The Press.
London, England, 1858-01-30 00:00:00

THE PRESS, JANUARY 30, 1858.

we have most to dread, and it is this very feature in every part of
India but Oude that the war is assuming. In that province a great
and arduous campaign is before us. Bombay and the Punjaub happily
remain tranquil ; but we confess we have serious doubts about the
tranquillity of Madras Demands for troops from Calcutta have been too
frequent and too pressing of late to convince us that all is well in that
Presidency. Upon the whole, we confess that we cannot regard the
position of affairs with satisfaction, and we can see no ground for the
satisfaction of others. We have suffered enormous and dispropor-
tionate losses, we have exhausted our resources in India, and the war
is only yet at its commencement.

The question of Church Rates is just one of that character on
which we have very frequently had occasion to comment. Wo sin-
cerely believe that the abolition of them is desired by only a small
minority of the community; but that minority is closely united, and
works with a pertinacity which is rarely shown in the pursuit of a
mere theory. Although the grievance is practically a very small one,
still it is real as far as it goes. It touches the pocket. And so we may
anticipate that year after year the question will coino up for discus.
sion, until the Reformers gain their point rather from their importu-
nity than from any faith in their representations. We perfectly agree
with the Times that the question should be left to private efforts. If
the Legislature chooses to be wearied into the passing of mea-
sures which it does not in reality approve, there is no
help for it. But what we say is, that tho country and
the Church are entitled to know upon what footing
the question remains. They are entitled to know what are the inten-
tions of Government—whether the matter is to be left in the hands of
individuals, or whether Government will take it up. If the Church
were an enemy whom it was desirable to take by surprise, mystery
would be well enough. But as it is, we cannot understand why Lord
PALMERSTON could not come forward in a manly way and
say at once that the time was not ripe for legislation
on this subject. Or if he really intended to do anything,
he might surely have satisfied the deputation which waited on him last
Wednesday, by some outline of his plan. To assign as a reason for
not, doing so the fear of hostile comment is absurd. But here Lord
PALMERSTON has given us, without intending it, a curious glimpse into
his views of Ministerial duty, and his estimate of his own position.
Every measure, he thinks, must be carried by a coup-de-main, or not
carried at all. Very likely Lord PALMERSTON is right. We now begin
to understand why the Divorce Bill was hurried on as it was. Our eyes
have been opened a good deal by this incautious avowal. But there
is one inconvenience resulting from the great influx of men of busi-
ness into the House of Commons—namely, that members are too busy
with their private affairs to make themselves masters of great publio
questions which do not specially touch themselves. At all events, they
can never master them iu advance, and this, undoubtedly, is a good
reason why any Government measure which affects our institution
should be well ventilated before its introduction to the House. The
Premier seems to be of a different opinion, and no doubt he is wise in
his generation.

The fact that the Northern Whig has uttered a spirited remon-
strance against the onesided system of promoting Roman Catholics
in Ireland is of no little importance. The Whig has long been dis -
tinguished as a most able and consistent champion of the popular
and Roman Catholic party in Ireland, and it is undoubtedly a journal
conducted with great ability and energy. Yet what does the Whig
say with reference to the recent promotions ?
The time was when to be a Roman Catholic was a disqualification for Ministerial
rewards. It would almost seem that we are now reversing the ruk A barrister
who enjoys the confidence of Archbishop Cullen appears to be the luckiest man as things
go now•a•days.

And elsewhere it remarks on the simultaneous promotion of three
Roman Catholic barristers to the highest legal honours, that such a
course " leads to the suspicion of partiality, and weakens confidence
"in the Government." This is certainly a strong testimony in favour
of the soundness of the views uttered on this important sub-
ject by the Conservative press in various parts of the
empire. On the question how far it would be advisable
for the Conservatives of Ireland to make open remonstrances
in public meetings assembled on this abuse of official patronage, we
may speak at another time. Conservatives naturally dislike anything
which can be distorted into a precedent for " agitation ;" and now that
the Northern Whiy and some other independent organs aro beginning
to speak out with fairness and justice, the subject may possibly be
left to the free opinion of the empire as expressed in its public
journalism. If such an alternative be attempted, it will of course be
absolutely necessary that the subject should be kept steadily before
general attention.

The letter of " JUDEX," published in the Times of yesterday, is a
document which cannot be neglected by any one who desires to form
an impartial opinion upon the real causes and character of the Indian
revolt. It is the production of one who has had great opportunities
of observation, and it is perhaps a proof of the writer's moderation of
judgment that he has reserved for the present any expression of a
decisive opinion on the real origin to which these troubles are to be
ascribed. The more temperate counsels which ho would desire to
recommend are such as we ourselves have uniformly endeavoured to
enforce ; but we cannot so readily acquiesce in one of the reasons which
he gives for them. In the latter portion of his remarks, bearing on a most