The Press.
London, England, 1857-02-07 00:00:00

SUPPLEMENT TO

GRATIS.

concur in the extravagant amount of encomium
which was bestowed upon that budget as an abso-
lutely unsurpassed financial measure, yet it un-
doubtedly possessed this great merit—tbat it took a
broad and comprehensive view of the state of our
national finances. Although 1 dissented from some
of the propositions contained in that budget—al-
though I thought it a grave injustice to maintain
taxes which pressed with peculiar hardship upon
particular interests—yet there was in it a degree of
comprehensiveness which redeemed many of its de-
fects, and, above all others, one principle was laid
down which I hold to be of the utmost importance—
namely, a positive pledge that beyond the year 1860
the income tax should not be maintained. (Cheers.)
Now, I say that Parliament will not do their duty if
they are satisfied with less than the full bona-fide
execution of that pledge. (Renewed cheers.) That
pledge was ratified by an Act of Parliament now in
force, which was suspended during the period of the
war, and for such a period as her Majesty's Govern-
ment thought necessary after the termination of the
war, in order to meet the expenses of hostilities; it.
was suspended by an act which not only continued,
but which very largely increased the heavy burden of
the income tax ; and, for the purposes of the war,
but with a strict limitation to those purposes, the
public generously and magnanimously submitted to
all the sacrifices which were required from them,
confident in the good faith of the Government that
the tax was henceforth to be a war tax—a tax of
tremendous power, an instrument of vast energy and
effect, exhibiting in the strongest degree to foreign
countries the immensity and the power of our
resources for war, but a tax which, if not limited to
the purposes of war, is an instrument which it would
be dangerous to intrust in the hands of any Minister.
(Cheers.) Although this subject is not one for your
lordships' special consideration, yet, deeply as you
are interested in it personally, and deeply as you are
interested in it also with reference to the public wel.
fare, I could not allow this, the first opportunity of
the session, to pass without expressing my confident
hope and belief that Parliament will insist upon the
full and entire fulfilment of that pledge by which
in 1860 the income tax will cease to be imposed.
(Cheers.)

By far the largest and by far the most unsatisfactory
portion of the Royal Speech is devoted to the sub-
ject of our foreign relations. I cannot read this
portion of the Speech without regretting those good
old days when the stereotyped passage of the Royal
Speech, containing in a single paragraph all refer.
ence to foreign affairs, stated that his Majesty or her
Majesty was happy to inform Parliament that he or
she continued to maintain the most friendly relations
with all foreign powers. Now, I will venture to say
that that single paragraph would give more satisfac-
tion to the people of this country, and would afford
a better security for the peace of Europe, than all
the multitudinous paragraphs in the Speech which
has just been read to us, referring, I ant sorry to say
in every instance, to disputes partially or not entirely
settled, and to questions more or less complicated.
Her Majesty is scarcely able to refer;with unmiti-
gated satisfaction to our foreign relations with any
State, unless, indeed, it be to the important fact that
" Her Majesty has concluded a treaty of friendship
and commerce with Siam." (Laughter.) Ido not
wish to speak with levity of that treaty, or of the
consequences which may result from it. I believe
the preseut King of Siam to be a man of consider-
able intelligence and energy, who appreciates the
advantages of civilisation, and who entertains the
most friendly disposition towards this country. For
my own part, I should always rejoice at every exten-
sion of our commercial relations, so long as they do
not tend, as sometimes they do, to place us in posi-
tions inconsistent with the prosecution of peaceful
enterprise. I rejoice, therefore, to hear of the con-
clusion of a treaty which may promote commercia

146

intercourse, and which may strengthen our friendly
relations even with the King of Siam.

Another paragraph of a very different character is
that in which her Majesty refers to the difficulties
which arose with regard to some of the provisions
of the Treaty of Paris. Her Majesty tells us that
"those difficulties have been overcome in a satisfac-
tory manner, and the intentions of the treaty have
been fully maintained." myi lords, as we are now at
peace, and as 1 trust in Goohaizat peace .will long bek,
maintained, 1 cannot but ragraleltliat the noble eaoir
who opened the discussiosamilkihald haver/Waged in,
some expression not. verremmiahmentart toAhe good
faith of that potenterie Alb whom wee, have lately
been at war, and wishowliovarve•Hbave timileemeludeti4

peace. 1 have always thought anti have always said
that when we were engaged in hostilities we were
bound to prosecute the war with the utmost
energy and determination. 1 was not myself satin _ _

lied ;Will the rebuke of that war. I was not satisfied
with that peace which apparently afforded so much
satisfaction to. the noble earl opposite and to her
Majesty's Government , but let. me impress upon the
noble each who has, I hope, a long and useful
career before him, that from the time when peace
was concluded no word of bitterness should be heard
to drop from any member of this house with regard
to our late opponent. (Hear.) The difficulties
whiehasose were certainly of a somewhat extraor-
dinary nature, and, though the noble earl tells us
that they east suspicion on the good faith of Ilusftia,
heir Majesty's Government must forgive me for say-
ing that they reflect no credit on their clearsighted-
nessand intelligence. (Hear.)
The main difficulty which arose was, not upon the
interpretation of some doubtful phrase, but upon the
delineation of the boundary which was laid down in
the map and described in the terms of the treaty ;
and I am told—but it is so incredible that I shall
scarcely believe it until the noble earl tells me that
it is really the fact—that the map upon which
the whole construction of the treaty turned,
as it delineated and was the authentic re-
cord of that which was for the future to
be the boundary of the two empires, was not para-
pheed—that is, the signatures of the plenipotenti-
aries were not affixed to it. Why, my lords, if you
buy but a field, the map delineating its boundaries is
always attached to the instrument of purchase and
forms part of it, and yet in a question which was to
settle the boundaries of empires, in which the line
of demarcation was the very point of all others to
which the attention of the plenipotentiaries ought
to have been turned, it appears that, there is no
evidence of the authenticity of the instrument upon
which our plenipotentiaries had to rely in support
of their interpretation of the treaty. That is a cir-
cumstance not very creditable to the clearsighted-
ness and, I may say, to the business-like habits of
her Majesty'a Government. (Hear, hear.) It is a
point which ought to have been carefully attended
to, in order that no second conference might be
necessary. But does it not strike your lordships
that the language of her Majesty's Government. of
the leading members of the Government, of the
head of the Government in fact, when that second
conference was proposed, was very inconsistent with
the satisfaction now expressed at the results of
that conference, (Hear, hear.) I recollect very
well the tone and the language then employed. I
do not mean by that portion of the press which
appears to be at the disposal of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, but by the Ministers themselves—by the
First Lord of the Treasury at Manchester. Then
the Emperor of Russia was to be compelled to main-
tain good faith and to fulfil the treaty to the very
letter, without allowing any question, any difference,
or any discussion of its obligations, according to the
sense in which England understood it. Thera were
to be no more conferences, our fleet was to be sent
into the Black Sea, and we were not to be satisfied
without a strict and literal fulfilment of the terms
of the treaty. That was the noble viscount's decla-
ration at Manchester. and it was cheered to the echo
as bold, spirited, and manly. And yet., in spite of
all these fine words, the noble viscount, by the
advice of his allies, or it may be by something more
than their advice, was compelled to refer these mat•
tees to another conference, and only obtained his
own construction of the treaty by the cession of
territory beyond that proposed in the original con-
ference. This may be a satisfactory arrangement,
and I trust it will be, and now that peace is restored
I hope there will be on all sides an adherence to the
letter and spirit of the treaty, and that we shall
not hear from public men and from the public
journals—who I must say do infinite mischief by
their intemperance and indiscretion—a v more of
that violent abuse of those who were lately our ad-
versaries, which I am convinced is a serious obstacle
to the preservation of good relations. (Hear.)
I cannot but regret also that the noble earl should
have chalacterised as a "paltry, miserable insurrec
lion" the misguided efforts of those loyalists in the
canton of Neufchatel who rose to restore what they