The Press.
London, England, 1854-03-25 00:00:00

26Ei _

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under the Mediterranean, and many other ships be-
came broken wrecks, idly bleaching on the shores of
morl aistant seas. The Admiralty, to check this evil,
prov /led a simple remedy. They gave notice that the
first 'Commander who lost his ship by keeping too
close'in shore would be dismissed the service, and
they kept their word. They dismissed one officer—
they never had occasion to dismiss another. Apply
the same rule to the inspectors of Commissariat
stores. Pay them well for their services, and dismiss
the first that passes bad stores. It' it is attempted to
ensure good stores by penal legislation, the inspectors
will rely more on the law than on their own exertions :
bad stores will be innocently offered, and inadvert-
ently accepted. We had boasted of our purity, and
proudly contrasted it with Russian corruption, until
we seemed to consider ourselves kings of the human
race that could do no wrong. Degrading to the
national honour as is this event, it may not be with-
out its use if, at the commencement of war, it engen-
ders that humility which, neglecting no precautions,
is most CalcUlated to lead to victory.

COALITION JOBBERY.
WE have not been inattentive readers of the strange
evidence that has been given by several witnesses
before the Breach of Privilege Committee. If we
were to follow the example given last year by cer
taro of our contemporaries we should proceed to
criticise the conduct of the impugned parties. If
it should turn out eventually that some active
Coalitionists should be affected by the disclosures as
to the way in which patronage has been used or
abused we shall not feel any surprise. It is already
patent to the world that the traditionary honour of
" party " was flagrantly violated in those anomalous
transactions which gave her Majesty a Lord of the
Treasury in the person of Mr. SADLEIR, and enhanced
the dignity of the Viceregal Executive with the consis-
tency and unswerving principles of Mr. KEOGH, the
loudest in swearing against the conception of a
Coalition, and almost the first to be sworn into its
service when in power! No " revelations " could be
more damaging to the Cabinet than those which are
already trite in eonnection with its Irish alliances,
and yet it appears probable that deeper discredit is
in stole for them.
GAMING-HOUSES.
THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL has been busy of late, and
his energies have been chiefly directed towards the
suppression of vice and immorality. Betting •houses
fell before him last year; gaming-houses are to be
his victims this session. On Thursday night, after
describing the mysteries of these " hells " with a
vivacity jand minuteness of detail which, the Times
remarks, seemed rather to be the results of per-
sonal observation than of second-hand informa-
tion, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman propounded
his plan. It consists of three parts. The first sub-
stantially embodies a suggestion which appeared in
this journal some months since, and provides that
the mere fact of having unusual bolts and fastenings,
for the purpose of obstructing the entry of the
police, shall in itself be an offence rendering the
householder liable to a penalty. The second provi-
sion is, that the magistrate shall have the power of
remitting the charge against some of the prisoners
captured on the premises and converting them into
witnesses. The bill lastly makes it an offence
against the law to give a false name at the station-
house.
The measure appears to us to be practical, sensible,
and well calculated to accomplish the object for
which it is designed. But Sir AI.EXANDER COCKBURN
can succeed in most things he attempts ; and now be
has become the suppressor-general of venal voters,
vice, and immorality, we doubt not—unless the
Coalition perish before—that, when July arrives,
and Lord PALUERSTON proposes his health at the
Ministerial whitebait dinner, he will describe the
ATTORNEY-GENERAL as his " Honourable, Learned,
and Reverend Friend."

THE AFTER•DINNEH SPEECH AT THE IHTROVESSENT
CLUB.—( Reported literally by Punch.)—Well—now--mY•
honangallan fren'—S' Charles Napier 's goin' t' th' Baltic.
Why's S'Charlesnapier goin' sh' th' Baltic? Tell you why's
goin' to Balt—hic ! 'a goin to give Zemparussia dusagood
srash'n. (Loud cheering.) She's why S'Charl' Snao.er's
goin' sh' Baltic. ("lJrayvo, Charley! ") Someshay we're
norrawar. N orrawar ! H ash-ha I No I Narrower! No-
shexactly awar. But myhonsuigallan firm' clar' war soon
as get in a Baltic. tits. into Baltic give my honannsuigal
fren"shority to clar' war. (Vociferous cheers.) Leave
evrysidiag to my honangallan fren'. Only lem get safeinto-
baltie. Zahen you'll see ! You'll she'm versoon bring
Zshempra Nich'las to's senses. Blow eh' old vagabon's
navy 'hontisetrs like skyrocks wildfire Ouyfawkes House-
acommons an' Fifithanovemba. ( Timone/no applause.)
Zsheamen, here's all your vehgood health! I beggapard'n
—heres my honangal'n fren's hly goo' health For
he's a jolly good fellow, Ste." (Chorus by the whole of the
cosspang, asppisi which the right honourable orator luznbkd
down.) - • 4.4:A" - f • •

THE PRESS.

Vroutbings in Vadianunt.

DUPLICATION OF THE INCOME TAX.
Accident having prevented the discussion of the
subject on Monday, when the house went into com-
mittee of ways and means upon the resolution for
increasing the income tax, the debate was taken on
the following day, when the report was brought up. Sir
H. WILLOUGHBY then moved the amendment which
he had placed on the notice paper for omitting the
words whereby the whole amount of additional tax
was made payable during the first half of the ensuing
year. The incidence of the tax would, he urged, be
thus alleviated to the payers, while there was no
financial necessity for exacting the whole amount
immediately. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had
obtained 1,750,0001. additional Exchequer Bills,
which would supply his present necessities, and it
was inexpedient to mix up war expenditure with
ordinary finances. Criticising the recent financial
operations of the Government, especially as regarded
their dealings with the savings-banks money, he
contended that if the war taxation was to be thrown
on the classes who figured in the income-tax sche-
dules the process would amount to confiscation and
prove injurious and unjust.
Mr. FRENCH seconded the amendment, complain•
ing of the injustice under which Ireland suffered
through the imposition of the tax.
Mr. T. HANKEY condemned the course pursued by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer in reducing to so
low an ebb the balances in the Bank of England,
and still more for having congratulated the country
that those balances had been allowed to disappear.
He also deprecated other of the financial operations
of the right hon. gentleman, who would, he believed,
be obliged to borrow a much larger amount of money
than he at present contemplated. He could not,
however, agree that the 1,750,000/. Exchequer Bills
would be sufficient to render unnecessary the collec-
tion of the whole of the increased income tax within
the first half year.
Mr. WILLIAMS defended the Government, who,
when the alternative presented of serving either the
interests of the Bank or of the public, had, he consi-
dered, wisely selected the latter course.
Mr. SPOONER contended that, should the war con-
tinue, the Bank Restriction Act would be productive
of such inconvenience as to call for its remission;
and had no doubt but that the Emperor of Russia,
who well understood our monetary system, was look-
ing to a financial crisis in this country to aid him in
his views.
Mr. HUME could not agree in all the currency
views of Mr. Spooner, and expressed a hope that
Sir H. Willoughby would not press his motion to a
division.
Mr. WILKINSON approved of the budget generally,
and of the proposal for raising the income tax within
the half year.
Mr. CALEY had no doubt that the Chancellor of
the Exchequer would be obliged to repeal the Bank
Restriction Act of 1844, and only hoped he would do
so in time, before it brought ruin on the mercantile
interests of the country. He hoped Sir H. Wil-
loughby would not press his motion, for in that case
he must oppose him, because, whatever might be the
blundering which had led us into the war, it was
evident that for the honour of the country it must
be carried on with energy and vigour.
Mr. L.Litio eulogised the conduct of the Bank
during the recent political and commercial anxieties,
and warned the Government not to tamper with the
currency laws inconsiderately.
Mr. MALiss remarked upon the censures pro-
nounced against the income tax in times past by
the members of the present Ministry, and enlarged
upon the disappointment which the country must
experience on finding that detestable impost not only
rendered permanent, but aggravated in its oppres
siveness. If the war lasted any time, they would
find the resources derived from direct taxation
altogether insufficient. The hon. member proceeded
to explain the injurious consequences of the Bank
Act of 1844.
Sir F. BARING, deprecating the discursive charac-
ter of a debate in which the last thing discussed was
the original motion, expressed his opinion that the
arrangement the Chancellor of the Exchequer bad
made with regard to the income tax was the best
that could be made. He could not understand the
object of the amendment, or what advantage might
be gained by it. The proposal was one to do away
with what was most wanted—an early payment, and
he believed that outstanding bills would occasion an
additional charge to the public.
Sir F. KELLY said it was clear that we were on the
eve of an expensive and, it might be, a very long
war, and with an empty treasury. The Govern-
ment ought to explain how it was that such a state
of things had come to pass. Much of the financial
difficulties were to be attributed to the attempt made
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to carry out his
plan for the conversion of old and the establishment

SATURDAY;

of new stocks, which had proved to be a miserable
failure, compelling the right hon. gentleman to take
some 5,000,0001. from the balances in the Exchequer,
and to raise money besides by means of a large
amount of deficiency bills.
Mr. GEACH defended the bill of 1844, and inti-
mated that all the predictions of evil as resulting
from its operation had been falsified.
Mr. DISRAELI urged that the only justification for
a Government who proposed a war tax was to prove
that the war had been unavoidable. This the
Ministry had not done ; but, after attempting to make
out their case upon one set of documents, had, within
a few hours previously, issued a supplemental series
presenting a totally new aspect of the vestion. Nor
was the production of this supplement due to the
frankness of the Government or to their confidence
in the house, but arose from a singular accident.
Believing that the Ministry had still something to
disclose and much to explain, and especially had to
inform the country whether we were at war, and, if so,
for what object, Mr. Disraeli waived the discussion
of that branch of the subject, with the remark that
time had not yet been allowed them for duly studying
the last-issued blue books on the controversy. He
then passed on to the subject of the exchequer ba-
lances, observing that the large sumleft in the Trea-
sury by Lord Derby had been reduced to an amount
dangerously small under existing circumstances, and
by means that were imprudent and unjustifiable. He
remarked upon the personal discourtesy which Mr.
Gladstone exhibited when the subject had been pre-
viously alluded to, and showed, from abundant
evidence that the peremptory contradiction offered
by the Right Hon. Chancellor to his (Mr. Disraeli's)
statements on a former night was altogether falla-
cious. Adverting then to the various reductions of
interest and conversions of stocks attempted by Mr.
Gladstone, and describing the details and results of
those attempts with much minuteness, he charac-
terised them as having been injudicious, ill-advised,
and persisted in against the t.pinions of the most
competent authorities, and in the face of symptoms
which should have shown the Chancellor of the
Exchequer the peril he was incurring. The final
result would be to force the Minister to raise a loan,
which would only be obtained upon worse terms the
longer it was delayed. Pointing out that the Mi-
nister had embarked in the hazardous project of
dealing with the interest of our vast debt in spite
not only of the efflux of bullion, of falling funds, over-
speculation, and the prospects of a bad harvest, but
also while knowing the ominous contents of the
secret documents just disclosed, Mr. Disraeli pro-
ceeded to condemn the policy of attempting to work
a double system by paying off old incumbrances at
the same moment that the public were called upon to
defray the cost of a war out of current revenues. No
country, however prosperous, could stand the double
strain on its resources :
" It is very doubtful, as I think twenty-four men out of
every twenty-five in the house will admit, whether in a con-
tinued struggle we can raise the supplies in oue year that
are necessary for the expenses of that year. That, I say, is
very doubtfhl. It is possible that, from an excess of pa-
triotism, from an exorbitant amount of resources, you may
do so. Ido not believe it, but it certainly is possible. No
man, however, can maintain for a moment that you can
carry on a war and raise supplies for its expense at the
same time that you are paying off ten millions of debt.
(Hear.) That is the position which the Chancellor of the
Exchequer has placed us in. The right honourable gentle.
man is working two systems exactly contrary to each other.
He is coming forward animated by what is a sound prin-
ciple for this country—that we should, if we embark in a
war, not entail the cost of that war upon posterity. But,
at the same time, while he is asking us to make these
unheard-of sacrifices—while he is appealing to us to ac-
complish this unprecedented act of patriotism, of virtue, of
philanthropy—he is absolutely calling upon us to diminish
the debt which our predecessors left us. (Hear, hear.)
Turn it and twist it as you like, it is the most monstrous,
the most impossible system of finance that ever was carried
on. It has been an immense effort for Ministers to reduce
the debt. Whenever there has been a surplus, you have
Ira a thousand applicants. It has been the popular
opinion that you should diminish taxation and not the
debt. You have been obliged to pass special laws to
ensure the reduction of the debt. You have had special
and stringent laws to effect that purpose. But the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer comes forward and says:—` I will
combine with my new system of finance the features of
both systems. I'll absolutely not burden posterity, and I'll
defray the charges which our predecessors left us.' Now,
in what can this system end ? It will end in one of the
largest loans that a minister of finance ever proposed in
this house. (Hear, hear, hear.) If the right honourable
gentleman had raised a loan in January, he could have
raised it with greater advantage than he is able to raise it
now. If he attempts to raise it now, he will raise it at a
greater advantage than he can expect to do in July. He
may put the question off for six months more, and he will
then raise it at a still greater disadvantage. It is evident
that the right honourable gentleman has been, in a time of
peace and prosperity, or of fancied peace and prosperity,
tampering with the resources of the country. He must
incur the cost of his conduct, and he must put himself in
a sound position. You may rely upon it that, as certainly
as I am now speaking here, he will be forced to raise a
ORII. There is no taxation—and he has tried it pretty