The Express.
London, England, 1852-03-13 00:00:00

THE ELECTIONS.

MR. DISRAELI IN BUCKDIGRAMSHIRE.
AYLESBURY, FRIDAY, 'Linen 12.
No one unacquainted with the fact would have
supposed from the quiet appearance of the town this morn-
ing that an event so important as a county election—and
that election, in some degree at lout, expressing the opinion
of the electors upon the policy of the newly installed
ministry—was about to take place. There was none of the
excitement nor any of the ordinary signs of en election—as
banners, crowds of people wearing the favours of the
several candidates, or bands of music. The market-place,
wherein stands the county hall—the scene of the election
here—was almost empty, and, altogether, the locality
showed a state of repose inducing a belief that the
inhabitants had mistaken Friday for Sunday, or that the
population and trade of the place had migrated to some
more favoured spot.
The candidates—for there were two of them—Dr. Lee, of
Hartwell-house, having, consented to be put in nomination
—arrived at ten o'clock, accompanied by their friends.
The HIGH-8H BRIEF' having opened the proceedings,
Mr. P. DUNCOMISE came forward to propose Mr. Die-
raeli, who, during the period he had sat in parliament es
member for the county, Lad always been found true to
three principles he professed when the trust was tint con-
fided to him. Mr. Disraeli had always strongly advocated
the interest of his constituents (oh !)—and by every
means in his power had endeavoured to obtain relief for
the agricultural body—(cheep, and a voice " of the land-
lords only ")—whose interest had been most injuriously and
cruelly affected by the measures commonly called free
trade. (Chien, interruption, and • voice from the
crowd, "Yee, that is humbugging the farmers to keep up
the landlord's rent.") Considering the principles on which
the present government had consented to undertake the
administration of the country—remembering the pre-emi-
nent talents of the right hon. gentleman, and the high Wilco
he filled in the councils of the sovereign, he ventured confi-
dently to propose the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli LB • fit
and proper person to represent the county in parliament.
(Cheers, mingled with hisses and groans.)
Mr. G. CARRINGTON, of Missenden Abbey, seconded
the nomination. Ho called attention to the claims Mr.
Disraeli had upon the agricultural body, whose
best interests he had always done all in his
power to promote. He (Mr. Carrington) was
not a free trader. Ho believed it would be found impos-
sible long to keep faith with the public creditor under the
free trade system except by incurring fresh taxes. (Hear.)
With 800 millions of debt it would be impossible, should
we unfortunately be involved in a war, to keep up under the
existing system. (A voice, " Let the rich who force us
into war pay the expense.") (liew, hear.) The present
depressed state of agriculture was confessedly owing to the
mischievous commercial policy of the late government.
Mr. JOHN GIBBS nornieeted Dr. Lee, of Hartwell
House--a landowner, a good landlord, a hard-working ma-
gistrate, and one of themselves, who hail never for the pur-
pose of increasing his own exchequer, sought to put an
extra halfpenny • loaf on the poor man's bread. Ho did
not deny Mr. Disraeli 's great ability; but there was this
peculiar feature in his cleverness—that he could stand and
amuse them for a couple of hours, and when he sat down
no one could tell what be had been talking about. (Loud
laughter.) But that was not precisely the beat qualifica•
ties for a Chancellor of the Exchequer. He admitted
the farmers were in need of relief. He wished to relieve
them; and he would do this by direct taxation—by
• national poor-rate ; and he could show that a six-
penny rate upon the property of the nation would
support the poor better than they were now supported.
Ile regarded the proposition of a 61. duty on cum
as a national sin. The favourite phrase with the protec-
tionists was "Protection to native industry." (Hear,
hear.) But the best way to encourage waive industry was
to remove from it all restrictions, and, above all, to keep
bread and the various necessaries of life as low in price as
possible. (Cheers.) The advantages of free trade in that
locality were to be witnessed in the improved condition of
tho poor labouring population, whose cottages wore replete
with necessaries and comforts, instead of haw, as formerly,
the scene of famine and misery. Ile concluded by proposing
Dr. Lee, whose private character and good standing were
higher recommendations than ambition or a fluctuating
policy. (Cheers)
Mr. SHAW seeowded the aassiastiew.
Mr. DISRAELI, who was absent at the moment when
first called upon, came forward after a brief interval, and
when the cheering with which his supporters hailed him
had subsided, addressed the electors as follows:—Gentle.
men, I am very sorry, I am extremely sorry that I should
not have been at my post when it was my duty to advance;
but I had anticipated an address from the gentleman who
wee about to second the nomination of my honourable op-
ponent, and I wee not prepared for the laconic brevit
which we have just experienced. (Cheers and laughter.l
Gentlemen, so much time has elapsed, I shall at once, wit
your permission, proceed to business. (Cheers.) I shall
not atop to vindicate my past career. (lifter, hear.) If
nothing can be said against me but what 1 did and
said twenty years ago, I think, gentlemen, it is
no presumption that we have a right to supinse that
in the interval I have said and done nothing that can be
very easily impugned. (Chews.) Gentlemen, whatever
were my early Indiscretions, they commenced in the county
of Buckingham, and the county of Buckham has per-
mitted me to atone fur them. (Hear, hear. In talkies as
in everything else, a man is not the worse for having sown
his wild oats. (" Hear' hear," and cheers.) The hon.
gentleman who proposed my honourable opponent has
told you that, though you listened for a long time, and I
spoke fur • considerable period, you would go away without
any definite idea of what were my intentions or what were
the intentions of the government of which I am a mem-
ber. (Hear, hear.) Now, if you will honour me with
your attention, and give me that patience which I know
frost your disposition you are not disinclined to afford me,
it shall not be my fault if you have not from me the most
definite description of what is the intended policy of her
Majesty's government. (Cheers.) This I can say without
affectation, that of me it shall never be said that I have
obtained power upon false pretences. (Much cheering
from the agricultural party.) This I do know, that all my
promises have been earnestly offered out of power, and
now that I am in power it shall ho my earnest endeavour
to put in practice the policy which I have recommended on
the opposite benches. (Cheers.) You must recollect that it
was on no motion that asserted the principles which we
have ever upheld—that it was not by a majority of the
House of Commons sanctioning the policy which we hive
always recommended—that we ware eummoned by her
Majesty to become her servants. Hail it, indeed, been upon
• vote of the House of Commons, which declared in a
manner which could not be mistaken that the policy
which we recommended in opposition slosh be imme-
diately carried into practice, there could have been no doubt
as to what should have been our duty under those circutn.
stances. (Hear, hear.) But you will be pleased to recol-
lect
that it was internal discord—that it was discussions
amongst themselves that caused the late government to fall
—(hear)—it was from the arm of one who hail long been
their cherished colleague and friend that the fatal blow was
struck—(cheers)—snit unless we had obeyed the commands
of her Majesty, her Majesty might have been without ser-
vants and the country without a government. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, there were duties to perform under these cir-

munstanites which it was imposible mild be neglected.
(Chien.) There urn* this urgent sidgasales of the ma
mesa which revolts/ immsibbi attesties—(sheen)—theme
were certain thaw whisk must le Mae, whoever =
be the minister, et whatever might be the policy
be might ultimately plats bears ills estuary. loms.)
And I wish to know what eridssas hoe been gives by the
present administration that they &risk be. is appeal to
the country / (Cheers.) I width, Mow whether the present
adminietratiou has yet had an opportunity Mt M that which
all public men of all tides and Jade of °plass agree it is
absolutely neceseery for the public safety—tor the public
service—should be done before that recurrence to the sense
of the nation should take
_plate which is now so rife in the
mouth of everybody? (Cheers.) It is our duty to fulfil
that which is requisite and necessary; but, while we are
prepared to do that—while we cannot for • moment suppose
that any obstacles can be raised to our doing that
which every man, whatever may be his political
opinions, feels to be absolutely necessary for the service
of the state, rest assured that it is our wish that the
policy of this country should be such as we have recom-
mended for many years on the benches of the opposition.
(Protectionist cheers.) Gentlemen, it is my wish to
express, without reserve, and in a manner which can-
not be mistaken, and in language which no perversion
of faction can render equivccal, what are the intentions
of the government upon this great point. (Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, it is our opinion—en opinion which I myself, as
your member in the House of Commons, have frequently
c :premed—that when the great changes of 1646 were car-
ried, they were carried in a spirit of great precipitation— I
might almost say of panic (hear, hear)—and they were tar-
ried without • due regard to these important productive
interests whom fortunes were by those measures, an the
event has proved, sensibly effected. (Hear, hear.) For
example, in 1816, you repealed the old corn laws. (A
voice : " And a good thing too.") You repotted them
without any. condition ; you repealed them with-
out coneldenne the burden to which the agricultural
interest was subjected, arid which they were always recom-
mended to endure, because they possessed those corn laws.
(Hear, hear.) You elm, for example—l speak with re-'
spect to the great colonial interests to which my hon.
friend who has seconded my nomination has referred to-
day—(mar, hear)—you changed the whole course
of the colonial policy of the country, and atter
acting on a passionate conviction of the people of Eng-
land, increased your netienal debt to terminate slavery ;
you opened your markets to slave-grown produce, in •
manner which even free-traders of great celebrity have
declared was, as regarded your colonies, most unjustifiable.
(Cheers.) Se again, very shortly afterwards, you abrogated
your maritime code, but while you forced British shipping,
for example, into competition with the shipping of all the
world, you left upon the British seaman and the British
shipowner restrictions of a very onerous and injurious cha-
racter. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, on these three great in-
terests—and I, take them only as illustrations— acting
precipitately, and I admit, la Dome degree, under
circumstances of great exigency and emergency, you
came to • settlement, which, so far as those great interests
were concerned, was no doubt unjust. (Hear, hear.) Be-
cause, remember this, gentlemen, so far as the three cases
I have taken arc concerned, even those who are the advo-
cates of that peculiar system which I think is un-
justly called a system of free trade, admit that the
settlement was not carried into effect on principles of poli-
tical and financial justice. (Cheers.) But without reference
to the agricultural interest itself, here is an uncouipromising
free trader who tells you that it is due and just to the
agricultural interest that the question of the poor rates
should be settled. Why, what is that but an admission
that, when the produce of British industry was thrown into
competition with the general produce of the world, the
question of local taxation which he describes as being so
unjust and grievous, should have been settled at the
time the change was made ? (Cheers.) Take now the
ease of sugar. (Hear, hear.) If 1 wanted to establish
the injustice of the present system, should I go to the
chairman or the deputy-chairman of a protection society ?
No, I should go to Mr. Deacon Hume, the
,founder of the
commercial school which the late Sir Robert Peel adopted.
(Hear, hear.) Nay, I might quote Sir Robert Peel's own
words, rend sting 110 far the measures of Lord John Rus-
sell in 1848, because he said sugar was taken out of the
category of free trade in consequence of the abolition of
slavery, which would render it au act of injustice, if not of
illegality, to place the colonial producer in competition with
the foreigner. (Ileac' hear.) Here, then, are two ad-
mitted cases. (Cheer,.) Ana with regard to shipping, no
one has over denied that when the British shipowner and
British seamen are placed in competition with the whole
world, their industry ought to be entirely unrestricted, and
they should be no longer subjected to all those vexatious
laws which restrain their energies and cripple their
resources. (Cheers.) Why, here is another free
trader cheering me. (A laugh.) Hero arc free-
traders admitting that in these three great instances—
instances, be it remembered, in which the greatest
amount of British capital is invested—vis.' agriculture,
shipping, and the colonies, the settlement has been pre-
cipitate, that it has been unjust. (Hear, hoar.) Why we
are unanimous. Then what is the use of bringing forward
an opponent ? (Cheers and laughter.) Why is there a
rivalcandidate ? Why is an individual for whom I have
such a sincere regard as my learned friend—why is he
dragged, as it were, from the classic shades of Hartwell
to tight against a man with whom he fully agrees. (Nu,
no.) They don't agree! Then they are determined to sup-
port the injustice which they denounce. (Cheers.) Now,
gentlemen, 1 will tell you, if you will continue to
give mo the patience you have hitherto granted—
became, understand, I ask you to listen to me, not
from any feeling of idle vanity, but because it
shall not be said, if you will listen to me, that
one of her 'Majesty's =Waters, in my instance, has
attempted to conceal the policy we may wish to pursue. I
will be frank to you, if you will be patient to me. (Cheers.)
Well, it is our opinion that as in the year 1846, and down
to the year 1849, great injustice was done to these great
interests is which such an immense amount of capital is
invested, and on which the employment of so much labour
depends—it is our opinion that justice should now be done
them. (" Hear," and cheers.) I am ,not ashamed to say
that this is our political creed—that justice should be done
to all classes—to the British producer as well as to the
British consumer. (Cheers.) If we can show—and it is
not difficult, because all acknowledge it—that there are
great classes of producers of this country which are
suffering because they arc placed in an unequal competi-
tion, it will not only be our policy as a party, but our duty
an English statesmen, to see them placed in a fair position.
(Cheers.) In dealing with these questions, I shall confine
myself to that interest In which you are immediately con-
cerned ; but you must not consider that when I talk of
land I think that all the interests of the country are con-
centred in lend ; but what I shall say will, I believe, be to
the advantage of the whole:commies:By. (Loud cheers.) We
will consider, then, the question with regard to agri-
culture ; and on this subject it will bo our duty to bring
forward measures which will promote the prosperity of
the British cultivators of the soil, and enable them to enter
into at least a fair competition with the producers of foreign
countries. We have not the slightest desire to restrict the
energy and enterprise of the foreign producer, provided,
when he comes into competition with the English producer,
thel English producer is not overweighted. (Chiefs.) That
is all we want. (Hear, hear.) The vest majority of this
country are then agreed that there is a pressure of taxation
upon the cultivators of the soil which is not experienced by
any other clam (A voice, " That is true.") There are,
however, people who affirm that that is not the ease. I
will, therefore, show you in a few sentences—not by any
means exhausting the whole question, but just by placing
before you the main points with extreme brevity ; and
if any of my opponents—if any free trader in this
meeting—can answer me, tho meeting to-day will
not have been without profit, and I assure
you I will communicate my confutation to the
neat cabinet. (Loud cheers and great laughter.) I
want, however, to place before the free traders here, who,
after all, as they are of Buckinghamshire, are men of sense
and spirit, • few fasts. (" Hear," and a laugh.) The tax
raised upon income in this country is raised upon an amount
in round numbers of something over 200,000,0001. Mediae
per annum. (Hear.) Now, real property contributes
exactly one half of the revenue upon which the income tax
is levied—namely, something more than 100,000,0001. per
annum, or a moiety of the aggregate income upon which
the tax is levied. Real property, therefore, in contributing
to the general and imperial taxation of the country, pays
in Great Britain alone on 10,000,0001. a year extra.
Thus it is quite clear upon the surface that if
100,000,0001. of the 200,000,0001. pays 100,000.0001.
extra, it pays 6,000,0001. more thins it ought to pay.
But then it is said that real property consists of something
else besides land. I admit it. I will put the ease with
great fainters. I will suppose that if the real property is
assessed to the income-tax, for example, at something more
than 100,000,0001., that the land only supplies 50,000,0001.,
or a moiety of that sum—these aro the premises of our
opponents—but I admit it—then it follows that the land
must pay 2,600,000/. more than it ought to pay. That is
quite clear. (Hear, hear.) It is quite clear that by your
system of local taxation, upon the question as stated by the
free-traders, that the land is subject to the payment of two
millions sad • half more than any other class in the com-
munity. (Cheers.) Well, that is • very great burdeu to
place upon the cultivators of the soil when selling upon them
to enter into unrestricted competition with the cultivators
of the soil of all other countries. (Hear.) Then let me ask
you this question, " What is your legislation when you
call upon the occupiers or owners (for the justice or in-
justice of the legislation does not differ in the least whether
it fall upon the occupier or owner, those are distinctions
which at no time were sound, but which, since the repeal of
the corn laws, exist no longer) ; but let me ask what is the
financial system you havedevisedby which the owners, or
I will say the cultivators,of the soil in Great Britain, are
compelled to bear these additional burdens, which no other
class in the community bear ? Let me put before you your
financial system in this country. You have encouraeed
the producer to produee one of the most valuab.e articles
the soil can bring forth, namely, wheat. But of late years
he has been told, since the repeal of the corn laws
(and the British farmers complain that wheat is no
longer remunerating) ; you have now told him that
the British farmer should not produce wheat, that
he produces too much wheat, that he should give
up producing wheat es much as ho could. This
was the advice given to the British farmer by the late Sir
Robert red, and it was the advice re-echoed by Load J.
Russell. It is the common formula of all writers upon
political economy. And the best way to cure the evil
which the repeal of the corn-laws has brought on the
farmers is to encourage as much as tetssible the production
of that article which, under other ircurnstances, was the
most Valuable production of the soil. Am I putting this
ease fairly ? (Rear, hear.) If that he so, you would natu-
rally suppose that the financial system of the country
would encourage the British farmer in the pro-
duction of some other crop. But what is this

ono ? When you go to the next superior crop to
which, under such circumstances, he would naturally
resort, and to which the soil of the country is most favour
able—barley—what does the legislation of this country do ?
Why, it raises upon barley s. revenue amounting to eleven
million' sterling—a revenue equal to that of powerful
monarchies and ancient em tree—(cheers)—for that is the
amount of revenue raised by the malt tax and by the spirit
acts. (Hear, hear.) I say this is monstrous—it is &system
which no doubt could have existence when you gave, as
you say, an artificial price to the farmer for his wheat—
(hear, hear)—but when you tell the farmer we have sub-
jected yuu to such severe competition, that you must giro
up even growing wheat, you are bound to take care that his
production of an inferior ciop is not laden with severe re-
strictions and heavy imposts. Is that justice? Ito free
traders approve of such a system ? But then lam told,
and I dare say the gentleman who proposed my oppo-
nent will tell you, for it is one of those cant phrases which
are so fluently used, that the consumer pays the tax. Motor
the slighted importance to the producer, because the con-
tax of
11,000,000 e upon an article can be paid by the consumer
oauflerimpapoyrsttahnicset!" ("Cfhleer.) ?yoAu ttlaiixnkofthanra
without checking the production of that article ? (Cheers.)
But if it were possible to produce 11,900,0001. from an in-
ferior crop—not the highest crop of the cultivator of the
soil-11,000,000t. raised as a tax without checking eunsump-
tion,what become h of the argument against a tax on wheat?
(Loud cheers.) It is quite clear you cannot have it both
ways—(cheers, and a voice, "Capital")—and I hear a
free-trader honourable enough to admit this, and say
"capital." lam ;lad that conviction has been brought to
his heart. (Cheers and laughter, occasioned by the gentle-
man alluded to exhibiting his blue and white rosette, the
protectionist colours.) 1 sin told that this frectrader carries
my colours—(" hear, hear," and a laugh), and I behest"
you will find many others cam them before long.
(Cheers.) The question, however, we were considering is
one which men se Ito look upou it with some feeling of re-
sponsibility, cannot decide lightly,. or under the in-
fluence of passion. The question is, how are we to
retain " the bli•ssinge of unrestricted importations,"
as those who rill themselves freetrailern nay, and
yet hold the balance so that no injustice shell be dune
to the British prislucer. (Cheers.) hat is the question.
(Cheers.) I will give you, if you will permit me, some
information Oh this subject. First, I will quote the
opinions of freetraders upon it. I will give you the 'minions
or the most rest:::
e;
we ree,::::dors. will Ttn.
opinion published this year, after some obsereations us to
the consequences of your recent legisletion—the opinion
of an uncompromising frectrader, the high( st literary
authority amongst the free-trade writers, one who is con-
stantly referred to in the House of Commons, fuel whose
opinions were as constantly thrown into our faces when
we fought the battle of protection— a gentleman who was
the literary executor of Mr. Ricardo, and who is the editor
of Mr. Adam Smith's works. Is that an authority that
will satisfy my friend there ? (Cheers.) I refer to the
commercial tome on taxation by Mr. M'Culluch. That
gentleman has published a new edition of that celebrated
work this year, 18:12, and in it ho gives us his observa-
tions of the cense:quinces of your recent legislation—and
what do I find in that book? I find ho lays of the malt
tax—and I take it as an example—that it is of the greatest
importance to this country that the malt tax should
be retained, but that it cannot be retained with
perfect justice to the English producer without a
countervailing duty, and Mr. M'Culluch adds, sooner
than give up the malt tax, though it restricts
the industry of the fanner, checks production,
and the consumption of what lie produces—that as it is of
importance to keep this great arm of finance, the best thing
to be done under the circumstances is to give the farmer a
countervailing duty of 2s. ed. a quarter on barley. Now,
I am not giving you my opinion, but I will give it to you
if you will allow me, with the frankness I promised vou ;
but I wish, as we are speaking on this interesting subject,
that you should come to it with calm minds—with that
comprehensive survey of the circumstances which, depend
upon it, will have a salutary influence upon our consciences
and conduct. This, however, is a free-trader who in 1852
recommends this. (Hear, hear.) But Mr. M'Cul-
loch does more. lie says that the burden of local
taxation, the incidence of which I have placed before
you in a manner that cannot be easily confuted—that the
burden of local taxation is most unjust on the cultivator of
the Britiahsoil—(loudeheers)—and the best way of settling
the question (and this is the opinion of Mr. M'Culloch, a
professor of political economy) is that there should be •
countervailing euty of 7s. on each quarter of wheat, and a
duty modified ou the other species of grain. (Hear, hear.)
This is the opinion of Mr. M'Culloch in the year 18.32.
But he says something more. lie says that though this is
unjust though the British farmer, the owner and
occupier of land in Great Britain, is, according to
the present system, placed in an unjust position, such
li is the prejudice and passion of the present mo-
ment, that it would bo no longer wise to do him the
justice to which he is entitled. But I cannot believe my-
self that the great body of the community will agree with
Mr. M'Culloch, that there is a great body of producers
subject to burdens not borne by the rest of the community,
and that no redrew, should be given. (Hear. hear.) You
may not agree with the proposition of Mr. M'Culloch,
though be is one of yourselves, but you must agree, en
Englishmen, to this, that that society is not in a safe state
where any considerable body of the producers carry on their
industry under unfair Meal circumstances. (Cheers.) I
will tell you my own opinion. (flea., hear.) I agree with
Mr. M'Culluch thus far—l think the cheapest, the
easiest, the least espenaive, and fur the community
the best mode of settling this question is by a coun-
tervailing duty. (Immense cheering from the protection-
ists.) I think there is not one penny that would
enter into the aggregate of the countervailing duty but
what might be ascertained with almost scientific accu-
racy, and in that spirit of compromise which I know
the farmers will view the question, I believe they
will he ready to accept such a settlement. Speaking for
the community, and nut speaking for a class, for the culti-
vators of the soil generally, and not for my constituents
only, it is my deliberate opinion that the cheapest, the
easiest, and the most effective way of paying off your debts
—for that is what it comes to—would be to follow the advice
of Mr. M'Culloch. (Cheers.) But I will not say that if
the people of this country—although they admit the iojus-
' tice and express their willingness to settle the claims of the
suffering interests in a spirit of fairness—are determined,
from what I may consider prejudice or passion, or short-
sighted views—if the general body of the commu-
nity have a prejudice against settling the question in this
manner, although it be recommended by the highest au-
thority—l am not going to pledge the existence of a go-
vernment or of a policy on such a measure. (Cheers, and
cries of " oh.") What I would pledge a government to—
the policy which I think no government ought to shrink
from who have taken office under circumstances such as we
have done—is to secure for the agricultural interest ample
and complete redress. (Loud cheers.) lam of opinion, as
I said Wore, that the simplest and cheapest mode of set-
tlement for the community is that recommended by thee)
high authorities—these great political economists—(hear)
—but the people will soon have the opportunity of express-
ing their opinion on the subject. They cannot say that I
have spoken with any reserve—(hear, hear)—and if
they choose to sanction the policy of the highest authori-
ties—men who have given their minds to the subject, and
who were free traders before the brawling free traders
of the present hour existed—studious men who le-
commended that by which they never mule or sought to
make personal profit—(cheers)—if the country in its calm
judgment was to reject the settlement which such men have
recommended, the country must take the consequence. If
they will not in the manner I recommend do justice to tho
agricultural interest, they must submit to a revision of our
taxation, and they may depend upon it that the revision
their own sense of justice will prompt them to accord to the
agricultural interest will be far more complete and far more
costly that the settlement now suggested. (Hoar.) I
I hope gentlemen that even my opponents will not (say that
to-day I have not spoken frankly. (Hear, hear.) I believe
that the most just, the least expensive, the cheapest, and the
easiest mode of settling this question would be to give a
countervailing duty—and I believe that the temper of
the agriculturists would at present induce them to accept
such a compromise in the spirit of conciliation. (Cheers.)
But if it be,which Ido not believe—if it be really the opiuioa
of the community, that the mode recommended by the
highest authorities is not the ono which will please their taste,
then the country must once for all decide that that course
is not to be pursued, though, until that verdict is given, I
shall not credit it, and then we must do that which I have
more than once endeavoured to do in a epirit of compro-
mime and conciliation, with tho hope of putting an end to
those combinations, with the hope of terminating that dribs
between town and country which I have always deprecated,
knowing that we have enemies enough out of England, not
to encourage dissensions in classes in this country—(eheers)
—then, 1 nay, we must give our minds particularly, and the
porliamcnt of England must devote their minds, to the settle-
ment of these questions . perhaps, in some degree, in the spirit
of that very course which has been recommended by free-
traders today. But rest assured, gentlemen, that though
it may not fall to my lot to terminate this quarrel and mako
that adjustment which I should be proud to do, such is the
crying nature of the evil, such is the sense of injustice in
all classes of the country, that though it may not tall to
my lot to make that settlement, rest assured that the next
parliament will have that duty forced upon it. (Cheers.)
I know that some prejudice exists upon what is called
a tax upon the food of the people. (Continued cheering.)
But there is nothing more unwise than to be governed by
prejudice. There are many taxes upon the food of the
Ho orders some bread to eat with his mutton chop; he
anpeodpohrd. orders person,ntuton feohrope,lnanindplhee revoniarstoita. c°(
I. it ricoegt tnanTil. )
oats his bread and' his chop, end the keeper Mll, coffee-
house consequently charges helfeverown for what lie has
a_ implied Inns with. The gentleman say! I cannot tiny you
halea-crown, because that would be taxing the food of the
people. r , (Cries of " Oh, oh!" " ridiculous and laughter.)
Yee it Is ridiculous, says my free trade friend; but remem-
ber this, that 'Miceli) is the lest of truth. (Hear, hear.)
Why this is exactly the case. The analogy is complete.
It is exactly what the free traders said two years ago, that
the 'motile of Eugland have been eating farmer every
night for supper. (Laughter.) liavo your cheap bread,
and have your foreign.flour, hut have them by the exer-
tions of your own industry, and not by unjustly taxing
your follow-countrymen to produce it. (Hear, hear.) it
has been also said that any interference with our commer-
cial system will injure that commercial prosperity
wouldlnth whicheb
efierso
„et place,
l
ry
which we are all so glad tdoutwhtyeitnpoiestlsic.y
re-
commend menthiaat it we
nua followed
te.ting
in-
terference with our commercial system. (Cheers.)
But, you must recollect this—that it is idle to 6UppOSe
that all the commercial prosperity of the present day has
originated merely in our promoting great export, to this
country to compete with our taxed products at home.