The Press.
London, England, 1854-06-24 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

. .
siems—how unjust to our allies ! I say that such a course
of proceeding never can by possibility be adopted.'•'
Lord Lyndhurst then reverted to the general ques-
tion, pointing out the steadily-aggressive policy which
Russia had pursued for many generations towards
the dominions of the Sultan, and how constantly the
Czar had relied upon, and endeavoured to foster,
divisions among the Western powers of Europe. The
protectorate established in the principalities had been
made the subject of a boast by Count Nesselrode, as
giving Russia the key of the position against Turkey ;
while Count Lieven had actually indicated the means
of turning that position to account for effecting a
swoop upon Constantinople before any of the Western
powers could interfere. He then enforced the neces-
sity of providing some effectual guarantee against
the recurrence of these dangerous enterprises. But
how was this contrived ? The guarantee of the four
powers to maintain the integrity of Turkey might
doubtless be sufficient, so long as they were united
and prepared to enforce it. This state of union
could not, however, be depended upon ; and as for
any guarantee resting upon treaties and depending
upon the good faith of Russia, they would not be
worth the paper on which they were written. Russia
could not be bound by treaties. The history of that
country for centuries had presented a tissue of fraud,
duplicity, trickery, and violence. Citing recent in-
stances of grasping ambition and Asiatic ill-faith on
the part of the Czars and their ministers, the noble
lord continued:—

" Is this the system, and are these the persons, on whose
assurances we are to depend? (Cheers.) I remember
hearing an eloquent speech from a noble lord ou the cross
benches as to the necessity of placing confidence in a
person with whom we might be negotiating; but the
speech, though eloquent, was not convincing. As far as
relates to the transactions of private life, confidence may
properly be founded upon character ; but when great in-
terests are depending, and when we employ agents to pro-
tect those interests, give me leave to say that caution,
jealousy, and foresight are the qualities which should cha-
racterise our negotiations. (Cheers.) lam of the same
mind as Charles Fox was when he said he preferred the
old parliamentary word jealousy' to the modern one
' confidence.' (Cheers and laughter.) When the interests
of millions are at stake—when the liberties of mankind are
in issue—away with confidence ! (Cheers.) Confidence ge-
nerally ends in credulity. ( Loud cheers.) This is true of
statesmen as of individuals. (Hear, hear.) The Russian
Government is marked by all the characteristics of Asiatic
barbarism. St. Petersburg is merely a second Tobolsk.
When Napoleon was going to Egypt he took possession of
Malta and another small rock in the Mediterranean, which
caused Pitt to say that there was nothing too vast for the
aim of his ambition, nothing too small for the grasp of his
rapacity. The remark is as applicable to Russia as it was.
to Napoleon. Russia has doubled her European territories
within the last fifty years, and yet she is bent on possess-
ing herself of Khiva. The loss of two armies does not
deter her from prosecuting this purpose, although the place
cannot be of the slightest value to her except as affording
her the means of annoying us in respect to our Eastern
possessions. In this way does Russia go on for ever.
Take the most recent instances. While Nicholas was pre-
tending to act the part of protector of Turkey, and trying
to cajole the Sultan with professions of friendship and es-
teem, he was at the same time planning the partition of
his empire. ( Hear, hear.) This is the Emperor with
whom you are dealing, and on whose statements and re-
presentations we are to rely. (Cheers.) These circum-
stances should put us on our guard against placing the
slightest reliance on any engagements into which Russia
may enter. We must have guarantees for the fulfilment of
her undertakings. Ido not mean personal guarantees—
they are worthless. Russia has coined a new phrase of
which we may avail ourselves—' material guarantees.'
( Cheers and laughter.) Russia must give us what she calls
material guarantees ; and if we hold in pledge or mortgage
something valuable which she would not like to lose we
may hope to bind her to her word; but as fur moral gua-
rantees—as for a pledge of good faith and honour—such
things, coming from Russia, are to my mind of no value
whatever. (Hear, hear.) But then my noble friend oppo-
site may say—What course would you pursue ? What is
your policy? My reply is, that that would depend a good
deal on the events of the war. (` Hear, hear; from the
Ministerial benches.) This, however, I unhesitatingly de-
clare, that in no event, except that of extreme necessity,
ought we to make peace without previously destroying the
Russian fleet in the Black Sea, and laying prostrate the
fortifications by which it is defended. (Great cheering.)
If we leave Russia that fleet and those defences we leave
her in a position in which she will be sure to coerce Tur-
key, because in that case Turkey must, to use the words
I have already quoted, be submissive to her will. (Hear,
hear.) I know not what course Austria intends to pursue,
but I think I may venture to state that, in this matter, she
has far more at stake than either England or France.
(Hear, hear.) Should Russia hold permanent possession
of the principalities, the whole southern frontier, and,
indeed, the independence of Austria, would be threatened.
If this monstrous, this leviathan power, which stretches
forth its arms so many thousand miles from west to east,
and presses on the northern and eastern frontiers of Ails-
trio., should also succeed in establishing itself on her
southern frontier, Austria must be crushed. (Hear, hear.)
What course Russia will take if she should succeed in ob-
taining possession of the provinces of Turkey in Europe
it is not for me to predict. That she will not stand still—
that she will not stand stationary, is certain. She knows—
to use the emphatic language of the Emperor—that Bur-
rounding nations contemplate her colossal power with awe,
and know that hex vast armies only await the signal for