The Express.
London, England, 1864-11-04 00:00:00

PROPOSAL IN THE SOUTH TO
ARM THE SLAVES.

The following article, from the Richmond En-
quirer, received by the last mail, and the letter of
the Confederate Governor Allen, of Louisiana,
which is appended, are attracting much attention
throughout the States :

CONSCRIPTDIG THE SLAVES.
(From the Richmond Enquirer, Oct. 18.)

The proposition to extend the Comeript Law to the slaves
of the States•was first formally advanced by the Enquirer
in the issue of the Gth Met. Since that time we have re-
ceived many aseurances of its) popular favour, and none
whatever of opposition to it. We learn that the planters in
the extreme Southern States favour the proposition, and some
have signified their readiness to free five, tea, oc fifteen of
their slaves if they will enter the army. The near ap-
proach of the time when the Congress meets again,
requires that expression be given to the sentiment, of the
country upon this important measure. We, therefore,
earnestly invite its discussion, and open our columns to op-
ponents as well as friends of the proposition. The result
of the late elections is still in doubt, and whether Lincoln
or McClellan will be elected, it is yet impossible to deter-
mine, but there is no uncertainty as to the question of ear.
Tying on the war. Whether Lincoln or McClellan be the
next President, the voice, and the almost unanimous voice,
of that people is for a vigorous prosecution of the war.
The duty of preparing to meet that issue will be before the
approaching session of the Confederate Congress. That
body will have before it, for consideration, the ways and
means, as well as of men as of money, for carrying on the
war on our part. The war cry of the enemy, "No parley
with rebellion in the field—no compromise with slavery in
the readjoatment," fully inform our people that, in plain ver-
nacular, the whites of these states are to be subjugated to
daverY, and their slaves reduced to the miserable
condition of Yankee free negroes. This is the
view of the people, among oar enemies, and this
will be the result of the war, whether ended by
Lincoln or McClellan, if the people of these States
permit themselves to be conquered. The ooescription of
negroes should be accompanied with freedom and the privi-
lege of remaining in the States ; this is no part of aboli-
tionism, it is the exercise by the master of the unquestion-
able right of manumission ; it is remunerating those who
defend our cause with the privilege of freedom. Nor should
this important subject be prejudiced with questions &taint
putting the negro on au equality with our friends, brothers
and fathers. Many of the soldiers in their childhood
were fondled and nursed by faithful negro nurses, and
yet no question of equality was ever raised. Many
a man has manumitted slaves without ever being
subjected to the suspicion of being an abolitiooist.
The issues involved in this war are too stetted in their
importance and character for us to permit them to be win-
promised by being degraded to a question of property. The
liberty and freedom of ourselves and of our children, the
nationality of our country, the right of enjoying any kind
of property, the houses over our heads, and the very graves
of our children and friends, are involved in the struggle.
Failure makes slaves of all, white and black ; robe all of
property, real and personal ; divides our lands among
our conquerors, who will plough up the very graves
of our dead as fertilised ground for making money.
We have in our midst a half million of fighting mate-
rial which is property—shall we use that property for the
common cause? Justice and sound policy demand that we
make freemen of those who fight for freedom. We con-
script the master and we impress his horses, cattle, wheat,
and every other property except slaves. This very excep-
tion is an imputation that this war is for slavery and not for
freedom. By conscripting the negroes, we show to the
world the earnestness that is in our people ; we prove to our
enemies that at the moment of our supposed exhaustion, in
the fifth year of the war, we shall meet them with limps
armies than we have before raised ; and we explode the false
accusation that we are fighting for slavery, or a slave-holder's
confederacy. There are those who doubt whether sound policy
would trust negroes with arms. We are not of those who en-
kin any fears upon that subject. Drill and discipline
make valuable soldiers of Russian serfs, and no negroes in
, these States are so ignorant and brutal as those serfs. Be-
tween service with the Confederacy awl with the Yankees,
between living among us, with their strong local attach-
ments, and going among strangers, who are now openly
buying and selling them to recruiting officers, our slaves will
I find no difficulty in choosing. And, when once it is under-
-1 stood that freedom and a home in the South are the privi-
legal offered by tho Confederate authorities, while the
enemy extend the beggarly hospitalities of Yankee philan-
thropy, not only will desertion from oar ranks be uofrequent,
but the drafted negroes of the Yankee armies will exchange
services.

This subject addresses itself to the consideration of our
people, at this particular time, with great force. The
prospect of four more years of war are before our
people ; ►he enemy will not even " parley" with us
without unconditional surrender, the (mite of which
would be confiscation of all property, the deportation of
whole communities, the degradation of the people,
and the domination and tyranny of Yankee masters.
There can be no reconstruction which does not
embrace • surrender first, which will not per-
mit confiscation afterwards, which does not in-
sure enslaving the whites without freeing the blacks. If
there are any weak-kneed ►eople who imagine they can
save their property by reconstruction, let them study the
shibboleth of all parties in the United States—" no parley
with rebellion in the held: no compromise with slavery in
the adjustment" Unconditional surrender is first de.
mended before even a parley. We are to lay down our
arms and submit to the kiodnesa of the Butlers, Grants,
Sherman., and Sheridan; to the fate of New Orleans, the
condition of the Valley, the misery of Atlanta, and, after all
that degradation, to give up all our slaves in the adjust.
meat. If there are any reasons against extending the con-
scription to slaves, we should like to h►ve them stated, but
we are decidedly of opinion that the whole country will
agree to the proposition, and that at an early day the next
Congress will be called upon to provide for it by law.

THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNOR OF
LOUISIANA AND THE NEGROES.

The following M an extract from a despatch from Henry
W. Allen. Confederate Governor of Louisiana, to the Secre-
tary of War :
" Executive Office, Shreveport, La , Sept. 26, 1564.
"To Hon. James A. `Seddon, Secretary of War, Rich-