The Press.
London, England, 1854-08-12 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

ments of the special commissioners ceased, and Mr.
O'Flaherty became a private individual. Mr. Glad-
stone admitted that he had since heard rumours of
misconduct on the part of Mr. O'Flaherty, but consi-
dered it no part of his duty to inquire into their truth.
With regard to his fitness for the office, he (Mr.
Gladstone) had taken pains to obtain the most com-
petent persons ; and had consulted the Secretary for
Ireland, who recommended Mr. O'Flaherty, whom he
had believed to be a respectable person, and knew
nothing of his partisanship. He was a brother of a
member of the house who was spoken of in terms of
warm esteem by persons on whose judgment he placed
the firmest reliance. Mr. O'Flaherty was not a pub-
lic accountant, not a farthing of the public money
having passed through his hands.
Mr. Dissksu reminded the house that this same
Mr. O'Flaherty was the person whose testi-
mony had been quoted with so much parade to cor-
roborate a charge formerly made against Lord Naas,
with reference to Mr. Keogh :
"An extraordinary effect was certainly produced by a very
positive statement that, whatever might have been the in-
tentions of his noble friend—whatever might have been
the hon. and learned Solicitor-General's interpretation of
them—his noble friend had admitted to a third person,
who was described as a gentleman of the highest character,
honour, and veracity, that he had made a formal offer of
office to the hon. and leaned Solicitor-General. He knew
privately how completely astonished was his noble friend
at that charge. But still the statement was made so
positively—it was one that it was so impossible to en-
, counter—that it produced a great effect upon the house
—(Hear, hear)—and there was a general impression that
his noble friend had spoken to the Solicitor-General iu a
manner totally different from that which he wished to
convey to the house. He had not the slightest wish to say
that which was harsh of an absent man ; sunless, if possible,
to say it of any one he did not know. He wished to take
the most charitable view that he could under the circum-
stances; but he must be allowed to remind the house, in
justice to his noble friend, that the individual upon whose
testimony this shadowy charge bad seemed fur a moment
to receive some substance was this same Mr. O'Flaherty.
( Hear.) He did not want unnecessarily to attack Mr.
O'Flaherty, but he did not think there was any hon. gen.
tleinan who, under the present circumstances, would rise
and vouch for the high honour, veracity, and character of
that individual, and upon his assertion attempt to substan-
tiate a charge against his noble friend the member for
Coleraine. (Hear.) He did not wish to press upon the
consideration of the house in any way at the present mo-
ment whether the Government had been reckless or im-
prudent in the distribution of their patronage ; these were
subjects upon which the house and the counwy would form
their own opinion; he had no desire in any way at this
moment to guide it. He never thought that party interests
were much advanced by these personal attacks. (Hear,
hear.) He thought it was the duty of members of Parlia-
ment to bring before the notice of Parliament the conduct
of the Government if they thought they had made unwor-
thy appointments; but it was always a most disagreeable
duty. It was not for that reason he had risen ; but he
had risen to vindicate the conduct and character of an
absent friend, and to remind the house of what had oc-

curred."
Colonel DUNNE remarked that the Secretary for
Ireland must have been aware of the antecedents of
Mr. O'Flaherty, who had long been conspicuous in
politics in Ireland. He added that the noble lord
the member for Coleraine, upon the occasion to
which the right hon. gentleman had referred, had in
his hand damning proof that Mr. O'Flaherty was a
person not worthy to be believed, but he had too
much delicacy to bring it forward.
The subject then dropped.
BRIBERY BILL.
This bill was read a third time in the Peers on
Monday evening.
The question way then put that the bill should
pass, but the Marquis of CLANRICARDE interposed, by
moving an amendment of which he had given notice
for inserting the word " not" in clause 23 (the tra-
velling expenses clause). By this addition, the pay-
ment of such expenses to, or on account of, the vo-
ters at elections would be declared " not" legal.
Lord REDESDALE opposed the amendment, on the
ground that it would lead to a great disfranchisement
of voters.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE was favourable to the ob-
ject implied by the amendment, but did not think it
would be expedient to adopt it at the present mo-
ment, mainly on account of the temporary nature of
the bill. Disapproving, however, of the clause as it
stood, he proposed to move that it be omitted alto
gether.
After a debate, in which Lord Campbell, the Earl
of Stradbroke, Lord Wynford, and Lord Brougham

engaged,
The amendment was negatived; and their lord-
ships divided on the question that the clause stand
part of the bill. The numbers were—
For the clause
Against it?
Majority against
The clause, which had been framed and introduced
in the other house by Lord J. Russell himself, was
consequently struck out, and the bill passed.
The Lords' amendments to the bill were considered
in the Commons on the following day (Tuesday),

SATURDAY,

- -
when Lord J. RUSSELL moved that they should
be agreed to. Referring to the question of travel-
ling expenses, and to the circumstance that the
clause relating thereto had been struck out in the
Upper House, the noble lord remarked that Parlia-
ment must hereafter define in what degree the pay-
ment of such expenses ought to be legalised.
Lord HOTHADI was surprised to find that Lord J.
Russell wished them to adopt a change which re-
moved a clause he had himself proposed. Calling
upon the House of Commons not to concur in this
process of self-stultification, he moved that the
further consideration of the measure be proceeded
with that day month.
Lord J. RUSSELL deprecated a course which would
defeat the bill, and nullify the result of their pro-
tracted labour on the subject of bribery.
The debate was prolonged for some time by
speeches from Mr. Hildyard, Mr. Hume, Sir J.
Pakington, Mr. I. Butt, and other members.
On a division there appeared—For agreeing with
the Lords' amendments, 78; against, 21-57.
Lord HOTHAU renewed his opposition to the bill as
amended, and moved the adjournment of the house,
but the motion was negatived on division by 81 votes
against 16-68.
Motions for adjourning the house or the debate
were renewed alternately and pressed to divisions, on,
which they were negatived by considerable majorities.
Finally, the further opposition to the measure was
withdrawn, upon the understanding that the dura-
tion of the measure should be further restricted to a
single year.
Lord J. RUSSELL having signified his assent to
that compromise, the Lords' amendments to the bill
were accepted.

PUBLIC OFFICES.
Lord REDESDALE on Tuesday moved for some
returns relating to the various houses and buildings
hired for official purposes, including Crown pro-
perty :
" His object in making this motion was to call attention
to the condition of, and the accommodation afforded by,
the public offices, which ware inferior to those of any other
country. It was most desirable that all the public offices
should be collected in the neighbourhood of Whitehall and
Downing-street, and for that purpose he recommended the
purchase of the laud between Downing-street and George'
street, which was now covered with interior buildings. If
this land were purchased, a suitable site would be obtained
for the public offices ; and, if such dikes were erected with
their front in continuance of the line of that of Whitehall,
a great and necessary improvement would be effected in the
width and character of Parliament-street, which would
make that street a suitable one to form the great approach
to the Houses of Parliament."
The Duke of NEWCASTLE promised to produce the
returns, which, he admitted, would establish beyond
all question the exceedingly great inconveniences
of the mode under which the public offices were at
present conducted "
" He was not, he believed, far wrong whenhe stated that,
independently of the offices held by the country in fee
simple, there were now being paid annual rents for some-
thing more than tifty-six different offices. Of these fifty-
six, only seven were held of the Crown, and rent was paid
for the whole of the remainder to private individuals. He
believed that 20,0001. a year was paid for rents by the offiee
of Woods and Forests alone. But there was nut only an
enormous sum paid for rents ; a most extravagant system
was adopted in consequence of the dispersed and inconve-
nient character of the buildings rented. These building&
had been most of them private houses, and therefore they
were only suited for private families, and as a matter of COUYse-
almost one half the space was thrown away wastefully..
But this was not all. There must be office-keepers and
messengers to each. Messengers were kept running about,
and undoubtedly, besides the rent, a considerable sum *as
annually expended in this way. And for what? Why,
that the public business might be inconvenienced, and
carried on with much less satisfaction to those who had the
conduct of it, and with much less advantage to the public,
than if a considerable sum were at once expended in the
erection of new buildings, the interest on the capital of
which lie believed would be less than the amount annually
paid for rent. To give some idea of the inconvenience
sustained under the present state of things, he would men-
tion that, apart from the central office held by the Board of'
Trade which the President occupied, there were ten or
eleven other offices elsewhere, in which the business of de-
partments of the board was carried on. The same obser-
vation applied to the War department. He did not speak
only of the great offices of the Horse Guards and the
Ordnance, but of a slumber of small offices, such as the re-
cruiting-office, the medical inspector's office, the medical
examination of recruits office, and others, all of which,
being held in different buildings, were practically bey%
ar,
ouil
that supervision and control, by the Secretary at 1
which the head of every department ought to base the
means of exercising. The question, ore,theref
of
not
merely one of pounds, shillings, and pence, ias one
economy and efficiency ; and for these reasons he believed
it would be for the advantage for the public service that a
considerable expenditure should be incurred for this pur-
pose. The attention of the Government had been directed
to the subject, but under existing circumstances he could
give no pledge upon it. We wee at this moment engaged
in very expensive operations, and it must be matter for
consideration how far it would be right or desirable to
choose such a time for calling upon Parliament for such to
expenditure."

AUGUST 12, 1854•

STATE OF THE REVENUE.

Inquiries being urged on Wednesday by Sir H.
WILLOUGHBY respecting the financial prospects of
the autumn, and especially whether the Chancellor
of the Exchequer designed to adhere to the principle
of making the year's income meet its expenditure,
a id, if not, to what mode or extent a loan would be
raised,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER took this
opportunity of giving a supplementary exposition of
the existing state of the public finances. First, he
endeavoured to explain away the unsatisfactory ap-
pearances of declining revenue presented upon the
face of the last quarterly balance-sheet. The de-
crease, he contended, was merely nominal, or rather
comparative, and arose from accidental circumstances,
by which considerable sums got to be includedin the
r3turn to which they did not properly belong, and
thus caused an apparent falling off. As to the gene
rat state of the revenue, he saw no reason "to retract
o • qualify any statement which he had made on the
81 of May, when presenting his budget to the house,
a id, in fact," up to the present moment was entirely
satisfied with the state of the revenue and finances
of the country. Proceeding to detail, the right hon.
untleman said:—
" In point of fact, the revenue of the last quarter, ending
the sth July, although they were comparing the revenue of
a time of war with that of a time of peace, of times of dear
mane), and cheap money, dear bread and cheap bread, still
the revenue of the second quarter of this year, from its
permanent sources, if fairly estimated, was equal to the
permanent revenue of the previous year, notwithstanding,
also, the great reduction of taxes which had taken place.
(Hear, hear.) He had from the first admitted that it
would be impossible to raise the new taxes within the year,
and that, therefore, some temporary adwances of money
would be absolutely necessary for the present. The House
of Commons provided the Government with taxing powers,
which, when available, would provide a surplus revenue
equal to the expenses of the war, as they were then esti.
mated. When these taxes should be received, they would,
he had no doubt, be fully equal to meeting the expenses of
the war, and, if the country should be so happy as to have
peace before next April, the revenue would enable him to
liquidate all the expenses of the war without the addition
of one farthing to the public debt of the country. (Hear,
ilea•.) The total addition to the expenditure between the
btli of April and the 29th of July, a period of about sixteen
weeks, as compared with the corresponding period of 1653,
was about 3,500,0001. These figures gave him reason to
suppose, so far as they went, that there would not be that
extravagant departure from the estimates which undoubtedly
took place during former wars. As to the actual state of
tie finances at the clove of the year, he could not of course
speak with confidence, because confidence in the present
state of affairs would be only presumption. The provisions
which the house had made with respect to the means for
meeting the expenditure of the war had been liberal and
ample, and he thought it quite possible that he might not
b compelled to use these powers even to the full amount.
At the present moment he might state the case, in round
numbers, thus ;---4,000,0001. of Exchequer Bonds had been
negotiated, and 3,000,000/. of the money on these bonds had
been received. There yet remained unexhausted a power of
issuing Exchequer Bills to the amount of something like
6 )0,000/. or 700,00 W. The amount of Exchequer Bills was
at present lower than usual, being about 10,500,040/.
With respect to the balances of public money, these were
also in a satisfactory state, and he was not in the least
expectation of being under the necessity of calling upon
the Bank for the use of any funds which were properly its
own. On the sth of April the balances of the Exchequer
were about 2,000,0001. ; on the sth of July they had risen to
3,1310,000 ; and on the 10th of October he expected they
would amount to about 4,500,0001. After that amount was
reached, he did not think it would be necessary to take any
special measure with a view to art increase of the Exchequer
balances."