The Press.
London, England, 1858-03-06 00:00:00

THE PRESS, MARCH 6, 1858,

proceeded to lay before her Majesty as fully and clearly as
I could, without partiality and without any bias, what I
conceived to be the state of political parties in the House
of Commons—au element in the question which I thought
her Majesty ought to have clearly presented to her. I en-
treated her Majesty to take till the following day to con-
alder whether she would think it expedient to call me
to her councils, and I stated that if upon reflection she
should still continue of that opinion my sense of public
duty would render it imperative on me to attempt to
execute the task which she was pleased to intrust to me.
(Cheers.) But at the same time I felt bound to add, that
if upon full consideration her Majesty should be of opinion
that any other person would be better qualified to form a
sound and stable Government fur the country, she should
not for a single moment consider my position, feelings, or
interest, but take the course which upon reflection she
should deem most advantageous for the country. (Cheers.)
On the following morning I had the honour of receiving a
note from her Majesty, informing me that further reflec-
tion had fully confirmed her in wishing me to accept
office, and I felt then that I had no course to pursue but
humbly to submit myself to her Majesty's pleasure. (Hear,
hear.) It may be said that in taking that course I acted
with precipitation and rashness, but I venture humbly to
think that I was called, on to act as I did by every senti-
ment of loyalty and public duty. (Cheers.) Having
taken upon myself the responsibility of forming an Admi-
nistration, my next care was to endeavour so to form it as
to establish the broadest possible parliamentary basis.
My lords, I do not share in the opinion which was ex-
pressed some three years ago by a noble earl, who, I regret
to say, in consequence of indisposition, is not now in his
place, that the state of parties in this country was such
that any combination might reasonably he expected, and
that the leaders of all the great political parties might sit
harmoniously in the same Cabinet. Ido not go as far as
that, but it is undoubtedly true that, as compared with for-
mer periods of our history, the line of separation between
parties in the State is much less sharply and distinctly
drawn than it used to be. (Hear.) Parliament and public
opinion, which Parliament represents, are no longer
divided by the broad lines of demarcation to which we
were formerly accustomed, bat they are separated by vast
numbers of small gradations which it is scarcely possible
strictly to define. Persons call themselves now-a-days by
so many different names—Tories, Conservatives, Liberal-
Conservatives, Whigs, Liberals, and Radicals; and such
are the niceties of distinction between some of these names
that I believe there are no inconsiderable number of mem-
bers in the House of Commons, and perhaps in your lord-
ships' house, too, who would find it difficult to say with
which of all these they have the closest sympathy. (A
laugh.) The state of parties is very like the distinctions
of the various grades of ranks in society at large. There
is a broad interval between the highest and the lowest, but
the gradation by which one melts into the other is so
imperceptible that it is difficult with regard to social rank
and to political parties in the State precisely to say where
one commences and another ends. But I did think that,
desiring to form a Government upon a basis which should
be Conservative in the truest sense of the word, but at the
same time not indisposed to measures of progressive im-
provement, I might hope to obtain the assistance of some
eminent persons who, not belonging to the Government
which we have succeeded, shared to such a degree the
opinions of the Conservative party that they might not be
deemed guilty of any inconsistency in associating themselves
with me in the difficult task which I had undertaken.
Thus thinking, I applied to a right hon. gentleman and
to two noble lords, members of your lordships' house, who
conceived might not be indisposed to render me their
assistance itt framing such a Government as I have de-
scribed. They did not, however, deem it consistent with
their position to afford me such aid. I cannot, of course,
find the smallest fault with their decision, but although
must undoubtedly regret that I have been deprived of the
benefit of their assistance, I cannot regret that I made such
an offer. Having, therefore, been thrown entirely upon
the resources of those with whom I was more immediately
and intimately connected, I proceeded to select such
gentlemen as I thought best qualified to fill public offices
with honour to the country and with credirto themselves.
My lords, in changes of this description—and more par-
ticularly when such changes take place during a session of
Parliament, and still more at an early period of the session
—there are always inevitable evils to be encountered. In
the first place, at such an important period of the session
public business is very inconveniently interrupted from
the necessity of new elections in the case of many mem-
bers of the House of Commons who may have accepted
office. In the next place, some considerable time must
elapse before those who are Appointed to high offices have

the opportunity of making themselves masters
details of the departments to which they -
taking up the thread of the tangled skein
been left by their predecessors. More
the case with respect to a moat important
that of Foreign Affairs, over which my noble
(Lord Clarendon) has presided so admirably,
cases, as my noble friend well knows,
discussions have been pending for a series
the whole details of which the person -
office must be familiar in order to take
vantage. The case is the same with regard
partments. I understand that my noble
the late President of the Council (Earl
other night that he thought it very desirable
of three days should be allowed to her
went, in order that they might make themselves
of the business of their respective departments,
the house an intimation of the policy which '
to pursue. If the noble earl made use
along, I must say that I certainly cannot
speedy acquisition of knowledge or such
tion as may characterise my noble friend—(
I must frankly say that at this moment
imperfect account of what has taken place
departments, and of the state in which
the present Government. But, my lords,
drain which there must have been upon
sources in consequence of the unfortunate
and fearing what might have been the
usual demand upon the resources of this
undoubtedly never pretended to be a
power, I did feel great anxiety to ascertain
state of the numerical force of the army -
ot the War Department; and I should
injustice to the noble baron opposite ( Lord
to the illustrious Duke (the Duke of
Commander-in-Chief if I did not say that
afforded me the greatest satisfaction, bat
surprise and pleasure, to find, after all
taken place, how respectable a numerical
hand within the limits of the United
cheering.) I recollect the state of
office in 1852, and in contrasting the
of the army—and I may probably also add
1858, notwithstanding all the demands
upon our forces, with what it was in
first place, that it affords me an agreeable
the amount of military ardour and of readiness
service exhibited among the population
and I must add that the change which
within the past six years reflects the greatest
the Governments which have held office
(Cheers.)
So long as the unfortunate war in India
must, no doubt, be a heavy drain upon
sources of this country; but trust,
much remains to be done—although
yet drawing to a close—that we are
favourable turn of events, and that the
Conn Campbell, following upon those
cers who preceded him, have already struck
great body of the insurgents. Much,
remains to be done ; but I do not entertain
any doubt that the continued exertions - -
of her Majesty, aided by the cordial support
this country, will, at no distant period,
midable insurrection which has lately
still rages, in some parts of India, and
Government will then have leisure, both
to apply themselves to the far more agreeable
pacification and reorganisation of that
Majesty's dominions.
The accounts which we have received
day or two from the coast of China lead
the unfortunate war in that country—if, -
called a war—at all events, that the unfortunate
in that country will be brought to a
Those operations, undoubtedly, are
their conclusion, so far as we have arrived
but I cannot but entertain the same opinion
expressed—namely, that the war was
visedly and upon insufficient ground.
and I do not now deny, that we had ample
plaint against, and of quarrel with, the
ties; and, as we have taken the course
military force to bring the Chinese to
not but cordially rejoice at the success
attended her Majesty's arms. The '
success, however, I conceive will be,
the opportunity—standing in inch
China—of concluding with the least
and honourable peace—(cheera)--and

?yerdsinirawbolhefo
d skein which
Eves masters
of the varions
b they are called, and of •
ecaeeeprxlepsrir to
3.0
may have
More especially is this
mportant department--
my noble friend opposite
io admirably. In some
raeronsfrievlilevnleed: opposite
dsotatheirstes
knows, negotiations and
r a series of years, with
take them up with ad.
ith regard to other de-
?y
d
her Majesty's Govern-
eke
departments, and give
hey which they intended
id
cannot pretend to such*
yEkeea (Earl
ulto
ehbGel
r such rapidity of men.
friend—(s laugh)—and
moment I possess a very
:en place in the different
rhich they were found by
sy lords, knowing the vast
;n upon our military re.
stortunate war in India,
en the result of that an.
s of this country, which
be a first-rate military
• ascertain what was the
army and the condition
should do an act of great
site ( Lord Panmure ) and
uke of Cambridge) the
t say that it has not only
ion, bat also the greatest
er all the drain that has
inmerical force is still in
jolted Kingdom. (Loud
of affairs when I took
/ the numerical strength
also add its efficiency—in
sands that have been made
a in 1852, I say, in the
agreeable surprise to find
d of readiness to enter the
potation of this country,
which has taken place
the greatest credit upon
I office during that period.
in India continues, there
as upon the military re-
trust, my lords, although
ough our labours are not
are beginning to see a
hat the operations of Sir
those of the gallant offi-
ady struck terror into the
ditch, unquestionably, yet
t entertain for a moment
rtions of the gallant troops
ial support of the people of
period, put down the for-
s lately raged, and which
is, and that her Majesty's
re, both here and in India,
sore agreeable task of the
f that vast portion of her
received within the last
na lead us to expect that
otry—if, indeed, it is to be
he unfortunate operations
to a speedy termination.
are not unfortunate in
re arrived at a conclusion,
erne opinion as I formerly
was entered into unit&
(round. I never denied,
had ample cause of cons-
ids, the Chinese authori•
the course of employing
ese to submission, I can.
sccess which has hitherto
The best result of that
11 be, that it will give us
such a position towards
least possible delay a safo
s)--tand will enable as to

a

resume the benefits and advantages of that commercial in-
tercourse few which alone it can be of the slightest ad:an-
tsge to us to maintain any communication whatever with
each a country. The idea of territorial aggression, the
ides of acquisition of power, the idea of doing more than
obtaining adequate security for carrying on freely peaceful
commerce will, I trust, never enter the head of any Minis-
ter who conducts the affairs of this empire. (Cheers.)
I now approach a most important portion of the state-
ment which I have to submit to your lordships, but
with one exception I may deal with it in very general
terms. I trust, my lords, that in conducting the
foreign policy of this country our aim will be to maintain
friendly relations with all powers, great and small, with
which we are brought into contact. I trust we shall main-
tain those relations without adopting either a tone of
liatiglity intimidation or a tone of servile submission
J wards any Government. I hope that we shall carry on
intercourae frankly and unreservedly with foreign powers;
that we shall carefully abstain from any interference what-
ever with the purely domestic affairs of any of them ; and
that if, in any instance, a cause of difference should arise, we
shall in public, as we should in private life, seek the first
opportunity of arranging such differences by means of
frank and unreserved but amicable communications. My
lords, if there should still remain, from that conflict in
which several important powers were engaged some years
ince, any animosity between ourselves and that great
empire with which we were at war, I trust such a feeling
may rapidly and entirely subaide, and that our relations
ith that power may speedily resume—if, indeed, they
we not already resumed—the friendship and cordiality
which they were formerly marked. I hope, however,

shall not be regarded as unduly depreciating the value of
our alliance with any country if I here express my firm
conviction that if there be one country with which, more
than another, it is necessary for our mutual welfare and
fur the advantage of the world that we should maintain a
permanent pod understanding, that country is our nearest
and must powerful neighbour—the great empire of France.
Loud cheers.)

The geographical position of the two countries, the
facility and constancy of intercourse between their popula-
tions, their force respectively at sea and on land, render
their harmonious union almost a pledge and guarantee
for the peace of the world, while those circumstances also

render quarrel or coolness between the two powers a
matter of danger which may involve alarming conse-
quences to the world at large. My lords, for France this
country can have but one desire,--that, remaining upon
friendly terms with us, she should have within herself all
the means of contentment, of wealth, and of prosperity.
There is no country in the world blessed with greater
natural advantages, none more fortunate in position and
climate; and if there be one thing which is alone suffi-
cient to rnalte her and to keep her great, powerful, mi Oty,
and happy, it is the absence within her own bosom of
political convulsions. As far as foreign countries are con•
corned, the peculiar form of government which best suits any
people is, if not a matter of indifference to us, at all events
one into which we have no cause or right to inquire. Be
' a limited monarchy, be it a republic, be it an empire,
that government is best for France which best suits the
disposition, the habits, and the affections of the people;
but, whatever be the government, it is of vast importance
France, and it is hardly of secondary importance to

,urope, that that government should not be liable to per-
petual change, but should enjoy a condition of perma-
nence and stability. My lords, towards the maintenance
7 such permanence and stability I believe the life of that
remarkable man who, elected by the voice of the French
people, now presides over the destinies of that country is
great and paramount importance. I will not go so far

4to say that civil commotion anti disturbance would in-
evitably follow upon any fatal attempt upon the life of his
imperial Majesty. Rut this I do say, that his absence
from the helm of the State wonld at this time seriously
endanger the new-horn tranquillity which that country
witv enjoys, and which for the last sit years it has enjoyed
under his Government. Therefore, my loris, it was with
. feeling as if all mankind had escaped a great danger—
as if Europe was freed from an imminent peril by a special

aterposition of Providence—that the news was recei►ed
of the late escape of his Imperial Majesty from a foul and
aurderous design. (Hear, hear.) I need not recall to
your lordships the circumstances under which that das-
tardly attempt took place. Those circumstances must
have made too strong an impression on your minds to
require any such recital. Suffice it, my lords, to say that
there was not one single attribute of aggravation by which

parallel atrocity could be attended that was not present
in the details of this horrible crime. (Hear, hear.) It
Was not only that by the basest means a highly int-

resume the b
tercourse fix
tage to us to
each a count
ides of acqui
obtaining ads
commerce wi
ter who cond
I now app
ment which
with one eze
terms. I ti
foreign polic
friendly relal
which we are
tain those
haughty inti
towards any
intercourse f
that we shall
ever with the
that if, in any
shall in pub
opportunity
frank and ur
lords, if thei
which severe
since, any a
empire with
may rapidly t
with that po
have not alrel
by which the
I shall not be
our alliance v
conviction th,
than another,
for the advun
permanent gk
and must pov
(Loud cheers
The geogr
facility and e
tions, their ft,
their harmor
for the peace
render quart
matter of d
quences to th
country can
friendly term,
the means of
There is no
natural advar
in climate; a
cient to make
and happy, it
political cons
cerned, the p 4
people is, if
one into whit
it a limited n
that govern=
dispoaition, t
but, whateve,
to France, ar
Europe, that
peinal char];
nence and au
of such perm
remarkable r
people, now
of great and
as to say that
evitably fullo
Imperial M,
from the hell
endanger th
enjoys,
under hie (1(
ai
as if Europe
interposition
of the late e
murderous d
your lordshi
tardly atten
have made t
require any
there was Tv
a parallel at:
in the detail
Was not or