The Express.
London, England, 1863-03-19 00:00:00

SPECIAL NOTICE—TO OEWILIDEIN.
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BRITANNIA.
TEM SUMO, THY 811L3TILS 01 TEI 511.41.. Messrs
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MGR WATIR AT LONDON BILIDOR
TX DAT —Karalam lb. 4.scs.....Aftweises. m. 522.
To4lomow—Norsda& 24. UAL 51. 46m.

LONDON; THURSDAY, MARCH 19.

THE grand uprising of • nation that half the
world had fancied dead is a serious crisis for
England as well as for Poland, and will in-
evitably test in the most searching manner our
principles and policy as • nation. It has become
absolutely necessary for England to simplify her
position, and make her principles of action clear
both to herself and to the understanding of the
world. Do we ever intend, when • legitimate oc-
casion offers, to speak in a tone of becoming au-
thority on behalf of outraged international law
and violated public right t Or do we deliberately
resolve as a nation to adopt a purely self-regarding
policy, and never act except when our own inte-
rests are directly concerned 1 This is the question
not only raised, but pressed home to us, by the
Polish Revolution, and its decision must either
lower the tone of our public professions or quicken
the action of the Government. It is little better
than trifling to offer mere moral support to a na-
tion in the agony of mortal conflict, when we are
in a position to give them more direct and decisive
help. When we can give an oppressed and strug-
gling nationality nothing beyond our sympathy,
that is no doubt • very welcome and valuable
boon. We sympathised with the Italians
in 1868, and the hearty moral support
of • great Power like England no doubt
helped to strengthen and encourage their I
patriotic resolve. But it did notin the least affect
the policy or designs of their oppressors. Austria
did not relax her hold of the Italian provinces, or
in any way mitigate the severity of her rule, in de-
ference to the strong feeling and decisive judgment
of England. Only in that case moral support was
all we could give. We had no grounds even for
diploMatio action. No principle of international
law bad been violated. The petty Princes of Italy
in handing over the populations beneath their sway
to Austrian dragoons did not transgress any cus-
tomary usage of European States, any more than the
Pore does in handing over the ROTOSI2I to the pro-
tection of French bayonets. Grievously oppressed
as the Italian States were, we could not denounce
the oppression as • violation of international law.
But the case is very different with regard to
Poland. We have treaty rights to maintain on
behalf of the Pass ; and this gives us a legitimate
ground of action in this supreme crisis of their
history. In common with the other Powers
of Europe, as the guardians of public jus-
tice and international law we have the right
to demand from Russia the fulfilment of her engage-
ments with regard to Poland. This righteous claim
seriously made in concert with other Powers, and
in the firm and courteous language befitting a
nation that has fleets and armies to support its
legitimate action, would impress the obdurate
mind, sod in all likelihood arrest se reckless
career, even of a military despot. However that
might be, we have the clearest right to take
immediate and resolute diplomatic action in the
matter. If in such a crisis we decline to exercise
that right, we virtually abandon our independent
position, and relinquish our legitimate influence
and authority in the community of nations. We
practically declare to the world that we will risk
nothing for the sake of public justice and interns-
tonal right ; in short, that we will not act in any
European question, however clealithe rightand duty
of interference may be, except when our own in-
terests are toadied. Whether dignified or honour-
able, or in any sense worthy of a great nation or
not, this is no doubt a perfectly distinct and intel-
ligible position. We should assume a purely self-
regarding attitude, avow a purelyselfish policy, have
nothing hereafter to do with wronged and strug-
gling nationalities, but complacently leave Heaven
to defend the right. In that case, however, we
should be bound in more decency and self-respect
to lower a little our high moral tone.
We must give up our loud professions of ardent
friendship and devoted sympathy for wronged
and suffering peoples, and abandon the easy
and flattering position we are so fond of
assuming, that of patrons to every oppressed na-
tionality. If we cannot afford to act a dignified
and honourable part, let us at least be oonsistent,
and no longer play the part of political Pharisees
and hypocrites before the world.

- -
We are not, however, disposed to believe that
the country will tamely accept a degraded posi-
tion, or be content to act on purely selfish
principles. Nor do those advisers consult the
honour, the high character, or the true interests of
the nation, who at such a moment seek to deter
England from the discharge of a simple and
straightforward duty by raising up at every turn
the bugbear of prospective war. We have no
right whatever to assume that the dis-
charge of our immediate duty towards the Poles
would lead to any such calamitous result. There
are many intermediate steps before this last alter-
native would be relished, and it will be time
enough to talk of this when some of them have been
taken—when we have conscientiously and firmly
done our duty in the department of diplomatic
action. Whether under any circumstances it might
be right or necessary to interfere by force in

favour of the Poles, is another and very different
question. There can be no question whatever
of the right of diplomatically interfering to vindi-
cate their just claims. But if we ostentatiously'
declare beforehand that under no circumstances

will we support our words by corresponding deeds,