The Press.
London, England, 1856-02-16 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1856.

WHEN the acceptance by Russia of the Peace
Propositions was first announced, we declared
that there would be Peace, that the War was
iu reality at an end, and that nothing but trey
cherous design (which there was no reason to
suspect) could prevent the accomplishment
of a definitive Treaty. To that view we adhere.
All that has since occurred has tended to con-
vince us of the sincerity of Russia. We be-
lieve that Peace is inevitable. But we never
supposed that it would be free from hindrance.
The difficulties which we thought likely to
occur are gathering ; they are inspiring a
sentiment of uneasiness, and they are clouding
the future.*

Grave apprehensions of the result of the
approaching Congas are expressed in Eng-
lish circles of authority. A sentiment of dis•
trust is spread abroad, which it is not easy to
account for on any rational ground. It is
whispered that the questions which still re-
main unsettled are of the highest importance.
and that, while they are in suspense, the issue
must needs be doubtful ; and these hints ure
coupled with such ambiguous giving out as
"jWell well, we know," and " We could an if we
would." These alarms are injurious. We be-
lieve that they are silly and unfounded. But,
as they are certainly countenanced in high
quarters, it is of importance that their origin,
nature, and intention should be understood.

Our Government never anticipated that the
Peace Propositions would be accepted by
Russia. Those proposals were from the first
considered in a captious spirit, and conditions
were introduced which, it was hoped, might
prove fatal to them A frank refusal or frank
rejection of them was equally foreign to the
thought of our Cabinet ; though it was neces-
sary to the honour of England, and essential
to prevent future complications, that one
course or the other should be taken. A middle
way was decided on. They were sanctioned in
the hope and belief that they would come to
nothing. When. by the dexterity of Austria,
the firmness of France, and the straightfor-
ward submission of our enemy, this hope was
dispelled, our Government changed its ground.
The news of Russia's acceptance was received,
we will not say with chagrin, but certainly
not with exultation. Doubts were thrown on
her sincerity. The negotiation might fail, as
the negotiation at the commencement of the
year had failed. Any tone was preferred to
One which would indicate a cordial desire to
co-operate in the work of pacification.
Is it possible that our Ministers really doubt
the sincerity of Russia ?, No such doubt is
entertained by any European statesman, and
Lord PALMERSTON has a Claim to that title,
whatever we may think of his colleagues. The
decision of the Court of St. Petersburg in
favour of Peace, marks distinctly a change in
its national policy.
The military system of Russia has for years
past oppressed the energies of the people,
and prevented the development of the

country. The Muscovite population are not
naturally warlike. Their genius is for arts of
peace and for industrial enterprise. The vast
military establishment of Russia has grown
with the growth of the empire, and been
maintained through a conviction that it was
necessary to secure or extend her vast terri-
tory. She has now reached that stage of
national life when change has become for her
a necessity. The Emperor NICHOLAS, who re-
presented in his person the military system,
precipitated its progress, from a consciousness
that if much longer delayed it might be
opposed by his own subjects. He saw the
danger of a collision with Europe, but he saw
also the danger of resistance to his rule.
Throughout his reign he had nursed the
strength of his army as essential to the tri-
umph of the traditional policy of Russia.
Lately he perceived that that policy must be
abandoned, or that a great though desperate
effort must be made to confirm it. _

The present Emperor is the representative of
an opposite system, and of more enlightened
ideas. He believes that the greatness of a
country depends less on the amount of its
armed force, than on the progress, wealth, and
intelligence of its people. With great skill
and judgment he has taken advantage of
events to secure that policy of peace and in-
dustrial development of which he was always
the votary.
The Plenipotentiaries he has selected indi-
cate not only his own leanings, but the pre-
dominance of his sentiments in the St. Peters-
burg Cabinet. Count Oia.OFF has always been
opposed to the politics of the War party. He
has made no secret 'of his conviction that it
was for the interests of Russia to be at
peace with Europe. and to aspire to great-
ness by the cultivation of her immense
natural resources. Baron BRUNOW, with a

better appreciation of the power of this coun-
try than the generality of his countrymen can
be supposed to possess, has been the con-
sistent friend of the English alliance. We
have reason to believe that their instructions
are to agree to any terms which do not involve
the humiliation of Russia.
In this spirit the rectification of the Bessa-
rabian frontier was accepted without cavil.
In this spirit, as we have reason to believe, all
the points not specified in the fifth article of
the Propositions, but verbally communicated
to the Court of St. Petersburg, have been
agreed to.
Thus, Russia has expressed her intention
not to rebuild Bomarsund,nor erect any further
fortifications in the Baltic, and has anticipated
the demand of the Allies on another point by
expressing her opinion that the admission of
European Consuls to her ports in the Euxine
will be a necessary and indispensable conse-
quence of the strictly commercial character
which henceforth will appertain to the Black
Sea.

But there is this remarkable circumstance
t.. 1 countenance the apprehensions which are
expressed. The more anxiety the Court of
St Petersburg has manifested to divest the
Settlement of the complications and delays of
diplomacy, the more strongly the Court of St.
James's has expressed its suspicion of the
insincerity of Russia, and the belief that her
Government only negotiates to gain time.
Taking its stand on this ground, the Cabinet
of Lord PALMERSTON has insisted on conditions
which were not expressed in the Peace Pro-
posals, which were never sanctioned by Aus-

tria in her diplomatic communications with
Russia, and were never mentioned by France.
A demand to dismantle Nicolaieff, and to
disarm the Sea of Azoff, has been made and
withdrawn. The demand was not supported
by our Allies. It was interpreted to go be-
yond the scope of the Propositions which had
been fixed on one side and accepted on the
other ; and, as the result, Nicolaieff will not
be dimantled, and the Sea of Azoff will not be
disarmed.

Other demands in the same spirit are now
in course of being urged, and will meet with
the same fate. Their rejection will be met
with the same denunciations of the insincerity
of Russia, and with indecent insinuations of
the corrupt motives of French statesmen.
According to the British Cabinet, our great
Ally is surrounded by the swindlers of the
Bourse.
The Emperor of the FRENCH is outraged by
these coarse insinuations. It has come to our

knowledge that he has written a letter which
expresses his indignation with the eloquence
characteristic of his pen. He has even con-
descended to vindicate his conduct and his
motives. He says, that. however universal may
be the feeling of France for Peace, he is in-
duced to favour it, only because ha halievea it
to be politic, and that a satisfactory and suf-
ficient settlement can be made ; that he values
Peace, but that above Peace he values the
English Alliance.
His good faith deserves some better return
on our part than sneers against his policy and
statesmen, which in proportion as they are in-
fluential on French opinion must tend to un-
de7mine his throne The alliance of the two
countries is, we are satisfied, too solid and
substantial to be affected by the evanescent
intrigues of party politics. The emperor may
be assured that the Alliance does not depend
on the existence of the Cabinet of Lord
PALM ERSTuN, or of any other Cabinet, but on
the feeling entertained by the two nations of
its utility, its beneficence, and the security it
affords for the preservation of Right and Order
in Europe.
Those persons who complain that England
is constrained to adopt a policy contrary to
her inclination, should ask themselves from
what cause the constraint arises. From the
period when the British Cabinet sanctioned
certain proposals of l'eace and our enemy
accepted them, all ground for a continuance
of the War vanished. Those proposals should
never have been accepted, or they should with
their consequences have been accepted frankly.
Any endeavour to evade them now will only
tend to place our Government in a false posi-
tion, and to isolate its policy. If there be
anything humiliating in the terms we have
acceded to, the humiliation has been under-
gone. The work is done, and to set up unrea-
sonable pretensions now, would only lessen
the weight and influence of this country by
arraying against us the Powers on whose sup-
port we have a right to count while labouring
to promote a settlement which shall be equita-
ble, sure, and lasting.

---, --- -, _
--:---..
MR. LOWE'S APPROPRIATION, • -% '-':•1
, , f . ~
4.0.
4111
THERE is something mysterio4.l". ' -......•
-it
of Mr. ROBERT LOWE. In 3
.A.L.,..•;,,,„- ..
circles his strangely sudden As, _, I ,iii "4
..•st. ~zo
thing for wonder even to the " '
4* • P':rtg,
surprise is natural, for Mr. LOIN ___„_,.. 1:,4 ••
44, .Ali..- 1., prq
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146

statetman nor an orator. At the Australian
Bar he was not in anywise distinguished, and
the most singular thing about this gentleman
is, that the colonists who were well acquainted
with him are likewise in perfect amazement
at his elevation. We shall not discuss *hit
we have heard from Australians about the
feats of Mr. LOWE, when he attempted to pliti
the part of a colonial Lyeurgtui. But,
serving his audacious conduct on the
Partnership Amendment Bill, we are
entitled to caution our readers against the
puffing arts by which it is sought to beguile
the public into the notion that Mr. LOWE is en-
dowed with great abilities. We heari Mr LOWE'S
first and only successful speech in the House of
Commons The subject was an easy one. But
he had a new voice, his manner was bold and
unabashed, and, on that one occasion, he pro-
duced something of oratorical effect. Many
times since he has endeavoured to do it again,
but has failed. He has shown that his range
is limited—that he is sharp, not deep ; acute,
not originative. His diction is bald and
meagre. When attacked he loses self-posses-
sion, and he has never succeeded in reply.
On some occasions Mr. LOWE notoriously
broke down in the estimation even of his

political friends ; and at the weapon of sar-
casm, being both coarse and clumsy, he has
failed after• efforts to be severe.
Now, the sudden rise to high office of such
a man, without lofty eloquence, or brilliant
accomplishments, or long services, appears
all the more extraordinary when we observe
that his elevation in the world is accompanied
by a systematic resolve in certain quarters to
advertise him incessantly.
Just after Mr. LOWE had introduced in his
own name, the measure of Mr. CAIRNS, the
" City article " of a contemporary came out
with a flaming specimen of the " puff oblique,"
on behalf of Mr. LOWE. Thus, on Wednesday,
February 6th, there is some mention made of
the " General Iron Screw Collier Company,"
and occasion was at once taken to sound the
hornf or Mr. Lows. Then again, in the " City ar-
ticle" of February the I Ith,a special paragraph
is inserted, announcing that " the speech de-
" livered by Mr. LOWE " (with an etcetera too
long to reprint). " has been published by Mr.
" RieowAY, of Piccadilly," The mention of
Mr. RIDGWAY'S local habitation was, like the
paragraph, rather superfluous, but it rounded
the complimentary allusion, and gave addi-
tional impo:•tance to the " puff direct." If
every speech printed by Mr. RIDOWAY, "in a
pamphlet form," is to be noticed in the " City
article," that gentleman's place of business
will be well advertised before the session is
over. Bit it was not for the publisher, but
for the Privy Councillor, that the notice was
intended.
Again, on the 12th of February, we are
treated in the "City article" to a choice speci-
men of the "puff collateral," all again in the
same direction. It occurs under an allusion
to the " Peel River, Land, and Mineral Com-
pany." It is stated, " The Company have not
"at present been brought under limited liabi-
lity because, &c., &c." And then it is adroitly
mentioned, " but if Mr. LOWE'S new measure (!)
"is brought into operation, advantage will at
"once be taken of its provisions."
Now, really this is a little too bad. Such
blowing of the horn for Mr. LOWE is out-
rageous. There is no necessity for deafening
" the City " with his name. If he must see
himself in print, let him take an advertising
van, or let him buy a space of a second-class
railway carriage (placards are not allowed in
the " first class," which often causes unpleasant
" mistakes ") ; but we should really, for his own
sake, wish that " the City article " was not
quite so much at the service of the Right
Honourable Vice-President of the Board of
Trade. Such conduct only brings in ques-
tion the public reputation of the Member for
Kidderminster, besides depreciating consider-
ably the value of any statements in the " City
artic!e."

Let panegyrists Write as they choose,
it is false to assert that the Partnership
Amendment Bill is a " new" measure, or that
it is " Mr. Lowis" at all. With the exception