The Press.
London, England, 1857-11-14 00:00:00

THE PRESS, NOVEMBER 14,1857.

as one of the leading powers amongst the nations would
be threatened with decline. The unanimous voice of the
country has, therefore, supported the Government in their
efforts for the recovery of our government in India. The
only fault with them is that they have not done enough ;
they have been too slow in their movements ; they have
not sent out sufficient force. Our first duty is to support
and encourage the Government in the most efficient
measures for putting down the revolt, for subduing and
disarming the rebel force, and for inflicting stern justice
on the ringleaders and perpetrators of those diabolical
atrocities that make the blood run cold. Let justice, stern
justice, be the word, Int let there be no blind indiscrimi-
nate vengeance, and let us not disgrace the British name
by imitating the miscreants in the slaughterof women and
children. Our dominion once restored in India, then will
come the equally important duty of inquiring into the
revolt, and preventing its recurrence by settling the
government of India upon a safer basis. The great ques-
tion will be, whether the anomaly of a double Government
in India should be continued. Ido not wish to disparage
the East India Company, or to adopt the language of
censure against them which is heard on many sides. I
say, therefore, let Parliament deal with the East India
Company with candour, firmness, and justice ; and it they
are called upon to lay down the sceptre they have so long
wielded over India, let it be done on the score of a great
national policy, and without insult or injury to the greatest
commercial company that ever existed on the face of the
globe. Let them have ample compensation for their vested
tights and interests, such as a generous and wealthy
nation can afford to give. With respect to the East India
Company, let there be no sufferers, and as to the directors
and auditors of the Company at home and lin India, let
them have fair compensation for whatever they may have
to relinquish.
Now, with regard to the Reform Bill. I can only say,
if any statesman be prepared to bring in a measure of
Reform adequate to the necessities of the times; if some
scheme could be br3ught forward that would sufficiently
meet the wants of this country, I would do my utmost to
procure the passing of that measure into law ; but should
a Reform Bill be produced for the purpose of excluding
Beverley, or of taking from Beverley one of its represen-
tatives, I would oppose it with all my power. There are
many things no doubt connected with the borough of
Beverley which I would wish see altered, and if you will
give me intimation of what you wish to be amended, I
will give my best attention to all such representations. I
would mention one thing in which I think nn improve •
ment might be effected. For your venerable .minster
you have a revenue—an enormous revenue—applicable
solely to the keeping of the fabric in repair ; but you have
a very poor stipend belonging to the clergyman upon whom
the chief duty falls. Therefore, I would wish to reduce
the revenues that are applicable solely to the fabric, and
I would like to see a better division of them ; if, therefore,
you will send up a bill that I can put to Parliament, I will
do it with the greatest pleasure in the world. (Loud and
long-continued cheering.)
After the cheering had subsided, Major Edwards
cnnzliided his address by giving as a toast, " The
Health of the Electors of Beverley."
Mr. NV. S. WREGHITT responded.
Several other toasts were drunk, and the meeting
separated.

MR. DEEDES, M.P., ON THE MILITIA AND

ON INDIA.
AT the dinner of the Nonington and Wingham Agri-
cultural Association last week, in Kent, Sir Brook
BrAges, M.l'., presided, and amongst the company
were Earl Cowper and Mr. W. Deedes. The last-
named gentleman, who is colonel of the Kent Rifles,
alluded in his speech to the importance of a militia
force, observing :
One of the first acts of my public life—l am afraid to
say how many years ago, but 1 know more than forty—
was to connect myself with this constitutional force of the
kingdom. I believed at the time I did so. and I have
thought ever since in continuing my position, that I was
adopting a course in strict accordance with the Constitu-
tion of the country ; and I was desirous of keeping up all
the institutions of the country which are worth pre-
serving. In so long a period of time I have seen the ups
and downs of a military life as far as the yeomanry is
concerned ; I have known it in the highest state of pro-
sperity and in a state of depression. I am quite aware
that I stand on delicate ground in alluding to this matter
in this neighbourhood ; but this much I can say without
fear of' offending the feelings of any man connected with
the corps, that the loss of one of the best of the officers,,
and the almost entire loss of one of the hest of my troops
was the source of the greatest unhappiness to me in con-
nection with the subject that I ever felt. Now, with re-
gard to the future. At this moment the regular force of
the kingdom is required in a manner almost unprece-
dented to be sent out of the country upon foreign and
important service ; the militia has theretore been called
out, and rightly so, that it may stand in the room of that
regular force. In a country like England, with such
immense dependencies and colonies, there must always
be the fear of a sudden outbreak among some of them ;
and it would be the worst of policy and wisdom for the
land to be left without proper defence when any emer-
gency arises. Well, then, if the regular force has pro-
perly been sent out of the country, and if the militia has
properly been called upon to supply their place, I say, and
I have the authority of the majority of my brother officers'
agreement with me, the yeomanry ought not to be behind-
hand—all should come forward for the purpose of hearing
a part in the force. I know that lam speaking the sen-
timents of my brother officers, of the noncommissioned