The Express.
London, England, 1864-06-18 00:00:00

the treaty of 1852 was not a treaty of guarantee. I'behove
it was stated expressly at the time, sod it is • feet which I
know us one who negotiated that treaty, that it was a
matter of discretion at the time whether there should be •
treaty of guarantee or whether it should be • treaty only
recognising the rights of the King of Denmark to regulate
the succession to the throes, and stating the reasons why
the powers of Enrope should agree to the mode proposed by
the King of Denmark to regulate that SUCCCIIIiOO. It was a
treaty binding on all who signed it to recognise the premed
sovereign of Denmark, King Christian IX., as successor to
the throne of Denmark, and also to the Duchies ; sad
thereby he became, at the death of the late King, Duke of
Holstein, Doke of Slsswig and Duke of Leuenburg as much
as he became King of Denmark. That was the obligation
of the treaty, but it did not do more than that which I
have stated. It did sot bind any of the powers who signed
it to guarantee the execution of that treaty. It was no
mote than those treatise of 1815, one of which provided foe
the union of Belgium and Holland, and another of which
provided for the possession of Lombardy by the bows of
Austria. The noble earl will recollect probably that at the
commencement of this discuadoo in the present year the
French government, in • state paper which was stall events
contained in the Downpipes, and which I think was laid
before parliament. referred to the treaty of 1815 with
respect to Belgium as showing that this country,
though it did agree to that treaty, and though it
might be unwilling to see it disturbed, yet concurred in
arrangements different from those which were provided by
the treaty of 1815. In a similar mar.ner when
there was a question of wet for the per.
C'among other things, of separating Lom-
y from the throne of the house of Austria, no person
was more emphatic than the noble earl opporite, who then
held the odic' of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in
advising Austria not to incur the perils of war, and in de-
claring that this country intended to be neutral in inch a
contest and would not feel herself bound to support Austria
in the maintenance of her Italian possession. There are
many more papers than those presented to parliament, all
to the same effect. I think they do the greatest honour to
the noble earl, and that they were conceived in • spirit of
wise policy. The noble earl who istraduced the subject
must be aware of the sentiments both of France and Russia
with respect to the maintenance of the treaty of 1852, how
explicitly France stated her determination not to go to
war for the purpose of maintaining that treaty, and
how, though not so explicitly, Rased clearly let it be per-
ceived that it was not her intention to take up arms for
tit purpose of enforcing that treaty. Whether that is any
justification for the course which the government of this
country has pursued is another question, and it is a question
on which I may hereafter have occasion to address you. I
can mute your lordships that it is a great inconvenience, as
well as a great diesdvantege, to her ;Majesty's
that they have not been able hitherto to lay bef.7.7.rat.
meet an explanation of their cowse of policy, and no one
will be more rejoiced than I shall when I am able to lay the
preemie' of the Conference upon the table of this home,
aid to explain to the house the worse which her Majesty's
government have adopted. (Hear, beer.) In the
time, in order to show the sort of misrepre-
sentations that are current with respect to the
course which her Majesty's government have pursued,
I may mention that ins papa, which I believe was first °at-
tained in a German journa4 and which I saw trans/Med in a
French paper, and there commented upon, it was stated that
her Majesty's government had declared that the Duchies of
Mitein, and any part of Bleswig that might be separated
Denmark, ought not to be disposed of without the
opulent of the British plesdpoientiary and the government
of great Britaia. Now, the declaration really was that
whatever might happen, the future destinies of the two
countries sh"id net be disposed of without their own con-
emit, and I suppose that as that was a very fair and just
proposal, those who wish to malign England on every co:m-
inion thought it well to pervert she meaning of this expires-
doe, and tarn the consent of the Duchies themselves into
the consent of the British plenipotentiary. I will not enter
further into the question, but nothing will be more agreeable
to the government than to give a full explanation cad the
whole course of their policy on this question. (Hear, hear.)
With regard to the question asked by the noble cal I must
ay that during a period of negotiatios while the conference
still continues, it has rather thesir of drawing from me a
statement with regard I. our preparations for war. I will
therefore only state—die dakilillly intention of uttering
a threat of any kind—that bee Majesty'. fleet is tally psi.
for any service it may be celled upon to midi.
parcel
(Cheers.)

The Earl of DERBY—My lords, concurring as Ido is a
great portion of the obeervatioas which have been made by
my noble friend (Lord E(lenborough), made with his nasal
form and eloquence, I cansot but say, with great respect
for him, that I certainly diarist io some degree from a pro-
position which be laid down in the early part of his speech,
which appeared to me to involve a considerable
amount of constitutional error. My noble friend stated that
Lis object was—and therecould be no doubt about it—rather
to prevent evil from being does and assist in promoting be-
neficial moults, than to allow matters to take their own
course, and then censure those who are responsible. Now
if we could be perfectly certain that the interference of
parliament upon all occasions during the progress of nor,. I
Cations, and during the communications which are passim' I
between various countries, would have the effect of prevent-
ing evil and promoting good, and of giving to her Majesty's
government the support which they may need under the cir-
cumstances of the ace. I should say that such intervention
by parliament, although exceptional, might at the same time
be justifiable ; but ar a general rule I lay down a doctiee
entirely different from that propounded by my noble friend.
I conceive that the principle is, that while matters are in
progress, while the government are engaged in negotiatirm,
it is not the ditty of parliament, with imperfect information,
to interfere by advice or vote. I am of opinion that her
Majesty's government most be left, in all matters of this
kind, with the exclusive responsibility for the course mid
issue of that negotiation. (Hear, hear.) And I hope I may
take this opportunity of expressing my earnest anxiety that li
if I have refrained during the whole of this session— ma I
have refrained—from panting any opinion, from putting any
question, from raising any partial disco/non. which 1 think
was realy to be deprecated, that abstinence on my part,
will not be supposed to have proceeded from indifference,
and still lees from approval of the course pursued by the
goverment. (Hear, hear.) Whatever temptations I may
have felt to enter upon a partial discussion of that state of
Europe, WI MOl.ll especially es connected with the Danish
questee,, which keeps this country in a state of feverish
satiety from day to day, I have laid down for myself • rule
from which I have not abroad, and will not shrink namely,
that while matters are in their present Male I will not
afford the slightest excuse for any man to say that by any
I have said or done I have in the slightest degree am-
bummed or impeded the actioa of the government, (Hem,
bear.) I will leave to them IA I apprehend it
b the constitutional duty of parliament to do, the whole
and undivided responsibility of the course which they have
pursued, and the condition into which they have bra**
the honour of the country. (Cheers.) At the same time
I will my that it appears to me the time must be approach.
iag when this bullion state meet be brought to • clam.
It cannot be long. A few days most decide whether the
/reference will succeed in promoting panes, and, above all,
an hoonurable pease for this country—for, dearly se I love
peace, I love boson mare—(ohmrs)—but the tame, I say,
must soon come when we shall use that which I hops will
be the effect of the negonatiose of her Majesty's government,
pesos reestablished, or the hopes of Eampe dashed Mae