The Express.
London, England, 1864-10-04 00:00:00

HATMLREZT.

Thu Ivan's. BACCHIir7 itD
DX DELLEISLE, Masora Bowe and Duna Madames Beatrice
and Angel.—And Tilt CASTLE OP ANDALUSIA. Meuse.
Wein nackateae, Compton Min Keeley and Madame Wein.

PSINCI&M

TRW IMMO. DORY 113000 D"" LUCK. Mr. D. Wwwy.
And TER ATR ma OF LONDON. Messrs. Vining. J. W. Ray,
D. Fisher, D. Murray, S. Neleoa. IL Forrester, and H. Mellon ;
Mrs H. Marston, Riau- Harnett and Gwynn,.

LYCZUW.
ON SATrIDAT, Oct. E', A NEW DRAVA, lu which
Feeble: will abstain the priacital character.

BRITANNIA..

Tam aTiornak TOM OF TA OCAS tEL Messrs. Cranford.
Drummond . MW %. &mem' by Mews 0. fester, I oafs
Lindsay, and Delo!. , Madams Moon. —And THY THY=
LIVES. Mesdames Yarnold, Cranford, and Scott.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BEIDGZ.

Temp DirL !..ruing, 41t. la
To-Kowtow Morning, W. 17s....Aftarnoww 4h. Ma.

LONDON, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 4.

Tirn universal feeling which M. Daourw DI
LHIITIe Circular on the prospective evacuation of
Rome will inevitably produce may be appropriately
summed up in the proverbs that "it is never too
late to mend," and " better late than never." The
Minister who took office for the express purpose
of arresting M. THouvaales liberal policy by per-
petuating the French occupation of Rome, has at
length discovered that this occupation constitutes
an act of intervention, opposed to the fundamental
principles of public law, and at war with the
Italian policy of the French Government. Unfortu-
nately a period of nearlytwo years has been wasted
in arriving at this very obvious conviction ; but
we are not disposed to quarrel with the late re-
pentance of the EMPEROR and his Minister, pro-
vided only that it proves sincere and lasting. It
is impossible, however, for any impartial critic to
accept without a very considerable abatement the
lofty panegyrics which the official journals pro-
nounce on the magnanimity of their Imperial
master, or to unite in their chorus of praise on the
liberality, enlightenment, and far-sighted sagacity
displayed by the French Government in negotiating
the Franco-Italian Treaty. So far ea it goes it is
undoubtedly a step in the right direction, but it
comes far too late for the Government to be en-
titled
to any special credit for wisdom, courage,
or foresight in taking it. Three years ago the
Italian Government earnestly prayed that some
arrangement might be forthwith made for termi-
wiling the French occupation of Rome, and their
urgent plea was supported by the very reasons
whose resistless cogency the French Minister now
recognises, as well as by others of a more pressing
and practical kind. This just demand of Italy
for the speedy ending of all foreign intervention
was enforced by the unanimous and even indignant
voice of liberal and enlightened Europe. There is
really no good reason why the French Government
should not have listened to that powerful
appeal then as well as now. The Purr was just
as ready, under the influence of appropriate
pressure, to have come to terms with the Italian
Government then as at the present moment, and
the Italian Government was most anxious to nego-
tiate some provisional settlement of the difficulty.
On being reminded of its engagements with regard
to the evacuation of Rome, and pressed to fulfil
them, the French Government haughtily refused to
discuss the question, or make any arrangement,
however prospective, for terminating the interven •
tion, opposed alike to every principle of public
justice and every sentiment of national honour and
self-respect. To Italy, the practical results of this
refusal have during the last two years
been of • very unfortunate and even
disastrous kind. Rome has notoriously be-
come the hot-bed of dynastic conspiracies and
reactionary plots. Under the safe shadow of
French bayonets have been collected and sent
forth those lawless bands of savage marauders that
have been • chronic disturbance to public order in
the Southern provinces, and indefinitely arrested
that peaceful reconstitution of the new kingdom,
and fusion of its social and political elements, that
would otherwise have taken place. Thus, after
every foreign occupation of an avowedly hostile
kind had ceased, Italy found her most serious
dangers prolonged and fresh domestic troubles
created by the persistent intervention of a power-
ful ally and professed friend.
It is satisfactory to know that there is at least a
prospect that this source of trouble and confusion
may within a fixed period be brought to an end.
M. DRODYN DE Linva decides on unanswerable
grounds that the occupation of Rome cannot, with
honour or safety, be indefinitely continued, and his
despatch is thus a complete justification of the
severe adverse criticism to which the Roman
policy of his Government has recently been ex-
posed. He justly represents it as vicious in prin-
ciple and mischievous in its results. It is, accord-
ing to the French Ministry, so opposed
to every maxim of French policy as
well as to the sentiments and asp:rations of the
French nation, as to have been from the first a
mere abnormal and temporary arrangement. Since
the Eareana gave effect to the national will by
his decided and practical avowal of friendship to
Italy, the Roman occupation has become, it is
confessed, peculiarly inconsistent and theoretically
intolerable. It gives the lie to the very object&
for which the Italian campaign was undertaken.

"The occupation of Rome constitutes an act of
" intervention contrary to one of the fundamental
" principles of our public law, and is the more

" difficult to justify inasmuch as our object
"in lending Piedmont armed support was
"to free Itsly from foreign intervention."
The practical results of the occupation are, it is
at length discovered, equally injurious to the
character and position of the French Government.
The rule of the SOVEREIGN PoNmr, in its &MLA
disregard of all the true ends of government, of
public order, public justice, and popular interests,