The Press.
London, England, 1857-06-06 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

IV. Property. V. The Professional Interest. VI. The
Popular Interest.
This analysis of interests is too arbitrary, and
is inconsistent. " Virtue" is purely ethical,
whereas the other interests are positive and
social. But we must allow some latitude to
every propounder of a theory. Mr. Harris
afterwards explains what he means by the
" interest of virtue ":

The first and leading interest in a State is that which
is most aptly denominated by the general term of Virtue,
including here both religion and morality, and comprising
completely and comprehensively that principle of recti-
tude which insures in the possessor of it an absolute and
unerring resolution to discharge his duty to the full ex-
tent, both to his Creator and his fellow-creatures; and
which induces each person ever to adopt that which is
essentially right in itself as his first and highest aim. The
predominance of such a principle is essential to the right
conduct both of an individual and of a State.

If it be contended that such an interest as this ought
not to form an independent one in the representative body,
inasmuch as every single representative should be indi-
vidually and mainly influenced by this principle; I would
reply that, while I admit the latter proposition to the full,
yet it is because this interest is so essential that—at any
rate until it can be proved to be really and practically pre-
dominant in a representative assetnbb—it is all important
that the interest of virtue have a distinct and independent
representation of ita own. Many of the individuals who
constitute a representative assembly may be men of
property and of commercial eminence. But this is surely
no reason why property and commerce should not obtain a
due and independent representation in such a body.

And he then explains how, according, to his
conception, that " interest
.of virtue ' is at
present represented:—

The lull:anent interest here alluded to is indirectly re-
presented in the House of Commons, and also in the
House of Lords—which, though not considered as the
representative assembly of the nation, is, and acts as such,
in many respects—by the religious belief and moral cha-
racter of the members of these bodies. The influence of
this interest, as regards the religious belief and opinions of
the representatives, is also secured by the oath imposed
upon members of Parliament.
This interest is directly represented by the presence of
the bishops in the House of Lords, the object of which was
admirably stated by Lord Eldon to be " not to make the
Church political, but the State religious."
But as there is already what Burke called
" an oblation of the State," by means of the
Established Church, it may be questioned
whether the " interest of virtue" is not of too
fanciful a character to erect any solid con-
clusions upon. Elsewhere, however, the
author succeeds much better. We believe
that the professional interest is swamped by
the influence of mero numbers, and what Mr.
Harris says on this subject is well worth
notice :

The Professional Interest—comprising that of the
different professions and trades, and the interests of
industry generally, of every variety, including therein
labour and production of each kind, manufacture and ex-
change, import and export, traffic and commerce, and their
due protection and regulation—may be considered as
forming a distinct and independent one of itself, and ap-
pears next to demand representation in the national
assembly. In every State where professions and trades
are carried on, the interest of these bodies, and the main-
tenance of their rights and privileges, must constitute a
very important one in the community. Consequently,
such an interest ought to obtain its due share of influence
in the representative body of the nation.
It may be observed that the professional interest is dis-
tinct from that of property, inasmuch as while the profes-
sional interest is that which mainly relates to the regula-
tion of the producticn of property, the interest of property,
on the other hand, relates mainly to its preservation when
so produced, or otherwise obtained.
These several professions and trades, so varying in
their nature, differ much as to their present proportionate
share in the representation. Thus the legal profession is
indirectly represented by the numerous members of it who
are to be found in both houses. The medical profession,
though a most important one, has, in comparison with the
former, a very small share of representation in either
house.
Assuming that his system of "interests" is
laid down on a correct basis, there is vigorous
logic in the following application of his
principles :
As regards the representation of the higher interests of
the State already defined and classified, how many men of
learning, information, and intelligence, who were returned
to Parliament for " rotten boroughs," have been entirely
excluded by the Reform Act ? Mr. Burke, Mr. Pitt, Mr.
Canning, Mr. Brougham, Mr. Sadler, Sir Charles
Wetherell, Sir James Mackintosh, Mr. Croker, and Mr.
Macaulay, were all introduced to Parliament through, and
sat during the greater portion of their career for rotten
boroughs. Have Finsbury and the Tower Hamlets, or
Manchester and Birmingham, sent men who represent the
interests of the State comprehended in Classes 1., 11.,
T 11., IV., and V., as the rotten boroughs did ? How are
our great colonial interests, which are comprehended in
Classes IV. and V.—and the well-being of which is in-
separably connected with the welfare of every other inte-
rest in the State-r-now represented and protected ?

559

The Whig Reform Bill of 1832 failed doubly.
It did not introduce men of genius into the
Legislature, and it localised the representa-
tion. It failed in other respects also. Could
a Henry Brougham represent a large coned.
tuency and take so active a part in the Legis-
lature as was performed by the orator who
represented Tavistoek and Knaresborough,
but who never had a large constituency until
1830 ? This question applies to many other
eminent barristers, and to gentlemen without
large pecuniary resources.
Mr. Harris then boldly proceeds to the com
plete development of his plan. He is in
favour of a disfranchisement of the smaller
boroughs, and a transference of their repre-
sentatives to the various leading chartered
and incorporated institutions and public
bodies, whether learned, professional, or com-
mercial, the members belonging to each being
privileged to vote for one representative He
would carry out his system in the following
manner :

University of Oxford ..
University of Cambridge
Metropolitan University

Number of Members
for each Society.

University of Durham .. 2
University of Edinburgh 2
University of Glasgow .. 2
University of Aberdeen
University of Dublin .. 4
The four Inns of Court, in London, two each 8
Professional body of Attorneys and Solicitors
in England ..
Society of Advocates in Scotland

.. 6

Professional body of Writers to the Signet in
Scotland ..

The four Courts, including the Society of
Barristers, in Dublin

Professional body of Attorneys and Solicitors
in Ireland .. .. 3
The College of Physicians in London .. 4
The College of Surgeons .. 2
Edinburgh College of Physicians .. 3
Edinburgh College of Surgeons 1
Dublin College of Physicians .. .. 3
Dublin College of Surgeons 1
Royal Military Colleges
Royal Naval Colleges .. 3
Royal Society .. .. 4
Society of Arts .. .. 3
Edinburgh Royal Society .. .. 2
Dublin Royal Society .. . • 2
The English Royal Academy .. .. 2
The East India Company .. 4
The various Colonial Companies .. 4
The Bank of England .. 3
This is what many will consider a most wild pro-
position. There is no precedent in it, and it
is impossible to say where the line of incor-
poration could be drawn. He goes on to
tabulate several new incorporated bodies,
which would give fifty-six additional members ;
and he actually proposes to include insurance,
canal, and railway companies, and he even.
proposes to give three members to the " London
Stock Exchange "!
It is obvious that such a system is too
crude, although a certaia portion of truth
may be assigned to it. It is without prece-
dent ; it is bureaucratic, and would not be
essentially representative of " opinion." It
creates another sort of "class interests," and it
is exposed to the charge of introducing politics,
with the necessary partisanship, into learned.
and academical bodies. Once, also, that such
a scheme was accepted, we may calculate upon
hosts of incorporated candidates claiming a
share in the representation. If four members
(as this learned author suggests) were as-
signed to " English Insurance Companies,"
and a member given to the " London Chamber
of Commerce,' we are entitled to ask, where
is a test to be applied? Why, on that basis,
should not the Athenaeum Club, or the United
Service, have a brace of members ? The
" bay-window interest" of White's would.
claim a couple of members ; and even the
great gossip interest of the chatty and amus-
ing Garrick might ask for at least one repre-
sentative for its small talk in " the library,"
or " the lobby," or the " smoking-room." It
would be easy to play with this part of the
subject, but, fully recognising the gravity of
this momentous question of Parliamentary
Reform, we are not inclined to the use of per-
siflage on so serious a theme.
In considering the feasibility of such a
scheme as Mr. Harris proposes, let us recol-
lect the invaluable suggestions made by Mr.
Disraeli in his masterly speech at Newport
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