The Press.
London, England, 1856-03-01 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

Tux doubt, agitation, and panic which were to be expected during the
progress of the Conferences at Paris, have set in. Alarming rumours
—set in circulation no one knows how—are rapidly spread abroad.
Mysterious telegraphic messages keep the wires across the Channel in
constant activity, and promise a thriving dividend to the company.
Every one interested in the negotiation has his own correspondent in
Pa.is, and his own cyphers. Such anxious inquiries after the welfare
of absent relatives, and the safety of missing luggage, never were
known before ; and very sensible people attach more importance to the
whispers which reach them from such dubious sources of information,
than from the broad facts which are open to all the world.

We suspect that the negotiations will, so far as they regard substan-
tial points, be much shorter than was at first supposed. When main
principles are agreed on. the Conference will probably resolve itself
into a Congress, that the sanction of Europe may be given to the
terms of a definitive treaty.
What is known of the procedure of the Conference is highly
encouraging. On the first day of meeting an armistice was concluded,
to last to the 31st March. This is in itself a step much nearer to
peace than was taken at any of the previous conferences. Every one
must rejoice at this humane provision, as it will stop the effusion of
blood while the negotiation is in progress.
It is worth while to go back to see what were the opinions of
Lord PALMERSTON as to an armistice three or four weeks back. On
the sth February, Colonel DUNNE questioned Lord PALMERSTON as to
the conclusion of an armistice; upon which the Premier said, authori-
tatively :

One of the arrangements agreed to at Vienna was, first of all, that preliminaries of
peace should be negotiated and signed, and that afterwards an armistice should be
arranged between the parties. But those preliminaries are not yet signed. A protocol
has been signed at Vienna, and the preliminaries are to be discussed by the plenipoten-
tiaries at Paris. It is not until after those preliminaries have been discussed that the
question of an armistice can be taken into consideration.

In reply to Sir DE LACY EVANS, he repeated his statement that there
would be no armistice until after the conclusion of a preliminary
treaty. We must suppose that his Lordship knew his own mind when
he spoke, and that he was himself favorable to the continuance of
hostilities while the work of negotiation proceeded. Yet we find that
no sooner did the Plenipotentiaries meet than an armistice was con-
cluded. Far from waiting for the conclusion of a preliminary treaty,
their first business was to stop actual warfare; that was made a pre-
liminary point which Lord PALMERSTON declared would be a concluding
point. His Lordship placed himself in the wrong at the outset, and
we fear that the check he has sustained on the first point will be
bruited through the Continent as a proof of the waning influence of
our Government.

The Conference sat on Monday from one o'clock till half-past
four, and the armistice was announced in the Moniteur on the follow-
ing morning. For some reason not yet known, it did not assemble on
either Tuesday or Wednesday, and probably this delay gave rise to
adverse rumours. On Thursday it reassembled, and we now hear that
Lord COWLEY was expected in London last night or this morning to
confer with his Government. In some quarters it is supposed that
one of the first difficult points taken up will be whether Nicolaieff
should be disarmed, and in others that the reserved conditions would
be discussed Wore further points were entered on. All such
rumours are worthless. Difficulties will, doubtless, occur; but there
is no reason whatever to suppose that they will not eventually be

At home, attention has been directed to what is passing in St.
Stephens with almost as keen interest as to what is doing in Paris.
Day by day the weakness of the Government becomes more painfully
apparent. This is the remark, not of political adversaries only, but of
waverers, and even friends. The absence of legislative ability might
be overlooked at this juncture ; but it is impossible to overlook the
gross faults committed. Mr. LOWE'S speech on Monday night was
beard by the House with a shiver. His main argument was directed
to show that prescriptive right was, in his own words, an " iniquity,"
and that corporate property was theft. Every one who heard Mr.
LowE, and perceived the astonishment with which he was listened to,
knew from that moment that he was a lost man. He secured the
rejection of his bill, and the Government abandoned it the next
evening to avoid defeat. Mr. DISRAELI'S caustic remarks on the defeats
of the Government thus early in the session were sorely felt, as their
truth could not be disputed.
But great as was the sensation caused by Mr. LOWE'S socialist
display on Monday night, we are not sure whether Mr. FREDERICK
PEEL did not last evening even exceed his colleague in unenvia-
ble notoriety. The self-satisfied complacency with this worthy speci-
men of Red-Tapism enunciated the numerous benefits that the army
bad received from Lord PANMURE'S tenure of office, created a feeling of
mingled contempt and ridicule, much heightened by the admirable
speech of Sir DE LACY EVANS. As the gallant veteran proceeded in
his curt emphatic manner to unfold the blunders, jobbery, and
nepotism, which have characterised Lord PANMIIRE'S career as Secre-
tary for War, he was hailed with enthusiastic cheering. The well-
known, and we believe perfectly correct, anecdote of the appointment
of General SIMPSON being accompanied in the same telegraph with
" Take care of Dowbiggin," elicited roars of laughter. The story
may be new to some of our country friends General SIMPSON.
on receiving by telegraph his appointment as Commander-in-Chicf,

• ~~

SATURDAY,

read at the end of the communication, " Take care of Down." After
careful consideration, he thought that " Down " might possibly be
some battery on the allied or Russian side, which he had overlooked,
or knew by some other name, and careful was his inquiry through
the camp for this mysterious " Down." When baffled in his inquiry
he telegraphed home to have the word repeated, and then came back
the celebrated and destined to be historical message, " Take care of
Dowbiggin," the name of Lord PANMURE'S fortunate nephew,—fortunate
in having so affectionate an uncle, and so friendly a Commander-
in-Chief. General EVANS alluded also to Kars He stated that
he had himself called the attention of Lord PALMERSTON to its critical
state; he overthrew with a few contemptuous words the pretence that
Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE was to blame, and he charged the great
blot of the war on that Department which should most justly bear its
blame—the British War-office. What was everybody's business was
nobody's, and so Kars was left to its fate. Altogether, the debates of
Monday, of Tuesday, and of last night, were most damaging to the
Government, and in the same degree, we venture to think, advan-
tageous to the country, as tending to display the mismanagement and
incompetency of the Administration.

Society, during the week, has been moralising on the fate of that
wretched being who so recently committed suicide, the late JOHN
SADLEIR. His crimes are neither to be excused nor palliated. The
lesson for the living is a grave one; and what a lesson if it could be read
with calm impartiality! SADLEIR came to Parliament from Ireland,
without social position, moral influence, or solid attainments, but he
was connected with a clique, into which priestly power breathed poli-
tical virus. Cousins and confederates, bound together in unscrupulous
unity of selfish purposes, were offered in a lot for the highest bidders.
The overthrow of the Government of Lord DERBY required a small and
reckless majority of Irish brigadiers, it was, therefore,' within the
power ()tithe Sadleir gang, and JOHN SADLEIR foundfhimself transformed
from a money-lending, speculating attorney, int o a Lord of the Impe-
rial Treasury, and no public measures were passed for Ireland. Never
had Ireland a Government more really friendly to its best interests
than that of Lord DERBY. But a knot of sordid adventurers had a
personal game to play, and a market was found in England for them
while the genuine interests of Ireland were accordingly sacrificed.
The letters of JOHN SADLEIR show how he was drawn on by the force
of political temptations. But why was he subjected to such temptations .1
From the undue price of priestly power, and the encouragement given
to unscrupulous combination by Lord ABERDEEN and his friends. And
why was this given ? To break up a Government which was perma-
nently friendly to Ireland, and which would iu a few years have
changed the whole structure of political life in that ill-fated land.
Let Ireland now count the profit and the loss. What has she gained?
Has a single measure passed on which her affection was placed? Has
any concession been made which her interests required ? Has any
policy been extended to her which tends to promote her prosperity?
But there is an English and Imperial side also to this great question.
Is the Queen's Government for ever to be at the mercy of this gang of
sordid adventurers ? What is to be expected from the nominees of
priests attaching themselves to the " Liberal " party? Nothing else
can result than that our constitutional system will become gradually
tainted. England and Ireland are equally injured by these corrupt
Irish Members, servile to the priests, and without scruples of any kind.
When Parliament assembled in 1852 after the Dissolution, it was well
known that The Irish Party " intended to give the Derby Cabinet
a fair trial, but intriguers interfered, and a mercenary agreement was
struck between certain Coalitionists, and the late JOHN SADLEIR acting
on behalf of the priest-ridden plaec-hunters. It is impossible that
such scandals can be allowed to continue in a free Protestant country,
and we trust that the session will not be allowed to pass without a
remedy.

What could be the object of Mr. PHILLIMORE in his most inju-
dicious motion on Thursday night? Did he think the opportunity a
favorable one for obtaining credit with the Government by following
up Sir JOHN SHELLEY'S attack on the Irish Bench? As it happened,
he overshot his mark, as Judge TORRENS'S judgment had been con-
sidered and approved before its delivery by his colleagues. The im-
propriety of the motion was the more glaring as the appeal to a higher
tribunal is now pending ; and the whole proceeding, if we can suppose
it to have any effect at all, would tend to prevent the natural course
of justice. Parliamentary privilege was never more scandalously
abused than on this occasion.

A HINDU BALLAD.

BY THE RIGHT HON. R. V—RN—N SM—TI!, M.P.
As by St. James's-square I wander'd
I heard a Hindu cry aloud,
I turn'd in pity, and acknowledg'd
The features of the King of Oude.
" Oh, Massa Smith ! "—his Eastern accents—
" Oh, Massa Smith ! have pity do ;
And I for you will sweep the crossing
From Cannon unto Savile Row.
" Your luck now 'tis to be Minister,
But my Lucknow is almost flown ;
A saucy man by most you're reckoned,
Alas ! my sauce is nearly gone.
" Till now you're only known for folly,
Soon something more you'll join therewith—
Annexing Oude is not the same as
Annexing Verson unto Smith."