The Press.
London, England, 1853-07-09 00:00:00

JAMAICA.

WE are not disposed to enter into pretnature,
and possibly fallacious, criticism on the Duke
of NEWCAIiTLE'S plan for Jamaica. The studied
obscurity of the Miuister's hulguage,

THE PRESS.

while it affects to explain. in reality conceals,
his intention, is more probably a result of igno-
rance and indecision than of a preconcerted
dissimulation. All external circumstances are
in his favour, it' he only knows how to avail
himself of them. Everybody agrees that some.
thing must be done. Not many persons have
rival projects in the field. There is a general
feeling that matters cannot be much worse
than they are ; and that almost any change
must be for the better. The planters have
ceased to hope for the restoration of differen-
tial duties. The colonists, weary of vehement
anti profitless controversy continued for years,
are ready to fall in with any compromise which
shall give them repose anti union without a
sacrifice of honour. Jamaiea, in 1145:1, presents
the spectacle of a great crisis, which to all
able administrator is a great opportunity.
Whether the Duke of NKWeASTILE be such an
administrator or no, his conduct iu this in-
stance will mainly decide. But nothing in his
antecedents gives us reason to hope ; for, like
all politicians trained in his school, the Duke
of NEweAsTLE is essentially a Man of routine
and precedent, combining a strong desire for
cheap popularity with an equally strong reluc-
tance to break through the formulie of official
custom. Now, the present is precisely an oc-
casion to which these formulae do not apply,
and where abstract principles of colonial policy,
such as draw cheers in Parliament, are likely
to do mischief. Let the social state of Jamaica
be for a moment considered. It is peculiar,
artificial, almost anomalous. It combines ele-
ments of discord seldom found together—an
absentee proprietary, a ruined agriculture, a
dominant and a subject race, associating oil
terms of pretended equality but real distinc-
tion, a franchise exceedingly limited, anti a
local Government unusually powerful. There
is little trade, general ignorance, a want of
proper local organisation, anti a deficiency of
internal communication. Add to all this
that, setting aside the want of sufficient
civilisation, Jamaica is one of those colonies
which, unlike Australia and Canada, can
never hope to stand alone. She is weak,
surrounded by jealous neighbours, and
hated for the example she affords of negro
independence under a civilised Government.
Between Cubans and Americans there exists
little sympathy ; but they agree in cordial
detestation of a state of things which seems to
indicate that negro freedom is not necessarily
synonymous with anarchy. Jamaica, there-
fore, cannot look forward to ultimate separa-
tion from'the British dominions. As in the
ease of Texas—am in the future case of
Mexico—the declaration of her independence
would but precede her final anti miserable
subjugation, or, unsupported, she is de-
fenceless ; and, even granting that St. Domingo
retains, and Cuba vindicates, her liberty, the
prospect of an African confederation, composed
of many separate states, seems hopelessly dis-
tant. For so complex a machine of politics
the highest administrative talent is required ;
and of this talent the African race, in its pre-
sent stage of progress, seems utterly devoid
Jamaica, then, must be legislated for, not as a
temporary, but, like India, as a permanent
possession—so far as permanence can be pre-
dicated of any human institution. Confessedly,
her institutions are defective. Confessedly,
it rests with the British Parliament to amend
them. Confessedly, the democratic institu-
tions, which are the natural and legitimate
development of an Anglo-Saxon colony, do not
suit a population lately escaped from slavery.
and of which the great mass is still deep sunk
in sloth and barbarism. Yet while democracy,
pure and simple, is impossible, nu territorial
aristocracy wicit3; and the principlu of tau

219

ua►rhy is indifferently represented by a stipen-
diary governor, replaced every five years.
Such are the polities of Jamaica. Reform is
indispensable ; it must be carried out by
Parliament ; it involves the necessity of
constructing a government, not, in the main,
dependent upon any one of the three great
constitutional principles of modern times ;
and this government ►s to be, not tr►unsitional,
but final—ealculated, not for the mo►uent, but
for a generation or mom. For such work a
statesman is required, and one of very different
calibre from the Duke of NEWCAsTI.E.

THE SIMONY BILL.
emineuM EN of all classes and descriptions,
from those whose opinions our contemporary
the Guardia/I represents down to the Rev. S.
OsaoaNx, the lively correspondent Of the
Times, term to have, made up their minds that

the sale of advowsons and next ln•esentations

is tWa+alsiiallallly al aran►hit ti) tilt+ Chitral US
w►'ll as th►' subject of illegal contracts. Though
we do not question th►+ accuracy of this I►oKi-
ion, it see MS clear that, it' any turasur►' he

passed into a law for the Inn-pose of reiaet

nig the evil, it. ought to receive more con-
sideration than the bill to render illegal the

male of a next presentation brought in by Dr.
lt. l'uo.umony, which was read for the first
titne, at midnight, on June 16th, and was the
subject of discussion at the morning sitting on
Wednesday last. in these days every invasion
of the right of property (especially of Church
property) is attended with danger; and tin'
provisions of this bill seem to us most objec-
tionable in print iple. as being nothing more
than a step towards the prohibition of the sale
of an advowson and the subversion of our
whole system of Church patronage. Dr. PHII.-
I.lMonli and his co-mates of the 1 iladstonian
school are for ever led astray, by their at-
tempts to reform the Church abuses of the
present century, by a reference to the eccle-
siastical institutions of the fourteenth ; and,
however we may join with them in deploring
that a parish should be committed to the
charge of incumbents who have been pre-
sented through the medium of hard ((ash, it
by no means follows that they will perform
their duties one whit less effectively than
the recipients of Crown or Episcopal patronage,
whose preferment is almost in every came due
to "letter and affection." It seems absurd to
say—knowing as we do how the greater 'por-
tion of Church patronage ii 4 dispensed—that
the power to sell presentations as now per-
mitted by law has a tendency to stop the pre-
ferment of worthy individuals; and we are
disposed to think that in these days the con-
duct of the incumbents is perhaps better regu-
lated, by the watAlfitlness of their superiors,
than by any attempt to control their appoint.
moat. No one would more willingly than our-
selves violenr in any measure which is likely
to advance the ellillie of the Church ; but Dr.
PIIII.I.IMoRK 111141 his friends should remember
that, by their vote on the Canada reserves,
they have opened the door to the confiscation
of ecclesiastical property ; and, if they really
have the interests of the Church of England
at heart, tiny should be careful how they
bring forward any rash or ill-digested pro-
I• jects.

MAZZINI AND HIS APOLOGISTS.
IT is not a matter of surprise to Uri that our
►pinions on Italian polities should not be
agreeable to our " Liberal " contemporaries.
Such us those opinions are we shall continue
to set them forth to the best of our power,
without stepping aside to indulge in angry con-
troversy ; nor should we notice an attack which
hay been wade upon ua by a, weakly cuuteut•

I

poraty (the Leader), if that attack did not in
volve an error which, on all occasions, we
desire to combat as mischievous, by influencing
the speculations of our writers and our
statesmen on the subject of foreign polities
since the disastrous year 1 S4f.t.
We are accused of a want of " generosity,"
because we do not augur well of the Liberal
cause o► the Continent—that is to say, it is
made a matter of reproach that, in estimating,
the present state and future prospects of Eu-
t•ope, we desire to take the guidance of our
reason rather than of our feelings. If, indeed,
we were looking down from another planet on
the great drama of the world, it might be safe
to treat the passing scene as the denouement of
an interesting story, rather than the progress
of un experiment of immense importance and
fearful risk—it might be generous to prefer
names to things, theories to facts, our wishes
to our knot•ledge. But, closely connected its
are British interests with those of continental
Europe, by the pmgress of civilisation, and
still store closely by the meddling policy of
the Foreign-office, it is most mischievous to
give the reins to our imaginations, and to in-
dulge our prejudices without restraint because
our prejudiees are amiable. It is the first
duty of all who aspire to influence public opi-
nion carefully to in►luire, and fearlessly to
enounec, the truth, no matter how unpalatable
the truth may be. In the year 184 s, when the
issue was not yet tried, it might, perh►tps, be
excusable, it certainly wits natural, to hear
the voice of hope in preference to that of
reason. But, now that the bubble has burst,
that every boast has been disproved, every
delusion dispelled, is it the language of sanity
to urge that generosity and chivalry" oblige
the statesman to deny the history of the last
four years, and to discredit the evidence of his
senses'?

We beg to say that we do not confound in
one indiscriminate censure all refor►ners, from
AmuLiu to MAZZINI. 1111.1/0 pleasure in ad-
mitting the integrity and uprightness which
distinguish the first of these names. In moral
worth and honesty of purpose there was the
greatest ditlerence among those who headed
the reforming movement in Italy. In the un-
fortunate result of that movement the contidin.,
and honest are unhappily confounded with
the artful and dishonest, whose dupes and vie-
thins they have been, and with whom, against.
their will and contrary to their intentions,
they have co-operated in producing, first
anarchy, and then, by a necessary reaction,
despotism.
By denying the virtues of MAzzist it seems
we have shown ourselves utterly ignorant of
the state of European opinion. This is strange.
We only follow the authorities who are quoted
with applause by our eontemporary himself'. It
is from their invect►ves we leant that MAZZINI
has been disowned and denounced by his bro-
ther agitators, who itemise him of having ruined
the cause of liberty by his intrigues. But we have
no wish to prolong the discussion. The real in-
tention of all the great agents of mischief in
all ages has been a subjeet of doubt a
doubt which in the present ease we have little
interest in solving. If MAZZINI is insineere,
he is the more eontemptil►le as a man ; if he
is sincere, he is the more dangerous as a eon-
spi►nttor.

"THE PRESS" AND "THE OBSERVER."
TO THE EDITOR 01' " THE PREgB "

Sir,—" A constant reader of the ()Nemo." is not
easily astonished by effrontery in the way of appro-
priating other is‘ople's words and intelligence; hut
the following ease is rather too bad. On Sunday
morning. July :trd. the Obsercer gave under the usual
head, " Latest Intelligence," where its special news
is placed, and dated " ()inferrer Office, Sattirday
night," some s'acts of the gravest import, which
served the Times of Monday as the theme for its
chief article on the Russo-Turkish question. Those
facts were copied verbatim from the first article of
your journal of July •,:nd, without acknowledgment,
and deliberately appropriated as original intelligence
of the (Marrow. I cannot help forwarding the para-
graph, to make sure that it does not escape your
att?ntion.—l um, sir, our occasional reader, and
obedient servant, J. B. M,
July a, 1853,

THE PRESS.