The Express.
London, England, 1852-04-14 00:00:00

THE COMING ELECTIONS.

(Cron the Vasty :Veers.)
Pay by day the election news becomes more and
more important. The prospect of an approaching
dissolution begins tosummon together from all quar-
ters the instruments of intimidatiou and the emissaries
of corruption. Around and about the familiar
threshold of the Carlton Club, these birds of prey
mar be seen noiselessly flitting—uncertain as yet on
which particular spot they will respectively settle, or
what special object each will endeavour to make his
own. Great are the promises of unlawful gain held
forth by the managers of the feast, and ravenous the
appetites which we to be appciued. Reminiscence.%
of the last grand banquet of plunder are constantly
recalled, to impart additional zest to expectancy.
Next election will be even as that of 1 ill, if not still
mire abundant in bigotry, bribery, and intimidation.
Of the first and the last of these characteristic ex-
pedients, we shall take other occasions to speak. The
good sense of the people is the best method of mist-
ing the one; and their resolute courage the most
etlis:tual means of defying the other. A sober,
thoughtful, and truly religious people ought not to
be easily led away by the hyperitual clamour of a
dissolute cabal of aristocratic politicians; and it is
probably enough to tell the people at large that a con-
*piracy exists to waylay and assail the friends of
reform on their road to the hustings—to, a wise a
spirit of indignant resistance far and wide,
which will bathe "Nlonmouth tactics" wherever
they may. in future be tried. Our immediate
business is not with either of these, but
rather with that less palpable and oftentimes
more effectual influence of corruption on which
toryism has always placed its chief reliance. The
essence of toryism is contempt for the judgment, and
disbelief in tie sincerity, constancy, and virtue of
the people. Lord Deuer's harangues and Mr.
I/isms:Lis novels breathe the same insolent scam of
democratic principle and democratic conduct. The
CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER avows his confi-
dence in his own ability to bubble and bamboade
the masses with fine tirases and mysterious words.
The FIRST LORD of the 'fitessraY affects men
frankness, and declares that he has thrown himself
as a barrier in the way of " the noxious and danger-
ous influence" of the people. But both concur iu the
conviction that for the accomplishment of their de-
signs it is necessary to s.cure a majority in the
next parliament, and that this is to be
secured by purchase. Hence the attempt made by
Mr. WALPOLE to emasculate Lord JOHN Ressetts
bill for the further prevention and punishment of
corrupt practices at elections; and hence the exag-
gerated tales of aristocratic subscriptions at the
Carlton, designed to decoy the prudent or lukewarm
friends of church and state into contributing libe-
rally to the 16u1-ylay Fund. Clerics and lake, sol-
diers and civilians, dingy diplomatists and Vas,: men
about town,—all who want preferment or provision
in any branch of the public service, and who look
for such through the tory administration,—all are
expected to subscribe to the wages of political pro-
stitution. We have heard of a dull dean who confi-
dentially inquired whether a cheqae for 1001. would
be thought sufficient, or if he had not better make
it 2001.; adding sanctimoniously at the same time,
that he aid not inquire what the IYoafl Wall
wanted for, and had no desire to know. 71a ice
professional men. their open-hesrtedness on oath oc-
casions is proverbial : and even embarrassed rents
of quality are ready to borrow from any one who
will lend them as much as will enable them to figure
on the secret list.
lint it is time that the country should understand
what is its actual position in presence of this auda-
cious conspiracy against its purity and freedom. Can
the oft-repeated trick be played with impunity once
more? Can the patronage and power of a great em-
pire be put up to private auction by an unscrupulous
faction, in order that the proceed; of the biddings
may. be applied to secure a parliamentary guarantee
for its continuance in office? The brazen-faced pro-
curers of the party go about saying—" we did it be-
fore, and we'll do it again : only let us have plenty
of cash, and we shall make certain of a majority
in the new House of Commons." 'these worthies
will know, however, that the conditions under which
they have now to play their over-reaching game, are
very different from those of IMII, or any previous
period. The law, in more respects than one, has
been altogether changed within the last few years;
and that which was possible formerly has become
wholly impossible now.
In the first place, it will be recollected by every
one the least familiar with matter, of the kind wo
are adverting to, that heretofore the main obstacle
in the way of unseating a usurper of a seat in parlia-
ment on the ground of bribery, consisted in the diffi-
culty of bringing home to the accused the crostini
fact of guilty knowledge. It might be proved that a
dozen shameless scoundrels had received 101. a head
for voting, and their Totes might, in conse-
quence, be struck off the poll ; but until
sufficient number had been struck off to
reduce the successful candidate's poll to an actual
minority, he still remained the sitting member, un-
less in addition to proof that the electors had received
bribes, proof could also be produced that he or his
agents had given them. Generally speaking, the
trusty agent for such purposes was never forth-
coming; or evidence was adduced to show that the
of corruption were paid by volunteers, who
wage. nt) direct instructions what to do, and who were
content to lie out of the money until after the elec-
tion petition was decided,--secure of being then
amply reimbursed and compensated. In this way
the most glaring cases of infamy and shame were
exhibited before committees of the House of Com-
mons, without drawing down either reproof or
penalty. The crime was admitted, yet the criminal
continued safe; the political testimony of the sub-
onied was struck indeed off the electoral file; but
the notorious suborner walked with heed erect, and
brow unabashed, safe in his privilege as a principal
who could not be interrogated in his own case.
But the law is changed, and the privilege is e.
In every suit, action, inquisition, or ing,
whatever the tribunal or whatever the subject matter
may be, each party in the cause, whether plaintiff
or defendant, petitioner or respondent, is now at
liberty to call his adversary as a witness to be exa-
mined upon oath touching each and every circum-
stance connected with the transaction. The bribing
candidate may not only be put into the witness box
and forced to disclose all that he has ever said and
done in the matter, but, as the natural corollary to
this principle according to the law of evidence, he
may be compelled to produce his bank book, and
every document whose existence he has been obliged
to admit, or to which any clue has been obtained
otherwise. It is obvious that the sitting member can-
not elude this searching inquiry by absence. He mast
appear and answer upon oath every interrogatory
that is put to him as to the cost of his election and
the deferred liabilities he may have incurred an ma
count of it. One last resource for shelter, it is trim
has still been left him: he may decline to answer
any particular question, on the plea that his answer
would tend to criminate himself. But the inference
thence arising u regards the undemonstrated fact
would plainly be irresistible. The terror-stricken
member might evade the humiliation of making a
full and public disclosure of him malpractices; bid
his seat would instantly become forfeited by the ad.
mission ho hail made. The same all-important change
in the law of evidence alfects all those who were for-
merly exempted from interrogation on the ground of
their close connexion with the principal party
whom ads may be impugned. In a wor, glass
lid bas boss plug ova the hive of oorroptioo, and