The Press.
London, England, 1856-07-19 00:00:00

BISHOPS' RETIREMENT BILL.

THE House of Lords has carried the second
reading of a bill for enabling the Bishops of
London and Durham to resign their episcopal
charge. This is a novelty in the history of the
Church of England ; but the necessity of
" something being done " has latterly become
so apparent, and so urgent, that any measure
indicative of a real desire for reform may be
received with hope. At the same time, there
can be no doubt that if the Government had
tried they could not have introduced a less
satisfactory measure than the one in question.
It merely provides for the passing hour,
makes no sort of arrangement for similar
cases in future, and treats the modification of
a radical principle in the Church as a mere
ephemeral event.
We ourselves are disposed to believe that
the right method of strengthening the British
Episcopate is to be looked for neither in such
a bill as the present, nor yet in the scheme
which has been lately mooted of dividing the
larger sees. It is decidedly inexpedient that
important bishcprics, such as London and
Durham, should be without representatives in
the House of Lords; which will be the case
whenever the present holders of them shall
resign ; and is an event likely to recur much
oftener, if resignations are encouraged. Be-
sides, it will further complicate an already
sufficiently complicated question, by raising the

THE PRESS.

point of episcopal privileges—whether, that is,
the retired bishops are to retain their seats in
the Uppei House ornot ? A question we are cer-
tain fi uitful of much future difficulty. The
other alternative of the division of sees
will simply have the effect of multi
plying the number of bishops who are
not peers, the existence of whom, even
as matters now stand, we have always
thought an objectionable anomaly. But the
system, if carried out as proposed, will end in
all the most vigorous members of the Bench
being outside of the House of Lords, and all
the most feeble ones in it. Why not, there-
fore, recur to the system of suffragans? A
man who is disabled by accident, or any spe-
cial malady, from the physical labour of hold-
ing visitations and such like episcopal func-
tions, may still make an excellent ruler of his
diocese. NV hat a pity that he should be com-
pelled to resign while still in the full vigour of
his faculties! All this might be prevented by the
creation of dignitaries who should be the repre-
sentatives of the bishop and authorised to per-
form all his spiritual duties. Suffragans are found
to work admirably in the American Church, and
funds exist in our own sufficient to meet the
expense of them, even if our present cathedral
bodies were left in the enjoyment of their
sinecures. But we believe there are many
Deans in the Church would be glad of more
active employment, and we think such a use
of them as we have indicated would be a far
more beneficial measure to the Church than
any that have yet been proposed. There are
persons whose Attie of the Church is exactly
in proportion to their ignorance of her real
working, to whom the retiring pension of
these two Prelates has seemed excessive. We
can only ask such persons how far they would
have felt ready to sacrifice 20,0001. a year
which they might have retained ; or how far,
on the other hand, 6,0001. a year can be deemed
too large a pension for one who has, according
to the Loan CHANCELLOR, spent as much as
15,0001. a year in charity for many years past?
On this showing, it is quite impossible that he
can have made any provision for his family,
and the coarse gibes of the Times are hereby
shown to be as wholly unfounded as they are
void of taste and good feeling.

LIBERAL INEFFICIENCY AND THE
NECESSITY OF CONSERVATIVE UNION.

TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRES 3."

Sir,—The results of the session cannot but be
most unsatisfactory to all who candidly inquire what
has been done, and who aro not satisfied with the
mere response that Lord Palmerston has been kept
in and the Conservatives kept out. For neither have
any useful, still less any important, Government
measures been carried ; nor has the Cabinet
shown an inclination to take in band any of the
great social and administrative questions which
are ready for solution. Trifling, procrastination. and
arrogant incompetence, have marked the domestic
policy of the session. It is even worse in foreign
affairs. For, though we may regret that so much
vallable time has been waste.' on undigested and
crude bills, and measures which the parents knew
could never grow to maturity—whilst practical legis-
lation, for which the times are ripe, on army, ad-
ministrative, and legal reform, has been neglected
—we can console ourselves with the reflection that
they are only shelved for the time, and that those
who have undertaken their advocacy will soon find
the public mind less listless and unsympathising
than it has of late been. But the same consolatory
reflection is not ours in respect to indecision and
remissness in external policy. There a false step is
not easily retraced, an inconsistent course inflicts
an injury on the character and fair fame of the country,
long atter the sinning Minister or Cabinet is dis-
placed. And seldom, if ever, has there been a time when
our foreign relations required more to be conducted
with a firm hand, and in an open and candid spirit,
than at the present moment: as seldom have they
been intrusted to men so deficient in these requisites
as Lords Palmerston and Clarendon. An ambiguous
line of conduct, exasperating and defying the power-
ful without cause, and then yielding to them without
dignity; exciting the unfortunate to rebellion by
professions of sympathy ; then leaving them to their
fate with a cold discourse on the folly of their
struggling; and avenging itself for the humiliations
it receivel from the mighty, by converting its
differences with the weak into excuses for persecu-
tion—such has been the unvarying tenor of the
belauded Palmerstonian policy. A love of under-

SATURDAY, .7

hand shifts, and an absence of manly, English
straightforwardness; a petty " haggling " about
trifles, and a carelessness about great prin-
ciples ; a stubborn pertinacity when in the
wrong, till what might at first have been given
up with grace, was conceded without honour,
combined with an inordinate love of making his
despatches as long and as galling as possible
—these are the qualifications which our Foreign
Minister brings to the settlement of such deli-
cate questions as Italy, the Bay Islands, the
Principalities, and Turkish regeneration.
All our foreign relations are in a ticklish state!;.....
the fruits of the inconsistencies of our policy for nearly
thirty years are coming upon us now. Those
foreigners most kindly disposed to us—such as the
Count de Montalembert and M. de Remusat—join
in condemning our eccentric and irritating policy,
and would fain call back the loyal England of the
past.
But, if we would have a straightforward policy,
we must have different Ministers ; and as the re_
cess, which gives almost despotic power to the
Government, will also afford us time for consoli-
dating our ranks and drilling our forces, let me now
add a few words on the necessity of Conservative
union. I will, with your permission, in a subse-
quent letter, state what steps are necessary to give
greater organisation and Parliamentary weight to the
Conservative phalanx. The unsatisfactory aspect cf
affairs abroad, and the proved unsuitableness of our
rulers to deal with them, are facts too patent even to
Ministerial followers, and to none more so than to
such as myself, who at an early period advocated
that peace which they concluded. And why? Be-
cause Lord Clarendon and his Ministry did not ob-
tain, as they might have done, and as Englana's
relative position enabled her to ask, that neutralisa-
tion of the Black Sea which ought to have been in-
sisted on as a preliminary to any conference, and
which might have been attained at Paris by a deter-
mined Minister; whilst he compromised us by his
unworthy and uncalled-for concessions, respectirg
the rights of the Belgian press, and our maritime
right of search. The honour of the country is not
safe in such hands. Nor does the character and
position of the Premier and his subordinates war-
rant us, if we can help it., in leaving the helm of
State any longer in their hands. Lord Palmerston
is at the head of an army consisting almost entirely
of irregulars and Bashi-Bazouks, bolding no com-
mon creed, professing no attachment to their chief
for the nonce—held together only by the fear that
the patronage which provides for their relations, and
keeps them their seats, should fall into more honest
hands. The questions of Church rates, army
reform, education, and finance, call for speedy
settlement ; but our rulers will not under-
take them, dreading to utter's, decided opinion upon
them for fear of offending some of their heteroge-
neous followers. It is time for such a state of
things to end. The Conservatives have chiefs,
whose names are identified with all the great ques-
tions of the day—statesmen worthy to lead the way
in useful reform and social progress. The country
is sick of sham " Liberalism," has learnt thoroughly
to despise clamourers for reform, and endures its
present misrule only because the legitimate heads of
a national policy are backward in enunciating it.
Surely, then, it is the duty of all to do their utmost
to unite for active purposes the scattered members
of the Conservative body, that so the present dead-
lock" in practical legislation may be put an end to,
and England once more possess Ministers who will
make their country trusted and respected abroad,
and not neglect the duties of Government at
home.—l am, sir, yours, &c.,

H. L.

VIsCOUNT PALMERSTON and Earl Fortescue were
invested with the Blue Ribbon of the Garter by the
Queen on Saturday.
THE EARL OF WESTMORLAND has been charged
with a special mission to congratulate the King (1f
the Belgians on the twenty-fifth anniversary of his
reign, and the prosperity of his people. His lordship
lett town yesterday (Friday) for Brussels.
THE CABINET COUNCIL held on Saturday afternoon,
at the Foreign-office, and at which all Ministers in
town attended, sat for two hours and three-quarter,.
THE COMMITTEE OF THE LORDS appointed to Con-
sider the present mode of carrying into effect capital
punishments have reported as follows :-
1. That executions should in future be carried into
effect within the precincts of the prison, or in some place
scouring similar comparative privacy.
2. That a certain number of official witnesses be present
at the execution, and sign a deposition to having wit'
nessed it.

3. That such other spectators as the local authorities see
fit to admit be also allowed to be present.
4. That the exact time of the execution be made known
to those without, as, for instance, by the tolling of a bell,
which shall cease at the moment of execution, and the
hoisting at the same time of a black flag.
And the committee have directed the minutes of evi•
dence taken before them, together with an appendix thereto,
to be laid before your lordships.

JcrtY 19, 1856.

Vrottebings in prliantent.

HOUSE OF LORDS—Mosnav, JULY 14.
AFFAIRS OF ITALY.
Lord LYNDHURST, pursuant to notice, rose to call
the attention of the house to the affairs of Italy.
Reminding the house that of all military tyrannies,
that of Austria was the most galling and odious to
the people of the country, as shown by their conduct,
not only in Italy, but in the Danubian principalities,
he pointed out that Austria in Italy had passed her
limits of occupation, as settled by the treaty of
Vienna, and for the last seven years had nut only
spread herself over the Legations, but had taken
possession of the Duchy of Parma, kept the whole
country in a state of siege, and subjected it to Mar-
tial Law. Now, he would ask what termination was
to be put to this state of things?—
The short answer that I have heard returned from the
Austrian Government is this :—" When we can leave the
country without danger of insurrection, we will do so."
Now, mark the course of things. A bail Government produces
dissatisfaction, disturbance, possibly insurrection. That
ends in the invasion of a military force. The possession by
the military force continues and increases dissatisfaction, so
that practically it is rendered impossible ever to remove
the troops, and, according to that argument, the occupa-
tion of these districts by a military force can have no
termination.
Hence, there being no remedy, what was to be said
to the condition of the country? The plan to estab-
lish a Government satisfactory to the people, and to
found a national corps for the preservation of order,
so that the foreign armies might be recalled, was
very plausible and specious, but could not be carried
into effect without the consent of Austria:—
Will she consent to it? Will Austria consent volun-
tarily? and, if she will not consent by her own voluntary
act, will she consent by the pressure of the Western
powers? Those must be credulous indeed who suppose
that Austria will voluntarily give up possession of this
district. It is said sometimes that the inconvenience of
her position is such that she will by her own act withdraw ;
but the inconvenience must be of a nature much more
striking than anything I can conceive of to lead her to
withdraw her troops. I think, therefore, as far as relates
to a voluntary act it is altogether hopeless, but she may
possibly yield to the pressure of France and England. I
looked forward to that state of things with the anticipation
of agreeable results. I hoped the Tressure would be such
as to accomplish the object I had in view. Ido not mean
by that the force of arms, but I mean by the moral effect
which would be produced by that pressure ; but I may be
permitted to say that, though I was somewhat sanguine
as to the intentions of France and England, circumstances
have occurred, symptoms have appeared, of such a nature
and character as to lead me to entertain very serious doubts
whether anything will be done. Not that there is any
doubt with regard to England, bnt there are circumstances
in the situation of France which lead me to doubt whether
she has at this time the disposition cordially to co operate ;
so that although I do not absolutely despair of the state of
Italy, yet I confess I feel very great anxiety and great
distrust.
In adverting to the state and prospects of Italy, it
was impossible to avoid speaking of the proceedings
of the Neapolitan Government. Nothing could ex-
ceed its infamous conduct. The same infamous
system of tyranny and oppression—founded on no
law, not even the law of arbitrary government—
described by Mr. Gladstone some years since, was at
this very moment pursued with greater secrecy, and,
in the present political trials, carried on now as then
in disregard of every principle of justice, and in
violation of every feeling of right. Lord Clarendon
had laid down, as a general rule, that one State
ought not to interfere in the internal affairs of an-
other, but that there were cases in which it was not
only right to do away with that rule, but that it was
the bounden duty of foreign Governments to inter-
fere; and if ever there was such a case, that case
was the case of Naples. What has been the course
which Lord Clarendon had pursued ?
It is now three months and more since the treaty of
peace has been signed, soon after which a note was ad-
dressed to the King of Naples. When I asked my noble
friend if any answer ?tad been received to that note—l beg
your lordships to mark the nature of the explanation and
the answer which I received. It was said that the King
of Naples had undertaken a journey to a place some few
miles from his metropolis, and that he had not been able
to send an answer. On a subject so grave and important,
such a reply was mere trifling, a mockery and an insult. It
was not very unlike the course which had been pursued
with regard to an amnesty, to which I directed the atten•
tion of my noble friend the other night. lam told, and
my noble friend will let me know if I am right, that within
the last two or three days an answer has been received
from the King of Naples. Ant I right in that statement?
(Lord Clarendon intimated assent ) I see that my noble
riend assents. I thank him for doing so, as that will lead
to another question—and that is, is that answer satisfac-
tory ? I am told that it is extremely the reverse. lam
told in the first place, that the King of Naples denies the
right of this country to interfere in the affairs of his king-
dom, and not only that, but that he positively refuses to
give any explanation or reply to the remonstrance ad•

THE PRESS.

dressed to him. I ask my noble friend if that is in sub-
stance the answer to the important communication made
to the King of Naples? My noble friend makes no sign.
I ask him if he will lay the papers on the table in the
course of the discussion this evening. so that we may have
an opportunity of seeing the nature of that communi-
cation ?
One thing was singular:—

There is no country more open to the power of England
that the kingdom of Naples. If the Government of Naples
has set at defiance our remonstrances, what is the interpre-
tation lam to put on that fact? I can draw but one con-
clusion, and that is that there is a feeling in Naples that
there is some backwardness and lukewarmness on the part
of France to co-operate with us to attain the objects we
have in view. This, then, is the state to which we are re
duced; that we threaten a foreign Government, declaring
that its conduct is infamous and atrocious, and that we
require it to be changed ; they refuse to listen to our re-
monstrances, and -ve sit quietly down and take no further
steps. What, then, has become of the power and the
prestige of England?

As a contrast to Naples, he offered Sardinia as a
proof that Italy was fitted for constitutional govern-
ment. Under the greatest difficulties Sardinia had
not only established, but, by the exercise of great
firmness, moderation, and patience, succeeded in
maintaining a free Constitution, and, in consequence,
was regarded by Austria with jealousy and hatred,
as holding out a dangerous example to the States of
Lombardy. Anything tending to subvert that con-
stitutional government would be eagerly seized by
Austria ; but the danger of Sardinia was not confined
to the intrigues of Austria in Piedmont :

There are other dangers with which she has to contend.
The least accident might cause circumstances to arise
which might bring destruction upon Piedmont. There
are great armies on the frontier, which are being daily
augmented ; and this has caused Piedmont to keep up
armies larger and more expensive than she can well afford
to support, and she is obliged to press hard on herfinances
to maintain armies to defend themselves against the
multitudinous armies which surround her. I would im-
press upon the Government the necessity of giving the
strongest moral support to the Government of Piedmont,
if the necessity for any such emergency should arise, of
giving to that Government material support. We never
can desert that country without a violation of duty.

Having thus noticed the principal facts of the
present state of Italy, the question remained what
hope have the friends of Italy for her ?

I think it right to say that I ant of opinion that there
ought to be no secret designs, no attempts at insurrection,
that we must abandon for the present any notion of a
united Italy ; and there must be no revolutionary move-
ments. I believe that at present a united Italy is an im-
practicable scheme. A revolutionary movement would be
crushed by the disciplined bands of Austria. Such is the
advice which ought to be given by the real friends of
Italy. lam told that many well-informed men in Italy
entertain the most moderate views; they do not wish for
any change iu the forms of Governments, but they wish to
obtain, and they are entitled to obtain, an impartial ad-
ministration of justice, and a firm and honest administra-
tion of civil affairs. Give thorn that, and I believe that the
great majority of the Italians will be content.
The learned lord concluding by moving for the cor-
respondence between her Majesty's Government and
the Italian States since the conclusion of peace.

The Earl of CLARENDON said the correspondence
asked for by Lord Lyndhurst was incomplete, was
still being carried on, and that he could see nothing
but injury to the negotiations in progress by the
production of the papers. With respect to the state
of Italy, he was compelled to admit the difficulty of
obtaining any amelioration of affairs. The condition
of Italy was not to be improved by force, but by
coming to an understanding with the Italian
Governments. Her Majesty's Government trusted
that the Italian people were too sagacious to resort
to revolution, which, perhaps, might be momentarily
successful, but which could not lay a foundation for
the future happiness and prosperity of Italy. He
denied any participation in revolutionary projects by
her Majesty's Government :

Nothing has been done by her Majesty's Government to
countenance revolution, because it would be both unjust
and cruel to excite expectations which cannot be realised,
or which we ourselves are not prepared to realise. For if
we lead the people of Italy to expect aid from us, we should
be bound to fulfil that expectation.
With respect to Naples, the representations made to
that Government had been made in tha most
friendly spirit, but the result ao far was not satisfac-
tory:—
- -

I could have wished to be able to say that the result of
the communication which has been made to the King of
Naples has been satisfactory. But I cannot say that it
has. It is impossible that two Governments can be more
at variance as to facts than her Mejesty's Goveniment and
that of the King of Naples. Remonstrances have been
made to the King of Naples in the most friendly spirit,
and we stated to him that in our views the existing state
of things was dangerous to the stability of his throne as
well as to the interests of his country. We especially
pointed out what my noble and learned friend has
suggested was one great difficulty—viz., the establishment
of a better administration of justice—we recommended a

677

general amnesty for political offences, and such a system
of government as should rally round it the confidence of
the people—that systematic distrust and expulsion with-
out trial or proof of guilt and unjust persecution should
cease—and, above all, that all persons, irrespective of
their political opinions, should have a sufficient guarantee
and security for their personal liberty. Now I think that
a bolder representation of our dissatisfaction it the
existing state of things could scarcely have been addressed
by any Government to another. It is true that we last
week received an answer to that representation ; but not
yet having any knowledge of the answer which has been
made to the French Government, not having yet been
able to confer with the Government of the Emperor of the
French—and I hope I shall not bring the Government of
France under the censure of my noble and learned friend
by saying that the Government is at this time absent from
Paris, and therefore no answers can be given at the
moment, until we have had a communication with the
French Government, and determined, in conjunction with
them. what is the course which under the circumstances it
may be necessary to pursue-1 think it would be better not
to lay upon the table the note we have received from
Naples, and to which my noble and learned friend has
alluded. And with regard to the nature of the answer. I
think I shall best perform my duty on this occasion by
simply confining myself to the general statement that it is
impossible for any answer to be less satisfactory or less in-
dicative of future improvement than that which has been
given to our representation.
With regard to the Pontifical States, he thought the
evacuation of Rome by the foreign troops was not
only desired by the Pope, but honestly contemplated
by Austria and France; and he believed that, follow.
ing the example of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, if
the Pope would only carry out the reforms promised
in his manifesto of '49, and rely with confidence on
his people, the evacuation of R ,me might take
place vtith perfect safety. In conclusion, he did not
believe that until the joint pressure of France and
England could he brought to bear in all its force,
the result desired for the amelioration of the people
of Italy could be obtained :

I can only add that the question of Italy—the question
of the amelioration of the condition of the Italian people
—her Majesty's Government have as much at heart as the
Parliament or the people of this country, and that in every
way they can, by their good offices, by all the moral jail
ence, and by all the efforts they can use, they will en—
deavour to effect its accomplishment.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE insisted upon the
production of the Neapolitan correspondence as a
means of bringing the force of public opinion to
bear upon the dispute. It was for this country to
consider whether it were not its duty to employ all
its influence, and even force, if necessary, to put an
end to the occupation by foreign troops of a territory
which ought to be independent.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said if ever force
should be resorted to as a remedy for the existing
state of things in Italy, it should only be in the last
extremity and from a strong conviction of its absolute
justice. The present state of affairs was not a state
in which the introduction of any new complications
was expedient. He concurred in the hope that the
existing system of foreign interference in Italy would
ultimately be got rid of. He trusted, however, that
if ever interference should become necessary, it
would be vigorously conducted, so that it might lead
speedily to a satisfactory result.
The subject then dropped.
PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
The house then went into committee on this bill.
Clauses Ito 11 were agreed to. On clause 12,
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH moved its omission.
The Duke of ARGYLL and Lord PANNURE supported
the clause.
The amendment, on a division, was carried by a
majority of 50 to 20.
Clause 14 was also struck out, and the rest agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS..—.MONDAY.
MR. JAMES SADLEIR.
Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that on Tuesday
se'nnight, in the event of his not surrendering him-
self, he should move the expulsion of Mr. James
Sadleir, should he still be a member of the house.
COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS.
Sir G. GREY, in reply to Mt. Kinnaird whether
it was the intention of the Government to grant a
new charter of incorporation to the Royal College of
Physicians of London, said there was no immediate
intention of granting a new charter.
METROPOLITAN SEWERS
Sir B. HALT„ in reply to Mr. Butler whether he
had any plan for preventing the sewage of the me-
tropolis tiowing into the Thames, and whether he
could assure the ratepayers that this important
question should not be
thrown over until Parlia-
ment met again, entered into a long statement of the
proceedings of the Metropolitan Board of Works, the
result of which was that be (Sir B. Hall), on the
report of Captain Burstow, R.N., had refused to
sanction the Plumstead plan. At the same time,
the Government were ready to consider any other
plans.
THE INDIAN BUDGET.
Mr. SMITH, in compliance with the request of Sir
E. Perry, fixed Monday next for the Indian budget.

He reminded hon. members, that if they insisted on
pressing amendments to the motion that the Speaker
do leave the chair, he (Mr. V. Smith) should be
unable to bring forward the Indian budget at all.

CIVIL SERVICE SUPERANNUATION BILL.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply to
Mr. Walpole, fixed Monday next for the discussion
of this bill.

THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY.

LordJoHN RussELL rose, pursuant to notice, to move
for an "address for c,pie3 or extracts of any recent
communications which have taken place between her
Majesty's Government and the Governments of
Austria, Rome, and the kingdom of the Two Sicilies,
relating to the affairs of Italy." As no discussion
respecting the affairs of Italy had taken place since
the address upon the treaty of peace, when protocols
were on the table of the house, from which it ap-
peared that the affairs of Italy had been discussed
at the conferences at Paris, the immediate object of
his motion was to ask what had taken place in con •
sequence of that discussion, and, if no satisfactory
answers had been made to the representations of her
Majesty and the Emperor of the French, what were
the intentions of her Majesty's Government in re
gard to the future ? Lord John Russell then called
attention to the nature of the declarations made at
the conierences, reading the statements made by
Count Walewski, Lord Clarendon, Co; ant Buol, and
Count Cavour, and referred especially to the occupa-
tion of parts of Italy by foreign troops, which, he
observed, was a very modern practice, and in every
Case was said to be only a temporary measure, but it
had already lasted for seven years, a period without
parallel in modern history. His question chiefly
related to this point. If the Government of
the country thus occupied was good, there was no
need of foreign troops there; if bad, and the Govern-
ment continued so for seven years without amend-
ment, what prospect was there that it would be
improved? Lord John Russell then read ex•
tracts from the despatch of M. Drouyn de Lhuys,
17th April, 1849, addressed to M. Delacour,
French Minister at Vienna, from the declaration of
the Pope, April 18th, 1849, and from M. Drouyn de
Lhuys to the English Government, 19th April, and
from a despatch of Prince Schwarzenberg's to Count
Colloredo, April 29th, in which the object of the
occupation of Rome by the French troops and of
Tuscany and the Legations by the Austrian troops is
set forth as solely to secure the re-establishment of
their social order and the restoration of the legiti-
mate Governments, and remarked that it was impos-
sible seven years could be required to attain so sim-
ple an object unless the system of government both
in Rome and the Legations was so vicious as to
render it necessary for the existence of those Go.
vernments that the foreign troops should be con-
tinued in the States they occupied. Now, he con-
tended that foreign occupation was based upon an
indefensible principle, and had never been sanctioned
by the comity of civilised nations, except for a tem-
porary period, and to carry out an exceptional pur-
pose. Italy, however, for many years had been
occupied by strange armies, who stood between the
sovereigns and their subjects, and formed a source
of perplexity which baffled all attempts at settlement.
England, he maintained, was justified in demanding
the withdrawal of these foreign troops, and was
certainly bound in honour to our Sardinian ally not
to leave him unaided in the midst of powerful
enemies, whose efforts would inevitably be directed to
crush the independence of Piedmont. We had gone
too far to recede without disgrace to ourselves. After
remonstrating so strongly, and censuring the conduct
of Italian rulers so undisguisedly, we could not now
without humiliation abstain from further action. It
wits a question of honour with England and France
not to abandon the affairs of Italy :
I cannot but think that if France and Fngland, holding
the position they do in Europe, should go to a conference
of European powers, and declare that the Roman States
are misgoverned, and point out a way in which that mis-
government can be remedied—that if they should de-
nounce the King of the Two Sicilies as a monarch whose
rule was PO intolerable that even that general international
law which forbids others to interfere in the internal affairs
of foreign nations must be suspended against him—and
yet in the end should allow the Austrian Government to
treat them with haughty disdain, the Pope with positive
denial, and the King of Naples with taunts and defiance,
they would be humbled even to the dust.
As a first practical step, France and England should
declare that they would no longer permit the Austrian
occupation. Italy was accessible at all points, and
France and England would certainly be more than
a match for the Emperor of Austria. Let the
Italian people and their rulers settle the question of
government between themselves. It might be asked
how was it possible to carry these views into effect?
He would reply, support the King of Sardinia, en-
courage the desire for an independent sovereign,
conform to the growing feeling of resistance to foreign
interference, and nourish the rising spirit of inde-
pendence :