The Press.
London, England, 1856-05-10 00:00:00

THE LITERARY FUND.

Ma. AlAemamt, in ono of his best known
essays, has drawn a graphic and gloomy pie-
ta:ire of the state of literary men in the latter
half of thti ieWt:tpe4tli eentury, when the old
race of patrons it4yl egastal.„f4„,uxist, and,,the
modern class of wealthy ,publishers had,
arisen. But it may be well to bearin.mind
that there were certain features of literary life
iu the era of Boon and SAVAGE which would
in some degree counterbalance the disadvan-
tages under which they otherwise laboured.
If the gains of authors were smaller, and their
life harder then than now; if the handsome
fortunes realised by modern authors were
then tinknown; if the writer altogether par-
took more of the character of an adventurer
than le -compatible with existing custom—we
must recollect, also, that the system of remu-
neration was regulated on a different princi-
ple—one, perhaps, not so.favorable to the ao-
aumulation of wealth as that which prevails at
present, but doubtless better calculated in

THE

many respects to preserve an author from
actual want. If a bookseller liked a woik
he purchased it outright, with much less
regard to the name that would appear on
the titlepago than he has now. PALEY, for
instance, sold the first • production of his
pen for LOON: Where is the publisher
now who woald give the like sum for the
work of an unknown author? At present
the system is entirely different. Authors are
generally remunerated by a share of the
profits of their productions, and, if successful,
they ' can' melt redeive any money from
such profits for some years, and in the mean-
time they fall into serious embarriaeonents,.or
are driven for support to periodical literature,
the chtiins of which leave very little time
for the pursuit of learned research or the pro-
secution of original thought. Furthermore, it
is not every writer whose genius is adapted
for the rapid and lively composition which
such literature requires; while, on the other
hand, the precarious nature of such employment
renders it a must fragile staff to lean upon
even to the most skilful and experienced
workman. Literature, then, we must own, at
the present day, is a hazardous profession to a
man who has no capital. Yet it is just be-
cause they have no capital that nine men out
of ten make it their profession.
The satisfactory gathering at the Literary
Fund dinner last Wednesday, and the amount
raised, show that the public are not indifferent
to the claims or difficulties of the professors
of literature. But may not the question be
raised whether the resources of the Literary
Fund cannot be made available for a different
class of applicants than those to whom its bene-
fits are at present confined? As now admi-
nistered, the Fund is wholly eleemosynary.
No man who shrinks from being a recipient
of public charity can look to it for aid. Yet
such a man will frequently be the one most
deserving of assistance. In a profession so
precarious as literature, and so full of ups
and downs, the class must be large whom
it would be desirable to aid with as little
injury as possible to their self-respect.
But no inau in the full possession of his
bodily and mental vigour can accept alms
from his equals without his self-respect being
injured. Might it not, therefore, be possible
to introduce the element of loans into the
Fund with satisfactory results ?

Many instances would, doubtless, occur in
which the borrower would be unable to repay
the money advanced to him ; but very few,
we think, in which he would not strain every
nerve to do (so. The principle of honour is
strong among men of letteis. Witness such
characters us SOCTHEY and SCOTT, who both
killed themselves in support of their inde-
pendence. Though no valid security were
taken, the intamy of a wilful defalcation
would ,so far exceed that of an • ordinary
debtor and creditor transaction, that no man
would be able to hold up his head who repu.
diated•a debt, through want of legal obligation,
which he was able to discharge.
Simply stated the ease stands thus :—The
applicants for relief to the Literary Fund luny
be broadly divided into two classes—the men
who are hopelessly broken down, and the men
who are struggling with temporary difficulty,
and have fair prospects of recovering them-
selves, and of ' occupying au independent
position in the literary world. The first class
are fit recipients of charity. The second class
require sympathy and temporary support
rather tha n alms. .• If it wan the first class only
that the Literary Fund professed to relieVe, its
operation woull be unexceptionable. But the
reverse is notoriously the case. We think we
may confidently say that its beneficence is
most largely extended to the second class.
Anti what is.the result?.

Lif.Whiry men of at. 'lost independent
spirit land their spirit' is commonly no bad
indication of thelYttbility) will not consent to
aplthlor:'eleemcisynat7 assistance, be their
distresh What it may. They will'steuggle with
failing health, they will contend with the most
crushing embarrassment, they will sustain
every form of privation, till heart or brain, or
both, give way through the strain, rather than
they will stoop to beg. They die in braving
the difficulties which meatier minds bend
to, and live. Say they aro wrong, that their

SATURDAY,

pride is in fault, that their view is erroneous
—still such is, thei fact; and this sensitive class
of mind is of a nature that you cannot alter,
that you cannot teach. Its excellence—and
it is among the highest excellencies of huma-
nity—is so blended with its error, that both
must be taken together.
On the other hand, there aro literary men, or
men connected with literature, whose sensi-
bility is leis keen, who have sunk to that
point at which they cease to consider alias a
degradation, who care not by what means they
supply their wants so long as they are
supplied, and who find a ready means of
banishing from their minds unpleasant
thoughts should any such obtrude themselves.
Careless, or nearly careless of the future, they
live by expedients, and become incapable of
any serious effort to raise themselves from
their abject condition
Now, let the administration of the literary
Fund be kept us secret as it may, it does trans-
pire that it is to men of the character we
have last described that a very considerable
portion of its charity is devoted. Of the two
classes we have indicated, which is the most
deserving of relief? Every one will say, the
first. Of the two classes, which obtains by far
the larger portion-of relief ? Every one mix-
ing in literary society will say, the last.
Between what should be the object of the
Fund and what is its actual practice there is
then great opposition. And it does seem very
worthy the attention of those who are most
directly concerned in its management whether
some scheme cannot be devised by which the
class which is the most deserving of our sym-
pathy shall meet with most practical assist-
ance.

We do not say that the system of loans
would answer, but we think it worth a trial,
as it seems to us probable that a very large
amount of assistance might in this way be
afforded to the most deserving class of
literary men at a comparatively small expense,
and in a manner that would be most cre-
ditable to both parties.

PROGRESS OF' IRELAND.—In Thorn's "Irish Alma.
nac," a work replete with useful information, there
are many statistical facts indicative of the social re-
volution quietly proceeding in Ireland. The total
value of the live stock was in 1841 only 19,399,8431.,
but in 1851 the amount hal risen to 33,508,3711.,
and this rise seems to be steadily progressing. The
number of holdings of land below five acres has un-
dergone what must be considered a most beneficial
decrease. In 1841 the number of such holdings was
310,373, but in 1854 had fallen to 80,976. Between
five and fifteen acres, the number which in 1849 was
252,778, was in 1954 only 179,140. On the other
hand, the lsrger class of holdings had proportionably
increased. Between fifteen and thirty acres, the
number which in 1849 was 70,333, was iu 1854
187,040, and the holdings above thirty acres, the
class must beneficial to a country, had risen from
48,023 in 1849 to 154,106 in 1854. The revenue of
Ireland shows a satisfactory increase; it reached
5,802,3171. fur 1833, against a revenue of less than
four Millions and a halt' for the thirty years previous.
The commerce of the Irish ports is improving. The
tonnage entered inwards was 1,944,285 in 1840, and
was 2,601,780 in 1854. The savings-banks deposits,
after great depression consequent on the years of
famine, seem now steadily increasing. In 1840 they
had sunk as low as 1,200,27314 iu 1853 they were
1,586,0101., and are now probably much niore. The
poor rates, which in 1846 reached 1,674,7931., bad
sunk in 185-1 to 926,1541. Railway receipts are in-
creasing; puwnbroking is on the decline; and by
every test which can determine the:social state of a
country', Ireland, after the terrible ordeal of the years
of famine, is now steadily advancing in industrial
ptosperity. Not the least eatistietory feature of her
improvenient is the publication of the very complete
and useful volume which records these facts.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belgium stated
in the Chamber on the 7th, that he had prepared a
reply to the accusations against Belgium expressed
in the Contaess at .raris on the Bth of April, which
he should preauut as soon as the official ratification
of the treaty and protocols had been received, and
emphatically stated that the Government would
never " propose any such change in the Belgian
constitution as was then intimated.

MAY 10, 1856.

Vrotetbin,gs in Varlianunt.

Tits Lord Chancellor took his sett en the woolsack
on Monday, in the presence of a crowded house—the
Peeresses' and strangers' galleries, the standing room
round the throne, and at the bar, being filled with
spectators. Ou the order of the day being read to
take into COOlfaileration I 0

THE TREATY OF PEACE,

The Earl of ELLrSMERE moved :

---- -
That an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, to
return to her Majesty the sincere acknowledgments and
thanks of this house for the important communication
which her Majesty has been graciously pleased to make to
this house of the general treaty concluded at l'aria on the
30th of March, between her Majesty, the Emperor of
Austria, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia,
the Emperor of Russia, the King of Sardinia, and the
Snitani by which peace has been re-establishod between
her Majesty, the Emperor of tho French, the King of Sar-
dinia, and the Sultan, on the one part, and the Emperor
of Russia on the other.
To assure her Majesty that, while we should have
deemed it our duty cheerfully to aff.,rd her Majesty the
fullest support if it had unfortunately been funnel necessary
to continue the war, we have learned with joy and antis.
faction that her Majesty has been enabled to re-establish
peace on conditions so honourable to her Majesty's Crown,
and which so fully accomplish the great objects for which
the war was undertaken.

•
To express to her Majesty the great satisfaction which
we feel that, while those alliances hove so materially
contributed to the vigorous and successful prosecution of
the war have been equally effective in the consolidation of
peace, Powers which had not taken an active part in the
war have combined with the belligerents to give by their
sanction and accession additional firmness to the arrange-
ments by which the repose of Europe is in future to be
protected from disturbance.
To state to her Majesty that we rejoice that, notwith-
standing the great exertions which the late war rendered
necessary, the resources of the empire have remained un-

impaired.
To express a hope that the peace which has now been
concluded may, under the favour of Divine Providence, long
coutinne to shed its blessings over Europe, and that har-
mony among Governments and friendly intercourse among
nations may steadily promote the progress of civilisation,
and secure the welfare and happiness of mankind.

The noble lord described the terms of the treaty as
eminently satisfactory. He could seo "no rational
expectation, no fair demand, no purpose at once
achievable and considerable," which had not been
met by one or other of the provisions of the treaty.
Lord Ciarention's position at Paris was a difficult
oue :
My noble friend embarken under a cloud of miseoncep•
non respecting the mind and policy of England well
calculated to mid to the difficulties which he has overcome,
and the anxieties from which he is now released. It was
very generally imagined—at least it was very iedustriuusly
circulated—that England, in pursuit of some interest, real
or fancied, of her own, was willing or resolvel to ignore
the substantial offers of Russia; that it was part of the in-
structions of my noble friend, by all the subtle devices
attributed to that bugbear of continental cuttie•houaes,
" perfidious Albion," to make at impossible for other
powers to accept conditions with whith they were satisfied,
and to close a strife with which they were comparatively
wearied. Your lordships have not to learn from me that
these suspicions were utterly unfounded. Still, there was
much to account fur and excuse them.

The noble earl pas.sed a high eulogium on Lord
Raglan, termed Miss Nightingale an angel of mercy,
mid, alluding to the losses we hail sustained, said
there would be a bunch of myrrh in the fostal goblet
when the cup is Wheel, and the revel 4r at its
height. . lot
Lord GLE ELG 5ea09414, he Ad,drpir 414481iicech
highly laudatort•

Jry of every article of the trlat.y.,
The Earl of MALMEiIiCTRY could not concur in the
expression of "joy and satisfaction" at the re-
establishment of peace used hi the Address. He
denied that the objects of the war had been fully ac-
eJmplished. lie should advise an amendment con-
gratulating her Majesty that the Government had
been enabled to establish a peace " the conditions of
which appeared to her Majetcy's ,Government ade
quatvly to effect the great objects of the war." By
the 3rd and 4th Althles of the treaty, Sebes-
tol)ol, Katniesch, Balaklava, Eupatoria, Kenai,
lenikale, and Kinburn were restored to Russia in
exchange for Kars, which he did not think a fair
equivalent. But the treaty contained nothing to
prevent the northern forts of Sebastopol being main•
tained in their present condition, and nothing to pre
vent the reconstruction of the fortress in all its
entirety. There was also another and more remark-
able omission of restrictive measures connected with
Circaisia and the Russian forts on the CircasSian
mast. Lord Clarendon, at Paris, had proteSted
against the reconstruction of those forts, but beyond
that protest, which was overruled, no further mention
was made of Circassia:—
It had been stated by the Prime Minister in another
Piece that the Russians aro to resume possession, and if

t
THE PRESS.

they pleaso rebuild and regarrison them. in plain Eng.
lisi►, my lords, we have deserted the Circassiens—( olive's)
—we have left them to a dreadful and a certain fate, after
having begged for their assistance and, let the add, bone•
lited by it to a very great extent. (An ironical cheer from
Lord t'anmure.) Notwithstanding the cheer of the noble
lord the Secretary for War—who, let me say in passing, is
not the first authority I should take upon hostilities in Asia
Alinor—(" Hear," and laughter )-1 repeat that we have
benefited by the assistance of the Circassians, because, in
ISM, when the Russian general had g.iiiied two victories
over the Turkish army, and WWI entering Anatolia, it was
the inroad of Sehamvl upon Tiflis that compelled him to
retreat, and prevented him from following up his advantages
during the whole of that spring and summer. But no
wonder that the noble lord and his colleagues have de-
serted the Circassians, when they have already forgotten
their obligations to them. (Cheers.)

We bad incited them to take up arms agaiustiitissift,
and now we ignored them entirely :
I am afraid that the noble lord opposite will d itanf4 in
history in the same category with those politiatdis who,
many years ago, deserted the lib ;rties of other free coun-
tries when they had an opportunity of saving them. I can-
not believe, knowing as I do the generous spirit of the
noble lord, that he did not strongly desire to save the Cir.
cassiuns from perdition, and that he was not restrained by
circumstances which we do not know, and which, perhaps;
he dare not tell,
With respect to the neutralisation of the Black Sea,
he was not quite certain the arrangement' made wee
the best. The size and armament of the Russian
transport ships did not appear to have been detlni•
tively laid down; and as to the much talkaof cession
of Beasarabia territory, it has turned out that exactly
one-half of the promised restoration was to be re.
tained by Russia. The noble earl then briefly
reviewed all the circumstances connected with the
fall of Kars, expressing his disapproval of the con-
duct of Lord Stratford towards General Williams
and condemning the negligence of Lord Clarendon
in not sending another agent with advice • and money
to General Williams. The conduct of the Ministry
in the whole affair was inexplicable.

The Earl of CrAßENnoxdeclared that the fall of
Kars had no prejudicial effect upon the treaty of
peace. A mutual restoration of territory was a sine
put non, and the question did not form a subject of
discussion at the conferences. The transport vessels
Russia would maintain in the Black Sea it was
arranged should amount to six small vessels of 200
tuns each. With respect to Nicolaieif and the Sea of
kzoff, Count Orloff bad solemnly declared, en the
part of the Emperor of Russia, that neither at Nico-
laieff, at Kherson, nor at any port in the Sea of Azotf,
nor in any tributary to that sea, would there be ever
constructed or maintained any vessel exceeding in
number or size those which Russia would be entitled
by the treaty to maintain in the Black Sea. As to
the line of frontier, the original line laid' down by
Austria was by no means certainly defined. The
great point to achieve was the freedom of the mouths
of the Danube, and the present. line fully accom-
plished that object. With respect to the Circassians,
Lard Clarendon denied that they had any claim on
our sympathy. They had not assisted us during the
war, and from our not having obtained any military
successes during the war in that quarter we were not
justified, he cOntendedi in altering the territorial
arrangements arranged by the treaty of Adrianople,
and could not require Russia to demolish forts upon
her own territory. These forts were not for the pur-
poses of aggression ; they were intended for internal
objects:—
In fact for defending commarce--for assisting ths
blockade which has been so many years established in
these countries ; bat Count Orloff stated, ou the part of
the Emperor of Ruse* that he hoped the character,of the
people would 'be improved by the civilising influence of
commerce', that the blockade and other restrictions would
be removed, and that all the ports of Russia in that quarter
—seven 'or eight in number—would be open to foreign
trade and would receive foreign consuls.
Before concluding, the noble earl alluded to the
difficulties he had experienced in Paris, arising
front a general belief in Wu indisposition of England
to make peace
I must acknowledge, my lords, that when I arrived in
Paris I became painfully sensible of the existence of a
feeling there—produced by the tone adhpted in Parliament
and the press—that we did not intend to make peace. but
to drag France trit in a war with us, even after site believed
that the objects fot which the war was undertaken had
been accopplished.

The Earl of DERBY could not regard the peace
" with joy and satisfaction." He accepteti it without
enthusiasm, but, without opposition; fur be believed
the country looked upon it as a peace which might
have been worse, but which might have been
better. There was nothing in the treaty to prevent
Sebastopol being rebuilt, nothing to secure the
neutralisation of the Black Sea, awl no obligation
imposed upon Russia by treaty to build at Nieohtieff
only such ships as were agreed upon for :service in
the Black Sea. As to the forts on the Black Sea,
and our desertion of the Circa.ssians, they were mote
important questions of policy than the (*oven:lineal
appeared to believe:— • • • • •Aal.-

411.1

48'

My noble friend says that we could not call upon the
Russian Government to demolish these forts. I do not
know whether upon the part of the country he had a right
to do so, but I know that the British Plenipotentiary did
ask for the destruction of these forts, and his request was,
to use a mild diplomatie term, " adjourned." And now he
tells us that we had no right to ask anything of the sort,
and could nut expect Russia to grant it. As to military
success, I do not know what view the noble earl takes of
the subject. Perhaps he is so intoxicated with greater
military successes, not nnmingled with some disasters and
some imperfections, even in thy uchievernent of the greatest
operations, as to think that the naval operations upon the
eastern coast of the Black Sea by which these forts we to
destroyed and which caused their abandonment by th a
Russians, were not such as called upon us to maintain the
status quo, and to procure that those forts so abandoned
and destroyed should not by these same Russians he
rebuilt and reoccupied. I will not enter into the (lavabos
of what degree of .support or co-operation we may have nn
ceived front the Circassiuns, from Sehamyl or any ether of
their chiefs, nor into the question why we did not receive
such support; bat I ask, not ns a question of gratitude cr
good feeling towards them, but as a question of policy,
and of carrying out that which the noble lord himself de-
clared to be among the prin&ptil objects of the war—tEe
limiting of the territory and the repression of the
aggrandisement of Russia—whether he can justify having
inserted no conditions in this treaty by which these tribre
should be maintained in that degree of independence cf
Russia which has formed, and might continue to form,
au iniportaat barrier against the aggressions of that
power in the quarter in which they are most dangerous to
Turkey? Your object was to repress the aggressions of
Russia and to secure the integrity of Turkey ; and you ne-
glect to make provision against the expansion of territory
and the continuance of aggression precisely on the aide on
which Russia can at any time best carry out her views of
te,,,randisement against that Turkey the integrity of
which it is your object to secure. I say that the:, is a
signal defect in the treaty. You may say what you like
about the indifference to your assistance ruanifeated by
those tribes—an indifference occasioned, perhaps, by
your injurious interference with their ticerestie concerns,
or by their inability to hold their own; but I say that in
providing for the neutralisation of the Black Sea, fat
the repression of Russian aggression, and for the integrity
of Turkey, these Circassian provinces were of all others
those to which you ought primarily to have directed
your attention, and tins you have wholly and indisputably
neglected.
The non-settlement of the form of goveiviment for
the l'rincipalities left open endless causes of dispute ;
and the manner in which the maritime code of
England had been entirely changed, without the
knowledge and sanction of Parliament, ought not to
be passed over :
The corn laws were repealed after full discussion, with
the knowledge and sanction of both Houses of Parliament.
But our maritime supremacy has been surrendered (I use
the mildest word), has been given away, has been yielded to
I know not what. There is no protocol which tells us
what were the arguments in its favour. There is no dis-
cussion as to the objects to be gained by it. There is no
statement whether it was volunteered by the British
Minister. But this I know, that, right or wrong, volun-
teered by the British Minister, or surrendered by him to the
feeling, prejudices, and desires of other countries, it was
done in the dark, without the knowledge of Parliament;
and that the Minister, sent and trusted by the country to
conduct negotiations for restoring peace on certain bases
known to the country, took advantage of his position to
make an important alteration iu the maritime law of Eng•
land without the knowledge of Parliament, and without
our having the least idea that such our birthright was
being given away. (Cheers.) This question is too large
to be argued now, but I should have thought myself un-
worthy of a seat in your lordships' house if, while we are
discussing the terms of this treaty, I did not advert to the
contents of the paper which I have seen with astonishment
and indignation forms an adjunct to the treaty, of whieliit
is undoubtedly no part.
Earl GRANVILLE regarded the declaration of Count
Orloff with respect to Nicolaieff as' satliffitctory. So
solemn a declaration gave the right of protest upow
the Bfiglitest breach being attempted.
The Earl of ARERDEEN believed the treaty secitred.
the objects for which the war was undertaken, but
it was doubtful whether posterity would be of tt)at
opinion. lie thought the neutralisation of the flack
Sea would be found practically impossible. • A power
to interpOse in the internal management of Turkey
ought to have been retained.
Lord COWLEY explained that any aggression from
either Russia or Turkey in the Blade Sea would
give time other contracting powers a right! to in.
tervene.
Earl GREY considered the treaty a great step in
the advance of humanity and civilisation, especially
in the change it effected in our maritime law. •

Lord CAMPBELL said the change in that law had
been effected quite in accordance with the Constitu-
tion.
The amendment was then negatived and the
Address agreed to without a division.

Lord.PANuuat gave notice of a motion for a vote
of that lto the army and nen. ,),
Mr, E. DENtos, in the House of Commons on
Monday, proposed that the thanks of 'the house by
returned to her l'iftdesty fbr her gracions'&mninnica-
titan to the house upon the sublect df thelreatror
peace concluded in Yeas on the 30th of March. He

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