The Press.
London, England, 1858-06-05 00:00:00

THE PRESS, JUNE 5, 1858.

it had cost some persona so much pains to build up col-
lapsed in a single moment, came to nothing, and fell to
the ground, to the utter and irretrievable confusion of its
authors. (A laugh.) I did not expect the noble earl to
comment on that part of my right hon. friend's speech. I
do not know whether he read it with so much amusement
as I slid ; but greater than my amusement was my con-
viction of its truthfulness. I felt eminently convinced
that, great as was the wit, great as was the cleverness,
great as was the humour of that most graphic descrip-
tion, that which most peculiarly appertained to it. was
undeniable truth. (Hear, hear.) There was no exag-
geration even of colouring, for no exaggeration could be
applied to that matchless scene at which-1 shall remem-
ber it to the last day of my life—l had toe good fortune to
be present.

He taunted Lord Clarendon with omitting all allu-
sion to the description of the breakup of the Oppo
sition in the House of Commons, which, though
exceedingly graphic, was also exceedingly true; ani
with having equally forborne any reference to the
explanation of the financial policy of the Ministry
and the Budget:—
My noble friend will certainly recollect that the late
Government were about to enter upon the discussion of
the budget with Ito very sanguine anticipations as to the
resources of the country, or as to the view which might be
taken of the measures which they intended to submit to
Parliament. If I em correctly informed, no mode of
rectifying the disorder of the finances occurred to them
better than that which would not have been a very popular
measure—a considerable increase of the income tax.
The late Government, and—if there are such persons as
the members of a cabal—the cabal, or those who, in the
house or out of the house, Englishmen or foreigners, were
looking fur ward to the destruction of the present Ministry
immediately on its formation, anticipated that the budget
would be the inevitable destruction of this incompetent
Government. (Hear, hear.) It was said, " They have
succeeded by an accident in ousting the late Govenirnent
and getting into place for a moment, but it is only for
forty-eight hours." (Cheers.) That was the language
held, "Don't he alarmed, this is nothing serious, it is
but an affair of forty-eight hours." Eight and forty hours
elapsed, and then it was, "You will see that the whole
thing will fall to the ground, and then will be that
glorious and much longed for restoration " which is the
main object of noble lords opposite. (A laugh.) Weeks
elapsed and there was no indication of the desired con-
summation, and then it was said, " But there is the
budget, they never can get over that. We know the
state in %hie!' the finances were when we left office.
(Renewed laughter.) We are very well out of it, leaving
our successors to deal with the budget, which we know
that we should have found an insurmountable difficulty."
We did deal with the budget, and dealt with it in such
a manner that, without violating public faith, carrying on
the promised reduction of that most obnoxious income
tax.—which the late Government had intended to main-
tain, if not to increase,—we, by the addition of taxes, not
large in amount, not very important, and to which few
persons took any objection, made such an arrangement
as to secure for ourselves a fair surplus for the year.

He refused to go into the question of the "cabal,"
and passed to the Indian policy of the Government.
which he described as one of moderation and
clemency, as opposed to the violence counselled by
some of those by whom Lord Canning was sur-
rounded. The noble lord concluded a very spirited
address in the following terms :

I thinK I have gone through all the topics contained in
the statement of toy noble friend to which it is necessary
or becoming in me to refer. I must say that, although
have not shrunk from explaining and vindicating the state-
ments matte and the language held by my right hon. friend,
not in every particular term, but in substance and fact,
and although I do not deny that the language of public
men holding high office is to be more carefully and closely
watched and criticized than the language of those holding
less responsible appointments, yet I do think that,
although the language used and the opinions expressed by
my right hon. friend might have called forth some casual
criticism, and a passing notice from those who disapproved
them, a great deal more has been made of this speech
than is consistent with the dignity of either of the houses,
or with the importance of the questions to which it refers.
(Cheers ) I have rot, however, shrunk from vindicating
an absent friend, and I think my noble friend might have
done well to recollect that that right hon. gentleman on two
successive evenings has been attacked on the same subject
in his place in Parliament, where he had a right to speak,
and that he has there given to his opponents, first one and
then the other, such an explanation and such an answer
as neither they nor the country will speedily forget. (Loud
cheers.)
- - -

Earl GRANVILLE justified the notice that had been
taken of the speech, and characterized the reference
to the budget as vainglorious, since the financial
policy of the Government had only been the negative
one of not " muddling away money in paying debts,"
but postponing liabilities they bad better have met
in a bolder manner. To the charge of conspiracy
by a "cabal," no answer whatever had been given.
As to India, Lord Canning was supported by the
opinion of the country, ami required no aid from
such speeches as that delivered at Slough. Lord
Clarendon was entitled to their thanks for the able
and conclusive manner in which he had criticized
that address, and cleated up many points on which
serious misconceptions existed.
The Earl of ALthempiuriv thought it absurd for
any one to ask explanations of it speech from those
who never heard it ;

I suppose, my lords (said the noble earl), we ought to
be extremely thankful for the lesson on the necessity of
cultivating habits of public discretion which we have this
evening received ; but I would beg the noble lord at
whore hands we have been favoured with so much good
advice, to bear in mind for the future the common maxim
which says that those who live in crystal palaces should
not throw stones. ( A laugh.) (A noble lord : "In glass
houses.") My noble friend may live in a glass house,
but f am not quite sure that it may not with more pro- •
priety be said of the noble lord at the head of the late
Government that he lives in a crystal palace, for he is
absolutely upon all sides surrounded by glass. (" Hear,
hear," and laughter.) I recollect a time, and that nn very
distant period, when that noble lord seemed completely
to have forgotten—l should, perhaps, rather say despised
—those rules of discretion which have to-night been so
emphatically recommended for the adoption of public
men. (Hear.) We must all remember how that alliance
upon which the noble viscount to whom i allude sets so
high a value was greatly imperilled by the indiscreet lan-
guage which he used, and how some t.vo years ago, at a
Lord Mayor's dinner, he made a speech which called
for explanation on the part of the French Government.
( Hear, hear.) Fortunately for the noble lord, the French
Ambassador happened at the time to be absent in Paris,
and was not present at the dinner; for if lie had been,
he must have felt it to be his duty to walk out of the
room. (Cheers.) There was also another occasion upon
which, if I mistake not, the noble viscount showed an
equal contempt for those rules of discretion of which the
noble earl opposite is so earnest an advocate. Your lord-
ships have seen that addreas—worse than a speech, be-
cause it was written—to the electors of Tiverton, in which
so much good taste and good feeling were displa3etl, and
in which the noble viscount thought proper to brand the
majority of the members of both Houses of Parliament
as men who were ready to make the disgrace of their
country a stepping-stone to office. (Cheers.) Now, I
cannot help thinking that a noble earl who serves under
a leader who is accustomed to make use of such language
as that might very well have refrained from inflicting upon
us that severe castigation which he has this evening ad-
ministered. (Cheers.) For my part, I run of opinion
that nothing has been said by my tight hon. friend the
Chancellor of the Exchequer in the speech in question
which, taken line by line or word by word, can, either in
tone or taste, or in its tendency to prodnce grave public
consequences, be justly charged with being equally open
to reprehension as much which has fallen Irom Lord Pal-
merston himself. (Cheers.)
After a few word@ from Lord CIANCARTY, their
lordships udjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—TUESDAY.
AMERICAN DIFFERENCES.
Mr. S. FITZOERALD, in reply to Mr. Lindsay, stated
that of the occurrences referred to on the preceding
night—namely, of American merchant vessels haying
been fired into, boarded, and detained by British
cruisers—the Government had no official knowledge,
and he explained the tenor of the orders sent ont to •
the commanders of the cruisers by the Board of Ad-
miralty.

MR. WASHINGTON WILKS.
On the order for the consideration of the petition
of Washington Wilks,
Mr. M. GIBSON moved that Mr. Wilks be dis
charged from the custody of the Sergeant•at.Arms, as
he had withdrawn the particular imputation of
corrupt motives.
Atter a short discussion,
The SOLICITOR•GENERAL, considering that the re-
tractation in Mr. Wilks's petition was guarded and
limited, and the apol-gy illusory, moved, as an amend-
ment, that the order for the consideration of tbe pe-
tition be discharged.
This amendment, after further debate, was agreed
to, with the understanding that Mr. Wilks might, if
he thought flt, present another petition, containing a
fuller and less restricted retractation of the charges.
MILITARY ORGANIZATION.
Captain VIVIAN called attentim to the necessity of •
more clearly defining the responsibility and duties
of the various military departments, and moved the
following resolution :
That, although the recent consolidation of the different
departments of Ordnance, Commissariat, and Secretary-
at-War has, to a certain extent, improved the general ad-
ministration of military affairs, a divided responsibility . .
still exists ; and that, in order to promote greater efficiency,
the departments of the Horse Guards and War Office
should be placed under the control of one responsible
Minister.
After adverting to the old system of military admi-
nistration, and to the suggestions mado by the Royal
Commissioners in 1837, he described the alterations
affected in our military organisation in 1855, by the
consolidation of departments, which, be con-
tended, did not go ter enough, having left the
great office of Commander-in•Chiet intact. He
entered into details to show that functions properly
belonging to this office were performed by the
Secretary for War, while others of a civil character
were executed by the Commander-iii-Chief, so that
the duties of the two departments were so jumbled
up that there was a divided or uncertain responsi-
bility, and great public inconvenience as well as ex-
pens were the restilt of such a system and the want Pill-
of oao bead W cootrol the wholel—it Alioistvc who, ip

516

his opinion, should be immediately resi)onsible to
Parliament.
General PEEL admitted the importance of the
subject, and the expediency of defining the respon-
sibilities of public officers ; but the several duties
and responsibilities of the two War Departments were
clearly defined ; he had never found any difficulty in
discovering what they were. He could not agree
with the proposal that they should be both placed
under a single responsible Minister. At present the
discipline, government, and patronage of the army
were exercised by the Crown through the Commander.
in-Chief, and he pointed out the evils which would
ensue if these functions were to be conferred upon a
Minister responsible to Parliament, who must change
with every Administration. He must, therefore,
oppose the resolution.
Lord A. VANE TEMPEST believed that that house
would not sanction the placing the army under a
single military man, and considered that it would
not be safe to place it under the control of a civilian,
although zviis he knew arose from the double govern-
ment of the army. The best course, in his opinion,
was to assimilate the administration of the army to
that of the navy.
Mr. HORSMAN observed that this was no longer a
military question, affecting as it did the heaviest
item of our expenditure. Within the last few years
there had been a great change in the public feeling
towards the army; it inspired a greater sympathy
and a desire to improve its adinsnistration. The
changes in 1855, it was admitted, had increased the
efficiency of the military system, and Captain Vivian
asked the house to extend the changes somewhat
further. Efficiency depended upon responsibility;
but the present system, which was the worst form of
double government, did nut attach responsibility
where it ought to attach. It was acknowledged that
it was unsatisfactory. There was a general desire to
apply a remedy, and he was not aware of any
person of experience and authority who had lent the
weight of his name in opposition to that proposed in
the resolution.

Mr. BUTLER-JoassxotiE supported the motion.
Divided responsiblity was, he said, the worst thing
that could happen, especially in military affairs.
Mr. S. HERBERT denied that there was at present
a divided responsibility in the army. He thought
there was too much consolidation, but not a divided
responsibility. The Secretary of State for War
was responsible for everything the Commander-in-
Chief did ; he was the supreme authority, and
his responsibility was complete. He thought that
the abolition of the office of Commander-in-Chief
and the placing the army under a civilian would be
revolting to the popular instinct of the country. He
blamed the abolition of the office of Master-General

of the Ordnance, to whom, he thought, should have
'been left the immediate control of the materiel of
the army. He could not support the motion.
Lord PALMEUSTON could not concur in the resolu-
tion. As our militag system now stood, everything
which regarded the civil service of the army was
un ler the Secretary of State for War, and the
Commander-in.Chiel had the sole management of
its discipline. If we could not have, as in other
countries, a Minister of War to be the paramount
authority, the present system was the only one that'
could be properly established, and the line of separa-
tion of the duties and responsibilities of the two
departments was suffici3ntly defined. He doubted
whether the two offices could be merged into one
consistently with the public interests. A civilian
could not be placed at the head of the army, an
the habits of a military man did not fit him, by a
general knowledge of public affairs, to be a member
of the Cabinet. He objected to a Board, as not
being a good instrument of administration. The
result was that the present arrangement, in his
opinion, was that which, upon principle, it was
most e.tpedient to maintain.

Upon a division, the motion was carried by a nar-
row ms.jorily or 2, the numbers being—ayes, 100 ;
noes, 104.

THE SUEZ CANAL.

Mr. ROEBUCK called attention to the subject of the
Suez Canal, and moved a resolution that the power
and influence of this country ought not to be used
in order to induce the Sultan to withhold his assent
to the project of making a canal across the Is'.hmua
of Suez. He observed that, although the subject of
the motion was only a canal, it was bound up with
the honour and interests of' England. He believed
that honour had been sacrificed in this transaction ;
that the power and influence of England had been
employed to induce the Sublime Porte to refuse its
assent to the making of this canal. He argued, first,
that facilities of transit from one part of the earth's
surface to another were for the benefit of mankind
at large ; secondly, that a canal across the Isthmus
of Suez would facilitate intercourse between Asia
and Europe ; and the conclusion from these premises
was inevitable, that such a canal was fur the hap-
piness cf mankind.
Mr. GRIFFITH moved, as an amendment to Mr.
Roebuck's resolution, to add :