The Press.
London, England, 1858-02-27 00:00:00

THE PRESS, FEBRUARY 27, 1858.

to reply to the important despatch received from the French
Government, dated " Paris, January 20, Ma," which has been
laid before Parliament.

Mr. Gib-4)n remarkedin conclusion that the question
before the house was simply between us and our
own Executive Government. It was not a question
between the Parliament of England and the Govern
ment of France. We were now exercising our legiti-
mate right of criticising the manner in which the
servants of this country have fulfilled their duties,
and of ascertaining whether they have properly de-
fended the honour and reputation and dignity of
England :

Now I, like the rest of the world, frequently form my
opinions—in fact, we all do it, without perhaps being aware
of it—from reading the newspapers. We may not be very
willing to admit it, but I undertake to tat), that the news-
papers of this country—such a journal, for instance, as the
Times—have a very considerable influence, for a short
period at least, in forming the opinion of the people. I
have been a reader of the Times, and my opinions have
often been very much influenced by what I have real in
that journal; and, with the permission of the house, I will
take the liberty of reading a brief extract from the Times
with reference to the policy of the noble lord at the head
of the Government, which seems to me to be aimed with
wonderful accuracy and with a very discriminating appre-
ciation of his real character, and of the character of his
foreign policy. Now, what says the Times? (Cries from
several hon. members Of what date ?") lam about to
quote from the Times of the 22nd of Jane, 1850. I don't
suppose that, at his period of life, the noble lord at the
head of the Government has changed materially since June
1850, and I believe the Times newspaper is conducted by
the same persons, and has the same head. Well, the
Times says of the noble lord that—
There is no constituted authority in Europe with which Lord
Palmerston has not quarrelled ; there is no insurrection that
he has not betrayed. The ardent partisans of Sicilian. Italian,
and Hungarian independence have certainly no especial cause
for gratitude to a Minister who gave then, abundance of verbal
encouragement and then abandoned them to their fate. On the
other hand—

mark this—" when Lord Palmerston has made up his
mind to court the goodwill of a foreign power, no sacrifice
of principle or of interest is too great for him." The pas-
sage concludes in these emphatic terms :

From first to last his character has been the want of a firm
and lofty adherence to the known interests of England, and it
is piecisely from a want of such guiding laws of conduct that
our foreign policy has degenerated into a tissue of caprices,
machinations, petty contentions, and everlasting disputes.
It is because I think the mode in which this affair has
been conducted is of all others the most calculated to
occasion disputes with France that I take the liberty of
questioning the discretion which has been exercised by
her Majesty's Government. I agree with the noble mem-
ber for the city of London that the irritating discussions
that have taken place in this house might have becn
avoided had a more judicious policy been pursued. I
believe that if a proper reply had been sent to the despatch
of Court Walewski it is possible that we might never have
been called upon to legislate upon this subject; and, the
sympathies of this country having been expressed for the
unfortunate circumstances that had taken place in Paris,
it is very probable that when the excitement had passed
away the matter might have ended without the necessity
of involving the House of Commons in any controversy
with reference to the Emperor of the French and the
views of the French nation. I, for one, feel entirely pre-
cluded from offering any opinion whatever with respect to
the Government of the Emperor of the French. That is
a matter for the French people. lam for non-interference,
and therefore I shall out set the example of entering into
any discussion as to the male in which the Government
of France is carried on. The noble lord has told us that
the French Government rests on the voice of the people ;
there is undoubtedly a French Assembly elected, as it is
said, by universal suffrage and vote by ballot, and it is not
therefore for me to call in question the mode in which the
Government of France is administered. I confine myself
to my legitimate duty, which is to question the discretion
that has been exercised by the Executive Government of
this country. I now beg, sir, to place my amendment in
yoni hands. I believe that lam only discharging a legiti-
mate and constitutional duty. I believe that I have taken
a fitting opportunity for discharging that duty ; ani I have
only to thank the house for the kindness and attention
with which they have beard me.
The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving the
amendment.

Mr. BAINES, in a brief speech, said the amend•
mentraised two questions—first, whether the measure
introduced by the Government was a right one ;
second, if, being right, there was any valid reason
why it should not be immediately proceeded with.
The bill made no chacge in the constitutional prin-
ciples of our jurisprudence ; it merely assigned to an
offence of a peculiar and malignant character, which
was now placed in the lowest category of crime in
this country, a due punishment. Then, if the
measure was right in itself, having seen this ezecra•
ble crime actually committed in this country, could
we be justified in postponing an alteration' It was
no reason that we should not take a course we be-
lieved to be right that there had been an improper
tone employed across the water, for which due allow-
ance should be made.

Mr. WALPOLE complained that no explanation had
been given in reply to the speech of Mr. Gibson,
based in his opinion upon the soundest principles,
and which put the question as between the House
of Commons, representing ;he people, and the Ex-