The Press.
London, England, 1856-11-15 00:00:00

POLITICAL IMPOSTURE.

THE question of Parliametary efficiency has
been widely discussed during the recess, and
has not lacked its due share of attention in
our own columns. We have pointed to the
reconstruction of Party as one essential step
towards infusing new vigour and unity into
our distracted councils, and have urged the
importance of merging minor differences,
which involve only questions of detail, for the
purpose of securing to the Conservative
party a broad basis of action. But it cannot
have escaped our readors, that this universal
relaxation of party tics is rather an effect
than a cause—rather the symptom of the
disease, than the disease itself. When the
political body is sick, political restraints aro
loosed, just as historians tell us that immo-
rality is never so prevalent as in times of
deadly pestilence. As the time approaches for
the reassembling of Parliament it may not be
amiss, from time to time, to consider the
nature of the malady which is at present
paralysing the British Constitution, and turn-
ing Representative Government into a theme
for alternate pity and rebuke, so that men
point the finger at us, and say, " How aro the
" mighty fallen !"
If we make all due allowance for the pre-
judices of veteran politicians, we may still
believe that prior to the Reform Bill the two
great political parties into which this country
was divided kept before their eyes certain
definite and practical objects. When a man
said that he was a IVhig, or that he was a Tory,
it was known at once, not merely what were
his principles, but how, under almost any

NOVEMBER 15, 1856.

given emergency, he would be prepared to act.
Parties were responsible for their opinions,
and were enthusiastically supported, or
assailed, because all persons believed they
would give effect to them if they could. Thirty
years ago, a large section of the governing
classes were unaffectedly Liberal. They
placed before themselves certain unmistake-
able measures which they were determined to
carry, and they claimed the support of the
people on these distinct grounds. The people
of England believed them, and were not
deceived ; the measures in question were car-
ried, and an amount of confidence and affection
was lavished on the Liberal party, of which its
later representatives have not shown them-
selves worthy. They have taken advantage
of it in the same sort of way that an expe-
rienced man about town takes advantage of a
confiding youngster—eats his dinners, wins
his money, and rides his horses, under the
pretence of improving his education. Yet it
is possible they may still learn that honesty
would after all have been the best policy.
When the dupe awa.kens from his delusion,
and discovers the imposture that has been
practised on him, the position of the knave is
not enviable—his character is blown upon, and,
however much he may have feathered his neat
for the present, his chance of employment is
probably extinguished for the future.
At the present moment there is in this
country a party honestly conservative, and a
party, though a small one, honestly radical.
But between these two there is a large mob of
politicians who are all things to all men,—who
call themselves Liberals on provincial hustings,
and Conservatives in Belgravian drawing-
rooms,—who hold power as the legitimate
successors of CHARLES GREY and FRANCIS BUR-
DETT, but who shrink from progress in their
hearts as much RS a METTERNICH or a POLIO-
NAC. Liberalism has gone far enough to
satisfy if not to frighten statesmen brought
up under the old regime, and it is no longer
now as then that, to use our previous words,
" a large section of the governing classes are
"unaffectedly Liberal." The sooner the people
wake to the perception of this wholesome truth
the better—the better both for themselves
and for their rulers ; for then a great falsehood
will be overthrown which is secretly corrupt-
ing the character of our public men, and un-
dermining the national sincerity.
As long as a statesman, however decided
may be his own private views, knows that he
has this vie debateable land to receive him
when convenient, from which after a short
sojourn he may issue upon either side that
suits him, there will be an irresistible tempta-
tion to play fast and loose with political prin-
ciples. When men can pass almost without
notice from one party to another, what wonder
if they avail themselves of so convenient a
method of keeping on good terms with both ?
And what wonder if we are constantly disco
vexing that a Liberal Government may at any
one moment consist almost exclusively of
Conservatives, or that Conservative opposition
may often be reinforced by the votes of
Liberals? But just as cerium non animum mu-
tant qui bang mare currunt, so also do those
gentlemen who may have migrated to the
shores of Liberalism over the sea of "independ-
ence " for the most retain their ancient predi-
lections. What man in his senses, who knows
anything of the political world, believes that
Lord PALMERSTON is a Liberal, in the sense of
the word in which the people believe him to
be one ? Since his Lordship found that
Liberalism was the thing to pay, he has stu-
diously fostered the delusion, and we give him
full credit for the adroitness with which he
has concealed from the popular gaze his nu-
merous practical contradictions of it. Bit if
he has not now nearly reached the end of his
tether, it will be the fault of the people them-
selves. A statesman is made Prime Minister
on the ground that he is the leader of a great
Liberal party. No sooner is he installed than
he Ignores all his former professions, adopts a
perfectly passive policy, and declines to propa-
gate the creed of his supporters. Those sup-
porters still keep him in power, still brag of
their Liberal Premier, and still declare that
nothing can withstand their principles. And
then, in face of this unique specimen of con-
tradiction, men pretend to wonder and com-