The Press.
London, England, 1856-06-21 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

despatch with an expression of the earnest desire of
the President to maintain friendly relations with
Great Britain

If, in the earnest desire to act with all possible courtesy
towards her Majesty's Government, the Pre.ident could
have suspended his determination in the case in order to
submit the new testimony, which he is confident would
have been found sufficient to induce compliance with his
request for the recal of the British Minister, he is pre-
cluded from any such thought of delay by the exceptional
character of the despatches of that gentleman, copies of
which, having been recently laid before Parliament, have
thus come to the knowledge of this Government, and
which are of a tenor to render further intercourse between
the Governments through that Alinister alike unpleasant
and detrimental to their good understanding. The Presi-
dent has, therefore, been constrained by considerations of
the best interests of both countries reluctantly to have
recourse to the only remaining means of removing, without
delay, these very unacceptable officers from the connection
they now have with this Government.
This course has been deemed necessary on account of
their unfitness for the positions they hold, arising from the
very active part they have taken in getting upend carrying
out a system of recruiting which has been attended with
numerlus infractions of our laws, which has disturbed our
internal tranquillity, and endangered our peaceful relations
to a nation with which this Government is most anxious to
maintain cordial friendship and intimate commercial and
social intercourse. He has therefore determined to send to
Mr. Crampton, her Majesty's diplomatic representative,
his passport. and to revoke the e.repeators of Mr. Matthews,
Mr. Barclay, and Mr. Rowecroft, British Consuls at Phila-
delphia, New York, and Cincinnati.—l am, air, respectfully,
your obedient servant, W. L. Maacr.
George M. Dallas, Esq., London.

THE CENTRAL AMERICAN QUESTION.
A DESPATCH from Mr. Marcy upon the Central
American question accompanied the foregoing.
Mr. Marcy opens by stating the regret. of the
President at Lord Clarendon " resting his case upon
the single position of particular hypotheses touching
the construction of the convention." He received
this announcement with " surprise and regret," and
would at once have regarded it as an abrupt termina-
tion of all correspondence on the subject, had not
Lord Clarendon concluded by stating that "the
British Government yet saw no reason why a satis-
factory adjustment of the question should not be
arrived at." This language yet left hope for an
amicabl' settlement; and though the President
would have been better pleased if Lord Clarendon
had intimated the means whereby so desirable a
consummation could be achieved, he is induced to
infer that " arbitration by a third power " is meant.
To that proposition he responds—What is it
which shall be submitted to arbitration'—

Lord Clarendon, in his letter to Mr. Crampton of the
10th of November (observes Mr. Marcy), seems to assume
the difference between the two countries is merely of the
interpretation of the convention of April 19, 18.50; but
that is not so understood by this Government. If, indeed,
it should be determined in any way that the American

_
construction of that treaty is correct—which is, that what
ever may have been the state of things previous to its date,
yet after that neither the United States nor Great Britain
is to hold any possessions in Central America; that when
the two Governments agreed that neither will ever occupy,
or fortify, or colonise, or assume, or exercise any dominion
over Nicaragua, Costa Rica and the Mosquito Coast, or
any part of Central America, the stipulation comprehends
as to the acts enumerated, prohibition of their continuance
as well as their initiation, without which there could be no
effective neutralisation of the American isthmus. If, I say,

such were the agreed or settled interpretation of the treaty,
then, indeed, such determination would conclude all ex•
isting difference. and settle it in accordance with the views
entertained by the United States. But, on the other hand,
it is not easy to see how the adverse construction, if it were
adopted by an arbiter, could terminate the difference
Lord Clarendon conceives that the treaty was merely pro•
speetive in its operations. So it undoubtedly was in one
sense ; that is, that its engagements only took effect at the
time of its execution, and did but apply to all future time.
But when he goes on to infer that the treaty did not in
any way interfere with the state of things existing at the
time of its conclusion, he not only assumes a consequence
which does not flow from the premises, but he also assumes
a state of facts which is controverted by this Government,
and a determination of which cannot derive the least

aid from the interpretation which he claims for the con-
vention.

Mr. Marcy then contests the assertion of Lord Cla-
rendon that at the conclusion of the Clayton-Bulwer
treaty Great Britain held possessions in Central
America.

The claim of protectorship to the Mosquito
Indians Mr. Marcy declares, if admissible to one con
tracting party, is equally so to the other, and that
the United States might, in that case, for controlling
reasons, be impelled to undertake a counter protec-
torship of the Mosquito Indians.
The limited occupation of Belize, Mr. Marcy
admits, was agreed to by the Clayton•Bulwer treaty,
but he denies that those rights admit of pretensions
to extended territory in Honduras, as Belize is not,
and never was, any part of Honduras.

With respect to the Bay Islands, the two Go
vernments, Mr. Marcy acknowledges, are at direct
issue. The Government of the United State. believes

591

that the Bay Islands belong to the State of Honduras,
and he contends that, as the British Government,
in a despatch of the 2nd May, 1854, admitted that
Ituatan was claimed and militarily occupied by the
former republic of Central America as successor to
the rights of Spain, occasional acts of military autho-
rity by captains of British men-of war, or of civil
authority by the superintendent of the British station
of Belize, are insufficient to determine a title against
the admitted counter claims of the State of Honduras ;
and hence the occupation and colonisation by Great
Britain of that part of Central America is regarded
by the Government Df the United States as in direct
opposition to the tenor of the Clayton.Bulwer treaty.
Mr. Marcy remarks upon the whole question, and
particularly with regard to the proposal for arbitra-
tion:—

Upon this retrospect of the several points of difference
between the two Governments, the President is not able
to perceive that any useful result would ensue, either from
calling on a third power to say whether the convention is
or is not prospective in its operation, in the sense of that
idea as Expressed by her Majesty's Government ; for if
that question should, by any pasibilitz, happen to be re-
solved in favour of Great Britain, all the substantial points
of difference between the two countries would remain un-
touched ; as, being wholly independent of the question of
construct:on, the dispute would still exist as to what right-
ful possessions, at the date of the convention, Great Britain
actually had in Central America. And if it is now con-
tended by the British Govermnent that in the name of the
Mosquito Indians Great Britain inty take with military
force and hold San Juan or other points in Central
America, such pretension would be so totally irreconcilable

with all idea of the independence and neutrality of the
isthmus as to render the conventions worse than nugatory
to the United States. Instead of submitting to arbitration
a pretension involving such consequences, or in other way
consenting to restore to effect the treaty, with such possi-
ble construction, it would, in the judgment of the Presi-
dent, be his duty to propose its amendment, so as to
release the United States from obligations not atten,led by
any benefits, and which obligations, thus unattended, the
United States did not intentionally incur, they having en-
tered into treaty only on the supposition that absolute
reciprocity of restriction was incurred by Great Britain.
I repeat, if the treaty could, by any possibility whatever,
have the construction of leaving Great Britain in posses-
sion or military control of the Atlantic cot.st of Central
America in the name of the MoAquito Indians, and with
powers to colonise insular positions commanding it, on
the ground of their having been " spontaneously occupied
by British subjects," while the United States are restrained
from all such rights of control and acquisition, that, in the
estimation of the President, would be to deprive the treaty
of moral force, both because it would thus cease to have
reciprocal effect, and because the United States did not
intentionally enter into any such engagement ; and if
such were a possible construction, whether it would not
then become the duty of the United States to seek for the
most honourable means of being discharged from such
obligations, and render themselves perfectly free to re-
establish their proper relations as an American power to
the transit routes of the American isthmus, and the general
independence of America. In fine, the President cannot
consent to any act which implies the existence of a possi-
ble doubt as to this point, as the convention of 180, con-
strued in the sense above supposed, would not be the
treaty into which the United States entered. nor can he do
anything which could be taken to admit, either directly or
impliedly, that there is a question in his mind relative to
the true construction, and he feels bound to take care that,
in entertaining the present proposition of arbitration, he
shall not be understood as actuated by the slightest feeling
of distrust regarding the treaty rights of the United States ;
but the President is not prepared to say that some of the
questions of fact, concerning which the two Governments
differ, may not be conveniently determined by arbitration,
or by some analagous method.

In conclusion, Mr. Marcy observes that the Presi-
dent would prefer that a scientific commission should
settle the rival claims as far as geographical boun-
daries were concerned :

The President does not doubt that any one of the
powers of Europe which should consent to undertake the
task of such arbitration as is now proposed would perform
the duty with perfect impartiality ; but to apply to any
power to do this would be to ask of them an act which. if
granted, would add to their own domestic duties the
labours and burden of settling the complicated differences
of other Governments. He would greatly prefer that, in a
controversy like the present, turning on points of political
geography, the matter should be referred to some one or
more of those eminent men of science who do honour to
the intellect of Europe and America, and who, with the
previous consent of their respective Governments, might
well undertake the task of determining such questions to
the acceptance as well of her Majesty's Government as
that of the United States. You are instructed, therefore,
to enter into communication with her Majesty's principal
Secretary of Foreign Affairs. in relation to Celled
America, in order to ascertain, in the first place, whi • her
the existing differences cannot be promptly terminated by
direct negotiation, and if they cannot, then to discuss the
conditions of arbitration upon those points of difference as
to which alone this method of settlement seems requisite
or applicable ; it being assnred that other points of diffe-
rence would, after that, yield, as a matter of course, to con-
ference between the Earl of Clarendon and yourself, con-
ducted in the spirit of cordiality and frankness which
belongs to your personal relations, and which

the true intertits both of the United States

Britain.--T am, sir, respectfully, your obedient
W."

Geo. M. Dallas, Esq., &c., London.

ch is dictated by
ales and Great
lent servant,
W. L. MaszY.