The Express.
London, England, 1852-02-03 00:00:00

Bite earpreOrl.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
&Mewl Ratios of " Firm." eassalawie •be was lone es
.10relt-." pableibei ewe, Tuesday Wtriday sight. is Weis
Is pod.
Mew Odowiesto laWielod for " The Exprew," Loedoo avocooe mot.
mew bo et Ow titUo, le. Beevordiewoot. Two u'olueli oa the
iss el pubtlietim.

1110111 WATIR AT LONDON BRIDGE
Ti. DAT —Notaiits.l% 0.6 ..Afterams. 12..
Tareamm—aleralag.l2a. as. Jarman. I. 124..

LONDON, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 3.

PARLIAMENT met to-day. and we mar now cx-
pe~a~et to know forthwith what it is that Lord JOHN
RUSSELL intends to offer us under the name of a
New Reform 11111. With prudent vigilance, two
metropolitan districts held meetings last night, to
open the discussion on this important topic. Mary-
kbone and St. Pancras have led the way in this
good work, and at both gatherings—as will be seen
by our reports--Tug liaitarr was referred to SS a
requisite feature in any measure claiming to be a
real measure of reform.
One thing is indispensable in the new Ittilsw.
Reform WI : it must be honest. We would not
take upon us now to say that. if it do not go this'
sr that length, the country will reject it ; but we do
matidently prophecy that if it be palpably mere
ohmage without improvement it will be received,
whet with cold contempt or clamorous derision.
And we say this, first and foremost. with retirenc•
to the question of secret voting. It is impossible to
shut one's eyes to the many symptoms of Lord
Jouse• intending to play fast and loose with this
question. The official tiraillotrA always sent before
fin crowds to raise a dust and divert attention by the
orarkiug of their gnna,—in order that no oppor-
tsnity may be afforded of examining ministerial
nseusures too closely, until the time comes to insist
upon the people's immediate and final declaration
whether they will or not have them. --are swarming
end jumping about in the most determined manner.
And by their very eagerness to deprecate expressions
ofopinion on the subject of the ballot, they call atten-
tion ti it. They modestly hint that it may be left
an open question, and take great credit to Lord JOUR
See the liberality of such a determination.
Now there are good reasona.-- plenty as black-
berries "—for refusing to allow ministers to evade
the question of secret voting in this fashion. One
is as good as a thousand. Twenty years ago
when the first reform bill was in agitation—Lord
Joins Itessy.t.t. and his colleagues professed to be
nodes bled about the ballot. They could not support
it; they could not take upon them to condemn it.
Sonic of them, they gave the public to understand
were friendly, others hostile to it. They begged
Ihn to have it left an open question. And the
method they adopted to promote the decision of this
yen question was to prevent its discussion. At all
?abb.. meetings held to express local opinion with
mgard to the reform programme of the whip
Nampa, in 1.431, some very moderate reformer was
owe to rise to deprecate the introduction of
the question of the ballot, "lest reformers should
he die ided." We affirm deliberately, and upon per-
sonal knowledge, that in almost every instance
of
this kind that came under our own obser-
vation, the orators who played this part either
were at the tine, or were subsequently recognised as
put y •genta of the whip, and that most of them
have since met with their reward.
Well the ballot question was nut premed. In
Ilklt the people honoured the bill drawn by ministers
gaining the ballot to be deducted as discount fur
rompt jelyment. Time was allowed to lord Jolts
Braley and his colleagues to make up their minds
es the merits of the ballot. Twenty years have they
bad to pootkr that knotty problem; twenty years
replete with instructive illustrations of the effects of
open voting. If their minds arc not now made up
se the question, they are minds of that character
that never can form a derided opinion. If they are still
at sea. they are incompetent to act. Either the ballot
is a good thing or a bad; either it ought to make
part of the new Reform Bill or it ought not ; the
time has come to produce the new Reform Bill, nut
to inluire what it ought to contain.
New, there arc two things expected from the new
Reform Bill: First, that it shall extend the franchise
to (lanes who ought to have it, but have it not;
second, that it shall do what is possible to make the
votes of the constituencies the sincere and accurate '
axprowion of the sense of the constituencies. To
the former requisite we attribute great importance.
It is of the utmost consequence that all the intelli-
gence of the nation should be brought to bear on the
elections to the legislature; it is of the utmost anise-
pence that the number of those who, by benefts:
without the pale of the constitution, are kept
to it. should be reduced to a minimum. To the
second we attribute still greater importance. So long
on it is left a matter of doubt whether elections areas.
We not a sincere expression of public opinion,
the legislative assembly composed by them will be
▪ ed with distrust and ill-will ; doubts and de-
nials will be raised as to whether the laws enacted
by it have the popular sanction; elections of ques-
tamable, dubious fairness are the most effective in-
struments the seditious can have for keeping alive
discontent and turbulence.
Now, open voting always affords grounds for call-
ing in question the fairness of an election. One
man apotogises for voting as he did because his lass&
lord insisted upon it; another because to have voted
otherwise would have injured the prospects of hie
mu or brother. Then stories are set afloat of this
man having received so many guineas for his votes
mud that man such or such au appointment. With
or without reason the beaten party always attribute
their defeat to undue influence made to tell :et
them. Open voting does much harm by re
corruption and intimidation possible; infinitely
greater harm, by leading men to suspect that they
lave boon brought into play even where they have sot,
sad by always exaggerating the extent to while
they have been exercised.
We will not take upon us to say that secret voting
can entirely eliminate these bad influences. We
late no such faith in any
.mere human institution.
But we confidently maintain that it can reduce them
tea minimum.
Secret voting averts intimidation and corruption
by making it impossible for the intimidator to dis-
cover whether his victim has really done aught to
Arend him; by making it impossible for the cor-
ruptor to know that his bribe has been earned.
Very few men will give a man reason to be their
enemy unless they know with certainty that ho he.
dose something to provoke them ; fewer still well
gin money, uncertain that they are to have any
euturn—or, to use a vulgar adage, few will " buy
• pig in a poke." Secret voting paralyses the
notion of those who wouid exercise undue influence.
Buret voting, therefore, by withdrawing the pres-
ages of intimidation and corruption, leaves the voter
at liberty to follow the bent of his own inclinations,
le act upon his own opinions. Secret voting gives
is play to every candidate ; secret voting takes
sway every pretext for calling in question tho fair-
amp of elections.
Doubts have been raised as to the possibility of
hseping votes secret. We can only say, that having ,
Maly years ago seen Mr. OaoTE A ballot-box sub-
=to repeated experimental trials, we feel confi-
hat votes given by means of it could neither
le detected by others, nor revealed by the voters
ourselves. We mean that no voter could so mark
his card that it would prove to another person he had
weed in a certain way. And we have no doubt that
other devices equally efficacious for enforcing secret
luting may be, and have been, invented.
ions persons have taken a world of pains to i
mew b which the effect of secret voting
' se may be neutralised. Admitting
inE
Sat OM_ mem is the right, still the paralyaing es
• haimiddisa meal" remain so muck clear gain. Beg
Ilene imam assemption• that lies at the bottom o',. an
dole allirositions, and renders them wort'olsoa.
'They meanie that the great bulk of the count
an already corrupt, and anxious to be bream', if
the majority of a nation are so degraded. we admit
at once that seeret voting cannot help than. Nothing
eon help them. To make and keep • riation free it
is not requisite that the majority ahroild be capable
of
betoininw lo roes or martyrs of virtue; but it is
.. they should have the wish
irtuous than otherwise. And
'snot be expected from the ma-
•unity. We believe that the
n are influenced by a virtuous
'e to be seduced, shaken, or

ftran, that they—are capable

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