The Press.
London, England, 1856-04-05 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

His Lordship then briefly stated that, although an
official proclamation of peace could hardly be made
until after the terms of peace agreed to by the pleni-
potentiaries at Paris should be ratified, the occasion,
however, was one of great congratulation, and he
would read to them an official communication which
he had that morning received from her Majesty's
Secretary of State for the Home Department.

The Lord Mayor then read as follows :
Home•of6ce, March 31, 1R.50.
My Lord,—l have the honour to acquaint your lordship
that a despatch has been this morning received from the
Earl of Clarendon, her Majesty's Principal Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, dated Paris, March 30, announc-
ing that a definite treaty for the restoration of Peace, and
for the maintenance of the integrity and independence of
the Ottoman empire, was yesterday signed at Paris by the
plenipotentiaries of her Majesty, of the Emperor of France,
of the King of Sardinia, and of the Sultan, and also of the
Emperor of Austria, and of the King of Prussia, on the cue
part, and of the Emperor of all the Ilussias on the other.—
I have, Ike , G. GREY.
_ _ _

To the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor.
When his lordship had concluded a loud cheer was
given. The Lord Mayor returned to the Mansion-
house, and the crowd slowly dispersed.
Upon the whole, the important intelligence of the
termination of the war appears to have fallen rather
flatly upon the country. The funds, like the French
Bourse, were but slightly affected; end though guns
were fired, flags hung out, and church balls set
ringing, the little excitement shown by the people in
the great towns of Manchester, Liverpool, Birming
ham, Leeds, Bristol, Nottingham, Lancaster, North
ampton, or indeed in any other town, is remarkable.
The sittings of the Conference having been a fact so
long before the public, and the instinctive feeling
that peace would be concluded, may perhaps account
for it. In Scotland, and in Ireland, the satisfaction
of the people has been more marked. At Edinburgh
and Glasgow the intelligence was received with
acclamation, while Dublin was not behind her more
northern neighbours.

The terms of the treaty are anticipated with great
eagerness. The ratifications, it is expected, will be
exchanged within the limit (one month) agreed
upon. The armistice has been prolonged to the
same period, and the plenipotentiaries will continue
to hold a few further sittings to definitively settle
secondary questions already formally decided in
principle.

POPULAR EDUCATION.
EARL ORANVILLE UPON EDUCATION.

AT the inangnration of the Diocesan Trade School at
Bristol, on Friday last, the Lord President of the
Council was invited to preside at the public meeting
upon the occasion. Earl Granville reached Bristol
from town in the morning, and, having been
entertained at a dijeuner c't la. fourchette by the
mayor, inspected the schools and presided at the
public meeting afterwards held in the Venturers-
hall. The report was then read and adopted, and
Earl Granville rose in reply to a vote of thanks
moved by the Dean of Bristol.

The noble lord commenced by observing there was
a general feeling in Europe that the education of the
higher classes was too exclusively confined to classical
attainments. In Germany this feeling was so strong
that what were called real or trade schools had risen
somewhat in t.pposition to the excellent classical
schools they already possessed. In France the op-
position to classical studies was curious to watch, but
there was immense exaggeration in all their objec-
tions :

It was impossible for any one to consider the subject
and not believe that an accurate knowledge of dead
languages was of great use in strengthening and relining
the intellect, and that the learned and sublime things
spoken and written by the greatest poets, historians, and
orators of the world must tend to humanise and elevate
the mind. Still be did think that it was wrong, in pursuing
those classical attainments, to exclude that knowledge of
the universe in which we lived—of the living languages
spoken by living men. The sole question was one of
degree, and he was sure those whom he now addressed
would feel that if this trade school was as successful as
they hoped it would be, a gentle but certain pressure would
be exercised upwards upon schools of greater and higher
pretensions.
With reference to the main question of education for
the people, he thought there were two great diffi-
culties—first, the want of school accommodation ;
and, secondly, the want of the appreciation of the
advantages of education. With respect to the first,
it was stated, and a ith some truth, that no such want
existed. Without going into this point (which ho
was not prepared to admit), he thought a great deal
of misapprehension existed upon the extent of the
pecuniary means required for the provision of
schools.

As to the appreciation of the advantages of education,
he thought it a hopeless expectation with the
present generation of uneducated parents. Govern-
ment and employers of labour could give a great
stimulus to education by bestowing places only upon

327

educated men. With respect to the sort of education
it was proposed to give, they ought to take great care,
and not be the advocates of the theorist against th•
practical man :

That which ought to be done was to give the practical
man the advantage which he could obtain by learning
something of the principles of the calling in which he was
engaged. The ordinary effect of this would be that
they would establish a race of artisans—men who would
be better artisans, men who would not only understand
their work better, but would be more able to deal with
new processes. They would establish a race of artisans
who would derive pleasure and gratification from their em-
ployments, instead of that deadly weariness so well illus-
trated by Sir Arthur Elton in the case of the man who put
an end to his existence in consequence of not being able to
work in mere routine. He believed that by thee means
they would raise the artisan both in his own self-respect
and in the respect of his employers, and of all with whom
he came in contact. He believed that an inventive genius
was to be found in every class of society, and they would
give that inventive genius enormous advantages if they
trained the mind to learn those principles on which the
labour of the artisan was founded.

THE FRIENDS OF VOLUNTARY EDUCATION held a
meeting at Crosby-hall on Wednesday evening, for
the purpose of considering the educational measures
of the Government, and Lord J. Russell's resolutions,
and the propriety of adopting proceedings in opposi-
tion thereto. Mr. Barnes, M.P., who presided, said
that there were three distinct measures connected
with education now before Parliament—the measure
for the creation of a vice-president of the council,
Earl Granville's measure on education, and Lord J.
Russell's resolutions, which he believed were to be
considered on the 10th of the month. Lord John
Russell's measures he regarded as an attempt to
extend the present system, which he considered had
been fairly tried and failed. The cost was enormous
. _

and the re3ult unsatisfactory. Under these circum-
stances he should oppose every attempt to extend
State education. Mr. Bell, M.l'., proposed the first
resolution, to the effect that Lord J. Russell's resolu-
tions would impede and embarrass voluntary efforts
at education, and were unwise and uncalled for. He
was decidedly of opinion that the interference of the
State in educational matters was unwise and preju-
dicial to education itself. He was a friend of the
voluntary principle, because it was the only practi-
cable one :

Lord John Russell said that the voluntary system had
been in practice for 130 years, and bad failed. He did not
wish to use any harsh language, but that statement was
simply untrue. It was a libel on the efforts of the volun-
taries. The voluntary system, since it had been in force,
had been eminently successful. He believed that the
real motive to education was to give people an interest in
being educated.

Mr. E. Baines regarded Lord John Russell's resolu-
tions as certain to increase the control of the Govern-
ment over the education of the country. Government
was always a clog, and not a motive power; and
education would never be promoted by tying it to the
wheels of Government. He contended that England
did not contrast unfavorably with foreign countries
as regarded education. Referring to the compulsory
principle in Lord J. Russell's scheme in regard to
rating and forcing masters to educate their work-
children, be protested against it to Coto. If they
forced education, why not force religion on people
also. Several resolutions in accordance with the
object of the meeting were then proposed and carried
unanimously, and petitions to the house against
compulsory education agreed upon, which Mr.
Crossley, M.P., promised to support.

AT THE SOUTHAMPTON POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION,
on Monday evening, Sir Alexander Cockburn, Dr.
Booth, and the Rev. S. G. Osborne, attended a con-
siderable meeting of members to point out the
benefits and advantages derived from mechanics'
institutes. Dr. Booth thought that a general system
of national examination would do more to promote
self-education than any increase of schools or school-
masters:—

Make Education (continued Dr. Booth), a thing actually
equivalent to pounds, shillings, and pence—an article of
money value—and then she need no longer cry aloud in
the streets: the multitude will seek her and obtain her,
however difficult to find. Supply one something greater on
the other side, throw a small preponderating weight into the
other scale—the hope of worldly advancement—and we
shall no longer have to complain that the education of our
middle and lower classes is nipped in the bud by domestic
necessities or parental selfishness.
The Rev. S. G. Osborne made a few remarks upon the
object of the meeting, when Sir A. Cockburn rose
and spoke eloquently in favour of education, attri-
buting to it our advancement in the half century,
and the present position we now hold in Europe.
Still he admitted that education was not so extended
as it ought to be, though happily many of the pre •
judices against its spread were fast giving way.
The more information was spread the better it was
for the people. Other gentlemen then addressed the
meeting, and pointed outthe necessity and advantages
of education and the benefits of mechanics' institu-
tions.

,

Nittraturt.

The European Revolutions of IH4B. By Edward
Stillingfleet Cayley, of the Inner Temple.

London : Smith and Elder.
WE turned to this work with some interest on
account of its subject. 1848 was a most re-
markable year in European politics, not so
much for what was actually done in it as for
its cycles of agitation. In many respects it
was a disappointing lyear, as its results were
calculated to dishearten those who expect
that in civilised nations there should be such
a modicum of good sense as to make political
changes easily accomplished.
Mr. Cayley has written his volumes in a
style which makes us again ask the question,
" What has become of all our young men ?"
A promising young man in our time is a per-
sonage of five and twenty crammed up arti-
ficially to exhibit experience of fifty-five.
Walking blue-books, incarnate cycloptedias,
are now-a-days more sought after than vi-
gorous and sanguine natures, with the genial
glow of the spring-time of life. All those
artificially-senile people ought to be taught
the shrewd French aphorism—' Si la jeunesse
" savait, si la vieillesse pouvait." Old men in
a waltz are just as ridiculous as blooming
young gentlemen in grey wigs. The subject
is really an important one, and we shall take
an early opportunity of descanting upon it.
The author of these volumes, however, to
judge by his work, is something better than a
specimen of one of those quasi old-young men.
He represents faithfully the prevalent tone of
the Temple and Lincoln's-inn. He goes in
for political honours, and need not have any
fear of being " plucked." He has natural
ability and considerable attainments, though
he has not yet assimilated all the transcribed
knowledge of his commonplace book. He
has many of the qualities of a political es-
sayist. His logic is flexible and prompt., but
for a historian his rhetoric wants colour and
subtle vivacity, and we think that he would
appear to greater advantage if he allowed his
feelings to mingle more with his thoughts.
Politics are not ethics, but morals in action ;
and where humanity is at work, there ought to
be at least something of the play of passion :
and there are various short passages in these
volumes which prove that the author has not
yet smothered his sensations.
The work, however, is unsatisfactory in
many respects. It teaches the professed poli-
tician or journalist nothing that he did not
know before; and Mr. Cayley has not, for the
benefit of the reader, indexed his reading on
the time. The narrative of the period is
smoothly reasoned and sensibly discussed in
the tone of a dilettanti pamphleteer, but for
want of notes it is of little use as a handbook.
The author being only an observer, and not an
actor, the style does not rise beyond disserta-
tion ; and retrospective politics are tiresome.
A publicist, like an actor, must find his ac-
count in immediate effect.

In another department of our journal last
week the faults of bureaucracy were exposed.
As a specimen of the lighter style of Mr.
Cayley, we shall extract his description of
Germanised " graduates :

Oxford and Cambridge honours are not held to be indi-
cations of capabilities of governing men. Man is not ruled
by equations, nor is Greek considered to constitute wis-
dom ; colonies are not governed by iambics, nor is philo-
sophy held to be sense. In Germany, on the other hand,
the student, after leaving the university, does not conde-
scend to go into trade ; it does not occur to him that there
is any obligation to seek to do his duty iu that state of life
to which it has pleased God to call him. He is a man of
refined tastes and letters, and cannot condescend to help
at managing hie father's shop. Classics are incompatible
with tallow-chandlery; Greek has no affinity for grocery;
philosophy has no connection with farming ; nor the bino-
mial theorem with tile•draining. He condemns himself
to a useless existence, waits for official appointment (and
he must wait long, because for every vacancy that occurs
there are more than two persons always qualified to till
it), dreams, speculates, writes of what, lie does not know,
and his existence becomes alike troublesome to himself and
to Government. He is in general an accomplished smat-
terer; what he has acquired has :teen diluted mid cooked
for his easy digesam. The crowbar of industry has not
been strained by him to burst from rocks of experience
On golden grain of truth. That which has cost him little
trouble in the getting is lightly squandered. Real educe-
Orin .is the formation and training of the mind. To train