The Press.
London, England, 1858-12-11 00:00:00

So. 293.—V0L. VI. LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1858. trstMii,....WEVESreE.

Ot V rm.

LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1958.

THE BIRMINGHAM NOTIONS
OF REFORM.
Ira neither unnatural nor discreditable that the
Liberals of Birmingham should wish to express
their views of that which they deem requisite
to the reform of our electoral system, in a tone
le virulent, and in a temper less exclusive and
less arbitrary, than that of Mr. BRIGHT. We
are glad that not a few of this advanced party
seem determined to escape, under the auspices of
the brother of their late Member, from the very
unfavourable position in the public opinion of
their fellow-c&mtrymen to which their present
representative has reduced_ them. No one can
blame them for this dplle+t!►,lirttsme
of &form is Sr more soodirrate, more reasonable,

sad more consistent with common sense and
with justice in its general tenor, than that which
was sketched by the man of their choice.
We are not adverse to a reasonable measure for
the readjustment of our electoral system, and we
shall see, as the time draws on, whether there is
or is not to be a monopoly of the title Reformer,
from which we are to be excluded.
These Birmingham Reformers must excuse our
viewing with some doubt, at all events, a pro-
gramme issued by those whose last authoritative
exercise of judgment was manifested in the
return of one who has exhibited himself so little
to our liking as the present Member. No doubt
such powers of speech as he possesses arc rare,
and we believe that a genuine sympathy
or one, whom many of them considered
he victim of hard-hearted exclusion, prac-
tised by the inhabitants of a rival manu-
facturing metropolis, had no small share in
seating Mr. BRIGHT for Birmingham ;
Medio de fonte leporum surgit amuri aligxid.'
We can scarcely believe that the middle term of
the Birmingham- tripartite panacea will meet
with the genuine consent of any dispassionate
person who really prefers the Constitution of this
country to that of the United States or of
France. The Birmingham panacea stands thus :
1. A large extension of the suffrage ; 2. Vote
by ballot ; 3. A more just apportionment of
members to population.
A reasonable extension of the suffrage is, in
our opinion, desirable ; and we think that a more
Just apportionment of members according to pro-
perty as well as population is requisite.
But we utterly repudiate any attempt to esta-
blish the system of secret voting on the part of
electors in this free country, and are confident
that the attempt to establish this secrecy would
fail, and that it would serve merely as a-disguise
for corrupt practices. Were it successful, the
establishment of this secrecy would be treason
against the fair control of enlightened public
opinion ; and unless universal suffrage were also
adopted, this secret voting would be a fraud upon
all whom the extension of the suffrage does not
include as electors, and would reduce them to a
Position of serfdom hitherto unknown in this free

. . . . ..
consider an amalgam of dangerous and, pro-
bably, ill-considered absurdities.
It may be taken as a maxim, that there is no
greater constitutional danger than that which
would accrue from the creation of floating and
undefined constituencies, within the precincts of
this closely peopled country. Under universal
suffrage, which is democracy, these dangers may
pale before others, because the numbers entitled
to vote are so large that they, in a great measure,
defeat all calculation of their bias and many of
those contrivances by which large numbers of
voters may, under other circumstances, be misre-
presented—such as the temporary influx of those
who are almost or quite strangers to the locality
the representation of which is at issue, to say
nothing of other appliances, well known where-
ever universal suffrage and the ballot have been
for some time established.
The preservation of the practical and easily
demonstrable connection of electors with the
localities to which representation is attached
affords the only valid security for the exercise of
the franchise by large constituencies in such a
manner as will secure the representation of real
public opinion ; for unless the electors are sub-
divided into such sections as admit of the free
action of that independence and ind:%-iduality of
opinion which it has been the pride d' English
i
freedom so largely and so long. to pr& veto her
sons, the electors would constitute a )13 almost
as incapable of discriminate judgmen r delibe-.
rate action as those which misgoverned Paris in
the worst days of her revolutions.
Without local organization we do not see how
the practical limits of our constituencies are to be
preserved. The aggregation of too large num-
bers of even the most enlightened men, without
such sectional organization as secures to the in-
dividuals the means of deliberate intercourse and
mutual consultation, reduces them to that chaos
of opinion which constitutes the intellectual help-
lessness of a mob ; and even a mob, after the
first action of its preconcerted impulse is over,
always either disperses, or, of necessity, extem-
porizes sections for itself under leaders often
unknown to the majority, and thus becomes the

country. Vote by ballot means either universal mere creature of the preconcerted organization of
suffrage or it means a fraud ; for it would con- the design.ug fe w.
vert the vote, hitherto conferred upon each else- . These dangers are more clearly apparent to us
tor as a trust, to be exercised for the benefit of than they seem to have been to the Birmingham
and under the cognizance of the unenfranchised Reformers; they lie close beneath the surface of
classes as well as his own, into a mere piece of their proposal to abolish the existing legal seen-
private and personal property, or, as it is termed, rities for ascertaining the connection of the
a right, which each elector would become entitled electors with the localities to which representa-
to use for his own private and personal advan- tion may be allotted.
tage, without being held publicly and morally The traceability of the connection of each indi-
responsible for the use or abuse of the privilege vidual with some locality is the prime element of
which he would &titis acquire. order in every civilized nation, under whatever
There is,.indell a very mundane—a not very form of government. In free States, such as Eng-
merciful and a not very English—tribunal, fie- land, if there be any such, the traceability of each
fore which too many an elector, 'were his vote elector, as connected with some locality, is the
shrouded. from all the world' bside, would be primary condition for securing the due, free, and
cited : we mean that of the -Cotaleional. We intelligent discharge of the duty with which the
have no inclination to establish 'the uncon- community at large have through the Canstitu-
trolled power of that dark tribunal, to the exclu-, tion intrusted him, and upon the due discharge
sion of .the at once great encouragement add of this duty, on the part of the electors generally,
wholesome restraint which the enlighteOed depends the security of all that we, as English-
action of public opinion in this country affords. men, most value.
e
of the Birmingham - • We are not prepared, therefore, to part with
these securities, and have expressed ourselves
strongly, for we have seen these important points
undervalued, and believe that if the Rebrmera
of Birmingham intend to be considered as the
exponents of more than merely ambitious discon-
tent, it will be prudent in them not to thrust the
portions of their programme, to which we have
especially referred, offensively upon the public.
Some of our readers may, perhaps, be serprised
that we do not repudiate the Birmingham Re-
formers and their programme, as summarily as
we rejected Mr. BRIGHT'S proposal for further con-
centrating the practical monopoly of representa-
tive power which the cities and boroughs possess,
in the enormous majority of their representatives,
over those of the far larger population, and
greater amount of real property, which are to be
found beyond the precincts of the boroughs in
the counties of England and Wales.
But we see a more truly liberal spirit in his
manifesto, objectionable as it undoubtedly is in
many respects, than in Mr. thWleil able speech
at Kidderminster ; he has furnished us with
ample reasons for not discountenancing all dis-
cussion of the causes of that monopoly of admi-
nistration, if not of power, which he boasts that
the Reform Act of 1 832 has for the last twenty-
five years conferred upon the party who framed
and carried it. This monopoly ought, Mr.
Lowe. has told us, in his opinion, to descend in
immitigatea exclusiveness to the heirs and assigns
of the framers of this famous Act ; and of this
privileged class the lately Radical Member for
Kidderminster considers himself one. He has
made an able epeech, but we humbly think that
it will require more than even Mr. Lowa's
ability to perpetuate
lands ; and we differ
sire to perpetuate
which have created it,
that which he not
equivalent to, if not
The past of England,
upon us not to violate,
1832. As we have
through history, and
resulting. from the
ministrative and legislative
periods, by different
State, we should prefer
justed, since, as Mr.
without the interin
popular passion which

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No. 293.—V0L. VI. LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER U
11, 1858. STAMPED
STAMPED....FIVEPE NC,.SIXPENCE.
E
N.
•
g 4 t Vrt S S. country. Vote by ballot means either universal mere creature of the preconcerted organization of
suffrage or it means a fraud ; for it would con- the design fe e.
vert the vote, hitherto conferred upon each else- . These dangers are more clearly apparent to us
_ tor as a trust, to be exercised for the benefit of than they seem to have been to the Birmingham
and under the cognizance of the unenfranchised Reformers; they lie close beneath the surface of
LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1958. classes as well as his own, into a mere piece of their proposal to abolish the existing legal semi-
private and personal property, or, as it is termed, rities for ascertaining the connection of the
a right, which each elector would become entitled electors with the localities to which representa-
THE BIRMINGHAM NOTIONS to use for his own private and personal advan- tion may be allotted.
OF REFORM. cage, without being held publicly and morally The traceability of the connection of each indi-
responsible for the use or abuse of the privilege vidual with some locality is the prime element of
Ira neither unnatural nor discreditable that the which he would &tius acquire. order in every civilized nation, under whatever
Liberals of Birmingham should wish to express There is,,indel a very mundane—a not very form of government. In free States, such as Eng-
their views of that which they deem requisite merciful and a not very English-tribunal, foe- land, if there be any such, the traceability of each
to the reform of our electoral system, in a tone fore which too many an ilector, were his vote elector, as connected with some locality, is the
shrouded. from all the world' beside, would be primary condition for securing the due, free, and
leos virulent, and in a temper less exclusive and cited : we mean that of the -Conalsional. We intelligent discharge of the duty with which the
less arbitrary, than that of Mr. Bnimer. We have no inclination to establis' h the uncon- community at large have through the Canstitu-
are glad that not a few of this advanced party trolled power of that dark tribunal, to the exclu-% tion intrusted him, and upon the due discharge
seem determined to escape, under the auspices of sion of .the at once great encouragement add of this duty, on the part of the electors generally,
wholesome restraint which the enlighteoCd depends the security of all that we, as English-
the brother of their late Member, from the very action of public opinion.in this country affords. men, most value.
unfavourable position in the public opinion of The suggestions of the Birmingham pro-
We are not prepared, therefore, to part with
ii.
their fellow-ditmtzymen to which their present e; for rendering the suffrage attainable these securities, and have expressed ourselves
representative has reduced_ them. No one can irrespective of the tof rates or taxes, no strongly, for we have seen these important points
leas wLn the p iv
blame them sx. this doom ithiir osgeommee renderiiig the wadi_ undervallned, and believe that if the Reformers
tuencies untraceable, and the electors hard to of Birhunghom intend to be considered of the
of Reform is Sr more isoarrate, more reasonable,
identify, by their exemption from qualification by exponents of more than merely ambitious discon-
sad more consistent with common sense and tent, it will be prudent in them not to thrust the
residence, by property, or by registration, we
with justice in its general tenor, than that which consider an amalgam of dangerous and, pro- portions of their programme, to which we have
was sketched by the man of their choice. bably, ill-contsidered absurdities. especially referred, offensively upon the public.
We are not adverse to a reasonable measure for It may be taken as a maxim, that there is no Some of our readers may, perhaps, be serprised
the readjustment of our electoral system, and we greater constitutional danger than that which that we do not repudiate the Birmingham Re-
shall see, as the time draws on, whether there is would accrue from the creation of floating and formers and their programme, as summarily as
BRIG S proposal for further con-
FIT'
or is not to be a monopoly of the title Reformer, undefined constituencies, within the precincts of we rejected Mr.
this closely peopled country. Under universal centrating the practical monopoly of represents-
..

; I

The 'suggestions of the Birmingham pro-
gramme; for rendering the suffrage attainable
irrespective of the t of rates or taxes, no
lese than the p f., rendering the consti-
tuencies untraceable, and the electors hard to
identify, by their exemption from qualification by
residence, by property, or by registration, we

the monopoly he so highly ,
r from him in his evident de-
unaltered the arran.
...,.. • •
it, until they are " . . .rn 1.1 •
joalip*
z
t untruly designs" 2
,_. .i tr.!
t in fact, a Rev 01...... - 4
'-..%_,
::.!
;land, which Mr. • • . ~.: ILL
,y;
te, does not date .3. --1 i , :-. us 011
re cast our . • ,
..,i4 mr ~' .. IP
and we recognise e4,.,_, AL,., "C i
Le undue pow.
~.• v&..-:1110 2.• 41.-• tIl
- .. ".4
egislative power, ..• .
.sate. w
at elements of power *;:t*:d.
prefer seeing the
r. Lows has shown, it is awry,
rention of the scalding. heat of
which he so piously !smokes.
iii