The Express.
London, England, 1852-09-27 00:00:00

SEPTEMBER 27, 1852.

statemert that I bad changed to these opinions, and was
about to &dream in this dangerous sad dentleratical dime-
Lion, I will not say. A right hon. friend of mine, ftir Geoep
(hey, told me that be, la his canvass, found some
who attached some credence to this matter. IPearaTel
him what explanatles he gave. He said his explane.
Lion was very simple and very direct; it was by using a
monosyllable I will not now repeat to you. (Laughter.)
Bat, gentlemen, let as look to what is this alarm which is
attempted to be created at the present time. Does it mean
that the people of this couutry—who art, in other words,
the democracy of this country—that they are seeking to add
Sis their own power at the expense of the crown or of the
House of Lords? Dom any one mean to say, really and
solemnly, that the people of this country are endeavouring
to diminish any of the prerogatives of the crown ? 1 really
believe that nobody could stand up and say that that was
really Ms opinion, because the notorious fact is that at no
time in the history of this country have its people been
more attached to the monarchy, or more loyal and affec-
tionate to their sovereign. (Loud cheers.) Well, then, does
it mean that they are attempting to take away the lawful
privileges wbiah the House of Lords holds, and to deprive it
of its part in the constitution of this country ? Now, I
think I may appeal to my noble friend, who lately entered
the House of Lords, whether he has ever heard of such an
attempt, where it Las been made, and what impediment
there has been to the lawful exercise of any power or any
privilege which by the constitution of this country the
House of Lords potatoes. Well, then, if that has been so,
that at least is not the charge that is muds. It dose not
mean that the democracy of this country—crud, be it ob-
served, democracy has as fair a right to the enjoyment of
its rights as monarchy or nubility—it does not mean that
the democracy of this country is in a state of discontent and
disaffection, and is endeavouring to push down this consti-
tution, and to deprive the other branches of that constitu-
tion of any powers which lawfully belong to them. That
cannot be—that I think we must immediately say cannot
for a moment be maintained. But it may mean some-
thing else—it may mean something elm which it be-
hoves us all to wish—that the democracy of this country—
meaning by that term the people of this country—by in•
crease of power—by increase of intelligence—by Increase of
wealth—has iecremed in that weight which they must
have not only in this country, but in each of the countries
of the world ; has gained an increase in that weight which
is duo to a people highly industrious, and earning a compe-
tence by their labour, physical and intellectual—cmploy-
ins their minds in the acquirement of knowledge and in
the forming and fostering of that public opinion which is so
much the guide and goverment of this country. But,
gentlemen, if these attempts to which I have lately alluded
are attempted, which, though they have existed, ought to
be discouraged end misted—this fair growth of the
honour of &mar:ley—this growth of intelligence—this
growth of wealth—this forming of opinions more
enlightened and more calculated to carry on, in
an englightened manner, the government of the
world—this is an increased power which ought not to be
crushed, but ought to be encouraged and maintained.
(Enthusiastic cheering.) But I will say more—l will say
this, that the manner of dcaliug with that increase of the
position of democracy could not bo according to the old
story of restraint with which 1 was but too familiar during
the first few years after I entered parliament in 1817
end in 1819, which, beside, all the faults of an irritation
promoting that discontent which it was intended to check,
proved utterly powerless, and had much the same elect as
if persons were to attempt to dam up your magnificent
river with the view of preventing an inundation—or,
to use a simile which applies perhaps more properly to
the present time, as if persons were to lock up all the
gates of the rabroad, with the hope that the express
train would be stopped in its course. (Laughter and
cheers.) Well, then, that is not the mods in which this
increase of the power of democracy ought to be dealt with;
but the way in which the power of democracy ought to be
dealt with is, by listening to every complaint, by
ami-
dcring every grievance, and by giving a legitimate and
legal organ to that power and influence which otherwise
may be mischievous, irregular, and injurious. (Loud
cheering.) That is any way of dealing with this which is
complained of—this increase of democratic power in this
country. Let me ask you, suppose at the time of the re-
volution in France in 1818, which broke out to the as-
tonishment of all men—suppose we had found ourselves,
having followed the blind counsels of those who are our
opponents in parliament—suppose we had found ourselves
with all the nomination burghs in full force—with Bir-
mingham, Leeds, Manchester, Sheffield, without repre-
sentatives—in short, with all the abuses of the old sys-
tem—suppose we had found a corn-law which tended to
make the food of the people dear and scarce—(hear, hear)— I
suppose we bad found the people of Ireland discontented
and disaffected, in consequence of the denial to them of all
civil rights on account of their religious beliefs—suppose we
had found all these things to be the MO in February 1848—
I ask bow should we have met that revolution which was
attempted to be made by some turbulent persons in the
spring of that year with the confidence and support of
the whole people, as we bed the glory to do? (Loud
chem.) I most beg your pardon, gentlemen, for having
trespassed thus far with respect to pubic events and this
subject of democracy. (Loud cries of " Go on.") But I do,
think it is of the utmost importance—and I em glad to say
that I have an any task in this respect—l do third' it of the
rat non importance that the people of this country, and,
above all, persons of property,should not be affected by this
vela and groundless paste—and that they should go on,
as my noble friend says, with progress—that they should
go on with improvement, and trust to the confidence which
they show—to the wisdom which they exhibit, for those
bulwarks against democracy which your violent measures
never will produce. It was justly said as a proverb of old
—o
Be gives everything who denies what is just." That
has never been our polirf. (Cheers.) We have been always
for 'granting what was just, in order, that we might be
strong in refusing what was unrighteous. (Cheers.) And
now, gentlemen, let me say that I believe all this attempt
to make an alarm—this attempt to point me out among
others as one who was endeavouring to rake dangerous
change, in our constitution, is, in fact, merely an attempt
to make a diversion on the part of those who teel that they
have a very difficalt task to perform. (Loud cheep and
laughter.) We know that parliament is to he summoned
very early In the course of November. We know that the
prime minister has pledged himself that the commercial
policy of this country shall then be settled. For my part,
I shall be quite willing to wait and anxious to hear what
that plan of commercial policy will be. I will net be di-
verted by the fee of this panic, and forced from looking
that question in the face. (Cheers.) My ptomains is,
that during the last ten years we have been in the right
course—(loud cheers)—end knowing I am co the right road,
the device of any gentleman who tells me to bear back, or
to bear to the right or to the left, will have very little in-
fluence with me, because I am persuaded the road we are
travelling, which has already produced so many material
benefits, end which has, and is producing, so much moral
and political content, is a road from which we ought not to
stray, but ought rather steadily to pursue. (Loud cheers.)
And, at the same time, we are bound in justice, as well
as I think directed by policy, to wait until these mea-
sures are produced which are to give to the agricultural
interest, to the colonial interest, and to the shipping in-
terest, all that compensation of which they have hitherto
been unjustly deprived—(laughter)—and which are at the
same time to confer benefits to every class in the commit-
uity—(laughter and ebeere)—these admirable men area,
which are to put an end to a long contest—which are to
satisfy people who are at the present moment in the
greatest state of satisfaction—which are to content people
who have never been discontented (laughter) and
which, at the same time are to reconcile along with them
other classes who are discontented and dissatisfied. Now,
no man can deny that there has been a great belief that
suck measures are to be produced—nobody will persuade
me that, although great abases have prevailed in many of
the late elections, of a kind and degree to which I wiU not
refer—nobody will persuade me that men so eminent
as Sir George Grey and Mr. Lewis would have been
set aside for persons so insignificant that nobody would
ever expect anything of any value to cousesfrom them
as members of parliament I cannot persuade myself
'that such men would have been set aside for those who have
been chosen as their successors, were there not a great belief
on the part of the agricultural interest that they have been
unfairly treated—that what is their due has been taken
from them, and that their friends now in power are able to
gire them relief Well, then, if such be the CM, let us
know what the relief is. Let us be put in possession of this
great Keret. (Cheers and laughter.) It will not do for
them to be putting it off. I think the farmers themselves
would then say—" Who an hold a fire in his hands by
thinking of the frosty Caucasus ?"—and tt Who can cloy
the edge of appetite by bare imagination of a feast ?" fur
the time will come when people will ask ,for protection—
for this great benefit which is to restore them to the
prosperity from which Sir Robert Peel, in the first place,
and the whig administration in the second, have cruelly
and unjustly plunged them. I know it appears to me
—I
may he quite wrong in this name; but I Know it
appears to me somewhat like the ease found in no his-
tories] work, and of which there is no precedent amongst
statesmen, but of which there are precedents to be found
in the pretties of daily life—l mean of the patient who
seeks for a regular physician, and who says to him—" I
feel very much depressed—l have not been well for some
time—l want to be cured." The physician says to hint—
" I see what it is ; Fain sorry to observe that, for a long
course of years, your regimen has been very unhealthy,
and that you have lived on artificial stimulants—(laughter)
—1 advise you to return to wholesome food and exercise,
and to trust to nature fur your recovery." (A laugh.)
Well, I have very often heard that that patient has been
much dissatisfied with this advice, and that he has said—
. This is a trumpery fellow of a physician, who tells me
nothing but to had a wholesome life ; it is not worth lis-
tening to his advice ; I will turn him off and send for some
one else." lie has only to take up a newspaper, and he
will find the announcements of persons who say that,
without any contiuement, without any inconvenience, by
merely taking a few pills—(laughter)—the patient shall be
restored entirely to health, and shall never have any reason
to complain afterwards, but, on the contrary, shall be strong
and rigorous for the next twenty years of his life. (Laugh-
ter) I cannot help thinking that the present ease is likely
in the end to turn out something like this. (Cheers.) But
mind, my surpic.ons may be unjust. 1 may have the envy
of the discarded physician—(a laugh)—l may be the pawn
who gave that unpasatable advice—l may—to end the me-
terhor—think that the happiness, welfare, and prosperity
of the agricultural classes is to be sought fir in the general
welfare and prosperity of the country—(loud cheers)—and
in the use of those wholesome energies which the people of
this country possess. That was my advice, and it has turned
out, I believe, an advice upon which, if the patient had con-
tinued to act, ho would have found himself restored to
health without any of these nostrums. But by all means lotus
know what thie nostrum is—let us know what the medicine
is which is to produce each wonderful effects, and to result

In reek universal satisfaction. If soch medicine is procured
and produces those effecti, I must own I was utterly wrong,
and admit that the contrivances and medieiners, and doctor-
ing of this kind, are really what was most useful for the
body politic, But, gentlemen, as all this into be told tie in
November, all I can say is, that I think and I trait, when
we meet in November, we shall confine ourselves, in the
first Matinee, to asking what the course is that is to be
proposed; and when we have beard what that course is, we
chill then consi4er what ought to be our course with
respect to it. (Hear, hear.) In the meantime, it Is a
satisfaction to all those who belonged to the late govern-
ment, and my noble friend among others—it is
• satisfaction to them that we did not leave this
country depressed and ruined, but that, on the eon-
teary, during the time in which we keld office, it made
progress in prosperity, and that many of those prescriptions
and monopolies which then still remained have been struck
off by our exertions. (Cheers.) I have had the satisfac-
tion of assisting in the destruction of several of these mono-
polies • and I would appeal to a protectionist member lately
elected in a northern English county, who proclaimed
aloud the state of prosperity and the state of activity which
prevailed both in the shipping and agricultural interest.
Ile certainly came to curse us, but he has blessed us
altogether. (Chun.) Let rue add on this occasion,
as my name has been connected with the tout of civil
and religious liberty, that there was one blot on
the civilisation of the world—the accursed African
slave trade--which we have been active, and, I trust, suc-
cessful, in abating. (Cheers.) I thank you fur listening
to the sentiments I have expressed to you to-day. It is a
great honour to me that having been many years in parlia-
ment I should n.ctive this teauniony of your approbation.
I trust I shall continue to act in a ',mailer spirit, and that
you will give me your confidence; and although you may
think that my judgment may be mistaken in many points
that may come before us for consideration, you will at
least give me credit for being actuated by an honest desire
to do nay duty. (The noble lord resumed his seat amidst
loud and riderated spplause.)