The Press.
London, England, 1857-02-14 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

If it is not easy to account for the origin of the Persian war, it is
more difficult to foretel its result. Upon all sides, in the Paris
journals and in the London Ministerial prints, we are assured of the
pacific disposition of the SHAH, and of the desire of Russia and
France to bring about peace ; while in Parliament, Lord PALMERSTON
and his colleagues resist every motion for the production of papers, on
the plea that negotiations are pending at Paris between FEROUK KHAN
and Lord COWLEY. In the midst of these agreeable Ministerial
anticipations, a despatch from Constantinople states that General
CHAMBERLAYNE, with his division of 5,000 men, and accompanied by DOST
MOHAMMED, had reached Cabal, and was in full march for Herat. This
intelligence is remarkable ; for it is only a few days since we were as-
sured that Gen. CHAMBERLAYNE'S force had advanced into Affghanistan
for a special purpose ; that it had fulfilled that purpose, and retired.
The next telegraph informs us that the division is en route for Herat.'
What material effect this intelligence, if confirmed, will have upon the
negotiations anti the negotiators, wo have yet to learn. It must
inevitably lead to fresh domplications, and may possibly involve us in
a war from which extrication with credit will be a difficult task. If we
advance upon and recapture Herat, the appearance of a Russian con-
tingent upon the Persian soil would seem the natural result of the
hasty and ill-considered policy of our Government. Meantime, we
wait with some degree of interest for the confirmation or contradiction
of this reported march of a modern European army from Cabul to
Herat. _

The publication of the Chinese despatches this week only con-
firms every unprejudiced mind of the illegality and injustice of our
cause, and of the direct violation of international law by the British
authorities on the spot. The affidavits of the seamen who swear to
the fact of the hauling down by the Chinese of the British colours
then flying at the peak of the lorcha, prove nothing against the
Chinese, as in the first place it is admitted the vessel had no right to
fly British colours, and in the next to fly any colours at all, because
such an act on board a vessel at anchor was contrary to the regula-
tions of the port of Canton. Every step in explanation of this lament-
able affair tends to the conviction of both the Government at home
of an obscure and unprofitably subtle policy, and its subordinates
abroad of the most intolerable duplicity, and the most unscrupulous
violation of all law, justice, and truth.
The article in the Moniteur of last week upon the union of the
Principalities has excited much remark, as evidencing a certain diffe-
rence of opinion upon the subject between the Governments of France
and England. The question whether the Danubian principalities
shall or shall not be united is a practical question of grave importance.
The Present point in dispute is how the people shall be governed—a
point worth contending for ; as to who shall govern, that is a question
of secondary importance. It has no necessary nor immediate relation
to the first. The Principalities desire a Government; when that is
assured, a Governor will be found. But the security of the first point
does not depend upon the settlement of the last. It is incontestable
that two provinces, peopled by ono race, identical in language,
religion, and traditions, would be more powerful and better able to
develop their vast resources it' united, than divided. Iu this case the
peoples desire unity, the Porte is not opposed to it, and Europe gene-
rally favours the proposal upon the broad ground that it. is for the
mutual and material interests of Turkey and the Principalities that
the Government of the latter should be based upon fundamental
principles—securing, on the one hand, the preservation of the rights
of Turkey ; and, on the other, such stability of Government as would
give that tranquillity to Moldavia and Wallachia which the political
position of Europe and the peculiar circumstances in which the Prin-
cipalities are placed indubitably require. The question is one of
future feebleness or future strength to the outlying provinces of the
Ottoman empire. Which would the better insuro the safety of Turkey
from the aggressions of her powerful neighbours appears to be a
problem not incapable of solution.

Lord CRANWORTH is like Penelope. He undoes by night all that
he accomplishes by day. In Westminster-hall the LORD CHANCELLOR
is the very useful Judge which Mr. MALINS described him to be. He
gets on with business, is an acute and patient expounder of prece dents,
and altogether does as much for the dignity of the law as any two
judges out of three are likely to effect. But the moment he gets into
the House of Lords his useful qualities are at fault. He gets entangled
and mystified; and, were his suggestions adopted, future Lord Chan-
cellors would probably have double the amount of labour entailed
upon them in escaping from the consequences of his abortive
legislation. Both his person and his office are thus brought
into contempt, and the reputation he may have acquired as a
judge destroyed by his blunders as a jurist. In former times,
before Equity became a wholly written science, many points would
arise for decision, demanding the exercise of much higher
mental qualities than the mere comparison of precedents. Under
such circumstances, tho discharge of his purely legal duties was
eminently calculated to train a Lord Chancellor for the consideration
of comprehensive questions. Now the case is the reverse. And
Lord CRANWORTH's language, from the beginning to the end of the dis-
cussion on Life Peerages, showed how completely his mind was un-
fitted to grapple with broad principles. lie kept. urging precedent after
precedent, while higher minds were ready at once to declare that in
such a case, such precedents as he could adduce, granting their tech-
nical correctness, were utterly beside the mark. All this be could