The Press.
London, England, 1854-07-22 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

JULY 22, 1854.

THE MEETING OF GOVERNMENT
SUPPORTERS.

[The extreme inaccuracy of the reports which have appeared in the public press in
regard to what took place at the meeting in Downing•street, on Tuesday last, has
caused considerable annoyance to the Government. It was, indeed, matter of
gentlemanly understanding that no report whatever was to be given of the proceed-
ings, but a glance at some of the names of those who attended shows how very
unlikely it was that any such pledge would be respected. Long but unfaithful
versions of the speeches were promulgated, and the Government have taken what, in
our opinion is the wisest course, in supplying to the papers the official shorthand
notes of what took place. We hasten to give prominence to the document we have

received.]
A MEETING of the usual supporters of the Government was held in
Downing-street, at the private residence of the First Lord of the
Treasury, at one o'clock on Tuesday last. The meeting was called by
circulars, which were issued on the preceding Friday, and the object
of it will be readily collected from the observations of the several
speakers. About 180 members of the House of Commons were
present, and twenty-two members of the Government.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL began by observing that he supposed honour-
able gentlemen knew tolerably well why they had been called together.
He begged to inform them, most unhesitatingly, that the sort of thing
which had now been going on for several months would not do. The
Government were regularly and invariably beaten three times a week,
and sometimes oftener, and he could not bring himself to regard their
position as constitutional. He was quite aware that the merits of the
Government were in no degree affected by the mere accident of a few
more gentlemen going into one of Sir Charles Barry's lobbies than
into the other; but still the country had, from the time of the Revolu-
tion, learned to look upon the numbers in a division as significant of
the state of feeling in the House, and, therefore, it would very much
oblige him if honourable gentlemen would, if it wore only for the
fun of the thing, allow a strong Government now and then to appear in
a majority.
A Vows : You never give us a chance.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL was much obliged to the speaker, whose voice
he recognised, for that interpellation. He admitted that Government
did not often give their supporters a chance, and that was the very
reason why those supporters should show themselves energetic and
loyal. If Government had presented a series of measures required by
the country and framed in statesmanlike fashion, where would be the
merit of voting for them? It would, in that case, be impossible not
to support them. Why, even the Opposition had helped them to im-
prove and to pass the only measure which was worth anything. He
meant the Oxford Bill. What the Government wanted was the kind
of support which would prevent them from being, as at present, a
laughing-stock to the country.
A Voice: Prorogue.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL could assure honourable members that
Government were eager to do so at the very earliest opportunity, and
no sacrifice would be considered too great that got rid of the surveil-
lance of Parliament. That was, as must have been observed, what
they were driving at with all their might, with morning sittings and
two-o'clock houses. But still money must be had; the estimates
were not yet passed ; and he wanted a vote of credit for the war. The
instant this was accomplished they should see how the session would
be huddled up. But, as he had said, their supporters must stand by
them, and prevent awkward questions from being raised. This was
what he had desired to say. If any member had any inquiries to
make he should be happy to give him satisfaction.
Baron ROTHSCHILD wished to inquire why he had been brought
there that day? And, while he was upon the subject, he would ask
what Lord J. Russell designed to do with the Jew claims?
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Baron had been invited as a com-
pliment to an eminent and suffering martyr in the cause of civil and
religious liberty. As regarded the second question, he could only say
that he had been so ignominiously defeated in his endeavour to thrust
the Jews into Parliament that he had decided upon referring, for the
future, to the past, instead of trying to get such a measure passed in
future. ( The subject fell to the ground, while the Baron was vainly trying
to comprehend this.)
Mr. HUME wished to know what were the Noble Lord's intentions
as to reform in Parliament.

Lord J. RUSSELL : Et tu, Brute !
Mr. HUME said that that was quite satisfactory. But, after some
minutes, having got Mr. J. G. Phillimore to explain to him what the
words meant, he said that they were not satisfactory at all.
Mr. VERNON SMITH said that he was very much dissatisfied with
proposed appointment of a Minister of War. Either himself or
)rd Palmerson—or, he might say, either Lord Palmerston or him.
f—ought to have had the office; but he preferred himself, because
Palmerston had a good deal on his hands, whereas he (Mr. V.
Ith) had nothing on his hands except white kid gloves. He also
lught Government had behaved in a very cowardly way as regarded
admission of Dissenters to Oxford.

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685

Lord J. RUSSELL said the Dissenters liked that, because they could
come to Oxford from Coward College.
Mr. HoRsMAN said that he liked Lord John Russell very well, but
it was most unfortunate that Lord Aberdeen should be Premier,
because, from his well-known views, they could not expect that the war
could be carried on in a befitting manner. He should, therefore, vote
for the Government.
Mr. BRIGHT said that he had great confidence in Lord Aberdeen,
whose opinions were exactly his (Mr. Blight's) own, namely, that
Russia ought to be allowed to do what she pleased with Turkey, and
that peace should be concluded, at any price, at the earliest possible
moment. He should therefore vote for the Government.
Lord DUDLEY STUART said that he had not the least confidence in
Lord Aberdeen, who truckled to Russia in a most cowardly manner ;
but differences of opinion should never alter friendship, and he should,
therefore, vote for the Government.
Mr. LAYARD said that Austria had certainly sold us, and that this
was tho result of Lord Aberdeen's insincerity and awkwardness. He
should, therefore, vote for the Government.
Mr. W. J. Fox said that Ministers had behaved in the most un-
pardonable manner on the subject of education, and, therefore, he
should vote with the Government.
Sir BENJAMIN HALL said that, as an old Reformer, he felt it his
duty to protest against the insufficient measure of reform which had
been introduced, against the spiritless way in which it had been advo-
cated, and the dastardly way in which it had been abandoned, and he
added that he should certainly vote with the Government.
Mr. LABOUCHERF said that, feeling, as he had always done, that
the settlement of the great question of pauperism was one of the most
important which had ever come before Parliament, and being justly
indignant at the way it had been treated by the Ministers, he should
deem it his duty to support the Government.
Mr. CHAMBERS said that, in consequence of the shameful manner
in which the Government had given up the reform of the testamentary
jurisdiction system, he should certainly vote with them.
Mr. W. A. WILKINSON said that the course which Government had
taken in regard to rendering divorce cheap entitled them to the eon•
tempt of the country, and to his vote.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then said that the opinions he had heard
expressed had given him no great satisfaction, but that the result to
which they pointed had been highly gratifying. No doubt most
Honourable Members would recollect that, when he had made a
certain speech about the tyrannical character of the Roman Catholio
Church, some of his Roman Catholic colleagues complained to Lord
Aberdeen, who snubbed him very decidedly. He (Lord John Russell)
had said in the House, in alluding to the disavowal of his opinions by
the Government of which he was a member, that, provided people
came to the same vote, it did not signify that they were actuated by
different reasons. He could repeat that statement to-day. Almost
every speaker had condemned the Government, but had also promised
to support it. That was what he wanted. And now they would be
good enough to go down to the House in a body, and take care that no
unfavourable criticism upon the new arrangement in regard to the
Secretary at War should be heard on their side of the House.
Mr. VINCENT SCULLY then rose to address the meeting on the sub-
ject of tenant right, but had barely introduced his subject in some
neat opening sentences, occupying about an hour and a quarter, when
the assemblage separated, to the Honourable Member's exceeding
disgust.

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