The Express.
London, England, 1855-08-27 00:00:00

f

the expreoo.

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LONDON, MONDAY, AUGUST 27.

Tue visitor who has craned the opus surmounted
by the dome of Los Includes, and descended the
world. at .iroase at its inner extremity, finds himself
in knot of the entry to the crypt in which repose the
remains of the fire NAPOLEON. There ie a severe
repose in the upset of the missive portals, and of
the colossal figeres that look down on the spectator
from either Me of them. The impression is height-
ened by the silence which pervades the fans, con-
trasting so forcibly with the stir and flutter of the
Parisian world outside. It is indeed a monument
worthy of a hero and a lawgiver ; of the founder
of the on y family that has retained a sufficient hold
upon the sentiments and imagination of the French
people to admit of its constituting inlet a dynasty.
The BOURBONS are stab ; for France there is nothing
between a Napoleonic dynsaty and a republic. The
elder and the younger branches of the BOURBONS
have eaten each other up, like the Kilkenny oats of
immortal memory ; the victories of Loots XIV. areas
dimly visible through the vista of years u those of
Cusarkmanke ; the memories of his descendants me
ciated w.th obstinate resistance—covert or avowed

—to the national will and aspirations. But the name
of NAPOLEON is associated with that terrible army
which emerged from the Revolution, and with its
victories, beside which those of Lows XIV. dwin-
dle into insignificance; and, better still, the name
of NAPOLEON is associated with that Code which
regulate. the decisions of every French tribunal.
from the ,loge de Paix to the Court of Caseation. In
an age so lull of startling transitions as that which
we live in, he would be a rash man who would ven-
ture to preeiet what may or may not happen within
tbe next dozen or score of years; but it does sees
impossible that the French people should perma-
nently continue to acquiesce in their present abnega-
tion of all voice in the administration of their public
affairs; and it does not seem probable that, with the
state of informatiou which is known to exist in the
rurpl districts, a democratic republic a la mode de
fifeeirigue CM) be established in that country. And
it lis therefore no very outrageous assumption
that in time some compromise may be effected
between the French liberals and the reigning family,
the result of which may be a monarchy based on
popular inatitatioos—snalogoas to that of England,

though necessarily differing widely in many of its
etwential details.

But to return to the entry to the last resting-place
of the founder of the House of NAPOLEON; what
thoughts may be supposed to have passed through
the mind of the first English Sovereign who ever
visited Paris as a friendly and a welcome guest,
while she stood in that imposing presence P Many as-
sociated memories lie op the sodas', sad can easily be
imagined:—the protracted internecine duel Were.'
the mighty spirit whose earthly covering slumbers
there, and the might of England; the affectation of
the Court and Boroughmongers who ruled England
during the first twenty years of the present century
to undervalue the parvenu who seized the sceptre
of France; their miugled fear and hatred of him
which induced them to stoop to the low level of
gaolers of the Holy Alliance, and become the
turnkeys who kept watch and ward over him at
St. Helena. in the struggle between England and
France three were faults on both sides ; but in the
treatment of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE by the Sybarite
Regent of England, his complaisant Ministers, and his
corrupt Parliament, there are no redeeming features
upon which our Foviazinn could dwell with plea.
sure. We can conceive her shaking off these impor-
tunate memories to make room for more pleasing and
profitable reflections.

And the tomb of Les Invalids& is well adapted to
read a weitlaty lesson, both to the Sovereign of
England and her Imperial host. The greatness of
the first NAPOLEON will not now be called in ques-
tion by any dispassionate thinker. He was one of
those 'whom instinct of command makes Reid felt,
a Viet men involuntarily give way to and obey
them. His power of comprehensive combination,
and &aerate perception of all details, and his prompti-
tude of resolve, made the warriors of every conti-
nental nation quail and scatter Went him.
He alone of all tne men of energy and genius
whom the Revolution called into action was
ab:e to Waite the impetuous and anarchical
tendencies of France. Nor was his the mere vulgar
ambition of conquering and governing; he aspired
to give his country a simple yet sufficing code of
laws, and to develop its material resources. But all
these high quilitet were neutralised by misconcep-
tions, for which his peculiar position quite asmoch as
his natural disposition was in fault. Bred a soldier,
Ise understood better how to restrain by combinations
of physical tercel than by persuasion. Wielding the
energies of that unsurpassed army whose framework
the republic bad inherited from the old monarchy,
and into which the science and enthusiasm of eman-
cipated France had breathed unprecedented life and
vigour, NAPOLEONRONAPARTL in common with the
meanest of his countrymen, was intoxicated with the
victories of France over the Sovereigns of Europe. The
traditions of the old monarchy confirmed the bias
which this gave to his spirit. He was incessantly
haunted by visions of giving taw to Europe and the
world. In this mood he ceased to respect the inde-
pendence of other nations. This was the rock upon
which he split, for by his aggressions he roused the
universal spirit of Europe against him. The odds
were too great even for &NAPOLEON: he succumbed,
not before this or the other statesman or general, but
before the inveterate and justly provoked
hostility of Europe; and by his fall he exposed
his beloved France that France which in
the agonies of a revolution had repelled the
banded sovereigns of Europe—to the mortification of
seeing an effete dynasty imposed upon it by foreign
bayonets. NAPOLEON'S crime which outweighed all
his virtues—his error which counteracted all his
wise efforts and aspirations—was his want of due
reverence for the independent nationalities of
Europe. This it was that chained him to St.
Helena like a new Prometheus to a new Caucasus.
This is the lesson which his silent and awainspiring
tombs calculated to read to his heir and the royal
guest whom it delights that heir to honour. Thetis
sovereigns are at present allied to smart the inde-
pendence of a nationality which forms the connecting
link between Europe and Asia. They have taken
up arms to prevent the absorption of the
Ottoman Empire into the territories of en
ambitious neighbour. They do not light to uphold
the Mahometan faith or the dynasty of °TAXAN,
but to establish the principle that then shall be no
sore wars of conquest within the circle of the

European civilisation. The signs of the times sum
to indicate that this principle is on the eve of Wag
submitted for decision, under somewhat varied
aspects, in other countries. National independssme
implies the right of every nation to give law
to itself —to decide upon the. feels of • its
internal =methadon and idmiiistration. Italy's
aspirations after unity aid tintless' indeddt)d►,
ence—suppressed by brute violence in 1849—are
again awaking. In Germany, the events of 1848
have not been entirely forgotten. Poland champs
impatiently the Muscovite bit. At this critical period
let the rulers of France and England lay to heart the
moral of the history of the first NAPOLEON. It is note
for the Governments of Prance and England to give
law to Italy, Germany, Poland, or any other nation ;
bat it is their duty =say to the old despotisms that
they shall not be allowed to interfere by force of arms
to prevent any one of those nations from giving law
to itself.