The Press.
London, England, 1854-12-16 00:00:00

ISATURDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1854.

haunt the chamber of their representatives, as our main
hope and aid, I think it is not at all unlikely that they
will feel considerable disrelish at our condition, and think,
therefore, it would be wise in the Government to tell us
what Austria really means. I think the House of Commons
ought to know whether Austria intends merely to watch
the game, and profit by the first opportunity, or whether
she mean to employ her troops ? Is she an ally in spirit
and in blood, as our ally in France ? Yes, England has a
right to demand that from the Government which has the
management of the crisis—(cheers)—and I suppose we
shall hear to night—for, if not, I am convinced that this
meeting of Parliament, and this communication from her
Majesty, will not have the effect on the country which I
for one earnestly desire. But if we are to have only an
equivocal alliance—if we are only to have an interference
that will serve but to bewilder and to mistily—if we
are to negotiate when we ought to act, to stop the course
of national conduct when the country, slow to enlist
in questions of this kind, but when, as their blood is
up, determined to accomplish their object—l say, if that
is what we are to have, for me at least let there be
no Austrian alliance—no four points—no public treaty--
no secret articles—but let France and England together
solve this great question and establish and secure the
liberties of Europe. (Loud and continuous cheering).

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who rose only a few moments
before two o'clock, briefly adverted to various items
in the bill of indictment preferred by the preceding
speaker against the Government. On each point he
submitted some consideration in order to justify or
palliate their conduct. Remarking upon Mr.
Disraeli's defence of the freedom of debate, the
noble lord said be (Lord J. Russell) had been
accused in a pleasant publication of the day [THE
PRESS fl of never speaking without an encomium on
Magna Charta—(a laugh)—but an encomium on
Magna Charts at that late hour wouldhardly be more
out of place than a vindication of freedom of speech
in that house. (Laughter.) Finally he yielded to
the demand urged by Mr. Disraeli for a frank expla-
nation of the terms of the Austrian treaty so far as
to give the following important resume of its provi.
sions

Austria had now advanced a step further than she had
gone before, but she had not even yet gone the length of
saying that if before the end of the year peace were not
made with Russia she would be a belligerent. She had
only gone this length—that if she should be at war with
Russia, a treaty offensive and defensive should, ipso facto,
exist between Austria, England, and France. She had
likewise agreed that before the end of the year she should
take into further consideration what steps she would be
prepared to take with respect to terms of peace with Russia.
Now, he understood the meaning of that article—certainly
not containing anything very precisein itself—(a laugh)—
to be, that if England and France propose conditions of
pea3e, which should be in conformity with the four bases,
and which seem to Austria to come fairly within the terms
of those bases, and that Russia should refuse to assent to
them in a treaty of peace, then Austria would no longer
hesitate, but be part of the alliance defensive and offensive.
He did not wish to overstate the engagement in any way,
and he quite agreed that Austria might still, at the last
moment, say, " that those terms of yours, those four bases
explained in a way I did not expect, would, reduce Russia
too much, and diminish too greatly her weight in Europe,
and she can never be expected to agree to them." Such
might be the language of Austria, without any breach of
faith, and she would then be released from the alliance,
but his belief and expectation were that she did concur in
those bases which were necessary for the security of Tur-
key ; and if Russia did not consent to a treaty of peace
founded on those bases, then in the next campaign the
forces of Austria would be joined with those of England
and of France. It might be said we ought to have gone
further and got better terms from Austria, binding her to
join us at once. It was easy to say that these were not the
terms that ought to have been accepted; but the question
was, whether it was not worth our while to form such a
treaty with Austria rather than lease Austria unconnected
and bound by no ties. The belief of the Government, as
well as the Government of the Emperor of the French,
was, that it was wise to enter into these engagements, and
that the success of the war was thereby promoted. By
uniting the other powers in a general guarantee ofneral the
principalities, and accepting from the Sultan a g
e
declaration in favour of the Christians, the natural influence
of Russia would be greatly diminished ; and without some
such terms as these no peace could be advantageously
concluded.
The Address was then agreed to, and the house
adjourned at 20 minutes past 2.

[For continuation of Parliamentary Intelligence,
see page 1185.]

Ready, price 28. Bd. •, by post, Ss.,
U IRISH QARTER LY REVIEW.
No. XVL—DECEMBER, 1e54.
CONTENTS.—Art. I. The Future of the Working Classes-
2. Biography of John Denim, Part Convict Systeme,
Past and Present-4. Removal of Irish Poor-5. National, Fac-
tory, and Reformatory Schools. First Paper: National Schools
—B. The Census, Part 111. v. The Dublin Hospitals, the Blunders
of the Census Proved-7. Paris Correspondence: Paris Past and
Present-8. Quarterly Record of the Progress of Reformatory
and Ragged Schools, and of the Improvement of Prison
Discipline.
Dublin: W. B. KILLY, and for R. SHICW. London : SIMPRIN,
MARSHALL, and Co.
No. XVII. will appear on Ist March, 1855.

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DAY, the 16th day of December, 104.