The Press.
London, England, 1856-11-22 00:00:00

STATE OF NAPLES.

Opinions are facts, and those are almost the only
facts which at present I have to communicate to you.
It is, then, a very common opinion that we, the
allies, Gut a very sorry figure in this affair of Naples
—not that we have undertaken something which we
cannot accomplish if we would, for our power must
be undoubted, but that we have been playing ghost
to baby, and baby is not frightened. The conse-
quence is that all parties laugh at us, even lampoon
us, as I hear they did in some verses stuck upon
Baron Brenier's door the day after he left; and one
party, the Liberals, are angry, even indignant.
" Why excite hopes," say they, " which were doomed
to be disappointed? Why agitate Italy from north
to south only to leave her more prostrate than be-
fore ? The only result of your intervention has been
to show the strength of the despotic principle and
our utter incapacity, because of your unwillingness,
to struggle against it." I must confess that the
Neapolitans have too much appearance of reason in
such remonstrances, unless the programme which
England and France have laid down has some as yet
undeveloped good within it. Of course, the Royalist
party with their ridicule mingle also expressions of
indignation at what they call an impertinent intru-
sion into the affairs of another man's house, and, if
we are to judge from the openly declared opinions of
the Russian Minister, his Government takes a simi-
lar view of the question. Instead, therefore, of
pleasing or benefiting any one party, we have offended
or disgusted all, and, to judge from appearances, the
result of English diplomacy in Italy will be as usual.
. . . . His Majesty, I am informed, is in the best
possible humour, and, indeed, there is every reason
for his being RO when he thinks how completely he
has "dune" the French and English. He has bul-
lied their Governments, and now patronises their
subjects. The position is as proud for him as it is
mortifying and insulting for the allies. Such, how-
ever, is the usual infelicity of English intervention in
the affairs of Italy, and the result is always the
same, that our country loses her influence entirely
in the peninsula, and we are alternately blamed and
ridiculed.

A MONUMENT to the memory of the deceased
medical officers, who lost their lives in the late war,
was proposed and resolved on at a meeting of mili.
tary medical officers, last Saturday, at the Army
Medical Board, Whitehall. It was stated at the
meeting that 3.271. have already been subscribed by
the medical officers in Turkey and the Crimea, but
as a further sum is necessary, Messrs. McGregor,
army agents, 17, Charles-street, St. James's-square,
nue been appointed agents to receive subscriptions.

SATURDAt,

Corrtsponlnart.

ELECTORAL INF. QUALITIES.
Letter IV.
TO THE EDITOR OF "THE PRESS."

Sir,—ln your editorial remarks ou my letter in
THE PRESS of the Bth inst. you say yon have little
sympathy with my attempts to procure an alteration
of the electoral system, but that, nevertheless, it
may be of use that Conservatives should attend to
the inequalities 1 have pointed out, in order that,
should any attempt be made from any quarter to
tamper with the electoral Fystem, care might be
taken that it. should not again be modelled to suit
the views of a faction.

Now, if the electoral system was at the time of the
Reform Act modelled to suit the views of a faction,
I think I am entitled to your sympathy in my at-
tempts to overthrow the successful conspiracy. I
admit that if I asked for the agricultural class (or,
to speak plainly, for the Conservative party) more
than their just share in the electoral system, I am
entitled to no man's sympathy ; but if all I ask is a
mere instalment of justice, then f am entitled to the
support, not only of the Conservative party, but of
every lover of fair play. Moreover, it appears to me
that since the government of this country must be
carried on by party, it is Quixotic suicide on the part
of the Conservatives to hold the electoral arrange-
ment of 1832 as sacred ; for the strength of parties
must ultimately depend on their relation to the
electoral system. If that is fairly constituted, good
and weil ; but if it is so adjusted as to give the
habitual supporters of one party twice the say in the
representation which it gives to the supporters of the
other party, then it is perfectly certain that, as a rule,
the former party must be the governing party. And
although in the oscillation of public opinion, through
abuse of power or ill-luck, it may happen that the
latter may attain power, it is certain they cannot
expect to keep it for any length of time; for the
preponderating class in the electoral system will
soon return to their habitual political instincts and
to the support of their ordinary representatives. The
electoral system of Great Britain is in this vicious
position, for the town constituencies, whose tendencies
are Whig, return twice as many members of I'arlia-
ment in proportion to their numbers as the county
constituencies, whose tendencies are Conservative.
If, then, the Conservatives are not content with
mere fugitive glimpses of power, followed by defeats
which must in the long run inevitably destroy their
prestige and endanger their political existence as a
party—a state of things which already seems to me
to have commenced—they must (let the electoral
system readjusted. It is vain to strive with a steady
majority in the electoral body against them. So long
as that is the case not all the fine writing in the
world about party organisation and discipline will
save them.

It is only now that this state of affairs is coming
prominently into view. Formerly no such causes
were in operation, if anything the electoral balanco
being in favour of the Conservatives; but the march
stolen by the Whigs is now beginning to tell, and
we may rest assured that as time goes on, if allowed
to retain their advantage, their power will increase
and that of the Conservatives diminish.

I may be asked, if this be so, what chance is there
of the changes I advocate being carried ? I answer,
the chance which there always is in England in
favour of any change which can plead a clear case
of justice in its favour. The majority of the Com-
mons are honest men, and an honest case can be
laid before them, and, however party zealots may
vote, the moderate men both among the Whigs and
Radicals cannot avoid voting to redress so manifest
an injntice as that which gives twice the say in the
government of the country to one class which it
gives to another.
As to waiting till a proposal to alter the electoral
system come from some other political party, that
would in practice amount to waiting for ever; for the
Conservative change which I have advocated, if pro-
posed and carried as au amendment to a Whig or
Radical Reform Bill, would simply lead to its with-
drawal and to the indefinite shelving of the question,
not to mention the risk of a Whig or Radical Reform
Bill being in the meantime carried as the coup-de-
grace to the Conservative party.—l am, sir, dm.,

J. A..G.

REDPATH AND KENT were re-examined yesterday
at the Clerkenwell Police-court. Four more cases of
fraudulent transfer were proved against the prisoner
Redpatb, and on which transfer he had received
dividends. The complicity of Kent was shown so
far that he had made the entries in the book which
contained Redpath's account. The manner in which
Redpath had proceeded was in each of these four
cases to plaoes the figure 1 before the sum to he
transferred, thus clearing 1,0001. by every trans-
action. The prisoners were remanded for a week.
An application for bail on behalf of Kent was referred
by Mr. Tyrwhitt to a Judge in Chambers to fix the
amount.

NOVEMBER 22, 1856.

Yitcraturt.

Sir Robert Peel, as a Type of Statesmanship.
By Jelinger Symons, Esq., Barrister-at-Law.
London : Longmans.

THAT " Party " is a necessary consequence of
Parliamentary Government, and that personal
honour should guide the conduct of leaders of
great political connections, are obvious truisms.
It is scarcely less obvious that without confi-
dence iu statesmen Parliamentary Government
cannot be practically administered with success;
and, unhappily, " the declining efficiency of
" Parliament " contains those patent common
places, or " first principles," as pedants would
call them. The question has often been raised
in political circles of all sides, "whether Sir
" Robert Peel acted in a manner consistent
" with personal and political honour?" Various
and irreconcileable have been the answers
given to that inquiry.
The subject is so environed with invidious
considerations that it is difficult to discuss it
over a recent grave ; and we are opposed to
any virulent criticism on an eminent person
lately passed from the scene. Mr. Jelinger
Symons, a staunch Whig-Radical, and an old
member of the Reform Club, challenges public
notice to his severe and damaging dissection
of the public character of Sir Robert Peel.
He has especially discussed " the Canning
episode " with galling impartiality of tone ;
and he has, with great effect, availed himself
of Sir Roberts posthumous papers, so as to
exhibit an extraordinary tissue of Sir It Peel's
unparalleled contradictions. The volume is
written as a critical essay ; its rhetoric is not
brilliant, nor is its knowledge far sought or
profound ; but it damages without dazzling,
and it is fatally effective, without either fancy
or eloquence. Indeed, its ponderous prose is
perfectly suitable to the matter-of- fact cha-
racter under discussion ; and politicians will
do well to place it on their shelves 1t is the
most damaging judicial attack on Sir R. Peel
that we ever read. The friends of that states-
man will probably challenge the pretensions
of Mr. Symons ; but the author has a literary
right to discuss any historical reputation, and
the temper in which the volume is composed
is unexceptionable. It has neither personal
virus nor simulated candour.
In order to illustrate how unfavorable this
essay is to the moral reputation of Sir Robert
Peel, we shall cite the conclusion of the first
chapter, and we shall italicise some of the
words :

To afford—not a history of Sir F. Peel's life—but a cri-
tical analysis of it ; to exhibit the chief phases of his policy,
doing justice to his motives without veiling hi. love of power
—accredtting the usefulness of his acts, without defending
the example of his apostacies—aud thus distinguishing between
what expediency justified in the minkter and integrity de•
manded in the man—are the objects of this portrait of one
of the chief idols of our time, and types of our political
worship.
Let our readers mark these attributes. Here
we have the Whig-Radical essayist accusing
Sir It. Peel of " love of power," " apostacies,"
and fastening attention upon " what integrity
" demanded in the man." These are signifi-
cant words to come from one of the Reform
Club writers.

And, as some of our readers may not peruse
this work, we shall take some passages indica.
tive of its severity towards the fame of Sir
Robert Peel. We shall refer to what Mr
Symons calls " the Canning episode." Much
as we have read on this subject, we have never
seen the case stated with more damaging force
against Sir Robert Peel; and we surmise that
his personal friends and executors will be
compelled to take serious notice of that part
of the volume before us Our readers are
aware of the charges brought forward by Lord
George Bentinck against Sir Robert Peel in
connection with his conduct to Mr. Canning.
Mr. Symons thus commences that division of
his essay :

It affects the character of Mr. Peel not only whether he
did entertain a change of views on the Catholic question in
113'25, but whether he avowed this in 18.29, according to
the italicised paviages in Mr. Barrow's report of his speech,
and it does so for these reasons. First, Mr. Peel, when
charged by Lord George lientinck in June, 1846, with the
change in 1815 and with this avowal of it in 1829, denied
emphatically both the one and the other. Secondly, Mr.