The Press.
London, England, 1856-10-04 00:00:00

OCTOBER 4, 1856.

justice, small though they he. I need hardly tell
you that "Court favour " here was only a convertible
term for courtisanship—the latter term evidently had
its origin in the Spanish " Corte." Rumour has it
that the Bourbonists or Court party here are highly
indignant at the policy adopted by England and
France towards the Neapolitan branch of their
estimable and immaculate race, and urge on Bombs
the adoption of a similar course to their own in
1846—namely, to dismiss the British Envoy or his
locum towns at once, with the idea that they are
thereby throwing down the gauntlet to " El Caballero
Balmerson " (the name our facetious Premier is
usually known by in the Peninsula), which as they
conceive he must take up Little they know him.
Functons (fetes) and amusements go on mean-
while, but the lovers of tauromaquia (bull fighting)
are all gone to the festivities in that way et Bayonne.
You may rely on it, however, that ere long a fresh
outbreak, greater and more extensive than the last,
will take place in this country, where, indeed, revo-
lution is now the normal state, and so far prom being
accompanied with any improvement, only renders
more miserable everything that was not most
miserable in Spain before. Prices are enormously
high, and no credit is to be bad, public or private.
The crops alone form a contrast to the appearance
of w•retche.lness, which I never before saw so general
in this country as at present. L. E. W.

DANUBIA N PRINCIPALITIES.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."
Sir,—l beg to inclose here a letter from a most
respectable gentleman, and which you will greatly
oblige me if you will be kind enough to insert in
your estimable newspaper. I take at the same time
the opportunity of recommending to your high
solicitude the cause of my unhappy country, the
Danubian principalities.
With the best sentiments of gratitude and con-
sideration, believe me, sir, your most obedient ser-
vant, D. BRALIANO.
24 A, Abbey road, St. John's-wood.
October 2, 185(1.

Jassy, September 21st.
Our time-honoured treaties, the treaty of Paris,
the solemn promises of the Western powers, and the
proclamations issued by the Turkish commissioner,
Dervish Pacha, at the outset of the List war, are at
this moment a dead letter. Our hopes of improve-
ment are vanishing by the hour. The rights of self-
government, so long enjoyed by the Moldo-
Wailachians, are violated by the unheard-of proceed-
ings of the Porte. Under the rule of the Phanariotes
princes, when the Ministers of the Sultan most in-
terfered in the government of the principalities, the
wishes of the Suzerain were made known by firmans.
This form is now dispensed with, and Ministerial
despatches take their place. Not content with giving
power to the Austro-Russian party, the Porte has
determined to supersede our old self-governing in-
stitutions. The Caimacan has just been authorised,
by a letter from the Grand Vizier, to receive the
customary annual grant of 000,000 f. for the Prince.
At this very time the revenue of Moldavia is not
equal to four millions of francs. A Ministerial
despatch has been considered a sufficient order to
close the Bank of Moldavia and abolish the liberty
of the press. These encroachments on our privileges
and rights are made at a time when our country is
supposed to be consulted on its desires and its
wants. We are gagged when we ought to speak.
Bette/ a thousand times to be a Russian province
than a Turkish pachalick. Yet this is what the
treaty of Paris has brought us to. As for Austria,
she evidently has the noblest part in this drama.
England and France have lost torrents of their best
blood, that Austria may reap the fruits of their vic-
tory. The Cabinet of Vienna has just sent her
orders to the army of occupation to take up winter
quarters in the principalities. They are overjoyed
at this, but little know that they are serving the
Russians better than themselves. Patriotism in the
meanwhile becomes a byword, and we are called
ironically " les Occidentaux " (partisans of the
West). " Your Napoleons and Palmerstons are
noble friends, are they not? See what they are
doing for you. Francs and England are holding the
noose for you." Such is the style in which we are
" daily railed at by the partisans of despotism. Un-
fortunately for us, circumstances bear out the truth
of these sarcasms. The Star of the Danube, and the
Zimbro, the only independent and liberal journals in
the principalities, have been euppressed, and a dead
silence and stupor prevail. The Constantinople
Journal can now assert without fear of contradiction
Via the Rua ans reject the idea of a union. We
can only trust in future to the efforts of the indepen-
dent press of the West to remind the world of the
rights which we are losing. We have now no rally-
ing-point here, and indignation is uppermost in every
heart. Read the following Turkish despatch. It is

THE PRESS.

the last we have received, and a specimen of what
may yet folluw

Excellency,—You will be good enough to suspend the
measure passed by the ex-Prince Ghika, and re-establish
the law upon the press and the censorship in their old
form. (Signed) FOLD.

t ortign anb Colonial 3nttlligtntt.
FRANCE.

The Emperor and Empress, with the Imperial
Prince, left Biarritz on the 30th ult. for Bordeaux,
arriving there the same evening. On the following
day the Emperor reviewed the division of troops in
the town. The Empress was present in an open
carriage. The Emperor was on horseback.
The Moniteur of Thursday published an official
explanation of the treatment of the political prisoners
at Cayenne, and categorically denies every statement
put forward by M. Louis Blanc. It gives the number
of individuals sent to Cayenne and belonging to the
so-callen political category as 320, a number which,
according to the last return, has been reduced to
180 :

During the sojourn of these individuals at Guiana, the
Government of the colony, instead of deserving the slight-
est reproach as regards their treatment, on the contrary,
displayed, as far as possible, the greatest care and leniency.
This has been shown by letters from the men themselves.
Never was this category of prisoners confounded with the
other convicts, either at the Ilet la Mere or Ilet St. Joseph ;
they had always separate quarters. For a long time they
were fed without being compelled to labour. This leniency
had to be put an end to. It was the minority which ob-
jected to work at labour which was so regulated as not to
be hurtful either to their health or strength.
Letters from Admiral Bonard, dated March, '55, and
from the captain of the Erigone, convict transport,
are quoted in support of the good treatment the
convicts are said to experience at the hands of the
authorities.

The Russian circular note has produced consider-
able sensation in Paris. The Constitutionnel questions
the correctness of the form in which it has been ren-
dered public, but admits that the circular bears the
stamp of authenticity. It observes :
By what right, might we inquire, can the Russian Go-
vernment offer to judge the conduct of the allied powers
towards the King of Naples ? What can authorise it to
judge prematurely acts which do not exist, intentions
which have perhaps not been formed, and with the certainty
of which it. cannot be acquainted ? How can it talk of
a pressure exercised on a monarch? The allied powers
have never intended to interfere with violence in the
internal affairs of Naples. England and France have
offered certain representations in the name of outraged
humanity and in the view of Italian tranquillity. Austria
took part in these representations, and participated in
the same efforts. When Count Walewski, in the last
sittings of the Congress of Paris, raised his voice, and
called the attention of European Governments to what
was passing at Naples, the representatives of Russia did
not protest. No, they maintained silence, as if the
notorious character of the facts has convinced them.
The language now attributed to the Russian Govern-
ment, therefore, appears to us inconceivable. The same
applies also to the remarks on Greece. Neither the
value nor the bearing of a document must be exagge-
rated which is addressed by a Minister to his own agents,
and was doubtless not destined to receive the publicity
given to it. We shall, however, soon be made acquainted
with the true nature of this document, and the Govern-
ments of France and England will not fail to reply to it, if
necessary. In the meanwhile we would fain believe that
Russia, a wise and skilful power, has not adopted towards
two great States, which do not intend to weigh with force
on any power, a tone of menace which is in no way calcu-
lated to remove the present difficulties.

The Pays doubts if the text of the despatch be
exact, although it appears to believe that the circular
represents the general views of the Cabinet of St.
Petersburg on the affairs of Greece and Naples.
The article then declares that Russia had no
necessity for expressing itself so firmly on these
questions, as the final action of France and England
cannot be known (with regard to Naples) in Russia,
for the Cabinets of England and France have not
yet agreed on final steps themselves. The Pays
concludes by saying that if the document in question
be exact, it regrets the language Prince Gortschakoff
has employed, because it is feeble and petulant.
The Dibats, in an article upon the Neapolitan
question, gives a resumi of the whole of the diplo-
matic steps taken in the matter. It recall the
opinions uttered at the Paris Conferences by the
various plenipotentiaries respecting the affairs of
Naples, and the general agreement of all the diplo-
matists in Count Walewski's opinion that opportune
measures of clemency in Naples would be desirable.
In consequence of this opinion communications were
made to Naples by Austria, France, and England.
The Cabinet of Vienna represented to the King of
Naples that he could not evade the wishes of the
Western powers—that they would not retrace their
steps—and that it would be necessary for Naples to
give them satisfaction

These representations of Austria did not produce the
effect anticipated at VillnOh The Cabinet of the Tuilezia

941

used, it is said, a tone more firm and decisive than that
of Austria, but preserving at the same time a manner
conciliatory and moderate. As to the English notes, thay
were very peremptory, almost imperious. The British
Cabinet expressed itself unmistakeably on the measures
that ought to be taken. It addressed to the Neapolitan
Court bitter reproaches on its policy ; it traced to some
extent the plan of an internal administration, to which
the King should conform, both as regards Sicily and his
other dominions. That which accounts for the manner
and tone of the English note is, that in London it is
still remembered that certain engagements were con-
tracted by the Neapolitan Government towards the Sici-
lians, and that these engagements were in some degree
guaranteed by England. It is uid that the King of
Naples has been painfully impressed by the language of
England, and that at first he replied in terms not likely
to lead to an arrangement. It is also said that lie made
nearly the same reply to France as t, England without
considering the difference in the tone held by the two
countries. Finally, it is stated that Austria, struck with
the dangers to which the King of Naples is exposed, has
formally expressed its disapproval of his course, and has
intimated that if he does not make a fair measure of
concession it cannot support him in his resistance to the
Western powers. The King of Naples subsequently
moderated his language, but declined to enter into any
engagement.

The Dibats then records the later reports ; the
rumoured intention to send an allied squadron, and
the propable co-operation of Austria and Sardinia.
In conclusion it asserts that the King of Naples has
"secretly " liberated several political prisoners.

AUSTRIA.

Intelligence from Vienna states that a conference
upon the Neapolitan question took place on the 24th
ult. between Count Buol and the French, English,
and Neapolitan Ambassadors.
General Martini embarked from Trieste for Na-
ples on the 23rd ult.
M. de Hubner arrived on the Ist at Trieste, and
immediately proceeded en route for Vienna.
The success of the mission confided to General
Martini, Austrian Ambassador at Naples, is consi-
dered doubtful.

The Emperor and Empress reached Vienna on
the 27th, on their return from Hungary. The Em-
peror and Empress go to Venice and probably to
Milan at the beginning of November.
The Austrian Gazette, in an article upon the
Neapolitan question, anticipates the following
result :

We think we can express an opinion on the issue of
this affair which events will not contradict. The King
of Naples will defend his right like an independent sove-
reign, and will declare in a manifesto that the attacks
against his sovereignty will place the political rights of
Europe in peril. He will prove, on the appearance of
the Western fleets, that his subjects, who are represented
as being kept down by force, will declare themselves
enthusiastically for their monarch against foreign vio•
lence. Thus justified before Europe, and raised in the
esteem of his country, he will yield, in the history of
European peace, to the violence exercised against him,
and will submit to the conditions of the ultimatum.

A letter in the Augsburg Garette says :
The Vienna Cabinet was prepared for the recent step
of the \Western powers, and had informed the Neapoli-
tan Government that it would take place. Austria will
not join this demonstration of France and England, hut
will continue to act as a mediator with the King of Na-
ples, conformably to her line of policy. Austria will not
use stronger words to the King of Naples than she has
hitherto done. Baron Hubner has also been ordered to
use mild and moderate language.

Le Nord calls particular attention to the fol-
lowing letter dated Vienna, Sept. 26 :

The sensation which I mentioned in yesterday's
letter as having been caused by the news of the proxi-
mate appearance of an allied squadron in the Bay of
Naples has somewhat subsided to-day, from the convic-
tion entertained in Government circles that, if Inch a

demonstration is intended, at all events it will not take
place just now. I think I may assure you that our diplo-
matic agents at London and at Paris received a few days
since urgent instructions from Count Buol to induce the
Weptern Governments to adjourn the eiectition of their
maritime demonstration against King Ferdinand.

There is every tem-son-to believe that the two greet
allied powers will show sufficient consideration for. Au-
stria, who is more or less engaged in this deplorable con-
flict, to await the result which our envoy to Naples,
General Martini, may succeed in obtaining from the King
of Naples.
According to a report which has been current hero
for some days, the number of our troops in the Roman
Legations is to be considerably increased. with as little
delay as possible. It is even said that two additional
regiments of infantry and one of cavalry have already en•
tered the Legations. The ground for this is, that France,
having resolved to send reinforcements to her troops at
Rome, our safety and political interests render it neces-
sary for us to strengthen ourselves in the Legations.
As regards another piece of news, no less serious, which
is circulated at Vienna, I cannot speak positively. It is
said the Piedmontese Government has notified to Paris
and London its intention of joining a squadron to that of
the two great maritime powers in the Bay of Naples.
need scarcely tell you with what feelings this news
was received by our Government and by the public ; it is
to be hoped for the peace of Italy that the active inter-
ference of diplomacy will provost the malimAion of a pro;

942

ject which would singularly complicate a state of affairs
already so much endangered in the Italian peninsula.
RUSSIA.

The following circular, addressed by Prince Gorts-
chakoff, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the
diplomatic representative 4 of Russia at the several
foreign Courts, was published in the Cologne Ga-
tette of Sunday last :
Moscow, Sept. 2, 1858.
The treaty signed at Paris on the 30th March, which
put an end to a struggle the proportions of which threat-
ened continually to increase, and the final issue of which
was beyond human prediction, has been invoked to re•
establish the normal state of international relations in
Europe.
The powers which had coalesced against us assumed for
their motto the respect of right and the independence of
Governments. It is not our intention to return to an his-
torical examination of the question as to how far the
attitude of Russia endangered either of those principles.
It is not our wish to raise a fruitless discussion, but to
obtain the practical application of the same principles
which the great powers of Europe have proclaimed by
placing themselves directly or indirectly as our adversaries,
and we invoke them the more readily as they never ceased
to be our own.

We do not do any of the great European powers the
injustice of supposing that their object was simply to have
a watchword for the occasion, and that the struggle once
over, each deems itself authorised to pursue a line of
conduct suited to its private views and interests. We
accuse no one of making use of those fine words as of a
weapon ready to hand at the moment to extend the area of
the struggle and then consigned to rust in the dust of
the armoury. On the contrary, we would rather remain
convinced that all the powers which asserted those prin-
ciples did so in perfect honesty and good faith, and with
the sincere intention of carrying them out under all cir-

Starting from this point, we must suppose that it is the
intention of all the powers which participated in the last
war, as it is the thought of the Emperor our august master,
that the general peace should be the fixed point of depar-
ture for the re-establishment of relations based upon the
respect of right and the independence of Governments.
Has this hope been fulfilled ? Has the state of inter-
national relations been re-established ?

Without entering into the minute details of some se-
condary questions, we regret that we are compelled to say
that there are two countries which form part of the Euro-
pean family, in one of which the normal condition does
not yet exist, and where in the other it is threatened with
attack.
We allude to Greece and to the kingdom of Naples.
There is no longer an excuse now for the occupation of
the Hellenic territory, against the will of the sovereign,
and in opposition to the sentiments of the nation. Politi-
cal motives might, to a certain point, explain the violence
done to the person of the sovereign. Necessities of war,
more or less proved, might be urged to give a colouring
to the infraction of right. But now that none of these
motives can any longer be alleged, it appears to us impos-
sible to justify before an equitable tribunal the continued
presence of foreign troops on the soil of Greece.
Thus the first words pronounced by our august master
when the restoration of peace enabled the Emperor clearly
to express his views on the subject have been, with regard
to this matter, clear and precise. We did not conceal our
opinion in the councils of the Cabinets, and we still main-
tain it.
We feel it, however, a duty to add, that although the
results have not yet fully answered our expectations, we
entertain the hope of not remaining isolated in a position
where right and justice are evidently in favour of the cause
which we support.
As regards the kingdom of Naples, if it has rot yet
come to a question of cure, it appears to us much to be
feared that it is high time to think of prevention. The
King of Naples is the object of a pressure, not because his
Majesty has transgressed any engagement imposed upon
him by treaty towards foreign Courts, but because, in the
exercise of his incontestable rights of sovereignty, he
governs his subjects according to his fancy.
We could understand that as a consequence of friendly
forethought a Government should give advice to another in
a benevolent spirit; that such advice might even assume
the character of exhortation ; but we believe that to be the
furthest limit allowable. Less than ever can it now be
allowed in Europe to forget that sovereigns are equal
among themselves, and that it is not an extent of territory,
but the sacred character of the rights of each, which regu-
lates the relations that exist between them. To endeavour
to obtain from the King of Naples concessions as regards
the Internal government of his States by threats or by a
menacing demonstration is a violent usurpation of his
authority, an attempt to govern in his stead—it is an open
declaration of the right of the strong over the weak.
We need not tell you the view our august master would
entertain on such pretensions. His Majesty flatters him-
self with the hope that they will not be carried out. He
entertains this hope the more confidently as it is the doc-
trine also of the States which place themselves at the
head of civilisation, and where the principles of politiCal
liberty have received their greatest development, who have
never ceased to proclaim it as their creed, so far even as to
endeavour to apply it where circumstances only allowed
this by forcing the interpretation.
You will have • care, whenever the two questions we
have above touched upon are mooted at the Court where
you reside, to leave no donht upon the view taken by our
august master. Such frankness is the natural consequence
of the system the Emperor adopted on the day he ascended
the throne of his ancestors. That system is not unknown
to you.
It is the Emperor's wish to live on friendly terms with
•ll Governments. His Majesty thinks that the best means