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London, England, 1856-02-09 00:00:00

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No. 145.—V0L. IV.

LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 9,1856.

ot vrtss.

by ties of relationship, and to England by
bonds of old alliance, commercial interest,
and community of faith, is it wonderful that
she desired to avoid rupture with either
While the sole argument for the exclusion
of Prussia from the Congress is of doubtful
applicability, the arguments in favour of her
admission are numerous, clear, and forcible.
It is a leading principle of treaties for the
settlement of European disturbance, that the
great Powers should co-operate in framing
their conditions, and in affording to them their
sanction. The principle is founded on reason,
as the States of Europe are so bound together
that they have a common interest in principles
of settlement. Accordingly, the stream of
precedent runs in one direction. There
are few cases in recent history in which the
great Powers have not all concurred in
treaties which were of real European im-
portance.
There was an exception in the case of the
two Conventions concluded in July, 1840, and
July, 1841, when France was excluded from
participation in the arrangements for the
pacification of the Levant, and for closing the
Straits of the Dardanelles. But herekciasion
was her own set—it was unavoideble ; and,
moreover, the questions as they' primarily
regarded the dispute between the Porte and
the Pacha of Egypt, could not be compared
in magnitude with those great disturbances,
which, as in the present ease, affect the whole
polity of Europe.
Though Prussia has been neutral in the
War, she has not been an unconcerned spec-
tator of it. From its commencement she has
laboured to effect a pacific solution. With
that view she brought about the Bamberg
Conferences, which were held for German, not
for Russian interests, and which had the effect
of giving expression to the pacific tendencies
of the German States.
We are aware that in certain quarters great
irritation exists against Prussia because she
declined to join in previous negotiations.
She took no part in the Vienna Conferences
last year, but is it possible that her abstinence
can he regarded as a fault by this country ?
The question was not then ripe for solution.
The great struggle before Sebastopol had to
be fought nut. Prussia has throughout iden-
tified herself with German interests, and has
regarded the War from the German point of
view.
But no one will venture to allege that Ger-
many has not a direct interest in the questions
which are to be !discussed at the impending
Congress. No country has, in fact, a stronger
interest in their settlement. Russian ascen-
dancy, which might be dangerous to other
countries, would be fatal to Germany. We
have been told over and over again that one
object of the War was to relieve Germany from
the paralysing effect of Russian influence ; yet
if Prussia be excluded from the Congress, we
shall commit the blunder of leaving Germany
unrepresented. Austria has ends of her own;
her interests are not the interests of Germany ;
her empire is composed of an agglomeration of
States, of which the German element is an in-
significant part. But Prussia is strictly a
German power. Her interests are not sepa-
rable from those of Germany at large ; and
by her admission to the Congress the whole
weight of Germany would be given to the
settlement arrived at.
If these considerations are thought too
general, there are others which nearly and

LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1850.

WE have reason to believe that the constitution
of the Congress about to assemble at Paris is
not yet fixed. The point in debate is, whether
Prussia shall be admitted to the Congress; and
on this head some difference of opinion exists
among the leading Powers. The question has
never been fairly discussed in this country,
but it has now assumed such practical shape
and prominence that it can no longer be
overlooked.

It must be the wish of every one that the
Congress should result in a definitive and
stable settlement of the matters at issue
between the belligerent Powers. We desire
the Peace in prospect to rest on the broadest
and most solid foundations, and to be assured
by the only guarantee which from the nature
of the case it can have,—the collective might
and opinion of Europe. On a suhject of such
grave policy the splenetic sentiments pro-
voked by the contest should give way, and
we shoal& -discard all wish to impair the
weight of the Congress and near its unity of
action by a petty desire to mortify this Power
or humiliate that.
The argument against the admission of
Prussia must rest on the fact that she has
been neutral in the contest. She has taken no
part with the Allies, but neither has she taken
part against them. She has laboured to im-
press on both sides the expediency of a pacific
settlement, and has endeavoured to bring
about such a settlement by ever 3 means in her
power short of a departure from her attitude
of stnct neutrality. If she is to he excluded
from the Congress, it must be by reason of her
neutrality. There is no other ground of fact
or theory on which it can be defended.
Now, it does not strike one that neutrality
is in itself a good cause of exclusion from a
Congress called expressly to discuss and settle
difficult points of difference between belli-
gerent States. In all cases of conflict between
adverse interests, it is a neutral authority of
some kind or other which is thought fittest to
pronounce a decision. There can he no ques-
tion of the sincerity with which Prussia from
the very commencement of the quarrel has
desired, peace ; and if she be admitted to the
Congress, her influence would unquestionably
be directed to soften asperities, and accommo-
date any difficulties that might arise. Be it
conceded that she has Russian leanings, her
pacific leanings are much stronger. Of all
the Powers of Europe, she has most reason to
desire a termination of the War, for she could
take part with neither side without exposing
her kingdom to terrible calamities. and It
would probably be impossible for her to main-
tain her neutrality longer.
There are no doubt cases in which bellige-
rent Powers have a right to forbid and to
resent neutrality Had the Allies at the com-
mencement of the War declared that Prussia
wag in a position in which her neutrality was
mVurious to them and serviceable to their
enemy, they might have compelled her to
011001111 her part. But connected with Russia

advoCate
tentiary

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SITANIPED .... SIXPENCE.
UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE.

directly concern this country. Of all the
States of Europe, Prussia is the one with
which our statesmen have thought it their
best policy to cultivate a close alliance. Be-
fore the House of Hanover was called to the
English Throne, or Prussia had taken rank as
an independent kingdom, the forces of the
Elector had fought by our side for the liber-
ties of Europe against Louis XIV. Half a
century later, we more than repayed the obli-
gation by steadfastly adhering to her cause,
when the great FREDERICK was threatened
with destruction by the most formidable coati
tion that ever menaced a single State; nor
have the two kingdoms on any occasion ever
been opposed in arms to each other.
The admission of Prussia to the Congress
would, in one very important particular, be
directly in our own interest. Prussia is a
Protestant State, and the only one of the
great continental Powers to which England
can look for sympathy and aid in the objects
dearest to her national heart. The War
originated in the rival claims of the Roman
and Greek Churches. The contention was
first for the key of the Holy Sepulchre. One
of the most important duties of the Congress
will be to settle the protection to be secured
to the Christian subjects of the Porte. Among
them in faith are Greeks, Romanists, and
Protestants. It must be our part to see that
the Protestant population is duly cared for,
that they stand on the same footing, as
regards every kind of privilege, with the other
Christians in Turkey. The Romish Chun*
will be represented by France, Austria, and
Sardinia. The resolve of the two former
Powers to support Papal domination,
and their desire to secure Romish ascen-
dancy in the East, make their close and
immediate alliance extremely formidable when
contemplated from a religious point of view.
It is not necessary to distrust their intentions,
or to entertain any apprehension of a new
Romish league ; but it is necessary that this
country should never forget that Protestantism
is part of its policy, and should neglect no
opportunity of strengthening its Protestant
alliances. The establishment of the Protestant
bishopric in Jerusalem is a proof of the
earnestness and sincerity with which Prussia
is disposed to co-operate with us in caring for
Protestant interests in the East. Shall we, by
insisting on her exclusion from the Congress,
be parties to weakening the Protestant interest
in a body which will have to deal with the
religious question, and exercise a most im-
portant influence on the future destinies of
Europe
Had Prussia openly sided with Russia, this
question of her admissibility would never
have been raised. She would have been a
party to the Congress as a matter of course.
Can it be a valid ground for her exclusion that
she did not do so? Leaving aside all
views of European statesmanship, regard for
Protestant interests, and for the established
policy of

policy of this country, should induce us to
advocate the admission of a Prussian Plenipo-
tentiary to the Paris Congr• -s .
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