The Press.
London, England, 1854-08-12 00:00:00

THE WAR AND ITS ALLIANCES.

Some further criticisms upon the manner in which
the war had been carried on, or the confederacies to
which it led had been managed, were offered
on Thursday by the Marquis of CLANRI-
CARDE, who justified by the example of Mr.
Pitt the course he had taken throughout the
session in watching with unremitting jealousy the
past conduct of the Government in this important
branch of their duties. He proce3ded to remark at
considerable length upon various circumstances
which, in his opinion, evinced the neglect or incom-
petence of the functionaries entrusted with the ma-
nagement of the different departments, or of the Go-
vernment generally. Among these he dwelt especially
upon the delays and inefficiency of the commissariat ;
the incompleteness of the blockades established in the
White and Black Seas ; and the want of gun-boats of
light draught and armed with guns of long range, of
whose paramount importance in the operations now
proceeding in the Baltic he expressed his decided
conviction. Passing on to the diplomatic branch of
the subject, Lord Clanricarde insisted on the propriety
of laying before Parliament the text of the treaty
lately concluded between Austria and Turkey, and
called upon the Governmentto state their grounds for
believing that any hope of sincere and hearty co-ope
ration on the part of the Vienna Cabinet could reason •
ably be entertained. He inquired what guarantees
existed that Austria would ever evacuate the princi-
palities which she was to be so easily permitted to
occupy ; and, after declaring his persuasion that no
Austrian soldier would be allowed to fire a shot
against a Russian, pointed out that as matters stood
the Austrian arm 3 would be interposed between the
belligerents, and enabled to retain a position of armed
neutrality, with the power, which it was much to be
feared would be ultimately exercised, of changing
that attitude for one of armed intervention.
The Earl of CLkRENDON admitted that the course
pursued by the noble marquis had been thoroughly
consistent :

" I must say that from the first day of the session—all
through the session—and down to the last day of the ses.
sion, my noble friend has not missed an opportunity—
and has created many—of marking his want of confidence
in the Government, and in their ability to carry on the war.
(Hear, and laughter.) My noble friend has made aconvari•

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son between himself and Pitt iu order to justify the man.
ner in which he exercised his privilege and, performed his
duty; but if I had any disposition to impugn my noble
friend's conduct, or to question the manner in which he
exercised that privilege and performed that duty, it would
be this night ; for about the first half-hour of his speech
was occupied in details and facts which it would be must
pernicious for the enemy to know."
The Earl of ABERDEEN: Not facts. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of CLARENDON: Not facts ; but my noble friend
has stated them as facts ; he has collected them with
great care ; and really I am unable, and the noble duke
near me is unable, to reply to them as we should wish, not
having had any notice of them. (Hear, hear.) However,
assuming they are facts—
The Marquis of CLANKICARDE: I referred only to state-
ments that appear in the public papers.
The Earl of CLARENDON : My noble friend has referred
to the want of mortars and gun-boats, and the necessary
inefficiency of our fleets in consequence.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE : The statements are in
the papers.
Lord Clarendon, without pursuing the question
as to " faets," went on to explain that the delay in
producing the Austro-Turkish treaty arose from
some technical omission, which would shortly be
repaired. Respecting the conduct of Austria, he felt
assured now, as in times past, that her hearty co-
operation was secured to the Western powers alike
by her honour, her dignity, and her interest. The
anticipation of movement on her part had already
occasioned the Russian armies to retreat, and the
British Ministry had learnt only two days previously
that Prince Gortschakoff had received orders from
the Czar to evacuate both the principalities. Austria
bad, no doubt, taken her own time and mode for en-
gaging in actual hostilities, but it must be recollected
that the interests at stake on her part were very
extensive, and that the organisation of her existing
army of three hundred thousand men had presented
gigantic difficulties. The Western powers, on their
side, be declared had proceeded in perfect indepen-
dence of the Vienna Cabinet, and had not incurred an
hours delay in any military undertaking by waiting
for Austria to settle or announce her course of
action. He believed also that Austria would ulti.

mately
" overcome all those manmuvres and tricks that have
been used to paralytic- her action, and had great satislaction
in stating to their lordships that between the last sis•and-
t:hirty hours, and consequently since the evacuation of the
principalities by the Russian troops wad known at Vienna,
notes had been exchanged between her Alajosty's Govern-
ment and the Government of Austria which will show,
when they come to be made public, that Austria had as
little intention as ourselves of returning to the status quo.
(Cheers.)"
The Foreign Secretary proceeded to comment upon
the effects which had already been produced upon
Russia by the war. When hostilities were declared
we had occupied ourselves with the mere defence of
Constantinople, which seemed in actual danger of
attack, and with this view great works were under-
taken at Gallipoli and in the neighbourhood of the
capital. The Russians had, however, been foiled in
every attack by the Turkish troops under Omer
Pacha, encouraged by the presence of the allied
armies ; their siege of Silistria had been ignomi-
niously raised ; they had recrossed the Danube, and
were now so entirely discomfited that no further
offensive operations were to be apprehended from
them. In the Baltic our fleets had shut up those of
Russia behind their granite fortifications, and had
ensured for our trade the most complete freedom
and security in every sea, while that of Russia was
extinguished :
" All the industry of the country is to a great extent
paralysed, whilst the want of markets has deprived the
Russian proprietor of what he has hitherto been reckoning
upon in order to meet the heavy expenses to which he is
subjected (Hear, heart I know that these are nut very
heroic results, but I feel sure that they will do exactly what
my noble friend has pointed out as being so desirable—
they will create a pressure upon all classes in Russia; they
will exercise s pressure upon the public opinion which I
agree with him does exist there ; and i hope they will create
a greater impression than even if Sebastopol had already
fallen, and we had had our national vanity and ambition
gratified to the. full. (Hear, hear.) We know, in order to
maintain herself in this war, that, over the immense terri-
tory she occupies, Russia has been compelled not only to
maintain but increase her vast armies on the shores of the
Baltic, in Livonia, in Finland, in Poland, on the banks of
the Danube, in Circassia, and in the Crimes. We know
also the enormous loss of life that has been occasioned, and
the immense number of conscripts that have been taken
from their homes to supply that loss. I know not precisely
what the numbers are, but we have seen from time to time
ukases issued calling fur two, three, and five per cent. of
the serf population, whilst in Poland even seven per cent.
have been taken from the landed proprietors; and when
you remember that the value of the serf to his proprietor
is reckoned at not less than 60/. sterling, you will have
some notion of what this direct tax amounts to upon the
landed interest of Russia, for this is a tax not on the
revenue but the capital of the proprietor. This, again,
will tend to produce pressure upon all those classes in
Russia who are now unfavourable to the war, whose
enthusiasm has not been roused by the appeals that have
been addressed to them, anti who have refused to believe
their religion was in danger, simply because an imperial
ukase informed them that it was so."

d~r~

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750

These he thought were no insignificant results from
live months' warfare. As to the conditions of an ac-
ceptable peace, he still declined to define them, but
repeated that no peace would be considered just,
honoura ale, or lasting, which did not secure the in •
tegrity and independence of the Turkish empire, and
make it a part of the general system of European
polity
Without this, I repeat, no peace can be just or honour.
able, or lasting. In order to arrive at this object we desire
the co-operation of other Oovernments ; but we are not de-
pendent upon them. France and England will not relax
in their efforts. They rely upon their own resourses, upon
the justice of the cause in which they are engaged,
upon the support that they receive from their own people ;
and although we are ready to negotiate for peace we are
determined never to do so until we have evidence of a bond
fide intention on the part of Russia to accept those condi-
tions which we feel are just, and which the whole of Europe
are interested in obtaining. (Hear. )"
Lord CLANRICARDE offered a few remarks in reply,
and the subject dropped.
RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES BILL.
The third reading of this bill was moved iu the
House of Commons on Monday, when Sir F. KELLY
proposed the insertion of a fresh clause in the place
of clause 1, and the addition of a proviso by which
the original import of the bill was almost entirely
changed, and exceptions enacted from its penal con-
sequences in favour of all commercial firms who had
a house of business abroad, and among whose part-
ners one or more subjects of a foreign power might
be numbered. Also, the possession of Russian se-
curities was to be declared legal, provided they had
been acquired by inheritance, or as payment for a bona
fide debt. Sir F. Kelly traced the operation of his
suggested provisions, and contended that they offered
a considerable improvement upon the original mea-
sure.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL declared that the pro•
posed additions were contradictory, and opposed to
the general spirit of the measure. The exceptions,
be argued, opened so wide a door for evasion that
they would render the whole bill utterly ineffectual.
Mr. Hume recommended the postponement of all
legislation on the subject until next session.
Lord DUDLEY STUART had heard nothing to con-
vince him that the bill was not a good one. It was
not designed, he said, against respectable persons,
but against those whose unprincipled cupidity would
induce them, if permitted, to lend money to the ene-
mies of their country.
Mr. WILKINSON objected both to the new clause
and the old, disapproving of the whole principle of
the bill.
Lord J. RUSSELL remarked that in principle the
bill did but carry out the existing code of law by
which it was made high treason to lend money to
an alien enemy. Comparing the effect of the clause
proposed by Sir F. Kelly with the original provisions
of the measure, he pronounced an opinion in favour
of the latter.
Both clause and proviso were negatived without
a division, and the bill was read a third time. A di-
vision was then taken on the question "that the bill
do pass." There appeared—For, 51 ; Against, 13-
38. The bill then passed.

THE APPOINTMENT OF MR. O'FLAHERTY.
The motion for taking a money bill—the Consoli-
dated Fund (Appropriation) Bill—into consideration
furnished an opportunity on Tuesday to Mr. LUCAS
for calling attention to circumstances connected with
the appointment of persons entrusted with the col
lection of the revenue, with especial reference to the
office of the Special Commissioner of Income Tax in
Ireland. The public prints had stated, he said, that
an officer appointed by the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer not twelve months ago had absconded, or left
he country, having committed forgeries to the extent
0: 14,0001. or 10,0001., and he charged Mr. Gladstone
(subject to explanation) that, apart from the defal-
cation, he had appointed a person grossly unfit for
the functions committed to him. The office of spe-
cial commissioner was one of great trust, and the
person appointed should be above all possible temp-
tation ; whereas it was notorious that Mr. Edmund
O'Flaherty was weighed down with embarrassments,
and any person who appointed him to even the inte-
rior office of commissioner for general purposes
woull have violated his duty. Moreover, he bad not,
Mr. Lucas asserted, any qualification whatever for
the office, except that of being a political partisan,
and of having rendered services to the Government.
He wished to know, he said, whether the Chancellor
of the Exchequer justified the appointment, and whe-
ther Mr. O'Flaherty was now a commissioner.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that
Mr. O'Flaherty had ceased to hold office many months
ago; not, however, on account of any reported faults
or unfitness, but simply because the office itself was
abolished. In February last the Board of Inland
Revenue had stated that the levy of the income tax
in Ireland was so easy that it would be perfectly
practicable to dispense with the special staff; the
Treasury acted upon this suggestion, the appoint-