The Press.
London, England, 1858-04-03 00:00:00

Pitt PRtSfii, APRIL 3, 1858.

large on this topic in our present number :
in our next we shall inquire, for a few
minutes, into the causes of the " great fact"
now universally admitted—into tho reasons
assigned for " the disorganization of the
Liberal party."

Otort.esponYenct.
INDIAN GOVERNMENT.
TO THE EDITOR OF "THE PRESS."

Sir,—The " most momentous question," as in
your last number you properly designate it, " ever
submitted t.o a Legislative Assembly," is on the
point of engaging the attention of Parliament. It
will indeed be a calamity if its solution should be
allowed to degenerate into a party struggle, and if the
imperial interests it involves, together with the wel-
fare of the many millions of our fellow-subjects
which is implicated in its decision, should be made
the sport of politicians, instead of being determined
by tho principles of statesmen. You have done
good service by drawing public attention to some of
those principles. Will you permit me to follow that
course as introductory to a suggestion for giving
to them a practical application—novel, perhaps
startling—but which I am encouraged by deep re-
flection, as well as by some influential approval, to
believe will be found not undeserving of serious con-
sideration.

I assume it as admitted that absolute government,
which the British Constitution repudiates, and the
British people will not endure at home, should not
be permitted to exist in our distant possessions one
hour after it shall have been found possible to in-
troduce into their government the representative
principle. In Canada, in-Australia, at the Cape of
Good Hope, in Jamaica, even in the insignificant
Island of Newfoundland, the absolute authority of
the Sovereign has been superseded by representa-
tive institutions ; and Crown colonies, condemned
by public opinion, though still tolerated where the
elements of free government do not exist, are classed
among the necessities to which circumstances com-
pel us temporarily to submit, but which, irrecon-
cilable with the genius of our institutions, are
doomed to abrogation so soon as that necessity shall
cease. It is in such a settled state of public con-
viction that an unexpected and awful event has
thrown on us the inexpressibly responsible task of
providing for the future government of the most
magnificent dependency ever confided by Providence
to the charge of any State. It is with some asto-
nishment I have observed that in almost all the
suggestions advanced for the practical fulfilment of
this duty—with the exception, I must admit, of those
that have appeared in THE PRESS—the great popular
objects which can be secured only by adherence to
the representative principle, are either ignored alto-
gether, or sought through the inconsistent and
absolute agency of projects, which, if adopted, would
in effect reduce India to the position of a gigantic
Crown colony, guarded only by feeble contrivances
from all the abuses and corruptions inseparable from
the exercise of absolute authority. 1 admit, sir,
that the anomalies presented by our Indian empire
will not allow the strict application there of that
representative system which Englishmen so highly
and so deservedly cherish at home. But 1 deny that
because the native population are, and, as I believe,
will ever remain, incapable of exercising the inesti-
mable privilege of self government, it is necessary
that the destinies of India should be abandoned to
Ministerial and party intrigue, parliamentary cor-
ruption, or aristocratic monopoly. It may be wise
to abolish the double Government. It may be ad-
visable to substitute the authority of a Supreme
Council for that of a Court of Directors, chosen by
a limited body of commercial capitalists. But it is
of the last importance that legislative and adminis-
trative powers, on the exercise of which the pro-
sperity and happiness of 180 millions of our fellow-
subjects, and the value of India to the British
nation, will greatly depend, should not be handed
over to a viciously-constituted authority. Against
such a calamitous contingency I can perceive but
one safeguard—the closest adherence that circum-
stances will permit to the representative principle
of the British Constitution. The difficulty which
obviously presents itself to the application of this
principle, is that of finding a constituency to whom
may safely be intrusted the power of election. This
difficulty I propose to solve.
I pass over, for the present, the consideration of
the qualifications that should be insisted on as in-
dispensable for eligibility to the high and responsible
office of Indian Councillor; remarking only
that, consisting principally of individuals practi-
cally conversant with Indian affairs, the Council
should be so composed as to include a fair
proportion of individuals possessing a knowledge
of finance, commerce, and the higher departments
of statesmanship. Nor would it be now convenient
that I should dwell either on the extent of power to
be delegated to the Council, or the particular manner
in
-which it should be exercised ; on which points.

317

important as they are, and prepared as I am to ex-
press an opinion, I earnestly desire to avoid all ap-
pearance of dogmatism. All I insist on is, I repeat,
the adoption of the representative principle in the
selection of councillurs ; and this brings me back to
the specific proposition I desire to introduce, of a
constituency to whom the task of election from a
list of qualified candidates may be safely and con-
sistently confided. Such a constituent body I am
about to suggest, consisting of individuals in whom
an analogous confidence is now absolutely and un-
reservedly placed by the British people ; a body
strictly harmonizing with those constitutional princi-
ples on which I have so strongly insisted ; too
numerous and too higbminded to be corrupted; a
body in which the unavoidable influence of personal
and party predilections would be balanced and
counterpoised ; a oody combining happily and in
just proportions the popular and aristocratic ele-
ments ; calculated to prove progressive, yet cautious
—reforming, yet safe.
I propose, then, to give to every member of both
Houses of Parliament a vote in the election, from a
list of qualified candidates, of each member of the
" Council of India," the Governor-General being of
course appointed by the Crown ; the right not to be
exercised by a majority in collective meetings, but
individual votes, as in ordinary elections. The prac•
tical application of this plan would present no
difficulty whatever. Its advantages would be many
—the valid objections to it, I believe, few. Pro-
foundly convinced that it merits at least an impartial
consideration, I invoke for it a candid and dispas-
sionate examination, prepared if necessary to defend
its principle and explain such of its details as have
appeared to me sufficiently involved in its admission
as to have claimed my attention before submitting
it to public criticism.—l am, sir, your faithful and
obedient servant, CMS ROMAN us.
Reigate, March 24th, 1858.

WHAT DID THE AN 11-CORN-LAW LEAGUE

TEACH ?
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—l have read with much interest the contro-
versy between yourself and the Globe as to the
effects of Free Trade. Your contemporary writes :

We never held out any exaggerated hopes; we did not
promise low prices, kc.

The Globe is quite safe in making any assertion
most convenient for present circumstances. It was
never recognized as an authority by the Free-trade
party. The following extract from the official organ
of the Anti-Corn•Law League is authoritative :

The Association have procured wooden models answer-
ing to the respective sizes of the American and English
eightpenny loaves, the former being one-third larger than
the latter, which they fixed on poles to a van, or " moving
advertiser," drawn daily along the public streets. To
these loaves were attached labels : " English eightpenny
loaf—wages, 2s. a day." "American eightpenny loaf—
wages, 4s. a day." In addition to these, an immense
placard is posted on each side of the van, with the follow-
ing words:—

WHAT LOWERS WAGES?
THE BREAD TAX.
WHAT STARVES THE OPERATIVE ?
THE BREAD TAX.
WHAT RUINS MASTERS?
THE BREAD TAX.
DOWN WITH THE INFAMOUS BREAD TAX ! ! !

The novel sight attracts constant groups of onlookers, and
it promises to be a very effective mode of agilalion. It is
about to be adopted in London.—Anti-corn-Laia Circular.
No. 58.

The "wooden models" I saw paraded in all the
principal towns in the north of England and through-
out Scotland. This was the logic of prophecy :
that the logic of fact should be found on the other
side is certainly no fault of yours. On the authority
of the Free-traders, wages ought, under Free Trade,
to have been high ; operatives ought not to have
been starved ; masters ought not to have been
ruined. Had Free trade theory and actual fact
corresponded, pauperism would have decreased—
bankruptcy would have been almost unknown.
The Free-traders assumed to be statesmen of the
very highest order—to know what would follow from
measures they advocated. As successful agitators,
their reputation has be'n established, and it remains
unimpaired. Tried by the test of time—the only
test by which modern prophets can be tried— their
prophecies must, beyond reasonable controversy, be
ranked among exploded delusions. It was an
aphorism of Harrington, the author of Oceana, "that
a people cannot see, but it can feel !" Under the
instructions of the Anti-Corn-Law League the people
have both seen and felt; they have seen the
" wooden models," and under the operat►on of
Free Trade have felt the want of their promised
counterparts made of flour. The popular mind can-
not now, so far as Free Trade promise and practice
are concerned, be further deceived.
Facts cannot be changed, and these have written
indelibly—" FREE-TRADERS ! TIME HAS PROVED YOU
TO HAVE BEEN FALSE PROPILETS."..-I am, sir, your
obedient servant,
March 29, 1858. Fau TRADE.