The Press.
London, England, 1858-12-11 00:00:00

THE PRESS, DECEMBER 11, 1858.

1206

cteteris paribus, a nobleman is more fit to rule than
a Vcotton-spinner, because rulers must be men
whose minds are sufficiently enlarged to take in
the interests of the whole nation viewed as one
body. They must not be men whose minds are
contracted by being continually absorbed in the
pursuit of one object. And he fairly enough
adds, " The nobleman considers the claims of all
" classes equally ; the spinner considers every-
" thing to be good or bad, according as it ex-
" tends the interests of cotton." It is, moreover,
absurd to speak of rulers as a class, because, in
fact, they are taken from all classes. The middle
classes contribute a large number, and sons of
colliers, and hatters, and soap-boilers, and artists,
and newspaper-writers, and brewers, and physi-
cians, and Scotch parsons, and weavers, have
all sat upon the Treasury benches. It is
clear, then, that the middle classes are not
shut out from ruling, if they have talent
for it ; but the truth is, that the number
of that class capable of ruling is utterly dis-
proportionate to the qualified persons of the
upper class. In three notorious instances the
middle-class holders of railway shares went to the
aristocracy for a chairman of their company, and
one of them actually resigned in disgust because
his middle-class constituents would not abide by
their engagements. To these cases Mr. BRIGHT
adds the Crystal Palace, in which there is no
aristocratic management, but which is entirely
governed by the " capable " middle class ; and
he adds somewhat bitterly, " Its present condi-
" tion shows in what a plight the country would
" have been had the rulers of that speculation
" been also the rulers of the State." It would not
be wise of the Bright school to push too far the
inquiry whether aristocratic rulers or the middle
class had the control of Government contracts
for the army and navy.
Mr. BRIGHT'S adversary spares him in no
respect. After quoting a passage in which the
Radical orator made some blundering allusions to
the condition of Highland shepherds, and showed
that he knew nothing of that class, he proceeds
in the following passage to expose how little he
knew of the circumstances and habits of the class
he reviles :

"You remember that you, Mr. COBDEN, and I,
served together on a committee to inquire into
the expediency of reducing generally the salaries
of the public servants of the Crown. One of the
persons examined was Lord JOHN RUSSELL : he
went into great details of the experience of his
official life : he mentioned the number of occa-
sions when Ministers are called upon by their
position to contribute largely to various public
subscriptions : he pointed out the necessity of
his having a larger house, and consequently
larger establishment, than when he was not in
office; and that being not of extravagant habits,
he had never from his earliest youth been under
any pecuniary difficulties till he was in office,
when he became slightly embarrassed. He stated
amongst other expenses the necessity of seeing
many persons at dinner whom he could not con-
converse with at other times ; not only members
of Parliament, but persons of intelligence from
the country, and even from our colonies and
foreign countries, by intercourse with whom he
acqu►red much valuable information. Never shall
I forget the astonishment of all of us when you
and Mr. COBDEN doubted the advantage to be
gained by asking such persons to dinner, and in-
quired if he did not save as much expense by
being asked out again to dinner in return for the
invitations he gave : so little did either of you
understand the real nature of such establish-
ments, or the habits of private and friendly inter-
course in that rank of society."
There are points in which we cannot agree
with Mr. DRUMMOND—points in which we can-
not approve his temper or his style—but as a
whole it is deeply instructive and tolerably
amusing ; and considering how thoroughly it cuts
the ground from under Mr. BRIGHT, we do not
wonder at the bitterness, and, we must say, mis-
representation, with which it has been treated by
Radical contemporaries.

THE FRANCHISE IN BOROUGHS.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."
Sir,—As it seems that the triangular duel is to be
fought on the floor of the House of Commons, in the
ensmn on the subject of Reform, I think it
'her useless, before considering in
franchise should be extended, to
understanding on the extent to

which it has been carried already under the Reform
Act of 1832.

Of the county franchise I will not say anything on
the present occasion further than to remark that the
fabulous variety of interests, which entitles persons
to be registered to vote for counties, was the subject
of a Parliamentary inquiry some years since, which
resulted in a Blue-book of more than ordinary size.

- My business to-day is with the borough franchise.
The Reform Act conferred the franchise upon every
occupier of a house, warehouse, counting-house,
shop, or other building of the yearly value of 101.,
who shall have paid his rates and taxes for a certain
period, such payment having been required as some
test of solvency, and almost abrogated by subsequent
legislation. Such being the letter of the law, I
think that there are few of your readers who will not
he surprised to learn that the Court of Common
Pleas decided on appeal that the occupier of one or
two attics in the City of London, who paid 4s. 6d. a
week in the shape of rent, was an occupier entitled
to be registered under the Reform Act. The result
is that in the metropolitan boroughs almost every
married man is entitled to a vote.
It is not unworthy of remark that the appeal from
Cie decision of the revising barrister has been to the
Court of Common Pleas alone, and that from 1832
to the present time the decisions of that court have
almost invariably been in favour of the claim to be
registered. Far be it from me to suggest that the
court has erred in its judgments. I only allude to it
in answer to the suggestion of the soi-disant Re-
formers that the existing trane,hise is of a very limited
character—the fact being that in all places a large,
and in some cases a preponderating, proportion of
the labouring classes is already inscribed on the
register of voters for cities and boroughs.
Nothing is more fallacious than figures—as the
above statement shows, for it is a complete answer
to the argument deduced from returns of the num-
bers of 101. houses in the kingdom.
The return of greatest weight, in considering the
necessity for a Reform Bill, is that which shows that
of the electors already on the register not mote than
two-thirds, and in many places not one-half, take
the trouble to walk to the polling-booth to record
their votes.

Mr. Bright has spoken, aad Birmingham has
furbished up its arms, but the hon. member and his
constituents have alike failed in making a single
practical suggestion on the coming question of
Reform. Nothing is so easy as to frame a preamble
—and I fancy that even Mr. Bright will find nothing
is so difficult as to draw a bill which the country will
accept.

Chn:ch maintained by the occupiers of real estate,
is as well established as the right of the occupiers of
that estate to their possession, or of the landlords to
their reversions. It arises out of the same law, and
is defended by the same sanctions."

I do not send this for publication to stir up angry
feelings ; my object is of a totally different character.
I would, if it were possible to preserve peace among
Christians, advocate a fair and equitable compromise.
And, if this should be resisted by the Dissenters,
ant satisfied the Church would be greatly
strengthened. I still hope that some plan will be
proposed to vindicate the law, with a due regard to
the feeling and prejudices of the dissenters.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,

JOHN Cox.
Fairstead Rectory, oth November, 1858.

foreign 6orresponbence.

Pants, Thursday.
THE official Moniteur has taken the trouble to Con-
tradict, in two sentences, the rumours which were
lately prevalent here of a war with Austria being im-
minent. But the contradiction does not alter the
fact that the relations between France and Austria
are and have long been unfriendly, and that, as-
stated in my last, the prospect of a war some day
or other with Austria is on the Imperial cards. " Suf-
ficient," however, " for the day is the evil thereof
and so let us be thankful for the peace which fez the-
present we are destined to enjoy.
Talking of Austria, I yesterday had the pleasure•
of conversing with an intelligent Austrian nobleman,
just arrived from Vienna. He represents the internal.
situation of that great empire as extremely grave..
For example, the financial embarrassments of the
Government are almost insurmountable, and the-
various schemes to which it has lately had recourse
to lessen them have turned out ill ; the monetary
system has been thrown into confusion by recent
changes, and Jews have made all sorts of strange
traffic in the new and old coins, to the grievous loss-
of every individual ; the rapacity and harshness of
the bureaucrats—and Austria literally swarms with,
them—exceed all bounds; the young Emperor's,
good intentions and strenuous efforts to promote the.
welfare of his people go for nothing, owing to the,
supineness or positive hostility of the functionaries.
who should support him ; trade is bad, agriculture.
depressed, distress greater than was ever known,
before. The consequence of all this is that profoundl
discontent exists throughout the land and amonget
all classes. Nor is the moral situation one whit
better than the material one. The Concordat with
Rome has excited universal disgust. The country,
and particularly the capital, is invaded by Papal
" missionaries," who preach in the different cluirchss
from morning till night. It is the fashion for women.
to go to the sermons, but men laugh them to scorn;:
and so, whilst women neglect their families to gad.
about from church to church and preacher to.
preacher, the men proclaim almost downright loft:
delity and plunge into profligacy. On the whole,
the situation of things is strained, violent, false-;: and
before it can he amended there must be a smash.

Count de Montalembert refuses to accept the
pardon whicl. the Emperor gave him last Thursday
" on the occasion of the anniversary of the 2nd of
December," and appeals to the Imperial Court (a
French Court of Queen's Bench) against the con-
demnation pronounced by the Tribunal of Correc-
tional Police. A great deal of discussion has taken
place as to whether or not the pardon quashes the
right of appeal—as to whether or not the Emperor,
from vexation at the appeal being made, will with-
draw the pardon—as to whether or not Count de
Moutalembcrt, in the event of the condemnation on
him being confirmed, can insist on going to prison in.
spite of the pardon—and, lastly, as to whether or not
he, by his condemnation, falls under the category of.
suspects, that is, the people whom the Government
can by law exile from France to some neighbouring•
country or despatch to the sands of Lambessa
the swamps of Cayenne. But it would be a waste of.
time to enter into an examination of these various-
points, inasmuch as the Emperor's determination is.
to allow the appeal and maintain the pardon; so that,.
if M. de Montalembert be condemned anew, he
will be as free as he was before he was conderanedi
at all.
Lord Brougham is here, and, as his way is, has
been seeing all the great political people of the day
who are now in Paris, and talking with them at much:
length about the great event of the day, which is the
Montalembert affair.
Some expectation is entertained that Paris will!
in a few days witness one of those grand military
pageants in which it delights. Another of the
gigantic fortress-like barracks which the Emperor
has caused to be constructed in important strategic!
Positions—that near the fountain called the Chateau

ensuing session, or
mar not be allogetl
direction the
to a clear

,i,Esu, on the Boulevard du Temple (a fountain
which has witnessed many an assemblage of armed
revolutionists and many a barricade)—has just been
completed, and is about to be occupied by troops.
It has been recommended to the Emperor that the
it inauguration " of the new fortress shall be made
the pretext of a military display ; and it is urged that
such a display would not only please the people—a
thing always worth doing—but would afford an
opportunity to the army of making, in the presence
of all Paris, a manifestation of Imperial enthusiasm,
which would be useful as a lesson to the adversaries
of the Imperial regime. It is also urged that it is
good policy to show the gentle Parisians from time
to time that the Government has always at its beck
and call 20,000 bayonets, many thousand sabres, and
many score cannon. All which the Emperor has
taken into consideration.

It is at present intended that the Legislative Body,
as the French Parliament is called, shall meet early
in February. As, however, this body possesses no
other power than that of sanctioning the measures
which the Government may think fit to submit to it,
and of voting the money the Government may think
fit to demand from it, its meeting is of no other
political importance than in so far us it necessitates
a speech from the Emperor.
You have been informed in previous letters that
the Empress has a great dislike to residing in Paris,
owing to the repeated attempts that have ‘)een made
in it to take her Imperial husband's life.—" It is
only in Paris," is her exclamation, "that the assas-
sin's hand is raised, and I hate Paris !" In conse-
quence of this sentiment ber Majesty tried to post-
pone as long as she could the departure of the Court
from Compiegne, and by her influence with the
Emperor she obtained postponement after postpone-
ment. At last, Thursday, the 2nd, was fixed for the
return ; the Empress begged for another delay, but
was told that it could not possibly be accorded.
Whereupon her Majesty with her own fair hand drew
up a petition to the Emperor, humbly supplicating
for an additional delay of a week, or at the very least
to Sunday, the sth, and she based her prayer on
three grounds :—first, that the chamber of' the Prince
Imperial at the Palace of the Tuileries having
undergone some repairs was somewhat damp; second,
that a new study made for the Emperor himself was
unwholesome; third, that she herself and the ladies
of ber suite had not dresses " fit to be seen in," and
must consequently get new ones made. This petition
her Majesty signed, and all her ladies of honour, by
her direction, signed it likewise. And when the
Emperor was about to sit down to dinner, in swept a
troop of chamberlains and lackeys, carrying a gigantic
silver salver, on which was a document bearing an
enormous seal. " What is that ?" said the Emperor,
greatly surprised. The Empress looked astonished,
but demurely suggested that perhaps it was " a
petition from some poor people." The Emperor
broke the seal—read—smiled ; and amidst a pleasant
peal of laughter from the Empress and her ladies
graciously decided on remaining at Compiegne to
Sunday. So, the Imperial return took place only on
Sunda) last, and it was not accompanied with the
pomp that some people bad expected. A special
train from Compiegne—a number of Court carriages
—an e-cort of the magnificent regiment of Cuiras•
sters—and salutes more or less cordial from knots of
people here and there—that was all.

One of the first things the Emperor did on his
return to Paris was, I hear, to express strong dis-
satisfaction at the manner in which the new arrange
rnentot the Tuileries gardens has been accomplished.
Some weeks back his Majesty saw the alterations
when they were in progress, and did not like them,
but allowed himself to be persuaded that they would
produce an intim ely better effect when completed.
" What has been done is not stall like what T directed !"
was, however, his final observation to the unfortunate
wight to whom the operation was confided, and it
was made in au angry tone. But, though the changes
do not please the Emperor, they are, on the whole,
admired by the public.
I bear that the Government has received a
despatch from the commander of its naval station on
the western coast of Africa, Captain Protets, stating
that a new difficulty about the " free immigration "
of blacks into the F, eneh colonic a had arisen—three
English cruisers having by force compelled a French
ship to disembark a cargo of blacks. But, after the
letter of the Emperor, this " difficulty " will no doubt
be easily arranged.
It is asserted here in political circles that there is
110 truth in the statement ma le by some of the Lon-
don journals that the King of Naples has expressed
a formal desire to be reconciled with England and
France; but it is said that the King of Bavaria, pro-
bably with the consent of all parties, is about to try
to bring about an arrangement.
The Jewish consistory in this city, you are aware,
requested permission from the Government to pro-
secute the Church organ, the Univers, for libelling
the Jews; but the Government has deemed it expe-
dient to refuse the permission, in order not to aggra-
vate the religious excitement which prevails.)