The Express.
London, England, 1852-11-09 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 9, 1852.

FRANCE.

RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMP IRE.
PARIS, MONDAY MOUNING.
The Moniteur publishes the senatus eonsultum,
re-establishing the imperial dignity, the text of which
was given in our whole impression yesterday. Its
principal provisions are these:

The imperial dimity is re-established ; Louis Napoleon
is declared to be Emperor, under the name of Napoleon
111. ; the imperial dignity is hereditary in the descent of
the Emperor; legitimate issuo wanting of the legitimate
heirs of Napoleon I. may be adopted, but adoption is inter-
dicted to Louis Napoleon's succession; Louis Napoleon re.
ciliates the order of succession to the throne in the Dona
parts family ; his heirs wanting, • &magus Comultun to
appoint the Emperor. A Senatus Cotmettins regulates
the position of the members of Louis Napoleon's family;
they cannot marry without the authorisation of the Em-
peror.
The constitution 0(18452 is maintained in all that is not '
contrary to the present Sensatus Consuition.

The President accepts the proposition for re-esta-
blishing the empire, and, in consequence, the French
people are convoked on the' Ist and 22nd of Novem-
ber, in their electoral colleges, to accept or reject the
following plebiscite:

The nation wishes the re-establishment of the imperial
dignity in the person of Louis Napoleon, with hereditary
succession in his direct legitimate or adoptive line, and
gives him the right to regul►te the order of succession to
the throne in the Bonaparte family.

Tho Corps Legislatif is convoked to verify the
votes, on the 25th of this month.

The following is Jerome Bonapartes speech deli•
vexed to the Bongo on Thursday last:

Memlean le Penatean,—The President of the Republic
bee called we together to deliberate on that enthusiastic
movement, that grand impulse which bears on the popula-
tion towards the re-establishment of the empire. For the
French people the empire is. the souvenir of an
immortal glory. It is the assurance of preserving
ietact tho fundamental conquests of 'B9. Within, it
is order ; without, it is dignity. To all interests it
is an unfailing guarantee. It is the protection and develop-
ment of the great discoveries of the age applied to public
works and industry. Lastly, it is a bulwark against the
return of the unites n'giones and against the attempts of
men of disorder. The wishes of elective bodies everywhere
uniting themselves to the acclamations of the people, call
for the Napoleon dynasty, because the advent of this
dynasty is for France the pledge of a stable and pros.
porous future ; because placing a limit to our civil
dissensions it will open an era of reconciliation. Franco
feels that after the grand act which you are about to propose
she will have done with incomplete surrenders of herself,
and with provisional adhesions. Every loyal man who
accepts a part in the government commits himself to it in
honour, and is bound to break for ever with its enemies.
That which the French people did In 1801 it does again in
1852, thus proving how constant is its gratitude, how just
are its judgments. How can we do otherwise than confess
the finger of divine Providence, which in the worst
days has n ceased to watch over our country,
in this phenomenon of events almost identical repro-
ducing tbersalves at an interval of fifty years ?
The popular instinct which acclaimed Napoleon I. reveals
itself again taday is acclaiming the name of Napoleon 111.,
the PEWS aloha bur yeses has governed France with so
muck wisdom and ability. It belongs to us, Mesa/tun les
Sesatiturs, to give a regular consecration to the national
will, and to frame &sonatas consultant, which shall establish
the foundation of the Empire. West and noble task ! You
will fulfil it with that independence which consults only the
happiness and glory of our country. As for me obeying
pereonalseruples, which your consciences will have already
suggested, sealoualy avoiding even the appearance of • par-
ticipation which should not have exclusively in view the
great interests of the state, I leave to another the honour of
directing the discussion.
PARIS, MONDAY EVENING.
An extraordinary supplement toyesterday's
teur, published at 11 o clock last night, contains the
folliwing highly important document, containing an
account of the proceedings concerning the re-
establishment of the Empire :

PROCESS VERBAL OF TILE SITTINGS OF THE
SENATE OF NOV. 4,8, AND 7.
SITTING OP TH■ 4TH.

The Senate, comfornably to the decree of his
Highness the Prince President of the Repub-
lic, dated Oct. 19 lut, met at noon os the 4th of
November, in the hall of its sittings, under the pre-
sidence of hie Highness the Prince Jerome Napoleon
Bonaparte.

[Then follows the speech of the " Prince President of
the Senate," so given above.]

•
Numerous marks of approbation followed this
speech.
The Minister of State, M. Achille Fould, was then
introduced, preceded by the messengers of state, and
conducted by the chief usher. The minister took his
place on the bench appropriated to the speakers of the
government, and,in the name of the Prince President,
of the Republic, presented the message which has
been already published. After the message had been
read, the Minister of State withdrew; and imme-
diately ' a proposition to modify the constitution,
signed by ten senators, was handed to the President
of the Senate. The bureaux, ac,mrding to the terms
of Art. 17 of the organic decree of the 22nd of
March, immediately met to decide if the proposi-
tion should be read at the general sitting. The
barman having been unanimous in favour of au-
thorising that the proposition should be taken
into consideration, Baron do Lacrosse, the secre-
tary of the Senate, read it aloud. This proposition
was signed by MM. Meenard, Troploog, General
Baraguay d'Hilliers, Cardinal Dupont, General
d'Hautpoul, Baron do Lacrosse, Marshal Valliant.
General Regnaud de St. Jean d'Angely, Count
Simeon, and General d'Ornano. In conformitT with
Art. 17 of the organic decree of March 22, this pro-
position was during the sitting transmitted to tho
Minister of State. The President of the Senate next
called on Hui First President Misused to replace him
in the chair. After a suspension of the proceedings
for half an hour, the messenger of state having
brought back the reply of the government, the se-
cretary of the Senate sus called on by the President
to read it. This reply is thus worded :
Monseigneur,—You have laid before me tho draft of •
senates consultive, having for object the re-establishment
of the empire. I have the honour of thanking yea for that
communication, and I hasten to inform you that the govern-
ment does not oppose the taking into consideration of that
proposition, and that, according to the subjoined decree,
MM. Itaroche, vice.prestdent of the Council of State ,•
Roultcr, president of the Mil= of legislation, and
Delangle, councillor of state, are charged to represent the
government in the discussion which that antetus romulsma
will lead to. Accept, soneeigneur, the assurance of my
respectful consideration.
ACHILLI Foonn, Minister of State.

This reply having been read, the senators withdrew
to their bureaux to proceed to the election of the
members of the committee, when the following were
named :—First Bureau : President Troplong and
Cardinal Dupont ; Second Bureau : Count d'Argout
and Count de la Riboissislre ; Third Bureau: The
Duke de Cambaceres and General Ileginaud de St.
Jean d'Angely; Fourth Bureau: General d'Haut-
pml and M. Leverrier ; and Fifth Bureau : Cardina
I Monet and the Duke de Mortemart. The public
sitting was then declared at an end, and the commit-
tee at once met and chose as its reporter M. Troplong.
&mica or Nov. 6.
The Senate met, with Vice-President Mesnard in
the chair, to hear the report of the committee charged
to examine the proposition for modifying the consti-
tution. MM. tareche, Vice-President of the Council
of State, Rouher, President of the Section of Legis-
lation, and J)elaoglc, Councillor of State, having
been introduced, M. '
roplong read the report given
in another column.

The reading of the report was interrupted by very
decided marks of approbation.
The reporter then read the imams eonsullum, given
in yestenlay's Daily News.

SITTIING or THE Trrt.
The Senate assembled at noon under the presidency
of M. Meanard, and in the presence of the commis.
series of the government, deliberated upon each of
the articles of the R•natue corasulturn. The articles
were successively adopted, sod the ballot being taken,
the seriatim consultum was adopted by 641 votes out
of 87. General Itarispe, Admiral Itoussin, and
Count Lezay-Maruesia, were absent on account of
their health. The Prince de la Moskowa was absent,
being on military duty in Algeria.
The senatia consulluni was signed by all the
members present.
Immediately after the sitting, all the Senators in

WI costume, and their eminences the Cardinals in
red robes, preceded by an escort of cavalry, went in a
body to the palace of St. Cloud. They assembled in
the great gallery.
Some moments afterwards the Prince President
entered the room surrounded by his Ministers,
and the Commissaries designated by tho Council of
State, and accompanied by his military household.
On his entry the Prince was saluted with cries of
Vivo l'Empereur." M. /desnard, the first vice-
president, on presenting to his Highness the serustus
consultant [above referred to], addressed him as
follows :

"Monseigneur—When a great country like France
makes its voice heard, the first duty of the political body to
which she addresses herself is to listen and to reply. Such
were the ideas of your Highness in calling for the medita-
lotions of the Senate on this vast movement of public
opinion which bas manifested itself with so much ensemble
and energy. The Senate ha understood that this striking
manifestation is justified at the same time by the immense
'ees which you have rendered, by the name you bear,
and by the guarantees which are given to the future by the
I greatness of your character, and by the wisdom and firmness
your mind. It has understood that after so many revolu-
tions, Franco feels the want of putting her destinies under
the shelter of a powerful and national government, which
only holding to the put by the souvenirs of her glory and
the legitimacy of her origin, now again finds in popular
sanction the clement, of its twee and of its duration. 'the
Senate glories, Munseignenr, in being the faithful inter-
preters of the wishes and sentiments of the country, in
placing in your hands the sonattu-consultuns which calls
you to the Empire."
Fresh cries of " Vivo l'Empercur" followed the
conclusion of the speech.
The Prince replied :

Messieurs les Senateure—l thank the Senate for the readi-
ness with which it has responded to the wishes of the
country, in deliberating on the re-establishment of the
Empire, and in drawing up the senatua-consultum which
is to be submitted to the acceptance of the people.
Whin, forty-eight years since, in this same palace, in
this same room, and under analogous circumstances, the
Senate came to offer the crown to the chief of my
family, the Emperor replied by these memorable words:
"My spirit will no longer be with my posterity from
the day when it shall cease to merit the love and the
confidence of the great nation." what now moat affects m
heart is the thought that the spirit of the Emperor is with
me, that his ideas guide me, that his shade protects me,
since by a solemn proceeding you come in the name of the
French people to prove to me that I have merited the cling.
dence of the country. It is not necessary for me to tell you
that my constant anxiety will be to labour with you to
promote the grandeur and prosperity of Franco.

Renewed cries of " Vive l'Empereur !" here bunt
forth. Tho Prince afterwards approached the sena-
tors, and entered into conversation with each of them,
after which they left and returned to the Luxem-
bourg.
The above account of the proceedings of the
Senate is followed by the following official announce-
ment of the resignation of Prince Jerome Bonaparte
as President of that body.

In the new organisation of the government the presi-
thmcy of the Senate will:belong to the Emperor himself.
This circumstance has determined Prince Jerome to resign
his functions u President of the Senate into the bands of
Prince Louis Napoleon.
Next follow the undermentioned decrees.
IN THE NAME OP THE FRENCH PEOPLE,
Louis Napoleon, l'resideut of the French Republic.
t pon the report of the Minister Secretary of State of the
Interior.

Seeing the sentslui eons:alum of this day decrees:
Art. 1. 'rho French people is convoked in its cornices
on the 21st and 22nd of this present month of November,
to accept or reject the following proposed " plebiscite :"
" The French people wills the re-eatahlishment of the im-
perial dignity in the person of Louie Napoleon Bonaparte
with
.heredicity in his direct legitimate or adoptive
descendants, and gives to him the right to regulate the
order of succession to the throne in the Bonaparte family,
u mentioned in the senalass consultuns of this day.
Art. 2. All Frenchmen of the ago of 21 years, in the en-
joyment of their civil and political rights, are called upon
to vote._

Art. 3. They must prove their qualification either by
their inscription upon the existing electoral lists, or by
showing that they have on the 22nd of November accent.
plisbed the conditions with respect to age, fixed by the de-
crees of Feb. 2, 18.52.
Art. 4. Electors temporarily absent from their domicilo
by reason of their functions or their business, will be ad-
mitted to vote in the place of their actual residence, by
showing that they are inscribed upon the electoral list of
their commune.

Art. 5. The names of individuals deceased or ettainted
by judgments involving incapacity according to the decree
of Feb. 2, 18.52, will be struck off the electoral lists.
Art. 6. The revised electoral lists will be published and
posted in every commune on the 16th November. Claims
and objections may be made directly to the jugs de pair,
and will be heard and decided up to the 21st inclusively ;
citizens producing a decision of the juge de pair, ordering
the insertion of their names in the electoral lists, will be
admitted to vote up to Nov. 22.
Art. 7. The ballot will be open in every commune during
the 21st and 22nd of Nov., from eight to the morning to
six in the evening. The vote will take place by secret
ballot, by " Yes " or "No," by means of a manuscript or
printed bulletin.
Art. 8. The electors of the land and sea armies will vote
under the presidency of the officer of the highest rank in
the place of their residence at the moment of voting. The
staff and crew of ships about to leave France may vote be-
fore their departure.
Art. 9. The census of the votes of each department shall
be made by three members of the Council-C./erten', desig-
nated by the prefect.
Art. 10. The general census of votes will take place in
the Corps Legislatif.
Art. 11. Thu :indite'. Secretary of State for the depart-
ment of the Interior is charged with the execution of the
present decree.
Done at the Palace of St. Cloud, Nov. 7, 18.53,
Loris NAPOLEON,
Prince President.
The Minister Secretary of State for the
Department of the Interior,
F. ox PEESIONT.
Louis Napoleon, President of the French Republic, De-
crees :
_ _ _

Art. 1. The Corps Legislatif is convoked for Nov. 25, in
order to certify the regularity of the votes, to cast them up,
and to declare tko result.

Art. 2. The Minister of State is charged with the execu-
tion of this decree.

Done at the raise* of St. Cloud, the 7th Nor. 1852.
Loy is NAPOLEON.
The Minister of Seats, Actium" FOULD.
The name of the single senator who voted against
the senatus consultum is M. Viellard.

I understand that the baceres refused
to be ono of the ten to sign the original proposition,
but ho ultimately voted for it.
I call your attention to the extraordinary provision
in Art. 6 of the senalus comultion, which plaws every
member of the Bonaparte family out of the pale of
the law, and subjects his life, liberty, and property
to the mere will and pleasure of the new Emperor.

The Preue in its weekly commercial bulletin,
My*;

Bo mach activity now prevails in all the manufactories of
the fancy articles which are principally sold on the approach
of New Year's day, that it looks u though the last fortnight
In December had already arrived ; the manufacturers! have
great difficulty in furnishing the supply demanded from
them, both for the Paris trade and that of the departmental
Itowns. A glut of goods is nowhere to be found. It may be
remembered that before 1848 the over-stock of goods was so
great that it was found necessary to put the men on short
work, in order to bring the stocks down, whereas at present
their situation is completely different.

- -
Wo read in tho l'resse:
The question of the transatlantic packets, which
has for some time past occupied general attention at the
principal seaports, appears at leigth to be in the woy of
coming to a solution. The Minisffr of Finance appointed
a conference of nine competent persons to examine and dis-
cuss the different questions connected with the transatlan-
tio services. Several sittings have already been been devoted
to the examination of the claims which each port considers
itself to ►ave to be the starting point for the different pro-
jected lines between France, the United States, the Brazils,
the West. India Islands, and Mexico. Nothing hiui yet
transpired as to the view which the conference has adopted
on the subject which is so warmly disputed by the different
localities interested In it. It is merely conjectured that the
conference will soon call before it the heads of the compa-
nies which propose to come forward, or rather the authors
of the propositions which up to this time appear to the most
admissible.

The following important railway intelligence
appears in two provincial papers:
The Concorde of Reims says :
We learn that, thanks to the continued efforts and power-
ful influence of the Mayor of Rheims' the line from Rheims
to Oivet has just been decided upon by the Strasburg com-
pany. Out city, then, is about to become the central point
of three branches, that of Epernay to Rheims, that of
Rheims to Douai, and that from Rheims to the Belgian
frontier. Thus, we shall communicate directly with Eng-
land, Belgium, and Germany. What a prospect for us! In
less than twenty years Rheims will have a population of a
hundred thousand souls.
The Echo of Mont Blanc says:
We have received intelligence of • very serious nature with
regard to the interests of Savoy. As we foresaw, France
will keep her railway. to herself, and will not borrow any
foreign territory. The conces,iou of the railway from
Lyons to Geneva by L'Ecluse Seyssel, Culloz, and Saint-
'lambert is granted to MM. Bartoloni and Co. Saint-Rant-
bort will be the pint of junction of the line from Paris to
Geneva by Macon. A line will be made from Marseilles to
Mont Genevre by Briancon. It will only regain a tunnel
of 3,000 mans.

REPORT TO THE SENATE ON THE
EMPIRE.

The following is the Report of the Committee
appointed by the Senate to consider the changes to
be made in the Constitution. It is stated to be from
the pen of M. Troplong, President of tho Court of
Appeal _ _

Gentlemen Senators,—France, attentive and moved, de-
mands of you to-day a great political act. The question is
to put an end to her anxieties, and to ensure her future wel-
fare. But that act, however grave it may be, dots not bring
you in contact with any of those capital difficulties which
hold in suspense the wisdom of legislators. You know the
wishes expressed by the councils general, the councils of the
arrondissements, and by the addresses of the communes of
France—wishes fur stability in the government of Louis
Napoleon, end of • return to a political form which has struck
the whole world by tho majesty of itopower and the wisdom of
its laws. You have heard that immense petition of a whole
nation hastening on the footsteps of its liberator, and the
enthusiastic trim, which we can almost call an anticipated
plabisede, and which proceeded from the heartsof thousands
of husbandmen and workpeople, of manufacturers and
mercial people. Such manifestations simplify the tusk of
statesmen. There are circumstances in which fatal mem-
silica prevent the firmest legislator placing himself in accord.
ance with public opinion and with hisowu reason ; there are
others which require long meditation to resolve questions
upon which the country has not yet decided. You are ex-
posed ,gentlemen,neither to that constraint nor to that ember.
easement. The national feeling presses and supplicates you,
and your high experience tells youth'', in yielding to its in.
stances, you will contribute in replacing France in the ways
which suit her interests, her grandeur, and the imperious
necessities of her situation. Everything is explained, in
fact, by the events which unfold themselves before us.
After great political commotions, it happens always that
nations throw themselves with joy into the arms of the
vigorous man whom Providence sends to them. It was the
fatigue of civil wars that made the monarchy of the victor
of Actium; it was the honor of revolutionary excesses as
much as the glory of Marengo that cievated the imperial
throne. In the midst of the recent dangers of the country,
that vigorous man (eel homme furl) showed himself on the
10thlof December, 18414, and on the 2nd of December,
and 'France has confided to him lier:fiag, which was on the
eve of perishing. If she hat declared her wish to confide it to
him for ever in that memorable journey which was nothing
but a succession of triumphs, it is because by his courage
and his prudence the man showed himself at the height of
his mandate; it is because when a nation feels itself for
mented by. the agitations of a "tinny government, a nem- I
Nary reaction conducts it towards him who will best insure
order, stability, and repose.
Now, Louis Napoleon is in that marvellous situation that
alone he holds in his hands those inestimable benefits. Ile'
has, in the eyes of France, his immense services, the magic
of his popularity, the recollections of his race, imperishable
memorials of order, of organisation, and of heroism, which
make the hearts of Frenchmen beat. lle revives, in the
eyes of Europe, the greatest name of modern times not for
the purposeof military triumphs, in which his history is
sufficiently rich, but for the purpose of enchaining political
and social tempests, of endowing France with the conquests
of peace, of strengthening and rendering fruitful the har-
mony amnions. At home and abroad it is to him that is
attached a long futurity of labour and pacific civilisation.
That fatally must not be givers up to the hazard of events,
and to the surprises of factions.
It is on this account that France demands the hierarchy
of the Emperor, that is to say, order in revolution, ant
rule in democracy. She wished for it on the 10th of Dec.,
at the time when an inimical constitution prevented the
people from expressing their utmost wish ; she wished it
again on the 20th of Dec., when the moderation of a noble
character prevents d its being inked of her. But to-day the
public feeling breaks its bonds like a torrent: there arc mo-
ments when even enthusiasm has a right to resolve questions.
, For a long time past risible signs announced what must be
the misaion of Louis Napoleon, and the provident reason of
I statesmen agreed with the popular instinct in fixing the cha-
-1 racter of it. After the bitter sarcasm which had placed the
heir to a throne at the head of a republic, it was evident
that France, always democratic in her manners, had not
ceased to be monarchical in her habits and instincts, and
that she wished the re-establishment of the monarchy in the
I person of the Prince, who revealed himself to her as the
reconciler of two ages and of two minds, the connecting link
between the government and the people, the monarchical
symbol of organised democracy.
At the end of the last century the preponderance of the
democratic principle had persuaded speculative or ardent
minds that France ought to mark the new era into which she
was entering by a divorce between her government and the
menarehical form. The republic was borrowed from the
recollections of antiquity. But in France political imitations
have rarely succeeded. Our country, though taxed with
levity, is invincibly attached to certain national ideas, and
to certain traditional habits, by which it preserves the
originality of which it is proud. The republic could not
naturalise itself on our soil; it perished by its own excesses,
and it gave itself up to those excesses only because it was
not in the instincts of the nation. It was only an iuterval,
brilliant abroad, terrible at home, between two monarchies.
At that period glory elevated to power one of those men
who found dynasties and who traverse ages. It was on that
now stem that Franco saw flourishing a monarchy appro-
priated to modern times, and which yields to no other by its
' grandeur and power. Is it not a great lesson tone a similar
fortune reserved fifty yearn later for a second essay of the
republican form ? Is it not a striking example of the per-
severance of the French mind in things which are as it were
the sal:Wane° of its political life ? Is not the proof com-
plete and decisive ?
It will be the more so. Defame the imperial monarchy
has all the advantages of the republic, without having its
dangers. The other monarchical tYgimes (of which, how-
ever, we do not wish to diminish the illustrious services)
have been accused of having placed the throne at too great
a distance from the people ; and the republic, boasting of
its popular origin, ably entrenched itself in opposition to
them, among the masses which believed themselves for-
gotten and despised. But the empire, stronger than the
republic on the ground of democracy, takes away from it
that objection. It was the government the most energeti-
cally supported, and the most keenly regretted by the people.
It is the people, above all, that have found it again in their
recollections, to oppose it to the dreams of idealogues and to
the experiments of perturbators. On the one hand, it is
' the only one that can glorify itself on the right recognised
by the ancient monarchy, "that it is to the French nation
that belongs the right to choose a King." On the other, it
is the only one that has not had quarrels to settle with the
people ! When it disappeared in 1814, it was not by the
shock of the nation against the government. The hazards
of a foreign and unequal war operated thin violent divorce.
But the people had not ceased to see in the empire its ema-
nation and its work; and it places it in in affection, far, in-
deed, above the republic, which is an anonymous and tumul-
tuous government, which is kept in recollection more on
account of the violence of its pro-consuls than on account of
victories, which were the price of French valour. This is the
reason why the Napoleonian monarchy has absorbed the
republic a first time, and will absorb it a second time. The
republic is virtually in the empire, on account of the con-
tractual character of the institution, and of the communica-
tion and the express delegation of the power by the people.
But the empire surpasses the republic, because it is also
the monarchy, that is to say, the government of all con-
fided to the moderating action of one with heredity as a
condition, and stability an a consequence. The monarchy
his this excellency inherent in it, chat it yields admirably
to the progress of civilisation ; in its turn feudal, absolute,
and mighty, always ancient and always modern, it only
remains for it to re-open the era of its democratic trans-
formation, inaugurated by the Emperor. This is what
France wishes for at the present flay—Rio what is demanded
of you by a country fatigued by Utopias, incredulous as to
political abstractions, and of which the genius, a mixture of
good sense and poetry, is so made that it does not believe in
government but under the figure of a hero or a Prince.
Even if this love of Frenchmen for the monarchy were
only a prejudice, it ought to be respected ; a people is only
to be governed by the government being placed in accord-
ance with its ideas. But it must be respected above all, be-
cause it is inspired by the most essential necessities of the
country, and by its most legitimate interests.
France is a great state which wishes to preserve at
home and abroad the force which a vast territory and thirty-
five millions of inhabitants can afford. It is at the same
time agricultural and commercial. Notwithstanding the
richness of in soil, it would be poor if industry did not add
immense additional value to its original immovable capital,
and if a taste for polite enjoyments and for moderate luxu-
ries did not give to labour an always fresh aliment. But labour
in order to arrive at the object of its enterprises, must be
seconded by so many advances of capital, and such a per-
severing continuity of efforts, that all success would escape
from it if it were interrupted or troubled by the storms of
a restless and subversive policy. It demands, therefore, for
our institutions stability, as the source of confidence and
the mower of credit. _ _

The monarchy procure. for France all there conditions of
a regular and prosperous life ; any other form can only
comprise them.
The monarchy is the government of great states, to
whose iustitutions, formed to last, it anewers admirably, in
the saw way that solid foundations are necessary for a great
edifice. The republic, on the contrary, is only the govern.
ment of petty state*. If you set aside the United States of
America, which by their geographical position arc an excep-
tion to all rules, and which, besides, are only a confederation,
the republic has never been able to implant itself anywhere
but among small nations, where the embarrassments of go-
vernment, difficult and complicated u they are, are corrected
by the small extent of the territory, and the smallness of tho
population. Ancient Rome, instead of contradicting that
'rule, fully confirms it. The republic was only in the
city, and for the city. Beyond it there was nothing but
grasping masters and oppressed subject'. If it ever could
have had a sort of approach to the republic, it was in the
middle ages, when the republican spirit, extinct since the
period of the Ciesars, was revived in some parts of Europe,
at that time when France was nothing but a chess-board o
almost independent provinces, when the feudal princi-
palities were on all sides threatened by the communal
movement. But since that moment all the internal work-
ings of France have removed it further and further from
the republican form. She separated herself from it cape.
Melly when she gave herself a homogeneous territory, and
3, millions of inhabitants living under the same laws in one
single country, and united by one infinite chain of interests
dependent on each other, and which the same movement
of circulation brings to a common centre. Such s nation
as that is not to be moved like the citizens of one single
town, whether it be called Athens or Rome. A country
Which lives by its labour, and not by the labour of its
slaves, and by the gratifications of the State, does not ali-
ment itself with speeches from the Forum, with the per-

• Mica of July, 1717. Declaration of April 26, 1723.

=anent agitations of Comities,
of a policy always in a state of ebullition. That fever to
which the democratic republics give the name et puiri-
cal life is not to be communicated with impunity to '
nation of which the splendour consists particularly a
is the
pacific development of its riches, and in the regular oil
mtelligent activity of its private resources.
Our fathers bad learned these truths in the rude ...hoot
of public and private misfortunes which filled the who'. of
the internal politics of the commoncemeut of the pe out
age.* Why was it necessary that in these hitter tenni in-
corrigible innovators should inflict upon us the too palpaiea
demonstration of that fact? We have Kee, in fact,
raised to instability and to periodical comusoti nine t?„,
scourges of the body social ; we have seen laws made to re-
duce to solemn precepts the febrile and terrible
which might destroy a nation ; we have seen MU Yew*, tit
the state launched on an unknown sea without a p.,ist la
direct by, without an anchor to hold by, on approwdoieg a
beach ; and no one knows what might have happ..ned to
'
fortunes of France if Providence, watelaaa over le r, had
e„,e
stirred up thy intrepid heart of biro who hiss come to tier aid
France, therefore, with full knewledge it alias j;
doing intends to return to her natural state. She !env( to
again find her real position, and to re eume her. eeilihrona
1 he French people, in its admirable cumin%
infatuated with its superior qualities, that its i,41
its weak sides. It feels itself variable ill its 144
prompt to be worked on, and easy to be led away. e„.l'
because it distrusts the rapidity of a first 0144411 m tit, ;t ~ Lt
a fixed point in its institutions and desires to 1,.
• stable and solid basis. The French demure., ) lee ..e.*.
times been compared to that of Athens. We leavc
Sion to the comparison, ea far as pelin moo cod, V.V.,
mind are concerued, but we in all other req, et. out, i,)
claim the similitude. The Greek democrat„ s a • n ;,.,4;,,.
but a perpetual Hex and reline, never accepting 11, c-e..
ties of their levity. They were, besides, idle cool ,
living on the civic obeli and dietribution, of teed. .
other hand, the French democracy, of a more in ie ,„ ,„
inure haughty character, does not look to the . ;
care of its well-being; it depends on its ewe o t,e••
support, and must joyfully submits to the ~e,„
God—daily labour. Its speculatioes comprise to:, eo
world; it cultivates the earth with its free howl.; .t
rows tho mighty deep with its veswls , it inultip.,‘ .t,
industrial creations, engenders capita's, sad r. nests tf.,
future tributary to its able and mown.: c.os „„,ti„,,,
When a nation thus founds its antes prim•
durability, when sometimes not hese than Lid 4
necessary to it, to reap the ben, lit of Ito op, ratios., ii.t
the iustitutions of a day that can give at ary hop, of •4..4
cess. It would be senseless it it did nut tissue to e.o
moving sphere of its interests turn tumid the
axis of s monarchy.
It is true that in France equality is an object of &heel e'..3
worship, and a monarchy has, as its very tin; con.:izien, the
privileged existence of these grand and res.. in.i.‘l,l44iri• 4
which God raises above their fellows to form dynr,ti,F, cad
which are less humaii beings than the, pereen.eaei of a
people, and the concentrated radiation o t
But equality, such as we conceive it in Freer-, alines
without jealousy those providential gram:cure reieheed
legitimate by state reasons, below which it tool it: v. I.
At Rome and Athens, equality consisted in
citizen :admissible to the supreme authority; and it a,
therefore, that men considered all equality at an cod elan
Augustus had converted the republic into a men achy t In
France, we considered it as peesed and coniirmed tor vaer
under the reign of the Emperor. The te awe is that, in tea
country of (quality, there is nothing that is less lune* I
than the government of one's equals ; because Neel:4 a
there fully satisfied in keldiret a very thing is its grasp,
credit, wealth, and renown, and in !levier( a Net: end 0; La
road before It, to arrive at everything except that estr.ma
point of power, that inaccessible summit, which the eon of
the public tranquillity has paced high above all pee
competition. By that the democracy wonderfully tier ot
with the monarchy, and that onion is so much the mee
solid that common sense unites with the habits of *..e
people in cementing it.
But should cavilling minds, believing themselves more
wise than the whole country, object to the desire expressed
fur the hereditary empire, the inconvenimices white raarri-
ties and bad princes may, at certain interval-, produce in
monarchical states, we would reply that all human in(heo
tions contain within themselves certain defects and weak-
nesses. The monarchy has not the piked." of perfechon;
it has simply, for Franco., the merit of au incontestable !ape-
riority over the system of perpetual election, which on:
y
offers an eternal series of struggles and hazards, and
solves one difficulty only for the purpose of immediately
leaving another in suspense.
Some ancient states, believing that they were improving
on the monarchical system, had placed in sere reign and en-
moveable assemblies that element of stability 'shah dynes.
ties represent.; Bat have not such assemblies also had their
moments of weakness ? lines not the err history exhibit me-
lancholy instances of venality and t) rainy ? has cot their
baseness given them insolent and 'Maine, guanlitas h And
in the point of view of moral responsibility, which is ono of
the great checks on the conscience, there is not the slightest
comparison between a man and an assembly. la assecahlies,
the responsibility of the corps Ctr4CCI that of the iuoliri-
duals ; and as a collective responsibility is very nearly illu-
sory, it conies to pass that that irresponsibility which some-
times constitutes the force and independelicu acamb:es
is also the cause of their excesses. In • rtince, on the con-
trary, the responsibility is undivided and inevitable, and
presses with all its force on the Fide ,4 duty. In fine, whin
evil creeps into a sovereign political body, It continues there
as a precedent, increases as a tradition, and the thing ,t,tlt
can only be kept up by keeping up the evil. On tee eons
trary, if evil glides to the throne, it causes slam only by
temporary and intermittent perils, which are besides ex-
tenuated by the institutions and the ntodificatiom winch
are more easily effected in the case of a man than in that
of an assembly. The feeble Louis XIII. was followed by
the Grand Louis XIV.; and besides, Louis XLII. is, in the
eyes of posterity, covered by his minister, Richelieu.
These general considerations appear to us to prone !effi-
ciently that the national sentiment, which addressee 'belt
to you, gentlemen, as to sage mediator, between the people
an the Prince, is not a frivolous caprice nor a fleeting
infatuation. Behind the nucleation of a great name, ad
above the gratitude which is felt for the acts of a noble
and patriotic courage, there are grand thoughts, powertill
interests, and an admirable intuitive perception of the pub-
tic wants. France, gentlemen, desires to have the life
of a great nation, and not that precarious and sickly
existence which wastes away the social loody. During
the last four years, whilst subjected to perilous ex-
perimeuts, she has known how to correct, by her
good sense, the evils of a deplorable situation. Bet it
is necessary that such a situation should be brought to
a close. I.:p to the present time, she Ind been able to find,
in the midst of the tempests which assailed her, only transi-
tory gleams of safety on which no future prosperity could
possibly be based. At present she is about to enter the port,
to found by means of the fortunate pilot whom she greets
with joy, the edifice of her prosperity on the solid grewel
of the monarchy.
Let us now look to the details of the drat of the Salami
Consultum.

Louis Napoleon will take the name of Napoleon 111. It
is that name which was received in the acclamations of
the people; it is the name which was inscribed on the
triumphal erches and trophies. We do not speedily select
it ; we merely accept it from a naive and spontaneous elec-
tion. It has, besides, that profound rood see,e which is
always to be met with in the wonuerful instincts of the
people. It is a homage to Napoleon 1., whom the people
never (erects; and it is a pious remembrance for his you;b•
(ul son, who was constitutionally proclaimed Empent of
the French, and whose reign, short as it was, has net boa
effaced by the obscure existence of the exile. It selves for
the futare the question of succession, and signifies that the
Empire will be heredityry after Louis Napoleon, as it has
been for himself. In fine, it connects the political phase tO
which we owe our safety with the glorious name which was
also the safety of past times.
And yet, by the side of traditional cleanest, contempara-
acme events preserve their proper value and that mei/list
signification. If Louis Napoleon is called on at present to
resume the work of his uncle, it is not merely because Le al
the heir of the Emperor, hut because he deserves to he so;
it is on account of his devotedness to France, and of that
spontaneous and personal actieu which has reseucd the
country from the horrors of anarchy. It is not sufficeeit for
him to be the heir of the Emperor; he met be etch
elected, for the third time, by the pele. Thus the sac-
cession and the election will lie macron to double h'e Prot,
the modern fact rendering the old one young and siemens
by the puissance of a reiterated consent and a second con-
tract.
The Senatus Consultum next invests Louis Napolien with
the right to adopt an heir iu clef mho( an indirect su
Adoption which is • common right in private c moot
be au exception in dynastic families; for when no newel
heir exists, it is a principle in public law that the cl,oec of
the monarch belongs to the people. But that rule that of
ordinary times, and cannot suit in an absolute menace end
order of things which again resumes a new course .dirt
long interruption, and in the midst of the most ers.wrdi-
nary circumstances.
Louis Napoleon, the depositary of the confidence of the
people, charged by it to draw up a constitution, can ea
infinitely stronger grounds receive the member to pre-
vide for certain eventualities, and to prevent *Main 'lle/
in which that constitution might petish. The strokes of na-
ture have been often terrible in injuring families, and have
set at nought the counsels of wisdom. The French peeple
will not imagine that it makes ton great a sacrifice ef tb
right', in abandoning itself once more to the prudenc! 01
the pram, whom it has made the arbiter of its disunite.
This provision, besides, is borrowed from the imperial
constitution. The empire which revives ought not to
be less powerful in its meaes than wasthe ,nTirli
at its commencement. And in order to remain with=
the letter of the spirit of that precedent, the Sews'
tux Consultum proposes to you not to admit of suck
adoption except for the male descendant., nature(
and legitimate, of the brothers of Napoleon. The feign?'
unlimited adoption would be in manifest contradiction With
the popular wish for the re-estahlishment of the empires
which is the guiding star of our deliberations. In fitet, the
cannot
te
bois iconeencpeainevebdlewiftriezttabomenmambeefooft
the finely
which the nest form of the monarchy was stipulated
it
France. Everything ought to remain consistent in the
work which we are considering.
But above this combination, wkly of a poliiicad chose-
ter, Fromm places a hope which more than anything cone
stitutes her faith in the future ; Siiti that is that, at se
distant period, a wife will take her place on the. throne
which is about to be raised, and a ill give to the Idaperot
scions worthy of his great name and ut his great couutl•

• See the oratnre of the Tribunal on the restoration Of
the Monarchy, 1804.
1 Tacitue, 01:111101, exert:, rqualitate, Jona PrinciPil
adspertare." (Anna! i., 4.)
j The Roman Senate, for instance,

That debt was imposed at the NINa is the day when the
cries of IMr f &Termer hailed bits at his passe, and Ito
will accept it Tinselly, but accuse:lly, the day when the
pow. will be placed can his head. For slues the empire is
ids a view to the future, it ought to tarry with
it el: the legitimate consequeoces which preserve that
fawn from uncertainty and shocks.
In delimit of the direct line, and of the adoptive line, the
ease et suce.ision iii the collateral line must be provided
tor, On that point we propose to you a clause, by which
ail, prop C should cooler on Louie Napoleon the right of
by au orgaoic decree that order of succession in
the▪ gal oiaporte family. ply that means our Senatus Con-
sultant will remain more perfectly in accord with the
solar wi-h, which, in its unlimited confidence, has placed
in 'Louis Napoleon's hands the destinies of the country ; it
w.II .0.. .wise be more in conformity with the political
ei.o:c. • which France has mitered into since the 2nd of
Ili,,Leer. The greatest political genius of Italy, is the
li;th e.iitury, was accustomed to say that in those rare ad
solemn moments in which the question is to found a new
state, tie will of a single man was indispensable! That is
what the nation comprehended so admirably when it re-
gain, to Louis Napoleon the task of drawing up the
constitution which governs us. At present that a capital
moil Motion is taking place in one of the very foui,dations
el teat cunstitioiost, it appears natural and logical to again
eech r en Louis Napoleon • portion of the constituent
power, in order thst, ou the special point which cone.rns
most intimately the interests of the dynasty of which the
Lithos deilares him the head, he nifty he on such provisions
as are, or to bias best appropriated to the public interest,
sod the interest of the monarch. Fur his family, as well as
fur the country, Louis Napoleon is the man 01 an excep-
tional situatieu ; and no fear must be entertained of adding
to his pow: r, iu order that, with the assent of all, he may
Dal:, it ty the authority of a tangle person. We, therefore,
propose to you, after a conference with the organs of the
govetaracat which has led to unanimity of opinion, an
mimic thee worded
" Art. 4. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte regulates, by an
organic decree addressed to the Senate, and deposited in it,
archives, the order of euceemion to the throne in the Bons-
parte family, in case he should not leave any direct or
adopted heir.
It L 4 not necessary for us to say to you that in this system
the formula to be submitted to the French people ought to
suotain an caper's mittion of that delegation. It will be
a.ecseary, according to the Coastitatiull, that the French
people be called en to declare whether it desires or not to
west Louis Napoleen with the power which we conceive
ought to be conk' red on him.
After having thus spoken of the succession to the Imperial
Croon, the Soltotio Consultuns carries its attention to the
coelition of the lousily of the Emperor. It shindig it
into two parts:—Fir-t, the Imperial family, properly so
• cor.r,onsol of the p. emus woo may by poesibility be
• to the throne, and of their descendants of both
rims ; and, second, of the other members of the Bonaparte
Wady.
'the situation of the Princes and Princesses of the Impe-
rial family is to he regulated by Scrams Consults, and they
Cauntit marry is itheut the Emperor's consent. Art. 6 pro-
usenet. fur any intraction of this reculation of public
in-
ten,t, the penalty of losing all right to the succession, with
the proviso, how, see, that in case of the dissolution of the
slitilye by the death of the wife, without issue, the right
is at User ri euvert.l.
As to the iaber members of the Bonaparte family, who
compose the civil family, it is to the Emperor, and not any
Le.ger t o Oenatus Consulta, that it appertains to fix by sta-
tute. their titles nod situation. It is useless to insist on
this iti,:tos tam. as it is explained by the &Create
which otists between the civil family and that uniting in
knif the double character of civil family and political
W e have also to request your special attention to the
final paragraph of art. 6, which confers on theileaperor
full and authority over all the members of his family.
Toe, powers are called (or by the gravest considera-
tion., and bt!oair to the right generally instituted for reign.
lag tamilies. Pruners are placed in so elevated • position by
public right and national interest that they are. in many re-
sps es. out of the pale of the (*um' law. The greater their
prleile.: 4 are the more their duties are immense towards the
emit:try. Monteoalieu has said : " It is not for the reigning
Lundy that the order of succession is established, hut be.
cases it a ter the interest of the State that there should be
a nagniag family." They belong, therefore, to the State by
stricter ties than other citizens: and on account even of
their Tiny greatness must be retained in a sort of perpetual
wanhl. as, under the guardianship of the Emperor, the
di r of their dignity, the appreciator of their actions,
and servihg to them as a father as much as guardian, in
order to piastre.: to the nation this patrimony intact.
It these reasons do not apply in all their Went to the
rs of the private family, there are others of no less
taip..rtot.co which are drawn from the conjoint responsibility
insp.oed by a name which is the property of the nation, as
mach as of the persons who base the honour of bearing it.
Balder,, several of these persons have the privilege of
beige the only ones is the state that the Emperor can place,
Dy adytion, in the rank of the persons who may succeed to
U. crown. But there is no public privilege which ought
cut to be paid for by duties specially created to justify
its nice-sity, and to co-operate in the object of its esta-
blishment.
Thee... 1, another point which it is sufficient for us tore.
mind jou of—the maintenance of the SALM law in the Im-
periel dynasty. In France the Salle law is, so to speak,. in-
emeurated with the monarchy ; and although its origin
goes back to the remotest periods, it has so completely
penetrated into our way of thinking, and is so completely is
accord with the French policy, that it b inseparable from all
tran.foiniatiens in the monarchical
Finally, gelidness, the Senates =um provides far
the coo in which the throne elseald be vacant. "If ever
the ration should be so wohotomells as to experience this
affiati n (to me the l'agosee ides eslebrated edict of
July, 1;17), it would be he the Miss itself te repair it."
Article 5 formally
_vecegoisss this forionental, easential,
and inalienable sight. At the some dos, it provides foe
the means of tosporlog a dodos tosothy of the Preach
people, by its prwlesse sod sollsoity. Is eessequence, as
organic Seamus Consettem, d to the Saab by the
rainoten formed into aeeaaell of gono with the
addition of the Presidio' of the Senate, the latt of the
Legislative Body, and the Powident et the Coomoil el Beata. ,
Act be submitted to the free acceptamth of the people, and
will give to France • new lapesor.
Such, gentlemen, are the principal provisions of the
Senates Consults's mew sohnftml se yes /sr easaidastioa,
and which will womb the sagest adroit et the moths
with im chief. Maeda pow ethyl lie pow will scanty a
concluding article, in virtue of the mosilludome that dos
people be consulted coacersiss the se-mbedirdammt et the
imperial dignity in the person of Laub liopsiess. with the
succession of which we have Jost 'soils' ions ihe MOO
binations. But, gentlemen, we may ellisnes wMa beadied
at present before a public will, erWi air dohs by as boa-
lion to burst forth afresh, that do Prigise essomplithse.
Arid that Empire, the dawn of whisk has tiss_rldi
Louis Napoleon in the departments of the SIMMS. MOO OW
France, surrounded with the most ambisisos soissies.
Everywhere hope revives is men's minds; everywiliere capi-
tal, restrained by the uncertainty of the future, mass with
ardour into the channels of business ; and everywhere the
national sap eimilates and virilles, to produce the nab
abundant traits.
This reign, patlentm. will net be belled fa the medet of
arum and in the mersoaze poltriom amis. It is
the work of the iipmiseenely ex-
pressed ; it has bees poititheil is ear amossisi tows. is
OUP pore, in the Easel peneefal asobes of sideoltwie adi
manufactures, rod is Os whist of the Si seastismote
people ; it will taillaiirailig the xribarni—•
that is to say, the rithithism of 1M Its emir
tionary ideas, religion IMMO bedroom's. owl. obli•
out the follies ef equally We be the psepio
_bethimil
tuba chadataaisa, eme ;Wood homer withort the air
mules of war.
Ab, if the great shade slaw Espevesthooli cast • plasm"
at this France which he loved se south it essehl thrill wink
joy at beholding the gloomy meld= el St Nalana,_at
one moment so MINE brg ree MAW dispeethe I Ne.
Europe will not be delivered up to Mosnlas sad amsothy I
No. France will melees the pram et bar imebdisms ;
and it is the Mow ellbpsisea. dirscbe rewards •
genereeraladedllitibriei dash will be the(el

• Debbasi pigliare guesto pee ma
wes
iimseststo.66
sou anal, o di !ado, °morn, ek' der•
sia, da pnacipio, ordinato bent—s• mos a stard• aim
—Machiavelli, lisinarke on Titus Ll*"

ITALY.
PIEDMONT.

The Piednsoneese Uarette of the bth officially an-
nounces that the Sardinian Cabinet is composed as
follows:—Count Camillo Career, President of the
Council and Minister of Finance ; General Dabor-
:nide, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Cher. Pot= di
San Martino, 'Minister of the Interior ; Cher. Cibrario,
Minister of Public Instruction ; General Alfonso La-
marmora, Minister of War; Cher. Boncompagni,
Minister of Grace and Justice; Cher. Palcocapit, Mi-
nister of Public 'Works.

GERMANY.
PRUSSIA.

The returns received from the provinces of the
monarchy confirm the general character which we
attributed to the Prussian elections. In the great
cities the elections are a demonstration against the
party who would lead Prussia back to the situation
of Isl 7. Berlin, Cologne, Breslau, and Halle, send
liberal men to the new chambers. M. Camp-
hewn, the Former minister, hes been elected for
thlogno, and declines the seat. M. Wentrel, •
=ent member of the left, barn been elected by
constituencies. In', the provinces the electors
have returned a crowd of country gentry, whose
Toles Swum, Bost part will be at the service of the
clennersit. The extreme reactionary party hem
at the listings, as the great ma.
jsrity=rigneedwee will support the constitu-
tion essiet=sieisin Ilisuptad violation under
the asise et
Prehereh-Oihe wee definitively recalled from
his post as Ambles minklar at Berlin on the bth
inst. Gnat Thee repairs hrthwith to Vienna to
receive his credentials to the Prussian court.