The Express.
London, England, 1863-07-24 00:00:00

TO COKRIMPONDENTS.

Advertisements bitendedTci7.Liialairent" London Evening
Paper, moat be at tho aloe, tO, liauvalle4lZOK by Two
eckcic on the day of publication.

PRINCMWS..

THDI BYROM COUSIN TOM.—And ROMEO AND JULIET.
Wawa Walter Montg.nnery, Deorge kalrnore, and
B. Menton ; Mdlle. etella Colas and Mn. H. Mantua.

LYCEUM.
Tem Ityzumm, A SUDDEN ATTACK. Mews. Shore and
Widdlcosab ; Miss llenrade sod Mrs. tae.—An•l TUE DUE h.S
MOTTO. Messra Twiner, Shore. Jordan, Brougham, and
Rayociad ; ILUess C. Leclercq, M. Terri, sod irdswwft.

BRITANNIA.
Ters ETRIMM, TIM WILLOW llARSH.—Messrs. Woorlumn
aad RaadalL - GREAT oiluAr SCENE from IHE WISHING
GLEN, Professor Pepper's adootatlon of Mr. Metes Spectral
illailoa.—THE HIVE UP LIEK.—Aral THE SHIP UN FIRE.

HIGH WAYNE AT LONDON BRIDOIL
Tllill DAT Morning. Th. 6D . Afternoon. 7D. Sl=
Tarozzow—liornina, bh. . .Androooll. 6a At..

LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 24.

Titoss officious members of the House of Com-
mons who gratuitously interposed a month ago to
prevent a discussion on English policy with
reference to Poland, must be considered respon-
sible in a high degree for the difficulty in which not
only the Government but the whole country is at
present placed. After all that had been said and
written about Poland, there was no subject which
more needed elucidation than the duties which
its unhappy condition imposes on ne'ghbouring
nations. On those aspects of Polish affairs about
which there can be no dispute more than enough
had been said. Every third-rate orator has been
ready to take up his parable about the oppression
and wrongs of Poland, while very few people have
made up their mind as to what England ought to
do in the matter. Now a debate on the motion of
Mr. HENNESSY and the amendment to it prapoaed
by Mr. W. E. FORSTER, would have concentrated the
deliberative power of the House of Commons on this
very practical question. If it had only made the
divergence of latent tendencies of opinion apparent,
it would have done immense good. But that
disclosure might have placed the House of
Commons face to face with the difficulties of the
question at the end of June instead of at the end
of July, and to postpone a difficulty for a month
is with some senators a high stroke of statesman-
ship. The price of that delay we are paying in the
surprise and embarrassment which are now uni-
versal.

Four courses were before the Government, each of
which has found its advocates. It has been said that
Ministers might have left the Polish question en-
tirely alone. It is only within the last day or two
that this language has been held by any whose
opinions can command notice. But had the advice
been given earlier it would have been equally
worthless. No English Ministry could have re-
mained silent and inactive in presence of the oc-
currences which have been reported from Poland
during the last six months. A Liberal Ministry
must have acted in obedience to its principles, and
a Conservative one would have acted—if from no
other cause—under the compulsion of public
opinion. It is but justice to the Government to
remember that four months ago the nation was
unanimous in demanding that something should be
said or done for Poland. A second class of per-
sons, standing at the opposite extreme of opinion,
maintain that nothing we can do will either sin ,re
the cause of the Poles or come up to the measure
of our duty without the active participation of this
country in a war for the re-estabFihment of Polish
independence. This party is earnest, honest, and
consistent. But its chief strength lies in those
classes who, although their verdict is sure to be
sound and true when simple questions of inter-
national morality are to be decided, are unaccus-
tomed to survey great political issues in their whole
breadth, and to estimate the far-reaching conse-
quences of their decision.

The two remaining parties agree in deprecating
war, and equally rejecting the suggestion that
England has no duty to perform to Poland at this
crisis. One of these is composed of the supporters
of the present policy of Ministers. The British
Government accepted the call to action which
went up from the whole country by remonstrating
with Russia in the first instance, and subsequently
by presenting a plan for the better government of
Poland. The Cue has been told in the name of
this country that all may yet be well in Poland
if be will only govern on strict Whig principles.
But the CZAR replies that be knows better, for that
the Poles are not fighting for any reform of his ad-
ministration, but to decide the simple question who
shallgovern Poland. He has, therefore, rejected our
recommendations, and if we could make the world
believe that in proposing them we have simply
been appealing to the reason of the Russian
EMPEROR, trusting to the force of moral cousiderr-
tions and of public opinion, our situation ester that
rejection would be more eligible than it is. But
a government can never be a mere organ of
opinion, because it can never be less than
itself. Its character, dignity, and pretensions
attend it in all its acts, and we cannot fail in such
an attempt as we have lately made at St. Peters-
burg without serious loss of consideration and
influence. This is what everybody perceives now,
and we hear people, who a :ew months age were
'eking with levity why the Government was doing
nothing, now asking in bewilderment why it was
ever necessary to do anything at all. The fourth
party, if it is large enough to be called a party, is
that which was represented in the House of Com-
mons by Mr. FORST= and a few liberal members.
Mr. Foaerea proposed that the House should
address the Qusrs, praying the Govern-
ment to declare solemnly to the world that
Russia, by her acts in Poland, had forfeited
whatever claim to that country she derived from
our adhesion to the treaty of Vienna. Such a
formal proclamation of national opinion would
have rectified our relation to Poland. It has been
objected that this course would do the Poles no
good ; but if it was one which, as we believe, was
due equally to ourselves, to the Poles, to Russia,
and to the world, it may stand on Its own merits.
The Poles, however, say that it would have been
of great service to them, and those who object that
it does not go far enough ought to be able to pro-
fess that they are in favour of doing more. If the
Government were entitled to raise the objection
before receiving Prince Goarceseorr's last note,
they are so no longer. By the course of policy
proposed by Mr. FORSTER we should have set our- .
selves right, and fulfilled our duty consistently ,

with our professed principles of non-intervention. '
It is now too late to discus this proposition as •
means of avoiding difficulty, but the course is still
open to the Government, and may, we trust, be
more seriously considered in consequence of the
tenor of Prince GORTCHAKO/7% note. The duty
that now rests upon the Government is of the
most solemn character. All our great interests
are in suspense while its decision is doubtful. We
trust that the course which it may take is still
under the full control of the national reason, and
that in accordance with the hearty desire of the
great majority of enlightened Englishmen 'it will
be one that shall preserve the peace of Europe.

THERE is no doubt that the sound view respecting
the best mode of preventing dangerous performances,
such as that which has just coat the poor rope-
walker at Birmingham her life, is that which was
presented by Lord GRANVILLE and Sir GEORGE
GREY last night, and acquiesced in by both the
Houses. When a fatal accident befall one of the
unhappy panderers to the prevailing love of spec-
tacles which thrill the observer with fear of a fatal
result, it is natural to inquire if such exhibitions
cannot be put down by law. But no law can pro-
vide strictly for all cases of this kind. Invention
is constantly at work to provide new "sensations,"
as they are stupidly called, and any law to be of
the least use must be supplemented by a large dis-
cretionary power given to some public officers,
who would practically be the police.
But it is the habit of public functionaries to
incur as little responsibility as possible,
and the solicitude of the police that no mishap
should lie at their door would certainly lead to
incessant petty interferences, such as would make
the law unpopular and raise up obstacle' to its
execution. There is no doubt that the only effec-
tual remedy must proceed from the action of
public opinion. Looking at the direction which
the amusements of large classes of the people have
taken during the last few year; we doubt whether
any early improvement in the taste of those who
have hitherto encouraged these dangerous exhibi-
tions is to be reckoned on as a source of reform.
Doubtless there is a fashion in these things. But
the passion for "sensation " is not a whim of the
hour, it marks a real degradation of mind, and
is one of the most uncomfortable signs of the
times. Public opinion, however, may be
brought to bear on the purveyors of
amusements in which danger is a prominent ele-
ment of attractiveness. Lord GRANVILLE stated
that the police are in the habit of giving warnings
to persons in this position, and this is a very legi-
timate exercise of their power. It would go very
hard Inth any person brought into question before
the criminal courts on account of an affair like the
fatal accident at Birmingham, if it were proved
that he had been admonished by the police and
had disregarded their warning.