The Press.
London, England, 1858-03-27 00:00:00

THE PRESS, MARCH 27, 1858.

THE NEW INDIA BILL.

THE CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER has introduced his measure
for the better government of India, and, from the reception given to
it by the House of Commons, we incline to think that Lord PAL-.
mEasToti may take his measure home again, and jno more think of
pressing it on the notice of Parliament.
No doubt the present Government has had the advantage of ob-
serving the criticisms directed against his Lordship's measure, and has
not lost the opportunity of effecting improvements. But the present
Bill is in effect a new measure, and it is of so much more popular a cha-
racter as to render it impossible for the former Bill to stand for a
moment in competition with it.

In the first point—the new Minister for India—there could be no
great difference between the Bills. In the present measure he is to be
styled a Secretary of State for India, and he is to have a deputy, who
will preside over the Council in his absence.

It is on the constitution of the Council, as we observed last week,
that everything turns. This is the grand difficulty which attaches to
any and every scheme.

Lord PALMERSTON'S plan was one approved by no party. He simply
provided for a Council of eight members, appointed by the Crown.
These gentlemen were to have had allowances of 1,0001. a year, and
were not to sit in Parliament. The smallness of their number would
have rendered them incompetent to transact the business ; and the
same weakness would have disqualified them for making Any stand
against their President, in case of any difference of opinion. In fact,
Lord PALMERSTON'S plan wanted breadth —it was utterly poor and
insufficient.

The present Government has had the discernment to perceive
this deficiency, and the skill to avail themselves of it. The plan pro-
posed last right is one so decidedly preferable, that we have not the
slightest doubt of the verdict of the country upon the two schemes.
The Council proposed in the new Bill is to consist of eighteen
members, instead of eight. This number may suffice for the work,
which will be very great. Divided into sub-committees, this Council
will have to overlook the affairs of 180,000,000 of people.

But in its construction another vast difference comes in. The
appointment to eighteen offices of high rank could not with propriety
be given to the Crown. Nine of these Councillors, therefore, are to
be Dinned by the Crown, under strict limitations, and nine aro to be
emotive.

The nine seats to be filled by the Crown are to be given—four to
men who have distinguished themselves in the Civil Service in India;
four to men of reputation in the Indian army; and the ninth to some
one who has resided with some of the native princes.
The names already fixed on for this first list are:-
1. Sir FREDERICK CURRIE. 5. Sir CLAUDE WAY.
2. Mr. DORIN. 6. Sir J. PENNEFATHER.
3. Sir H• MONTGOMERY. 7. Colonel BOURI.TON.
4. Mr. PRiNOLE. I S. Sir R. VIVIAN.
9. Undecided.

So much of the nominees of the Crown. The remaining nine are to
be elected. The first four are to be chosen by a constituency formed
of those who have property in India—railroad shares, or other like
property, which can be registered. This constituency is estimated
at 5,000 persons. But, in the first instance, these four members are
to be named in the Bill. They are to be—

10. Mr. MANGLES. 12. Sir J. W. Hoaa.
11. Captain SHEPHERD. I 13. Mr. PRINSEP.
There will remain five seats ; and these it is proposed—and it
certainly is a novel proposal--to submit to the election of the five
gut commercial towns of the three kingdoms, namely :-
14. London. 16. Manchester.
15. Liverpool. 17. Glasgow.
18. Belfast.

The most startling feature in the case is the reference of the elec-
tion of these five members to the Parliamentary constituencies of these
five towns. Perhaps it was difficult to imagine any other plan; but
we should venture to suggest one slight Aeration—to wit, that the
electors should be those who had been on the lists of Parliamentary
voters for five years previous. This proviso would greatly purify
the list.

On the whole, we congratulate the Government and the Con.
servative party on a great success. That Parliament and the country
will greatly prefer the present Bill to its predecessor is a matter about
which there cannot be the smallest doubt. And this success yields
promise of many more. It will render any factious assault on the
Ministry more and more difficult; and, in truth, it seems the probable
precursor of a peaceful session.

For our own part, we may refer nor readers, with great satisfac-
tion, to the few hints which we dropped in our last week's number—
than which nothing could more thoroughly confute the idea which has
been sedulously propagated through the week, that we have not the
confidence of the Conservative party. No one will easily credit this
calumny, who compares our hints of last Saturday s►ith the Bill laid
last night before the House of Commons.

301

ON READING SOME EXPRESSIONS OF REJOICING
AT WATT'S RELEASE.

" Ibi omnis Maus labor."
Speak not of gladness ! let no word of pride
Hail the late boon, too poor to be denied.
He comes—escaped the dungeon and the chain,
Oppression's victim nears his home again.
His home ? Alas ! no joyous flush appears
On his worn cheek—no dew of rapyrous tears ;
His native breeze plays round him, yet it brings
No thrill of life—no healing on it's wings ;
His eye is lustreless—his fitful gaze
O'er unremembered objects idly strays,
And if he starts, 'tis but at shadows cast
On the blank Present from the hideous Past;
Received by Albion from the subject sea,
He treads her soil, nor feels that he is free !
Ah ! who can tell what ling'ring torments wrought
The fall of reason, and the wreck of thought !
What strokes of subtlest cruelty befel
The freeborn captive in a despot's cell ;
How harshly grated on a Briton' s ear
The gaoler's threat—the slave-official's sneer ;
How rank the stifling air—how faint the ray
That mocked his yearnings for excluded day !
Think of the loathsome meal, the fetter'd limb,
The weary night-watch in that dungeon dim;
Think, sadder yet, of all the ills that flow
From uncongenial fellowship in woe
Unspeakable—when oaths encount.tr pray'r,
And Crime taunts Grief, and Folly mocks Despair!
Think yet again—and in that little word
Condense all sorrow—think of Hope defered !
As the poor Captive, sick'ning hour by hour,
Invoked the vision of his country's pow'r,
And vainly deem'd her arm, outstretched to save,
Would reach the sufPrer in that living grave!
Such was his prison cheer. At home, the while,
Soft Clarendon assumed his blandest smile,
Sootli'd startled Peers with laudatory tales
Of Naples law, and Bombe's pleasant gaols ;
Retail'd the flattlies of his Court, and proved
The Pirate King " a man to be beloved !"
Oh ! for a voice of pow'r to urge the suit
Which WATT might urge—but those wan lips are mute—
A voice high-pitch'd above the vulgar cries
Of shouting mobs or pack'd majorities ;
Such as might echo with indignant roar
The note of Freedom heard from Piedmont's shore,
And cry in Britain's half-awaken'd ear,
" Stand for the Right, true wisdom dares not fear."
'Tis not too late fox Britain !

But for him—
The wrong'd, the sorrow-scathed—Hope's star is dim.
Well may we blush, and droop the pensive head,
And breathe faint dirges o'er the living dead ;
Kind hearts should weep, and earnest voices pray,
For the last victim of tyrannic sway.
Lo! as he passes, varying passions speak,
In gather'd brow, set lip, or changing cheek.
The hack Diplomatist, ‘l,,hose parchment soul
Long Utili has shrivell'no a protocol,
Shrugs as he gazes—raps his box—and pays
The tribute of some enigmatic phrase;
The fierce Conspirator, with laws at strife,
Sets his teeth hard, and clutches at his knife,
And whilst of anarchy and blood he dreams,
Blends human pity with his ruthless schemes;
The Patriot meditates the stern appeal
To Britain's Set,ate, pledged to guard her weal,
And only vows the recreant dupes to brand
Whose base connivance shamed their native land ;
While outraged Piety, Om' all untaught
To pray for vengeance, or to curse in thought,
Yet shudders o'er the unrequited wrong,
And, with blanch'd lip, half falters Lora how long!"

THE PREVIOUS QUESTION.
When asked to doom the Irish Court,

At Roebuck's bold suggestion,
Wherefore do Pam and John consort
To move "the previous question ?"

" The previous question," without flam,
Involves this previous tussle—
Shall Russell, John, abolish Pam,
Or Pam abolish Russell ?

W'r..

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