The Press.
London, England, 1857-08-01 00:00:00

rGUST 1, 1857.

P4ESS,

and of speakers upon this subject to regard marriage
as, by the law of England, indissoluble; that a new
law was about to be introduced ; but the House of
Lords, followed by that house, had for nearly two
centuries exercised the jurisdiction of separating
parties, according to certain rules, u vinculo matri.
monii. Except in relation to malicious desertion,
this bill was an expression of the existing law, trans-
ferring the tribune' for administering it to one more
desirable and beneficial. The form of proceeding
was altered, and divested of all those circumstances
which constituted the objections to the mode of
administering the law as it existed. The law re-
mained; the mode of administering it only was
changed. The indissolubility of marriage had never
been urged by a spiritual peer in the House of Lords
as an objection to a bill for a divorce ; yet, if mar-
riage by the Scriptures was indissoluble, every
divorce bill was a violation of Scripture, and, if this
measure was rejected upon that ground, no bill of
divorce could hereafter be passed. Referring to the
clause in the bill which imposed a fine upon the
adulterer, and to some of the subordinate details of
the bill, he discussed the expediency of prohibiting
guilty parties from intermarrying, and, in conclusion,
he reiterated his assertion that the bill merely ex-
pressed and embodied what had been the law of
England for nearly two centuries, and called upon
the house with confidence to read it a second time.
Sir W. HEATHCOTE moved to defer the second
e ading for three months. He regarded bills of
ivorce as proofs that, by the law of England, mar-
riage was not dissoluble, and as protests against a
change of the law. He disputed the correctness of
the inferences drawn by the Attorney-General from
scriptural texts, which were at variance, he said,
with the construction put upon them by the early
Christian Church, which held the indissolubility of
marriage. The " Reformatio Legum," to which the
Attorney-General had appealed, did not support the
enactments of this bill ; it recognised the equality of
the woman with the man. He believed that if this
bill passed we should be ultimately brought into the
unfortunate condition of Prussia, and that it could
not be carried into effect without a wholesale perse-
cution of the ministers of the Church.
Mr. DRUMMOND and Mr. LYGON opposed the bill.
Mr. PULLER objected to the obligation enforced
on the clergy, and the power of fine by the judge. In
other respects he supported the bill.
Mr. Wigram, Mr. Hatchell, Mr. Bowyer, and Mr.
Malins opposed the bill.
Lord J. MANNERS reviewed the two grounds upon
which, he said, the Attorney General had based his
arguments in support of this bill—first, that the dis-
solubility of marriage was the received law of the
Church and the State ever since the Reformation ;
second, that it was in harmony with declarations
in Holy Scripture. ..He disputed both propositions.
It had been said, he remarked, that the principle of
this bill bad been well considered in the House of
Lords; hut, with great respect to that branch of the
Legislature, this was a question affecting the people
of this country, and it was not only the right but the
duty of that house to see that it received the most
deliberate discussion. A change of this kind was
not to be effected without reference to other countries
where a laxity of the marriage tie was permitted, and
he found that in Prussia the number of divorces was
ten a day, and he mentioned an instance of a man
who had been sit times divorced and seven times
married. He warmly advocated the claim of the
clergy to be exempted from obligations imposed
upon them by the bill, which they felt to be incon-
sistent with the dictates of their conscience. He
should give his most determined opposition to the
bill.
Mr. GLADSTONE moved that the debate be ad-
journed; but this motion was negatived on division
by 188 to 125.
Mr. HENLEY moved that the house do adjourn, but
this motion being opposed it was withdrawn.
Lord LOVAINE then moved that the debate be
adjourned, which was agreed to.
The house then went into committee upon the
Ecclesiastical Commission, Sec., Bill ; but, after
some clauses had been gone through, the Chairman
was ordered to report progress.
Several bills were then forwarded a stage.
On the order for going into committee upon the
Superannuation Act Amendment Bill,
Mr. GLADSTONE inquired what were the intentions
of the Government as to the revision of salaries.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER declined
entering upon the discussion at so late an hour
(a quarter to two o'clock), and suggested the post-
ponement of the committee.
On clause 1, _ _

Mr. AYRTON moved that the house do adjourn,
but this motion was negatived after some discussion ;
and the house ultimately went into committee on the
bill, which underwent much discussion.

Mr. AYRTON moved to add to it the word:, " that
the salaries of the oivil servants shall be revised,
having due regard to the amount of reduction hereby
msde."

745

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the
amendment, because practically it would put the civil
servants in a worse position than they were in at
present.
Mr. AYRTON withdrew his amendment.

Sir J. TRELAWNY moved the addition of the follow-
ing words, Provided it can be proved that any
individual has lost any advantages which without
this act he would have enjoyed, he shall receive CJI:11-
pensation tc. an equivalent extent."
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the
amendment could not be considered, as it would
not bo competent for the house to make such a
charge upon the Exchequer without a committee of
the whole house.

Sir J. TRELAWNY was very unwilling to proceed
with the debate at such an hour in the morning—ten
minutes past three. The house was to meet again
at twelve, and the pressure was exceedingly heavy
upon the Speaker, upon members, and upon the
gentlemen who had to report the debates. He
moved as an amendment that the chairman report
progress, and obtain leave to sit again.
On a division there appeared— _ _

For reporting progress
Against it ..
Majority

. . 20
. . 55
. • -35

. _
The clause was ultimately agreed to, and, the
house having resumed, the bill was reported amidst
cheers.

The other orders were disposed of, and the house
adjourned at half past three.

lortign gortzsponttutt.

PARIS, July 29.
THE Indian news, which has arrived by way of
Trieste, is more or less disastrous ; but, as a set-off
and a consolation in these untoward circumstances,

it is most gratifying to witness the general sympathy
that the French people of all political classes and
of all grades evince for England in this grave con•
juncture. There is no exaggerated display of feeling,
but an honest desire that the old country, "la
vielle Angleterre," should secure and place beyond
all harm her magnificent empire in the East.
In a word, the Anglo-Frank alliance is firmer than
ever.

Count Nesselrado disclaims having any political
object in his visit, an assurance that must be natu-
rally accepted with a certain reserve. At an
evening party at the Countess of Walewski's, he
observed, "Je ne suis qu'un touriste ; jai voulu revoir
Paris, et constaterpar moi meme sa transformation."
The Emperor left Plombieres tbis day (Wednes-
day), and reached Paris at six p.m. His Majesty
drove along the Boulevards unattended by any escort,
and was received with the warmest enthusiasm. About
the sth of August his Majesty will pay his promised
visit to the Queen at Osborne, and after the fetes of
the 15th will proceed to Biarritz, where he will receive
the visit of the King of Wurtem burg,—travelling under
the name of the Count de Tieck. The Indipendance
continues, with persevering assiduity, to propagate
its absurd " canards." Among others, it announces
as positive the visit of the Queen of England to
Fontainebleau and Compiegne; and then reasserts,
in spite of official contradiction in the Moniteur,
that England has requested the aid of French troops
for the prosecution of the Chinese war.
The departure of a French fleet for Tunis is not a
matter of much importance, although an attempt has
been made to give it the air of a hostile expedition.
The Dey has ordered an investigation of the execu-
tion or rather murder, of a Jew by the legal autho-
rities of Tunis, and has already made a show of
reparation by providing for the family of the unfor•
tunate victim.

Some English journals, friendly, as a matter
of course, to Ledru Rollin, Alazzini, and the
other Republican associates, in their Orleans and
anti-Napoleonic zeal, have gone beyond the bounds
of historical prudence. If they err through igno-
rane,e, they furnish evidence of an unfitness to be
public instructors,—if, en the contrary, they wilfully
put forth false statements, their moral is far below
respectable average. It is said, in regard to the ap-
proaching trials of the Franco•ltalian conspira-
tors :-

But there is to be a trial—A trial!—a mockery! Ire all
know how political offenders are dealt with in France. The
proceedings are carried on for months in secrecy AGAINST LI-
BERALS WHO HAVE NOT BEEN SUCCESSFUL. Then the
appointed day comes on. The court is packed. No witnesses
are allowed for the defence. The verdict is hurried on—the
sentence is pronounced—the scaffold is raised with disgraceful
precipitation--the condemned it dragged under the knife, his
remonstrances are stifled, and, as the French reporters phrase
it, " human justice" is satisfied.
In the first place, the application of the term " an
unsuccessful Liberal" to an assassin is too
nitgit 1:0444F. 4.n phe pe;t place? tbeae -

Tiers

746

hibit a complete ignorance of the proceedings of the
French criminal courts. Previous to being arraigned
at the "Cour d'Assize," the Procureur•General lays
his information before the " Chambre d'Accusation,"
produces his evidence, and copies are forwarded to
the prisoner. Then at his public trial, if he be found
guilty, three days are allowed to prefer an appeal
before the "Cour de Cassation,"and he is sentenced
on the fourth if no appeal be made. The laws of
the " Code Napoleon" do not seem to be known
to these Liberal journalists, who confound the cri-
niinal process with the ordinary proceedings of the
"police correctionelle," which has only a circum-
scribed and inferior power.
The simple denial of Ledru Rollin is accepted also
as a proof of innocence "constate." Palmer and
Rush asserted their innocence to the last—were they
martyrs ? Campanella is the author of several trea-
tises on "La Theorie du Poignard." The corre•
spondence, also, between Massarenti and Mazzini,
furnishing ample details of the huge conspiracy,
forms a part of the voluminous evidence. _ _

T. J. S.

Thursday Morning.
P.S.—I incloso you a copy of the Gazette des Tri•
bunaux, containing certain matters furnished to that
paper by the authorities relative to the " complot."
I can state as positive that a mass of documentary
evidence will be produced at the trial which the
Procureur-Tinperial thinks it unadvisable to make
public before the trial.

The Gazette des Tribunaux has the following
account :

We must await the trial to make known all the circum•
stances of this grave affair, but we may nevertheless
indicate some of the general facts which form the basis of
the accusation. In the first days of June the police learned
that several Italians had arrived in Paris from London,
after having had frequent communication• with Mazzini
and other member', of the Central European Committee.
On the 10th June three letters from Genoa, written by
Mazzini, were seized ; one was addressed to Campanella,
one of Mazzini's fellow•writers in the Italia del Popolo ;
another to Massarenti ; and the third, which was only of
a few Hues, to Tibaldi. In the letter to Campanella,
Mazzini, after instructions which appear to refer to the
conp.de•main which has been attempted in Italy, said that
the principal matter to be thought of was the affair of
Pavia—that it was of urgent and decisive importance—
and, in fact, that everything depended on it. He an•
nounced that Massarenti had told him that two men had
presented themselves ; that if they were good men and
trne, and could be depended on, money to enable them to
live a month at Paris must be given them, and that to
obtain the money application should be made to a banker.
He added that there were two others at that moment at
Paris, but that it was necessary that each group should
act separately, and without communication with the other.
The letter concluded by a few words of recommendation
to "the Rue Neuve Menilmontant," where, it is said, the
necessary arms and ammunition would be found. The
person alluded to in these words of recommendation was
Tibaldi, who lived in the Rue de Menilmontant. He was
arrested, and a search being made in his house, five
yoniards and twenty loaded pistols were seized. The
letter from Mazzini to Massarenti contained instructions
similar to those in the letter to Campanella. As to the
letter to Tibaldi, it recommended two men, who were to
call on him, and told him that he might place confidence
in them. These two men were Bartolotti and Grilli, who
had recently arrived from London, where they had had
frequent communications with Mazzini before his departure
for Genoa. On the day on which Tibaldi was arrested,
Bartolotti and Grilli called at his lodgings, and were
arrested by police officers who had been placed there in
waiting. It appears that the investigation already made
has led to the seizure of numerous letters which con-
firmed the indications contained in the letters seized on
the 10th of June. In one of them a complaint is made
of the negligence of an accomplice, and it is said that the
" old man" had complained and was highly displeased.
In the course of the investigation Bartolotti made avowals
—he declared that at London he had had two interviews
with Mazzini and with a Frenchman who he said was
Ledru Rollin, and that it was in consequence of these
interviews that he had been sent to Paris with his country-
man Grilli. His mission, he said, was not to attempt to
kill the Emperor, but to be constantly on the watch about
the Tuileries, in order to know when the Emperor went
out. Grilli at first denied the truth of these revelations,
but he afterwards, it is stated, remarked that since
Bartolotti had spoken he was relieved from his oath, and
would tell all. Ile accordingly admitted that the
object of his journey was to attempt the Emperor's
life. To prove the truth of his statement he said
that two poniards which Tibaldi had given him for
himself and Bartolotti would be found secreted in a
certain spot which he indicated ; and they were accord.
ingly found there. As to Tibaldi, he gives the most
positive denials to the charges brought against him. He
IS a journeyman engineer, and has resided in Paris for
some years. The Thole, after giving some particulars on
the same subject, says:—" Bartolotti and Grilli, though at
first admitting that they came to Paris with the mission
of killing the Emperor, subsequently declared that, not-
withstanding their promise, they had no intention of
c iminitting the crime ; that, being without money or
resources, they had accepted the propositions made, but
that their sole object was to come to Paris, and to spend
in pleasure the money which they had received." The
same journal states that amongst the arms seized were
Seventeen oouble•barrelled ?Weis? one of which Wag pc

Li.