The Press.
London, England, 1856-12-20 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

EUROPS is threatened with fresh disturbance. The note of the
French Government in the Moniteur raises the Neufchatel question
into importance, and indicates that its settlement will be one of con
siderable difficulty. The Federal Government of Switzerland has
declined to comply with the recommendatioa of the French Cabinet
that the prisoners should be liberated, and France retires in anger,
plainly saying that henceforth her sympathies will he on the side of
the King of PRUSSIA, who has shown a sincere desire for amicably
settling a delicate question, and has manifested a courteous deference
for the political situation of Prance ; while;the Swiss Government, on
the other hand, has exhibited lamentable obstinacy, exaggerated sensi-
bility, and a complete indifference to the counsels of France. The
conclusion is, that the King of PRUSSIA will meet with the moral sup-
port of France in whatever steps he may take to assert his rights of
sovereignty over the canton of Neufchatel.

At the present stage of the dispute, it is not easy to see how
either party can withdraw. Had Neufchatel been left to itself'. an
accommodation with the Prussian Government might easily have been
arranged; but the troops of the Federal Government entered the
canton, acted against the royalists, and it is now the Federation which
is opposed to Prussia. The King, it is plain, cannot withdraw his
protection from the royalists who hoisted his standard, without
resigning all claims to sovereignty over the canton, while the Federal
Government cannot now liberate the prisoners without an acknow-
ledgment of Prussian rights. Wars have arisen from less serious
causes, though the peaceable disposition of the Sovereign of Prussia,
and the moderation which he has hitherto displayed, encourage the
hope that some kind of compromise may yet be devised.

The proclamation of war against Persia, issued at Calcutta on the
Ist of November, has reached this country. The war is grounded on a
violation by Persia of the Treaty concluded with that kingdom by
Colonel SHEIL in January, 1553. By that Treaty, Persia engaged not
to send troops to Herat unless troops advanced towards that place
from Cabul, Candahar, or other place ; there was a stipulation, how-
ever, that Persia should have that right of interference in
the affairs of Herat which she exercised under the rule of the
late YAK MAHOMED. What that right of interference was, and
how far Persia may justify her movement against Herat by refer-
ence to it, we have yet to learn. One stipulation of the
Treaty is remarkable. It is said that should any foreign Power, such
as the Affghans or others, attempt to take possession of Herat,
the British Government, on the requisition of the Persian Ministers,
" would not object to restrain such foreign Power by friendly advice."
Perhaps the Court of Teheran might not unreasonably suppose that,
as it had only " friendly advice " to expect from the British Govern-
ment, should a hostile force take possession of Herat, it had nothing
more than the same " friendly advice" to expect, should Persia think
it necessary to advance against that place. Such an interpretation of
the Treaty would appear to be justified by its terms, and from the
looseness of its stipulations it is very conceivable that Persia
may be able to advance plausible grounds for the course she
has taken.

There appears now to be no doubt that Herat has fallen to the
Persian army, and it is said that the British proclamation of war has
been answered by a like proclamation on the part of Persia. The
intentions 01 the Russian Government have not 3 et been made known.
The Brussels organ of the Russian Court, Le Nord, has published some
able and conciliatory articles on the subject, directed to show that for
a number of years past England and Russia have successfully acted
together to prevent war in Central Asia, and to preserve Persia as an
independent kingdom between Russian possessions in Asia, and the
Asiatic empire of Great Britain. There is a report that the good
offices of France will be employed to arrange the quarrel
between England and the Court of Teheran before actual
hostilities are engaged in. The principal point for the people of
this country to consider is, the anomaly of their being engaged in a
war in Central Asia which may expand to great proportions without
their knowledge or consent, simply by the fiction of the war being
undertaken by the Government of Fort William. Lord CANNING has
for the occasion become the Richard Roe of our Imperial Ad

Judge HALM:WOWS address, published in the Times of yesterday,
is not without considerable truth in its way. Our true policy is to knit
our colonies to ourselves as closely as possible, and to make them, or
keep them, as English as we can, both in feeling and in institutions.
At first sight, no doubt, the proposal that our colonies should be repre-
sented in the Imperial Parliament, will recommend itself as sensible
and straightforward. The rapidity of transit which has brought dis-
tant lands so much nearer together lends plausibility to the notion.
But has any one considered what the colonists themselves would be
likely to call a fair representation ? Would two, or three, or four mem-
bers, for instance, be considered a sufficient representation of Canada,
with its three millions of inhabitants ? Yetlif this number were much
increased, and the representation in any degree approximated to that
of the United Kingdom, it is clear that the House of Commons would
he totally revolutionised. In fact, the colonists would be obliged to
sit in a separate house of their own For these reasons we are
;nclined to believe that the existing system is the better one. The
Colonial Parliaments, under the presidency of an English Governor,
seem to work well, and certainly are likely to become much more pop u•

SATURDAY,

lar with the people. It may, indeed, be worth consideration whether
delegates from these assemblies might not attend in the Imperial Par-
liament, for the sake of affording information and correcting blunders
on colonial subjects. But the scheme of actual representation is, are
think, more specious than practical.

The President's Message, though couched in diplomatic language,.
contains a bold and intelligible expression of opinion. He speaks•
the sentiments of all that class in the United States who would have,
us look upon the Abolitionists as a set of vulgar innovators and revo-
lutionists—they wish to disturb the existing conditions of society,
and to carry out their own wild theories through any amount of blood-
shed and snarchy. As to the right or wrong of slavery, or even the
expediency of removing it at sotue future date, he is totally silent.
This silence is ominous, and the effect thereof is not much
lessened by the language of his successor. Mr. BUCHANAN,
to the students of the Franklin and Marshall College
He would harmonise, he says, all sections of the Union. We all
know what this means. He would put down the anti-slavery
agitation. The progress of the American navy, though but
slightly glanced at in the President's Message, is not the least
interesting or significant part of it. The Americans are evidently
becoming awake to the necessity of being always in a position
to resist European intimidation. Mr. PIERCE'S language on the
subject of privateering is manly and straightforward. He en-
tirely adopts Mr. MARCY'S view of the subject, and what course of
conduct it may best befit the honour and interests of this country to-
pursue in the matter. There can be little doubt that from an American
snch language is consistent and statesmanlike.

Dr. LIVINOSTONE'S return to England revives the question of com-
merce with Africa. It is now universally admitted that the only
means of effectually destroying the slave trade is to open a trade
for more legitimate purposes. From Dr. LIVINGSTONE'S
account, the native tribes in the interior of Africa possess a
peculiar aptitude and desire for trade and commerce,
while they are generous, hospitable, and friendly towards strangers_
The resources of the country, too, are enormous. Indigo, cotton, and
sugar can be cultivated to an incredible extent, so prolific is the soil;
while fibrous substances, sarsaparilla, senna, wax, coal, gold, and ivory
are abundant. The Government, we see, have resolved to fit out a
new expedition for the Niger. We trust that due liberalit) and care
in the selection of goods will be shown. Everything plain, simple, and good
should be sent. No intricate agricultural implements—nothing that the
African cannot easily comprehend the use of, and everything that will
conduce either to his comfort, his advantage, or to the extension of
trade. If the natives can once be induced to grow cotton and sugar.
there is no limit to the trade we could open. The English, too,
according to Dr. LIVINOSTONE, are held in great esteem by the Africans;
so that if we can only open up a communication with the interior, we
have a fair opportunity to establish satisfactory relations with the
native chiefs. Dr. LIVINGSTONE, we see, returns shortly to prosecute
his labours in Africa. Since his presence in London he has been
listened to on every occasion of his delivering a public address with
much interest by crowded audiences.

The Lords of the Admiralty have issued a remarkable memo-
randum. So much " mismanagement and extravagance " have lately
characterised the messes of different ships, that My Lords call the
attention of the ward room officers to the fact, and request that in future
the ward-room mess be maintained with" credit and comfort, but free from
extravagance, thus setting a becoming example to the junior officers."
The midshipmen's mess is of course not let off so lightly. With a view
of putting a stop to their irregularities, My Lords limit the mess
entrance to Si., and the monthly subscription. " including all extras,"
to not more than thirty shillings. Their Lordships further desire
" that no wine, except port and sherry, or wine of the same class and
" price, and no spirits, except the ship's allowance, be used in the gun-
room messes." The entrance at Si. is well enough ; but what
monstrous folly and injustice to limit without distinction► all
the members of the gun-room in every ship, under all circum-
stances, to an expenditure of thirty shillings a month for his
eating and drinking. The gun-room of a line-of-battle ship usually
holds some thirty members. Of these ten or a dozen are
youngsters ,the remainder are four-years' midshipmen and passed mates,
young men from eighteen to thirty years of age. Now, the notion
of limiting young men of this age to an expenditure of thirty shillings
a month for mess is absurd, and injurious to the service. At that
price no man can ask a friend on board to dine with him, or entertain
the brother officers of a foreign ship of war. The consequences are
obvious. Expensive dinners will be given, instead, at hotels on shore,
and the very evil the Lords of the Admiralty seek to check—extravagance
and pecuniary irregularities—extended. And then the folly of limiting
the mess to " port or sherry !" We confess we cannot exactly see the
wisdom of limiting the mess to " port and sherry, or wines of that price
" and class," without specifying the price. These sumptuary laws are
very useless things We do not mean to deny the extravagances of
midship►nen's messes since the good old days of Sir PULTENEY
Mitt.cor.m, when the midshipmen all washed together in a tub, and
lived upon ruin, pea-soup and biscuit. Great changes have taken place,
and the other extreme has now been reached. Various efforts have
been made to check it, but without success; and until one mess is
provided for the captain and his officers, the extravagance of distinct
messes never will be controlled. Let the midshipmen, lieutenants,
and captain enjoy their separate cabins as at present, but let them
mess together. 'l'l►e presence of the superior officers woLld curl) any
tendency to undue indulgence on the part of tho youngsters, and any
extravagance on the part of the oldsters of the gun-room. This plan, we