The Press.
London, England, 1856-03-29 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

THE Plenipotentiaries have this week met more consecutively on Mon-
day, Tuesday, and Wednesday, and is hence surmised that they are
anxious to bring their sittings to a close, and announce a defini-
tive result. After the Conference has broken up, and a treaty of
peace has been signed, a convention will, it appears, be assembled to
sit for weektrOr months to regulate details; so that the diplomatists of
Europe will have ample scope afforded them for the exercise of their
skill, and numberless questions will probably arise, on which disagree-
ment may exist. It is in this convention, we suppose, that the battle
for influence in the councils of the Porte will be fought. The war of
diplomacy will succeed to the war of arms, and unless our Adminis-
tnttion be careful we may at last be dexterously driven, in part, at
least, 'from the attainment of our objects. • This convention will, we
finpy,peeve a disagreeable sequel to the treaty; while it lasts it will
keep the political horizon clouded, and perhaps prevent any general
discernment. If reports from Paris ale to be credited, Lord CLAREN-
DON -has managed to signalise himself by disputing Prussia's right
to- free and equal action at the Conference to which she has been
invited. It is scarcely credible that any serious question can have
beeri raised on this head. If so, we are in danger of returning to
those good old-fashioned days of diplomacy, when plenipotentiaries
disputed with each other which should first enter a room and last
leave it, and held trivial formalities to be of :infinitely higher import-
ance than matters on which the fate of nations depended. Lord CLA-
RENDON has a genius for raising those fungus-like quarrels which spring
up one can scarely tell how, and if examined aro found to be mere
swollen bladders of dirt and wind. It is to be hoped no mischief will
come of them.

Covering all hoardings and dead walls about London are large
posters, denouncing Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE as the real cause
of the fall of Kars, and bringing against his Lordship a huge bill of in-
dictment. Who are at the bottom of this movement ? Evidently
sonic persons ignorant of the real facts of the case, or making their
show of ignorance a cloak for their sinister designs. Not a word is
said against Lord CLARENDON—no blame is attributed to the Govern-
ment—Lord STRATFORD has done it all. Vengeance is called down on
his head ; he is the person against whom a set is to be made at the
meeting of Parliament. His Lordship must defend himself as he best
can for his neglect of General WILLIAMS in the first instance. We have
nothing to say to that; but, to do him justice, he has had no more to
.do with the fall of Ksrs than the man in the moon. It was Lord
CLARENDON who sent WILLIAMS out—it was to Lord CLARENDON that
WILLIAMS was directed to send his reports—it was from Lord CLAREN-
DON that he was directed to seek his instructions. The whole case of
Kars hangs on two points. 1. Was it right for Lord CLARENDON, well
knowing that Turkey could not be depended on to resist the Russian
arms in Mingrelia, or even to semi to Kars the necessary allies,
to yet leave that important place to its fate? Ought he,
or ought he not, to have desired the British Government
to afford direct assistance to General WILLIAMS, by sending
to him, which might easily have been done, supplies of money, stores,
arms, &e.? When the question was • directly raised whether, iu
compliance with the request of General WILLIAms made in March,
1854, for a reinforcement of Turkish troops, was it right or not in
Lord CLARENDON and Lord PANMURE to return an answer that no re-

inforcements could be sent until " the more pressing need " for Turkish
troops in other quarters had been supplied? It was this answer
v►hich intimated to Turkey the idea of the British Government that
the fate of Kars was altogether of very secondary importance, which
prevented the necessary succours being sent out, and which directly
led to the desertion of WILLIAMS and the success of MoueAVIEFF•.
These are the facts with which the Legislature will shortly be called
on to deal: and whatever tends to conceal or overlay these facts must
tend to deceive the public, and divert its mind from the real merits of
the case.

What is to be done in the ease of Oude? Let us see how many courses
are open to us. Are there three? No, we think but two. The Legis-
lature must remain silent, or it must speak out. It must affect igno-
rance of what is passing in India,—though the transaction concerns a
wealthy and fertile kingdom half as large as England, with a popula-
tion of three million of souls,—or it must review the acts of the Indian
Government, and declare its opinion whether the seizure of this king-
dom on the grounds set forth is justifiable and lawful. Much may,
perhaps, be said as to what is expedient, but the chief question is. what
ss right and just? Here is a kingdom at peace with our Government ;
a kingdom whose reigning family, as appears by the proclamation issued
for its seizure, has always remained faithful to our Government ; a
• kingdom whose only alleged misdemeanour is, that it has the misfor-
tune to be badly governed. It may be right for British power to be
exercised for the correction of gross abuses in native Indian Govern-
ments,—for the.pmtentian of the people from oppression,—for the in-
troduction of improvements to fertilise the country, and benefit the
inhabitants. But between the interposition of such influence and the
seizure of the State, there is a wide distinction,—as great as between
Chancery assuming tp gnardianship of a minor's property. and confis
eating it for the sole use and benefit of the Court. Annexation in
India means not only the deposition of native government, but the
eonfiseation of ail titles, tenures, and rights, by which property is hold:
it meaus such a total social revolution as England was doomed to un-

SATURDAY,

dergo when the Conqueror parcelled out its soil into knights' fees.
Hence it happens that no sooner is annexation an accomplished fact,
titan wealth, as by the stroke of a magic wand, is dried up,—en.
terprise flies the fated land,—industry languishes, the revenue declines,
—the whole tract dwindles to a state of serfdom, and the population
falls into the two classes most fatal to a country's prosperity,—
the collectors and agents of the Govat•nment, and the unhappy eniti.
vators of the soil, who derive a wretched, precarious, and fearful
subsistence from their toil. This no imaginative sketch ; it is the
truth. It is being brought home to the minds of the people of this
country strongly by the stern undisguisable facts of a yearly diminish-
ing revenue, and a yearly augmenting expenditure. Hear what the
Times—the defender of Lord DALHOUSIE'S administration, and the
apologist of the Oude annexation—is forced to admit in its impression
of yesterday, the facts being taken from Blue-books which cannot be
hidden :

The actual revenue of India for the year ending April 11.134 was 21,000,0001., and
there was au increase of expenditure over revenue of no less than 2,000,0001.

Then this deficit is annually inct•eariny :
For the following year the estimate is that the income would be only a few thousands
more, while the deficiency would be half a million more. Of this enormous deficieney
of 2;00,001., which is eren bower than that which sealed the doom of the Mel&men,
Ministry fifteen years ago, Bengal ib accountable for 2.300,0001. Iu this Presidency the
excess of outlay over receipts has been gradually increasing.

A de: •eucy of two millions and a half, with a revenue of
20 t ' I IL, is equal to just one-tlighth part. Imagine England with
a , • deficit of seven millions, and that deficit annually increasing,
would it be necessary for any prophet to cry trumpet-tongued what our
end must soon be? and this ruinous state of the finances rums side by
side with the most confiscating rule ever known in India. We could
make up a catalogue of Lord DaLitousiles spoliations longer than a
stage tailor's bill, or than the roll which the impudent fabricator
of " The Adventures of an Eastern King " pretends was presented
to the Monarch of Oude by his barber-minister. First, under Lord
DatHousiE was perpertrated the confiscation of Sattara, because he
would not recognise the rule of native adoption, though sanctioned by
such Indian statesmen as SULLIVAN, HUME, and Sir G. CLERK ; next
came the Punjaub, for which there would have been good grounds in the
Sikh uprising of 18-10, though very little for the supercession of the
arrangement then made by Lord Ijai.uocsiE two years later, and N.B.
mark what appears relating to the revenue of the Punjaub :
The estimated net revenue of the North-Western provinces, including the Punjaub
and Trans.lndus territory, is 6,000,0001, and this, it may be observed, is the only depart-
ment in which the revenue is in excess. It is more than double that of the expenditure,
although, when we compare the accounts of the several years, and see how the receipts are
slowly decreasing and the charges are rapidly multtplying, it is not difficult to anticipate the
period when here also there shall be a deficit instead of a surplus. —Times of yesterday.

Then fell Pegu because the governor of its seaport bad kept a
message from the British admiral waiting half an hour at his door.
Then followed the annexation of Nagpore, with the seizure of all the
treasures of the Bailees; after that came the confiscation of the pension
to the Nawabs of Arcot, 100,0001. a year; and lastly, to crown all, we
have the annexation of Oude. As fur the confiscation of inferior
pensions, jaghires, territories, estates, and lands, our columns
would groan to burst with the list. We only ask to
what has' all this confiscation conic? Look at the deficit in
the Indian revenue. Mark how the receipts decline while the
expenses increase, and say if the end does justify the means—if what
is morally wrong is expediently right--if it will,be possible for us to
preserve India on this system without au enormous addition to the
burdens of this country. The• truth is forced on us, that conquered
countries do not pay that if we do not take heed our empire in India
will fall as N&POLEON'S empire ; and that the time has arrived when
the British Legislature, if it would not prove unfilithful to its highest
duties and dearest interests, must institute an inquiry on what princi-
ple the confiscations iu India have proceeded, and on what grounds of
right they proceed. It will be a great scandal if Lord llautousiz is
permitted to act out in India the Socialist principles which Mr. Lucas
is scouted for but advocating in the House of Commons.

Mn. GLADSTONE'S speech at the Mansion-house on Monday last
is a tardy recantation of error. Ho acknowledges the justice of the
war, which will henceforth stand " conspicuous for the purity of its
motives " Such is the force of opinion in this country, that even a
statesman like Mr GLADSTONE, who piques himself on his singularity
is dragged at its tail, in how dignified a position let impartial spectate
determine But we hereby may perceive how futile is the attempt a
any man of the Gladstone calibre to attempt to dictate to the great
political parties. Like the ass between the bundles of hay, he starves
in his isolated intellectual pride. He can get no followers, either in
the country or in Parliament, and is at last reduced to the humiliating
necessity of admitting that his fastidiousness was simple tally, and
his vaunted superiority to the system which bred him] nothing but
the swagger of all disappointed men—that they are not appreciated by
the world.

One of the great political facts of the day is the decided change of
opinion in Ireland In three successive elections Conservatives have
replaced " Liberal " representatives. In Carlow, two years since, Mr.
ALEXANDER defeated SADLEIR, whose name was not then as infamous
as it is now. In Sligo, the Premier's own borough, his " bosom.
friend" has lately been ignominiously defeated by an ex-official
Lord DERBY'S Ministry, Mr. WYNNE and Mr TOTTENHAM, in New Ross,
has completely overthrown poor Sir THOMAS REntsoros. In the latte
two eases the seats were 14 nearly 20. years in the hands of the Libe
yak. Mr. J. COPPODE lutist fuel dismay as he thinks of the next general
election in Ireland. The ignominy of the Brass Baud,and the disgust
towards mercenary adventurers, are beginning to produce marked

...II

THE EXILE OF ERIN
•
There came to the House a sharp Exile of Erin,
The rents in his long robe were many and deep ;
And he mourned o'er the names rather shady appearing
Of some who'd contrived into office to creep.
But he looked to the Premier with venal devotion
As a Landlord and Peer pilf-Ahat Isle of the Ocean,
Where lately, o'ercomlitioteen and emotion,
He shouted for Tent :Right, Erin go bragh.
" Sad is my fix," said the placeman in anguish,
" O'Flaherty unquestion'd may bolt o'er the brine ;
But I must for ever in green Erin languish—
A seat and a party not long will be mine.
Never &gain (as when erst I incurred your
Wrath) shall I spout in that island of verdure,
Voters to diddle, myself perhaps to injure,
Shouting for Tenant Right, Erin go bragh.
" Erin, my country ! 'tis true that I've sold thee,
True o'er my conduct each patriot sulks ;
Yet feel I somewhat abashed to behold thee,
To think of each friend in concealment who skulks.
Once to assist me the Priests gave their curses.
Whiteboys their bludgeons. and Peelites their purses;
But confederates (whose luck than their merits much worse is)
Have fled to the backwoods or stayed for the hulks.
" Yet from my troubles there's some consolation
E'en 'mid my present distress I can draw ;
Sown I may rise to a loftier station,
Soon on the Bench I may lay down the law.
Thence I may, perhaps, as the comedy ends,
Tranquilly taking what Destiny sends,
Sentence, like Hogarth's apprentice, my friends—
Erin, mavotirnin—Erin go bragh !"

POLITICAL LIFE ASSURANCE.

(ADVBRTISIMENT.)
AMID the various schemes which the progress of society and the spirit
of the age have called into existence, nothing is more deserving of
notice than the Political Life Assurance Society, full details of whose
constitution and objects will shortly be submitted to the public.

When we reflect upon the uncertainty of political life, and the
numerous accidents which constantly occur therein►, cutting down
alike the rising reputation, the made man, and the veteran statesman,
the wonder is that in a utilitarian age the project has not earlier
occurred to sore enterprising student of life.
The above society has now been in existence little more than a
twelvemonth, but the support it has received is of the most flattering
and substantial character, and it is shortly about to appeal to the
political public, with a larger scheme and extended resources.
In the meantime, the society would respectfully call attention to
one or two cases in which casualties have occurred, and in which the
assistance of the society, which does not confine itself to fatal cases,
has been of the most szngular value. The names of individuals are,
of course. carefully withheld, in conformity with the laws of honour-
able confidence, but the circumstances will show the remarkable
utility of such an association.
"J. R, a House of Commons nobleman, of somewhat advanced
age, and who had during a protracted political career been unhappily
dieted to the use of ►italwk medicines fin• the constitution, remedies
Buggested by .Tew advertisers, and the like, was suddenly seized with
a determination to put an cud to his political existence. He hurried