The Press.
London, England, 1858-06-05 00:00:00

530

" Mr. MIALL said he thought there was but
one opinion as to the result of the interview with
Lord PALMERSTON, and that was, that they must
not look to the present Administration to assist
them in carrying a messure for the abolition of
Church-rates."

Here we had Lord PALNI[ERSTOX in power, at
the head of a professedly Liberal Government,
and his real disposition with reibrence to the
Church-rate question was clearly seen.
Next, of the Ballot. Very consistently, and
very distinctly and decidedly, has Lord PAL-
MERSTON always voted and spoken against the
Ballot. lie may now " turn over a new leaf,"
and promise to support it. But what could such
a sudden conversion gain for him, but the con-
tempt of every honourable mind ? So, also, of
Mr. Locxn KING'S motions. Lord PALmEns-
Tos has opposed them again and again, and has
gladly obtained the help of the Conservatives to
do so. Were he now, merely to annoy the Con-
servatives, and to gain a momentary triumph over
them, to join those whom he has for years with-
stood, how could any honest man defend or
tolerate such conduct ?
As for the last point, the assumption of power
over the army by the House of Commons, on
that subject Lord PALMERSTON took a loyal and
Conservative line so recently as last Tuesday
evening.
But what, then, is the general result of this
review ? Is it not that, taking a fair and impar-
tial view of Lord PALMERSTON'S mode of speak-
ing and acting for years past, the Record is not
without some apparent ground for its assertion
that his Lordship is at heart " as good a Con-
" servative as Lord DERBY." .

But, then, what shall we say when we find a
man, who is "as good a Conservative as Lord
DERBY," summoning meetings of the " Liberal
members" of the House of Commons at Cam-
bridge-house, and offering to put himself at their
head in order to defeat and expel the Conserva-
tive Ministry, and to become himself the head of
a new Liberal Government ? Is it not clear that
he must intend to deceive and delude either one
party or the other. There are those who still
hope and trust, with the Record, that Lord PAL-
mitßgrox is a Conservative at heart. There are
others who receive his present professions, and
who would help him to form a Liberal Govern-
ment, in order to further Liberal measures.
Now, one of these two parties must be deceived.
FoucHr., we believe, in the Hundred Days, was
ostensibly and publicly one of BUONAPARTE'S
Ministers. Yet, eally, though privately, he was
acting for Loris XVIII. But is there a man to
be found—in England, we mean—who would
seriously defend such a line of conduct ? Need
we seriously urge and contend that a man should
appear what he really is, and that if his convic-
tions be on the Conservative side, or on the
Liberal, on that side he should range himself?
If Lord PALMERSTON, amidst a long succession
of changes, coalitions, and new combinations,
has begun to lose sight of the all-important dis-
tinction between right and wrong—between ob-
liquity and uprightness—we can assure him that
there is still a large proportion of Englishmen
whose perceptions are not so warped, and who
will respect and support no man who does not
plainly declare his convictions, and firmly abide
by those convictions when declared.
But, to return to our main subject—what is
the state, and what are the prospects of " the
great Liberal party " ? Is it not clear that such
a party, if it can be held to exist, is in the most
painful and perilous of all positions ? It is either
disorganized, and a mere mob ; or it is under the

THE PRESS, JUNE 5, 1858

trusting the late Premier, as a large section of
. .
they do, they will yet
and help-
tbmit to be
sooner or
Govern-

camp ; or
they have
\willb6s
only to
place in powe. Ay rupathy with
their views, nor any respect for their persons.

THE OTHER. SIDE OF TILE QUESTION.
WE have just been reviewing the position and

circumstances of the Liberals, and remarking on
the sad alternative which seems to be before
them, of disorganization and weakness on the
one side, or submission to an unsympathising
master on the other. It would be unfair to our

opponents, and unwise as regards our friends, to
forget or conceal the fact, that dangers of a
similar character are often found on the Conser-
vative side also.

It is, we suppose, a necessary and inevitable
thing, that Liberal leaders, especially when in
office, should be, or appear to be, less earnestly
Liberal than their followers. And probably the

same causes tend to make Conservative leaders,
especially when in office, less strongly Conserva-
tive than their supporters. The most promi-
nent cause of this doubtless is, that an indivi-
dual Liberal or Conservative, simply expressing
his own opinions, does so without the burden or
fetters of official responsibility. But a man in
power, whether Liberal or Conservative, feels
that in carrying certain views into practical
effect, he is doing that for which he - after•
wards be called to account,
taut of Calcutta, filled
alarm, may demand the
every sepoy. But the
all his subordinates, know

to death even a thousand captive sepoys would
be an act for which they might afterwards be
called to a solemn reckoning.

Allowance must be made on both sides for this
great difference in circumstances between an in-

dependent Liberal or Conservative, and a Liberal
or Conservative in office. But, having made this
allowance, there will still remain much to be ac-
counted for.

We cannot say that there exists on the Con-
servative side that evident want of sympathy or
common feeling which is so apparent in the oppo-
site camp. Lord PALMERSTON has already

shown on several occasions that his views and
objects are not identical with those of " the
great Liberal party." Nothing of this kind can
be laid to the charge of Lord DERBY. The real
nature of the peril which commonly besets the
Conservative party may be best understood by a
glance at the history of Sir ROBERT PEEL.
This great Conservative leader showed con-
summate skill, in the years between 1835 and

shilling great ooject,
as he had promised in the previous year to do,
he produced and passed a short awl simple Act,
empowering the cesiastical Commissioners to
borrow some money from the Commissioners of
Queen ANNE'S Bounty ! Any such measure Lord
JOHN Russicu. would gladly have conceded in
Lord MELBOURNE'S House of Commons ; yet this
was all that Sir ROBERT PEEL had to offer in a
House especially elected to maintain Conservative
principles !
Five years before, in his address to the electors
of Tamworth, Sir ROBERT PEEL had promised a
settlement of the Church-rate question. He had
now got a House of Commons which was fully
prepared to deal with this great question in a
Conservative spirit. But not the slightest
attempt of the kind did he make. He thus
sacrificed an opportunity of adjusting this diffi-
cult matter, which can never again occur!
Two years had passed, and the Church found,
to her great disappointment, that from this Con-
servative Ministry, backed by a Conservative ma-
jority in the House of Commons, she had little or
nothing to expect. But the Unitarians excited
more interest in Sir ROBERT PEEL'S mind. They
had got possession of a number of chapels,
founded for the use of orthodox Dissenters.
From these chapels there was danger of their
being ejected by the ordinary course of law. To
prevent this, and to hinder the orthodox Dis-
senters from regaining their own property, Sir
interfered. ‘troduced, and
- this

own
the
and
irreparable sur-
rendering . Having shat-
tered to pieces the noblest body of men that ever
supported any Minister in a British House of
Commons, he now had to cross the House and
take his seat on the Opposition benches. But
he was no longer what in 1837, 1838, and 1839,
he had been—the admired and trusted leader
of a band of three hundred honourable men. On
all sides he saw alienation and dislike. The next
year a general election cleared the House of
nearly one hundred of hispersonal supporters, and
" the Peelites " dwindled into insignificance. For
two years he endured his altered and humiliating
circumstances; but his health evidently suf-
fered, and at last, in a sudden and mysterio'J
way, the grave received him.
We have alluded to these painful circum-
stances, not because such a retrospect can be any-
thing but disagreeable, but because the fall of
Sir ROBERT PEEL ought to act as a practical
warning, for many years to come, to all public
men. Never did any statesman more clearly dig
down and undermine the foundations of his own
power. Nothingemore was needed to render Sir
ROBERT PEEL'S Premiership coextensive with
his own life than simply this—that he should
ha/ been the office that he had
• admirers fell
quite
hat they
Ball and

which
statesman's chic)
'conciliatt
the at-
questions are
4, Let Us try
nothing
iuestion,

settled?

, much s
attempting this

the Liberals plainly tell us they do, they
be unable to bear their present scattered a
less condition. They will once more sub]
ordered into lint; they trill once more,
later, be arrayed against the Conservative
Went; bid it will be with the deplorable
that either they will fall and be defeated
because of the vision* in their own ca
they will succeed, titer* to find, as tl
already found, that thr victory to them
barren one ; lbr that thq hive fought,
Place in power one who has no sympai

eervative principles, his whole drift and aim when
in power seemed to be to disappoint Conser-
vatives, and to flatter and concede to Liberals.
His lilt duty wadi to ME the pledge which
he had gittn only One year beibre, by supporting
Sir aduEhlr INGaslii inotinn, that the religious
destitution of our uloue districts should be
supplied. This mot had nearly been carried
in Ldfd tLeot; Howie of Commons; and
now fir ekArr PEF:f, bud got a Conservative
Hoff*, ready, with a Majority of ninety, to adopt
111
any realm:noble proposal. But the obligation
which he had admitted on twelve months before,
he now evaded. Inste of devoting a single
shilling of the national funds to this great object,

for which he may after-
11CiEnT PEEL Interfgred. He ineroduceA
it. An English inhabi- forced through both Houses, an Act for
with indignation and nefarious purpose.
immediate execution of This was his first great quarrel with his
~.sdpporters. in,the next year he widened
Governor-General, and breach by his Maynooth Endowment Act;
3w full well that to put in 1846 he made it final and irreparable by
nd captive senors would rendering the Corn Laws. Having thus sl

6lCittll.V 04 LIM ulaLui j 11/ Ql/. 11(7111..1%1 1. r.r.i..
a party, if it can be held to exist, is in the most 110 BERT PEEL'S- Premiership coextensive win
painful and perilous of all positions ?It is either This great Conservative leader showed con- his own life than simply this—that he shook
disorganized, and a mere mob ; or it is under the summate skill, in the years between 1835 and have been the same man in office that he ha(
guidance of a man who is professing one thing 1841,
and meaning another. The Examiner, we ob- in forming and building up a party. Ile been out of it. His followers and admirers tel
then took the reins of office with a clear majority
serve, regards it in the former light, saying, inin
Downing-streetbecause
from
its last number : of ninety in the House of Commons, and might had known him in Merchant Tailors' Hall an'
oanfroytheaerr by
man year,
have retained power to the end of his life, and
" We would have no more attacks upon this at Glasgow.
mighty Government as long as it continues have made his name famous as the greatest We need not apply the lesson—it is one whicl
rooted in the littlenesses of an Opposition to practical Conservative Reformer that England hwihmatqttulitt%
iliat
whidt numbers are no more a source of strength had ever seen. Instead of which, he managed temptation nowa days is to strive more to conc
at
speaks for itself. Practically,
.the statesman's chit
than to a flock of sheep. Yet even sheep pre- •
in less than five years to shatter and break up opponents than to confirm and strengthen the
sent a united front to a common danger."
the great party which he himself had formed, troublesome ones—the Tempter says, "Let us tr,
tachment of friends. Two or three questions at
But this can hardly continue. The natural ten- and was then driven from office, and died in less and settle them, and then there will be uothin
lency of men in general, is to find out and enlist four years, we strongly suspect, of a
than •
-inder some lender. When anarchy has prevailed thought he would " settle the Maynooth question
broken heart. to trouble or endaner us." Sir ROBERT PEE
for a time, the people will rather declare fora and get it out of the way." But was it settled
tyranny, than remain ungoverned. And so it will And how was this? It was, because, raised to Is it not as much unsettled as ever; as much
probably be in this case. Disbelieving and die- power to promote, nourish, and further Con- theme of contention ? Yet, in attempting th
•