witnesses, no case of corruption has
been proved."
As regards the inquiry into the supposed general
system of corruption, their decision, they admit, can-
not be considered conclusive, owing to the difficulties
thrown in the way of a fall and accurate investiga-
tion :

" Considering the secrecy which would most naturally be
observed, the unwillingness of parties to place themselves
in the position of accusers, the fact that your committee
had no means of searching for evidence, but were limited
to such as might be offered, and the want of the power of
examining witnesses upon oath ; and further, that in more
than one instance their inquiries have been stopped by
direct contradiction in the evidence of those examined,
your committee are of opinion that no investigation, of the
nature and with the powers of that entrusted to your com-
mittee, can satisfactorily ascertain to what extent there
may have existed grounds for the belief to which so many
witnesses have deposed."
Respecting the allegations hazarded by the Times,
the committee

" feel hound to report to the house their conviction that
there existed no foundation for the charges as they were
therein preferred, and to state their opinion that the lan-
guage in which they were clothed was unjustifiable and ca-
lumnious."
The report is dated June 10, 1854.

THE PRESS.

Vrott6ings xn V arlianunt.

THE PREMIER'S EXPLANATION.

Lord ABERDEEN on Monday night, in the
.House of
Lords, made his promised speech " explaining " the
address delivered in the same place that day week
relative to the Eastern question, and on which he
observed many erroneous assumptions had been
built and many misapprehensions gone forth among
the public. These he attributed to the imperfect
manner in which he had succeeded in giving ex-
pression to his ideas, but professed himself at the
same time excessively surprised at their existence
and their character. The noble Premier founded
his speech upon a motion for producing a despatch,
often alluded to in Parliament, but never yet pub-
lished, written by himself in December, 1821), in
reference to the treaty of Adrianople, concluded in
that year. It was also with reference to that treaty
that the first misunderstanding arose, and which he
wished to correct. It had been stated that he
(Lord Aberdeen) claimed to be the author in whole
or in part of this convention. So far was this from
being the case that he had viewed it with much dis-
like, and bad spoken of it in the very document
that formed the subject of his motion as being to
the last degree mischievous and dangerous. The
British Government then and since had also viewed
the treaty in that light, insomuch that they had
actually changed their policy in several respects and
notably in the arrangements for Greece, which they
declined to place, as had been first designed, under
the suzerainty of the Porte, believing that the inde-
pendent action and permanence of the Ottoman
empire was heavily compromised by the treaty of
Adrianople. Passing on to the other topics men-
tioned in his former speech, wherein he declared
there was nothing which he felt called upon to retract
or to regret, Lord Aberdeen alluded to his statement
that Russia had acquired little or no extension of
territory since the treaty of Adrianople. This he
affirmed was substantially correct, at all events with
regard to Europe, altlough be admitted that the
Emperor Nicholas had secured the possession of
many posts of great strength and advantage in a
military point of view. But the fact was that the
Czar had changed his tactics, and, as they had heard
of "Satan's growing wiser than of yore," so the
Russian Sovereign had latterly sought to enhance
his political influence rather than obtain territorial
aggrandisement in Europe. Of this change the
noble earl gave some instances, including the treaty
of Unkiar Skelessi and the mission of Prince
Menschikoff. The latter allusion brought him down
to contemporary events and another misunderstand-
ing of his opinions which he said had given him
more surprise than any other. He had been repre-
sented as declaring that he was willing to make
peace on the basis of the status quo ante and revert
to the condition of things as established by the
Adrianople treaty :
" I have been supposed to say that I desired, or did not
object, to a return to the treaty of Adrianople, because I
stated that if we could obtain a peace which should last for
twenty-five years we should not do amiss. (Hear,
hear.) Nor should we ; but when I said that I never
for a moment meant to convey the impression which it
seems my words have produced.—( Hear, hear.) I never
said a word to imply that I desired to return tu the treaty
of Adrianople. (Hear, hear.) What I said, or intended
to say, was, that the treaty of Adrianople has given us
peace for twenty-five years, and that if by any treaty which
the fortune of war might enable us to make we should
secure peace for an equal length of time, we should not,
considering the instability of all human affairs, do so very
far amiss. It has also been said that I recommended a
return to the status quo, or, at least, that I would not object
to it. Now, this statement surprises me more than any-
thing, because I thought I had taken special care to explain
that point. I stated that that might be the cause of some
apparently ambiguous expressions used by Austria and by
Prussia, as compared with the expressions used by our-
selves, and I said that Austria and Prussia might be de-
sirous to restore the slates quo; but, at the same time, I
made the specific declaration that that was by no means
applicable to us—that is, to England and France.
(Hear.)"
Before war actually began, he proceeded to argue,
the status quo was all that was asked for by Turkey
orits allies, but the occurrence of that event bad
completely changed the bearings of the question.
The events of the war must now determine the con-
ditions of the peace. What those should be it would
be rash and premature to prescribe. Their range
must necessarily be extensive, since the possibilities
of the war involved every result, from that of the
.Russians.entering Constantinople to that of the al-
lies entering St. Petersburg. But, whatever the form
of the peace, its essence must comprise and secure theintegrity of the Ottoman empire:—
" Security for the independence and integrity of Turkey,
so far as depends upon Russia, is really the object from
which we ar edetermined not to depart. (Cheers.) But,
again I say, how that is to be obtained neither I nor any
man in this house is able to say. We know what our ob-
ject is—our main object at least—and, of course, by one

SATURDAY,

mode or another, we will obtain that without which peace
is impossible. (Hear, hear.)"
Lord Aberdeen then repeated his assertion that Rus-
sian aggression was not really formidable, since Tur-
key had shown herself hitherto able to cope with the
enemy single-handed, and France alone was, in his
belief, stronger than Russia and Austria put toge-
ther. He went en to allude to some personal attacks
and imputations :
" I could have wished that I might have been sparedjthe
necessity of saying anything about the extraordinary and
absurd imputations—the personal imputations—to which
I have been exposed. It is true that I have more than any
other man struggled to preserve the state of peace for this
country. 1 have done so because I thought it my duty to
the people of this country—my duty to God and man—to
exhaust every possible means of preserving peace—(eheera )
—and my only regret is—though 1 trust your lordships
will acquit me on that point—my only regret is that I
should not have done all, and lest in any way I should
have lost some possible means of averting the greatest ca-
lamity that can beta! a country ; for, however glorious any
war may be, the calamities which accompany it are heavy
enough greatly to outweigh that glory. 1 know it has been
said, if you love peace so much you are unfit fur war. My
lords, though peace is so dear to my feelings, still I ant
convinced of the necessity of this war. but how do I
wish to make war? I wish to makewar in order to obtain
a peace; and I know well that the best mode of making
war in order speedily to obtain a peace is to make war with
the utmost vigour and determination. (Laud eheera.) My
noble friends near we know well enough that, peaceable as
1 am, I have never shrunk—that, on the contrary, I have
given my most ready concurrence to the most active mea-
sures of hostility and warlike preparations. Nay more, I
believe I may say they will admit that I have personally
been more urgent than perhaps any other man in exhorting
the speedy concentration and advance of the allied forces
north of the Balkan in support of the gallant army of Omer
Pacha, and to extend a helping hand to Austria in order to
enable her to carry out her professions. This, except for
the warmth of the feelings under which 1 spoke, I ought
nut, perhaps, to say, but it is the truth that., in the course
we have taken, I have invariably urged the most decided
comae of action. 1 have now no more to say. I wish to
confine myself to ibis subject without entering upon other
topics more or less connected with the war. I wish to re-
move understandings which 1 feel to be perfectly erroneous
interpretations of what I said, and I now declare that, so
far from my former endeavour to preserve peace disquali-
fying me from carrying on the war, I think, though of
course I may be wrong in the particular means, I think
we ought to have recourse to the most expedient, the most
prompt, the most successful means of carrying it on. I
maintain and assert that my very love of peace induces me
now to enter upon this war, which I unquestionably be-
lieve to be a perfectly just war; and therefore it is that I
—so long as I have anything to do with the Government
—shall unquestionably carry it on in such a manner as
will be most hitt!), to secure benefit to England, and to es-
tablish a sate and honourable peace. (Cheers.)"

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE found many points
in the Premier's speech far from satisfactory. Re-
specting the despatch itself, he remarked that it was
written some months after the treaty of Adrianople
was concluded, while Sir Robert Gordon, British
envoy in Constantinople at the time, and acting, of
course, under instructions from his Government, of
which Lord Aberdeen was a member, had been most
earnest in persuading the Sultan to sign that very
treaty. Reviewing Lord Aberdeen's conduct subse-
quently, in reference to other European occurrences,
he declared that the noble earl had been constantly
the advocate of arbitrary power, the partisan of Rus-
sia, and the opponent of all national efforts to secure
constitutional liberty wherever undertaken. The
Premier had eulogised the treaty of 182 U because it
secured twenty live years' peace : but what sort of
peace was it?—.

" He could not understand what was the noble earl's
notion of peace, or how he could describe Russia as a
peaceable neighbour to Turkey, when so far back as ten
years ago the Emperor made a proposition to the noble
earl, then the Foreign Minister, which he resumed as soon
as the noble earl again took office in 18,52, to partition the
very country of which the noble earl told them the Em-
peror was such a peaceable and well-conducted neighbour?
Was that the morality which the noble earl would teach
great States to observe to minor States in their neigh-
bourhood? How could the Emperor of Russia be de-
scribed as a peaceable neighbour to Turkey when twice
within the last ten years he had proposed to partition her
territories? "

The noble earl, he added,had endeavoured to explain
away the meaning of his former speech, but could
not remove the impressions which had been trans-
mitted abroad of its nature and tendency. What
these were Lord Clanricarde instanced from the
Independance Beige, in whose columns the speech
bad been briefly, but, he thought, correctly, sum-
marised in a telegraphic message sent at the time.
" Lord Aberdeen essays de justifier la conduits de la
Russie, et plaids la cause de le paix." The speech,
he contended, was most unwise and ill-timed; and
so were the Ministerial preparations of war, since
they ought to have been commenced in October last,
when military critics were openly discussing the
Russian plan of campaign across the Balkans, in-
stead of procrastinating until February or March.
Adverting to the position of the Cabinet at home,
Lord Clanricarde characterised the Prime Minister

as its evil genius. To his influence he attributed the
fact that Lord Palmerston was not appointed War
Minister, though best qualified for the duties of the
post and almost called to it by the public voice.
Other members of the Ministry were also men of
acknowledged talent, who each headed sections of
members in the Commons, and yet their united
powers had been unable to save from defeat every
measure of importance brought forward during the
present session
_ _

"How was it ( he asked) that Government was day after
day defeated, and day after day had to withdraw measures
which it could not carry for want of sufficient support? He
attributed it fairly to the First Lord of the Treasury.
Hear, hear,' awl a liugh.) He thought that It was be-
:Anse neither tie Houses of Parliament nor the country
had confidence in him in the exigency and emergency in
which they were at present placed. Hetlid not think, and it
was his firm belief the country did not think, his counsels had
been salutary either for averting war or for preparing to
meet it. The noble earl said that he was actuated by a love
of peace, and his endeavours had been directed to rreserve
peace. But he said those endeavours had been maldirected
for peace. He did not doubt the sincerity with which the
noble earl n•as impelled to make those efforts, but the line
he took in other times was a line calculated to bring on,
as he (the Marquis of Clanriearde ) thought it did bring
on, more than one great disorder, revolution, and trouble
in Europe. He said the presence of the noble earl at the
council•table was the cause that they were now engaged in
war. ( Hear, hear.) He bad never altered the opinion
which he expressed when these unhappy transactions were
first discussed; and, if such was his opinion then, it had
been greatly confirmed by subsequent events. Itappeared
to him that if a clear and honest coarse had been taken by
the Government twelve or fifteen months ago there never
would have been a war Every day proved it. From day
to day the noble earl had acknowledged in terms the power
of Russia. He seemed to think it hopeless to struggle
against it; and, as one had said, it would have been better
to have left Turkey to its fate, and not gone to war at all.
Having then the misfortune to attribute to the noble earl
the present war, the backwardness in entering upon it, the
enormous, inordinate, and perfectly useless expense en-
tailed on the country by the neglect of preparations—
attributing these things to the noble earl, he for one did
not think it was advantageous to the country thathe should
continue to be its minister, either to prosecute the war or
to superintend negotiations for peace.",
Lord BEAUMONT, after some general observations
of a eulogistic character upon the speech of Lord
Aberdeen, made an inquiry touching the statement
given in last week's PRESS that Prince Metternich
had embodied certain propositions for peace at the
request of his Sovereign in a state paper of which the
English Premier was cognisant?
Lord ABERDEEN replied that for eighteen months
he had held no oommunication with Prince Metter-
nich :

It so happens that, since I have been in office, inti-
mate as I was formerly with Prince Metternich, I have,
neither directly nor indirectly, had any communication
with him for the last year and a half until a few days ago,
when a friend of his, a lady, told me that she was writing
to Prince Metternich, and I said, ' Pray, make my best re•
membrances to him. (Cheers, and laughter.)"

Lord BROUGHAM, who expressed much satisfaction
at the more vigorous sentiments to which the Prime
Minister had given utterance, declared that he
nevertheless felt some apprehensions that, as Russia
seemed about to evacuate the principalities, Austria
would consent to make peace on that basis. He
trusted that neither France nor England was in any
way committed to the conclusions at which the
Austrian and Prussian Cabinets might think proper to
a rrive on the subject,
The discussion, which from the beginning was
known to be of a simply explanatory character, then
terminated. A very crowded attendance of peers
had gathered to hear the Ministerial exculpation,
and the peeresses' gallery was also fully occupied.
The house, however, thinned rapidly after the speech
of Lord Clanricarde, and the remaining members,
when Lord Brougham sat down, proceeded with their
usual indifference to the despatch of the remaining
" orders of the day."