The Press.
London, England, 1858-02-27 00:00:00

THE CHOICE OF PARTIES.

THE question of the day for an uncommitted
English gentleman to make up his mind upon
is, " What party should I join ? " The Pal-
merston system, be its faults or merits what
they may, has broken down. Lord JOHN
RUSSELL does not lead a hundred members of
Parliament, and he has no following in the
Upper House, except the half-reluctant Duke
of BEDFORD and his kinsman Lord TORRINGTON,
and with the country the Noble Lord does not
stand high at present. Sir JAMES GRAHAM is
supposed to be looking to lead the " Ballotists ;"
and, after the " Walewski affair," nobody
dreads Lord PALMERSTON or Lord CLARENDON
iu Opposition.
In answer, therefore, to such a question, ii
is obvious that no English gentleman could
decide it by personal considerations. Ho
must be guided in his choice of party by
public grounds alone; and by this test we are
convinced that at the present crisis an
English gentleman must deliver a vote in
favour of " Conservatism," and of giving Lord
DERBY'S Cabinet a fair trial. For, supposing
that an Englishman takes a " Liberal" course
in the present time, the (ideation will at once
occur, "whom is he to follow ?" Lord PAL-
MRESTON has been thrown " out; " Lord J.
RUSSELL advocates the rule of the Whig family
clique; and Sir J. GRAHAM has no party be-
hind him. A gentleman may certainly choose
to link himself with Mr. BRIGHT'S friends, and
some people think that Mr. BRIGHT, Mr.
GIBSON, Mr. COBDEN, Mr. W. J. Fox, and others
of that school, will become the real leaders of
the " Liberals." But that line of politics will
infallibly draw on " Vote by Ballot," extensive
electoral changes, and mob-constituencies on
the Finsbury and Marylebone pattern; and an
English gentleman, even of the " moderate
Liberal school," may well pause before he
gives his sanction to such dangerous politics.
At this crisis an Englishman may fairly
desire that Social Reform should be entered
upon practically, not theoretically ; that cer-
tain administrative changes should be tnade
without further delay, in order to give more
energy to the Executive; and that more regard
should be observed in the choice of persons
selected for employment in the public service.
He may desire to have no more of " Clanri-
cardism," and he may wish to have reforms
advocated by Lord STANLEY, Sir FITZROY
KELLY. and Sir JOHN PAKINGTON carried out.
In short, he may aspire to see the cause of
Social Reform entered upon earnestly, effec-
tively, and without delay. Now, safe and prac-
tical reform can be best attained under a
Conservative Cabinet such as we see in power.
Mr. DISRAELI was the first statesman who
sounded the note in favour of "Administrative
Reform ; " Sir JOHN PAKINGTON has given re-
peated proofs of his sincerity in the cause of
education and social improvement; while the
cause of Legal Reform could not he in safer
hands than those of Sir FITZROY KELLY. The
late Cabinet was strikingly deficient in prac-
tical statesmanship, and " Domestic Reform "
6, was certainly not its strong point.

195

Besides, it is most important to observe
that, even if the " Liberal Party " were pre-
pared to carry on the work of Social Reform, it
is disorganised. Its divisions, conflicting
cliques, and contradictory aims, completely
paralyse its powers. It is a political army
without recognised generals, or a disciplined
rank and filo. There is discord in its coun-
cils, and no agreement as to its future strategy.
Its chiefa have been tried, and found wanting
as " practical reformers." The rule of the
Liberals has been, in point of fact, an actual
abnegation of social and practical reform. In
what department of the State did they effect any
real or permanent improvements? Neither Lord
PALMERSTON nor Lord PANMURE were " military
reformers ;" the " Take care of Dowb— '
system shows that they were not " popular"
or " progressive " in their ideas.
There is no use in overlooking the fact that
the Liberals through the country are sick of
"moderate Reform." The phrase has no mean-
ing for them ; it suits neither their convic-
tions nor their constituencies. They wish for
sweeping changes to be brought about by
stirring agitators and declamatory politicians.
The choice, therefore, is forced upon all mode-
rate men, " Are you for Conservatives, or for
" Destructive': I" It is of no use to pretend that
there is a moderate Liberal party in the coun-
try. Where is it? Who are its leaders?
What are its chances ? The questions answer
themselves. The Whigs are a clique ; the Libe-
rals have been contaminated by "jobbery,"
and are notoriously disorganised; the Radicals
alone are resolved, and their policy is that of
destructiveness. They are earnestly anxious
to introduce the American system of public:
life into England. They wish to annihilate all
distinction between counties, and to cut the
country up into electoral districts, to be mea-
sured, nut by moral associations, but mathe-
matical proportion. They desire to see all
sentiment and strong local feelings banished
from politics, and that there should be no
differences between Kent and Kerry, or be-
tween Cornwall or Cork. For the Universities
of Oxford and Cambridge, for the Church of
England with its time-honoured associations
and its ennobling influences, for the national
feeling of the country, and for the healthy
ambition of our great professional classes,
the Radicals have no sympathy. Hence they
advocate the " Ballot," hoping to annihilate the
moral influences connected with birth, estate,
and all legitimate pretensions. A dead level
suits their desire, and absence of all distinc-
tions between gentlemen and greengrocers,
ladies and laundresses, will alone accord with

their principles. They are terribly sincere in
their system, and the supercilious tone of the
Whig clique will not prevent them from fur-
ther incursive forays upon the Constitution.
Resistance must be made to their revolu-
tionary system, and that can best be done by
a Conservative Party resolved by practical
amelioration and by a truly national course of
politics to take away all plausible pretexts
from the advocates of dangerous innovations.
The fact that the temperate and statesman-
like essay of Earl GREY on Reform has been
denounced as "old Toryism " betrays the •irus
of the Radical spirit, veiled under an assump
tion of superficial Whiggism. Constitutional
politicians must beware of " destructives
under a mask. The moderate Liberals are
defunct, and nought remains in the present
Opposition but a Whig clique and an anoma-
lous confederation for tho furtherance of
Radicalism.

Can any English gentleman hesitate in his
choice ? On the one side is the Constitution,
and on the other is clamour and innovation.
The Conservative Cabinet is in favour of
Social Reform—the Opposition is committed to
designs dangerous, if practicable. The public
service demands united energies, and the Op-
position is split into fragments. There is a
vast deal of work before Parliament, and Lord.
PALMERSTON had no colleagues of vigour to
assist him. Our foreign politics require spirit
and conciliation, and the favourites of the
Opposition tergiversated in one country and
truckled in another, and compromised the
honour of England. Between Conservatives
at one side and Destructives on the other, what

English gentleman can hesitate in deciding in
favour of Lord DERBY?

1

196

jortign gairtsponteutt.

PARIS, Feb. :25.
NEITHER the articles in the Paris papers, nor the
letters hitherto written from the French capital,
upon the effect produced in France by the present
change in the English Ministry, can be relied on.
When first intelligence arrived of the resignation of
Lord Palmerston, marry persons supposed that as the
amendment which threw out the Ministry was made
by a Liberal, her Majesty the Queen as a natural
consequence would send for the once recognised head
of the Liberal party, Lord John Russell. This belief
gaining ground created a great excitement, for the
Whigs, I can assure you, are not liked in France.
Reports were then spread that Lord Derby found it
impossible to form au Administration, and the
spectre of the member of the House of
Bedford once more appalled the Parisian public.
This is the real cause for much that has
been said and written from Paris. The fact is, that
from the Throne to the chaumiere the return of the
Earl of Derby to power is hailed with sincere satis-
faction. The people are now convinced that all those
groat European questions which for some time past
have been discussed with more or less acrimony,
will be now brought to a satisfactory conclusion,
without either the sacrifice of national honour or of
national susceptibility. The Danubian question will
be discussed in the Paris Congress, not as between
Austria, England, and Turkey on the one side, and
France, Russia, Prussia, and Sardinia on the other,
but as a European question, pure et simple, with a
view to give to the inhabitants of Moldavia and
Wallachia those rights most conducive to their
future welfare, preserving at the same time
the suzerainty of the Porte. The Suez
Canal scheme will no longer meet with a
factious opposition, but will be discussed upon its
merits. Even the great diplomatic struggle for
supremacy at Constantinople, it is anticipated, will
cease, should that first of English diplomatists,
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, return to his former
post ; for, if I am correctly informed, his lordship
intends passing through Paris on his way to the
Bosphorus. The advent of the Earl of Malmesbury
to the head of Foreign Affairs is well viewed in
France. The nomination of Mr. Disraeli to the
high post of Chancellor of the Exchequer has been
most favourably received by our capitalists. The
great talents and the eminent statesmanlike qualities
possessed by Mr. Disraeli have won for him the re-
spect and admiration of France.

As to the Conspiracy Bill, from all I hear, the
French Government is most desirous to avoid em-
barrassing the English Government in any way, or
to do anything which may excite a feeling of mis-
trust amongst the people of England. The French
Government deems it only just that every care should
be talc. u to prevent conspiracies against the lives of
any foreign sovereigns, and that should there
be any doubt as to the state of the :aw on
this subject, such doubt should be removed;
but the French Government does not require
any hasty measure, and, in point of fact, it
has the sagacity to perceive that, should the
English law authorities consider a new bill ne-
cessary, it must be purely as an English law
reform. I feel certain that the intentions of the
Etnperor have been greatly misinterpreted in Eng-
land. No one more than his Majesty justly appre-
ciates the hospitality accorded to refugees of all
countries—no one ha. a higher opinion of the laws
and constitution of England—and no man admires
Englishmen more than he.

However, the world, and particularly France, has
reason to rejoice that out of this misunderstanding
Lora Palmerston is replaced by Lord Derby, and
that the peace of Europe is secured. France is very
different now to what she was ten years since. She
always well continue a great military nation, but she
has uow the desire to attain a great commercial posi•
Lion, in the furtherance of which order and tran-
quillity is essentially necessary. Let us. therefore,
be just towards France, and tet us give that credit
to the Emperor he so deservedly merits for saving
Branca from anarchy and for developing her commer-
cial resources.

The frightful accident which happened to the
Princess Alin at is more strious than wa, at first ex-
pected. The Princess, who is a daughter of the
Princess of Wagram, left, with her husband, the
mansion of the Countess Lehon in the Champs

THE PRESS, FEBRUARY 27, 1858.

Elysees, where a grand ball had been given on
Saturday evening last. The carriage had hardly passed
through the outer gates, when the most violent shrieks
were heard. The company rushed out of the hotel,
and there in the road isy the carriage of the Prince,
upset. The Prince and Princess were soon rescued
from their perilous position; the Princess, severely
cut and shaken, was immediately carried back to the
hotel, and medical aid called in. Some hours after-
wards she was conveyed to her own house. It is
said that the Prince's coachman was drunk. When
the carriage upset, most of the diamonds of the
Princess were scattered upon the high road, and it is
worthy of note that the next morning all of them
were brought back; not a single stone was missing,
The Prince Napoleon has completely recovered
from his late sprain of the ancle.
General Fleury, the Master of the Horse to the
Emperor, has taken possession of his new official
residence in the Louvre (Pavilion Mollion), to
which sumptuous building have also been transferred
the imperial stabies.
Although, owing to the close of the Carnival, we
have no more dancing, yet many of the fashionable
saloons remain open, and concerts are now the
order of the day. Our theatres are much frequented ;
that veritable b(jou the Bouffes Parisiens is nightly
overcrowded, to hear a new buffoneric called Monsieur
de Chimpanze.

The trial of Orsini and others is now going on, and
will probably be concluded on Saturday. Should
they be convicted, they will have three clear days to
appeal to the Court of Cassation. The court-house
is filled with most fashionable people, and the streets
adjoining are crowded with the curious of all classes.
It is said, but I do not give it you as certain, that
Orsini bas made a full confession.

fhe Emperor and Empress are in excellent health.
Their Majesties drive out daily in an open carriage
un-escorted. As they pass through the streets, the
people take off their hats and greet them with much
enthusiasm.