The Press.
London, England, 1857-04-18 00:00:00

THE FRANCHISE QUESTION.

IT is not likely that even the next short
session of Parliament will be allowed to pass
without the renewal of Mr. LOCKE KING'S
motion. The whole subject of extension of
the franchise will probably be brought under
public consideration, and it is well to have
clear views on a constitutional question of so
much importance. No two things can differ
more from each other than " Extension of the
Suffrage " and " Degradation of the Electoral
Body." The word "extension," like the word
" people," has often been artfully used to
mislead the public judgment. The Liberals
have employed the word " extension," not in a
true enlarging sense for the comprehension of
persons now shut out from the franchise (and
entitle i to enjoy it), but for the vulgarising of

SATURDAY,

the whole electoral body. They seek to
change the distribution of political power, to
remove it froth thd iiiidditt political
and bestow
it on the mtiltitude. A town with eight hun-
dred eleotonti voters, Mittel: the present law
liiight, With'just enlatitiiimettitif its boundaries,
obtain It legitimate extihsiod of the franchise,
Which Would prevent su'illirviency to some
leading,perddhal intereStg Of rich brewer, or
a great flittdil, lord WHIR a heavy wages bill.
Such an extension of the franchise might be
constitutional and fair, but it would not be
one to satisfy the clamourers of the Liberal
party.
What they aim at, we repeat, is the degrada-
tion of the franchise. They seek not to extend,
but to lower—not to popularise, but to intro-
duce plebeian elements, disconnected from
property. If the Liberals were allowed to
carry out their intentions, every constituency
in the kingdom would have a local platform,
dictating the politics of its neighbourhood.
The whole condition of political power in
England would be entirely altered. The
counties would be virtually turned into metro-
politan boroughs, and none could seek their
representation but capitalists with a Radical
popularity and ready to spend enormous sums
on their candidature.

Along with such an extension of the fran-
chise, the ballot would probably be offered
under the flimsy pretence of protecting the
rights of the minority. Some opponents of
the " Ballot" (like Lord JouN RUSSELL) have
argued that secret suffrage would be required
for democratic constituencies, and advantage
will be taken of their admissions. We have
little doubt but that when the Liberals make
up their minds to committing themselves to a
vast extension of the suffrage that they will
swallow the ballot. There can be no confi•
deuce placed in their disclaimers on this
point. They are in the hands of persons who
will give them no option ; and hitherto Eng-
land has been saved from the ballot only by
the votes of the Conservatives.

It may almost be taken for granted that the
mass of the Liberals will urge the necessity of
adopting secret suffrage, and Conservatives
must be ready to meet them. We must not
be taken unawares by the artful management
of the supporters of Liberalism. It is neces-
sary to regard with vigilance the movements
of the Reform leaders. Let not Conservatives
forget that they have rights of property to
uphold and preserve. What Liberals mean by
" Extension of the Franchise" is the virtual
swamping of social respectability under a mere
multitude. The educated classes would be
trampled on and tyrannised over in such a
system, and the relationship now existing
between the two Houses of Parliament would
be seriously compromised. As the Conserva-
tives were not fairly treated by the provisions
of the former Reform Bill, it will be doubly
necessary for them to see that they receive no
injustice from any fresh attempt of the Libe-
rals to introduce another and (possibly) still
more partial Reform measure.

THE PROFESSORSHIP OF POETRY.
MosT readers of the following observations
will be familiar with the arguments for and
against the predominance of professorial
teaching. It is said, on the one hand, that
the professor could take broader views of his
subject than the college tutor, and, being a
man chosen for his special proficiency and apti-
tude, would communicate an interest to his
teaching which the average college lecturer
could never hope to inspire. On the other
hand, it was urged that the price to be paid for
this supposed advantage would be nothing
less than the loss of that depth and thorough-
ness which had hitherto distinguished Oxford
and Cambridge education—that the professor
could not meet the difficulties of each indivi•
dual mind, or dwell upon points of detail with
that indefatigable perseverance necessary to
the communication of accurate knowledge on
difficult and complex subjects.
For our part, we have always held that in
scholarship, logic, and metaphysics, the tuto-
rial or catechetical system was, on the whole,

APRIL 18, 185'!

to be preferred to the professorial—that if
we cannot keep both, we must be content to
resign the latter. But however this may be,
there are one or two chairs in the University
of Oxford to which such objections can by no
means apply. And one of these, undoubtedly,
is that for the occupation of which a pretty
sharp contest seems just now likely to ensue.
An Oxford Professor of Poetry, though we
fully agree that he should be something totally
different from a University laureate, is still
not called upon for any grammatical exegesis
of classical writers. His lectures could. from
no point of view, be considered a substitute
for college instruction, or calculated to inter-
fere with the claims of accurate verbal scholar-
ship. They should rather form a fitting sup-
plement to that course of study whose prizes
are Irelands and Hertfords, Chancellor's
medals and college fellowships. They should
lead the young scholar to apply those canons
of taste which he has acquired by the aid of
VIRGIL, SOPHOCLES, and HONER, to a wider field
of literature and new regions of beauty. They
should follow in the wake of those models of
pure taste and elegant latinity, Professors
COPLESTONE and KEBLE, and strive, if we may
so speak, to popularise the lessons they con-
vey. This would be truly to utilise the
chair of poetry, and extend its influence, not
only to a few finished scholars, but to the
general mass of university students.
But there is even a further and a higher end
which a Professor of Poetry might propose to
himself, though how far compatible with the
present system of delivering his pradections
in Latin is perhaps a doubtful point. It is
impossible to over-estimate the benefits which
might accrue to literature from the existence
of a central fountain of criticism in which
that purity of taste which is the reward of
classical studies should be made to go hand
in hand with a mastery of modern letters. A
censorship of poetry would then be established
whose dicta would be received more ungrudg-
ingly than those of reviews and newspapers,
inasmuch as they would be general and not
particular, and could scarcely be suspected of
any party bias, whether literary or political.
It is not easy to say how far the popularity of
the so-called spasmodic school of poets may
not be owing to the rapid increase of a class of
readers unacquainted with the true laws of
taste and composition, which the right em-
ployment of the Oxford chair of poetry might,
wo really believe, do much to diffuse and de-
termine.
Nor are the benefits to the cause of classical
study, which a due fulfilment of the proles•
sor's duties might effect, to be altogether
overlooked in our estimate of their importance.
If one main end of his discourses were to
facilitate a comparison between the beauties
of the classic and romantic schools of poetry,
from the purely critical point of view, he
would probably do much to popularise the
classics, and to elucidate that problem which
is now so perplexing to the middle classes,—
why, namely, the study of the writings of
antiquity should necessarily form the basis of
a liberal education.

What, then, should be the qualification of a
professor from whom we might fairly antici-
pate the realisation of these hopes ? Clearly,
in the first place, a combination of elegant
scholarship, with a wide knowledge of modern
literature ; then a highly cultivated critical
judgment, and, finally, that general literary
ability which should enable him to take his
stand in the first class either as a writer or a
lecturer. Evidence for the possession of these
(nullities must be sought first of all in the
University performances of the candidates ;
and, secondly, in their performances in the
department of general literature. He who
unites in his own person the greatest share of
distinction in each, should undoubtedly be
the choice of the electors. But neither, by
itself, should, if possible, be received as con-
clusive. Though, as we have said, the pro-
fessor is not to be a laureate, yet unquestion-
ably he who has gained some reputation as an
English poet may fairly be considered to
possess poetical and refilled taste. And, if
the distinction of a prize poem be ever worth
anything at all, it ought surely to be allowed
to weigh in the choice of a Professor of
Poetry.

THE PRESS.

We have said enough to indicate our opinion
of the principles by which the University
should be guided in their choice of a professor.
Of the candidates now before them, Mr.
TWEED, Mr. JONES, and Mr. BODE are all
known as first-rate classical scholars, and
the last-mentioned gentleman as no unsuc-
cessful adventurer in the domain of English
poetry. Mr. RUSKIN, it strikes us, is a little
stepping out of his path to stand for this
office ; but the two Mr. ARNOLDS, if both, in-
deed, are candidates, equally have claims on
the University, both as old Newdegate price-
men and successful modern poets. Such are
the candidates and such the present prospects
of the professorship. We can only sincerely
echo the common sentiment that the best man
may be chosen.

THE DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES.
Is considering the future organisation of any
rising nationality, it is obviously of the high-
est itnportanee to comprehend the wishes and
even the prejudices of the people themselves.
It has, therefore, been asked whether, in the
controversy at present going on between the
Western Powers respecting the settlement of
the Danubian principalities, it would not be
as well to ascertain the real sentiments of the
Roumans previous to the adoption of any defi-
nite line of policy in their behalf. But at
the present moment this question seems
to be more plausible than pertinent. For
on the main point at issue, the wishes
of the Roumans have been already so dis-
tinctly expressed that they are no longer a
secret to any one. Their desires are now as
evident to Englishmen as they are to French-
men or Austrians. They point directly to a
union of the Principalities under the sway of
an hereditary Western monarch. With the
example of Greece before their eyes it may be
thought that this is an odd choice. But the
circumstances of the two countries are widely
different, and we should hesitate to express
dissent from the unanimous voice of the
Moldo-Wallachian people.
Austria, however, being anxious to prevent
any such consummation, and having exhausted
the imaginary terrors suggested by Russian
advocacy of the scheme, at the first opening of
the Paris Conferences insisted on the neces-
sity of consulting the Roumans, and the farce of
waiting for their answer is still kept up,
though their wishes are, as we have already
stated, patent to all concerned.
Feeling, however, that this device far gaining
time must soon be seen through, Austria is
now gradually abandoning that position, and,
assuming tbat a majority of votes will be in
favour of the union, maintains that with
Turkey alone, who has expressed au adverse
opinion, can rest the ultimate decision, end
that no vote of any majority can control her
absolute discretion in the matter.
Such we believe to be a tolerably correct
version of the present situation of affairs. The
conduct of Austria will, of course, be inter-
preted differently by her friends and her
enemies. To some it will not seem to exceed
the limits of legitimate diplomacy ; in the eyes,
perhaps, of others it may assume a less
favourable colour. However this may be, one
thing at least, we think, appears tolerably cer•
tain, namely, that Moldo-Wallachia is a Coun•
try on which it is worth while to make some
effort to bestow a suitable and popular
government. The population of Moldavia and
Wallachia, now reduced to five millions, is cal-
culated to rise, under favourable circumstances,
to double its number in the space of ten years.
It is no secret to those wbo have visited Bul-
garia, Servia, Transylvania, and the Bukowine,
that the system of labour and land tenure
lately in force has had the effect of driving the
Roumans in large numbers from their native
country, and of making them settle, some in

375

Austria, some in Servia, and others in Turkey.
As new settlers they came in for allotments of
ground barren in comparison with those pre-
viously occupied, yet they lived and increased,
maintaining in their newly colonised homes
the language and customs of their forefathers.
Place Wallachia and Moldavia under a united
and well-organised Government, and the two
millions of wanderers will return. This, with
the increase natural to a better state of society,
will create a commonwealth more plenteous
in population than the England of Queen
ELIZABETH. and capable of furnishing what
Turkey and Austria deny that it can furnish,
an army for its own defence.
Whether these results are best to he insured
by a union of the Principalities according to
the wish of the inhabitants, or by some other
method of more foresight, we do not undertake
to determine. Suffice it to remind our readers
that a strong and united kingdom between
Turkey, Austria, and Russia, is likely to prove
not less serviceable to the interests of this
country than either Switzerland, Piedmont,
or more remote Eastern or Western States,
for which we have not been unwilling to risk
expensive and tedious wars.

CONSERVATIVE GAINS IN IRELAND.
THE Irish Elections have presented some
special features worthy of notice. There has
been a decided improvement in the class of
members, and a greater number of the gentry
have been returned. The Conservatives have
gained in the important counties of Galway,
Louth, Mayo, Carlow, Sligo, Westmeath, and
they have lost only in one county, Wexford.
In Waterford City, also, the Conservatives
have gained a member, and the losses at Sligo
and Athlone will be rectified en petition.
But foremost amongst the Conservative
triumphs must be placed the decided defeats of
the Government. Never did a Lord Lieutenant
work so hard for his political friends
as Lord CARLISLE ; and never did a Lord
Chancellor help his chief with such zealous
enthusiasm as the Right Honourable MAZIERE
BRADY. The "Dublin Six" (as the Conserva-
tive M.P.'s for the University, County, and
City of Dublin are called) were singled out for
special assault. Vicegeral canvassers thronged
the courts of justice, the public offices, and
even the ball-rooms. Never even in the
annals of Irish electioneering did "the
Castle" put forth such energy, and all
to no avail. It is said that two hundred
barristers were influenced by certain persons.
The mere fact that the Whigs would consent
to yoke the son of the Lord Chancellor of Ire-
land along with one of the chiefs of " the Brass
Band " shows the fierceness with which the
struggle was undertaken. But the " Six"
triumphed against " the Castle." In several
county elections the influence of the priests
was gallantly withstood. We are glad to see
that Mr. GREGORY has again been elected.
Although differing from him on some points,
we acknowledge his talents and his tried
faculties for public speaking. Mr. CONWAY
DOBBS, the new Conservative Member for
Carrickfergus, is said to be a young man of
political promise. If the " Irish Independent
Opposition " be excluded from the list of
'• Liberals," it would appear that Conservatism
has had a numerical triumph over the Minis-
terialists in Ireland. Thirty-three Roman
Catholic gentlemen have been chosen, and
several ot• them (like The O'Dostoonuz and
Mr ALEXANDER M'CARTHY) are of a far higher
social grad 3 than the predecessors of their
communion in former Parliaments. The de-
clining influence of the Whigs in Ireland is
shown by their failure in finding a seat for
Mr. JOHN BALL, turned out of Carlow, and re-
jected by Sligo. On the whole, it must be ad-
mitted that there has been a manifest improve-
ment in the political tone and the personal
consideration of the Irish members now
elected.