The Press.
London, England, 1854-05-20 00:00:00

SPAIN, AMERICA, AND CUBA.

THE Spanish Government has, it is said, refused to
accede to the demands arising out of the affair of the
Black Warrior made upon it by the Government of
the United States. The nature of those demands,
the terms in which they were couched, and the
agent through whom they were conveyed, rendered
compliance with them on the part of a nation which,
if fallen, is brave and proud, impossible. Whatever may
have been the written answer of Spain, the real
answer has been conveyed in a powerful reinforce-
ment to the garrison of Cuba, which was formidable
before. We are aware that the possession of Cuba,
the Queen of the Antilles, is coveted by the Southern
planters as much to add to their political power as
for its own intrinsic value. In addition to luxuriant
crops, it also bears on its teeming soil a popu-
lation of slaves. One of the most powerful organs of
the Abolitionists in New York, in some judicious re-
marks on this subject, warns the South to " mind its
eye." We hope the North will be equally vigilant
itself, for, with Mr. Sour.E at Madrid, the outrageous
demands he was authorised by the American Govern-
ment to make, and the piratical expeditions from the
South in conjunction, present a menacing aspect.
Powerful nations should beware of a false step : it, is
rarely discovered in time to be withdrawn. Despotism
presents an instance of this in the East. Will De-
mocracy furnish another instance in the West ?

Amer,ca would do well to remember that England
and France are at this moment banded together in
armed alliance to support the principle that the age
of conquests has passed for ever.

"THE NATIONS OF RUSSIA AND TURKEY."

TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—Will you be kind enough to allow me, in
answer to your critique on my work, " The Nations of
Russia and Turkey, and their Destiny," to say that I
had no occasion to speak of Blanqui the Socialist, who
is in prison and has not published any work—that the
Blanqui I speak of is his brother, Professor of Poli-
tical Economy, a Member of the Institute, and a
Knight of the Legion of Honour ? The latter is a Con
servative, and the author of the "Voyage en Bulgarie."
In respect to statistical figures, I have followed
Tegoborski's "Forces Productives de la Russie," and
I think that it is the best and the most recent work on
that subject. I may perhaps be called a refugee, but
it is long since I finished my career as a student.
Without entering into any discussion in respect to
opinions, I request the insertion of these few lines.
—I am, sir, your obedient servant,
London, May 17, 1854. IvAN GOLOVIN.
[With respect to M. Blanqui's opinions, we readily
accept M. Golovin's correction. An identity of name
misled us. On the other subject referred to we be
lieve our decision to have been correct.]

Yesterday's Moniteur states that the avowed com-
plicity of the Greek Government in the insurrec-
tional movement on the Turkish frontier has given a
fresh impulsion to acts of brigandage. l'iracy is
every day on the increase in the Archipelago. The
Greek Government have granted letters of marque to
the pirates. Special and energetic measures are
about to be taken for the safety of navigation.
It is certain that the Czar has furnished to the
Greek Government military subsidies amounting to
1,000,000 of drachms.
Macedonia has been invaded by 2,000 adventurers
and robbers, commanded by Chanis Karatasso, a
former aide-de-camp of the King of Greece. This
band is committing every unheard-of atrocity. In
one place they burnt alive 150 Turks—men, women,
and children—in their mosque.

Lord Cardigan and General Scarlett arrived at
Marseilles on Wednesday, and were to leave next
day for Constantinople.
The French Government has decided on increas-
ing the cavalry to be sent to the East, by a second
regiment of dragoons and a second' regiment of
cuirassiers.

"..Ik7

.T"

459

NOTES ABOUT THE NAVY.

No. VL—" OLD CHARLEY," AND HIS TIMES.

WEST INDIAN txpLorrs.
IN the summer of 1808 some despatches from the
Colonial Prefect of Martinique to the French Minis-
ter, exposing the wants of the island, had been
intercepted, and it was judged proper by our Govern-
ment to attempt the reduction of Martinique. An
expedition was accordingly prepared, and that dis-
tinguished officer, the late Sir Alexander Cochrane,
was appointed its commander. In February, 1809,
a landing at Martinique was effected, and some very
sharp fighting took place between the English and
French troops. After the loss of 7(k) men, the
French retired on Fort Dessaix, and it became ne•
cessary to bombard Pigeon Island from the land.
This was a very difficult operation, as it was neces-
sary to drag up the guns from the ships without the
aid of horses. But the " blue jackets" can be as
useful on shore as they are glorious at sea, and on
that occasion the brave tars rendered vast services
by their physical power in hauling up heavy pieces
of artillery. Under the direction of Captain Cock-
burn, of the Pomp& (the late Sir George Cockburn),
this service was ably performed, and in doing it
" Charley" had his full share of work, and cheered
on his men, and lent his own strong arm to them
in " ready, aye ready," spirit. But it was not merely
in transporting the guns that Charley and his brave
lads from the Recruit distinguished themselves.
There were several forts dotted about the height,
and one of these occupied a most formidable posi-
tion. It was called Fort Edward, and was about
a hundred yards from Fort Bourbon. After the

bombarding had taken place for several hours night
came on, and it was thought that the forts had been
abandoned. The Recruit, along with some other
vessels, was accordingly ordered to beat up in the
night between Pigeon Island and the main, and
anchor close to Fort Edward. The French, fearing
the assault, burnt their shipping. Morning dawned,
and Napier cried that Fort Edward was abandoned.
This assertion was doubted. "I'll go and see, if you
like," cried Charley, and with but live men he volun-
teered, scaled the walls, found the fort empty, and
planted the union jack upon the ramparts. In doing
so he was undiscovered by the French gunners in
Fort Bourbon, which commanded it. No sooner was

the news told to Sir Alexander Cochrane that the
union jack was flying in Fort Edward than he
ordered a regiment to be landed, placed it at Fort
Edward, and turned the mortars against the enemy.
This conduct of Napier won the most cordial
acknowledgment from his commander, who wrote a
certificate to the effect that Napier had shortened
the siege by several hours, and had saved several

lives.
In a few weeks afterwards Napier further sig-
nalised himself. A. large naval expedition had been
sent by the French to the relief of Martinique. On
the French admiral hearing that the island had
surrendered, he entered the Saintes with the
intention of getting across to Ciaudaloupe. Sir
Alexander Cochrane went in chase, taking Napier,
in the little Recruit, away with him. On the 12th of
April the French and English squadrons sighted
each other. A running fight commenced between
them. It began to the south of Guadeloupe,
at ten p.m. on the 14th of April, and ended off Porto
Rico on the 17th. In that fight Napier and his
little Recruit were for twenty-four hours wider the
guns of three French line-of-battle ships. He got
near enough to discharge a broadside at the Haut-
poult, 71 guns. The Frenchman fired stern-chasers
in return, being afraid to haul his wind, as he saw
that the English squadron might close on him, as
bow-chasers were going slap-bang from the English
admiral's ship. The Recruit for hours continued to
harass and annoy the Frenchman; and so galling
was Napier's fire that at last the Hautpoult broached
to, and brought her heavy batteries to bear upon the
little Recruit. She opened her main and quarter
deck guns, cut away the Recruits larboard shrouds,
crippled her rigging, and wounded some of her crew.
Even then Napier was not intimidated. No sooner
was the Frenchman again before the wind than
Napier hauled across his stern, and kept flying
double-shotted broadsides. At last the other
English ships came up, and the Hautpoult was
captured. The part taken by Napier in that
running fight is honourably registered by an
official act. Sir Alexander Cochrane at once ap-
pointed Napier to the H (Jut poult, in reward of the
intrepidity and skill shown by him, and the Admiralty
sanctioned the promotion by giving Napier a com-
mission, 22nd of May, 1809. The Hautpoult (or
more properly d'Hautpoult) was a ship of 1,871 tons,
and under the name of Abercromby cruised for three
or four years in the British service.
_ _

Thus Napier at twenty-three years of age had
fought his way to command. He returned to Eng-
land in the Jason frigate, and we will now have to
see him in sifter scenes. PILOT.
[To bor continued.]

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V rotttbings znV arlinunt.

THE MALT DUTY.
The Excise Duties Bill, which contained clauses
increasing respectively the duties on Scotch and Irish
spirits and on malt, was brought forward for second
reading on Monday night by Mr. J. WILSON. The
absence from a domestic affliction of Mr. Gladstone
deprived the subsequent discussion ot much of its
interest, the members of the Opposition feeling
bound to abstain from touching upon many points
whereon under other circumstances they could have
freely commented.
An amendment " That the bill be read a second
time that day six months " was, however, moved by
Mr. CALEY, whose objections to the measure were
limited to the provision it contained respecting the
increase in the malt tax. After a brief review of the
foreign policy of the Government, from which he de-
duced the conclusion that the war itself, with its con-
tingent expenses, had resulted entirely from the
vacillating and obsequious conduct of the Aberdeen
Ministry, the bon. member adverted to the means by
which that expenditure was to be met, and contended
that the increase in the malt duty was, in principle,
a violation of free trade, and in practice was most
injurious to the landed interests, and insulting to the
landed proprietors. Out of the fifteen millions
which formed the gross revenue from the excise
duties not less than twelve millions were to be raised
from the single article of barley. Combined with
other imposts incident upon land, the new duty
would constitute an effectual tax amounting to 20s.
or 255. upon every cultivated acre between John o'
Groat's and the Land's End. Remarking that the
malt tax affected principally the poor and working
classes, he argued that a much more just and equa
ble method for raising money would be to levy a
per-tentage duty on imported commodities. Our
imports now exceeding a hundred millions annually,
on which a five per cent. duty would realise five mil-
lions to the Exchequer, would touch all classes with
equal fairness, and, as an incidental advantage, would
tend to arrest the efflux of gold from the country.
The duty on malt was, besides, a most wasteful im
post, mulcting the public iu a vast sum, of which
three-fourths never reached the Treasury. In addi-
tion to the fiscal and social reasons for leaving the
article untaxed, Mr. Cayley adduced many consider-
ations based upon the effects which the impost exer-
cised on the moral condition of the people.
Mr. J. B. STANHOPE seconded the amendment,
objecting to the increase in the malt tax, which he
believed to be excessive and unjust, and contended
that it pressed almost exclusively upon a single class,
that of the agriculturists, who were already unduly
weighted with taxation. The necessity for the impo-
sition of new duties this year followed from the exten-
sive remissions enacted during the last session—
remissions which must be characterised as most
unwise, at a time when the Ministers knew (though
Parliament was still kept in ignorance of the facts)
that the political horizon was becoming heavily over-
cast.

---
Lord MONNE defended the proposed increase of
the tax, as being merely a temporary measure, and
denied the assumption that the impost would fall
upon the growers of barley.
Colonel GILPrN was convinced that the proposal to
enhance the malt tax was universally distasteful to
the agriculturists, and dwelt on the injury and injus-
tice which it would inflict upon them.
Mr. WARNER defended the malt tax, arguing that
it offered a just and expedient means for raising a
necessary revenue. He afterwards entered upon a
general vindication of the Ministerial policy, foreign
and financial.
The Marquis of GRANBY believed that the war into
which we were plunged must be attributed to the
exaggerated confidence shown at first by the Govern-
ment to the Emperor of Russia, and to the unneces-
sary animosity they bad subsequently displayed to-
wards the same Sovereign. With respect to the tax
under discussion, he would do everything in his
power to arrest the imposition of a duty that must
press so heavily upon a single class of the commu-
nity. He combated the argument that the impost
fell ultimately upon the consumer, and cited the au-
thority of Mr. M'Culloch to support the conclusion
that it chiefly affected the agriculturists. Between
the two classes of indirect taxation, customs and
excise, he expressed a warm preference for the
former, predicting that our recent course of policy,
involving such extensive remissions of import du
ties, would ere long be recognised as a complete mis-
take.
Mr. POLLARD URQUHART, as a Freetrader, supported
the amendment.
Mr. CROSSLEY vindicated the measures of the Go-
vernment.
Mr. BENTrNcx characterised the tax as being at
once unjust to the agriculturists and inconsistent
with the free•txade professions of the Ministers who
proposed it.

THE PRESS.

Mr. J. BALL and Mr. WILKINSON spoke in favour
of the tax, and Mr. BARROW supported the aniend-
ment.
Mr. NEWDEGATE believed that the imposition of
so unjust and unpopular a tax would greatly increase
the difficulties of the Government in the prosecution
of the great war we had undertaken. Last year they
had, in his opinion, acted wisely in repealing the soap
tax, because it was an excise duty; but he thought
that they would now be pursuing a most impolitic
course if they were to increase a duty of the same
character.

Mr. WILSON recapitulated and defended the finan-
cial principles whereon Mr. Gladstone had based his
recent propositions. After dwelling at some length
on the general questions connected with the war and
the war expenditure, he adverted to the special im-
post which formed the present topic of discussion,
and contended that the malt tax was not less fair
and equal in its incidence, nor more oppressive in
its consequences, than any other species of indirect
taxation.

Mr. SPOONER inquired why the Chancellor of the
Exchequer did not raise the required revenue, or
some of it, by arresting the reduction of the tea
duties P He then denounced the malt duty, and
traced the action of that impost to various results of
a calamitous character, declaring that it visited the
farmer with injustice, and sometimes with ruin, and
promoted the spread of immorality among the labour-
ing population.
Sir C. BURRELL concurred in condemning the tax
on account of its immoral tendencies.

Mr. SANDARS was assured that the tax afforded the
means of raising a large amount of revenue in a
readier manner, and with less inconvenience to the
community, than any other variety of impost.
Mr. FLOYER referred to an opinion expressed some
twelvemonth since by the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, to the effect that the duties upon articles of
general consumption should be reduced whenever
possible, and asked why the consumers of beer were
treated less liberally than those of tea or soap?
Sir E. B. LirrToN regretted to find the elements of
discord which Lord J. Russell had mitigated by with-
drawing his Reform Bill again introduced in
another shape by the Chancellor of the Exchequer:—

" Enforcing the arguments which had been adduced to
prove the great injustice and inequality of the malt tax, he
observed that the Government might succeed in forcing
it upon the country, but their very success would seriously
weaken their hands, by causing dissatisfaction and dis-
content to prevail throughout the country. The tax was
precisely that which it would most please the Emperor of
Russia to find laid on the people of England. Looking
upon the tax as a war tax, he contended that the cost of
war ought justly to fall heaviest on the classes to whom
the war was most profitable, namely, the merchants and
manufacturers. Upon the agriculturists, on the other
hand, the chief burdens of the war were made to fall. They
had to furnish not only funds but men. The Chancellor
of the Exchequer and the recruiting sergeant went hand
in hand through the agricultural districts, one asking the
inhabitants for their money and the other for their lives.
Not long ago the reduction of the malt tax was almost re-
cognised as a debt due to the farmer. But now its in-
crease was demanded, thus inflicting a fresh humiliation
on that class, exasperating their feelings, destroying the
enthusiasm with which they would otherwise have co-
operated in carrying on the war, and rendering the excise-
man an ally of Russia. The hon, baronet then assailed the
measures of the Government on various points of their
policy ; and, dwelling with much emphasis upon the
financial projects successively introduced by Mr. Glad-
stone, contrasted his system with that of Mr. Pitt during
the war with Napoleon. He controverted the assertion
that the cost of the war should be defrayed out of an annual
income. We fought for the benefit of posterity, and pos-
terity ought to pay their share of the expense."
Mr. DRUMMOND condemned the malt tax, which he
considered the worst it was possible to impose. To
restrict the supply of beer to the labouring class would
produce more immorality than all their reformatory
schools could cure. Expressing a high approval of
Mr. Disraeli's budget, the hon. member reviewed and
criticised the various contrivances recently suggested
for raising money, and then commented upon the
preparations making for war, in which the British
Government, he said, had played a subordinate part
to the French Emperor. He scouted the idea that
the French camp at Boulogne was intended to watch
Prussia, and declared that the establishment of three
powerful camps in England would alone afford a
chance of preserving the country from becoming the
battle-field of Europe.
Up to this point the Ministers, though many were
present, had maintained an obstinate silence, and
when Mr. Drummond sat down there were vehement
calls for a division from the benches behind them.
The Speaker had even ordered the house to be
cleared, when

Sir J. PAKINOTON rose and expressed his astonish-
ment that no member of the Government had
attempted to justify the demand for 2,500,0001. which
they were then making. He believed that his side
of the house had met in the fairest spirit every pro-
posal brought forward by her hitOesty's Ministers for
the purpose of ensuring the effective prosecution of a

SAriIIRDAY,

just and necessary war. ttut there were limits to
their forbearance; and a strong sense of duty com-
pelled them to offer their decided opposition to the
obviously unjust and oppressive tax then under their
consideration.

Lord J. RUSSELL observed that the question had
been narrowed by the supporters of the amendment
to a single issue. They had argued a subject which
involved the means of carrying on a great warlike
movement merely as if it related to the duty upon a
bushel of malt. He deprecated such appeals to
class interests, such insistence upon class distinctions,
as had been freely made during the debate, remind-
ing' the Opposition that every section of the com-
munity might use those weapons, and the result
might prove damaging to the landed interest. The
noble lord then detailed the motives that had
prompted the Government to leave untouched differ-
ent sources and modes of raising income formerly in
vogue, and induced them to have recourse to the
malt duty, which, even when increased, would still
barely reach half the amount it bore at the com-
mencement of the last war. Instead of attacking one
small point in the Ministerial scheme of finance, it
would, he urged, be more manly and candid if the
Opposition at once declared that while they had
nominally approved of the war they were not willing
to grant the supplies necessary for its prosecution.
Foreigners, at all events, would interpret into such a
conviction their votes against the malt tax :
" I)o not tell me," said the noble lord, " that the malt
tax is a tax so objectionable that you would be ready to vote
all other taxes if you could get rid of this. Do not tell me
that the landed interest in this country cannot bear fifteen
pence additional duty on malt. Tell us rather that which
I should be sorry to hear, but which would be more fair,
manly, and candid—tell us that though you are in favour
of the war—that though you are ready to vote army and
navy in support of it, you are not ready to vote the neces-
sary taxes—(' Oh, oh 1' from the Opposition)—that you
shrink from the unpopularity which belongs to the proposal
of considerable burdens upon the country, and that you
would wish to escape that obligation by means of loans, or
any other means by which you can avoid those burdens ;
but do not tell me that this small addition to the malt tax
is really the obstacle which prevents you supporting the
Uovernment on this occasion. Only imagine whet would
be now your position if, when you are asked to make a
great effort to raise, not 2,500,0001., but 7,000,0001., for
the support of the war, your first vote should be to reject
that proposal. Would not the effect be throughout Europe
that you did not mean to engage heart and soul in the
project—(cheers)—that you meantonly to give it your tem-
porary support—that you shrunk and escaped from it the
first opportunity you had—(shouts of ' Oh, oh 1' from the
Opposition)—that you were ready to forego the declarations
you' had made, to abandon the opinions you entertained,
and to involve your country in the necessity of a dis-
honourable peace? (Cheers and disapprobation.) 1 am
not telling you that that is your intention; but I am ask-
ing you whether such would not be the effect of such a
vote as I have supposed. I would venture to say that no
proposition could be more clear or more indisputable—that
no person would believe that it was merely on account of
raising the malt tax from 2s. Od. to 4s. that you refused
' this bill. They would say you refused the taxes ne-
cessary for the support of the war; and nobody would
think this war would be carried on with vigour and perse•
verance. With regard to the malt tax, we have debated it
for the last ten years. Its merits and its demerits have
been canvassed over and over again; but whether it be the
malt tax, or be it anything else, I say if the House of
Commons mean to support the war—if they mean to sup-
port us in endeavouring to maintain the dignity of the
Crown and the welfare of the country, they will support the
second reading of this bill. (Cheers.)"
Mr. DISRAELI confessed that he had listened with
surprise and regret to the doctrine that, because the
Opposition had consented to the war, they had
barred their right to oppose any scheme of the
Government for getting money. It was not the
purpose for which the revenue was wanted, no even
its actual amount, that was to be considered, but the
justice and expediency of the principles whereon the
taxes were based. He believed that the malt tax
was unjust and impolitic. At present a full fourth
of the ordinary revenue was raised from a single
crop, by means of the spirit and malt duties, and
this overladen industry it was now proposed to bur-
den with an additional weight. It was preposterous
to say that the produce of malt underwent no foreign
competition. No malt might, indeed, be imported
from abroad, but the resulting manufacture, beer,
had to compete against tea, a foreign beverage, whose
use restricted the market open to the barley•growers,
and yet the remissions of tea duty were not to be
interrupted, while malt was to be afflicted with
heavier duties. Mr. Disraeli then commented upon
the singular reaction which the Ministerial policy
now displayed from their old bigotry on the subject
of free trade :

"This is the greatest reaction from political economy
that I have ever heard of. I have seen many symptoms
and numerous evidences of late that there is a considerable
reaction from those stern opinions that have been so long
prevalent and predominant in this house. But I did
hardly believe 1 should live to hear that an increase by
fifty per cent. of a tax that now produces one-fourth part of
the ordinary revenue of the richest empire in the world
would be no aggravation of the burdens and no increase of

MAY 20, 1854.

the impost that could diminish profit or embarrass the
farmer. (Cheers.) Why, we are told tonight that this is
a tax upon the consumer, and who cares for the consumer?
says a freetrader. (Cheers.) A little while ago if any
gentleman on these benches ventured to refer to the bur•
den of taxation that pressed upon the productive classes
of the country he was treated with jeers. Then we were
told that the consumer—the great consumer, as he was
described by a distinguished member opposite—was the
person who should alone be considered; that the con-
suming power was the basis of modern finance ; that that
was the consideration that should alone influence the
Treasury, and that no tax was now to be considered but
with reference to his interests. And now we are told, with
a nonchalance that is a:lmirable, cod with a sangfroid that
is sublime. that this i ni.!use impost is not for a moment
to be considered because it is only a consumers' question.
(Cheers.) I think it is something to have brought them
to that. I think that, after all the panegyrics we have
heard for years upon the consuming power—that after
those who uttered them have succeeded in abrogating the
laws that protected the industry of England too success•
fully—that we should now have it acknowledged that the
plea upon which they advanced their doctrines was falla-
cious—that the object they wished to cherish was, in fact,
an unworthy one—that the great point which they wished
to ephance was not worthy of being accomplished—that, I
think, is a result which we may look to not without gratifi-
cation."
Referring to the policy of Mr. Pitt, which the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had assailed, Mr. Dis-
raeli urged that the very points attacked by Mr.
Gladstone had been strenuously enforced by Mr.
Fox, and inferred that Lord J. Russell must have
yielded to some heavy pressure when, for the sake
of helping his financial colleague and Lord Aberdeen,
he deserted the principles of the great Whig leader.
He then reverted to the question of the malt tax, re-
marking that as the war went on the Government
would be forced to make incessant appeals to the
patriotism of the cultivators and owners of land,
whom they were nevertheless unhappily labouring
to injure and disgust :

" Though i am ready to give credit to every class of
being ready at a moment like this to do their duty to their
Sovereign, I ask, without fearof contradiction, whether it is
not a fact that from the nature of the circumstances, from the
character of your constitution, and other causes, you have
been obliged peculiarly to appeal to the patriotism, to the
resources, to the exertions, and to the energies of the
landed interest of the country? ( Hear.) We have heard
recently many sneers against the territorial constitution of
our country, but I ask you in what country could you have
found those means of self-defence which you have recently
found in this country, except under the influence and im-
mediate aid and agency of the landed interest? In what
country in Europe could you have raised such a militia, or,
having raised it, could have trusted it in such hands as
those in which you have placed the newly-raised force ?
But you have so managed your finances that the only
odious tax which you put forward is a tax which more
or less affects the industry of the soil. I call it impolitic
to reawaken a contest which, if notfor ever dormant, would
never at a time like the present have been aroused by this
side of the house. You have demanded a great tax to the
amount of two millions and a half, and not a Minister of
the Crown, but by extreme compulsion, has condescended
to express a word in favour of the proposition. What was
your motive for this? Did you shrink from discussion ?
Did you think, at this moment, a debate upon the ways
and means of the war was impolitic, or that it would create
a bad impression abroad if the House of Commons should
have a discussion and division upon the subject of taxation?
If that be your feeling, do you not think that the credit of the
Government and the resources of the country have been
much more injured in the eyes of other nations by the
way In which you have attempted to raise a loan ? (Cheers.)
Is it not more calculated to injure the credit of the coun-
try. and to diminish the idea of your resources, that your
Minister of Finance cannot go into the City and obtain
two millions at four per cent, than that the House of Com-
mons should by natural and frank deliberation consider
the taxation which you propose to lay upon the country?
It is better even that our foe should see that a large sum
such as this now sought to be raised—a sum larger than
could be furnished by many of the provinces in the king-
dom of your imperial foe—should be frankly discussed
than that he should see the churlish, undignified, and un-
manly attempt of the Government to filch this amount
of money. Is it not better that the foe should see that
we are determined to exercise our functions to-night as the
representatives of the people, and that while we are pre-
pared to support our Sovereign, and even a Government
which we should otherwise oppose, in a war which the
country approves of, we will do our utmost, in duty to our
constituents, to provide that the ways and means should
be provided according to the principles of eternal justice?
(Cheers. )"
Some expectation appeared to exist that Lord Pal-
merston or another minister would rise when Mr.
Disraeli concluded. No occupier of the Treasury
bench, however, stirred, and the SPEAKER put the
question. On the division there appeared—For the
second reading of the bill, 303 ; for the amendment,
105: majority, 108. The bill was then read a second
time.
LAW 01? THE PERIODICAL PRESS.
Attention was called on Tuesday in the Commons
by Mr. MILNER GIBBON to the present state of the
laws affecting newspapers and the periodical press.
and a resolution moved setting forth that these laws
are ill-defined, unequally enforced, and demand the
early consideration of Parliament. The right hon.