The Express.
London, England, 1862-03-28 00:00:00

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LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 28.

lv it is true, as American Statesmen declare,
that no former communication to Congress has
equalled in importance the Paserosires recent
Message about abolishing Slavery, it is no lass true
that now, for the first time, and by mane of that
Message, the true awakening touch has been
administered to the national mind and heart.
Hitherto there has been • hanging back, amidst
all the patriotic devotedness of the millions who
have sacrificed life, property, and their prised
civic liberties to preserve the Union. They gave
all they were asked for, and much more ; they
invented and supplied aide which the Government
had not dreamed of requiring ; they toiled, they
suffered, they hoped and trusted, through the
darkest hours ; but there was still a want of
something, they scarcely knew what, while they
felt the Deed. Distant observers perhaps came
nearest the truth of the ease when they remarked
on the absence of any clear, decisive purpose, on
the part of the American Government and people,
to extirpate Slavery, as the origin of their national
sins and sorrows. The suspense and delay are
over now. It is impossible to read the reporta of
public meetings without seeing that this is the
uppermost idea in the minds of all who attend
those consultative or rejoicing meetings. They
say they know now what to desire—what to pro-
pose—what to expect ; and their minds are re-
lieved of a heavy burden of doubt and fear.
In order to understand the position, we must
bear in mind the dubious character of the Federal
relations to Slavery, under the new conditions of
modern times. It was the doubt about who could
move, and ought to move, that paralysed action
all last year, and defeated the attempt to get
Slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. As
the embarrassment was more sad more felt, there
was a closer investigation el the powers of the
PRESIDIUM as the head of the Army, and as the
guardian of the Union in any hour of crisis. There
has been an increasing disposition to devolve the
responsibility and the choice of action on the Pee-
slues? ; and we now see that he recognises the
duty. The response ho is meeting with is of
greater importance, both as an indication and an
event, than the proposal itself. Whether the
scheme is practicable or not, in the form proposed,
it has answered the great purpose of uniting the
people by one common sentiment in one common
aim, and in the plain acknowledgment that Slavery,
and Slavery alone, is the cause of their troub'es.
It is necessary for observers to remember also
that it is for the several States to work out their
own redemption, when the way is once opened.
The day of national disgrace is over when the
Pas feeler invites the nation to rid itself of Slavery,
and the Representatives support the proposal.
After this support is pledged, the next step must
be taken by the States in which Slavery exists.
This consideration is needed to explain the exul-
tation of the people. If we are disposed to say
that it would be better to abolish Slavery first and
exult afterwards, we must consider the weight o!
the sense of disgrace under which the nation has
so long lain. That disgrace is in a moutont lifted
up from their hearts : the Federal Government
has condemned Slavery, and has thereby challenged
the citizens to get rid of it. They seem to be
able and wilting to unite for this object; and
we may perceive, by the intense thankful-
ness expressed for one feature of the
Message, that care and caution have been used to
engage the Abolitionists in the work, however far
short it may be of what they might propose to do.
The PILIAIDENT does not ask that slaves should be
paid for, but that the expense of changing their
condition should he borne by the nation. The
Message does not regard the negroes as property
to be bought by the Government : but it considers
the process of substituting free for 'lave labour to
be an expensive one ; and it prepense that the
whole of society shall share it.
Great as is the interest of observing the anima-
tion awakened at Washington, there is, however,
another spectacle more impressive still ; and that
is, • great meeting at New York on the 6th
instant ; and, strong as is the satisfaction created
by the proceeding generally—the resolutions,
the letters from Mr. Seireza and others,
and the presence, as chairman, of the
son of ALEXAXUSII EIAMILTON, called to
preside over such a meeting at such a juncture—
even such satisfaction is swallowed up in the
emotion excited by one speech, and by the recep-
tion it met with. We need not hesitate to speak
of emotion in such a case ; for there can be no
doubt that Mr. words will kindle hearts
and animate minds in every part of the world
where any generous interests' felt in the Ameri.
can struggle. The expectation—the rational ex-
pectation, long ungratified—that the times would
produce the needful men, seems now likely to be
fulfilled ; for not only has a truthful and severe
citizen spoken in terms of close reasoning, without
one word of flattery or boosting, but his seeerity
and reason have been received with an eagerness
and gratitude far transcending the applause with
which any recent flattery and boasting have been
rewarded. taste cd of any " fawning on the mob," or
any youthful exultation in deeds yet to done,
we have here the genuine tone of republican
sternness which has been hastily supposed to hies
died out for ever among the self-asserting Ameri-
can people. This now adviser—new to European
observation at least—has ♦indicated the character
of not only New York, which heard him, but of
all other communities who have read him, as
hearers of plain truth; for never was plain truth

more simply uttered, and never was the most
winning oratory more rapturously received. 'As
speaker and the hearers together, that day in fie
Cooper Institute in New York, have impressed a'
new and hopeful character on the whole struggle.
Mr. SCHURZ does not anticipate so much glory
and so rapid a triumph ea his fellow-citizens talk
of ; and, having destroyed any expectations of
smooth prophecies from him by saying this and
some other unpopular things, he went on to state
what he does expect, why he expects it, and what
the nation ought to do. Nothing can be clearer
than his assertion that Slavery is the one " malig-
" nant cause " of the troubles of the Republic ;
and he carried with him the whole meeting first,
and all his readers afterwards. None of them will
deny or conceal that great truth again. It was
followed up by an exposition of the three possibi-
lities

from which the nation must choose one—
TM, the complete preponderance of the South,
with an extension of slave institutions over the
whole Republic ; a strong central government,
under which genuine Repub 'seism would be ex-

tinguished ; or such a regeneration of Southern
society " as will make loyalty to the Union its
" natural temper and disposition." He looks to
the formation of a sound body of citizenship in
the South as practicable, and more easy than any
other mode of procedure. It is to be done by
giving the non-slaveholding whites room to
rise by the introduction of free-labour in-
stitutions. He believes that Slavery may be
abolished in the District of Columbia, and
wherever Government has direct control, when-
ever the people demand it, and that they should
demand it now. The slaves of rebels should be

confiscated and then freed, under due management
and control ; and loyal alaveholders should be
offered assistance in any scheme of emancipation
which they may show to be rationaL The choice
of methods may be varied, however, if only the
one aim is kept in view, of breaking the neck of
Slavery. While it ez;sts, no steadiness of Southern
sentiment can be looked for ; whereas, from the
moment when its doom is certain, a new and
healthy citizenship will visibly grow up where it is
not now permitted to arise. It is probable
that the orators of the Republic may take
a lesson from that day how to speak to the
people in grave times. Many could say with Mr.
Sem:, " I am in earnest," but it is not every
man who is capable of being so sincere, or of be-
lieving so firmly that his sincerity would be accept-
able. This speech and its °cession make one of
the great events of the " revolution " which they
expressly recognise ; and to the friends of free-
dom everywhere such events are more cheering
than even victories by land and sea.