The Press.
London, England, 1856-09-20 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

most in request amongst the Liberal ranks,
nod the facility with which the Cabinet
soothes the asperity of discontented Radicals,
reminds one of theatrical comedy. The
lethargy of Liberalism IN the result, and hence
we aro ruled on Tory principles by a party of
titular " Liberal',"
That we aro now in a new age, and that the
causes which influenced English society
twenty years ago, and later, have ceased to
act, are the concluelene to be gathered from
reflections on the delusions of our English
democracy. The spirit of our time is social,
not political, and events are likely to foster
that tendency. The gold regions have drawn
off the uneasy classes, and the practical ap-
proximation of England with the United
States must give increased force to the com-
mercial spirit of the country. The middle
classes are tired of polities, and things, not
theories, rivet the popular attention.
When the public opinion of England is thus
practically Conservative, we say that the Con-
servative connection should demand that the
Administration also should be avowedly Con.
servative. For its fair fame, and for its
honourable distinction, a party is bound to
seek for power; and, though things are quiet
now, the current " jobbery of Liberalism " will
cause a reaction. A total indifference to all
politics would not be a desirable consequence
after an age cf agitation. The monopoly of
office must be taken from the Liberals, if the
requirements of the age are fairly to engage
the attention of the Legislature.

THE VITALITY OF CONSERVATISM.
POLITICAL apathy in a State is doubtless pro-
ductive of much that is inconvenient and dis-
advantageous. It has an obvious tendency to
depreciate the standard of statesmanship.
The national mind thus dormant and lethargic,
imperceptibly and by slow degrees, adopts
false notions and descends to low ideas of
public policy. Its tone becomes irresolute
and its temper uncertain. Listless and in-
active, it throws the cegis of its protection
around men and things it would once have
vigorously assailed. It finds means of defence,
it opens avenues of escape for weak and in-
competent Administrations. The people seem,
in such a condition of affairs, to think that
change, even for the better, is to be deprecated,
and that, as in some respects the work of
legislation is stayed, one set of men is as
good as another.
But, on the other hand, it is no less mani-
fest that the absence of all topics of strictly
political interest is highly favorable to the
progress of social reform. If the arena is
more tranquil, if there be less bitterness in
the contest, and less glitter in the triumph, it
cannot be doubted that it furnishes a wide
and ample field for honourable and useful
exertion. The outbreak of the last war seems
to have diverted the tide of public opinion,
and turned it into less tempestuous channels.
Many measures of great importance in the
administration of affairs, involving indeed no
strife of classes and no collision of interests,
necessitating no dangerous experiments or
organic changes, but tending to promote the
efficiency of our Government in all its
branches, and to advance the social and moral
welfare of our people; many measures, w.
say, of this character have been set aside, or
received only a partial and divided considera-
tion amid the inure agitating events of a strong
period. Those members of the Legislature
who gave their time and thoughts to these
subjects found their opportunities of carrying
on their work both rare and unfavorable. No
crowd of eager adherents followed or cheered
them on their way. No greetings in the
market-places were theirs.
But, as we have already said, the course of
events has effected a great revulsion of feeling
in this respect. The present period seems
eminently favorable for the consideration of
measures of this kind. Education, the adapta-
tion of our naval and military resources to the
exigencies of modern times, the reconstrue-

SATURDAY,

tion of the Civil Service upon a sound and
equitable basis, the reform and disposition of
our criminals,—these and kindred subjects
constitute clearly h funks. of the day, and,
engrossing es they do the earnest attention of
the thinking portion of the community, seem
ripe for prompt and effective legislation.
And if these things be so, the confidence of
the cowry .in only be wilielp bestowed upon
the gateman who ere prepared to take advan-
tage of the auspicious senjuneture, and devote
themselves to the work set before them with
honest energy. The leading members of the
Conservative party have taken a prominent
position in these most important matters.
Already they bear the impress of their thought-
ful and sagacious minds, and the intelligent
zeal which distinguishes their labours is at
once an earnest of their sincerity, and a
guarantee of their success.
On the other hand, to such a task Lord
PALMERSTON'S Ministry has proved itself un-
equal—and that is, we opine, sufficient of
itself to (rive a healthy vitality to an Opposi-
tion. The Ministeriql prints, however, are in
ecstacies with that notable discovery that the
Conservative body is disunited and dis-
organised. They have repeated the same
story, at intervals, since the days of Pm ; and
we should have thought that the device was
too old, the manceuvre too transparent, to de-
ceive even the most credulous. But how is
the disunion and disorganisation proved? In
the absence of such proof, we assert that
Conservatism is still a living principle. We
assert that on all vital and essential points its
ideas, its sentiments, its objects, are un-
changed. We assert that it is identified with
a distinct and a definite policy. We assert
that Conservative feeling is at this moment in
undisputed ascendancy. We assert that it is
so victorious and so predominant that a Whig
Government exists only by the respect and
deference it pays to it. The real truth is, that
the strength of the Conservative party is its
weakness. It is so invincible that its adver-
saries fly before it, and the power of its arm
is only no longer felt because it is not called
upon to employ it. Conservatism is, in its
nature, to some extent a defensive principle.
It is one of its main objects to guard and pro-
tect the Constitution. It is at this momen t
relieved of that duty, for there can be no de-
fence where there is ne aggression. And is it
so ? Is it true that the mission of Liberalism
is ended ; that its programme is exhausted, and
its ambition satiated ? Is it true that it is at
length content with the Constitution ; that it
desires no fresh distribution of political power ;
that it is no longer inimical to the Church and
jealous of the aristocracy 9 Is it true that it
has abandoned its revel itionary creed, ab-
jured its confidence in the Cotton Lords, and
renounced its allegiance to Manchester ? If
this be all true, then we may fairly argue that
the Conservative element, instead of being
weak and decrepid, is in the zenith of its in-
fluence ! The ;Liberal party, as was said of
another combination, is only not conquered
because it is converted !

But are we to accept such a view as
credible? Will it be accepted by the genuine
disciples of progress? Will it be accepted,
we do not say by the elastic consciences of
placemen in sue or placemen in posse, by
English Secretaries to the Admiralty or Irish
Attorney-Generals, but by the earnest and
conscientious believers in Radicalism ? We
apprehend not. We apprehend that in reality
they have no faith in finality, and no confi-
dence in Lord PALMERSTON. Their measures
are far more imposing, their aim much more
comprehensive. But they are quietly biding
their time, patient but not less vigilant. They
have this assurance to sustain them, that as
soon as the Democratic movement becomes
again popular, there will not be wanting a
Lord John Russell to fan the flame, should
the spolia opi►na of office, to which the Whigs
fancy they have an hereditary right, be the
least in danger of receding from their grasp.
But all this only proves that the Conserva-
tive party have no need to go in search of a
policy, but that its battle-ground remains un;
changed. It will not, we are sure, shun or be
unequal to the contest, whenever it is again
renewed. In the meanwhile the Opposition
will occupy itself with compelling a Whig

SErr. 20, 1856.

Government to be Conservative in its mea-
sures, and force upon it the treatment of those
great questions to which we have referred as
constituting the present business of the Legis-
lature. Nor will the sincere members of the
Radical section be idle—for in supporting
Lord PALMERSTON, they will be proclaiming
Liberalism in the face of the nation to be an
antiquated myth, and an abandoned delusion.