The Express.
London, England, 1852-01-22 00:00:00

THE STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES.

LETTER 11.-TIIE TORY PROTECTIONISTS.

TO TILE EDITOR OF TILE DAILY NEWS.

SIR,-It is not from the tory protectionist party
that any sane man would recommend ministers to
look for recruits. But this party is the only one in
parliament which equals or approaches to them in
strength. It is the really antagonist party
against which they have to struggle. Before pro-
ceeding, therefore, to review those parties with which
a coalition, partial or entire, can by the remotest pos-
sibility be recommended by arguments substantial
or specious, it seems advisable to cast a glance on
the antagonist power.
The word tory, like the word whig, has at differ-
ent times had very different meanings. The only
tories that have been known in the days of any mau
now alive, are those who were formed, embodied,
and marshalled under the auspices of George 111., of
cunning and despotic memory.
one aim of that monarch, from first to last,
was to make a party of King's friends—that is, of
courtly time-servers. After various preliminary and
partially abortive efforts, he succeeded in this by the
aid of the younger Pitt, and the panic inspired by
the excesses of the first revolution.

The exclusive and domineering policy of " the
great whig families" made the King popular with
many who had originally nothing of the tory in their
composition. The nucleus of his party consisted
indeed of the srecalled " King's friends," but it re-
ceived from time to time accessions from the ranks
of the whigs, and the even more advanced and inde-
pendent liberals. Many joined it as early as 1765,
with a view to shake the family compact of the
Rockingham party. More acceded to it on account
of the obvious tendency or intention of Fox's India
Bill to render the authority of the great whig parties
permanent and irresistible. The coalition of the
whigs with Lord North, by reveaiing the hollowness
of their professions of principle, led to a still more I
numerous revolt among their partisans. The COMlC-
quence was, the utter defeat of the old whigs and
the formation of a Pitt party.
But neither the second I nor the majority of
his followers, were tories at the outset. He himself
advocated parliamentary reform in the beginning of
his career, and opposed it afterwards only on the
ground that it would be dangerous to concede it at
the time. Hisconunercial policy was far more en-
' lightened than that of Fox. In principle ho was
friendly to the claims of the Irish catholics. In
1791 he was strengthened by the accession of the
Portland', Fitzwilliaras, and other old whig fami-
lies. Even the Dundases were originally whigs.
But the alliance of Pitt and his followers with the
King, and their partial dependence on his counte-
nance for support, led them naturally into a habit of
accommodating their language to the tastes of the
court. From merely speaking the language of cour-
tiers, they were insensibly led to entertain the
sentiments of courtiers. The leaven of the more
courteous among them graduallpicavened the whole
mass. The impassioned and imaginative writings and
harangues of Burke imparted a specious and captiva-
ting appearance to the servile spirit that thus insen-
sibly gained ground among them. The exaggerated
representations current of the danger from revolu-
tionary propagandists confirmed them in their aber-
ration from the principles of 168 ii.
All the vulgar and brutal ignorance in the king-
dom—such as animated the mob which destroyed
Priestley's house—joined the ranks of this party.
All the bigotry of the establishment—afraid of
nonconformists, on the one hand, and Roman ca-
tholics on the other —joined this party. All unprin-
cipled seekers after place and emolument joined
this party. The intelligence and patriotism of its
more enlightened leaders were submerged in this
political quagmire. It became in reality as well as
in name a tory party. The war phrensy added to
its violence and intolerance. To avoid raking up
old-world stories, I pon to consider it as it existed
in 1819—the era of its greatest power and greatest
degradation—the era which immediately preceded
its subversion.

By this time the ignorant and servile elements of
the party had obtained complete ascendancy. Can-
ning and his personal friends—a small minority—
were the only remains ofliherality and intellect even
among its leaders. The Manchester massacre, the
spy system, the six acts, the persecution of the
Queen of George IV., sufficiently stamp the charac-
ter of the party and its most powerful limiters.
But as John Wilkes said that. he had at no time
been a sincere and thorough-going Wilkite, so it may
be said of the tory leaders that they were at no
times sincere believers in the servile and despotic
principles they taught and encouraged their fol-
lowers to avow. In fact at the time when George
IV. ascended the throne they felt that the progress
'of public opinion would soon render it impossible fur
them to continue to act upon their professed prin-
ciples. They were at that time busily employed in
preparing their party for their avowal of more
liberal and national views of policy. About that
time money was advanced by the ministers to
establish and support a weekly newspaper that
should advocate principles substantially the same
as those of the Sliosbleryli Ri.r ew whigs,
and at the same time decry and discredit the politi-
cal leaders who professed these principles. No less
a man than Mr. Croker was the principal medium of
communication between government nod the amiable
and intelligent editor of the journal alluded to. Just
lovfore the Queen landed, Mr. Croker attempted to
obtain insertion of some of his abusive attacks en her
'in its columns. lie was refused, on the ground that
they were utterly inconsistent with its tune and pro-
fessions. lie admitted the validity of the plea, with• 1