The Press.
London, England, 1858-12-18 00:00:00

tt6s.

LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER is, 1858. STAMPED ....SIXPENCE.
UNSTAM PED FIVEPENCE.

the market is not more uncommon in politics
than on 'Change. We think it very probable
that the enunciation of the intention and the pre-
tence of the ability of Mr. Brucwr and his friends
permanently to subjugate both Houses of Parlia-
ment to their control may have been put
forth in order to reconcile some persons of
fastidious independence to a larger measure in
the direction of the Member for Birmingham,
by way of compromise, than they might other-
wise have been disposed to countenance. It
may be useful to have thus far speculated
upon the motives, which have prompted Mr.
BRIGHT'S reappearance as a political agitator ;
suffice it, that his position and that of his abettors
is plain enough. Thanks to those public writers,
whom he portrayed before the excited imagina-
tions of his Manchester admirers, as mere crea-
tures of the aristocracy, not in buckram, but in
plush, and to the good. sense and extending in-
telligence of Englishmen, this public agitation
has not hitherto met with anything like a cordial
or general resFonse. Thane, whom it was in-
tended to overawe, have been warned, but need
not be terrified.

lision between the two branches of the Legisla-
ture, with the avowed object of further sub-
duing the independence of the Upper House,
seemed to afford them such unmixed gratifica-
tion, that, generally avoiding discussion by a forced
silence on their own part, they continually packed
themselves for this purpose, and, when taxed with
it, avowed their intention either by their silence
or in terms. On the Property Qualification Bill,
on Mr. LocKE KING'S Bill for the reduction of
the county franchise to a 101. rental, on the Ballot,
in the discussions on the idea of seating Baron
RoTtisouLD by resolution of the House of Com-
mons alone and in defiance of law, and on the
Church-rates Abolition Bill, their tactics were the
same ; various as are these topics, their purpose
was identical. Their organ during the recess re-
joices to speak of the power of the Crown as
reduced to a cypher, and spares no hardihood of
assertion to enlist the masses in his crusade
against the hereditary character, which is the real
source of the independence, of the House of
Lords.
We can scarcely believe it possible that con-
duct so consistent with the avowed opinions and
more than implied wishes of their organ can
commend the advice of Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. MIALL,
and their Junta to the friends of Monarchy, of
an Established Church, and of an hereditary Peer-
age, as joint elements of the constitutional free-
dom of England.
But we well know, that coarse, though implied
intimidation are not the only, certainly not the
most dangerous means, that will be used to
accomplish the ends of discontent and of ambi-
tion. The Crown will be incited to slight
and to coerce the Church; within the Church
attempts are making to propagate differences,
and to incite the laity to jealousy of the
clergy, and vice versa ; while Jesuitic flattery and
insinuation will not be wanting to foment the
inevitable distinctions of class into secret ran-
cour, if not open collision. The Peer will be
taught to distrust and to despise the Commoner.
The Commoner will be urged to resent this dis-
trust. Commerce will be painted as all fraud,
and the possession of land the sure source of arro-
gance among equals, and as temptation to
oppress the poor, who are copartners in the soil,
which no natural benevolence can resist.
Attachment to the Church of England will be
pointed at as Romanism in disguise, while Pro-
testantism will be secretly denounced as rebel-
lion against the ALMIGHTY, and those universal
distinctions in human society, which He has
ordained.

The result up to this point is altogether satis-
factory, as proving the more general diffusion of
intelligence and of general contentment through-
out England ; still the Manchester reception of Mr.
BRIGHT'S compassionate allusion to the venerable
Monarchy of England, redolent as it was with
that kind of pity, which the Emperor Niettor.As
expressed towards the sick man at Constantino-
ple, and his plain avowal, that in his opinion the
days of the constitutional independence of the
House of Lords are numbered, and that the termi-
nation of its hereditary character should precede
the conclusion of its legislative functions, should
not he forgotten; while the admission of such
inferences and the acceptance of such dictation by
applauding audiences, however packed, are facts
not to be overlooked, but suggest the necessity
of provision on the part of those, who value the
elements of English social order and freedom for
their defence. We do not undervalue the vi.s
inertia, but the present appears to us an occasion
for action rather than for apathy.
Mr. Burma evidently nauseates the facts
which are illustrated by the figures, adduced by
Mr. NEWDEGATF: in proof of the disproportion,
which exists between the property, popula-
tion, and representation of the counties of Eng-
land and Wales, as compared with those at pre-
sent existing within and allotted to the boroughs.
An attempt at argument more inconsequential,
or advice less trustworthy than that which Mr.
BRIGHT tendered to the House of Peers and
their friends, when compelled to notice these facts,
have seldom come within our cognizance as
emanating front a man of mark.
In order to estimate duly the treacherous
nature of the advice tendered by this candid
friend of the aristocracy, it is necessary to recall
the tactics of' the party, which he led during
the last session of Parliament. The motley
assemblage of many creeds, but with a predomi-
nance of the Roman, which sits below the gangway
on the Opposition side of the House, far from con-
tent with their anticipated, or even their realized,
victory over the avowedly conscientious scruples
of the House of Lords, and over the Christian
character of Parliament, eagerly sought every oc-
casion which offered a prospect of their being able
to bring the decisions of the House of Commons
into conflict with the known opinions of the
House of Lords. The prospect of creating a col-

There is nothing new in all this. The crop
of human errors is perennial, however varied in
minor details may be its reappearance ; but there
are periods when owing to some feeling of the
instability of the institutions, which at once cha-
racterize and guard the order of things in this
country, whether social or
discontent, which is inherenl
gains unwonted power.
tions of the approach of such
present wanting.
We are inclined to the
pending question of Reform
not in haste, to he ere long
sure, which should possess
permanence; and the first
If not totally to overlook
ings of population as L
localities in the distribution
which must be wad, is to

political, the virus of
ent in human nature,
The ordinary indlisa-y.-.-
uch a period are not at •
e belief tit •'lhe 104
rm ought in pyvdetiAC
g solved V some
a the chaN •
t of these
look the generikl.l4.os"\%-;
incident 10' pattleisraei,N. r.
Lion of represent
o incur the denomina.