The Press.
London, England, 1854-03-25 00:00:00

.166

the same time, most difilcult--was to be ex
pressly limited to gueand,,and kpt to apply.
to the immigrant hOrdes of Irish .labourers
who in summer wander over all our northern .
and midland counties in search 44. work. .The,
distinction thus drawn was one of. first-ratei
importance. It gave, on the one band, a udt
unplausible ground of complaint to Irish
members ; while, on the other, it conciliated,
or at least disarmed, the representatives of '
manufacturing ens 'and their constituente;;
in whose minds the dread of IriSh 'pauperism •
is paramount. For good or evil, it formed one '
of the leading provisions of the bill. At the
too last moment, pn the point of entering into a
, debate on the second reading—no time allowed
bit, for consideration, no apology offered for.. this
-11' unprecedented piece of inconsistency—quietly,
and as a matter of course, LOrdi AIRS REMELT.
announces an alteration in the measure, and.
promises a second bill which goes practically
to destroy the working of the first! Assume
this promise to be sincere, and Parliament is
called on gravely to discuss a project which is
' to receive legislative sanction only with a view
, to its immediate remodelling—in other words,
which is to be pulled to pieces before it has
hardened into law. But we doubt the since-
rity of the offer. It comes in a suspicious
shape. Notoriously extorted from a relutant
Minister under threats of desertion and con-
sequent discomfiture, it may, and probably
will, be retracted so soon as it has served the
moment's purpose. Let our Irish friends be
on their guard. The assistance required from
them is immediate—the quid pro quo remote
J 44
• and uncertain. If local patriotism is to pre
vail over imperial interests, let them at least
see that the lesser benefit is secured before they
sacrifice to it the greater. To speak plainly,
we anticipate that—the second reading of Mr.
oil BAINBS'S bill once suffered to pass, and‘passed
only by the aid, thus obtained, of Scotch and
5' Irish members—a convenient and 'not unfore-
": I seen defeat upon the second bill will redeem the
ei Ministerial pledge, while it removes the anti-
cipated danger. It is for the representatives
of Ireland and Scotland to choose whether
11 they will consent so to be bought and sold.
Apart from the provision iu question, the
demerits of Mr. BAINES'S Meastire appear to
us singularly' grave. They Is'bontething, ab-fi
stractedly, to be urged in favour of the princi,
ple of a national rate- Such, a system, though.
' a direct discouragement
`to 10-cal 'economy—
though involving the principle of centralisation
^" in its worst form—though it may raise the
amount of poor's rate from 6,000,000/. to double
that sum annually—has, at least, the merit of
ao simplicity, unity, and fairness. It gives tp
4, one part of the country no undue advantage
over any other. Doing, away with local settle-
,
ment, it does away also with local responsibi-
lity. If the parish guardian is deprived of the.
power of removing paupers, he ceases at the.
A,. same time to have any interest in so doing..
o The labourer is confined to no restricted area ;
4.,‘ the ratepayer is not liable to have his burden
increased or diminished arbitrarily from causes
over which he has no control. If he suffers,
he suffers with the nation at large. If his
0! load is light, it has not been made so at
' the cost of his neighbours. He may em-
ploy as many men as he pleases, and dismiss
them when he pleases, without fear of the
consequences. They on their side have the.
-11 Fes, - to '"

co) ...ey sip..
labour market of all England free their
choice. All these,things may be said, and
with truth, in favour of a national rating.
lior is it to be forgotten that under such a
system other forms. of realised property, at
present unduly exempted, would participate
in that taxation which now falls exclusively

on the land.
But the Government scheme has none of
these advantages. By a singular inconsis-
tency, while allowing the labourer to move
from union to union at pleasure, it throws the
whole burden of his support on the particular
locality where he becomes a pauper. This is
sirs as though every householder at whose door a
beggar was found were on that account made
specially chargeable with his maintenance.
By what means is tho ratepayer to guard
against an influx of paupers? You take away
his protection, yet leave his liability un-
touched. Under the parochial plan 'he may

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