The Press.
London, England, 1856-05-03 00:00:00

THE KARS DISCUSSION.

410

= ..
last year The newspapers were crowded. The
public could then "judge very well for itself of
the position occupied by England in the eyes
of Europe, of the prowess of our soldiers, and
the military skill of our generals. Now, hot/-
ever, there is every chance of the position
she has occupied at the Conferences being
entirely overlooked unless attention is spc
cially directed to it. We propose, therefore,
to offer a few comments on the conduct of
Lord CLARENDON, and the estimation in which
he appears to have been held by his fellow
plenipotentiaries. Whatever might be his
Lordship's intentions, he unfortunately never
seems to have been able to develop them into
action.
When the state of the territories to the east
of the Black Sea came under consideration,
Lord CLARENDON proceeded to show that cer-
tain forts erected by Russia on those countries.
and blown up during the war, could not be re-
established. There can be no doubt of the
importance of the question on grounds both
of policy and principle. But what is the
result ? The Russian Plenipotentiaries
" maintain a contrary opinion," and—the ques-
tion is adjourned, never again to be resumed.
In considering the neutrality of the Black
Sea our Plenipotentiary commented on the
possession by Russia of such an arsenal as
Nicolaieff, and seemed to imply. though he
did not express himself very clearly, that some
guarantee should he given on the subject. To
this the Russians made answer that they could
not permit the application of the principle of
neutrality to the arsenal of Nicolaieff, because
it was not on the seacoast—but gave an assu-
lOttli
nee they would build no more ships of war
ere than they were allowed to maintain in
e Black Sea. With this declaration the
int Plenipotentiary of Great Britain ex-
eases himself perfectly contented.
In regard to the light vessels of war which
e coast powers shall be authorised to keep
oat, the Plenipotentiaries of Russia urged
at a clause should be inserted in the Con-
ntion by which a certain number of trans-
rts should also be allowed. On this both
t WALEWBKI and Lord CLARENDON justly
bserved that as such vessels could not be of
• o dimensions or armament of vessels of war,
with which alone they were concerned, it was
• seless to mention them at all, and the
ussians accordingly withdrew their clause.
ut when Lord CLARENDON further demanded
assurance that Russia should employ no
transports, Count ORLOFF replied that
nsports were always armed, and, " smiling,
' put the question by,"—that is to say, it also
was adjourned.
- When the subject of the commercial treaties
between the belligerent Powers, now, of course,
in abeyance, came on for discussion, Lord CI a-
RENDON stated that it would be better to make
mutual stipulations till new treaties could be
negotiated ; and the proposition was as usual
shelved.
Nor did his Lordship fare better on the
question of the Danubian Principalities.
The public knows well enough by this
time that nothing whatever has been
settled on that important subject, but they
may not know that their Plenipotentiary's
suggestion, which, though not of a very
decided character, was still in the right
direction, was immediately snubbed by both
Austria and Turkey, who declared that it was
totally impossible. It is certain, therefore,
either that Lord CLARENDON'S proposal, to the
effect that steps should at once be taken for
ascertaining the wishes of the inhabitants. was,
as was asserted, anarchical and absurd, or
that he quietly allowed himself to be " put
down," though in the right, by the two most
interested parties.
Passing on from the affairs of Turkey an 1
Russia to those of Europe in general, we find
Count WALEWSKI confessing that the occupa-
tion of Italy by French and Austrian troops is
an evil, and that the situation of Naples is
much to be deplored ; but, having said thus
much of these unhappy countries, he is
silent. Lord CLARENDON goes further. He dis-
tinctly asserts that something should at once
he done towards putting an end to this anoma-
lous state of things. But at the bare mention of

any practical movement, Coo other Plenipo-
tentiaries dissent. Count Boor, pointedly
declares that his Government will enter
into no explanations eoncerning the probablo
period of their occdphney of the Legations
and Cotht Wittnwsict replies in some geneftl
remarks which lead pretty much to the same
practical result, tis to the occupancy by French
troops of Rome. Now, if the principle of
foreign interference ih the internal adminis-
tration of independent States is recognised at
all, it might be allowed at Naples, where it is
required for the good of the governed,
as well as at ROme, where it is required
for the security of the Government. In addi.
tion to which we must remember that eight
years' occupancy betokens more than mere
temporary disorders The corruption and
weakness of these countries must be deep
and abiding. The experiment has been fairly
tried ; and to say that the question of the
removal of the Austrian and French troops
cannot be safely discussed now, is only saying,
in other words,that it shall never be discussed
at all. Lord CLARENDON has tacitly conceded
the point, and a great opportunity for settling
the Italian peninsula has been lost.

We can imagine certain persons observing
that England was not in a position to carry
matters with a high hand ; that she had
done nothing to justify concessions to her
will, and that she was obliged to he satisfied
on all points with such explanations as were
afforded to her. How fur this may be true as
regards the actual occurrences of the war, we
shall not determine ; but it is certainly not
true of her attitude at the Conferences. Will
it be believed that this dexterous evasion of all
Lord CLARENDON'S suggestions is all we get in
return for the greatest concession made by this
country since the loss of the Amsrican colo-
nies—the concession of a right which she has
twice gone to war to vindicate, an' twice tri-
umphantly maintained in the face of powerful
Coalitions ? Our enemies' goods are now to
pass free under a neutral flag, and neutral
goods, except contraband of war, under an
enemy's flag. Of the abstract justice of the
right of search we say nothing; but we do say
that this act of unparalleled liberality on
the part of Great Britain—an act too of such
unbounded utility t 3 the Empire of Russia—
should have been requited with something
better than the refusal to entertain a single
proposal of our own. Every suggestion of
Lord CLARENDON WYCII in any way affected
the interests of Austria or Russia was politely
acknowledged, and coolly passed over; but
as soon as a suggestion was made affecting the
interests of this country it was caught up with
avidity, and declared to be the will of the
Conference.

It is high time that the people of England
should seriously ask themselves the question—
how they wish the foreign policy of this coun-
try to be conducted. Is it for ever to be
talking and writing much, but doing nothing?
Is it for ever to be exciting expectations never
intended to be realised? What can he more
pitiful than Lord PALMERSTON'S conduct to the
Poles ? We are not the advocates of their
claims. But why, in the name of common
honesty, should the Premier promise their
case should be taken into consideration, and
then never instruct Lord CLARENDON to even
so much as mention their names ? Is this
" bottle-holding," or is it flagrant political dis-
honesty ?
The above statement of what has taken place
at Paris speaks for itself. We have purposely
been sparing of comment, for no comment
could make clearer the insignificant position
occupied by the English Plenipotentiaries
throughout the Conference.

THE Kars debate has not terminated very
differently from our expectation. We did not
anticipate that the Ministerial majority would
be quite so large, because we did not look for
such an entire abandonment of independent
opinion on the part of the Liberal members.
Lord PALmEasrores speech to them at the
" private" meeting at his house on Monday
seems to have had a potent effect. He told
them in substance that the division must turn,

SATURDAY,

not on anything about Kars, but on the much
more important point whether Lord DERBY or
himself was to be Prime Minister. If he was
defeated he should resign, and the Liberal
party Would lose its oonneotion with the Go-
vernttlent of the country. The hint was taken,
discipline was restored, and the authority of
that Laddlitigable and clever little tactician,
General ItArun, was cOmpletely re-established.
Anothei circumstance swelled the Government
majority. Many members on the Conserva-
tive side were reluctant to treat errors of
.jacbg-
ment, however gross, as involving culpability;
and thus the issue was raised, not whether
grave faults had been committed, but whether
they were of such a kind as, under all the cir-
cumstances of the ease, were inexcusable, and
deserving to be branded with the censure of
the House. That faults and errors had been
committed was confessed by nearly every one
who spoke during the debate, the only ques-
tion being, whether they were of such magni-
tude as to call for a vote of censure.

. According to Lord PALMERSTON'S
Asia, olr of
statement
immentn
witheve hadthe
la
anyvrn
intention of
IndisreGetelyve interfering
supporting the Turkish arms in that quarter,
while the fate of Sebastopol was in suspense.
With this explanation all the acts of his Go-
vernment are consistent;—as the refusal to
sanction reinforcements ; to send surgeons or
supplies to Kars ; to afford it relief. in any
shape whatever. Its fall was the natural re-
sult of events—it was a foregone conclusion,
and no one was to blame for the disaster, le-
cause it had in a manner been discounted and
arranged. The victory of MOURAVIEFF was, in
fact, a testimony to the sagacity of the Cabi-
net; and we must suppose that its members,
from the tone adopted by the Premier, met
each other when the news was announced with
gleeful exclamations of " I told you so," and "I
knew it all along."
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL called for a specific
charge against the Government. This is the
charge admitted by the Prime Minister him-
self, that Kars was deemed of too little im-
portance to be thought worth an effort to
save. Mr. VANSITTART put the question fairly
when he said, that we have done too much,
or too little ; we ought not to have committed
the name of England to the contest by
sending a Commissioner of the Queen to
Kars, demanding for him high military rank,
or we should have sustained him by material
assistance. General WILLIAMS himself
plainly thought it a calumny when told that
he was to expect no aid from his country;
could not believe that he was to be completely
abandoned. It now seems that his desertion
was part of the Ministerial programme. But
while our Ministers thought it quite enough
for them to attend to matters before Sebas-
topol, was not Lord CLARENDON rather too hard
on the Turkish Government in insisting that
it should do whatever was required in Asia,
while it had its armies in the Crimea and
Bulgaria to attend to as well?
It is nonsense, or much worse, to assert
that in war the attention of Government must
be confined to one scene of action. Because
Sebastopol was of primary importance, does
it follow that Kars was of no importance at
all ? Because the greatest efforts were
quired iu the Crimea, was it necessary than-
no efforts whatever should be made in Asia.
The argument of the Opposition has been
throughout, that Kars could have been saved
by such moderate and opportune assistan
had cy
as our Government, beyond all dispute, it
in its power to render ; and the ans.wer. re
en
-
turned is, that such aid was never gn
because it was never intended to be given—.Ra
.
answer something like that returned b) .
SHERIDAN, who, when bored by a creditor .fot
either principal or interest of a debt, repla.ql
that, " it was not his interest to pay the pryi
" cipal, nor his principle to pay the interes
the Go
One other plea was put forward by .
vernment advocates, and it was this osal
would the Opposition have said to a prop
for affording direct assistance to the army ot.
Asia ? This question supposes that venot
t.
ment must attend less to the requiraem Goents
.
the public service than to the fear of Oppo
sition, and that it dares not act from a sense

410 .
THE P R
last year the newspapers were crowded. The any . practical movement (ii
public could then judge very well for itself of tentutries dissent. Count
declares that his Govern':
the position occupied by England in the eyes w
into no explanations eer'.
of Europe, of the prowess of our soldiers, and period of their occdpithey c
the military skill of our generals. Now, hot,- and Codnt Watewsict repliei
ever, there is every chance of the position remarks which lead pretty n
she has occupied at the Conferences being practical result, as to the occu
troops of Rome. Now, if
entirely overlooked unless attention is spe foreign interference ih i.he i
cially directed to it. We propose, therefore, tration. ofindopendetit State
to offer a few comments on the conduct of all, it might be allowed at Ni
Lord CLARENDON, and the estimation in which required for the good ot
as well as at Rome, whe;
he appears to have been held by his fellow for the security of the Golfer'
plenipotentiaries. Whatever might be his tion to which we must rem
Lordship's intentions, he unfortunately never years' occupancy betokens
seems to have been able to develop them into temporary disorders The
• action. weakness of these countrie
When the state of the territories to the east and abiding. The experimei
of the Black Sea came under consideration, tried ; and to say that the
Lord CLARENDON proceeded to show that ter- removal of the Austrian an
talc forts erected by Russia on those countries, cannot be safely discussed no
and blown up during the war, could not be re- in other words,that it shall n
established. There can be no doubt of the
at all. Lord CLARENDON ha:
importance of the question on grounds both the point, and a great oppor
of policy and principle. But what is the the Italian peninsula has be(
result ? The Russian Plenipotentiaries We can imagine certain p
" maintain a contrary opinion," and—the ques- that England was not in a
tion is adjourned, never again to be resumed. matters with a high hand
In considering the neutrality of the Black done nothing to justify cc
Sea our Plenipotentiary commented on the will, and that she was oblig,
possession by Russia of such an arsenal as
• on all points with such exp
Nicolaieff, and seemed to imply, though he afforded to her. How far th
did not express himself very clearly, that some regards the actual occurrent
guarantee should he given on the subject. To shall not determine; but i
this the Russians made answer that they could true of her attitude at the C
not permit the application of the principle of it be believed that this dexte
neutrality to the arsenal of Nicolaieff, because Lord r,
k.LARENDON'S suggestio;
it was not on the seacoast—but gave an assn.
• return for the greatest tosses:
ranee they would build no more ships of war country since the loss of t
there than they were allowed to maintain in nies—the concession of ari
.• the Black Sea. With this declaration the twice gone to war to vindic
First Plenipotentiary of Great Britain ex-
• umphantly maintained in th
( presses himself perfectly contented. Coalitions ? Our enemies'
In regard to the light vessels of war which pass free under a neutral
the coast powers shall be authorised to keep goods, except contraband
afloat, the Plenipotentiaries of Russia urged enemy's flag. Of the abstr
that a clause should be inserted in the Con- right of search we say nothi
vention by which a certain number of trans- that this act of unparalle
ports should also be allowed. On this both
;--, ...-•••-' , the part of Great Britain—
Count WALEWBKI and Lord CLARENDON justly unbounded utility to the E:
observed that as such vessels could not be of should have been requited
the dimensions or armament of vessels of war,
• with which alone they were concerned, it was better than the refusal to ,
roposal of our own. Ev
useless to mention them at all, and the
lord CLARENDON in
in
Russians accordingly withdrew their clause. the interests of Austria or li
But when Lord CLARENDON further demanded acknowledged, and coolly
an assurance that Russia should employ no
armed transports, Count ORLOFF replied that
transports were always armed, and, " smiling,
put the question by,"—that is to say, it also
was adjourned.
- When the subject of the commercial treaties
between the belligerent Powers, now, of course,
in abeyance, came on for discussion, Lord CIA
RENDON stated that it would be better to make as soon as a suggestion was
interests of this country it it
avidity, and declared to 1.3
Conference.
It is high time that the j
should seriously ask themse
how they wish the foreign I
t to be conducted. Is
•li talking and writing much, 1
mutual stipulations till new treaties could be
Is it fur ever to beexciting
negotiated ; and the proposition was as usual .
shelved.
Nor did his Lordship fare better on the intended to be realised? '
pitiful than Lord PALMERST
Poles' We are not the
question of the Danubian Principalities. claims. But why, in the
The public knows well enough by this honesty, should the Pren
•
• time that nothing whatever has been
tai© should be taken into
settled on that important subject, but they
then never instruct Lord 1
may not know that their Plenipotentiary's
so much RS mention thei
suggestion, which, though not of a very " bottle-holding," or is it fl:
decided character, was still in the right honesty?
direction, was immediately snubbed by both
The above statement of
Austria and Turkey, who declared that it was
at Paris speaks for itself.
4f• totally impossible. It is
,certain, therefore,
been sparing of comment
either that Lord CLARENDON El proposal, to the
could make clearer the in
effect that steps should at once be taken for
occupied by the English
,K ascertaining the wishes of the inhabitants. was,
throughout the Conference
k:, as was asserted, anarchical and absurd, or
that he quietly allowed himself to be " put THE KARS DIS;
down," though in the right, by the two most _
interested parties. THE Kars debate has nc
, Passing on from the affairs of Turkey and differently from our expeci
Russia to those of Europe in general, we find anticipate that the Ministc
Count WALEWSKI confessing that the occupa- be k quite so large, because
tion of Italy by French and Austrian troops is an entire abarelonm
an evil, and that the situation of Naples is such
'' t much to be deplored ; but, having said thus opinion on the part of th,
much of these unhappy countries, he is Lord PALMERSTON'S speec
silent. Lord CLARENDON goes further. He dis- " private " meeting at his
tinctly asserts that something should at once
be done towards putting an end to this anoma- seems to have had a pole
louts state of things. But at the bare mention of them in substance that the

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