The Press.
London, England, 1857-04-04 00:00:00

shot outside the town wall. By this mail we learn that Aunt and
his men had been tried, it is true, but acquitted. Matters remain
much in the same state in the Canton river. If the Emperor
has disapproved of the Viceroy's obstinacy, it is one more argu-
ment against the conduct pursued by Sir JOHN BOWRING, and dis-
tinctly indicates to us that the true policy to have followed upon the
occasion would have been to bring the respective Govern-
ments into communication with each other in place of
hastily committing a series of cruel and barbarous aggressions
against an undefended commercial city. The Post, we observe, also
makes merry with Sir FITZROY KELLY for describing the Chinese as
" feeble, unresisting men," and refers to the activity they display in
the conduct of junk warfare. The Post has forgotten, perhaps our
contemporary never knew, that the Mantchou Tartars, a distinct
and warlike race, form the military force of the empire.

A few months ago we directed the attention of our readers to the
peculiar and abnormal character of the slavery question in America.
We said that—

Had the question admitted of a calm and rational solution, surely some of the many
efforts in that direction must have been, at all events, partially successful. But a history
of American compromise is a history of failures The South is now resolutely
bent on a contravention of the whole tone of thought on this subject, which has prevailed
since the foundation of the Republic. It is no longer content with acquiescence. It is
resolved on aggrandisement.

These remarks have now received a startlingly rapid confirmation.
It has been decided, says the Daily News, by the Supreme Court of
Judicature in the United States that all limitations on slavery enacted

in the Legislature, and upheld by the courts from 1787 to the present
year, are unconstitutional, and as such null and void; that there
is no power in existence which can exclude slavery from any province
in the Union, nor any mode by which any citizen can exempt himself
from participation in it. It follows, of course, from this that the Fugi-
tive Slave Law must be everywhere enforced, and all the results of
seventy years' (humane legislation are swept away by a single
stroke. It is useless to dwell on the means by which such a decision
has been obtained. They aro unhappily not unknown amongst our-
selves. The persevering promotion of one particular party has quite
overthrown the balance hitherto maintained between the rivals, and
given it an official preponderance which will evidently be used without
scruple till it drive the minority to measures of desperation in their
own defence. There is a point, happily but seldom reached, when obe •
(hence to law becomes violation of conscience, and nothing remains for
the unfortunate dissentients but emigration or resistance. If matters
come to this pass in the United States, there is no doubt which alter-
native will be chosen. It is shocking even to dream of the possibility
of a great American civil war. The atrocities which must infallibly be
perpetrated under the peculiar circumstances of the contest are dread-
ful to contemplate. The result, perhaps, we ought not to consider
doubtful. Yet the victory of the Northerners would by no means
amount to the extirpation of slavery; and on the whole, any good that
might be hoped for from bringing the question to an issue seems most
woefully disproportioned to the mischiefs and the horrors by which the
struggle would be attended.

The resignation of Dr. HINDS has thrown another episcopal
appointment into the hands of Lord PALMERSTON. After all that has
passed, we shall watch the choice of his successor with peculiar
interest, and not the less because we observe in a Ministerial organ
the most extraordinary arguments in favour of the recent promotions.
Some allowance wo are aware must be made for our contemporary,
whose theological leanings are sufficiently well known. It is morti-
fying, after writing up Tractarianism so long, suddenly to find out that
that is not the card, and to be obliged to write up Evangelicism. The
Coldness and ingenuity with which the Post combats this embarrass-
ment really deserves admiration. Nothing we are told can give more
satisfaction to the extreme High Church Party than the elevation
to the Bench of extreme Low Churchmen—a sentiment faithfully reci-
procated by their rivals, who would, we are to suppose, greatly
prefer Mr. DEsisorr as Archbishop of Canterbury to any clergyman of
more moderate views. The obvious absurdity of this proposition the
Post judiciously veils under an assertion that " the earnest men of all
parties" must be glad to see earnestness in the ascendant. It maybe
as well briefly to point out the two very glaring blunders which
characterise this reasoning. In the first place, it would force us to
believe that none but a violent partisan can be sincere. Now,
no doubt it is quite true that the more sincerely a man holds
his principles, the more will he desire to carry them out, and
that, therefore, if his principles be extreme, his preaching and
practice will be extreme too. But it by no means follows that a man
may not be equally sincere in the profession of moderate principles.
In the second place, if we grant unconditionally all that our conteni.
porary says on this score, and admit that the Bench is to be recruited
from the ranks of our most violent controversialists, we must never-
theless contend for an equitable distribution of its honours. If the
Rev. Mr. CLOSE be promoted to-day, let the Hon. and Rev. Mr.
LIDDELL be promoted to-morrow. For if earnestness be all that is
looked for, it must be taken wherever it can be found. I