The Press.
London, England, 1857-10-24 00:00:00

THE PRESS, OCTOBER 24, 1857.

faction to rid themselves of lawful rulers. Their
union can form no precedent for Roumelia or
Bulgaria, and by union their connection
with Turkey would appear more likely to
be placed upon a firmer basis than exists
at present. It is too much the fashion,
when speaking upon this subject of a union,
to point to the kingdom of Greece as a Russian
bugbear. Those only who are ignorant of the
Roumans and their history fear that Mold°.
Wallachia will become a tool in the hands of
Russia. With fair treatment from Europe,
Russian sympathies will never gain a supre-
macy in these provinces. An illiberal and
narrow policy on the part of England in con-
junction with Austria might force these Prin•
cipalities as a pis (slier into the arms of
Russia, but only because their Austrian anti-
mithies are deeper rooted. Besides, is Greece
the only model modern kingdom we can find
upon the map of Europe? Why should not
Belgium offer us a better analogy of the good
order and good government which good faith
On the part of the European Powers may
educe out of the chaos of maladministration ?
But it would be premature to discuss the ad-
vantages of a union not yet definitively de-
cided
on. It is a proposal which a Congress
of the European Powers will either ac-
cept or reject. It will require profound
deliberation, for it is one involving the
future strength or future feebleness of the
Ottoman empire. It is a practical question of
grave importance. On the one hand the in-
contestable rights of Turkey must be con-
sidered ; on the other, the demands of a
people, united by race and tradition,
identical in language, of the same religion,
and seeking unity for the better develop-
ment of their vast resources, cannot be set
aside. The problem would not appear in-
capable of solution. It is possible, we think,
to establish the future government of Mol-
davia and Wallachia upon such fundamental
principles as should secure to Turkey the pre•
nervation of her just rights, and yet give to the
Principalities such stability of government
as should insure for the future the preser-
vation of that tranquillity the political position
of Europe demands.

men have been enlisted in two days. Now, I
even if this be so, we cannot in the nature of
things expect such enthusiasm to continue
when the immediate cause of it shall have
passed away. We must have something better
to rely upon than the intermittent ardour of a
prosperous and unwarlike population. But wo
are inclined to doubt whether his Royal High-
ness's words may not unintentionally be the
vehicle of conveying an erroneous impression.
But a very short time ago 1,200 a week was the
highest number that could be obtained. The
conclusion of the harvest and the approach of
winter will doubtless have made some diffe-
rence. Yet still 400 a day seems a very large
number. It might have happened that on two
particular days 800 recruits had come forward.
Or it might be that his Royal Highness was
at the moment mixing up the recruit proper
with the volunteers from the Militia. But,
even taking the most favourable view of the
temper of the people. we cannot doubt that
Lord ELLENROKOUGH is right in asserting that
extraordinary exertions must be made if the
ranks of our Indian army are to be maintained
at their proper complement.
His Lordship, then, foreseeing that no
commensurate change in our military institu-
tions could ever be proposed by an English
Minister, recurs to that force the employment
of which we have so constantly advocated in
the columns of this Journal. If the Militia,
he argues, be made as much of as they may be,
they will be found competent to supply our
present extraordinary requirements. But to
this end it is necessary that the recruiting be
not entirely abandoned to the arts of the
recruiting sergeant. The country gentlemen
and farmers must, he tells us. exert their
influence in the rural districts to persuade the
peasantry to enlist, and his personal expe-
rience, he adds, can guarantee the result. In
1853, when the experiment was tried, it was
found so successful that he is sure, if more ex-
tensively adopted, 120,000 men could have been
raised with ease. There is no reason why his
Lordship's suggestion should not be taken up
by the master manufacturers in our various
large towns. Either by that means or by the
ballot the ranks of the Militia must be filled ;
for, if this fails, we must either resign India
or introduce the conscription. And by accept-
ing the sphere of utility pointed out to them
in this able letter, our gentry, yeomanry, and
merchants will evince their patriotism in a
way most serviceable to the country, and
most convenient, we should imagine, to them-
selves.

PUBLIC FEELING UPON INDIA.
JUST at the present moment the excitement
about our Indian misfortunes is flowing in
three separate channels—doubtless frequently
unit►ng, but still sufficiently distinct to enable
us to accept them as indications of three se-
parate states of feeling on the subject First,
there is the party of vengeance. We mention
them first because they are the noisiest, and
also because, without doubt, they appeal to
an element of human nature which is more
actively vigorous than any other. These are
they who would have, if they could, an eye
for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, and who
assume a vast amount of indignation towards
all who may express themseles less ferociously,
as deficient either in courage or patriotism.
We are happy to see, however, that this party,
which carried all before it at first, is gradually
losing ground ; and that at meeting after meet-
ing, of whatever shade of politics the principal
speakers may be, there are always found some
to protest against this bloodthirsty spirit,
which is as ►►ncivilised when real as silly and
bombastic when assumed. That it is some-
times assumed, or at all events exaggerated,
nobody can doubt who observes the uses to
which it is put by journals in the interest of
the Government. It is their constant endea-
vour to prove that all those persons in the
country who deprecate the lex talionis do so
from a desire to embarrass Government. It
is necessary for their very existence to show
that there is somewhere a factious opposition.
If it is not real, they must invent it. And

1027

accordingly we are now told that the Conser-
vative party is enforcing a more Christian
theory solely for the purpose of annoying a
patriotic Government. But, to say nothing of
the fact that the patriotism of a Christian
Government is rather odly shown by hostility
to Christianity, the journals we allude to
seem totally to forget the course invariably
pursued by the Conservative Opposition
during the Russian war, as well as during
the present mutiny—forming as it does
so favourable a contrast to that of the
Whigs at the beginning of the present cen-
tury. Then Government was really embar-
rassed—then our generals were really fettered
—then our soldiers were really left coatless
and shoeless, owing to the incessant clamour
of the " patriotic" Whig Opposition. Whereas
the conduct of the Conservative party in the
House of Commons from 1854 to 1856 elicited
not only the general approbation of the coun-
try, but even the reluctant applause of their
political opponents. Let the people of Eng-
land be assured that as the Conservatives
acted then so will they act now. They will
not stoop to court popularity by the use of
artificial invectives, or to impose on honest
enthusiasm by feigned spasms of indignation.
They will pursue that middle course which is
alone consonant with the permanent interests
of the empire, the principles of justice, and
the faith of Ch►istendom ; confidant that in
future times the rectitude of their conduct
will be admitted, and the purity of their mo-
tives unquestioned, by all who remember that
in the then temper of the country power and
popularity could only be remote objects with
men who upheld these doctrines.
The two other parties to whom we have
alluded may briefly be described as the party
of charity and the party of religion. It is
perfectly natural that a commercial country
like England should believe in the omnipo-
tence of gold. Nor would we for a moment
undervalue the generous and benevolent
motives by which subscribers to the Indian
Fund have been actuated. Nay, we most
cheerfully admit that a well-grounded confi•
dence iu the charity of his countrymen is an
incentive to willing exertion on the part of the
soldier, which should be fostered as studiously
as possible. A brave man's only care is for
those he leaves behind, and if he knows that
these will be provided for, the hardships and
dangers of his career lose half their magni-
tude, and all their repulsiveness. It cannot,
however, be denied that it is somewhat of a
national foiling to think that all obligations
can be discharged by the process of writing a
cheque. Now, even from the most worldly
point of view, this is not always the wisest
plan. Troubles got rid of by this summary
process are very apt to return upon us again.
And all those persons who have contributed so
generously on the present occasion should
consider that more remains to be done—that
if we are in deed as in word a self-governed
people, it behoves them for the future to dis-
play that interest in Indian affairs which will
prevent a recurrence of the like calamity, and
to put. no confidence in any rulers who are not
pledged to apply to this question a genuine
and fundamental policy.
It is not surprising that the horrors of
Cawnpore and Delhi should have elicited •
strong expression of religious feeling through-
out the country. Several of England's most
eminent statesmen have emphatically declared
their country has been guilty of unpardonable
remissness in the diffusion of Christianity,
and do not hesitate to attribute her present
calamities to that source. There is no fear of
these opinions being unseasonably obtruded—
the danger is tho other way ; and we are
always heartily glad to witness any fresh
expression of them.
The meeting held at Leicester on Thursday
last afforded an excellent instance of the com-
bination of these various feelings. The meet-
ing itself was convened for the objects of the
Indian Fund, and the speakers, the Duke of
RUTLAND and Lord Hows, gave their due pro-
minence to the respective topics, both of
crushing the rebellion and of Christianising
India Each was treated in its proper place,
and discussed with due moderation ; and it
certainly seems to us that the meeting at Lei-
cester, coupled with Sir Bui.wita Lyrrores