The Press.
London, England, 1856-12-20 00:00:00

1218

Malcolm found the enemy encamped at Me-
hidpoor. The action was never for an instant
doubtful, but it was gallantly fought, and
Malcolm gave signal proofs of his personal
courage. To Malcolm was committed the
task of settling the conquered country, and in
the execution of this trust he gave perhaps
the highest evidences of ability which distin-
guished his career:—

There was a heartiness, a sincerity, in all that he said
and did which gave people unlimited confidence in him;
and even when his decisions were unfavorable to the appli-
cant, there was a robust sort of kindliness in his very denials
which disarmed them of offence. A well-timed readily
appreciable joke often was more serviceable in his hands
than the most elanorate arguments. On one occasion,
when receiving petitions anti listening to complaints—a
duty to which he systematically devoted a portion of the
day—a liheel, one of the wildest of a wild tribe, broke
clamorously into the tent, threw himself at Malcolm's
feet, and cried aloud for justice. He had a dreadful story
to tell of robbery and murder, and prayed that justice
might be executed upon the criminal. " Hold, hold,"
said Sir John, " not so fast; the party, the party you
accuse shall be sent for, and the cause inquired into
forthwith." " What is the use of inquinng?" asked the
B heel ; "my cattle have been carried off, and one of my
sons killed in an attempt to recover them." "It may be
so," returned Malcolm, "hut still I must inquire. Do
you know why the Almighty gave me two ears ?" The
plaintiff looked puzzled, shook his head, and answered in
the negative. " Then I will tell you," said Malcolm. "In
order that I might hear your story with one, and the other
party's with the other." The bystanders loudly applauded
the wisdom and justice of the speech, and the liheel,
equally convinced, awaited the inquiry against which he
had protested.

Called to bear his part in the government
of India, Malcolm brought his sturdy sense to
bear on the great question in what manner
our power could be best supported and per-
petuated. Tho result of his reflection was that
it was our true policy to uphold native Go-
vernments as long as possible. He believed
that the decline of our power would date from
the day when all India was submitted to our
rule. This notion may now be thought old-
fashioned ; but the conviction was firmly fixed
in Malcom's mind, and shared by many of
the most eminent of his contemporaries.
Some of his sentences on this subject are
worth pondering at a time when a system
directly opposite has gained predominance:—
If policy requires that we should govern a considerable
part of India through its native princes and chiefs, it is our
duty to employ all our influence and all our power to
strengthen, instead of weakening, these royal instruments
of rule. No speculation of comparative improvement or
better administration should lead us aside from this path.
The general good that is effected by our remaining in it
must always overbalance any local benefit that could be
derived from quitting it.

This is the master evil against which we are to guard.
Territory is coming too fast upon us. We cannot prevent
accessions, and the period may arrive when the whole
peninsula will be under our immediate rule ; but every
consideratiin requires this period to be delayed, and every
effort should be made to regulate a march in which we
must proceed. No additional province can now be de-
sirable, but as it furnishes us with positive means of sup-
porting that general peace which is alike essential for the
prosperity of oar provinces, and the preservation of those
whom it is our policy to maintain as rulers.

The native Governments are abused as intolerably bad ;
why even in this view the very contrast of their govern.
went with ours is strength. Make all India into zillahs,
and I will assert it is in the order of things—considering
the new sentiments that must be infused, the operation
(unchecked by comparison of th it dislike to rule which
all human beings have, and that depression and exclusion
from all high rank and fame, civil or military, of more than
a crore of men, which must be the consequence of the
establishment of our direct authority—that our empire
should last fifty years. But if we can contrive to keep up
a number of native States without political power, hut as
royal instruments, we shall, I believe, exist in India as
long as we maintain our naval supremacy in Europe ;
beyond this date is impossible.
It will be seen that Malcolm reasoned from
policy alone. His conclusions were the result
of long and intimate acquaintance with India,
and they were perfectly unprejudiced and
honest. What would he have said to the
modern system which counts each accession of
territory to be clear gain, and makes the over-
throw of every native Government a subject
of warm congratulation? The next paragraph
raises the great question how India is to be
governed:—

I regret as deeply as you, or any man can, that there is
no opening for natives. The system of depression becomes
more alarming as our power extends, but the remedy is nut
in raising to rank or influence our servants, moonsbees, 6cc.,
however good ; we must, or we cannot last, contrive to asso-
ciate the natives with us in the task of rule, and in the
benefits and gratitcatious which accrue front it.