The Press.
London, England, 1857-10-10 00:00:00

THE PRE S S, Ocronn 10, 1857.

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PARIS, October 8.
IN the absenc e of anything more exciting, some
of the London morning papers have, I observe, been
speculating freely upon the political tendencies of the
Emperor of the French and upon the future for France.
These writers must have no mean opinion of their
own ability; for, besides that the Emperor Napoleon
is not particularly communicative, it is not, to speak
in general terms, a very easy task to predict the
future of such a country as France.
In the first place, it is a great mistake to say
that the re-establishment of the Empire was
not the idie Are of Louis Napoleon while in exile.
A simple recollection of past events will easily
show that the heir of the first Emperor never
forgot the rights his birth had given to him, and
the feasibility of restoring the Imperial regime.
And secondly, the result of the elections of
December, 1848, is a sufficient proof of the sympathy
the nation entertained for the Imperial system,—a
system it had not forgotten, which suited it, and
which it re-adopted with ready earnestness on the
first favourable occasion. Since that election, a vote
by universal suffrage has twice confirmed and
sanctioned this re•adoption. Therefore, it was no
accident, no effect of chance, that brought about the
restoration of the Empire. The Empire was the
necessary consequence of the rather rampant Republic
of 1848, a consequence equally logical, direct, rapid,
and foreseen.

And the line of policy taken by the Emperor
Napoleon from the first hour of his reign is a line
perfectly intelligible. The Emperor desired that
his system should he one of peace and concilia-
tion. So in fact he expressed that wish himself.
The war with Russia was an unexpected and
unavoidable episode. It can in noway be represented
as having arisen out of any secret projects of Napo-
leon 111., for be did all that depended upon him to
prevent its breaking out. The terms of the Treaty of
Paris are a proof of that. With peace abroad, concord at
home, and with fair and honourable alliances with
foreign powers—such is the present situation of France.
The interview at Stuttgardt has confirmed a state
of things, due to the wisdom and mcderation, and let
us add to the talent, of the Emperor.
But there is another point upon which certain
English journals dwell with apparent satisfaction.
They tell that France, in point of fact, is secretly
given up to socialist ideas, that sooner or later those
ideas will have the upper hand, and further, that the
present Emperor of the French, alive to the
existence of them, is seeking to direct and to
realise them. This is a gteat error. France is no
friend to socialism. She saw enough, and more than
enough, of socialism in 1848, and repudiated it with a
vigour and an earnestness that could not be mistaken.
In France, as in England, the law of property,
the influence of family ties, the rights of indi-
viduals, are respected by the mass of the population.
What the French require and wish for now is order,
peace, progress, and general welfare. I do not
mean to say that France is more blind to glory or
supremacy than she has ever been, nor is she dis-
posed to refuse them when occasion offers to obtain
them; but the feeling is exceptional, episodical—like
the Russian war.

France desires pacific progress, the development of
her national tendencies towards a moral and material
wellbeing. But that is not to be obtained by social.
ism, and France has shown that she is well aware of
it, inasmuch as on three successive occasions she
has pronounced in favour of the Imperial system,
a supreme authority, culminating over all, and
preservative of her institutions, while, at the same
time, she retains in their pristine force the principles
of 1789, and remains entirely democratic. And that
is why she has chosen the heir of the first Emperor,
who determined that his noblesse should date from
the Treaty of Campo Formic.
I am not a partisan of the present Emperor of the
French, but it is clear to me that he of all men is
thoroughly acquainted with the political principles
and instincts of the country, with her tendencies,
her wants, an•l her requirements; and that while
he is far from seeking to pave the way for
socialism, he is still further from wishing to direct
so wild an Utopia. He reigns and governs by the
natural ideas of his time, and endeavours to make
them harmonise with the wishes of a great people
Between him and his people there are mutual
thoughts and wishes, mutual principles and laws of
action; and if a few weak and isolated parties still
stand out and seek to impede the march of the Im-
perial system, be sure that France is quite indif-
ferent to them. But to pass to the topics of the
week.

The interview at Stuttgardt will take its place in
history as one of the most remarkable occurrences
of our times. It has been accomplished under the
most favourable circumstances, and may be looked
on not only as cementing the alliance between
France and Russia, but that of all the European
powers. In fact, what was the precise meaning of
this interview ? Europe, restored to peace, saw
nothing to alarm her in the meeting of two Emperors
under the hospitable roof of the venerable King of
Wurtemburg. There was nothing to discuss relating
to political affairs in general. No one thought that
the interview would bring a change in the map of
Europe. There was nothing, therefore, apparent but
a natural wish on the part of two Sovereigns recently
at war, by a mutual reconciliation, to bury those
differences which had already been consigned to
oblivion by the Treaty of 1850. Austria alone might
reasonably have been supposed to feel a little un-
easiness. On the one hand, she might fear that
the Emperor of Russia would complain to his new
friend of the ingratitude of his old one, whilst she
might readily imagine that the Emperor Napoleon
might echo back the complaint by reason of her
hesitations and tergiversations during the late war.
But all that, in fact, was only a phantom raised by a
busy and gossiping press, which only exists by keep-
ing up the mutual jealousies of nations.
To the surprise of Austria, and indeed of Ger-
many,the interview of Stuttgardt was in its results
a manifestation of the general concord. The past
was quietly ignored, and the Emperor of Russia,
after quitting Napoleon, accepted a friendly meeting
with the Emperor Francis Joseph, as Napoleon him-
self would be ready to accept one if circumstances
called for it. And Austria and Germany are now
asking themselves why they allowed themselves to
be alarmed by a chimera, when the objects of these
Imperial meetings were so evident to all.

The camp at Chalons will be broken up on Mon-
day or Tuesday. The health of the troops is most
excellent.

The Empress will reach Paris this evening at six
o'clock, and proceed immediately to St. Cloud, where
she will be joined by the Emperor to-morrow.
King Leopold of Belgium was expected to reach
Brussels on the oth from Italy.
M. de Kerkhove, the Ottoman Minister to the
Court of Belgium, has been appointed Minister
Plenipotentiary to the Court of Spain. Diram Bey
replaces M. de Kerkhove.

Up to the departure of the post we have no tele-
graphic despatch confirming the retirement of Narvaez.
It is, however, generally believed that Bravo Murillo
will he intrusted by the Queen with the formation of
a new Cabinet.

THE BRITISH FORCES IN AND EN ROUTE

TO INDIA.
WE are enabled, after careful research, to pre-
sent our readers with the f)llowing tabular
statement of the force in India up to the end
of September, and the force which, since May
last, has been despatched to the three Presi-
sidencies named. We also append a state-
ment of the number of Europeans in the ser-
vice of the East India Company, and the
number of native troops disbanded and muti-
nied. From this it will appear that in Bengal
about the time of the mutiny there were
21,968 Queen's troops ; in Madras, 1,312 ; and
in Bombay, 4,259; besides the 16,353 Euro-
pean troops in the service of the East India,
Company. Since May there have been sent
to Bengal 19,994 troops of all arms ; to Madras
2,213 troops, and to Bombay 4,615. It will
be observed that, while we estimate the troops
ordered for service in China and at the Mau-
ritius as " in India," we have not placed the
six regiments expected from the Cape as en
route. These may be estimated at about 4,000
men :