The Press.
London, England, 1854-04-15 00:00:00

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iii.

QAII

rott6ings in V arliarncnt.
POSTPONEMENT OF THE REFORM BILL.
The question " What Ministers meant to do with
the Reform Rill?" stood for Monday night in the
name of Sir E. Dering. Early on that evening, how-
ever, Lord J. RUSSELL, speaking evidently under much
emotion, asked to have the subject held over for
another day, promising then to make a statement to
the house in a form which might admit of debate.
Upon Tuesday, accordingly, being the last day of sitting
before the Easter recess, the noble lord rose amidst
a crowded and eagerly-attentive house to announce
the destiny of the "large measure of parliamentary
reform" which had been so often promised, and held
so long in suspense before the country and the Legis-
lature. This statement was introduced by Lord
John Russell when moving that the house on rising
should adjourn to Thursday, the 27th inst. Alter
fixing on that day for reassembling, the noble lord
proceeded :-
6 I must now pass on to a question which was asked me
by an hon. gentleman yesterday—namely, with respect to
my intention to bring forward the second reading of the
Reform Bill on the 27th inst. ; and, with respect to a
measure of so much importance, and which was introduced
by me as the organ of the Government at the commence-
ment of the session, I fear it is necessary to make a state-
ment of some length before I go on to state the course
which I mean to pursue. The house is aware that Lord
Aberdeen, on the formation of his Government, declared
to those who accepted office under him, and declared to
Parliament, that a measure of parliamentary reform would
be among the bases upon which his Government would be
formed. The members who accepted office at that time of
course accepted office with that understanding, and con-
sented to that proposal. 1 mention this, particularly,
because I think it is stated in an invidious manner that
my personal honour is alone concerned in the carrying on
of this measure. (Cheers.) I consider that my personal
honour was engaged when the question was, whether 1
would consent to serve under the Crown as a member of
Lord Aberdeen's Administration. If Lord Aberdeen had
•Itlaid that it was not his intention to propose or to adopt any
_., . Measure of parliamentary reform, and I bad consented to
a member of that Administration, I might fairly have
ii questioned in this house and my personal honour have
en called in question. But, from the moment that Lord
rdeen had made that declaration, and from the moment
his colleagues had accepted office on the faith of that decla-
ration, the question of personal honour regarded not me
alone, but regarded all the members of that Administration.
( Hear, hear.) Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues stated
at the time that they did not think that with the pressure
of important business before then—with the finances un-
settled, with the India Bill requiring immediate attention,
and other important measures before them—it was possible
to bring forward a measure of parliamentary reform
during the last session, and I think there was no question
of serious importance raised as to the propriety of that de-
termination. But during the recess the Cabinet applied
themselves most sedulously and deliberately to the con-
sideration of this important measure, and a measure was
framed which I had the honour of introducing to this
house on the lab of February last. I see no reason to
consider that that measure was inadequate to the occasion
—that it either was based on wrong principles, that it was
carried to too great as extent, or that its provisions were
not adapted to reform and to conserve, which I have always
considered to be the objects which should be kept in view
in any measure of this kind. (Hear, hear.) At the time
that her Majesty declared in her speech from the throne
that such a measure would be proposed, and at the time
when I brought forward the measure in this house, there
was great probability of a war with Russia, although no
rupture had actually taken place, and it was still possible
that the negotiations might have been terminated by a
pacific arrangement. Unfortunately, that was not the case.
But, while these questions were still pending, I proposed
au adjournment of the second reading of this bill to a
period which is now in question, namely—the 27th of
April. 1 did so on the ground that very important ques-
tions were then before the house, relating either imme-
diately to the preparation of forces for the war, or to the
supply of means for the payment of those forces. I stated
then, as I had stated on a previous occasion, that I did not
sonsider that, abstractedly, a state of war was a sufficient
ground for not proposing a measure of parliamentary
reform. (Hear, hear.) 1 stated that there might be cir-
cumstances (such as those which occurred at the com-
mencement of the war in 1803) which might so occupy
the attention of every man that it would be impossible to
propose any measure of that nature ; but I stated that I did
not think the general fact, that this nation was engaged in
a war with Russia, was a sufficient reason for not proposing
during that war that a measure of internal reform and im-
provement should be carried out. I ace no reason to
etract that opinion. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think either
Cud any persons will differ from that statement orwill con-
sider that it is impossible or inexpedient during a state of
war to bring forward measures of internal improvement
old reform, including such a measure as I have mentioned.
I stated, likewise, that I thought, during a period of war,
it was necessary to impose great burdens on the country,
and that if there were classes which were fitted to exercise
the elective franchise, and which had it not—which were
entitled to it, but did not enjoy it—and they were to bear
these burdens, it was far from being an unfitting time to
admit them to this franchise. (Hear.) From neither of
these opinions do I see any occasion to recede. But when
war was declared, it was to be considered by the Govern-
ment whether or no at this particular time we should
proceed with the second reading of the Reform Bill. Now,

THE PRESS.

it is not to be disguised that a Reform Bill of any ex-
tensive nature whatever attacks many interests, wounds
many prejudices, and loses many friends; and that, if
the stream of reform is sluggish, those weeds of self-
interest and prejudice embarrass and completely choke it.
( Hear, hear.) We have had, then, to look to the prospect
of our being able to carry the Reform Bill in the present
state of public opinion, both in this house and in the
country. Now, I think it will be generally owned that
while there has been an indisposition ou the part of mem-
bers of this house (as far as 1 could collect their opinions,
upon whatever side of the house they sat) to undertake
the consideration of this question, there has been in the
country not a disapprobation of the measure which we
propose, but an indifference as to its being immediately
brought forward. (Cheers.) I collect this fact first from
the absorbing interest which it is evident all the people of
this country take in the war that has now begun—an inter-
est which is quickened by their feelings in favour of the
power which is attacked, and against the aggressor in this
war. ( Hear,hear.) 1 collect it, secondly, from the ab-
sence of manifestations in favour of reform by petitions
presented to this house. (Hear.) I think there have not
been more than eleven petitions of the kind presented to
this house, and of these not more than four were in favour of
the measure which is now before the house. Now, as I have
said, I do not think this is to be attributed to disapproba-
tion of the measure of the Government. As far as 1 can
learn, applying to many quarters for information, the judg-
ment passed upon that measure is not one of disapproba-
tion. It has been considered that the measure extends
very largely, but not unduly, the franchises of the people;
and it has been considered, with regard to any penalties
of disfranchisement it may contain—whether that disfran-
chisement is carried too far or not far enough, or whatever
may be the measure of it—that it has at least been applied
fairly—(Hear)—without any regard to party interest or
party feelings, and that therefore the Government measure
is at least worthy of commendation in that respect.
(Hear.) But whether or no the provisions of this bill are,
on the whole, well combined together, or whether every
one of its clauses is to be approved of, on that question
I think that neither this house nor the country are at pre-
sent able to give an opinion, from that want of attention to
its details which I have already mentioned, and from the
absorbing interest in the war to which I have already al
luded ; but 1 cannot but think that the Government have
come to a proper conclusion, that it would be unwise, whe-
ther as regards the general interests of the country, &r
whether as regards the particular interests of reform, upon
the part of those who are desirous of obtaining a reform
of the representation of the people in Parliament if they
were to press the second reading of this bill. ( Hear, hear.)
I feel that every one thinks, and I must feel that there is
€ rest force in an observation made on a previous occasion
by the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckingham-
shire, that it is a great inconvenience that there should be
a bill before the House of Commons containing, as this
bill contains, provisions for the disfranchisement of bo-
roughs for which members of the present Parliament enjoy
a seat and a vote, and that there should be no discussion
in this house as to whether that proposed disfranchise-
ment should be approved and carried into effect, and
I am not at all disposed to diminish the weight of that
objection taken to any postponement of this measure.
I think, likewise, that it is a great disadvantage that her
Majesty should have been twice advised—and 1 must con-
fess that I have been one of her advisers—that she should
have been twice advised to propose to Parliament that
measures for amending the representation of the people
should be considered by Parliament, and that in neither
instance, in the same session that the proposal has been
made, has the proposal seriously been taken into con-
sideration by this house. But I cannot accept that excuse
which has been made for the course which I am now
declaring myself to be ready to adopt on the part of the
Government,—l mean the excuse that the Government,
having considered and matured a measure for amending
the representation of the people, anti having prepared its
details, have thereby redeemed the pledge which they
made upon accession to office. I cannot but think that,
under all ordinary circumstances, had we proposed such a
measure, the Government were bound, not only to lay it on
the table of the house, but they were bound to do their
utmost to carry it into effect. (Cheers.) I should
therefore be sorry to be supposed to wish to evade any
attack on similar grounds. But, great as these in-
conveniences are, I must say that I think that any other
course would be attended with greater evils and with more
lamentable effects. We could hardly propose the second
reading of this bill at this time, without declaring it to be
our intention, if the bill should be defeated, to resign office,
or at once to proceed to the country by an immediate
dissolution of Parliament. I cannot but think that either
of those two courses would, at the present moment, be
attended with great inconvenience. ( Hear, hear.) Well,
then, it must seem to follow, and under ordinary circum-
stances it would follow, that here is a Government pro-
posing a measure which they think of essential import-
ance—a measure which affects the representation of the
country, and a measure in which great issues are in-
volved—and they admit themselves that they are obliged
not to go to a division in the course of the present session,
and therefore it is hardly fair for them to continue to hold
office. But here again there is a duty to perform. The
Ministers of the Crown have very lately brought down
messages from the Crown to both Houses of Parliament,
asking Parliament to support the Crown at the commence-
ment of an arduous and, it may be, a protracted struggle ;
and we could hardly suppose it to be our duty, except
under circumstances of the utmost necessity, to shrink
from the post which we occupy—( cheers)—to shrink from
the responsibility of the war in which we have advised her
gracious Majesty to embark. ( Renewed cheers.) Such,
then, being the case as regards the bill for the reform of the
representation of the people. I may be asked—and I am
quite ready to answer the questions—how stands the quits-


SATURDAY,

tion of reform itself ? That is what I will now proceed to
state. The first thing that 1 should say is, that the Govern-
ment of Lord Aberdeen, when they gave a pledge on the
subject of reform, gave that pledge in all sincerity—( If ear)—
that they are ready to abide by that pledge, and that they
hold themselves as bound to the principles of reform in the
representation of the people as they did on the first day on
which they entered into office. (Cheers.) With regard to
any more specific pledge, I have only to add that, with re-
spect to the measure which the Government adopted, we
see no reason to change ow opinions with regard to the
principles involved in that measure, or the general scope
of it, or the objects which it has in view. The Govern-
ment consider themselves as much approving of the
measure as they were when it was first brought
forward ; and 1 can therefore only say, that when an
opportunity presents itself we shall be most willing
to embrace it, and again bring forward a measure of reform
on the same principles, and, when Parliament is able pro-
perly to attend to the subject, we shall not only be ready to
bring in a measure of reform but we shall be ready to bring
it in with all the weight of the Government. (Hear, hear.)
Of course I do not mean that the observations which have
been made upon the measure will not meet with due at-
tention, or that modifications in some of the details will not
be duly considered before the measure is again introduced.
We think that we should ill represent the opinion of the
people at large, and that we should not pay due deference
to public opinion, if we did not adopt that course. (Hear,
hear.) By the principles of the measure we are ready to
bind ourselves, and the Government remains a Government
based on proposals of reform in the representation of the
people. (Cheers.) These circumstances are new and un-
precedented. A Government entering upon a war of the
magnitude of that upon which we have just entered, and
at the same time proposing a measure so large as that
which we proposed for amending the representation of the
people in Parliament, is a circumstance which has not
occurred in the constitutional history of this country, and
we are bound to consider our own sense of duty as to the
course which we ought to pursue. (Hear, hear.) Now
may I be permitted to say a few words in reference not
only to the Government, but in reference to my own credit
as the organ of the Government in this house? (Hear,
hear.) I know that the course which I have proposed is
exposed to all those weapons, those taunts and sarcasms,
which the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucking-
hamshire knows so well how to wield. They are fair
weapons of opposition, and I have been long used to them
—('Hear, hear,' and laughler)—and I trust that I should
not complain if those weapons were wielded against me
with even more skill and dexterity than has hitherto been
the case ; but the case is different as regards those who
have been in the habit of supporting the present Govern-
ment, and who have looked forward for a speedy reform in
the representation of the people. With respect to those
persons. I must say that while the statement that I have
made may be open to suspicion, that that suspicion can
hardly be entertained without weakening my position as
the organ of the Government in this house. [The noble
lord at this part of his speech was deeply affected, and was
immediately greeted with enthusiastic and long-protracted
cheering from all parts of the house.] If I have done any-
thing in the cause of Reform, I trust that I have deserved
some degree of confidence, but, at all events, I feel that, if
I do not possess that confidence, I shall be of no use to the
Crown or to the country, and I can no longer bold the
position I now occupy. (Load cheers.) These are times
of no ordinary importance, and questions arise of the
utmost difficulty. I shall endeavour to arrive at those con-
clusions which will be for the best interests of the Crown
and of the country, and I trust that I may meet with sup-
port. 1 have now only to move that the house at its rising
do adjourn to Thursday, the 27th of April. The noble
lord resumed his seat amid loud and long-continued
cheering."
Sir E. DERING believed that the course adopted by
the noble lord was a sound one, and in entire
accordance with the sentiments of the house, which
he had thus extricated from no ordinary difficulty.
As to the personal honour of the noble lord, he
might rest assured that the house and the country
would do justice to the motives by which he was
actuated.
Mr HtntiE had the most undounded confidence
in the sincerity of the noble lord as well as of the
Government. However greatly he might regret that
the Reform Bill was not to be gone on with, he must
admit that under the circumstances there was no
alternative.
Mr. BRIGHT felt himself justified in remonstrating
against the resolution of the Ministry, seeing that he
had opposed the war policy from the behgiichnnhaing,
but admitted that the house generally, wd
affirmed that policy, had no right to complain. Much
fault bad been found with the bill, in which he bad
himself shared; but this objection did not apply to
reform in the abstract, but to the particular measure
introduced by the Government, and which be charac-
terised as a political conundrum.
Mr. LABOUCHERE believed that the course taken
by the noble lord was honestly intended, and well
adapted to secure the ultimate triumph of the
cause.
Lord JOCELYi and Lord H. VANE announced their
satisfaction with the mode in which the Reform Bill
was to be treated.
Mr. DISRAELI said:—
" I think that her Majesty's Government have arrived at
a sound and satisfactory conclusion in that whichthey have
communicated to the house this night, and that the
country ought to be congratulated on it. lam not, there-
fore, disposed to indulge in sarcasm as the noble lord bps