The Express.
London, England, 1864-06-28 00:00:00

THE CONFER ENC E.

Lord RUSSELL laid oa the table the protocols of the
Cl.ufereum. In doing so, he said, he followed the course
pursued hp Lord Liverpool is Ifiti, when, lifter the failure
of the previous negotiations, Femme entered upon the in-
'mien of Span. Against this invasion the English govern-
ment protested, though doiterroned not to make it the
ground of hodditim with Frescos The various questions
to which the documents be produced refined were very in-
tricate, almost too complicated to excite mall public atten•
tioa. They had lag bees regarded with indifference, but
within the last two years emote bad brought them to a
amain The controversies between the German Federation
end the Danieh government took a different form on the
death of the late Kip; of Denmark. To the other disputes
was added a dispute as to the succession to the sovereignty
of the duchies. A federal exeentioe was ordered by the
Band, which Austria and Prussia exteuded into an invasion
of Staging and Jutland. In the hope of bringing about
some settlement of the question ha Majesty'. government I
proposed that a cooference should meet in London. The
proposal was accepted by Austria, Prussia, and the neutral
powers, and the Conference, after lotus delays, met on the
25th of April. The first result obtained was • suspension of
arias for • month, during which the negotiations wen
caned on. Due of the greatest difficulties the represen-
tatives of the neutral power had to contend with was
the indisposition of the German plenipotentiaries to state
distinctly whit conditions Germany required or would
accept as the basis of peat*. Their deo:ands were so vague
ad general that the Eaglish government could not gather
what really were the isteetions of Austria and Prussia, and
the Raman and French envoys were equally perplexed.
Finally, iu the sitting of the lith of May, a mom positive
declaration was made. Austria and Presets declared they
Would no longer acknowledge the sovereignty of the King of
Denmark in the Doable', which ought to pees to the Prince
of Augastesburg. Thus, se • personal mikes of the Duchies
with the Danish crown could not be made the basis of
peace, the neutral powers suggested the ilivilioo of the
Gerona anal Danish portion of the Duchies by the line of
the Scblei and the Dusewerke. This proposal
Ins accepted by the Danish government, on cos-
dition that Denmark received a guareates from
Europe for the entire independence of the remainder of the
kingdom. The prapcea, he contended, ems the beet that
could be made in the interests of peace. But it was rejected
by the German powers, who demsoded more°, the sanitary,
reetiag their demand on the right of conquest, and die.
playmg throughout neither generosity nor forbearance to a
smaller state. nor regard for the peace of Europe. The sue-
petition of arms was then prolonged fora fortmaht, and is
that interval England proposed a referents of the frontier
quetioe to the decision of the Emperor of the French as
seawater ; but as no power represented in the conference
could take that position the Kiug of the Belgians was pro.
posed. But, es the German powers refused to be bound by any
decision, it made, the suggestion had uo result. At the last
meeting of the conference the Austrian minister made the
declaration that it was not intended to carry on hostilities for
the purpose of olitainitig possession of territory horsed the
Duchies of Sleeting and Holstein • but her Majesty's govern-
ment could not accept that declaration as one upon which
they could implicitly rely considering the numerous
breaches of faith which the German powers bad 'tread'
committed. The question now was, what was the position
of Loglaod? He did not consider that our honour is any
way ropers-I us to take put in the present war, and at no
time had a pledge been given that we intended to render
material aid to Denmark. France and Russia both de-
clined taking any active part in the war • and, if we entered
upon it alone our mercantile mane* would be exposed to
great depredations, and without furnishing extensive mili-
tan assist...teas our interference would be in vain. In wonder.
mg the question we must beer is mind the position and is-
flaence of this country, with all its complicated and multi.
plied connexions is every part of the world. It is
no longer a amities (mid the noble earl) with
reference to the balance of power in Europa There are other
parts of the world in which our interests are deeply involved.
in which we mama day or abet find it necessary to main-
tain our honour and our essential interests. That civil war
which has when place to America, cud how it may—
whether it cods by establishing an independent republic in
the South. or whether it ends—most unexpectedly I (loofas
it would be to me—in restoring the union—(hear, bear)—
still the United Mateo( America, or the Northern States
of America—whichever they may be colled—would be in •
totally different position from that in which they were two
years ago. A great army would thee be maintained by the
gore anent of those states—a formidable navy would be
maintained hy that power ; our relations with that power
are liable at any moment to interruption. I have a hope
and trust that they may continua uninterrupted, but still
thou Manna must be considered and be kept in view,
as well wo the interest of the balsas of power in Europe.
Look, my lords, to other guts of the world. Look
to the greet commerce that has grown up in China,
which requires a considerable naval squadron always to pro-
tect it. Look to our immense possessions in India, and see
bow necessary it is that they should be defended. In any
question therefore of peace or war, while it is very possible
that this weary with her Lilies could carry en s war sue-
easefully. yet when it came to a war which was to be carried
en by England alone, there am other contingencies to be
considered, and the position of this country is to be taken
late account not only with respect to her position in
Europe, but to other parte of the world. These coosiders-
tioll• are, I say, to be borne in mind. But it may be said
that other combinations might arise—that although the
Oman powers ere great settees, yet they have vulnerable
parts, and that those doctrines ad theories which Austria
and Prussia have put foreard with regard to foreign
operations may be applicable to portions of their
own dominioes—that the German nationality is not
the only nationality in Europe—Cheer. heal—and that
the Italian nationality is • natioaality as muck entitled to
coasideratior as the Germs. nationality —(.:hen)—and that
item are to enter into that mum we should have • perfect
justification io the doctrines, and theories, and conduct of
Austria end of Prussia. This would be sufficient if it were
merely to show to Austria and Prussia that they were
vulnerable on their own ground. Bat I think it Is the duty
of the 2..veroment of this country to show greater attach.
meat to pence than Austria aid Pmnia have shown ; not
to light a flame that might extend to every part of Europe,
bat to endeavour u far as possible to confine the war within
the narrowest limits. Therefore my lords, with regard
to this aueitioa' it is the canna of her
Majesty's goverment that we should maintain the position
which we held before the conforsoce. that we should be
neutral in this war, and not take part in it (Hear, hear.)
I do pot mean to say bat that contingencies may arise iu
which our position would be different, I. which
our conduct might be altered. It may be asked
if the German powers —cootrary to their proferioea,
outran to every duty which they hare acknowledged
—should go at once with a cambium! force to
Copenhagen. nod declare there that it is their object to
make Denmark assent to terms destructive of her indepen-
dence—would we to entirely indifferent so that Dew posi-
tion ..f s, or entertaiu the same views which we do at
present!' Idy lords, upon that question I eaa only say that
I think every government most retain a certain liberty—so
long as it has the coefidence of parliament— with regard to
the decision to which it may come. All I can say is that
if the government should think it necessary sad expedient
to come to any fresh decision—if the war should assume a
new character —U new eirennatenees should arise, and such a
decision betaken—it would be our ditty, if parliament were
sitting, immediately to apply to parliament ; if parliament
Wife not sitting to call parliament together that parliament
might judge of the conduct which her Majesty's government
should pursue. le the meteor me, my lona I have stated—l
have Oven at hasten matinee( the courseof those uegotatioos.
I have gives you an account of the efforts we have made for
peace, which, like those made in 1823 by the government of
Lord Liverpool and Me Cueing, have been unfortunately
stasuenosfuL Our policy at the present time is to maistais
peace. If there is any party ia parliament if there are any
individioah in parliament who think, as Lad Grey did in
187.5, that we ought to go to war, is will be competent foe
them to ask her Majesty to inteefere materially in that
contest If they think that in any respect we have failed
in our duly. it is competent for there to take any line that
they may think limper ; but for ourselves, I say with ma-
Menge that we have suaintaised the honour of the country
—that we hare dose everything in our power to maintain
the pence rd Europa sod that we may rest satisfied that
those efforts having failed, nothing has been "meting on oar
parts which WAS required for the honour and interests of
the country-5014w has been left undone which it was
oar duty to do. (Cheers.)
The Earl of DaltßY mid it was impossible to overrate
the importance of the titration raised by the epoch of the
Foreign Secretary, as the pace of Europe might ultimately
be at stake. Believing that anything which paused in that
bowie might have a serious effect for good or for evil, he
booed their lordships would see the propriety of &beanie,
at that moment from a partial and consequently inconclu-
sive diseussion upon the matter. At the same time he was
bound to remark that the Conference had terminated just
be bad anti. iT. a ted . From the time it commenced its tentage
it bad to, eo a doomed assembly, and it was hopeless to sup-
pose that the alightestgood would ever result from its
deG-
berationa. The government seemed onus earnestly to desire
the ainteuence of the peace of Europe, whereas the
whale of their policy had hitherto bow utterly
inconsistent with that object. The noble earl cootinued
At th commencement of the session I ventured to express
as air otgly as I possibly oreild the infinite finger in eves
OW ;usability of • war wait Germasy—that power with