The Press.
London, England, 1858-01-23 00:00:00

JANUARY 23, 1858.

establishment of soup-kitchens. One million has been I
distributed in relief of the populations which have suffered I
most from want of work.
The budget of 1859 which will be laid before you will
show a balance in favour of receipts, and the action of the
sinking fund can be renewed. On the close of accounts a
reduction of the floating debt was assured. Commerce
recently suffered u check, but the firm position It took up
in the midst of what may be termed a universal crisis is, in
the eyes of all, an honour for France, and justifies the
economical principles advised by the Government in
matters of commerce, finances, and credit.
The increase of direct and indirect revenue during the
past year was thirty millions of francs.
Among the various Bills which will be submitted to you
of general interest I may mention a law on patents, a new
military and naval code, a proposal to employ the
20,000,000 f. remaining from the loans on works to guard
the towns against inundations.
Algeria connected with France by the electric wire has
afforded new glory to our troops by the submission of
Kabylia. That expedition, skilfully planned and vigorously
executed, has completed our domination. The army,
which has no more enemies to overcome, will have to
struggle against new difficulties in constructing railways
so necessary for the development of the prosperity of our
colony.
In France, the army will find in the Camp of Chalons a
grand school which will keep up the military spirit and
standard at the high level it has attained.
The Emperor Napoleon bequeathed to his ancient com-
panions in glory his private and other property. Under
the Restoration it was absorbed by the State. It is to
carry out in some measure that pious legacy that you, on
the one hand, voted an annual sum of 8,000,000 f. for old
soldiers, but, nevertheless, I wished that a medal should
remind all who bad served in our armies of their former
leaders. More than 300,000 men in France and abroad
have applied for this medal in remembrance of the Impe-
rial epoch, and on receiving it they might exclaim with
pride, I also belonged to the Grand Army "—words
which at Austerlitz the Emperor had reason to point out
to them as the advent of a title of nobility.
Our navy is occupied in its arsenals with those neces-
sary changes which will enable it to maintain the honour
of our flag on every sea. In China, it is acting in con-
cert with the English fleet to obtain redress for common
grievances, and to avenge the blood of our missionaries,
who have been cruelly massacred.
The relations of France with foreign powers were never
on a better footing. Our ancient allies, true to the sen•
timents which sprung from a common cause, give us the
same confidence as usual; and our new allies, by their
straightforward and loyal conduct in all great questions,
make us almost regret that we ever were their foes.
I was enabled to be convinced at Osborne, as well as at
Stuttgardt. that my desire to keep up the intimacy of old
relations, as well as to form new ones, was equally shared
by the chiefs of two great empires.
If the policy of France is appreciated as it deserves to
be in Europe, it is because we have the common sense
only to deal with questions which concern ourselves
directly, either as a nation or as a great European power.
This is why I avoided interfering in the question of the
Duchies which now agitates Germany, for that question,
which is exclusively a German one, will remain so as long
as the integrity of Denmark is not threatened.
If, on the other hand, I took up the Neufchatel qnes-
firm it is because the King of Prussia asked for my bons
ewes, and I was happy on this occasion to contribute to
the final settlement of a difference which might have be-
come dangerous for the peace of Europe.
As regards the Principalities, astonishment has been
expressed at our disagreement with many of our allies.
The fact is, that France, in her disinterested policy, has
always advocated, in so much as treaties allowed her, the
wishes of the populations which appealed to her. Never-
theless, the conferences which will shortly open at Paris
will show in what conciliating spirit we work to attenuate
the difficulties which are inseparable from $ difference of
opinion.
Such, gentlemen, is the resume of our position ' • I might
end my address here, but 1 think it useful, et the com-
mencement of a new Legislature, to examine with von
what we are and what we desire. It is only welddelined
causes distinctly formulated that create profound convic-
tions. It is only standards boldly unfurled which inspire
sincere devotion.
What is the Empire? Is it a retrograde Government,
an enemy of progress, desirous of suppressing generous
impulses and of impeding the pacific extension of the
great and civilising principles of 1789 ?
INo ; the Empire inscribes these principles as the motto
of its constitution. It frankly adopts everything of a
nature to ennoble the heart or exalt the mind for what is
good ; but it is also the enemy of every abstract theory.
It seeks a strong power, capable of overcoming the ob-
Istacles which night stop its advance, for—let us not
forget R—the advance of every new power is a long

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struggle.
Moreover there is a truth inscribed upon every page of
the history of France and of England—namely, that liberty
without obstacles is impossible as long as there exists in a
country a faction which obstinately disowns the funda-
mental bases of the Government; for then liberty, insttad
of enlightening, controlling, ameliorating, is nothing else
in the hands of factions but a weapon of destruction.
Therefore, as I did not accept the power of the nation
with a view to acquire that ephemeral popularity, the
paltry prize cf concessions exacted from weakness, but
with a view one day to deserve the approbation of pos-
terity by founding something lasting in France, I do not
fear t 3 *declare to you to-day that the danger, no matter
what is said to the contrary, does not exist in the exces-
sive prerogatives of power, but rather in the absence of
repressive laws. Thus, the last eleetione despite their
satisfactory result., offered in many localities a sad spec-

81

tacle. Hostile parties took advantage of it to crests
agitation in the country, and some men had the boldness
openly to declare themselves the enemies of the national
institutions, deceived the electors by false promises, and,
having gained their votes, then spurned them with con-
tempt.
You will not allow a renewal of such a scandal, and you
will compel (obliges) every elector to take an oath to the
Constitution before presenting himself as a candidate.
As the quiet of the public mind ought to be the constant
object of our efforts, you will assist me in finding the
means to silence extreme and annoNing oppositions.
In fact, is it not too sad to behold in a quiet, prosperous
country, which is respected in Europe. on the one hand,
men ening down a Government to which they are in-
debted for the security which they enjoy, while others only
take advantage of the free exercise of their political rights
to undermine the existing institutions ?
I welcome heartily, without inquiring into their flute-
cedents, all those who recognise the national will.
As regards the originators of disturbances and conspi-
racies, let them understand that their day is gone by.
I cannot conclude without alluding to the criminal
attempt which has just taken place. I thank Heaven for
the visible protection with which it shielded the Empress
and myself, and I deplore that so many victims should be
made when only one life was aimed at.

Yet these plots bring their lessons with them. Firstly,
they prove the weakness and impotence of the parties who
have recourse to assassination and such desperate means ;
secondly, that no assassination, even if successful, ever
served the cause of those who hired the assassin. Neither
those who slew Cesar nor those who assassinated Henry
IV. derived any advantage from their crime.
God sometimes allows the just to fall, but He never
allows the cause of crime to triumph. These attempts,
therefore, neither shake my security in the present nor my
faith in the future. If I live, the Empire will live with
me, and if I should fall, my very death would only tend
to strengthen the Empire, for the indignation of the
people and of the army would be an additional support to
the throne of my son.
Let us, then, look confidently towards the future ; let as
attend calmly to our daily work for the welfare and great-
ness of our country. God protects France!

The reception of the Emperor and Empress was
most enthusiastic.

The preliminary steps for the legal inquiry into
the recent attempt upon the life of the Emperor and
Empress progress, and the trial is expected to take
place shortly.
The Spectateur and the Revue de Paris have been
suppressed.
A meeting of English residents was held on Wed-
nesday, and a congratulatory address voted to the
Emperor and Empress upon their recent happy
escape. Addresses are being voted by the inhabi-
tants of every town and village thronghont the
empire. On Saturday the Emperor received Count
Morny on behalf of the Corps L gislatif, and MN,.
Troplong and Baroche, respectively on behalf of the
Senate and Council of State. Count Morny ob-
served .

We cannot conceal from you, Sire, that the populations
whom we have recently quitted are rendered uneasy by
your clemency, which is too apt to be measured by the
goodness of your heart, and when they see such abominable
crimes imagined and prepared abroad. they ask how it is
possible that neigbonring and friendly Governments can be
powerless to break up these laboratories of assassination,
and how it can be that the sacred laws of hospitality should
be applicable to wild beasts. Sire, your Government,
which is founded on two principles—the principle of
authority and the principle cf the protection of honest men
—ought at any price to put a stop to these periodical con-
vulsions.
MM. Troplong and Baroelle express(' similar senti-

merits.
The Emperor is reported to have replied :
We shall remain faithful to that policy of moderation and
reconciliation which we have continued to employ towards
European States, bat it will be necessary to concert with
the Corps Legislatif in order to adopt measures calculated
to secure, as far as human forethought can anticipate, the
security of France.
The Conr Imperiale has prononnced a judgment
annulling the decision of the Tribunal of Commerce,
and declaring Auguste Thurneyssen, of the house of
Stieglitz, not comprised in the failure of his son
Charles.
SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.
M. Isturitz, President of the Council, has declared
to the Cortes that the policy of the new Cabinet will
have for its basis the Constitution of 1845.
The contract for the marriage of his Majesty Don
Pedro V. with the Princess Stephanie of Hohen-
zollern has been oppoed at Lisbon in a secret
session of the House of Deputies.
DENMARK.
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On the I.lth inst. the King of Denmark opened in
person the session of the Supreme Council of the
kingdom. His Majesty in the course of his speech
alluded as follows to the Holstein question :
We have seen with extreme regret that there exists in
the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenhurg, as regards our
constitutional relations, an appreciation which conk' not
fail to came anxiety and excitement. The relations of
those Duchies with the German Confederation necessarily
bronclit our Government into negotiations with Prussia
and Austria, after which the matter was referred to the
Fraukfort Diet. In these negotiations—all documents

82

resisting to which will be laid before the Supreme Council—
it will be shown that, to come to an amicable arrangement,
we were willing to make every concession compatible with
our solicitude tor the welfare of the Monarchy, and espe-
cially for the maintenance of its constitutional relations,
established after great efforts.
Ills Majesty was loudly cheered.