The Press.
London, England, 1858-10-23 00:00:00

MR. GLADSTO NE ON OXFORD MIDDLE

CLASS EXAMINATIONS.
AT the meeting held ou Saturday last at St. George's-
hall, Liverpool, for the purpose of witnessing the
award of prizes and cutificates to the successful can-
didates at the recent Oxford middle•elass examina-
tions, presided over by the Earl of Carlisle, the Right
Hon. W. E. Gladstone made a speech in proposing
one of the resolutions. He said

I have undertaken to propose to you a resolution by
which, if you adopt it, you will express your gratitude to
the University of Oxford for having organized a system of
local examinations throughout the country, which has for
its object the benefit of the community at large, not espe-
cially of the middle classes of our fellow-subjects. It is
sometimes thought—and, perhaps, not without reason—
that it is in the nature of such bodies, as the University of
Oxford, to be tardy in meeting the exigencies of the day.
But there has been, I may take upon me to assert, no tar-
diness upon the part of the Universities, at least upon the
present occasion. From the bosom of the Universities
themselves proceeded the impulse—the very first impulse
--which led to this great movement; and the formal and
corporate action of the Universities seconded and gave
form to that impulse at the very earliest moment which its
most ardent friends could have desired.

The right hou. gentleman then noticed the various
objections which were raised against the system of
competitive examinations, and especially the argu-
ment that the etlect of competition is to introduce
an ungenerous rivalry into the minds of youth. He
said :

I say, frankly and fearlessly, that there is nothing
more generous than the sentiments which are
inspired in the breasts of youths by rivalry such as that to
which lam now referring. It is in itself essentially in-
compatible with selfish fleas and objects. Learning is not
a limited quantity in such sense that he who obtains it
causes his neighbour to lose it. On the contrary, every one
who obtains it becomes a standard bearer for others; and
the treasure to which he invites them is a treasure which
is acceptable to all mankind. I see in this resolution, and
in the subject to which it relates, not the close and con-
summation of the examinations which have lately been
held, but the beginning of greater things. I see in them
the resumption by the ancient Universities of the country
of their true relation to all climes of the community, as
institutions which have been the pride and glory of
Christendom, and which ought to dispense their benefits
to all ranks of our fellow-citizens. This was the true aim
of the Universities upon their fir-t foundation. They
never were intended to he the monopoly of the rich. They
were intended to work the deep mines of capacity and
character which exist throughout the whole of every great
civilized community. They were intended to draw forth
frim hidden corners and recesses, wherever they existed,
the materials of genius and excellence for the glory of God,
and the advantage of the country. And that aim they
fulfilled. Go hack to the periods when the great move-
ments of the human mind commenced, and where it was
that those processes were elaborated, and whence it was
that four hundred, five hundred, six hundred, seven hun-
dred years ago, light flowed into England. It was from
the Universities ; and as one great poet, Milton, has
called Athens the eye of Greece, so well and truly may it
be reference to their early history, that the Universities of
Oxford and Cambridge were the eyes of England. Ladies
and gentlemen, I do not say that at present that function
is fully discharged. On the contrary, we see that for
several centuries those Universities have performed duties
most important indeed, and most useful, but compara-
tively limited. In the main, their utili►y has been chiefly
confined to the rich. They have educated the clergy, and
in so doing have performed a great service to the country.
They have educated the greater number—almost
the whole, indeed—of the sons of our high nobility.
They have educated the principal part of the sages
of the law. But that is nut the whole cf their duty.
We have in England vast classes of men who are
not comprised in the category to which I have referred—
vast classes of whom the great assembly now before me is a
tmecimen—and I must confess that I have never come into
South Lancashire, whether into this town of Liverpool, or
into the great and intelligent community of Manchester,
without feeling deeply what a blank there was—what a
void existed requiring to be filled up—and how the con-
nection between the Universities and this great community
of South Lancashire had so dwindled away that it would
make but little difference in the Universities if South Lan-
cashire were swallowed up, or in South Lancashire if Oxford
and Cambridge were in ruins. My lord,—this is, I hope, a
frank,it is certainly a sincere, confession—describing what,
in my view, is a great social evil. At any rate, it shows that
we have fallen far short of that which our forefathers
designed. Am Ito be told that because Liverpool is a great
commercial community, therefore, the higher culture of
the human mind is to be banished from its boundary?
There cannot be a grosser error. Commerce and learning
have been united in many communities; and Florence
was among the first of commercial cities at the very
time when it gave birth to a greater amount of intel-
lectual force, and did more for the civilization of man-
kind, than any other community at any period of
Christian history. Do not, therefore, let us submit to
the degrading belief that if commerce is to flourish and
grow in Liverpool, Liverpool must of necessity lag behind
in reference to those pursuits which do so much to refine
and elevate the human mind, and which form the prin-
cipal subjects of our consideration to-day.
Mr. Gladstone concluded amid load applause, by
moving a resolution of thanks to the Universities of
Oxford and Cambridge, and to the examiners, the
Rev. Dr. Thompson, Provost of Queen's College; and

1023

to the Rev. W. Hedley, Fellow of University College.
Lord Ingestre seconded the motion, which was
responded to by the Rev. Dr. Thompson for Oxford,
and the Bishop of Chester for Cambridge. The
Right Hon. W. Cowper proposed, and Mr. Riley
seconded, a vote of thanks to the Earl of Carlisle,
which was carried with three times three cheers.
Lord Carlisle responded, and the proceedings closed.

MR. BAXTER, M.P., ON THE FALL OF
LORD PALMERSTON.
Mn. BAXTER, M.P. for the Montrose Burghs, corn.
menced his annual tour among his constituents on
Tuesday, and on that evening addressed the electors
of Arbroath in the Corn-exchange. In the course of
his speech the hon. gentleman, having adverted to
the fall of L Palmerston's Government, in COOSe•
quence of the introduction of the obnoxious Con-
spiracy Bill, proceeded to say :
The consequence was the resignation of the Ministry,
and Lord Derby being sent for by the Queen. Now,
see what you have done, said our friends, the Whigs;
you have prevented the passing of an India Bill this
year (we have got one nevertheless) ; you have stopped a
Reform Bill ( which, by the way, it has since turned out
never had an existence) ; and, most horrible of all, you
have given our places to the Tories. All true, but some-
how or other I, for one, could get up no tears for the
occasion. lam not a Tory ; but then neither am I finality
a Whig, or a mere hanger.= of any party ; and when I
saw a Liberal Prime Minister making a joke of such a
question as the abolition of church rates, and refusing to
introduce any bill on that subject, giving high appoint.
ments to men without character, and prepared with no
Mils of a progressive nature; when I found not only in.
etheiency, but incivility in some of the public depart-
mems ; and when I reflected nn the rewards which had
been bestowed on men who had not even done their duty
in the Crimean war, so far from hesitating about throwing
out the Conspiracy Bill, I felt rather inclined than other.
wise to throw out the Ministry too. The fact is that Pal-
merston had waxed fat and kicked, and his plunges not
even a House of Commons of his own electing could stand.
Well, the Whigs were actually out. Fur a few days they
could not believe it; thinking that no other set of men
could govern the e3uotry, they were naturally stunned, and
it was some time before they were aroused to the sad reality
of their situation. Considering that very bad charioteers
had got hold of the reins, they immediately began to agitate
for a restoration to power, and we were entertained with
doleful accounts of the utter inefficiency of their successors,
who it was generally supposed could not hold office many
weeks.
Having commented on the India Bill, Mr. Baxter
observed that he anticipated the happiest results
from bringing the Indian peninsula more directly
under the control of public opinion and the Parliament
of Great Britain :

The next danger (continued the hon. gentleman) that
threatened the Government was of a more formidable
nature still, and this time Lords J. Russell and Palmerston
were agreed. It arose from the transmission and publi-
cation of a despatch from Lord Ellenborough to Lord
Canning, finding fault in the most reprehensible terms
with a proclamation which had been issued by the
Governor-General to the talookdars of Oude. That danger
was warded off by the course taken by the Independent
Liberal party, who had previously held their much talked.
of meeting in Committee-room No. 11, who disapproved
very strongly of Lord Ellenborough's conduit, but who
were unwilling to be parties to any mere factions move,
and who, when the President of the Board of Control
resigned his office, thought that Mr. Cardwell's resolu-
tion of censure ought to have been withdrawn. Indeed,
there are some grounds to believe that in this opinion
they were not singular. It has been freely stated that
the Whig leaders took the same view, but were over-
ruled by their more anxious and impetuous subordi-
nates. NVell, they persevered, and you know how one
fine evening, finding the Liberals could not he kept
together on the question, the motion fell to the ground,
and with it all those schemes of coalition and embryo Minis-
tries which had been so much discussed for a week
before. I have referred to a meeting in Committee-
room No. 11, and as 1 was asked to take a prominent part
in the proceedings there, perhaps you will allow me now to
repeat in substance what I then said, especially as I
believe it expressed the general sentiments of those pre-
sent. We had met, I remarked, to protest against the con•
stitution and the policy of recent Whig Governments, as
composed exclusively of aristocrats, who were not
acquainted with the opinions of the great body of the
people, and as abandoning when in office those great prin-
ciples of progressive reform which they advocated so
Jody in opposition. We for the future would support no
so-called Liberal Ministry which was not formed on a
broader leads, and which was not prepared to keep pace
with the requirements of the country. But I further stated
—and it was the cheers which greeted that statement that
made the Whigs AO angry, and led them to publish so
many groundless stories as to the part I have taken in this
movement—that, in my belief, the time had not yet ar-
rived for forming such a Liberal Government, hut the cause
of true reform would be benefited by keeping the members
of the late Government on their seats of penitence fur •
considerably longer period, until in adversity they had
time to learn wisdom and make up their minds to b•
liberal in deeds as well as in words. They flatter them.
selves, I hear, that this indepen :ant party is dead. Next
session may show them their mistake. They may And
that it possesses quite as much life, and a little bettey

• a a


1024

organisation than before. Some of the contests of last
session showed us our own power, and that we only re-
quired more union to beat Whigs and Tories combined.
In March we mustered 118 votes against that expensive
sham, the Viceroyalty of Ireland. When Mr. Wise moved
that the diplomatic salaries should be charged in the
annual estimates instead of on the Consolidated Fund, so
as to be brought more immediately under the control of
Parliament, we counted lit votes against 142, and in
June we carried by 100 to 104 Captain Vivian's motion for
abolishing the double government of the War•office and
the Horse Guards. On such questions as these, where the
really Liberal party agree, we can and we intend to
make ourselves heard, and perhaps the stationary
Whigs, who love office so dearly, may find that the
*only way to enjoy it once more is to move
on in our direction. (Cheers.) I was one of those
who, in voting for Mr. Milner Gibson's motion, knew
very well that I was voting not only for the rejection
of the Conspiracy Bill, but for a change of Minis-
try, and I considered myself bound to give the new Go-
vernment, for that reason if for no other, a fair trial. I
wish to speak with all respect of Lord Palmerston. I shall
not soon forget that he was the man who in 185 t and
18.53 preserved his faith in the power of this country, and
by his firmness maintained its reputation in Europe. But
no Minister can expect a nation to acquiesce in obnoxious
measures from a feeling of mere gratitude, and I think that
every Minister has a right to expect that he is not to be
turned out except for a sufficient reason. All I know is
that the Government have redressed some grievances which
their predecessors would not attend to, that from them we
have obtained the abolition of the property qualification
sod the admission of Jews to Parliament, and I wait
patiently to see what measures of a similar tendency the
recess is to bring forth. Should they manfully grapple
with the subject of church-rates in a liberal spirit, effect a
reduction in the expenditure, and propose a really pro-
gressive measure, or measures, on the question of Paulin:
mentary Reform, I will support them; if they take an
opposite course, especially if they seek to weaken the
influence of the town in our representative system, as
there is too much reason to dread, I will vote for termi-
nating their lease of power.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL AT MANCHESTER.
Ar the soirée of the Members of the Manchester
Athenteum, on Thursday evening, Lord John Russell
delivered an address, in which, after quoting the
statistics of the institution, he said :
A long while ago it would have been a very trite and
commonplace thing to praise those institutions. But of
late years there has arisen a sort of fashion, whether by
way of paradox, or by way of exalting other nations, I know
not, of depreciating those institutions. Let me say,
shortly, the first object of any Government must be to
protect life and property. That is generally done in the
countries of Europe, with the exception, perhaps,
of three or four, Turkey, Greece, Naples, and the
States of the Pope. But then comes the next
question, that in order to have good institutions,
everybody ought to be able to do that which he chooses,
provided he makes no attack and aggression upon the life
and property of another. And in that consists our
difference from most of the Governments which now
exist. We find it perfeetly possible to protect life and pro-
perty. There is no country in Europe where order is au
well preserved—no country in Europe where the police
finds its duties so light, sad so effectually done. But at
the same time there is the greatest liberty of opinion—
the utmost power given to every ons to express his
opinions—to do that which a Roman historian declares
was the rare happiness of his time—for a man to form
any opinion that he chooses, and to express that which
he thinks. If that is the case, it gives an additional
importance to all these societies for literature,
for education, and for improvement; because it gives
to every man tho means, if lie has the wish
and the ambition, and the talents, of rising in
the society to which he belongs. And thus it is that we
see that the highest posts, the highest honours, in the
country, are givenito men who have won their way by
their own abilities. It is for this reason that I have the
highest confidencelin the institutions of this country, such
as they are, and such as they are to be ; because we must
always recollect that any of our institutions, as time goes
on and as knowledge increases, may be improved,—that we
may go from good to better. We shall, I trust, always
maintain °those wo great advantages,—that we shall
protect life and -Property on the one band, and that on
the other we shall grant the utmost liberty of dis-
cussion, and the power of attaining any fair object of
ambition to those who have the capacity to attain it. If
such is the spirit of oar institutions—if such is the spiritin which we are about, from time to time, to amend
and improve them, it is of great importance not
only to us, but to the wild in general, that we
should hold on steadily our course. An author of a foreign
country, with whom I am well acquainted, said to me this
year—" You cannot imagine with what anxiety all over
uppopa persons are watching the progress of England-
Thpf bay, it any disorder occurs, or there is any symptom
at disorder which is magnified and exaggerated by those
who are the friends of bad government—the friends of
despotic measures say al once, These English people do
not know how to maintain order, and to obey their
Sovereign and tfie laws/ If anything occurs which shows
the excellence of your institutions, then they say,' Here is
a triumph for freedom and civilization—it is that which
will bo imitated in our oountry, and in all the countries of
Europe.'" Let us not at all disguise from ourselves
the importance of this mission. We have, as I be.
Bove, as Milton said long ago, a precedence in teach-
ing the nations how to live." That precedence is not to
be wejeteiued by soy carelessness, by any iporance,