The Express.
London, England, 1864-07-05 00:00:00

• - 7 CH,
THE EXPAIK, MOD*/

Ike tiropoial of the Emperor to held • Earopethereseresi '
the in ter-.ta of the,general peace. Then came the death of
the late King of Danmark, which changed the whole upset
et ti a finer inn. Previously the qusation was a federal
one soieu Gernuuiy and Denmark ; but by the death of
the king it became an interneticeral question • and it was
with • complete knowledge of the imareasik risk and
dirocosions of what was at stake that the Secretary of Bate
bed returned • refusal to the Emperor of the French.
There were two courses open to the government after the'
hing's death, and both were intelligible and honourable. They
aright have ectol as France resolved under the elm-I=-
6moms to ace. If, with France, they bad said that if Den-
mark wen " involved" in a war with Germany they would
not coin-, to her &mistimes, that would have been intelligible
and honourable ; fur we were not bound by the treaty of
1862 to go to her aseistuoa On the other hand, they
might have given their support to Denmark ; that, too,
would have been iotelligible and honourable. loathed of
that, however, they pursued secures of conduct which con-
misted of menaces that had bees accomplished and of
promises that had never been fulfilled ; yet. notwithstanding
threat, and Welling, federal execution took place by the
German forces. Surely that was not much evidence
of the great indium:ice which was exercised by this country
is the councils of Europe. But what was the course of
=Motels at this critical conjuncture? They went again
and supplicated France to assist them, and a cart and un-
satisfactory answer was the only result. Nevertheless,
within '24 hours, the Foreign Bearstary wrote the Want
disputed& to Germany that he had yet penned. The
ravesioo of She wig then took place, se lowered was the
just influence of England in the Germs courts.
Again ministers hurried to Paris and proposed •
joint declaration of concert and co-operatioo on
the part of the non-German powers. Whereupon
IL Drouyn de Limy; wished to know what concert and co-
operation meant, and the Semetruy of State replied that
it meant the necessary material assistance to Denmark ; to
efirinh M. bemire de Lhuys responded with various reasons
for the inaction of Fromm, sad said that the Emperor re-
served to his government entire liberty for the present.
After receiving such • reply as that, although it ought be
hard to convince the Foreign Sermstary, he might bare
begun to suspect that the jut 'Mimeses of &g-
-land was lowered in another quarter as well as In
the German courts. Passing to the meeting of the
Lagoa conference, the right boa gentleman observed—
The conference lasted six weeks, or rather it wasted six
weeks. It lasted as lon as a carnival, and like a carnival,
it was en affair of creaks and mystification. (Laughter and
Aunt) The summary of the conference is this : Hu
Majesty's government made two considerable propositions
to the conference. They proposed, first, the dismember-
ment of Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) So much for its
integrity. (Continued cheering.) They proposed, secondly,
that the remainder of Denmark should be placed under the
joint guarantee of the, great powers. They would have
weated another Turkey in Europe, in the same
geographical position, the some of the same rival intrigues,
sad the fertile source of constant misapprehension_ sad
frequent want So much for the independence of Denmark.
And having made two propositions, one which destroyed
the integrity of Denmark, and the other the independence
of Denmark, their avowed policy having been to maintain
the integrity and independence of Denmark, the conference
even with the. sacrifices was a barren failure. Now, I ask
the house, after having, I hope with some clear-
ness, and in • manner tolerably comprehensive—
(oppceitioo cheers)—placed the question before it—l ask
the lionse %bat is is opinion of the management of the.
attain! I showed you at the beginning that this inter-
ferenoe of England originated is a treaty in which she en-
listed into nu obligations different from those of Francis. I
bays shown you, on the evidence of the Secretary of State
himself, that the position of France in regard to Denmark
is one quite magnanimous, free from all diffi-
culty sod all perplexity. I have shown you, on
the other ham", what I think every man feels, that the
position of England under this treaty is most embarraming,
istolerably difficult, and full of humiliation. I mid, thee,
that it was my opinion that the differencebetween the
position of Ragland sod Frame arose from the management
et
affairs. It seemed to be • Dawes' inference and • logical
&duties. I have given yen a narrative of bow your
affairs are managed ; acid now what is toar
onion?pi Did you see is the management of i
swain that capacity—that kind of capacity particularly that
is adequate to the occasion ? Did you find that sagacity,
that prudence, that dexterity, that quickness of perception,
sad those coociliatory moods which we always deem MOOD.
wry for the transaction of foreign affairs? (Hear hear.)
Was there that knowledge of human nature, and especially
at that'pecoliar portion of that kind of science most aeons-
eery in these affairs—•• knowledge of the character of foreign
seentairs, and of the chin &donut thew:ens, which would be
most desirable and necessary? Sir, for my part I find all
these qualities wanting, and in consoqueoce of the want of
Miceli qualities I sae that three results have accrued—first,
that the avowed policy of her Majesty's government has
failed; meondly, that our just influence in the councils of
Loupe has been lowered—(cheers)—and thirdly, that in
seissequesos of our just influence in the councils of Europe
low lowered, the securities for peace are diminished.
Those are the 000seguences which have resulted from the
went of the qualities to which I have alluded, and from the
assaagement of those affairs by the government. Sir, I
need not trouble the house with any additional argument
**peeve that the government have failed to uphold the
independence and integrity of Denmark. (Hear, hear.)
That result may, therefore• be thrown aside. I pees on,
therefore, to the second. By the just infineuoe of England
is the council. of Europe I mean influence contradistin-
guished from that which is obtained by intrigue and secret
understanding—l mess that Wineries that rondos from the
soovietiou of foreign powers that our resources are great and
that our policy s moderate but steadfast. (Chien.) Since
the settlement that followed the great revolutioemy war
England, who obtained at that time, as she deserved to do,
for she bore the brunt of the struggle—who obtained at
that time all the fair object& of her ambition—has
pursued upon the whole a conservative foreign policy.
I do sot mean by a conservative foreign policy • foreign
poky that would disapprove, still less oppose, the natural
&reel:Tweet of the nation ' • but I mean a foreign policy
that is interested in the tranquillity and prosperity of the
world, whom normal condition is peace, and which does not
;Wulf with the revolutionary party of Europe.(Cheers.)
countries have their political systems and the pub-
lic objects, though they may sot have obtaioed them. The
position of England, therefore, in the conduct of public
affairs in the councils of Europe is essentially that of a mo-
derating and mediatorial power. Her interest, her polity,
is, where changes are theritable and necessary, to assist, so
that those changes, if possible, should be accomplished
without war, or if war occurs that its duration and its aspe-
rity should be diminished. That is what I mean by the just
influence of England. Sir, it appears to me that this just
influence of Eogland in the councils, of Europe has been. I
do not my forfeited, but lowered. Within twelve months
we bare been twice repulsed at St. Petersbung—we have
supplicated more than once in vain at Pans ; we have
menaced Austria, and Austria has allowed our threats to
par her like the wind—(cries of " hear, hear" from the
opposition leloch)— we have threatened "'maga, and Prussia
he. defied us; our abjurations have rattled on
the heads of the Getman Diet, and the Ger-
man Diet has treated them with c intempt (Loud
opposition cheers.) Sir, within the last few mouths there
is acutely a form of diplomatic interference that has not
been suggested and adopted by the English government,
except a congress. (Laughter.) A conferameof Vienna, •
conference of Paris, a conference of London, all in their
turn have been suggested—joint mediation, sole mediation,
original notes, relative untie, ideatie ornate, sole note', or
notes joint and separate. (Laughter and cheers.) Couriers
lase been mowing Europe is euthenist rapidity ; and sir,
last of all, a most important conference was held in the ca-
binet of the queen, over which the chief minister of our
foreign relations presided ; it was attended with all the
pomp and solemnity requisite for so great au enterprise, hut
we find that its sittings have been perfectly kerma, and the
chief minister of the crown close the proceeding by quit-
ting the battle same of their exertions, and appearing in
the two houses of parliament to tall the country that they
have no ally, and that because they have no ally England
cannot act alone. (Loud cheers.) Sir, I do not undertake
to do justice to the exalting boast of the S:cretery of State
in the bitterest moment of his discomfiture when he
seemed to take consolation for the moment in tee
sympathy and politeness of the neutral power& (Laughter.)
I do not grudge Lord Russell the sighs of Russia ur the
smiles of Francs, but I regret that, with characteristic in-
discretion in his present forlorn Mate, he should have
quilted the coogreis only to take his seat io the House of
Lords to tleoomme the perfidy of Prussia arid mourn over
the fickleness of Austria. (Cheers.) Sir, there needed but
one tench to complete the picture, and it was supplied by
the noble lord at the head of her Majeety's government. I
lutieed with astonishment to the noble lord as he de-
nounced the vices of his victim—flood cheers)—and in-
veighed at the last moment over the obstinacy of unhappy
Danmark—Denmark that would not submit than arbitration
—an arbitration which the German powers would have
accepted. And what security had Dean ark when in the
conference she could not be assured that the neutral powers
would here recourse to force in order to secure her the line
of the Schlei—e bat security had she that any other line
would be set ured to her—an unknown line by an unknown
arbitrator ? (Cheers.) Well, sir, it does appear to me im-
possible to deny, under these circumstances, that the in-
ternee—the just iuduruce of England in the councils of
Europe is lowered ; and now I ask, what are the con-
segues:me, of this just influence of England in the
council. of Europe being lowered! I my the consequences
are use a frequent phrase in the despatches— • mast
serious," because in exact as the just influence of
England is the counels of Europe is lowered, I say the
securities for peace are diminished. (Cheers.) I lay this
down as • great principle which cannot be controverted in
the management of our foreign affairs. If England has re-
solved upon a particular policy war is Dot probable, but if
there be,uuder tee circumstances, • cordial alliance between
England and Frame, war is most difficult; and if there be a
thorough mideistandieg betweee Eaglaod, Fraoce,and Russia,
thee, under the circuoistances, I sac war is impossible.
Sir, those were the happy conditions under which
Ceiel7jesty'e ministers mitered upon this matter, and which
the enjoyed when they began to manage this question of
Deftnark. Two years ago, and much lees, there was a err-
die' umlerstaoding between England, France, and Russia
erica that maims, or upon say question that might arise.
Weer, hear.) They might look forward to the future with
every coutidence in the enjoyment of peace ; they might
look forward to a period when they would have accomplished
all they could have desired. But what heppened? What
have they done. They have alienated Russia they have
estrangedFrauce, and then they call parliament towbar

to &dam war against Germany. Why, sir, sash • thing
never happened before in the history of this country, nay
more, I say never 0111 happen Apia. I look upon it as on
of those porteotous OCC071111)0011 that sometimes take place
to humiliate the pride of nations, to lower their
esefidence. (Cheers.) Why, sir,
the
difficulties in-
creased, as obstacles appeared—as they were multiplied
as • coneequence of their error* and esseetant mis-
takes—yet more pi y have they exhibited themselves.
Yea always find that her Majesty's Welters are near with
As in private life you always find that it is the weak who
are violent, so it is with her Majesty's goverment. do
long as this cordial feeling with the great powers sited,
they spoke with moderatioe, they counselled with dipity ;
but, like all incompetent men, the moment they are in ex-
treme difficulties, they conduct themselves in a way
that is ludicrous and false, and the affairs of the
country cannot be arranged by the resources they panes.
lies the despatches that have hese written. That was a bold
despatch that was sent to St. Petersburg in January
about going bo war with Germany. Then we scot twice to
Fence mitreating the Emperor to mist es in cceasquenc•
of our own mistakes. (Hear, hair.) Why, sir, it is only by
giving them credit, which I do throughout, for the complete
sincerity of their expressions and conduct, that their be
haviour is at all explicable. Assume that their policy
was a war policy, and then everything is intelligible ; but
whfft difficulties arise, then they instantly have ream=
to violence. Every word they utter, every derpeteh they
write, seems always to look to • some of collision Bat
what is the state of Europe at this moment produced by
this management of our affairs I know not what other
hon. gentlemen may think, bat to me it seems mos4mrione
I Sod the great German powers openly mono( that it is
not in their capacity to fulfil their eugagestents. I lied
Europe impotent to vindicate the pablio law, because
• greet alliance has been broken up, arid I lad
a great, proud. and generous nation like England, with the
reserve of magnanimity, shrinking from the responsibility al
commencing war, and sensitively mauling under the impres-
sion that her honour is stained—and stained by pledges 'kith
ought not to have bees gives, and expectations which I =de-
tain ought never to have been held out by .is. and compe-
tent statesmen. (Chests.) It appears to me, therefore,
obvious that her Majesty's government have failed in their
avowed object of maintaining the integrity and adores-
deuce of Denmark—(cheer)—it appears to me undeniably
that the just influence of England in the councils of Europe
has been lowered, and it appears to ma to be painfully clear
that the consequence of this lowering of our le-'!
(thence is to diminish the securities for peen 1
(Cheers.) And what defence have we! The
noble lord asks me, if ever • °Minim is made upon his
ambiguous endure, " What is your policy ?" (Loud minis-
terial cheers and counter cheers.) My answer IL my Policy
is the honour of England—Opposition cheers, and cries al
"Oh " from the ministerial benches)—the pare of Europe,
and I say the noble lord has betrayed both. (Load opposi-
tion cheers.) I can welerstand • minister coming to perils-
meet when there is • question of domestic interest of the
highest character—the emancipation of the catholies, the
principle upon which our commercial code is to be ate-
'dished or our representative minim founded . • I can tuner-
stand a minister—though I think it • weak step--eayin that
upon these questions be would leave it to parliament to
decide what should be their policy. Parliament is in pone-
lion of all the information on all those subjects that is now
sary or that can be obtained. Parliament ia as competent
to come to • judgment upon such questions m the =inking
themselves, but it is quite • new doctrine to appeal to per.
lament to initiate a foreign polio . (Cheers.) That is •
prerogative of the crown ex under the advice of re.
'linable ministers. Is is devised, invented, carried on in
seamy, and justly and wisely as, What do we know whet
is going on in Downing-etent at this moment I know net
what despatches, what pro pmahe are them Far aught I
know the noble lord may have made soother proposition
this morning which might light up • general European war.
It is for parliament to inquire, to criticise, to support or
condemns foreign affairs, but it is on for them to initiate
• foreign policy in absolute ignorance of the real state of
affairs. As well might you ask them to set a house
on fire. Nay, I go further. He is not • wise
—I am sore he is not a patriotic men, who

is • =Jot Moe the present ;add accept °Moe
under conditions. What conditions oan be more terrible
than • vote of the House of Commons carried upon a par-
ticular point, which we afterwards tied, when we are in
seasioo of the real feelings of the country, it would be
unwise, perhaps impcesible, to give effect to? Si; we must
not allow her Majesty's ministers to escape from their
responsibility. (Cheers.) That is the teething—that is at
the bottom of all them demands of " What is year
policy!" The very first night we met —upon the 4th
of February—we had the same question put. Parliaramit
was called together by ministers in distress to give them a
policy, but parliament has maintained • dignified mid dins
meet reserve, and now you find in what • position those
ministers have placed the country. It is not for us—it is
not for any man in that house—to indicate to minimises
what should be the foreign policy of the country. The
most we can do is to tell the noble lord what is not our
policy. (Ministerial cheers.) We will not threaten and
then refuse to act. (Opposition cheers.) We will not Ind ea
our allies with expectations we do not intend to fulfil.
A od, sir, if it ever be the lot of myself and of those with
whom I act to carry on the important negotiations of this
country as the noble lord and hie colleagues have dose, I
trust we shall not, at haat, carry them on in such a man-
ner as that it will be oar duty to come to parliament and
announce that we bath no ally, and then to declare that
England can never act alma (Cheers.) Sir, these an
words that ought never to have escaped the lips of any
British minister. (Loud choirs.) They are sentiments
which ought never to have entered his heart. I repudiate
and reject them. I remember that there was • time whoa
England had not • tithe of our resources, when inspired by
• patriotic cease she triumphantly eocountered • world la
arms. (Cosecs.) And, sir, I believe now, if the
occasion were fitting, if our independence and oar
honour were attacked and assailed, if our empire
were endangered, I believe that England would arise in the
magnificence of her might, and struggle triumphantly fee
those objects for which men live and nations flouriek.
(Cheers.) But, sir, I for one will never consent to go tei
wee to extricate ministers trout the consequences of their
own itidieentioa ; and it is in this spirit that I have drawn
up this wldressto the crown. I have drawn it up in the
spirit in which the royal speech was delivered at the coos-
meocemeot of the aessioa. I am ready to vindicate the
honour of this eountry when it is neomeary, but I have
drawn it up iu the intonate of pensa (Cheers.) Sir, I beg
lasee to move the address which stands in my name. The
right hoe. gentleman rammed kismet amidst loud and keg
continued cheering.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER mid be se- •
othted the responsibility oast upon the government, end
was ready on their part to meet the accossitMes of Mr.
Disraeli. He observed that the declaratioo of Lord Pal-
merston in July last, upon which so much stress was laid,
was justifiable, foe at that period France and Ramie were
=Zto act in the spirit of that declaration. Mr.
ia had stated that in December there had been •
change in the policy of France ; but the very despatch he
had quoted disproved this statement. As to the censure he
had cast upon the manner in which Lord Russell had de-
clined the proposal for a congress, Lord Russell, be said, wee
• man of truth and honour,and was in the habitof appals' his
mind with very little circumlocution ; and Mr. Gladstone
referred to some impressions of he. Disraeli upon the sub-
ject of the coerces much lass courteous than those he had
complained of. He noticed other irritation in which Mr.
Disraeli had, be said, not quoted the documents fairly sod
and he accused him of having misled the house by his
partial quotations, and by allegations void of foundation.
He showed that these misquotations and the false infe-
rences drawn from them affected sonic of the most mate-
rial charges against the government. He proceeded to
examine those charge., as regarded their oo'duct towards
Denmark, maintaining that they were entirely fallacious, if
not the reveres of the truth. The policy of the government,
he observed, had been to bring Denmark to fulfil her thine-
merits of 1852, and the Germans to moderato their views.
On the emission of the present King of Denmark, the ob-
ject of the government was to maintain the treaty of 1852,
sod to endeavour to bind the powers of Europe to uphold it.
But • now doctrine was promulgated by Austria and Prunes
with reference to that treaty, which, in their opinion,
altered it. position. Her Majesty's government, believing
that it was for the advantage of Europe to uphold that
treaty, thought it their duty to endeavour to ob-
tain the co-operation of other powers, and rally them in
support of it. They did (said the right boo. gentleman)
make application to France and to Russia *a the
10th of January, the 10th of July, and the 18th, which con•
templated • combination for upholding the treaty of
1852—not, as I apprehend, for upholding it against the
will of the people of the duchies, but against foreign force
end intrigue. And the right bon. potlemao, who censures
ovelythirig that his been done by her Majesty's govern-
ment, censures that also. He said that on the 18th January
" you wrote a letter which would have put all Europe
is a blase." A letter to bring about a concert and co-opera.
ties of }Yana and Russia with England put Europe in •
blase ! Why, surely the right bon. gentleman must have •
short memory, for he said but fifteen minutes after that the
declaration that France. England, and Russia beingcombised
would render war impassable in Europe. I must say I am
somewhat surprised, considering the disproportionate
weight which the right hon. gentleman had laid
on points of trifling momeot, that when he
came to this great passage of European policy he
satisfied himself with flinging out an isolated reproach on
her Majesty's government. We bad written this letter coo-
completing concert and co-operatioa. We believed it was
in the interest of Europe that the treaty of 1832 should be
supported with adequate mesas, with the adequac7 of Means
which diminishes or annihilates risk. We did think
It was right that it should he supported, and we stand
here responsible for acting on that belief. And, there-
fore, let it be clearly understood that the government in
their endeavour, to enlist the active aid of France and
Russia for the preservation of European peso—let me say
that we are ready to abide the judgment of the house and
the country on.that question. (Cheers.) Well, sir, I think
the house and thecountry are aware that there is ample reason
why we should not undertake what might verily he called
the Quixotic enterprise of waging simile-handed the war
which offered itself to us tinder the circumstance. (Minis-
tonal cheers.) The tax upon English wetly would have been
Vitally di/proportioned to the object which we should have
had in view. The want of any special English interest, in
the absence of • positive undeetakieg, was also • matter
which it was absolutely the duty of the government to con-
sider. If England was to make war, and make it with
effect. it was not one that could be confined to Den ark.
ha limits must have greatly extended, and it most have gone
to the Adriatic. (Ministerial cheats.) It most have become

lo general war la Bram ; aadallkoaglithere might be upsets
in raped to which her listesty's gonmemast might eissaliffir
its possible vaulter • great pin to buiratty, the reap essi-
bibte of provoking it, with all it. fearful emoirtaintir was
• responsibility from which every 'rudest man would shriek.
.1 Nor weld it be put out of View that there mad
air loin Me greatest kiriftiteeirs as to the objects for
which seek a war mast ban hese waged. Begird mild
red, toTr single-headed ca lomat of the Orly of 1852.
far mirk 0 =to war for worizapiarionlar awriter2o
oa,7lt.rwe eon it'd ootoifDiaatadi a elearatZdascisa categorical
judgment sr would have neora:rl • measure of such extreme
gravity. Besides we might is the end have found ourselves
in the dearth(' patios of diseeraing that oar iudgment
was not approved by the population of the duchies them.
MOM —(licar, bear) —end what British House of Commons ,
I will ask, would for one moment have sustained goven4'
meat which had endeavoured to crust down by tone
the liberties sad.detereired will of • people! (Laud Mem.)
Yet with theme remises for what we bat's does, the right hoc.
gentleman contrived in a speech
.of three bows to evade
every possible tore or ism* involving the slightest question
of what be wield himself ban dooe. (Hear, hear.) The
right too. geotlesouthes submitted a motion to the house
whir 1 new hold sipeU free to deal with. 1 have gone
through every charge, and I have shown bow untruly be
has quoted the books. I mud, indeed, &point.* to the
house for having refrained from • multitade of references
without whirl it is import& to have • full or complete ap-
Iprehension of this involved and complicated =Om But
have met theme charges, and I fearlessly challenge the
jodgmint of the home upon them. And sow I will myself
mks my turn as (critic and judge, sad see what I area
make of the motion which hr been submitted
by the right ban. gentleman. (Baez, beer.) Bir, it is
in many respects a remarkable motion. It is •
mottos the pokers of which has been heralded like the
birth of Julius Carr and other great men—by omen and
prophecy. At the beginning of the Melon the right hos.
potions& himself prophesied that be would bring on this
question. Them the right ben gentleman the member for
Huotingdoe (General Peel) took up the parable of the right
bon. gentleman, and pee us his word that we should have
a motion of this kind. Then the bell mune spin into the
bands of the right ban. gentleman himself, and he pro.
plural once more that there should be a solemn resolution.
Thus, ever sire the sonuassimment of the samiee, •
period of five mootha, this aeries has been is the rune of
inenbation ; sod its terms have been revolved fa all the
brains of all the wisest swarms in the country—nate4,
those who sit opposite. (Laughter sod cheers.) The t
benenrable genWoosa bee made • motion, the mauling
and purport of which we perfectly undentaad.
It is intended to put an end to the exist-
sees of the government. I admit that is some I
✓ose we are greatly indebted to the right boa. gentleman.
Perhaps I may explain what I mean by an anecdote. men
is ia • beautiful churchyard is Kest an epinpli epos • lady
and gentleman who had bees murdered by • domestic set,
not ; *ad the writer, ia his anxiety to give the matter •
pious asdairiskian torn, stated that it was, after all, • very
great advantage to the decreed pares to have been rid of
their lives in this summary maaner became they had thereby
been preserved from the inconvenienom sad discomforts
which commonly attended dissolution is its natural come&
(Loud laughter.) It wee only very lately that I saw this api.
taph, and it did occur to me that the right hoe. patlemas
was about to perform for the government the kind office which
the domestic servant did for this lady and gentleman. As
tbedrolutios of a government, when it ocean naturally, is
certainly found to be attended with roomer
niers end discomfort, sad es it meet some time die,
we abould perhaps be thankful to the right hon. gentleman
for offering to do for ua this good office. (Renewed
laughter.) But, sir, it is not easy to discuss this motion. It
is purely • personal matter. We have beard the tone of the
right bon. primer Weight, He looks woes the tables,
sad says to my noble friend and to the body of patrons of
whom my noble friend is one, " You are adorably
incapable—you are men who cannot, indeed, write • stogie
sentence of common awe." (Cheese.) Bat here the
memory of the right hen gentleman proves to be bat • short
or, for by-and.by he pee on to drcribe what has bees the
foreign policy of this oesatry dame the peace of 1815. He
describes that policy as barks' been generally • very ro-
omful me. Did be sot recollect that the men who had
' exhibited this " miserable incapacity" had also bees reopen.
Obis for the conduct of the foreign policy of the eon try
for more the hell the time Ore the pros of
1815! (Load cheers.) Now, sir, what is the
mowing of this motion! Is it not, " Gig out
of your places and let am come into them" (Cheers.) That
is • perfectly fair Moe ; bat it is • very disagreeable one
far sir to disease who ban still hafting about them any,
the faintest remains of the modesty of their youth. (Great
laughter.) The right hon. gentleman talks about our
miserable iscapacity—
Mr. DISRAELI—I did not use thre mode. (Cries of
"intense,' and "utter.")
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I am quite
willing to tithe it any way—be it utter," " intense," or
" miserable," or whatever it be—be thalleuged a comparison
which it Is very difficult for me to conduct He says, " You
have offended all your allies." (Opporittou cheer..) " Yoe
have made yourselves contemptible:* (Renewed cheers.)
Them are the statements which the right hoe gen-
tleman made. He rye my ride friend had so right
to contrive to stave off this war for • period of
five yews after he cams into office. The right
beisourable gentleman ought to have bad some
compassion upon my noble frond for considerations which
his own memory might have suggested to him. Was there
net • war whoa be was himself is office; and did Lord
Malmbery contrive to stave off that war for four or five
yeas! (Cheers.) The right boa gentleman came down to
the house on the 18th of April end said that there would
be no war ; whereas on the 22nd the Austrian summons was
sent to Piedmont, acid the war immediately afterwards
bras. (Hear, hear.) I appeal to the porous feelusie of
the right boo. patine= ; but if I appeal to them in vain,
I appeal to his memory of transactions in which hie owe
government were involved. (Cheer.) The laetrile of the
motion is—" only let the noble viscount, the co e lord the
Foreign Secretary, and their colleagues get out of their
places, sad let us come in, and then soddenly everybody
will behave well, and all public carders will disappear like
the shades of the berme when Mars made his appearance
among them—

" At Denatim wooers, Agamemnoniasque phalanges,
Ut vidfre virorn fulgentieque arms per umbras
logenti trepidare meta: pore vertigo terga."
(Daughter.) The right hon. geatleman gets upon what' would
all Ise high hone, soil will not give the slightest opinion
oe any subject of f policy. became forsooth that would
be accepting office with conditions. (Haar, hoard While
the motion is full of animosity as regards its design towards
her Mejesty's government, it is, as relates to public into
• as pale and 00i0gefieel se a ghost. The only
allegorise that it 000tains is, that by the conduct of her
Majesty's government, the just lathier* of Eoglsad has
been lowered. In the first I deny that the just be-
erier of England has been Powered. (Hear. bear.) In the
second place, I raj that even if it were so, the declaration
is not a armies one to be recorded here. (Cheers.) Is the
anagram made because we bar failed in averting a war ?
Well, I know that there is nothing that succeeds
like success; and there is nothing that fails like
failure. There is always attendant upon failure,
pro for the moment ; bet if that failure bee broths fader
of hooest, upright, and generous efforts to prevent the
great male of mankind from injuring sad destroying are
aoother—(cheers)—though • dispassionate minister who has
attempted in vain for the moment to calm the troubled
waters, may reap from one or both sides of the hour
nothing bat the censure of gentlemen who propose motions
like this, sod though he may reap from a small section of
his countrymen ao other reward than Trentmeet and dis-
approval, yet the recollection will abide that the voice of
England was raised in the cause of moderation and of ko-
rai, end that the effort of her government had bees to
teach wisdom to the obstioste, and mercy to those who
were tyrannous and strong. (Loud cheers.) Are these ores
without • parallel ! Let me go beck to that of Calming.
Never was there a more conspicuous iostasoe of failure, if
our judgeoeut is to be the judgment of the moment, than the
failure of Canning respecting the invasion of Spain by
Frame; but there is no brighter, no more hosourable
chapter in the whole history of the foreign policy at this
country. It was rid by Canning, when be was charged
with that failure, that " it would be disiorienuous, indeed, to
dry that the entrance of the Frencharmy into Spain was,
to a certain extent, a disparagement to the prestige and a
blow to the feelings of England." Are we then to see
recorded against us the proposals, almost the petitions,
which we have made in the interests of peace, and is the
failure of those petitions, either through their refirel when
concession would have been useful, or their being de-
clined in the insolence of power, to he laid to our charge !
(Cheers). Let us discard this epicurean temper.
I deny that the just influence of England has been lowered.
That is not the language which is held by allied mid
friendly powers—though it is no doubt held by a certain
patios' of the foreign press. When I read the tonna of the
' motion it seems to roe to bs nothing better than an echo of
the almost ribald language of • few obscure joursals of
Germany. (Cheers-) It is from that source that this is.
heeded minister derives his inspiration. (Load cheers,) It
is from that quarter that Wrong of English policy are to be
learned. (Cheers.) Unhappily there isstill io this country •
narrow sect of people who revel in the depreciation of every
foreign people ; It is equally true that there is • art of pee-
ple in France who still rehaia what wee our s national
soti-
pethy—though thank God it is so so longer—(loud choral—
against this country. While there are reader of such trash
there will always be writers of it; and it is with this trash
which the right hon. gentleman founds votes of want of
confidence. (Cheers.) Bat again I say, I deny that the just in-
firm* of England has bees diminished by the honest effort
which we have made to teach met, jostle* and mercy. This is
the very first occasion that the British House of Common
has been called upon, for the sake of displacing • govern-
meat, to record the degradation of its country. (Lod
cheers.) Why cannot the right hon. gentleman speak
plainly in his motion! Why dots he not adopt the lan-
guage of our forefathers, who when they were dissatisfied
with • government addressed the crown, and preyed that
Cot government might be dismissed. They said boldly
that the conduct of the government Ira open to such and
snob charges, and they prayed that other men might be put
in their places. But be right hon. gentleman was afraid to
raise that issue. (Cheers.) Hs hes, indeed, plucked up
his courage to propose this motion ; but why
bus he not done it in the proper ooustitotiocal
form in which votes of want of confidence have hitherto
been drawn. He supposes that because he did not attack the
govaraaasat is terms, he could not fall into error. Bat he

11, .." V' • • 'IP
,

*. '

XVillinte, JULY 5.

is saistant. Never Whim so far as I know, has party
spirit led gentlemen in this emery to frame a notice' which
pLoes on. record that which meet be regarded is dishooeur
Ode to the nation. (Cheers.) I Aback to the time of Sir
Walpole, of Lerd North, sad Mr. Fox, hat nowhere do
' we find such a sterile and Mau an affair as this resolation.
Their charges were written is legible aced plain. terms, but
the boo. gentleman might, substitaten language which
be saleistit for the purpose of render-
, tag it impossible for the graerement to roc-
, tient. ,din. ciMois, but whisk sum* transfix them
withoeigFila sting Ant pluming throgh. the bosom. of
England. (Cheers.) For the reasons I bays stated I look
forward with cheerfulness to the lift, which has been raised
with regard to our {induce (Churn.) I have long
tamed the home, and I have endeavoured to follow the
right hoe. gentleman through the imbues of hie elaborate
•tiack. I have followed the right bon.geatleman through
every point which he has selected, sad I doubt
I set that I might .with spud success have followed
him if he had gam into other matters. Perhaps
he think, that be may shelter himself behind the irre-
sponsildlity of opposition ; but let me tell him that that
doctrine may be pushed to as esteems, and yet sever, I
believe, has it been pushed to such extremes as by the right
' boo. gentleman. In a few words the righ t boo. gent] smeary.,
" You most place me upon that bench, sod than I will tell
you what I will do." I don't believe, however, that the
country will consent to the exchange upon such a condition.
Nay more, I feel the most confident anticipatioa that both
the house and the country will approve of the coons takes
in this difficult segotiatioa by her Majesty's government,
and that they will reject a motion which both prodesce
and patriotism most alike emphatically condemn. (The
right boo. gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud cheer-
Mr. NEWDEGATE then rose, pursuant to his notice,
in lien of the second paragraph of Mr. Disraeli's motion for
an address, to move—" To submit to her Majesty the
11 opinion of this house that the independence of Denmark and
1 the ptomains of that neutralkinom on the terms unposed by ,1
I the representatives of the powers in the recent Ml-
forum, ought to be guranl." The boo. gentleman said
' he felt the full responsibility of having taken the course of
plaeirig on. the paper as mummies/lot to the terms of the
notice) of the motion thou Won the house ; but having
listened to the two speeches with which the debate had I
opened, be could not but feel the great force of the ober-
vation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he said
that the concluding terms of the motion of the right boo.
member for Bucks proposed to place upon record as ad-
mimic, of the degradation of the country before
the nations of the world, which he (Mr. Newdte)
for one felt it wee itoporible for him to admit.
At the same time, he also felt the force of the right hoe.
gentleman's (Mr. Disraeli's) observation, that England us.
doubtedly at this moment stood is • position of ischition
from her silica, In the come of Dsurnerk—in Shunned the
maintenance of the ieclopsndsece it a power which, accord-
ing to the unanimous decision of the powers who wens icor
tames to the treaty, was most Important se eye of the ele-
ments of that balance of power which secures the malaise-
name of European pesos. But he could not admit Aida:trims
of the right hoe. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), that when paws
relating to the foreign policy of the country were submit-
ted to the house, the only question which any member of the
house was entitled to entertain was, whether the government
which had conducted that policy deserved the continuance
of the confidence of the country, or whether they should be
succeeded in office by the coconuts of the opposite
benches. Such a doctrine was contrary to the practice
of the hone; and of the right hon. gentleman himself
bear)—for continually during this session the right
on. gentleman bad been path'sg questions and expressing
*pilaus upon foreign politae, though be had not ociounitted
himself to any definite course of policy. (Rear, bear.)
During the speech of the right hoe. gentleman he (Mr New-
deists) observed there was a distinct disavowal on bin part
of any intention- had he base in office—of interfering
as the government had interfered in the defence
of Denmark. The right honourable gentleman alluded
to what was said by General Floury to Lord Wodebouse in
each a way asto show that he would have coocurred with
Pianos in leaving Denmark to conteed single-heeded with
the united power of Europe. If that was the policy which
would have been pursued by the right hoc gentleman the
house bad due rightly in cootiseing to extend to the go-
vernment their confidence, because if he (Mr.Nowd te) un-
derstood at all the strong feeling which existed in the
country with respect to Denmark, it went to thin—that
England ought to have used more exertions than she had
done to prevent the gross injustice that had been
door to her. (Cheers.) He considered it was for the interest
of civil and religious freedom throughout the world that
England should take some step to regaia the piston which
she bad lost. (Roar.) Be should sot like to me her
take that step alone; but even if she were to
appear alone, be did not think that the spirit
o the country, country, or their other resources were so low, that
they were to be told b her Majesty's government, at whose
disposition they p 30,000,0001. for the maintenance of
the naval and military renouress, that England could do
nothing by herself. Reject his propositioo, and then Den-
mark would know that England would not aid her to
nisintain her independence. that Eogland would sot
emit herself is upholding her traditional policy em-
bodied in the treaty of 1832, sod in the modificatioos
of that treaty which the majority of the conference sox-
a/eked—that the only case in which England would go to
war was when the capital of Denmark was bombarded and
her King made captive. Let them openly declare this to
be their policy, and thou Denmark would have the
oEagland.pportuaitg it bolting for mon available help than that of
The SPEAKER having read the motion and the amend-
ment, and put the question,

Mr. KINGLA BE said, as it wu obvious that the sand-
meat of the hon. geotleman would be altoptheriscionsistest
with the one he had the honour to submit, it might, per
be convenient to consider the two as one. But cone-
' deriog the purpose for which he bad given notice of his
amendment, it was only right that he should offer some
comments oo the amendment of the boa. gentleman. The
proposal of the hoe. geotlentaa ins that the governmest
should guarantee to the King of Denmark that portion of
Slmwig which was divided by the line of the Slot. But he
had to represent to the hon. feutleman that this disputed
territory ins at present in the hands of the Gorton
powers, and that to guarantee to ANIMA • territory
actually in the hands of German armies was simply
to propose war, sod even something more (Hear, bear.)
It wu to propose war at this nueosok and liability to war
throughout all tints, leause if they were to gaimentes this
mixed district throughout all time to the King of Denmark,
be Gould era so period when the government of this country
might not be called upon to act on this guarantee. (Hear,
hear.) France and England proposed that the decision of
the boundary should be left to the opinion of the ponds,.
Hens. That proposition Denmark rejected. She had a
right to do that, but having don eosins forfeited her claim
upon Lighted. (Hear, hear.) If it was true that her honour
was sot at stake, it was still more clear that DO principle
or policy required England to take part in the war. In
feet, Lord Derby had declared that • war against Germany
in this case would be madness. He would address himself
to those who took the most warlike view of the matter, and
suppose there was a time when • war would have bees
right; be would say that time was gone by when
tbeGernians pared into Sitwell; ; that was a cam for war.
When the treaty of London was broken it might he said
England ought to have gone to war. Times were tenable
positions, which might be thought right by some, though
he di approved of them. But to sty, sr ter giving op the
treaty, and alter allowing this linens of Untie that this
country ought to go to war was • proposal which revolted
the common sense of ell who beard him. (Hear, bear.) He
trusted it was sufficiently clear that war would be impolitic,
and also tno late. But if such a war should take plan, wee
it to be carried on against the feelings of the people of
Sleswig and Holstein—(hear, bear)—and in violation of the
principle of nonintervention which this country had all
along maintained in its beet seam? For the best sense of
on-intermation was that which they adopted when they
maid it was sot right to interfere with the internal affairs of
another state. (Hear, bear.) He trusted he had shown that
the maintenanoe arid enjoyment of peace had been consistent
with their national honour. (Hear, hear.)
General PEEL said the time had at last arrived which be
on • former evening ventured to predict would cone, for
the government to render an account of their 000 duct, and
when the house could consider the event. which had been
passing around them. The time was when the deularatin of
the Prime Minister of this country to the British Hone of
Commons wee looked upon by forgiven as binding and as
certain to be carried into effect as the declaration of the most
despotic monarch io the world. ( Loud cheers.) Was that the
rase Dow? He Deed not remind the noble lord of what he
had been so often reminded—of a declaration which be
made, that if anybody entered Jutland as an enemy Den-
mark would on be left alone. Then they had all heard
during the present session the strong language which was
used by the noble lord. He told them that the entry of the
invaders into Jutland was only an aggravation of their
already outrageous conduct. What was the meaning of
this conduct! (Opposition cheese.) What was the use of
it? (Renewed cheering.) Was it come to this, that the
declaration of the Prime Minister of England to the House
of Commons was to be regarded as an idle menace, which was
laughed at and treated with contempt? It wee Mid that women
fought with words, monks with pens, and men with swords.
He believed that the only way to avoid a war of the latter
description want° avoid the two former, in which the noble
lord and the Foreign Secretary had become such adepts that
neither woman nor monk would have the slightest chance
with them. (Laughter and cheers.) The war of words was
Leather safe nor honourable. There were only two princi-
ple' on which the forego policy of this country could be
carried on. If they chose to set themselves up as the
champions of the world, if they chose to make themaslves
arbitirs in every country's affairs, they might depend upon
it they must be premed to fight. Other oountries, as
proud se themselves, would not admit of dicta-
tion in their affairs. Oo the other band, if
the governmeut of this coastsy bed made up
their mind not to go to war on any account. If peace at any
price was to be their policy, then silence and non-inter-
ference must be a portion of that policy. He wu for
maintaining both the pesos and honour of the country • but
he maintained that the government had imperilled Hai on
and tarnished the other. (Loud opposition cheers.) What
the policy of the government bad bees, and what it bad
brought the notary to, might be summed up in one short
sentence ; they bed made it an open shame to our
enemies. sad the very scorn and derision of all that are
routed about us. (Load opposition cheers.)
The LORD &DVOCATE mod the entice of the right hes.
genleman was unquestionably not of the meet implicit cha-
racter. (Criss of " Oh, oh," and " Beer, hear.") At a time

1864.

when it was meat desirable to meek plainly on a subject
which was capable of plain and intelligible exposition, the
resolution left them in doubt whether it woe for war or
peace—(reoawed Mee of "Oh, oh," and "Hear, hoar ")
whether the govsinniest was condemned for Attaining
from warlike operations or for the mode is width ussolia-
time had been medulla. With regard to the treaty
of 1952 he could not undmitesd how any of the powers
who signed it could rime to abide by its ••'
whatever might be the obligation thF..wed to Gems
Confederation. When the hos. and t gentleman spoke
of the humiliation and the loss of Buenos on the part of
England, he would refer to the despatch of Sir A. Millet,
in which he said it was no wonder that the English govern-
ment had no longer any inflows in the Diet when Austria
and Prussia had last theirs. Would the bon. and gallant
gentleman have liked to see the tnatyof 1862 trodden in the
duet and totally demanded without any remonstrant,
whatever! He thought that instead of her Majesty's govern-
ment deserving • vote of cessiiro, ths country wan under •
deep debt of gratitude to theca for their conduct in the
affairs. (Laughter from the oppoeiths, and cheers from
the other side of the home.) They had been earnest in
their endeavours, and had gone on from year to year in the
face of great discouragement', having to contend, on the one
hand, with the feeling in Germany, which Austria and Prm
sia were unable to resist, and cia the other with the high
spirit of • gallant nation, keenly sensible of their rights
and independence being attacked. Those difficulties had been
encountered, and with great moderation and perseverents,
though he could not say with ammo. (Oppositios others.)
He might fairly say that the efforts of her Ma-
jesty's government gave Denmark the only chance
she had of averting these grim calamities,
Than, with respect to the alleged lone of influent* by Eng-
lead, he saw no symptoms of such • loss in the minutes of
the Coatroom. He believed them were those in Europe
who were always ready to cavil at the primiplas of England,
her free constitution, and to delight in anything which
they thought would be dististoful to Englishmen. No doubt
sours of the analimMatea in Germany rejoiced to talk of the
the of hansom by England, and that chorus was up
by the resolution of the right hon. gentleman.
had, without hopes( reward, ondemoured to promote the
muse of right and humanity and the general good of Europe,
and whatever the result of thin debate, be was perfectly
certain she had lost noun of her wonted Whence among
European power*. (floor, hear.)
Lord STANLEY, who was 'waived with cheer& mid be
did not think there was any moot why, if they thought
foreism affairs had been badly managed, thay should
sot pewter to say ao in plain words. (Cheers.) The rem.
Intim wee clear and intelligible, and meant that they
thought that her Majesty's government bad blundered in
their foreign aesthetics' from beginning to sad. (Hear,
hear.) That being their opinion, they were bound to ask
the lame to say so. [Hear, beer.l Mir Chancellor of the
Exchequer made mottle pout He said May were &hock-
ing the government regardless how in dogs' so they might
be misleading the oivatry ; and though be did not &away
me the phrase, he wished to vsy that they wore trading
en the buniiliatios of England. (Ministerial chem.
He was glad they had taken up that point, be-
came it gave him an opportunity of dealing with it
The right hon. sentlema opposite nesesed to think that if
they thought the moistf oonductiugbusinem by the amen.
meat had diminished the power of Eogland, they
ought sot to came., them. Bat if they thosght
that the Foreign-cBoe was wrong, and they were not
to MD them right, their last chance el netting matters
right wee pew Thew the tight how gentleman said the
tangoes* of the resolution was unprecedented. Well, be
was not prepared with precadants toque**, hot he had some
recollection of resolutions proposed on termer omsdons
and language media tomer debates conmand with which the
Impose of this resolution, and thelanguage which had
beta med in this clohats, ccenparstivoly mild. He re-
membered reading of use memorable instance when the Bret
Fart of Maimesbury was exit ea an embassy to Paris daring
the revolution in 1796 or 1796, and Mr. Burke, who was
strongly tweed to that mimic's, said in reply to an
apology foam the government as to the lestib of time
occupied, that it was no wonder Lard Mabosibury
me • long time Maim he travelled the whole toed
upon his knees. nes the Chanodlor of the Exchequer
said, " You only indulge in critichm, and you do not offer
any advice se to what the government ought to do." Well,
he remembered • celebrated etsteeman, ono for whom the
Chancellor of the Exchequer peofessed the greatest rams-
Sion, who declined to promribe till he was called in. But
how would they &dribs! They were not simple socusth to
suppose that however ample might be the Warmtien ore-
hued in those blot books they contained all the in-
formation on the subject. e did not *harp the prawn-
meat with any unjustifiable suppression. All be
said was that there must in diplomatic &Haire
be a great deal that was never made public.
He repeated, the& whatever thin resolution might be, it
was not • reolutio• for war. If It were, DO consideration
would induct him to support it. He would at mos de-
clare that to sogap ia an European war for the mks of
the dookies would be an act not of impolicy, hat inamity.
(Hear, hear.) And he was willing to think that, when be
talked ea he did, it was not the announciontoot of a porky,
but rather the isdalsence of an iseetorato habit. (Laugh-
ter.) But to talk of piss to war when Oopolugres
was attacked was the same eo if MOW friendly &mpan
power were to say to us, if we were attacked by an over-
' whedming power, "Scotland may bo invaded and England,
and we will not defied you, but touch the Isle of Wight
and thou me what we will den" (Laughter.) Bat he did
not want to dwell our that. He was ready to assume that
the policy of the govegurnest imam of pesos. The amend-
ment although it did not my one word he did not believe,
implied a great deal to which he did not give his assent. Re
denied that there was any cosnection between the humiliat-
ing position in which England was plated and s pithy (Apiece.
Frame was not placed in that humiliatthe position, and
stall hon had been • mate policy. So 'pin we were mu-
hid in the Italian nun, though moth sympathy was felt in
this country for the holism bet the government was not
humiliated by the position it the. took. Whet • strong
goverment like England pm advice to a weak sovornment
like Deumerk, it incurred gnat respresibility if is did not
girt warning, as Frame did, that they did not intend to go
further than give the advice. If they had not given this
advice to Denmark it was possible that Denmark might not
have misted as she had doors, and that amicable arrange-
ments might have been mane to. What be eomplained of
was not th•policy of the govonmeat.bist their want of polity.
Everyone would nemenabor • phrase which we uttered
eleven years ago, and which had become liietorioaL It was
said that the Crimean war was one that England had drifted
into. He did not prase to my that the,, was any peat
appridemios that the same thing would happen again, far
he believed that the country was more widea-was now
than it was then. It wee, however, possible for the
country to get into • positioe in which it had
no alternative but to go to war or suffer, if not dishonour,
discredit. In this can there was no fear of our going to
war, and he did not ece how we could map* the other
alternative. Such • state of things was one that be thought
called for • protest on the part of the home, and if there
was to be an appeal from its derision, he trusted that it
would be prosecuted as soot as possible. (Loud cheers.).
On the motion of Mr. CORDIII, the debate was then
adjourned till this day.
LNL AND REVENUE (STAMP DUTIES) BILL.
This bill as amended was considered.
CBANBOURNE-STREET BILL.

Mr. COWPER moved the third reading of this ball.
Mr. COX claimed the fulfilment of the pledge that this
bill should be rroommittod. He moved it. re-cocomitmsut.
After a few words from
Sir W. GALLWIT sod Mr. SaLomorus the motion WY
agreed to, sod the house west into committee
S W. GALLWZY mowed that the chairman report
program.

iiater some dieeeseice, the committee divided.
For meets( program 37
/tibial* 43-8

On clams 1,
Mr. HENNESSY moved that the chairman report pro•
gram. (Hear, bear.)
Mr. COWPER said be did sot wish to proceed with the
bill if there was any real objection to its farther program.
Mr. COX said there were several objection* to proceeding
with the bill.

fTir W. OA LLW EY also opposed the bill.
Mr. COW PER said, is that came be would not proceed
with the bill

The CHAIRMAN then reported progress.
PUBLIC SCHOOLS BILL.

Sir G. GREY, in moving the second reading of this bill,
Meted th►t its objects were merely to enact that any
member of the governing body of • school should accept
office subject to any alteration parliament might make is
punuance of the report of the public schools ootruniesioa.
Sir W. FRASER hoped that an opportunity would be
given for • more careful discussion of the bill in committee.
The bill wan read • .snood time.
INDIA OFFICE BILL.

This WI pared through committee, and wu ordered to
to reported.
ADMINISTRATION OF TRUSTS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
On tle order for the consideration of the Lords' mood-
meals,
Mr. BUCHANAN proposed the poetpooment of the bill
to a future sissies._ _ _

^Attar a coo;;Aloat, the further coesideratica of the bill
was postponed.
LNDIA STOCK TRANSFER. BILL.
This bill was read a tbini time.
_ SUPPLY.—REPORT.

The report of the committee of supply wee brought up,
sad the resolution, Pere weed to.
THE THAMES EMBANKMENT AND METROPOLIS

IMPROV &VENT (LOANS).
The report of the resolution ises brouight up and agreed
to, and LISTS given to Wog in bill.
THE INDEMNITY BILL

Thu bill poesslih-oU;Sli;;;O;iites.--
THE MORTGAGE DEBENTURES (STAMPS).
The report of the resolution ma brought .p sad
orp-eed to.

THE JUDGMENTS. &c., LAW (AMENDMENT) BILL
This bill passed through committee.
THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT ACT (1888) AMEND.

111114TBILI:

Thio bill wood through sormittos.
THE REGISTRATION OF DEWS (IRELAND)

STAMPS.

The house Agreed to ti;;To;c:Iiiioo, sot kayo wu gives
to bring in a bill founded Wren.