The Press.
London, England, 1858-06-05 00:00:00

THE OATHS BILL.

THE position of the Jew question, at the present
moment, is rather an anomalous one. We hear
of no disposition on the part of the majority of
the Lords to give way ; and the expressions used
in Monday's debate only went as far as the ex-
pression of a general desire that sonic way out of
the difficulty could be found.
From the beginning, this agitation has been car-
ried on under cover of a masked battery. The same
oath which contains the words really obnoxious
to these gentlemen—viz., on the true faith of a
Christian "—contains likewise the obsolete abjura-
tion of the pretensions of a Royal race which
has been for sonic years extinct. To call on
Members to abjure what has no existence is
absurd ; but when this requirement is made in
the shape of an oath, it clearly becomes highly
irreverent and improper. The energy which the
supporters of the Jews have spent in denouncing
this portion of the oath has been very consider-
able. The pious horror, the utter disgust, that
these gentlemen have expressed, at being called
upon to take such an oath, has been very edifying
to the bystanders, who when they saw the uplifted
eyeballs, and heard the appeals to Heaven,
naturally formed a very high opinion of the piety
and conscientiousness of the speakers. This part

of the oath, indeed, often served as their sole
topic for declamation ; and the religious members
of the Corporation of London actually petitioned
Parliament for the entire repeal of this Oath of
Abjuration, on the sole ground of its being a
mockery to invoke the Deity to attest the deter-
mination of the swearer not to do that which was
impossible. They made no allusion whatever in
their petition to those words in the oath which
prevented their Jewish member from taking his
seat ; and (innocent creatures !) doubtless they
were quite unaware that, if the whole oath were
abolished, the excluding words would have been
abolished with it..
Well, their friends in the House of Commons
took the hint from them, and accordingly they
brought in a Bill for abolishing the oath in its
entirety—founding the expediency of that aboli-
tion, in their preamble, solely and exclusively on
that indefensible part of the oath which had
reference to the extinct family of JANtEs 11. It
was then that Lord DERBY saw their fraud,
and determined to turn their own weapons upon
themselves. So he introduced a Bill in the House
of Lords, taking every word of their preamble,
but making the subsequent enactment strictly
in conformity with the preamble. His enacting
clause did not insert one single new word into the
oath ; it simply struck out the words relating to
JAMES 11. which were objected to in their com-
mon preamble. Great was the dismay of the
Jew's friends when this Bill appeared. They felt
that their battery was unmasked. They could no
longer disparage the oath, as they had hitherto
done, by appeals to the conscience against these
obsolete clauses, for they had the opportunity
offered them to get rid of them. Of that oppor-
tunity, however, they declined to avail themselves.
The venerable Lord LYNIMIT.R.ST, the persevering
and consistent advocate of his Jewish friends,
appealed to Lord DERBY to withdraw it, on the
ground of the lateness of the session ; and, as the
Learned Lord had on a former occasion complied
with a similar appeal of Lord DERBY'S, when he
had a prospect of obtaining an unfair advantage,
our Noble Premier very properly acceded to the

request.
The advocates of the expunged clauses have
now the choice of waiting for some new mode of
action, to be devised by Lord LYxpitungr, or of
proceeding to violate and set at nought the ex ist-
lug law. Such a step would be nothing less than
the reinauguration of the Long Parliament. As
surely as it is adopted with success, so surely will
it be the precursor of other and similar attempts.
That it will (if tned) fail, utterly fail—that the law
will ultimately triumph, we have not the smallest
doubt ; but st.re we are that no member of the
Conservative Government of Lord DERBY will
do other than resist to the utmost such an
encroachment on public liberty, and such an
assault on the rights of the Crown and of the
Peerage.

Tft E PRESS, JUNE 6, 1658.

Corrtsgoiaence.

CONSERVATIVE REACTION.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—The recent debate on the Indian policy of
Lord Ellenborough has, naturally enough, given rise
to varied speculation on the part of those who
closely watch English politics. Two important facts,
however, stanl boldly forth amidst many theories.
These are all-important. First, Lord John Russell
and Lord Palmerston conspired to overthrow the
present Ministry. Second, the progress of the debate
in the Commons made it painfully apparent to those
statesmen that the " Conservative Phalanx " had
the control of Parliament. The circumstance of the
union of Russell and Palmerston is evidence of the
weakness of each separately ; thex failure, when
united, is proof of the weakness of both. Turning
from the Commons to the country, the Ellenborough
despatch was popular. Plain men do not require to
read Peffendorf to understand the principles et
justice and humanity. Rightly or wrongly considered
as a matter of Indian policy, the despatch of Lord
Ellenborough was believed to maintain the highest
principles of morality. In the future government of
India, the popular mind will not readily reject those
principles, and the despatch so obnoxious to the
Parliamentary Opposition will 1),3 often referred to in
connection with the future of India and England.
The result of the recent debate is another proof of
Conservative reaction. The mind of England is
slowly but surely opening to the sense contained in
the commonplace but expressive maxim, Ex nihilo
nihil fit. "Nothing can come of nothing " is indeed,
politically, among the least understood signs of the
times. It becomes the Conservatives to profit by
present circumstances, and to construct a practical
policy fitted to the wants of the age. It is a palpable
error to assume that there can exist only two systems
of policy,—tbe one stationary, standing on the tradi-
tions of the past ; the other progressive, and run-
ning into the future without chart or compass. The
past calls for that attention which wise men will
always award to it—a consideration of its character.
" Antiquity," says Bacon, " deserveth that reverence
that men should make a stand thereon, and discover
what is the best way ; but when the discovery is well
taken, then to make progression." That maxim has
been the rule of every wise statesman, without regard
to party names. It is the only safe and possible rule
of action for the present time, and contains in its
richness and brevity the essence of Conservative pro•
grass. The Conservative party require to strengthen
their ranks, by uniting with those who have hitherto
been separated from them because of public ques•
lions now settled, and also to acquire new allies by
showing a disposition to sympathize with the wrongs
of the working men, and, so far as possible, to dis-
cover and apply remedial measures. That there is
room for most desirable pract cal results in this
respect there can b.rt no doubt. The irresistible facts
of the Registrar-General prove that large towns are
the graves of the human race : that the tendency of
the population is to concentrate in these, is apparent
to every observer. Those statesmen will deserve well
ot• their country who can and will use their efforts to
tirtigate the evils inseparable from the existence of
large towns. It is well known that the workshop and
the mine are but the too.successful competitors
against the schoolmaster for the minds and bodies
of the children of working men. So much so, indeed,
that the beat friends of education despair of success,
in the absence of some arrangements operating upon
the conditions under which boys and girls shall be
employed. Reform in Parliament has always been a
favourite theme with the professedly " Liberal "
schoel of politicians. It has been to them a lever of
power ; there is no need for Conservative statesmen to
evade the question. To take up such a subject for
merely party purposes, or tor the sake of a fleeting
popularity, would indeed be to trifle with a nation's
interests, and traffic on a mendaciously-acquired con-
fidence; but to meet the difficulty of readjusting the
electoral. system of the country, with a view to an
equitable representation of all the principal interests
—including among these the question of labour—
would be to serve the present and future generations
most effectually. The confidence of the people is the
first and last requisite of government in a free State ;
it is the only tru4wortliy basis of power. Happily,
with the Conservative party this confidence is on the
increase, as is cleatly nroved by their position. This
proof of confidence is strengthened by the very
objections of their opponents. " Oh r' say they,
•• the Conservatives only hold place so long as they
rule for the good of the country." Exactly so. Would
such objectors have any Ministry to exist against the
good of the country! These ignorant pretenders to
patriotism prove rather too much . they indicate that
they might prefer party at the cost of country—a
policy which has sunk Whiggery and shallow
"Liberalism " to zero, and lowered the character of
British institutiocs much too seriously to be longer

tolerated with impunity. There is related the inci-
dent of a Spanish bishop, who, when ambassador at
he Court of Louis XIV. of France, was much troubled
with certain Ministers of State, remarkable for their
arrogance and want of comprehension, but who
assumed to he the foremost men of their tine.
" These politicians," said the Bishop, " have trader_
standings like the horns of the goats in my country—
small, hard, and crooked." The Spanish ambassa-
dor~ words very aptly describe the character of tba
leading opponents of a Conservative policy. They
have not the apprehension necessary to know how to
rule an old country, nor that pliancy of dis9ositims
requisite to allow others to be useful who are both
able and willing to promote the nation's progress.—I
am, sir, your obedient servant,
May" 29, 1858.

FAIR PLAY.

THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
TO THE EDITOR OF "THE PRESS."

Sit.,—ln your fair and impartial accouht(PnEss of
May 22nd) of Mr. Hosking's claim to the original:
suggestion of the new reading•room and libraries at
the British Museum, the following words occur :
" Mr. Hosking, in rejoinder, draws attention to the,
fact that Mr. Panizzi represented to Lord John
Russell that the Builder was sent anonymously, and.
asks how it was that his name came to be mentioned
by Mr. Panizzi at all." I beg to state that I came
to mention Mr. Hosking's name, on receiving in 1854
the article in the Builder,- because that article is
headed, in capital letters, " Professor Husking's
Project"—a circumstance which, I presume, Mr.
Hoskins/ had forgotten when he put the question.—l
am, sir, yours, obedieutly, A. PASIZZI.
British Museum, May ;11, 1855.

THE NAVY.
TO THE EDITOR CF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—h is an alarming fact that our merchant
seamen cannot be induced to enter Iter Mikiesty's
service; and a commission has been appointed to
devise the best means to remove the eau.sea that.
prevent them volunteering their services. The (MU-.
cuhy is one of the many legacies left by the late
Government to the present Administration, and has.
its origin in two causes—viz., the want of faith in the
late Whig Board of Admiralty, and in the want of
protection for the seaman by courts martial. During
the war with Russia, their Whig lordships promised
to grant a small pension and a discharge to those
seamen who had completed ten years' servitude ; and
how did their lordships fulfil this promise? Why,
by discharging the men who had nearly completed
their ten years, and retaining those who tiad recently:
entered the fleet ! This wretched economy, this;
unworthy trick of a Government laying claim to
political purity, has produced a feeling of disttust
amongst our seamen which it will be the duty of the
present Admiralty to remove as soon as possible. It
is admitted by sll officers of the navy that the appli-
cation of steam for the purpose of navigation iIAS
it, a great measure paralyzed the right arm of Eng-
land, the navy ; that blockading an enemy's port is
now impossible; and that manoeuvring under canvas
is out of the question. The French are aware of
this, anti in the Conetilutionnel published some time
since I read as follows :

Steam has restored equality on the sea, as soldiers can
now fight as well as sailors on that element; and in fu•ore
a few of the latter will be sufficient for the purpose of
navigation, whilst the bsueries of our ships will be served,
by experienced artillerymen.
I am credibly informed that our neighbours, arty
embarking experienced gunners iu their ships of war ;
and I see no reason why we should not follow the
example by embarking, as formerly, our soldiers on
board cur lineof-battle ships. "To this complexion
we must come at last."
We live in critical times, and, although no alarmist,.
I cannot lull myself to sleep by humming " Rule
Britannia" while the wolf is at. the door.—l am,.
sir, your obedient servant,
ONE WHO HAS SERVED.
Westbourne-crescent, June 2, 18 58.

STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."
Sir,-1 observe that Lord Granville attributes the
reduction of the interest on Exchequer Bills to- "the
improved state of the country," but he does not say
improvement upon what. If he means to sav
" improved" as compared with the state into which
he and his colleagues had brought the country by
their obstinate adherence to the fatal Bank Charter
Act, we may admit it without any disparagement of'
the present Government; but if ho means improve&
as compared with the time when the last reign of the
Whigs commenced, it is only another instance of
the utter recklessness with which he and his pally
make any assertion which they think likely to
answer their purvioee—i.c., to help them into place
again. I should like to collect a juzy of tradesmen
to give their verdict on the state of the country.—
Yours, obediently,
June 2 1858.

A LOVER Oks FALR FIkAY

yittrature.

Poe* and Poetry of Germany. Biographical and
Critical Notices. By Madame L. DaysiCs de
Pontes. In Two Vols. London : Chapman
and llall.

To write a continuous and copious history of the
poetical literature of Germany was certainly
worth undertaking. That literature is not only
rich but remarkably various. It consists of parts
so unlike each other that those who are conver-
sant with any one of them are not likely to be
conversant with the others. On this account we
might wait long for an historian capable of com-
prehending the whole sub,'.3et, and therefore a
writer who has taken the pains to do sd deserves
the more gratitude. Mme. de Pontes has taken
this trouble. Her work, without beinkr, either
profound or elaborate, exhibits extensive and
familiar knowledge of the subject. It is in some
parts meagre, and scarcely anywhere complete ;
it is not accurate in details ; nevertheless it is
'evidently the fruit of long, if not very patient,
research. It is the work of a lady who finds a
pleasure in studying the German character and
genius, and who has enjoyed the opportunity of
collecting a large fund of information respecting
them. It is in short a very entertaining book,
and if the wonderful inaccuracies it contains
were corrected, would be a very valuable one.
German poetry is interesting to the historical
student rather on account of its defects than of
its excellence. It throws light upon the national
weakness by partaking of it. The weakness of
the German nation has always been this, that it
does not exist. The chaos of a great nation is
there; the elements are prepared—every strong
limb and muscle of the social system; a local
habitation is ready, and even a name : only the
thing itself is wanting. The elements lie side by
side, and will not mix. The bond of sympathy,
the indispensable and indefinable thing which is
called national life, the only source of true go-
vernment and true obedience, is wanting there ;
the peasant has nothing in common with the
prince, the philosopher nothing in common with
the man of business. This disunion is strikingly
indicated in the poetry of Germany. It is and
always has been the poetry of a class. The
nation has never found a voice, but the disjointed
fragments of the nation have each at different
times expressed themselves by the mouths of
poets. There have been three great poetical
periods in Germany. The modern school may
be considered to commence with Klopstock, in
the middle of the eighteenth century. The
Meistersangers flourished in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, the Minnesingers in the
twelfth and thirteenth. Now, these three schools
have each represented a single class of German
society. The modern school represents the Uni-
versities. Its poetry is the poetry of books and
of the closet. The biography of almost all the
poets of the last hundred years in Germany has
been the same in outline. At five years old he
knew Greek ; at ten he was detected weeping
with delight over the Antigone at three o'clock in
the morning; at sixteen he went to the Uni-
versity, where, besides reading himself blind, he
joined some " Hainbund," at the meetings of
which, by moonlight under the shade of trees, he
toasted Virtue, and Fatherland, and the Memory
of the Heroes of Marathon. Two years later, he
made himself illustrious by sonic pathetic verses,
in which he regretted that the age of Pericles
was past for ever. Commencing author on the
plan of making new books out of old ones, ena-
moured of names, and a prophet at sec9pd hand,
he passes into an exclusively literary circle, and
converses only with men who compliment each
other with the names of " poet " and of " genius,"
and believe that the world is being graduallv
regenerated by their labours. lie lives in his
own condonable and accommodating world, de-
scribes what he has never seen, and feigns what
he has never felt ; happy in this, that the facts
which would dissipate his chimeras never intrude
themselves into his study. It is the division
which exists in Germany between the learned
and unlearned class which gives to the modern
German poetry that fantastic, visionary, and
eccentric character which to the shrewd I rench-
man and the practical Englishman appears so
childish.