The Press.
London, England, 1857-06-20 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

THE Parliamentary proceedings of this week have been a little more
practical than those we have recently recounted.
On Monday night a division took place on the Jew Bill, which is
so far a practical result; and the debate was principally remarkable
for the brilliancy of Mr. WHITESIDE'S oration, a description of whose
peculiar powers will be found in another column.
On Tuesday Lord MALMESBURY in the House of Lords, and Mr.
AYRTON in the House of Commons, brought forward the subject of the
equalisation of poor rates in the metropolis. It is impossible net to
feel the weight of the objections entertained by the Noble Lord and
the Member for the Tower Hamlets to the existing system of assess-
ment. The facts are simply these—That parish will, of course, as a
rule be the poorest in which there are the most poor ; and where there
are the most poor there will the poor rates be the highest ; so that
the amount required to be paid rises exactly in proportion to the
inability of the parish to pay it. To remedy this glaring anomaly, it
is proposed to levy a uniform rate throughout the metropolis upon
every description of property, and so to constitute a general fund fur the
relief of the poor. The plan seems feasible enough at first sight ; and
if we bear in mind Lord MALMESBURY'S advice to guard against
holding out temptations to the poorer parishes to indulge in careless-
ness and extravagance, wo seo no reason why it should not operate
beneficially.
On Thursday night an interesting debate ensued on the subject
of military organisation, introduced by General PEEL. The two prin-
cipal subjects discussed were the relation between different military
departments, especially that of Secretary for War and Commander-in-
Chief, and the propriety and utility of the Camp at Aldershott. On
the first subject we were glad to observe that most of the speakers
concurred in the acquittal of our Crimean officers on the charges so
recklessly brought against them. The ill-defined duties of the various
departments, and the dependence of one upon the other, cannot fail
to be productive of disasters in active service. In regard to military
responsibility, the duties of the Commander-in-Chief, and Parlia-
mentary interference in military affairs, we are disposed to agree with
the sensible speech of General CODRINOTON. Unless the Commander-
in-Chief is really a commander, with an independent position, fare-
well to military efficiency. We do not think Lord PALmEasTox's reply
to Mr. ELLICE on the subject of Aldershott met the fundamental
objections to which that establishment is liable.

On the same night, Government received a signal defeat on the
motion of Sir DENHAM NORREYS. It was a question of reduction of
expenditure, and long notice had been given by the Hon. Baronet of
his proposal. But " the Whip of the Whigs," the much overrated
Mr. HArrEa, failed, and though the Premier himself came to the
rescue, and spoke with more than usual energy, the House decided
against Government by a majority of 172 lo 162.
On the same night, in the House of Lords, Government, though
not defeated, underwent a most damaging exposure from the mouth
of Lord DERBY, who, on the subject of Ministers' Money, convicted
them both of want of principle and deficiency of business talents. He
clearly showed that the Ministers' Money was, like the English church
rates, a fixed charge upon property, devoted to the service of religion ;
and that, even if regarded as a mere matter of .e s. d., the fund from
which it was intended to supply compensation was totally inadequate
to the purpose.

Last night an awkward question was put to the Government by
Lord CLAUD HAMILTON, on the subject of the bombardment of Grey-
town in 1854. British property had been destroyed and the British
flag insulted; but here, for some reason best known to themselves,
Government denied the possibility of redress. Had this attack on a
defenceless city been perpetrated by assailants in pigtails, wooden
shoes, and a Tartar cast of countenance, would the same impossibility
have existed ?

The perils of the late crisis in Belgium were far more serious than
the accounts given by the free press of that country; and, even now
that they have passed away, unless the Duke of BRABANT take example
from and profit by the wisdom of his Royal Father, the evil will canker
and be reproduced at some future day. Laud demands were made by
the Ultramontanists that the troops should be ordered to take the
initiative. Such rashness would have been fatal. The good sense
and determination of M. VILAIN XIV., Minister of Foreign Affairs,
and M. CHARLES DE BROUCKERE, Burgomaster of Brussels, saved the
capital from the most disastrous results. If the troops of the line
had acted in conformity with the Jesuit desires, the civic guard would
have turned against them, the population would have risen to a man,
and the streets of Brussels have been deluged with blood. Neither
could the army be firmly relied upon, although commanded by officers
—especially superior officers—devoted to the " parti pretre." Marks
of sympathy with the people were evident, for the old reserves, called
Put to strengthen the young troops, cried out in the railway-waggons

SATURDAY,

on their way to head quarters—" A bas les couvents !" " A bas la loi !'
" Point de Jesuites !" The letter of the King of the BELGIANS to his
Ministers is a most remarkable document. It is a manifesto of unusual
value. In that able address are laid bare the grand truths of constitu•
tional government, whereby alone nations in an advanced state of
civilisation can be equitably governed. His Majesty observes

There exist in countries which control their own affairs rapid and contagious
emotions, which spread with an intensity more easily discerned than explained, and
with which it is more prudent to make terms (transiger) than to reason.

Few the words, yet omnipotent the sense. There is a rare subtlety
contained in the expression, " more easily discerned than explained,''
which, mingled with a quiet rebuke, reveals a perfect knowledge of the
action of representative institutions. The superiority in government
of men over measures—of which the King himself is a happy example
—is covertly set forth. It brings beak to the mind the sparkling
appeal of CANNING in the House of Commons, when he deprecated the
fact of wise measures being made abortive—ay, even noxious—by
bigoted and incompetent Ministers.

I am convinced (continues the King), and I said it publicly, that any measure
which might be interpreted as tending to establish the supremacy of one opinion over
another, is a danger.
Here is an allusion to that tyranny of majorities, eulogised by Mr.
BRIGHT in his querulous and penitential letter to his constituents.
It may serve as a mot tfordre on some future occasion. The majority
in the Belgian Chambers was procured by the Jesuits through undue
influence. They moulded for their purposes, by practical precept and
spiritual exhortation, the frailer springs of disorder in the capital; and
in the provinces, the shaven recluses excited the superstition of the
lower order of electors. Neither were means of corruption spared by the
Jesuits to secure a packed majority in the representative Chambers,
and the result has been that such Parliamentary majority, improperly
obtained, and opposed to public opinion, has had to confront the
indignation of the people. Let not this example be lost to older
Governments. " I do not hesitate to say," remarks the Nestor of
Sovereigns, " that what is requisite is moderation and reserve among
"parties." There is some difficulty in obtaining a guarantee for the
moderation of a Jesuit, or for the reserve of their " leonine " pupils ; and
the foreign dominion that is ready at every moment and prompt in
its devices of insurrectionary movement for Vatican objects, can never
be quieted or set at rest. It ever seeks to share the power of the
Throne, and when defeated plots to subvert it. The King
concludes :—" I advise the majority of the Chamber to renounce
" the discussion of this Bill. It has a noble task to perform."
Never was a baffled faction more courteously disposed of.
To be complimented on the nobility of a not honourable
defeat, is like being set before a sumptuous feast with manacled
hands and a closed visor. The Belgian people, honest and true, have
yet much to learn in the way of Constitutional Government. The
wisdom in which they are deficient has been providentially supplied
by their possessing the counsel of the most sagacious and upright
Prince in Europe.

No man more heartily deserved the tribute recently paid to his
eminent services than Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE, M.P. Of high station,
belonging to an old and distinguished family, and enjoying a largo
fortune, Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE, influenced solely by the desire to serve
his party at a period of great difficulty and some danger, and at the
sacrifice of all personal considerations, accepted a post usually
occupied by a subordinate, but entailing, when conscientiously
performed, the most serious responsibilities and the most arduous
labours. No interested or selfish motives actuated Sir WILLIAM
JOLLIFFE , and we need hardly say that in the conduct of the difficult
and delicate duties of his post, the Member for Petersfield has proved
himself incomparably one of the ablest among the many able men the
Conservative party has had the good fortune to possess. With sound
judgment, great political sagacity, and a fund of truthful tact,
combined with peculiar singleness and honesty of purpose,
Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE has not only obtained over his party an honour-
able and a legitimate influence, but he has won the respect and esteem
of every Member in the House. The dinner given at the Carlton, on
Saturday last, was no insignificant tribute to one so deservedly es-
teemed, for although only 190 Noblemen and Gentlemen honoured
the occasion with their presence, as many were unavoidably compelled
to absent themselves from want of room. But, to Sir W. JOLLIFFE, the
most gratifying feature of the proceedings lay in the proof of the com-
plete and perfect organisation of the Conservative party, as evidenced
in the speeches delivered upon this memorable occasion. No public
report of the proceedings has appeared in the papers, but we may
state that, after the usual loyal and patriotic toasts, Field
Marshal Viscount COMBERMERE and Admiral Sir THOMAS HEhBERT
responding severally for the Army and Navy, the health of Sir WILLIAM
JOLLIFFE was proposed in an eloquent speech by the Earl of DERBY,
whose health in turn was proposed by the Earl of MARCH. " The Duke
"of Richmond and the House of Peers," proposed by Mr. WALPOLE.
was followed by " The Right Hon. B. Disraeli and the House
Commons," proposed by the Earl of MALMESBURY. Sir JOHN PARING'
TON proposed " Sir Frederic Thesiger and the Conservative Bar," and
R Sir EDWAD I.YrroN proposed " The Conservative Constituencies'
The Earl of DERBY then proposed " The New Members," which was
responded to by the Hon. F. LYGON, M.P. for Tewkesbury. " Tho
Whips," proposed by the Earl of EGLINTON, was acknowledged by Lord
COLVILLE and COlOllOl TAYLOR. The health of "Philip Rose, I Esq.,i

JUNE 20, 1857.

was proposed by Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFEE, and " The Absent Mem-
bers," for whom no room could be found, was given as a parting
toast by the Earl of HARDWICKE.

The coming Educational Conference, under the presidency of his
Royal Highness Prince ALBERT, is satisfactory in as far as it is calcu-
lated to elucidate the causes of juvenile crime and ignorance. There
can be little doubt of the sincerity and ability of every one
concerned in this undertaking, and we sincerely trust they may do all
the good they anticipate. At the same time it is impossible to divest
the whole affair of a slight taint of dilettantism. Experience will
soon show whether this is really the case or not. The practical cha-
racter of the Conference will be shown by its willingness to avoid cut-
and-dried theories, and its readiness to surrender the show of authority
for the substance. Allowance must be (made for the feelings and the
prejudices of the poor in all schemes intended for their improve.
ment, and neglect of this is the rock upon which philanthropic re-
formers usually eplit.

The speech on Monday night of Mr. WHITESIDE on the propriety
of the Jews being admitted into the Legislature was a most brilliant
piece of impassioned eloquence. Though parts of it were rather too
declamatory, there was great oratorical dexterity shown in the treat-
ment of some of the topics ; and the description of the debate in the
Roman Senate fifteen hundred years ago between SYMMACHUS and
AMBROSE was executed with great felicity. Mr. WHITESIDE is undoubtedly
one of the greatest acquisitions that the House of Commons has received
in late years. Ho has much of the humour of his country, and is some-
times too exaggerated in his jocularity. His forensic experience has
given him adroitness in controversy ; and though sometimes he lays
himself open to an adversary, his thrust is quick and formidable,
and his play of fence is skilful and sustained. He has
the vehemence and enthusiasm that usually characterises
Irish speakers of the first class ; but he never indulges in the
meretricious tinsel and the motley metaphors which were
a reproach to the second-class orators of Ireland. There is more po-
lemical fierceness in his manner than is perfectly agreeable to English
habits; and one passage on Monday, though evidently not so intended
by the brilliant speaker, was taken by some Members of the House
as having been " personal" towards Baron ROTHSCHILD. There is
thorough earnestness in Mr. WHITESIDE ; his gesture is too redundant,
and wants the dignity of repose, but it is natural and unaffected. His
voice, that cardinal point to a public speaker, is full, resonant, and
clear, and it has little of provincial intonation. Mr. WHIT ESIDE has
realised all the expectations entertained of him by his friends, and
even the Premier bore willing testimony to " the brilliant speech " of
the Member for Enniskillen. The highest Parliamentary merit in Mr.
WHITESIDE'S eloquence is the ready command of his faculty. Few
other speakers like him can, on a short notice, undertake to plead a
great question, and produce much effect. Thus, though less dazzling
than the late Mr. SHELL, Mr. WHITESIDE is a far more dangerous oppo-
nent in Parliamentary warfare. There are certain rising political
questions on which it is likely that this brilliant Conservative orator
will gain new laurels, and the Conservative body has reason to rejoice
in the possession of so bold and effective a champion.

The decision of the National Gallery Committee in favour of
retaining the Gallery in its present site, is to regretted for many
reasons. In the first place, we are forced to accept a gallery as
intended for the purpose as a famous leg of mutton was once for dinner.
111-fed, ill-killed, ill-kept, and ill-dressed, as was JOHNSON'S mutton, it
is quite rivalled by our National Gallery, ill-designed, ill-built, ill-
arranged, and ill-ventilated, as it is. The Committee decide that the
Gallery is to be retained in its present central position. Well, if that
is the point, why not remove it to Smithfield ; that would be infi-
nitely more central. The notion of a gallery at Kensington, we are
told, is the rich man's notion. It is the artist's notion also. It was
the notion of the most eminent men in art, science, literature, and
politics, with the Prince Consort at their head, and it is difficult to
find a single solid argument against their proposal. However, since
it is decided that we are to be confined to the building in Trafalgar-
square, it may not be inopportune to ask how room is to be provided
for our collection as it now exists, and how the Academy is to be
got rid of?

The " Old Court Suburb " of Kensington has had a loss in the
last few days which will be regretted by some of our club gossips.
" The King's Arms" has been totally destroyed by fire. It
was the last place in or about London where the old coffee-house
style of society was still preserved, and where Members of the Legis-
lature and a high class of gentry were to be met with in rooms open
to "the town." It was extremely old fashioned in its furniture ; and
the upper rooms, with their wainscotting and faded finery, took
one back to the days of Queen ANNE. It gained its vogue from its
having been actively patronised for many years by the family at
" Holland House," and. Moos in his " Diary " alludes to it

605

In summer-time it was a favourite haunt of gentlemen of the most
opposite tastes, and occasionally members of " Brookes's," the
" Carlton," and other clubs, were to be seen there engaged in animated
talk with " the Lord knows who." Several very interesting " charact
ters " were amongst the frequenters of that quaint old hostelry.
Amongst them was " VESEY junior" (Lord ELDON'S Law Reporter), who
preserved his forensic name to his eightieth year. FLAXMAN, the sculptor,
was fond of retiring thither, and always dined in one of the small
rooms overlooking the gardens ; and it was there also that " the
Doctor" (WILLIAM MAGINN) was to be found in his best conversational
mood. It was a pleasant summer lounge, where old friends drank
old wine, and thought and talked of " the days that are no more." II

" THE PRINCE OF W(H)ALES "1

My name it is Pen Hall,
Magnifique.
Peer was I once put small;
Yet now they do me call
Magnifique !

My crest, as you'll perceif,
Is a leek;
Like Pistol, to my grief,
I've eat 'em—l—th3 chief
Magnifique !

" Obstant virtuti quorum"
(That's cood Creeks !)
" Angustee res," to bore 'em,
Don't easily oversoar 'em
Magnifiques.

But as for that "virtuti;
Truth to speak,
Who values that a shoe-tie
When it checks you in pursuit high
Of the Magnifique ?

So like an old pird dropping
From my peak
That stick, as not cool topping
For my nest—l without stopping
Was Magnifique.