The Press.
London, England, 1854-12-23 00:00:00

1214

present need, while the new recruits raised at home were
becoming seasoned and trained into fitness for service. Of
the allegation that the country or the army would be de-
graded by the co-operation of a foreign legion, he made
small account. In former wars foreigners had been em-
bodied with our own troops, and shared their glory,
without disparagement CO either party. France also gave
us an example, holding in her pay, and employing in the
present contest, a legion consisting entirely of strangers.
In other armies, and especially in the Turkish and Rus-
sian military system, aliens entered as a very considerable
element, multitudes even among the officers of high rank
not being natives of the country where they had taken
service. During a conflict so serious as we had now under-
taken aid from every quarter was valuable; and he sub-
mitted that no valid reason had been shown for refusing it
from the sources opened by the bill now before the house.
Mr. Herbert concluded by assuring the house that
if the measure were thus rejected, Ministers, after
this sign that they had forfeited the confidence of
Parliament, could not consent to retain the responsi-
bility of conducting the war.

Lord STANLEY adverted to the suspicious mystery
and haste with which the measure had been intro •
duced and urged upon the Legislature :
What were the circumstances under which this bill was
brought forward ? Not the slightest intimation was given
of any such bill in the Royal Speech, and that speech cer-
tainly was not overburdened with a multiplicity of matters.
(Hear, hear, hear.) Considering that this measure was
one which the people of this country did not think unim•
portant, the manner in which it had been introduced was
calculated to excite a suspicion that th s was an at-
tempt to smuggle it through Parliament before the country
at large had time to consider it—teheera)—and to extort
by a rote of that house, in a time of panic and emergency,
a parliamentary sanction to that which the deliberate judg-
ment of the nation would reject. (Hear, hear.)
Remarking upon the unquestionable " originality" of
. .

the proposition now made, he proceeded to inquire into
its necessity. Such a course, he admitted, might be
necessary it' war had broken out suddenly, in the
midst of a profound peace. But had Ministers no
warning? For more than eighteen months before
hostilities broke out it was obvious to every man in
the country that British troops would probably be
required abroad. Nor could it be said that there was
any want of public spirit in the country. No man
could say that who knew, as be knew, the readiness
with which labouring men subscribed to the Patriotic
Fund, or the ardour with which they enlisted. Still
less could it be pretended that our home resources
were not ample for all demands. It was ridiculous
to argue that a population of twenty-six millions
could be exhausted in furnishing an army of two
hundred thousand men. Referring to Mr. Herbert's
statement that the British recruit was too young, he
declared that the Germans would be too old, having
passed the age of service in their own armies, and
almost attained that at which the British soldier
generally obtained his discharge. If the addition of
10,000 men to the force in the Crimea was really
found to be of such consequence, he suggested that
they should be subsidised from our French ally as
a far preferable alternative to hiring unattached
mercenaries. The moral effect of the measure, he
thought, would be disastrous. It would be said
abroad that the war was unpopular—that English-
men would not fight—and that we were driven to
our last resource of hiring the service of foreigners.
The policy of hiring foreigners at all was doubtful ;
it could only be justified by necessity, and the neces-
sity had not been proved in the present instance. In
conclusion, the noble lc.rd questioned the patriotism
of the Ministers who, after all they had permitted and
ordered, could now threaten to resign if not allowed
to hire a few thousand foreign mercenaries :
The house need not look back beyond the experience of
the last session to find that Ministerial defeats upon im-
portant measures did not necessarily imply Ministerial
resignation. ( Opposition cheers.) The Government could
give up reform, they could give up education, they could
give up every measure which they had promised in the
Queen's Speech, and for which they had claimed an antici-
patory triumph; all that was nothing; but if 10,000 Ger-
man mercenaries were refused, it was a reason for resig•
nation. (Renewed chee►inng.) He had no wish to embarrass
the Government by any vote which he should give. They
had taken in hand the conduct of this war. The plans of
the war were theirs ; and it was infinitely better on all
accounts that there should not be a divided responsibility,
and that they should carry it on ; but when the right him.
gentleman the Secretary•at-War said, " I claim the right
to resign if I am beaten,' he (Lord Stanley) had a word to
say. He did not doubt the right of any man to consult his
own honour if he thought it offended, but he did say that,
whether that right existed or not, it was not a patriotic
course—it was not a public-spirited course for a Minister
to say, " If you assert that I have made a mistake—if you
don't admit me infallible in every respect—l shall resign."
(Cheers.) He thought he recollected something of the
circumstances under which the political party now at the
head of affairs received power. One distinguishing prin-
ciple which the party to which the Secretary-at-War belongs
laid down with great eloquence, and by their enunciation
of which they gained no small share of public respect,
was—that at a moment of nationaldifiiculty, or when there
were important public measures to be carried at any sacri-
fice on the part of individuals, any sacrifice—he would not
say of political character, but a sacrifice verging very nearly
upon that—was not only lawful but necessary in considers.