The Press.
London, England, 1858-03-06 00:00:00

THE PRESS, MARCH 6, 1858.

tion, the party with whom I have the honour to act in
public life never have proclaimed themselves ardent re-
formers. But the word reform has another, a better, and
a more legitimate signification —the signification in which
it is taken to mean careful revision and cautious improve-
ment of all our institutions, whether representative or
otherwise. In that larger and better sense I think I am
justified in saying the present Administration are ardent
reformers. (Cheers.) In that spirit we are resolved
under the circumstances of the case to give our best atten-
tion to the question of what changes in the representation
of the people have really become necessary. If any idea
could be more untenable than another, it would be to say,
because twenty-five years ago the Conservative party were
alarmed at the changes then proposed, and afraid that they
might result in mischief to our institutions, that therefore
we are disqualified from turning our attention to this sub-
ject now. 1, for one, repudiate such a doctrine. I will
not be so fettered in my political actions. ( Cheers.)
He held it, then, that it was "the duty" of the Go.
vernment " to consider fully and fairly this question
of a change in the national representation ":
It has been forced upon us by the repeated declarations
of successive Governments. Above all, we ought to be
influenced by a fact to which I attach great weight—viz.,
that the Sovereign from the throne has recommended this
subject to the consideration of her Parliament. No doubt,
constitutionally, the language held by the Sovereign is dic-
tated by her responsible Ministers; nevertheless, when
the Sovereign has been committed to declarations of opi-
nion on most serious matters connected with our institu-
tions, I think time declarations are entitled to most re
spectful and deferential attention. Besides, we all know
' the circumstances under which the great Reform Act was
passed, and no reflecting man will deny that great ano-
malies exist. Without meaning disrespect to any class, I
may say one can hardly walk through the streets of this
or of any other English town without meeting with men
to whose judgment and studies even the most ardent re•
former would scarcely think it safe to intrust the destinies
of this country. (A laugh.) On the other hand, you will
find other men who under the present law are without the
franchise, hut who in common justice ought to possess it.
I see an hon. gentleman below —a man of high scientific
acquirements and great respectability, and holding an im-
portant position in this town, but who, not happening to
be a ten-pound householder, has no vote. There is an
anomaly which doubtless ought to be corrected. And,
after all, what are the charm and sacredness of the ten-
pound vote itself? A ten-pound rating in Droitwich is a
guarantee of respectability. In the large cities of the
kingdom it will virtually give you household suffrage. It
professes to secure miff. irmity, but fails to secure it.
I%l:tether uniformity be desirable is another question. But
one thing upon which I have been particularly careful is
not to commit myself to the doctrine of finality in respect
to any franchise or any representative system. The limit
of the franchise must in the nature of things be a matter
of degree. At one time it may be unwise to go beyond a
certain amount. Spread education and intelligence, make
a man fit for the duty, and in God's name why should be
not enjoy the privilege? (Cheers.) On these grounds,
then. I am not prepared, as a Minister who has been but
a week in office, to pledge the Government to the intro-
duction of a Reform Bill. The subject requires mature
deliberation. Moreover, gentlemen, we are candidates for
public confidence, and that confidence we seek on the
only grounds on which we can ever gain it. We ask you
to judge of us partly by our words, but much more by our
acts. (Cheers.) And if we wanted to forfeit public con-
fidence, and to proclaim that we had no right to it, we
could hardly take a surer mode of doing so than before
we have been ten days in office to come down and say we
are prepared to deal with this most important question.
In conclusion, SirJ. Pakingcon justified Lord Derby's
acceptance of office—though he did not command a
majority in the House of Commons, he was never-
theless at the bead of' a larger following than any
other leader of a party—and claimed for the new
Government a fair trial :

We trust to the support of an unusually independent
House of Commons, and alsa to the support of the public.
We shall address ourselves to our arduous task with an
anxious desire to consult, not the narrow interest of party,
but the welfare of the country, and our earnest hope is that
we may be enabled so to conduct public affairs as to con-
ciliate and deserve the good opinion of the country.
(Cheers.)