The Press.
London, England, 1854-09-02 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1854.

No. 70.—VoL. 11.

theVrtss.

LONDON, B.4TURDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1834.

Tea publication of the last Vienna notes has
made a strong impression on the public mind.
The country knows not how to reconcile these
negotiations for peace with the determination
expressed to 'vigortiusly prosecute the war.
It cannot understand why bases of peace and
the expedition to the Crimea should have been
arranged at the same time. It sees that the
Cabinet is playing a double game, and it is
alarmed and angry at this continued juggling
of pen and sword. The mistrust lately excited
by Lord ABERDEEN'S equivocal language, and
stifled with difficulty by the united efforts of
the Ministry and their friends, is now breaking
out more fiercely than ever ; and instead of
such mild terms as " credulity " and " eonni-
,
vance," to account for the tortuous course of
the- Government sincio.the Eastern quarrel
• became sOrious, the /Gin word " trEaeon "
spolde Trom the platform of a pui,lic meeting
is eagerly caught up by a tkiciwde(L anAlitory
and adopted with passionate excitetiant-,
The leading Government journal labours to
show that these notes have no real signifi•
cance. It represents them as merely formal
documents, not to be understood according to
their obvious meaning, but according to some
reserved intention which it is authorised to
explain in a popular sense. Were this true,
it would only show that the negotiation was
dishonest, and that the character of our
diplomacy was stained with fraud.
In one important particular the terms of
the exchanged notes differ from those con-
tained in Lord CLARENDON'S despatch of July
22. His Lordship stated as one of the four
points on which " the status quo ante bellutn
" must undergo important modifications" that
" the privileged frontier of Russia in the
" Black Sea has enabled her to establish in
" those waters a naval power which, in the
" absence of any counterbalancing force, is a
" standing menace to the Ottoman empire."
This language was in accordance with the
declaration of Lord JOHN RUSSELL in the House
of Commonson the very day this despatch was
dated. But in the notes actually exchanged the
equivalent condition is, that the treaty of the
13th of July, 1841, shall be " revised in concert
" by the high contracting parties in the interest of
" the balance of power in Europe." By this
alteration the guarantee required by Lord
CLARENDON is thrown over, and Count Bum,
reserves to Austria the liberty of adhering to
her original position not to consent to any
alteration of the territorial status quo.
It is " presumed " by . Lord ABERDEEN'S
organ that the two propositions are substan
tally identical, and it supposes that the
contracting parties were agreed that the
equilibrium of Europe could only be accom-
plished by the destruction of Sebastopol and
the Russian fleet. But in the words em-
ployed there is nothing to justify this inter-
pretation. The condition exists without the
least reference to the operations of the war
'me way or the other.

Again, it is urged that Russia was in no way
a party to this note, and that the only object
of the Western Powers was to express the
minimum of the conditions with which they
might be satisfied, and the objects in which
Austria concurred. The logic of this plea is
contemptible. The Cabinet of Vienna was at
the time in negotiation with that of St. Peters-
burg for the express purpose of restoring
peace, and it is not to be supposed that those
bases would ever have been settled unless
there had been a bona fide intention of treat-
ing on them as soon as opportunity served.
The settling them, indeed, was a plain invi-
tation to Russia to negotiate. Common sense
suggests this conclusion from all analogous
transactions. If a man at a market says he
will not take less than fifty guineas for his
horse, he does not positively otter to sell it for
that sum, but he does intimate that he is not
unwilling to part with it on some such
terms, and if buyers are at hand the usual
bargaining takes place. The Vienna note
affirms that peace betweeh Russia and Turkey
cannot be re-established on firm and durable
bases except the four conditions of the note
be accepted, the direct inference being that
Russia by acceding to those conditions would
immediately pave the way for a definite treaty
of peace.
The conditions are virtually those which wg
announced as in contemplation on the 10th
of June last. We are not surprised to hear that
Russia does not regard them as inadmissible.
They involve no substantial sacrifice. The
islands at the mouth of the Danube are an
useless possession, as it was provided by
treaty that they should not be fortified, and
the substitution of the protectorate of the
great Powers for that of Russia alone would
allow her to escape from an untenable posi-
tion on the most favourable terms she could
expect. If these conditions were meant to be
a reality, what shall we say of the efforts now
made to disguise their purport, and to repre-
sent them as impracticable? If meant as a
sham, how low must our diplomacy have sunk!
We believe the truth to be that they were
and are intended to serve as a basis for pacific
negotiation, but that the Government aro
afraid to say so. While the Crimea expedition
is in suspense, they dare not acknouledge
that they have been diligently preparing terms
of accommodation with tho enemy. That fatal
difference of sentiment among them which has
constantly aggravated all the dangers of the
Eastern crisis—which has precipitated them
into war while struggling for peace—which
has stamped their measures with the half-
character fatal to their efficiency—which kept
our fleet in Beicos Bay when it was required
in the Euxine, and landed troops at Malta
which should have gone direct to the Danube—
exists still to compromise the character and
neutralise the force of England. While one
party in the Cabinet is intriguing for peace,
another is urging forward hostilities, and each
regarding the movements of its colleagues
with jealousy, acts as a dreg on all policy.
As a natural result, we have negotiations with-
out sincerity, and hostilities without vigour.
It is the aim of one party to achieve an armis-
tice before a battle, and of the other to push
on a battle before an armistice.

With every fresh evidence of thin disunion
the public uneasiness increases. The advo-
cates for peace and war are equally discon-
tented. They can have no faith in a Govern•
meat which promises both at the same time.

PRICE SIXPENCE.

I

In consenting to retain office when peace was
no longer practicable, Lord ABERDEEN Com-
mitted a great error. Ho might have retired
with decency had he resigned to steadier hands
the task of conducting the war which his
weakness had rendered inevitable. He had
done mischief enough when he had broken up
the settlement of Europe. But he thought
otherwise : his work was incomplete till he
had provoked national antipathies, and had en- •
larged to the widest possible extent the range
of hostilities.
Hitherto the only results of our negotiations
have been to confer great commercial advan-
tages on Prussia, who adheres to our antagonist,
and to vastly increase the political power of
Austria, who still preserves her attitude of
" armed neutrality. The suspicion with
which the latter Pea er is regarded by our
people is the natural consequence of the
lessons taught them for years past by the
politicians now in office. Even Mr. GLAusross
has contributed his part to the work In his
preface to FARINI'S " History of the Romai
State" he wrote :—" Italian writers shot)"
" busy themselves to show that Austria
" really open to the charge which they ma
" against her of giving countenance to &bum
" winking at tyranny, discouraging imprqt
" meqt, and obstructing the tentivaltil
" wards owistitutional freedom in
" States of Italy, in virtue of a pretended pri ,
" teotorate to which she has no claim." In the
last volume of the work, published only a few
months since, the author quotes these words
with pleasure, and, to show their truth, dwells
on the " flagyKant despotism which Austria exer-
eises." After this authority, the indignant strain
in which the Newcastle meeting denounced
the Austrian alliance need excite no surprise;
and as little should we marvel at the coldness
with which Austria receives our advances '-
while profiting to the utmdst by the advan-
tages of her position. It is unfortunate that
our Premier should be the forty-years' friend
of our foe, and that our other principal .. ,
Ministers should have distinguished them-
selves either by gross attacks on the Emperor
NAPOLEON, our firm ally, or on the Govern-
ment of Austria, whose co-operation wo are
now earnestly soliciting.

1

I

....•

.

THE EXPEDITION TO THE CRIMEA.
SEMEMDE a has now commenced under
most melancholy auspices. We defy any
person of ordinary sensibility to peruse the
accounts that have reached us for the last six
days from the seat of war without feeling
grievously depressed. Journal after journal
tells the same sad story of dying officers and
soldiers, and a disheartened army. The
dreadful circumstantiality of the public ac-
counts are lamentably corroborated by private
intelligence, and all the narrators are fearfully
unanimous in recording the prevailing gloom
produced by the .disastrous inactivity which
has resulted from the vacillating policy of the
inexpert organisers of this ill-fated expedition.
Heavy, indeed, is the Ministerial responsi•
bility incurred by the procrastinating policy
that has been followed. It was known that
cholera was impending, and that inaction
would leave the minds of the troops without
the moral stimulus that sustains the nerve

MN

4,. rus ikirusnip stimea as
points on which " the status
" must undergo important mo,
" the privileged frontier of
" Black Sea has enabled her
" those waters a naval pow
" absence of any counterbals
" standing menace to the 01
This language was in accori
declaration of Lord JOHN Russ]
of Commonson the very day tl
dated. But in the notes actual]
equivalent condition is, that t 1
18th of July, 1841, shall be " r(
"by the high contracting partie
" the balance of power in Es
alteration the guarantee rec
CLARENDON is thrown over, a
reserves to Austria the liberl
her original position not to
alteration of the territorial stn
It is " presumed " by L
organ that the two propositi(
tinily identical, and it stir
contracting parties were a
equilibrium of Europe could
plished by the destruction of
the Russian fleet. But in
ployed there is nothing to j
pretation. The condition ex
least reference to the operal
lee way or the other.
_ _