The Press.
London, England, 1856-07-19 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

opinion and determination as the noble lord the First
Minister. I hope I sin not wrong in this antici-
pation, but it cannot be inadvisable when such a sub-
ject as this is brought before the house to meet it fairly in
discussion. Let us not as on former occasions be met
with the poetry of politics. (Hear, hear.) I can feel for
the condition of Italy as keenly as any gentleman in this
house, whether he be a First Minister or an ex-First
Minister. I hope and believe that the time will come when
in Italy there will be neither secret societies nor crowned
despots ; but these are questions for the closet, not for a
practical and popular assembly. We have to deal with the
facts before us, and if we raise up an agitation against
Austrian rale without a distinct conception of the objects
at which we aim and the line of conduct which we intend
to pursue, we shall be arresting the progress of Italy and
aggravating every misfortune which has been brought
under our notice. (Hear, hear.)
It is impossible to conceal the fact that the great power
of Italy is Austria. Both the noble bids have admitted
that, unless we are prepared to enter into an internecine
struggle with Austria, our object ought to be to render the
Austrian rule as mild and beneficent as we can. At least
we ought not to encourage those who are prepared to con-
spire against that rule, butwho are prepared to do noting
else. I was in Italy long before the affairs of 1848. the
Government of Austria was not that Italian Government
which poets would imagine in their dreams. It was not a
system of government under which Petrarchs were crowned
with laurels in the Capitol, but it was distinguished from
the other Governments of Italy by an immense expendi-
ture of Imperial—not Italian—treasure upon great public
works, by the light taxation of the people, and by the
progressive material improvement of the country. That
was something. It was good to have a country with roads
unrivalled, with means of communication yearly increas-
ing. That is not, it is true, the only object of life, but I
need not impress upon hon. gentlemen that material
comfort is a basis upon which you may, and in time
probably will, establish civil and political rights ; that the
richer a people become the more anxious they are to guard
that wealth ; and that, whatever we may say of the
Austrian rule, it was, so far as Lombardy was concerned, a
rule under which at least the material character of the
country was greatly improved. I have not been in Lom-
bardy since that unfortunate year, 1848, but I have heard
that the picture of society is now of a very different
character. I hear that in consequence of the affairs of
1848 taxes have greatly increased, the public works have
been arrested in their progress, and that the material
development of the country has much diminished: there-
fore by the course we took in 1848 we have not im-
proved the condition of Lombardy. That leads me to my
last point, our position with regard to Sardinia. (Hear,
hear.)

The noble lord the member for London (Lord J.
Russell) laid it down as a principle that, although there
may be in the treaty with Sardinia no formal stipulation
that we will support that country against other powers,
vet, after its allegiance to the great alliance and all that
has occurred since, we are hound in honour to give
it that support if it should be attacked. The noble
lord the First Minister (Lord Palmerston) seemed
not to question that position, but rather urged upon the
*mention of the house that there was no fear that
Sardinia would attack Austria. Now, I think it unde-
sirable that a man of the great character and influence
of the noble lord the member for the city of London
should in this house volunteer engagements to other
countries which the lilera scripla of the treaty does not
authorise; but I certainly agree with the noble lord that
any attack upon Sardinia by any power in consequence of
the internal policy which she pursues would constitute one
of those grave conjectures which would demand the most
serious consideration of the British Government, and could
o?.rtainly not be encountered by a despatch or an admoni-
tion. Let me, however, remind the noble lord, who says
that there is no danger of Sardinia attacking Austria, of
what occurred in 1848. It was Sardinia that attacked
Austria. It was when Austria was supposed to be in distress
and in despair, even while negotiations of a not unfriendly
character were going on between the two Courts, that the
King of Sardinia made, as it were. a nocturnal attack upon
his Austrian neighbour, and commenced the war which
ended in his signal discomfiture. I hope that the present
King will profit by that experience, and will feel confident
that if he, within his own dominions, pursues tlr policy
which he believes to be for the advantage of the great body
of his people, he will retain the respect of Europe, and will
be safe from any unjust attack. I should deeply lament
that any occupation of Sardinia by Austria should take
place. That would indeed be a conjuncture which would
require the deep consideration of this house. To judge
from the past, 1 cannot bring myself to believe that any
danger of that kind exists ; I cannot but believe that the
King of Sardinia is safe so long as he remains within the
limits of his own dominions, and pursues that policy in the
management of his kingdom which he has a right to
follow. If anything can give to him power to develop his
whole reditical system it is the maintenance of peace in
Italy. lam persuaded that, if the policy recommended by
the noble lord the member for London is followed, you will
have the position of Sardinis endangered—not by Austria,
hut by the revolutionary element, exercising its sympa-
thetic influence upon the secret societies of Piedmont; and
that throne will fall, not by the hand of Austria, not by
:he interference of foreign occupation, but by the efforts of
men and bodies of men, who have in view far other objects
than the constitutional improvements which wisely engage
the attention of the Kiag of Sardinia, and the subversive
career of which will be accelerated by the motion made by
the noble lord to night.
The noble lord the First Minister tells ns that he can-
not consent to the production of the papers now asked for.
I can hardly suppose that the noble lord the member for
London expected them to be granted ; but he has had an
opportunity of placing before the house and the country

SATURDAY,

the policy which he advocates. I entirely dissent from the
views of that noble lord. (Hear, hear.) I say, if you will
interfere with Italy, you must interfere with fleets and
armies, and be prepared to meet the consequences.
If you interfere in Italy, you must make up your
minds fora war of prolonged duiation—a war that will tax
your resources to the uttermost, and which, once it is
commenced, you must continue until you have fully ac-
complished the objects fur which you embarked in it, and
have in tact reconstituted the map of Europe. That
is the only mode in which you can interfere in Italy.
If you are not prepared to do that, for the sake
of the Italians, for the sake even of liberty and civilisation,
you will avoid stirring up the passions of the population of
that peninsula.
I am confident this view is right, although you may
smile at the association of the words " liberty and
civilisation" with Austrian rule. We are told that we
can expect nothing from Austria. Let me impress on the
house this point—that Austrian statesmen are among the
most enlightened men of the present day. The present
Prime Minister of Austria and the present Minister of
Austria at the Court of Rome, and recently at this Court,
are the two most distinguished pupils of Prince Metter-
nich. That Prince is a statesman distinguished above all
others for his freedom from prejudice and passion,
and most interested in good government. He must
feel that, if Italy were tranquil and undisturbed,
Austria, being a powerful nation, could afford to be
clement, to trust, and confide. It is the King of
Naoles the little sovereigns teased with constant
conspiracies, who, rather trout a feeling of panic than
any natural cruelty or arbitrary disposition, are driven
to those excesses which we all equally deplore and desire
to see terminated. No man can wish to fill dungeons with
his own subjects. I remember perfectly well that when
Lord Minto went to Italy in 1847, and at the request of
several of the northern Courts tendered his advice on the
part of the British Government, the same King of Naples,
who is now depicted to us as quite a Caligula, was so
anxious to establish some form of constitutional govern.
ment in his dominions that he applied to our Government
for their good offices towards that end ; and Lord Minto,
at the King's express desire, repaired to Naples, and for a
considerable period I believe entertained the most sanguine
expectations of success. It was the sudden outbreak of
the French Revolution which put a stop to the arrange-
ments then in progress in Naples.
For these reason, although there can be no division to-
night on this question, I hope the house will refuse to
sanction the course recommended by the noble lord-1
hope it will arrive at this conclusion :—if we agree to inter-
fere in Italy, let it be a real interference ; or, on the other
hand, if we are not prepared to act, if we are not prepared to
give effect to our policy by force, then the best thing for us
will be to remain silent; not to rouse the passions of the
population ; not to upset thrones—a policy which can only
end in aggravating the thraldom of Italy, and may lead to
consequences still more fraught with disaster to Europe.
(Cheers.)

Mr. BOWYER atrongly deprecated the course taken
by Lord John Russell.

Mr. WHITESIDE observed that Lord J. Russell, in
reading over the protocols, was justified in asking
what the Government was going to do. The First
Minister, however, had made no explicit declaration
of his policy ;he was going to go nothing—a shuffling,
miserable policy, which all must condemn, and which
would exasperate the feelings of the people of Italy.
Lord Palmerston had certainly shown that he pos-
sessed the first quality of a Minister—he could speak
eloquently and gracefully without saying a word on
the subject under consideration.
The motion was negatived without a division.
PARTNERSHIP AMENDMENT (No. 2)13u.L.

This bill was read a third time. Upon the question
that it do pass,
Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE proposed to add the fol-
lowing proviso to clause 3:—

Provided also, that no such loan shall be deemed to be
protected by this act. unless the lender thereof shall within
fourteen days after the same shall have been advanced
cause to be inserted in his own name in the Gazelle
of London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, according as the princi-
pal place of business of the borrower may be in England,
Scotland, or Ireland, a statement of such advance, exhibit-
ing the amount thereof, the person to whom an I the term
for which the same is made, the portion of the profits
which the lender stipulates to receive on account thereof
and the nature of the business by which such profits aro
intended to be acquired.
Mr. LOWE oppose I the proviso.
Mr. CARDWELL and Mr. BARING supported it.
The house divided, when the clause was carried
against Government by 108 to 102.
Mr. Low, said after that decision the Government
would not proceed with the hill :
If hon. gentlemen will excuse me for one moment, I
have one word to say which diminishes my regret for the
result. Since I brought in this bill 1 have had laid before
me an opinion, signed by Mr. Justice Willes, Mr. Baron
Bramwell, the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General,
and Sir Fitzroy Kelly, and one or two other learned gen-
tlemen of eminence, to the effect that moneys which are
lent on the terms of receiving a portion of the profits by
way of interest, or services which are given upon the same
terms, do not make the parties liable as partners.

➢lr. DISRAELI :
Perhaps the right hon. gentleman has no objection to
lay on the table not only the opinion to which he hah re•
(erred, but the case also. As a nee, principle has been in-
troduced into our business, and we are to be consoled for

JULY 19, 1856.

legislation which has failed by reference to opinions of
gentlemen of the long robe, I think that the utmost frank-
ness ought to exist as to the sources of this official con-
solation. (Laughter.)
The bill was then withdrawn.

HOUSE OF LORDS—TUIBDAT.
THE COMMANDER-IN CHIEF OF THE ARMY.
Lord PANMURE, in reply to the Duke of Somerset,
said that with regard to the office of Commander-in-
Chief no alteration had taken place in the shape of
giving that officer any Board to assist him in the
performance of his duties. With respect made
present appointment, no difference had bee
in the relations which existed between the Secretary
for War and the late Commander in-Chief. In the
relations which existed between the Secretary of
State for War and the Commander-in Chief, be con-
sidered that entire responsibility for all acts of the
Commander-in-Chief rested with the Government of
the day. The Commander-in-Chief made no ap-
pointments in the superior departments without con-
sulting and obtaining the concurrence of the Secre-
tary for War, and in the administration of the minor
patronage of the army that officer acted on his own
responsibility, subject only to the ?.ontrol of the
Secretary for War.
BISHOPS OF LONDON AND DURHAM'S RETIREMENT BILL.
The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second reading
of this bill, permitting the Bishops of London and
Durham to retire from the discharge of their official
duties, and granting them retiring pensions, founded
on the relative amounts of the net incomes of their
bishoprics, of 6,0001. and 4,500/. a year severally.
Lord REDESDALE opposed the measure, as excep-
tional and illegal, dangerous and inexpedient. The
Statute Law forbade any arrangements for the resig-
nation of benefices. The whole question should be
dealt with by a general measure. He moved that
the bill be read that day three months.
Lord DERBY declared his intention of voting for
the amendment, on the ground that the Government
were legislating on an exceptional case for the pur-
pose of violating the great fundamental principle of
the law of the land.
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY supported the
bill.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE and the Bishop of OXFORD
opposed the bill, on the ground that sufficient time
had not been allowed for the mature consideration of
so important a subject.
Their lordships then divided, !when the numbers
were, for the second reading, 47; against it, 35 ;
majority, 12.
The bill was then read a second time.
METROPOLITAN LOCAL MANAGEMENT ACTS (No. 2) BILL.
The house then resolved into committee on this
bill.

On the first clause,
The Earl of MALNERBURY moved, as an amend•
ment, the omission of certain words, which he
described as depriving property of the weight it
hitherto possessed, in the event of votes being re-
corded.
I.3rd STANLEY of ALDERLEY objected to the amend-
ment.
The committee divided, when the amendment was
carried by a majority of 21 to 18.
The remaining clauses of the bill were agreed to
and the house resumed.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—TUESDAY.
NEW WRITS.
Sir W. JOLIIFFE moved that a new writ be issued
for the election of a member to serve in Parliament
for the county of Dorset, in the room of the Right
Hon. George Bankes, deceased.—Ordered.
Mr. HATTER moved that a new writ be issued for
the election of a member to serve in Parliament for
the borough of Frome, Somersetshire, in the room
of Viscount Dungarvan, who had been called up to
the House of Peers.

COAST GUARD SERVICE BILL.
Sir CHARLES WOOD, in moving the second reading
of this bill, explained that it was designed to create,
after the French system—(which he examined in
detail, and which enables France to raise 60,000 men
at once. for her navy, to be increased, if required, to
90,000)—an efficient body of 10,000 reserve seamen,
who in cases of emergency could be at once drawn
and put on board ship. Sir Charles Wood, in the
course of his speech, alluded to the present efficient
state of the French navy, and the excellence of its
naval administration :

It is quite true that at the present moment the French
are making the most successful efforts to increase their
navy. They are building ships as fast as we are. There
is one ship at Cherbourg as large as the Duke of Wellington.
Cliey have far better means of putting men on board their
ships than we have. Their system is as follows :—they
have a book of inscription in which the names of all sea-
faring men are entered. They are called out for service in
the navy. From 20,000 to 25,e00 men serve for about
three years; and they are taught all that a seaman has to
learn. The actual time they are kept in the navy differs,
bat it is generally frAn between five and six years when
they are discharged, but are still liable at any time to be