The Press.
London, England, 1856-02-02 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

many statements of a different character, and of a dif-
ferent spirit from individuals in office—and some of
them in the highest office—that it is to me a source of
great satisfaction that when confe,ences are about to be
opened in auspicious circumstances we have in a docu-
ment of such august authority as the, which I have before
me a definition of the business which will be conducted at
those conferences, more tending to the satisfaction of sober-
minded persons than many of the statements which have
heretofore been made by persons high in authority. It is
but a short tine ago—it was in the late session of Parlia-
ment, but that is no long period when we are considering
matters of such grave importance—it is but a short time
since that in another place a noble lord made a speech
the professed object of which was to set forth the objects
ot' the war, and that noble lord assured the other House of
Parliament that one of the objects of the war was to vindi-
cate the cause of the oppressed nationalities of Europe.
( Hear, hear.) What happened then ? In a few days
that noble lord was invited to take one of the highest
places in her Majesty's councils. Of course, it is now
obvious that the object of the noble lord opposite (Lord
Palmerston) in giving that invitation to the noble lord was
that he should have his too fervent enthusiasm sub
jected to the cooler atmosphere of Cabinet society—(a
laugh I—but, unfortunately, the people of England and, I
fear, those oppressed nationalities of which the noble
orator was the advocate on that occasion drew a different
inference from his high promotion ; and a misapprehen-
sion which might have led to very serious calamities has
been prevalent throughout a great part of Europe. I shall
make no reference to more recent statements respecting
the objects and purposes of the war which have been made
by members of the Government not occupying SJ exalted
and responsible a position, except to say that I deeply
regret them ; and 1 think that those who have been so
rash and inadvertent as to make the declarations which
have recently been promulgated on this subject will, after
listening to the Speech which has been graciously deli-
vered to-day, if they find themselves in similar circum-
stances, in future be induced to take a more temperate
and moderate course. (Hear, hear.)
Sir, I regret that there are some gentlemen, both in and
out of Parliament, for whom I have the greatest respect,
who, after having taken a sound and satisfactory view of
what should be the conditions of peace—viz., the accom-
plishment of the objects for which the war was under-
taken—have still been induced, by what I cannot but feel
to be a deplorable hallucination, to regret, while confess-
ing that the objects of the war may be accomplished, that
war is not still to be prosecuted ; and this, too, on a ground
which appears to me to be scarcely one which can recom-
mend itself to the sober consideration of any public man.
We are told that, although we may have attained the ob-
jests for which we embarked in war, still it is expedient
that the war should be continued in order to sustain or to
increase the lustre of the arms of England; or rather, per-
haps, because in the struggle that may, and which, I trust,
will soon cease, we have not achieved exploits so striking
as those which illustrate some portions of our history.
Now, sir, the abstract principle that we ought to continue a
war after having attained its objects merely to gratify the
vanity or to support the reputation of a community is, in
my opinion, one of a very questionable character—( Hear,
hear)—but I deny that in our present circumstances
any application of that principle is possible. 1, for
one, will never admit that the lustre of our arms
has been dimmed. tGenersl cheering.) I cannot easily
find words to express the admiration which all must
feel for the great qualities which have been ex-
hibited by our troops throughout this struggle. (Hear.)
I cannot easily describe the immensity of the resources
widen we have at our disposal, and the energy which we
have already displayed. But to lay down as a principle that
the great leading Lowers of Europe should never engage in
a war unless they are certain and predetermined to achieve
great victories, which may figure among what are called
the decisive battles of the world, is really one of the most
monstrous propositions that was ever addressed to a people.
To suppose that France or England is never to go to war
unless she can be certain of achieving a victory like Rocroi
or Blenheim, Austerlitz or lA'attrloo, is totally to mis-
understand the object for which great States should go to
war. Instead of their being the vindicators of the public
law and the conservators of public order, you degrade them
into the gladiators of history, anti these very brilliant
achievenients only lead to the ruin of the country. There-
fore, I cannot at all admit that the principle that we ought
to continue this war in order to obtain extraordinary and
brilliant results is one which we ought at all to sanction ;
and I am afraid that those in this country who fall into
this fallacy are too much induced to do so by the taunts of
foreign critics, who are themselves the persons most per-
suaded of the substantial increase of the power of Eng-
land. (Hear, hear.) If you look to the authors of these
statements respecting the decline of the prestige of Eng-
land—whether they are journalists who have become
statesmen, or statesmen who have become journalists—(a
laugh )—you will generally find that they arc the persons
who are most competent to estimate :he importance of
England, ant: who are really the least Inclined to underrate
it. They play upon the too easily excited susceptibility of
this country, and I will say of them as was said of a great
sceptic, that when they attempt to depreciate our achieve-
ments and Vie resources of our position they really
" tremble while they sneer.- (Heat, hear.)
Sir, there is another paragsaph in the Speech which I
am sure will meet with the unanimous approval of the
House. It is that to which the hon. mover of the Address
adverted with much eloquence, in which we express to
her Majesty our admiration of the " persevering constancy
and the daring bravery " by which the stronghold of
Russia in the Black Sea was reduced. I hope, sir, that
whatever may be our political differences, there will never
in this house be any difference as to the sentiments of
admiration with •ahich we view the achievements and the
exertions of our fellow-countrymen when they are support-
ing the honour and the interests of her Majesty's realms.

(Cheers.) I think that there is another siege not ass die.
tinguished by persevering constancy—(cheers)--tud by
daring courage and undaunted bravery—(renewed dicers)
—tilthou,g6 that'constancy and that courage did net reap
the reward which in the case of Sebastopol was fo:cibly
acquired. I think there is another siege which, on a light
like the present, it would ill become the House of tom.
mons to suffer to pass unnoticed and unnamed. •Inud
cheers.) I sin not anxious on this occasion to call upoh.
the Government for that explanation which of 'course viii
hereafter be demanded as to what were the circumstances
which led to the serious catastrophe of Kars—( loud criesot
" Hear, hear" )—but I hope they fully understood that
that is a subject upon which this country and this house
will expect and will require the mutt ample explanation.
(Great cheering.) Let us at least, whether there he
peace or whether there be war—let us axpress our admira-
tion of those who, although they may have been unforte-
nate, were not subdued—(cheers)—let le express Gar
sympathy for an energy, perhaps excessile, and for a
courage which we know was unsupported—(etteets)—wK'
at a moment when se are called upon, and rightly called
upon, to express our admiration of the great actibereaaast
which has rendered the names of the allies
the Black Sea—let us vindicate the conduct of those whe,
though not crowned with success, were at least crowhed
with glory in another place, and let us make our absent
countrymen understand that it is the man who deserves,
and not the man who achieves, success that is honoured
by us. (Loud and protracted cheering.)
After the Address from the Throne to-day—after th e
gravest expression on the part of her Mnjesty with regard
to the impending negotiation, it is impossible to resist the
conviction that the prospects of peace are most favorable.
(Hear, hear.) It is true we may be disappointed* 4
true that on this, as on previous occasions in our histery,
we may find that when the cup has reached the lip the
draught may vet not be swallowed. (A slight laugh.) All
this I admit, but we have at least the satisfaction of knowing
that if hen Majesty fails in the negotiations which are now
about to be carried on—if the conditions of peace of which
the noble 'lord is cognisant, bat with wkich we are unac-
quainted, may not affect that great result which is now
generally expected, and generally desired—we have the
satisfaction of knowing that her Majesty may appeal with
confidence to her Parliament to support her in a renewed
struggle—(cheers)—and that there is no sum which
Parliament will not cheerfully vote, or her people cheer-
fully raise, to vindicate her honour and maintain
the independence and interests of her kingdom.
(Cheers.) It is with this conviction that our negotia-
tors will enter upon their important duties. After
the intimation from the '1 hrone, the prospect ci
peace is one which I trust will not be dissolved.
(Cheers.) The hon. gentleman who seconded the Address
referred to the exhaustion of Russia as the best security
for peace at this moment- Under these circumstances,
cannot but hope that we shall soon Lave it. upon authority,
announced that a general treaty of peace has been success-
fully negotiated ; and that it will prove to be a treaty that
will accomplish the objects for which the war was under-
taken. (Loud cheering )

Lord PausnusroN complimented Mr. Disraeli
upon the course he had taken, and concurred with
him that it was not the duty of the Government tit,
persevere in war if its objects could be obtained b 7
negotiation. He submitted that any discussion upon
the pending negotiations would he highly inexpe•
diem,. Su soon as any definite step was taken, the
house should be duly infocined. Although, from the
spirit and condition of the country, the future
chances of the war were greatly in our favour, wa
should not be justified iu rejecting overtures which
held out a prospect of a safe and honourable peace
In the negotiations no principle the couutry was enti-
tled to stand by would be foregone, while a spirit ot
conciliation would be shown.
lloneucit denied that Parliament should not
discuss the treaty until it was concluded. The noble
lord had not told them what course he was about to
pursue. The war had been disgracefully conducted,
and it was the duty of Parliament to see that it was
not disgracefully concluded. He did not believe
that the peace would redound to the honour of Eng •
land, or attain the object of the war. Din another
campaign we drove Russia out of the Crimea and
erected Bessarabia and the Principalities into a sepa.
rate kingdom, we should obtain a better and more
effectual guarantee against the aggressions of Russia
than the present terms offered.
Sir Dt•: LACY EVANS thought the prestige of Eng
land was materially injured, and he not see in
the proposed terms any security for peace.
Lord Jour/ MANNERS would express no opinion in
favour of the termination of the war, unless th•
eastern as well as the western territory of Turkey
were secured by the treaty.
After some Enid' observations from Sir Henry
Willoughby, Mr. Hadfield, and Mr. Scully, th•
Address was agreed to, and the house adjourned.

THE SUFFERINGS OF THE CHINESE LABOURERS em-
ployed in digging guano on the Chincba Islands, off
Callao, are said by a correspondent lately arrived
from the spot to be of the most frightful character.
They are literally worked to death by their task-
masters, and, if refractory, subjected to the most
terrible punishments.

THE AUSTRIAN FORCE IN THE P
it, is reported from Vienna, will shortly
reduced. Count Coronini returns •
corps to the Austrian territory ; one
mains, under Count Paar.

iortly be materially
ms with the main
Ine division only re-