The Express.
London, England, 1855-06-16 00:00:00

eae"....."."---.ooike ability to write from diedatiesefg Mahe al &Street Nat
It kid very few onsuragements• •
N-,,- document or account, to work problems et simple was es nd yet it
la
Pletargewere veryi ga
mask" legivewohtiehooviele.lonwase (hleadi• di!
edells•-blis out the like. The Ordnance-case's programme an qua. P
~es
'""--- al3 beads, the first being "to read aloud with teneetion bet • the
moots sad discrotion"—(laeghter)—the Math "to The former consisted political
a smallil camber gbeeveleaagaa branches.
Os' me write &letter or make an abstract of • curespond- high ability and position who bad ortaivneadt a- emeneklemwehaieohf
... sae the seventh "to give • written or vita von gave them in theory an :Nolen dominos over the de art-
..6assall.' apes roe ordinary subject,a with
.. a view to test the meets to the heads of which they were eall d Now &gee
in addition to their very heavye . '
"eLv—eio fetellienee of the emelt en. ) He (Mr Leyard) gentlemen,
117.7—marses that be thought this last the meet useful test duties, had a great deal of routine businessto Petnensia:ter and
the maims. he (Sir S. Neetecote) was convinced that however anxious
roThe &sole. (Her, brow.
probably).olltio.e.hbetng the. exami
Mum- they might be to ia'roduce reforms, they were really unable
II r"gijaea" d d . boa carriediPig
der the new rule ; to do so, from the circumstances of their panne. Besides
ov vr them to a to n
be, wome they had proper men anted as tuna -ins, changes were continually taking place. During the lest 3
im roomed examinations would be useless. What they yean there had been 12 or 13 entirely new administrations °.
„wed, however, was not an examination
l that would merely but all minor changes were always going on, the ge'
yens. It was
aim the doors of office to persons o ready appointed, butane tenure of office did not much exceed two
Ave would really te 4 tee superior htness of the person selected passible, therefore, that • minister could make himself
eg"-- wound other eaDdidstesthatnmightt.
.apply. (Hear, hear ) fully acquainted with all the details of bis department.
me , in abort, that c nee ion cleanest ons were The great evil which beset our civil ureic* was the habitual
;Am, although he wee quite ready to admit that there disregard of the prieseipleof promotion by merit. That die.
were gieieultirs in the way of carrying out each a system. regard operated and reacted in a most remarkable way, and
.i
kid bra said, fur inetance, that if they had a public tea- produced • regular vicious circle. The service was i
11,;,,Aeee, they would be assailed by claimants from all parts efficient, because the men who were working it we ba"
7rihi-coostry. An eminent French statesman, with whom bluntly succeeded by strangers in the highest and brat se.
be bed been talking on the subject that very day, had poicements ; and this was so because they were inland DP-
ihatrated the objection by • curious antedire. Ho said Tbe plea of Sir Charles Trevelyen and himself had becen.
ow me eppliettions for places after the revolution in Francs facet imperfectly described es One for timeline') the c' 'I
so nuommus, that the government rea.ly did nut know service by competition. That was only one (eaglets in thelvi
wen
oat to do. One minister, wby
ho had not fewer than 700 in plan. They recommended, along with promotion merit,
witey, appointed all the &me mento to wait upon him at • • system of division of labour in the offices, and of a l ppo'
mrteedu day and hour. They all punctually attended, went by competition. They had had no anxiety to naeake
LS me amenstriber, stain:age, and ball were completely out a case in favour of competition. They felt the necessity
Weeded. At last the minister made his appearance and of appointments to the public service bring checked by •
mid .. eleatlemen, for what ars you come ? I presume it rigid examination. He would admit that the patronage
y fir place ?" The silence of has visitors expressed their administered by Mr. Ilayter was better exercised then that
wee 0 Gentlemen," continued the minister, " I have of any department of the government. (Hear.) He referred
bore, place at my disposal ; and that is my own. If any especially to the Inland Revenue Office and the Customs.
fere would like to have it, it is at your service." There was this excellent feature in the plan: Mr. Hayter
.) Now. he (Mr. Layard) did hot think that if nominated, and the departments rejected the candidates it
Mumew open the public deportment', they would be they were not qualified. (Hear, hear) The first proposal
moped in this manner. On the contrary, he believed of Sir C. Trevelyan and himself was that the whole of the
that by doiog so they would put as end to the system which patronage of the government should be distributed in this
wiv made places so much sought after; and there was no way, • responsible board cf examiners being appointed to
Me, amber in that house who would not rejoice to be re. test the fitness of the candidates nominated by the Treasury.
kneed from the daily and continual solicitation to which he But this bad been frustrated by the jealousy of the other
woo subjected. (Cheers) For his own part he did departments, which protested against any further inter-
n.," thee forward any application* that might be made to formes of the Treasury. He believed that the plan re-
me, with a eon stenos that the applicant was • respectable commended in the report of Sir C. Trevelyan and himself
prom Bethought, h metier, that they ought ail to pledge would give an advantage to those who were gentlemen,—
Mowing sever to ask for plans, or to interfere at all; that wee, to thou who had received a liberal Mace-
bet be was afraid that so long as human nature remained tem. By the term gentleman be did net mean a parson who
lama suture, 111X04 they provided means of Open Winger could must 16 ma rrrrr ings on his escutcheon, but those who
pee, and so prevented • resort to this undue influence, they had received a liberal education, and these were the pens
rso
Teem sever be able to get rid of the system. who would succeed in • competing system). B Mr. Ho.
(Rea, hem.) A small pamphlet had just been pub• milli turned the argument, and said that the effect would
hard on the reorgiutiostion of the civil unite, which ate to oust the aristocracy ferns the civil service altogether,
emeterd non:times it bad evidently been written by a and to piece it in the hands of the lower chasm Could
evil serene The author showed that the system at pre- ihers be any libel on the aristocracy equal to ttat 1 If that
moat permed in the public offices was completely maw- was true of the aristocracy, tben the ease of the hon. member
moue to the efficient discharge of their duties. The Public for Ayleobery was completely proved. (Rear, hear.) An-
glian were in fact overcharged with incompetent People, other greet grievance done to the civil service was ton the
sad Monsen was that when the country complained of the scale of remuneration was most unfair and most inadequate.
medium of those offices there was • tendency to cut down (Hear.) He did not mean to say that there were not agent
the mann, especially of the lower grades, to • point that number of persons paid more than they ought to be in the
was milli sot warranted. Now he (Mr. Layud) did not civil snvice. Bet what
lee complained of oas that the men
think there was an honest man in the kingdom who would who did most work were gue tly the worst paid. Ile was
massy that the man who really did his work should re quite convinced they might diminish the number of persons
one ea adequate remeuration. If therefore they employed and save the poblie money, by giving more work
medued the number of public , by die- to those who were able to deeharge it, and remunerating
lamethe incompetnet men, they would have ample foods them properly for their services. There was an illustration
lamella Maly; foe Mr. Anderson had declared in hissed of this in the reform which they effected in the department
emu that if clerks were 1 implored that were really ea of the Board of Trade, which was but • small department
Ant et least one-third of tee present number might be di.- Thyroposed • system for that department which, when
rased with. (Hear, hear) He also agreed with the writer carried out, would plan the assistant secretaries and senior
aMe pampelet in his observatioss upon the ellperatiOna. clerks en a footiog satisfactory to themselves. Their ult•
tan feed. If a &denim was to be made from the salary win would be raised from SOW. to 1,0001. • year ; the work,
lithe gove.nment employe, in order to provide him with be was convinced, would be done more efficiently, whilst
a wine, allowance, that deduction ought not to be in every the prospective saving in the establishment would be 5,000/
eletrater
iili;stucto.cltiltetattr,trienieartt)ledTbhy. an
writer actuary
wentia oenaet to an
s Tear.ati os toed,(Hear,
• an hear.)
enormous Again,
wrong in
repent
was donee to the
the ae
a Mae I:
l
say .—" The other question, that of leaving the service, is of the civil service, and they felt it to be such. (filer,
auk more important. The secret history of the *sperm hear.) He trusted the right two. gentleman the Chancellor
auntie scheme is diScult to get at ; but it is indisputable of the Exchequer would tell them W bat he was going to do no
that the government has been levyirg • tax upon all official this matter. The goverament always postponed their claims
Immo lot the purpose of rooting super eeeee goo awe• to what were celled claims of greater importance;
gams, which tax. in its SCCtlentilAtlOire, exceeds its liabilities but what could be of greeter importance, what could be •
by 'easy lioadreils of thouunds of pound., and where greater grievance sad injustice than to take from a man
allairtaCe is always pasted grudgingly-84,1cm until the with 3001. • year salary 5 per cent. by way of deduction for
merest be quits worn out, and generally with some smite- superannuation, and then leave him without any right to
am reductions and uncertainties as to ire amount. It is claim one sixpence of the money so deducted. (Hear.)
&Sent to omens what the government has to do with it These persons paid towards the expenses of the ermy, the
as all, mem to give up there accumulations which, whoever Houses of Parliament, and 50 or 60 other national objects,
may have a right to them, certainly do sot belong to the but they paid more than they ought to pay, end then they
rent poweisors. In the ordinary course of things, if • had no claim. Those who were agriculturist. were well
Mallen sot choose to store up for • rainy day, therels so aware that the most expensive mattes were thrown away
mite parliament compelling him to be provident ; and, if if the land was not properly drained in the first instance;
kb eller, as • civil %enact be not sufficient to enable him and in the same way, if they did not drain and pot to rights
e=alig y for his old age, that may be an argument for in- the civil service, everything expended upon it would
ha emoluments, but not for laying a as of .5 per produce no good. (Cheers.)
mal.spon what he now eeee ives where 2i would do—nor, Mr. L. Gement opposed and lilr. PIACOGYA supported
libel, of meddling with the disposal of his private mean, the resolution.
addle " (Hear, hear.) The effect of the system upon the Mr. GLADSTONE found himself in • difficulty on the
lallblien and epos the public service might be easily con present occasion which he had before experienced, that
OW: "He has to shift and dodge on, broken spirited, elide there was an original motion and practically
, sad dyspeptic. By eight he runs the gauntlet of as amendment before the house, he was not in
=Life," Norton's Camomile,' ' Cockle's Antibilious,' • position to assent to the one or the other. Both laid
all ether airaeulous medicaments; by day he is more down • vague and general conclusion, binding the house to
ealmded with his diet then his duty ; his office gets din no defiuite pledge and leading up to no preened measure.
arillted, his juniors 10-e their temper, feel the jujus- It was a question, whew, whether the constitetion of this
Se Of working with a man who ought net to stay, and country required the neeintenence of a system of patronage ;
pale may not go, aed 'meows =teener, while he either he had his doubts ea to whether it contributed to the strength
ilk leaner full ten years before his time, or condescends of the executive government. (Hear, bear.) HIS opinion
Seaworthy tricks and imaginative certificates, until he was that, for many years past, it was the weakness, not the
Slam a More and mutilated allowance from half inns strength of the executive government of which they had most
Sloss 'my lords.'" (Hear, hear.) The manner in which reason to complain. (Hear, hear.) If they wanted proof
gnome ruts were constituted also came within the scope of the truth of that proposition they would fled it in the
si his resolution ; but he (Mr. Layard) wouli not on the greet number of unsettled questions that went cm from year
pant occasion go into that subject. Lord Granville, in a to year, giving rise to successive bills, and all hopelessly
Mont speech, had attempted to defend the ministry by abandoned, and comiog near anything like • satisfies).
Maim that not only had he several relation in the present tory solution. (Hear, hear.) This, in his opiuiun, afforded
goverment, but that be had also had threes:lsaias in that of Proof that the executive government wanted strengthening,
Lord Derby. That completely subetaatiated his the hon. but the question was whether it was to be etreng.hened by
member e) ease, for it showed that this wasnot • party patronage ;if it was, he should greatly regret the necessity,
imeatioe, but that on one side of the house and on the other because he believed that the employment of patronage for
• gowiteulent was always more or less a family arrange- such • purpose was an unmixed evil. (Hear, bear.) At
meat. (Hear, bear.) He would pass on, then, to his third the same time he did not mean to hold out promises that
peoposiuon—namely. that from this state of things great could not be fulfilled You could not get rid
dusters might arise. No one would uestion the fact that of patronage altogether; because, although the
st the public eabliehments were not what they ought to he ; system of examination might be adopted as re-
am would any reasonable man dispute the fact that the girded young men, it wasnot sep:icable at a later period
greater part of our disasters had irises from the defective of ufficiol existence, and it was in the first period that
condition of those departments. The noble lord at the head patronage did the greatest amount of mischief. When
of the government had lately made a speech in which he an officer was of sufficient importance and dignity
lead &timed that it was those departments in which to attract the public eye, opinions might he
With formed
tke aristocracy were not to be found that had famished the as to the propriety of the appointment. re.
pinion euhiects of complaint. Bat the main surgeon at sped to the men who weat. young into the
the theme hospital bad collected his collesguts around Customs, Poet office or Treasury, nobody know who they
kis, ant bed made a speech in reply to tee noble lord's. He were, and, short of the greatest 8 'Fancy, you might
said—. I' may be very well for Lord Palmerston t o get up appoint the most indifferent men, end the most indifferent
in the U suss of Commons and say that the departments men were g lly appointed. (Hear, hear.) To ger rid
eSeered by the aristocracy have not (ailed in the tsetse of that system then would be • greet blessing to the country
toil, but that the medical department and commissariat —mould do much for public economy ; and while it gave
have failed because their officers are taken from the middle You fe seer public servants, would greatly improve their
classes. We can retort, and prove the truth of what we say, g e I efficiency. They had now three bills before them
that had we been left to ourselves, unchecked by the enema. on that perplexed problem—public education, and it was
city of than who have risen rather by family inflames hard to say whether an? of these bills offered • solution of
than by merit, it would not have been under the difficulty; but, in his opinion, there was nothing that
On pressure of a great war that re( muts—loog would se much stimulate public education as to throw open
eine effected in our civil hospital*, long since the civil service to the whole country. (Hear, hear) Such
banned in some degree by our allies—would have been an act would do much for the economy of the public service,
earned out by our military medical brethren." (Cheers) and, permit him to add, for tho public virtue of the country.
Es (Mr. Lewd) really admired the courage of this gentle- (Hear.) Every member would admit that the position they
tau in making such a speech. (Hear, hear.) But the occupied towards the cotatituencies was not satisfactory.
neat were told that things wore now in a bettor state. Peromps no man felt the inconvenience less than he should,
It was true that they bad bad successes, but were they to benne his conettants were not generally applicants for
look upon amuse as extraordinary ? Were they to be Public vita icon ma abut as • g I rule, it must be admitted,
serprind at the small successes we had gained ? He bad *ad if it was true as regarded that house, bow much more
"et, thought that if our countrymen only had fair true it was of that class in the country who subsisted em
Nay success would be the inevitable result ; gad they hope deferred. (len, hear.) There was nothing worse
kid seen that that was the case as moon as proper men for society than • clue of emectants. (Hear, hear.) When-
were sent to the proper plate. But it was the fault of this ever an office was to be filed, there were el mays 10 or 20
weeny to be more desnondent under reveries sad more People straining every nerve to get the situation, and
exultant under success than was just fable ; and be warned although the number of officers did not increase, the vague
the romernment that, though the recent successes might hope of success indefinitely increased the number of en
be sufficient for the moment to divert the public attention, meant., while the exercise of individual energy, and
they might not last long enough to remove that feeling the growth of independent manly character as perceptibly
which had prevailed, did prevail, and would prevail still diminished- (Hear.) He trusted, therefore, that the house
mom. (Hear, hear.) When the Duke of Wellington was would give its serious attention to this subject, and although
seat to the Peninsula things were in a state not dissimilar to it would be impossible for him, for the reasons he had stated,
its present ; bat his energy and talent aeon found aen to support the motion of his bon. friend, and although it
seedy. He was able net only to sopply his army, but also to would be presumptuous in him to give his opinions of
feed • great portion of the people of Portugal If they had the military departments of which he bad had no experi
sub men now they would again have success. But let them sue, yet BO far as concerned all that his hon. friend had
not flatter themselves that the war was coming to a elm. sail respecting the diplomatic, consular, and civil services,
If the allies could not obtain peace after all the reverses that he had listened to what bad fallen from his hon. friend
itto•ii bad sustains& let them not suppose that they would with sincere satisfaction. He wished him God speed on his
he axle to extort from her harder terms. Even if Sebes- way. feeling teat Mho could bring about the changes he
Joint were Mere they would not be in a better position • had indicated, he would confer • great benefit on the coun-
cil the contrary, he believed that their difficulties would try. (Hear.)
only Is. increased. He believed that we hod entered upon S r B. LYTTON
icot wel
governme /Me that those
party wbo
out
en-
a long war—a war the issue of which would only be deter- gourtged the ery 'pnt by
mused by such a complete reform in all our establishment*, of doors
their
movement were hardly awamight re of
ultimatelyto lead.
who would dot heir duty with the most effect. If such a felt bound to take the motion before the house in
bases did not take place he was afraid the wee would connexion with the language which was held nut of the
baser on until some great disaster occurred, which would house, which went far beyond a mere change of Meeks in the
laden us t o male a dishonourable:Puce. Let this, there- public , ffices. It meant, is short, to make the question of
fore, strive to infuse into the concede of the nation an go - 'foment not dependent on party, or on the opinion of
sum, • vigour, and • wisdom worthy of a great people parliament, and to establish • new system of administration
not ore that the success of such •
la a great emergency. (Cheers.) The hon. member con- altogether. Could they
chided by mons, hie resolution. motion must be to make the Crown as absolute as in the
Calomel FRERSI UN, referring to an allusion made by time of the Tudors ? (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, it
Mr IA
• and is the course of his speech to a letter published all the power of schalnietratios was to devolve on public
by hi. (the bas, and gallant colonel) in the Tomos of that meetings out of doors, would they not be szebenging
moraine, &melded to koow whether the hon. gentlemen' their coostitutional liberty for the licence of a Jacobin
E...... to mutation his Veraeity / (Cries of " Order.") club (Hear.) If they Deana neither of these thints, he
asked them, in the name , whet they did mem j
Did tle hos. gentleman mean to say that the hon. member
for Therms (Me. Heathcoat), the hon. member for Cons. What did they ineastozespt, by their attacks on porliamont,
bland (Mr. C. W. Howard), 'hellos. member for Carom- to bring parliament into contempt, and to leave the chance
Cession (Mr. D. Jones), the hon. and gallant member for of a substitute to tbe lottery of revolution (Hear, hear.)
Glouss'enhire (Captain Kingman), the hon. and gallant Eta could he doubt erbeiber the whip were not in the same
member fee Bteekseek (Colossal L. Watkins), the hos. degree responsible for this outcry spinet family patronage
member fee Leal, oSir 0. 00ivienea), the hen, member for and party government ? Could it be denied that ever eines
"'ea (Mr. Breed), or Lord Femme wee present at the the whips came into power it had been their especial eba-
raeteristic to make a very marked distinction amongst them-
Mr. Swim at Drury-lase Tema* ?
LAYARD was mamma, surprised to hear the selves between the greet herd of their supporters and the
Murk* of the km. and gallant gagnsber. He bad sever high-bred materiels of which their cabinets were coastruted?
mew to my that the hos. and gallant gentleman wee la that quartet, be thoeght, the boa. member for Ayles.
Mena% What he emplebeed Si was that be should ham bury 'night bass Sated an example of the evil he denounced.
'Pokes of hie (Me. lAyard's) " rood taste and tenth (?)" The whig sablaels iadeed bad been colossal instances
with a query after " truth." (Ware btu') of family patremege. Their map of the official region waslike
Sir S. MORT HCOTR agreed with a good deal that bad the Chimes. el the world. The Chinese drew a square,
Wes from the bon. umbel with regard to the dal ererVieW ;
1011 hhe 'Mich they • great circle ; that circle repels-
_ t -eregntted that the hoe. gentleman had net attempted seated the GAMOW lupin of Chime and to the four little
19 1"111 eat say needy Swan-lag the same foe the evib to corners, which they left outside it, they assigned the miser-
."'" la hod directed the attestlee 0( the house. The civil able remnants of maakind. (Cheers and laughter.)ea Bgle,
o,
aria WWI is truth, beeline, hardly used. It wee very whoa the whigs same into office, they drew such a
mg/ill Weighted; it was happlah with yeti aaasasuary is which they placed the sacred whip families. That was

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1855.

the Cejostial Empire—(a laugh)—and to the four corneal
they baneued the heed o their supporters. Ever sines tM
whips came inio power, more than twenty peen ago, rho
publio had men this exclusive principle, this pro-
femme of family connexions. applied to all the
more conspicuous departments of the pubiic ser-
vice; and now, therefore, when the diseases which
to
publica aaseay eea ,a
aa
awrhasean
teaviaeryargyriaeavaaniacen
twhaas to be attributed
had occarred tended to magnify every abuse in the
governing clan,
together with the belief; which he must do them the j entice
delzgtushfaotaurtprincipleDan tared
bo iTite shake
aof
sat lndit
bh exaggeratediseb
e ramificationsfoundations
beliefofficialdangerouspoweritr
heofheoludr social
bsilisste system;
aispotacirsibalse,attahecaa.amitaiaay thheadeomatutaisitl'acido oaf thseetiracfabipnrieatsii,eognade
'leases, like • sacred easte, and had contrived to
alienate, to emir, to chill the energy, the intellect
and the enthusiasm of that great class of their supporters
amongst whom the people recognised their own congener,.
It had been well observed that the whigs, by this caudoet,
mortified the pride of a numerous body, gentlemen who
were just as we.l born as themselves, but who, as it
appeared, were not allied to the great whig houses, and had
not been naturalised by subjecting themselves to the whig
influence. He would do the noble lord (Pelmerston) the
justice of saying, that he did believe the noble lord, at his
sectaries, was disposed to be math less wooded is this
jointly exclusiveness than other governments had been
before him. He believed the noble lord wee honestly
desirous to extend the nags of his Beleeticm. There
was one appointment, that of the chief S me-
=for Ireland, a post which required the
of firmness with conciliation, of power in debate
with an extensive knowledge of mankind, in selecting a per-
IM for which the noble lord bad been singularly fortunate
and judicious. But parties, lite individuals, were punished
for the faults of their predecessors ; and what the people
emplaned of and resented was, that there was something
Mule very nature of the wbig party the noble lord repre-
seated which still compelled him to leave in his map of offioe
the prepood. ranee of that old celestial empire which was
out of all proportion to all the rest of mankind. (Cheers.)
Oae thing amidst this agitation struck him (Sir E. B. Lyt-
toe) as very clear; and it wee, that the public were
posing tired of t urely wbig administrations, and
that sooner or later the doom of that oligarchy
world be sealed. (Cheers.) Wby, Mr. Burke mei
keg ago, " That the whigs never had a msjority in
the country, but that they owed their position to their
dexterous management." Now, in our time their dexterous
management had been this: they said to the radicals,
" Take care and support us, or yon let in those horrible
tories ; " and then tney whispered privately end politely to
the conservatives, Take care; you must bear with us
now, or those horrible radicals will come in." (Cheers, and
laughter.) He began to think that device was pretty well
worn out. Well, then, he distinguished the question of
administrative reform from the more dangerous element
which had been added to it For this, he arraigned the
whigs; but to the reform itself he was a cordial ally. The
House of Commons must take this measure, as sotu as
possible, and completely, out of the bands of
agitators. It was an exactly parallel case to that
which occurred at the close of the American war, when
the cry thoughout the country was for economical reform,
empled with an attack upon the power of the Crown. The
try now was for adminietrptive reform, coupled with an
attack upon the power of the ariatocraery. In b.th instances
the country felt that its resources had been wasted, that its
character might he tarnished, and desiring to find the cause
of
those evils it found that cause, in both instances, in the
abase of patroaage. By a timely and moderate measure
of etemersieal reform p aliment contented the people, and
.rusted the danger. By the same means, though by a
eshout mesh more extensive., they might spin content
the people and relieve the aristocracy from moat unmerited
ensure. Be had been asked to explain what be had to
propose. In the first place he would fairly say
that he should not touch upon the question of
army reform. He was convinced it would be
mach better to separate that question from civil administra-
dee reform, and to deal with it in another debate. (Hear )
With respect to administrative reform, the speech of the
right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone), together with that
if the hon. gentleman who spoke second in this debate,
would save him from inflicting upon the house quotations
from the repot ts of the official departments. There was sot
one of those reports in which reform was not urged. In
the civil service, it appeared, such was the system that
admission to the civil service was sought for, not by the
ablest youth of the country, " but more by the unambitions,
the indolent, and the incapable." A more judicious ream
lotion of salaries, the adoption of good service pensions,
and honourable distinctions, the correction of the
ftsgmentary and disjointed character of the service, so
as to make promotion oossible from one department
to another, the accountability secured by records of indivi-
dual and reports of departmental services, and, finally, not
only merit as the rule of promotion, but some provision to
encourage that merit by the certainty of professional
rewards—these were the reforms, in addition to a system
of ezaininatiooe, which had been suggested by the highest
practical authority. They were souud, safe, and judicious;
but it would require more vigour than the government had
yet shown to connect these details into one systemati.
whole, with a generous determination to encourage and
give lair play to all attempts at reform. The right bon.
member for Oxford said that a pod deal had been
done. But the Order in Council, to which be re-
ferred, set aside the real question. Thu objects of al.
genuine reformers of the civil service organisation
were rather frustrated by that Order in Council,
which did not widen the rsoge from which candidates were
to ho eel. cted, and would make tho civil service retain the
sharacter of a close borough. It was an error, also, when
looking men to undergo severe examinations, and obtain
distinction in the civil service, that the chiefs of the depart-
ments were to be enabled to set over their beide persona who
had not been in the service, but eogaged in other pursuits
In the way these propositions had been met by the minis
and head, of departments, be (Sir E. B. Lytton) could
only leo a servile acquiesceoce, with too originality of
conception, and no 'eldest., of tneir having taken
any pains to master the question themselves. He differed
with the right hon. gentlemen (Mr. Gladstone) who
would proceed to make a gradual sod pi, cemeal reform,
dawdling on with it for twenty years. It would have a dis-
heartening effect upon the service, to keep its arrangementa
thus uncertain ; the reform must be prompt and complete,
and simultaneously effected in all the establishments; so
that the new regulation in one should not he contrasted with
the lingering abuse in another. To take one instance, in the
same newspaper which announced that a MOM rigid ex-
amination was to be itapa sad in the senior practical depart-
meat at Woolwich, it woo stated that three of the highest
Prises in the civil service—the offices of Director-General of
Stores, Director-General of Cataracts, and Assistant Di-
rector General of Army Clothing—were given away to
UM who, though he would not disputa their
merits, were certainly much more connected with the
members of the cabinet themselves, than with the service.
(Hear, heir.) Nothing could be more unwise at a time
when the public mind was so excited than specimens of
tamoneitisin like these. If the civil advice was to be made
really • profession let its prises be given only to those
who belonged to it. What would be thought if the
soloed/1y of a regiment were bestowed upon a clever lawyer,
or if a gallant officer received the Mastership of the Rolls ?
(A laugh.) In conclusion the hon. baronet said he was
alarmed at the state of things out of doors. The govern.
went should not merely try some expedient to allay the
public discontent, but come down with a comprehensive
scheme of reform. He would not vote for the motion of
the hon. member for Aylesbury, bemuse it must be taken
in connection with the language held elsewhere,
and with views end opinions which be (Sir E
B. Lytton) would not sanction, and which he
believed, upon hie conscience, to be unsound, and of peri-
lous consequences. The most dangerous part of this
unhappy agitation, and that which it was unworthy of •
distinguished Pal P. end a scholar like the boo. member for
Aylesbury to conntensi tee, was the attempt of certain per-
sons out of doors to disparage the character of that hoes-.
(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) He (Sir E. B. Lytton), acting
as one of a minority, might, perhaps, consistently with the
passions of party, connive at such samusions, and insinuate
that the tribunal must be at fault whenever the conserva-
tives could not carry their cause. But he would say, from
the bottom of has !theft, that the longer he lived,
and the more he became familiar with books and
with mankind, the more deeply was be convinced
of the patriotic spirit and intellectual eminence of the
British House of Commons—(cheep)—end daring more
than twenty years' experience of its proceedings he weld
not revel any time when that house was more worthy of
the respect and confidence of the people than sow,erhether
by the ability which the advocates of all opinions displayed
there, whether by the personal honour and integrity of its
members, or by that seal for the public welfare which pos-
terity would acknowledge, whatever the measures at
adopted, to have been its prevailing motive. (Cheers.) He
could not consent to anything which implied that the affec-
tions of the people might be alienated from this palladium
of their liberties and their glory. He, therefore, should
move an amendment whicb every member, of whatever
party, might vote for, and which y mem-
ber could then vindicate to his constituents, and justify to
himself. He trusted the House would pardon its
ambiguity, for the sake of obtaining for it a more
pseud approval. Hs therefore moved: "That this house
recommends to the earliest attention of her Mejesty's
ministers the Necessity of a careful revision of our various
official establishment*, with a view to simplify and facilita'e
the transaction of public business, and, by instituting. judi-
Mous tests of merit, as well as by removing obstructions to
he fair promotion and legitimate rewards, to secure to the
service of the state the largest available proportitan of the
energy and intelligence for which the people of this country
are distinguished."
Mr. LABOUCHERE and the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer rose together ; the former right hon. gentleman
having caught the Speaker's eye, proceeded, amidst many
mills for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to say that he
thought the house would give hint • hearing when he said he
NOS to explain what was in sent a personal attack made
en him by the hon. baronet opposite (Sir S. Northcote).
The hon. baronet had found fault with the appointment
of Mr. Foriblangue to the statistical department, for which
appe intment he (Mr. Laboachere) confessed himself solely
responsible. At the time when r. Porter was unable to
take the satin management of that department, he (Mr.
Labonebere appointed Mr. Fonblanque. He Gould only
I any, with wind to the fitness of the lest-named gentleman,
that he taad taken every possible means to snore a person
entpersut to the duties of the office, and had had the
optstos of raw who wen able to @pooh with authority

upon the question, it Mr. Foabisaque's I Ha had
been much pained to think that his hon. friend had bond
fault with his appointment, sad be thought upon reflation
his feelings would be shared by that hon. gentleman.
Sir 8. NORTHCOTE explained. He thought that his
right hon. friend would not have mad* the observations
which had just fallen from him, had he heard his (Sir 8.
Northeast's) speech. He had not *Soiled to his right boo.
friend, he had not said one word as to the fitness of Mr.
Fonclanque, he had only mentioned that appointment as an
example of a system which he condemned, viz., the appoint-
ment of persons to high office who were unconnected with
the civil service.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said—l re-
Nile that the hon. member for Aylesbury has brought the
weld= of administrative reform under the deliberate
mmelderation of the house. It is a question which. as the
bea. baronet who has lately spoken has justly remarked,
has quickly assumed dimensions of great importance, and
has oceupied, justly, a large portion of the public attention.
Bet, sir, it is an easy and convenient practice f -ea set of
gentlemen who agree in entertaining an opinion in common
upon one important subject to get up a public meeting in
which the audience is admitted by tickets, and
so to ensure perfect unanimity, as well ia those
who speak as in those whom they address.
However, when a question of this kind le brought before
parliament, it necessarily undergoes the consideration of
persons of different sentiments. The House of Commons
represents ell classes of the community, and hence no ques-
tion like this will escape a careful and searching investi.
gation. The motion which the hon. member has brought
forward embodies the subject of administrative reform, but
at the seam time it amounts to • vote of want of confidence
la her Majesty's ministers. I confess that in one respect
the remarks of my right hon. friend the member for the
University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone) upon this motion are
not borne out by the terms of the motion itself. He said
that it would have no practical result. But if the
resolution were adopted by this house, it would
certainly lead to the resignation of her Majesty's
government, and that I think must be considered
• practical result. It is the second motion of this
nature which has been submitted to the house during the
last intnight. Both of these motions are in effect of the
nature of votes of no confidence, although the former one
related to the conferences at Vienne, and the present re-
lates to the internal question of administrative reform. Now,
I think I may state, without contradiction, that it is most
important to keep perfectly distinct the executive and legis-
lative power; so long as a free constitution exists that must
be one of its principles. Those persons who are entrusted
with the executive duties of the government are entitled to
ask of parliament either to give is them its confidence, or,
by a distinct vote, to withdraw it, and not from time to
time to bring forward votes of want of confidence, by
which the course of their proceedings is necessarily
rendered uncertain. The motion submitted by the
hon. member for Aylesbury (Mr. Lapard) states that
merit in public appointments has been sacrificed to
party considerations. Now without retracing the ground
which has been so ahly gone over in the present debate, I
would ask whether it is possible in any popular government
altogether to exclude the appointment of administrative
officers from party and political influences. If we look to
the United States we shall see that the principle Is carried
much further than in this country. When a new party, in
the United Statee, succeeds to power, it not only sweeps
away those officers who are at the beads of departments, but
also those subordinates who hoot the offices, in this cowry,
secure from political change. Then we find that in the
United States,which has the most popular goveromeat on the
face of the earth, the greatest jealousy is shown by succes-
sive governments with regard to the appointments made by
their predecessors in office. The bon. gentleman next refers
to the prevalence of family influence. Now, I think it eon
hardly be maintained, either in this house or in any public
meeting, that persons ought to be excluded from office on
account of their hereditary pretensions. It has always
hien the boast of this country that the aristocracy has bees
so connected with the other branches of the community that
no distinct line can be drawn between them; that, on the
contrary, in this house end in all public employment, Use
course is open to all, without any distinction of rank or
position. But it would appear from the argumeate
of the hon. member for Aylesbury that of late
years the practice of appointing peers to high office has
increased. Now it requires but a superficial acquaintance
with the history of the administration of this country, at
the end of the last and the beginning of the present century,
to be aware how large • proportion of the persons holding
office was formerly made up of members of the aristocracy.
When Mr. Pitt, otter his triumph over the coalition of Lord
North and Mr. Fox, entered upon office, he was the only
eommoner in his cabinet; he alone in this house sustained
the government splint the coalition which embraced LI the
parliamentary talent of that period in the House of Com-
mons. That example proved in the most convincing man•
ter how the government of those days was made up of the
aristocracy. The hon. member (Mr. Lewd) next attri-
butes the evils of which he complains to a blina adherence
to routine. It is, iadesd, true that • blind adherence to
routine is not likely to teed to a proper and intelligent die
sharp of duties; but nevertheless routine is necessary in
all matters of administration. How, for examp:e, could the
business cf that house be transacted if it were not for an
adherence to routine ? How could the business of courts of
law be carried on but by means of established practice,
which, in fact, was but routine. It is true that when per.
eons are sent suddenly to a distant shore, and are so placed
ia the way of unforeseen eircum•tances, • blind adherence
to routine is inconsistent with • due di,charge of their
duties. But it is sea•cely reasonable to expect that
persons who have been trained all their lives in the
ordinary performaace of military or civil dunce,
when they are soddenly placed in a very different
state of things will be able at once to adapt themselves to
it, and show those talents which are the rare gift of a
chosen few. For the reasons which I have intimated, lam
uneble to agree to the motion of the hon. member for
Aylesbury. With regard to the amendment of the hon.
baronet opposite (Sir E. B. Lytton) he has stated it to be
one in the spirit of which all members of the house may
acquiesce. I would only remark that if the emeadment is to
be interpreted according to the pain sense of its terms,
and not according to the speech of the hon. baronet, I see
no reason to object to it. At the same time I must say, that
the necessity for a careful revision of the various depart-
ments of the executive to which the hon. baronet has alluded,
is not—as remarked by the right bon, member for Oxford—is
not brought about by any omission on the part of the govern-
meats which have from time to time existed. With the
permission of the house I will call their attention to the
steps which have already been taken in the revision of our
principal departments In the year 1848 a reels on of the
Home Department took place. My right hon. friend who
now presides then presided in that department, and I was
the Under•Seentary. In that revision Sir C. Trevelyan
participated. Again, in the same year, • revision of the
Treasury department took plate. Sir W. G. Craig, Mr.
Barker, and Sir C. Trevelyan were directed to inquire iato
the suhj•ct. Af:er having made a careful examination
and report, various reforms were introduced. In the year
1849 similar investigations were made at the Colonialoffice.
Since that time there had been a revision of the War-
office, of the Board of Trade, of the Poor Law Board office,
of .he Privy Council, of the Committee of Council on
Edecatioa, of the Colonial Land and Emigration office, of
the Copyhold Enclosure office, of the Board of Ordnance,
and of the Registrar-Genuses office. In all these cases an
investigation had been made, and revisions had taken place
in consequent* of the reports made. A consolidation of the
War Department had likewise been made, which efforded
another example of the revision of public departments. The
examples that I have cited will show that, although the
adoption of the amendment of the hon. handset is perfectly
consistent with the course, not only of the present govern.
ment, but of former governments, it is not needed for the
purpose of stimulating them to further reforms. With
regard to the institution of tests of merit I would refer to
the order in council which has been alluded to by my right
hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone), but it is not my purpose at
present to discuss the question of whether such order will
be sufficient to meet the evil, or whether it is desirable to
introduce, for the first time in this country, as candidates
any number of person, who shall offer themselves without
the nomination of the head of the department. I will only
remark that this order in council provides additional
securities for merit beyond those already existing.
A regular examination, conducted under the auspices
of • board of persons who are independent of
each department, who are unconnected with the head o
the department, affords • greater security than has
.ever
existed for the exclusion of unfit persons from the service of
the country. I will not trouble the house with any further
observations on this subject I will only state my convic-
tion, that the measure adopted by her Majesty's govern.
ment goes as far as has been in the power of any one
to embody in any practical suggestion, and with regard
to ulterior measures they are opea to further consideration.
Lord 0013E111CH moved the adjournment of the debate.
The house then divided—
For the motion 240
Against it 29-211
The debate was consequently ailiourned.
The Consolidated Fund (10,000,0001.) Bill passed through
ommittee.
The house adjourned at half-put one o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JuNE 15.
RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL.
Peers who cored against Lnrd Derby's Inaba to ester the Religions
Worship Bill to a Select Canualtne.
Lad Chancellor LIM 1113.011%
Yllzwiltlam Camels
DULL. Or noodleChM*
Argyll Marrowby Cultism.
Mato Oceteleton
MA141:015.• Somers Wei
Bremialbine SSpencerOMA Moatyn
estminster
Waldegraws Middleton
W
Baye sad eels
StaaodiegooLsAlderleg
THICOVIWS. W

LIM
Besisceough
Burlier=
Chichester
forte/nue

nakig
Faalkland

A letter in the Univers says that the day on which
the aide-de-camp of the King of Napise left that city from
Paris, charged with an autograph letter from the King to
the Barrer Napoleon 111.,:to congratulate his Najesty en
his escape from assassination, the Duke de Sena Capriole,
set out for Bt. Petersburg with the simian to congratulate
the Emperor Alezaada 11. cubit arose lea to the throne!

Vbe exancoo.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

,dverthententa Intended tot "The ?sprees," London Zvi/minims;
most be at the Othos, 10, Bonverioctreat, by Two °Week on the
day of publication.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tam DAY—Kornis:Lc Bk. 3m Afternoon, 3k. 22m.
To•rouos—Yorninr, 3k. 40= Atte:soca, 3k. 89m.

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 16.

LATEST FROM ABROAD.

A FLAG OF TRUCE FIRED ON BY THE
RUSSIANS.
SIXTEEN ENGLISH SAILORS KILLED.

(DT ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.)

OF' TUB DAILY 141tWal.)
DANTZIC, Jima 15.

The Vulture, Captain Glace, hu arrived, with
despatches. She left the fleet on the 11th. anchored
off Cronstadt

On the 6th inst. the Russians fired on a boat of the
Cossack, with a lag of truce, whilst landing seven
Finlanders taken in prizes. Sixteen English sailors

killed.

On the Bth the Magicienne fired for an hour, with
great effect, on a body of horse artillery, suffering
herself but slightly.
On the 9th lost, the Merlin and Firefly, in recon-
noitering, ran against some infernal machines, which
exploded, but only damaged their copper sheathing.
There had been no alteration in the position of the
fleet.

NYBORO, Juils 14.
Baynes' squadron sailed this morning for the
Baltic.

CRACOW, Jima 14.
The Emperor of Austria arrived here yesterday
morning from Vienne.

MR. LAYARD'S MOTION.

Tits Parliamentary discussion of the merits and
demerits of our present Executive system has at ,
length begun : when will it end? How long has it
taken to induce the Legislature to listen even to the i
general and initiatory statement of the question ?
How long will it be before such an amount of pres-
' sure shall be steadily brought to bear upon the
governing classes as to compel them to make some
real and effectual change? We know by experience
how great is their power of holding out against
exposure, reproach, accusation, and even fierce
invective. To carry any ancient stronghold of mono-
poly needs time and energy and skill of no ordinary
description. We found it so when the monopoly of
creed was in question; we found it so when the
monopoly of sugar was in question ; we found it
so when the monopoly of the supply of the first
necessary of life itself was in question. Year after
year the early advocates of religious liberty and free
trade failed in engaging the serious attention of par-
liaments predetermined not to yield to argument, no
matter how unanswerable it might be ; and it was
thought, and justly thought, a great step gained
when at last Parliament was reluctantly compelled

deliberately to entertain these subjects. And so it
will, or ought to be, considered now. Six weeks
ago the PRIME MINISTER did not scruple to
laugh in Mr. LATARD'S face when he asked for a
day to bring forward his motion : the member
for Aylesbury was contemptuously told that he must
find a day for himself. Already things are so far
changed that the occasion is politely pre-arranged ;
and after due notice in a full house, all the Ministers
of the Crown being present, the important delibera-
tion is soberly and seriously begun.
We have characterised the proceedings of last
night in the House of Commons as deliberative rather
than combative or controversial, in the party sense of
the term, because it must be evident to all who read
Mr. Leman's observations, that his aim was rather
to invite dispassionate attention, and to elicit
the opinions of others as to the means of remedying
the evils complained of, than to denounce the system
or its authors and abettors for the sake of winning
transient popularity. His statement of facts was
throughout moderate in tone, and wholly tree from
any admixture of political topics. It might in truth
have been delivered by a Conservative with as much
propriety as by a Radical. The most pointed allusion
to class distinctions by name was that in which the
hon. member disclaimed strongly all idea of making
social war upon the aristocracy, and declared that his
hostility was solely directed against the sordid absorp-
tion by "an oligarchy" of the vast and various powers
and profits of the state. We cannot help congratulating
Mr. LATARD on the good temper and good sense he
evinced throughout. He had at starting an unwilling
if not a hostile audience to deal with; and the atten-
tion and respect which he contrived to win from them
are no mean tribute to his capacity of practically pro-
fiting by experience. To suppose that the truths he
told were palatable, or the inferences to which they
led were acceptable to the great majority of his
hearers, would of course be idle. As well might the
bench of bishops be expected to become sincere
opponents of the system of irresponsible church pa-
tronage, which is for them one of the most exquisite+
sweets of episcopal existence. But it is somethiu'
towards reformation to force those interested in ►
.ale
great system of jobbing to discuss its details ar.d to
defend its continuance as well as they can. Tb•.ty ad-
mit thereby the appellate jurisdiction of public
opinion ; and this point once admitted, it ir, our own
fault if we do not obtain a verdict, and vi due time
enforce judgment.
The best part of Mr. LATARD'S '.peach was that
which consisted of a clear and weD .arranged aeries of
examples of favouritism and nit glect of merit in the
army. Nothing could be better, also, than his criticism
on the scandalous corraptirin in our diplomatic ler•,

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