The Press.
London, England, 1856-02-02 00:00:00

THE PRESS

the men who were raised under the Foreign Enlistment
Act? What has become of the money that was procured
under the terms of that loan ? What has become of the
Turkish Contingent which, having been embodied slowly
and tardily, were sent at last to a point where they could do
nothing for Kars? How are we to account for the impri-
sonment of :30,000 or 40,000 men at Eupatoria, where they
were powerless for the relief of the distressed garrison and
of no possible advantage to the common cause ? (Hear,
hear.) Your money, which lay unemployed, might have
been applied to the provisioning of Kars and to the adopt-
ing of such measures as would have prevented the enemy
from surrounding it; but no effort was made to provision
it until it was beleaguered by the Russian army, nor after
that event was any attempt made to relieve it. (Hear,
hear.) 'l'hese, my lords, are momentous matters, and well
deserve the serious consideration of the country. I hope

that they will obtain the attention they merit, and that we
shall have such an explanation of this apparent neglect on
the part of the Government as will redeem them from the
deep imputation which now rests upon them—of having
sacrificed a gallant army, abandoned an important post,
and permitted the occurrence of a calamity, which, though
thanks to the heroism of that devoted band it has not
dimmed the lustre of our arms, has yet given to the enemy
a cause of exultation, and tilled the heart of the British
nation with the most painful emotions. (Loud cheers).
As to the pending negotiations for peace, he would
enter into no discussion ; peace and war were ques-
tions of the prerogative of the Crown, and it was not
the function of Parliament to make itself the daily
adviser of the Sovereign upon them. But he hoped
the negotiations would not cause any indefinite sus•
pension of hostilities by an armistice, which must in
any case be more advantageous to Russia than Eng-
land. He regretted that the Royal Speech made no
reference to their relations with the United States,
and hoped that the omission would not be considered
by the Americans as a contemptuous silence. Finally,
lie strongly condemned the novel and, as he believed,
unconstitutional proceeding which the Ministry had
adopted in conferring a life peerage on Mr. Baron
Parke :
It appears to me, my lords, that that peerage has been
conferred most unnecessarily and gratuitously as far as
regards the limitation for life, because the distinguished
person on whom it has been conferred has no son, nor is
he likely to have one. A peerage, therefore, of such a
description can only have been conferred in order to try
the prerogative of the Crown. Now, my lords, without
venturing to discuss the constitutional side of the question,
I may venture to say that when it is sought to exercise a
prerogative, or supposed prerogative, of the Crown, of such
a nature, such a subject ought not to be passed over in
silence on the first night of our meeting. It is a preroga-
tive which has never been exercised for a space of three
hundred or four hundred years—one which during that
space the greatest sticklers for prerogative have never ven-
tured to advise, and which those who have been most de-
sirous to swamp your lordships' house have never dared to
recommend. The gratuitous assumption of such a prero.
gative is a matter for the deepest consideration, and 1
earnestly exhort all your lordships—for the subject is one
which concerns all, and which especially affects the consti-
tutional liberty of the country—to cArefully consider whe-
ther you will, or can, or ought, to submit to the exercise of
a prerogative which has been dormant for many years, and
which, as I believe, at no time your lordships' house has
ever sanctioned as conferring a right to sit and vote in
Parliament.

Lord CLARENDON, in reply to the remarks of Lord
Derby, justified the language of the Speech from the
Throne and the general policy of the Administration.
The difference with America he believed was quite
capable of a speedy and amicabl,t solution. With
respect to Kars, he entreated the house to suspend
their judgment until the whole of the papers had
been laid before Parliament:—

The noble earl has alluded to reports which have been
widely circulated with regard to the feeling said to exist in
the French Government or the French nation with respect
to assistance having been withheld from liars. Ido not
mean to say that the French press may not have broached
the idea that, if the war were to be carried into Asia Minor,
it would be a waste of French blood and French treasure
for English purposes ; but I must give the must unquali-
fied denial to the supposition that such is the opinion of
the French Emperor or of the French Government.

Upon the origin and present state of the negotiations
Lord Clarendon explained

Her Majesty's Government never were disinclined to
listen to overtures of peace, and they were all along anxious
to bring the war to a satisfactory conclusion. It certainly
was not for England and France to make any overtures to
Russia ; and I think we can understand, and, I had almost
said, can respect the motives which induced Russia not to
make overtures to ns ; but Austria was in a position to
proffer her good offices, and the time that she chose for
doing it was an excellent one, when the approach of winter
rendered the cessation of hostilities necessary. But it
was no mediation which Austria offered. She simply
offered to assertain and make known at St. Petersburg the
terms upon e.hich jhe allies would consent to peace ; and
I must do the Austrian Government the justice to say
y admitted the necessity that those
and precise, in order to do away as
the chance of misapprehension,
misunderstandings and complicit-
. year, to bring the negotiations to a
was impossible for her Majesty's Go-
their sense of duty, to refuse those
However confident they might
dampaign would have increased the

SAT') RDAY,

military fame of England and might have led to a treaty
of a different and more comprehensive character, yet such
anticipations would have been wholly unjustifiable if they
had induced us to prolong the war when a prospect sp-
peered of attaining the objects for which that war was
undertaken ; and, notwithstanding the spirit which now
animates this country, I believe that the cool judg-
ment and right reason of the people of England
will approve the course which wt. have taken. (Hear.)
The original proposal of Austria was to communicate
those terms to Russia on her own responsibility ; but we
saw that it would be useless for Austria to send those
terms to St.. Petersburg without the sanction of the allies;
and here let me say that there was no disrespect intended
either to Sardinia or to Turkey by omitting them from the
Queen's Speech. We are deeply sensible of the courage
which Sardinia has evinced, and of the manner in which
she embarked in the contest, and in which she has carried
out her engagements; but we thought that it was simply
necessary for her Majesty to declare that, in consort with
her allies, she had consented to accept the good offices of
Austria with the Emperor of Russia. Austria, however,
became a party to the terms in question ; she made herself
responsible for them, and she entered into engagements to
break oft her diplomatic relations with Russia ifllley nets
rejected, and afterwards to concert with the allies as to the
means of coercing Russia. Those terms were sent by the
Austrian Minister to St. Petersburg; he was to ask for a
categorical answer—yes or no. He was simply the bearer
of a despatch ; he was forbidden to discuss its contents,
and he was, on no account, to admit any modifications or
counter-propositions whatever. The answer of Russia was
transmitted direct to Vienna. It was not in the form re-
quired by Austria, but contained some very important
modifications, and the Austrian Government thereupon
informed the Russian Minister at Vienna that, unless a cate-
gorical answer were received within a stated period, the
Austrian Minister with the whole of the mission at St.
Petersburg woold leave that city, and passports would be
sent to the Russian Legation at Vienna. That was commu-
nicated by Prince Gortachakoff to his Government, upon
which an acceptance, pure and simple, was sent by tele-
graph to Vienna. The despatches containing it arrived at
Vienna on the 24th inst. The substance of it was commr•
nicated to her Majesty's Government the day before yes-
terday, and the plan which is proposed to be adopted is
this—that the terms whien have been accepted by Russia
shall be agreed to by the representatives of the allies at
Vienna; that the representatives shall then sign a short
protocol, agreeing that the preliminaries shall be signed at.
l'axis ; that an armistice shall be entered upon, and that
the provisions of the treaty shall then be determined.
Although I shall not enter further at present into the
terms or duration of the armistice, and think that it would
not be right to discuss it at this time, yet I must take the
opportunity of sayieg, that I entirely agree with the noble
earl opposite, that it should he of the shortest possible
duration. (Hear, hear.) I have now informed your
lonlshipstof the present state of affairs, and I will not
deny that great doubt and anxiety are entertained as to
the result. It is impossible to deny that doubt is felt as
to the sincerity with which Russia may have accepted the
conditions. The very readiness which she has shown in
accepting them has increased that doubt, and the manner
in which she proceeded last year, after having purely and
simply accepted the terms then proposed, has still further
teldeil to it. We can only hope that Russia is sincere—
for my own part I believe that she is. I thiuk that Russia
desires a peace, and I think that the Emperor of Russia
has shown great moral courage in at once accepting terms
which he has reason to believe are displeasing to the war
party in Russia. ( Hear, hear.) I hope lie will continue
to exhioit the same moral courage, and that he will, with•
.
out any attempt at evasion, abide by the letter and spirit of
these terms. Should he do so, I think we have a prospect
of speedily obtaining that which has throughout been the
object of the war—a safe and honourable peace. ( Hear.
hear.) By an honourable peace, I mean a peace which
will be honourable to both parties, for a pease which would
degrade Russia would not be a safe peace. For my own
part, I think that Russia has accepted conditions which
will cast no stain upon her.

The Foreign Secretary then expressed a full reliance
upon the sincenty of Russia, and gave an unqualt-
tied denial to the report that the English Govern-
ment were entering upon these negotiations in a
spirit of insincerity, or sought to sacrifice the oppor
tunitles of peace to the desire for military glory.
Lord GRANVILLE, in the course of a few remarks?.
alluded to the objection taken by Lord Derby to the
recent grant of a life peerage, and hoped that what
the subject came under discussion it would be
treated without party spirit.
Lord CAMPBELL had extreme doubts whether the
creation of a life peerage was lawful, or whether it
could be done without the authority of Parliament,
and a new law to alter the established precedent.
Lord DERBY explained that the question would be
introduced on Thursday next by Lord St. Leopards.
The Address was then fully agreed to, and the
house adjourned.

In the HOUSE OF COMMONS new writs were moved
for Wigton, Edinburgh, Taunton, Newcastle, R.o•
chester, Cambridge, and Midhurst, the seats for
which had become vacant during the recess.
Mr. HirTER, on behalf of the Covernment, gavt
notice of the speedy introduction of many new bills.
Among the list were measures for amending the law
of partnership, for the regulation of joint-stock corn-
panies, to regulate certain offices in the House of
Commons, to amend the acts rclating to the metro-
politan police, to reform the City of London Cor-
poration, to render more effective the police force

e were that, from th- first, thc3
uldiers' terms gh0u1.... • • eletir RV
ra and Inn ible"with
.*every
, short 7 \1•••‘: Ise list yi
.equire an >- fu ne. It wIL
it year vittnint. ecording to I
ng4he •iiod • es. (Hear.)
ime of have bee at another
• •
u-art,

FEBRUARY 2, 1856.

in certain counties and boroughs, to abolish passing
tolls, to amend the shipping acts, to refortn the law
relating to burials in Ireland, and to provide for the
better erre and regulation of juvenile offeniers in
Ireland.
Mr. STAFFORD gave notic% of his intention, upon
an early day, of moving for the appointment of a
committee to investigate the system of the army
medical department.
Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice of proposing in Marclt
a bill to extend and improve national education in
England and Wales.
Mr. J. B. SMITH gave notice of an early motion
upon the uniformity of 'weights, measures, rnd
coinage.
Mr. BAILLIE, on Thursday the 14th, to move a
condemnation of the course pursued by the Govern-
ment in the enlistment of foreigners.

Sir CHARLES NAPIER, on Thursday the 7th, to move
for certain papers connected with the Baltic opera-
tions between Feb. 1554, an I Dec. 1855.
Sir DE LACY EVANS gave notice for an early day
to move the abolition of purchase in the army.
Sir W. CLAY on an early day to bring in a bill for
the abolition of Church rates.
The SPEAKER having read the Queen's Speech,
Mr. BYNG moved the Address in reply. Sketching
the leading events of the war, he submitted that its
results were highly satisfactory ; and that, with
respect to peace, if the details of the terms corre-
sponded to the outline already presented, an honour-
able and secure peace lay in prospect. Should peace,
u .happily, not result from the negotiations about to
open, the course of this country an l her allies was
clear. In conclusion, the hon. member asked for
tse patience and moderation of the house and
e tuntry while so great a stake was trembling in the
b dance.

Mr. BAXTER seconded the Address in a congratu-
latory speech upon the internal condition of the
country, and upon the unanimity of sentiment which
characterised most classes in the conduct of the war.
The negotiations, he contended, should be under-
taken by us with the s.vo►d in our hands, and no
relaxation made in our warliko preparations until
peace was definitively concluded.
Mr. DISRAELI Baia :

I am confident that I only echo the unanimous opinion
of the house when l say that I must agree with the hon.
m over of the Address, who has spoken to-night with such
c inspictions ability, in expressing the satisfaction and the
gratitude which we must all feel to her Majesty for inform-
ing us this day from the throne that she has acceded to
coalitions which she hopes may prove " the foundation of
a safe and honourable peace." I think, too, lam not mis-
representing the feelings of the house when I venture fur-
ther to say that it is with no less satisfaction that we have
heard, in the gracious Speech from the Throne, that her
Majesty, in conducting the negotiations which must be the
conseg ietices of her !idyllist acceded to those conditions,
will ti..i lose sight of the objects for which the war was un-
dertaken.
Sir, I do not feel that I am at liberty at present to at-
tempt to enter into any criticism of the conditions which
are referred to in the gracious Speech from the Throne. We
have indeed—notwithstanding the slight intimation which
has been given us of their nature by the lion. mover of the
Address—no authentic information before us at the present
moment on the subject. There certainly has transpired in
an irregular manner some information which no doubt has
excited gre t interest; but, at the same time, we have been
told that the conditions there stated are imperfect, and that
much is intended which is not there communicated. Under
those circumstances, it would be not only indiscreet, but, I
must confess, it would be impossible for me to enter into
any detailed criticism of what, after all, is only a political
hypothesis. lam not intending by these remarks in any
way to impugn the conduct of her Majesty's Government
in not communicating to the country in an official, authen-
tic, and complete manner the nature of the conditions upon
which they intend to insist, in order to secure the objects
for which the war was commenced. I take it for granted
that they have acted, in the position in which they are
placed, with the wisdom which becomes so great a responsi-
bility For my own part, I must express a hope that the
House of Commons will, under these circumstances, exer-
cise that prudent but bigh-spirited reserve—( Hear, hear )
which, while it shrinks from embarrassing a Minister on
whom is about to devolve the fulfilment of so difficult a
duty, will at the same time watch with the utmost vigi-
lance—l will not say suspicion— the course of all his pro-
ceedings. And, sir, though it may be at the present mo-
them impolitic and, perhaps, impossible for the House of
commons to enter into a protracted discussion of the im-
portant subject of impending negotiations, yet I will at
least say for myself that I think no little advantage will be
gained in the prosecution of these negotiations from the
fact that the Parliament of England is in session. 1 Hear.)
Although we may feel it our duty not to eater at this mo-
ment into a discussion of the terms upon which it is the
duty of the Minister of this country, or of the allies of her
Majesty, to insist, I cannot but feel that the fact that Par-
liament is assembled will exercise a salutary moral influ-
ence on the conferences; and I ant sure that no Minister
either in this or in any other country will, if we be silent,
mistake our forbearance for indifference. (Hear, hear.)
There is another reason why I feel much satisfaction at
assurance which we have this day received
crone, that in the attempt to conclude a peace
out of the purposes for which the war was
will be the object which her Majesty's Govern-
14* to attain. We have on that subject had so

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