The Press.
London, England, 1854-07-29 00:00:00

Obituarl.

GENERAL SIR HENRY KING, C. 8., K.C.H., colonel
of the 3rd Buffs, expired on Monday, at his residence
in Sussex-terrace, Hyde-park gardens. Sir Henry
was in his 77th year, and had been sixty years a soldier,
having entered the army in 1794. He attained the
rank of general on the 20th of June last. After seeing
much service in the West Indies, where he shared in
the siege of Porto Rico and capture of Trinidad, in
1797, Sir Henry King went through the Egyptian
campaign of 1801, in which, while commanding a
squadron of the 20th Light Dragoons, he lost his
right leg. He accompanied the expedition to
Walcheren, and was at the siege of Flushing in 1800,
In the following year he proceeded to the Peninsu'a.
having been appointed commandant of Tarifa, and
for his services in its defence received the rank of
lieutenant-colonel. Joihing the main body of the
army a few days after the haul of Salamanca, he
commanded the 82nd at Vittoria, and towards the
close of that action the command of a brigade devolved
on him. For these services Sir Henry King received
the Egyptian and Peninsular (gold) medals.
CAROLINE SOUTHEY, widow of Robert Southey, the
Poet Laureate, died on the 20th inst. at Buckland,
near Lymington. She was a daughter of the Rev.
Dr. Bowles, a canon of Salisbury Cathedral, and was
highly graced with intellectual accomplishments.
She was married to Dr. Southey in 1839, about a year
and a half after the death of his first wife, Edith
Tucker, to whom he was united on the day he left
England for a six months' sojourn in Lisbon.
MADAME LEDRII Rom" the mother of the cele-
brated republican leader, died on Saturday in Paris
at the age of 85. The funeral was fixed by the family
for eleven o'clock on Sunday morning, but the Go-
vernment, apprehending a political demonstration,
sent a detachment of forty or fifty sergens de vine
to the house of the deceased in the Rue du Four St.
Germain at seven o'clock, and the corpse was carrien
to the grave under their superintendence, without any
mourners being present.

THE AUSTRIAN ARMAMENT.
Letters from Vienna, of the 17th, state that a Coun-
cil of Ministers had been held, under the presidency
of the Emperor, at which the important resolution
was taken to forward the armaments with all speed.
Some divisions, from Italy and other parts of the
empire, had arrived there on their route to Transyl-
vania.

The Emperor Napoleon left Biarritz on Wednes-
day for Bayonne, where he reviewed three battalions ,
of the line, and afterwards returned to the former
place.
Abd-el• Kader has sent three magnificent Arabians

as presents to the Emperor.
The Navarin screw line-of-battle ship, of 100 guns,
wag launched at Toulon on Wednesday last.
The Union states the French Government has

sent Prince Albert an invitation to be present next
month at the manatuvres at the camp at Boulogne.
The King of the Belgians is said to have promised
to proceed there at the same time with the young
King of Portugal.
Advises from Madrid of the 25th state that the
Spanish capital was then tranquil. The Queen was
d'accord with Espartero, who was expected there on
the 28:11.
Order continues in Barcelona, thanks to the atti-
tude of the garrison and the Captain-General. The
arrival of I)on Manuel Conchs had restored confi-
dence. The two generals act together in the most
perfect harmony.

700

Vrott6ings in Varliamtnt.

THE VOTE OF CREDIT.
The royal message, inviting the Legislature to
provide further supplies of money for the expenses
of the war, was duly taken into consideration by both
houses on Monday last. Ministers had attached to
this message a request for a:3,000,00a vote of credit,
and the proposition was laid before the Peers and the
Commons in the character of a vote of confidence in
the existing Government. As with all previous mo-
tions connected with the prosecution of a war which
is only just commencing, and upon whose conduct
the Administration are as yet upon their trial, there
was no formal opposition offered on any side in either
house. The debates, however, involved a variety of
criticisms on the Ministerial policy, and one or two
explanations of Ministerial intentions which pos-
set'sed considerable interest. In the Upper House
the vote proposed was simply one of thanks to her
Majesty for her most gracious message. In laying
this vote before the Peers, the Earl of ABERDEEN
briefly expressed his assurance that their lordships
Were entirely agreed as to the necessity of adopting
all such measures as were best calculated to lead to
an early and successful termination of the war. He
would also say that "this result was mainly to be pi o-
duced by the activity and energy of the efforts of
England and France, with the concurrence of other
powers." As it was also highly probable that, during
the course of the year and after the prorogation of
Parliament, contingencies might arise of which it
was most important that the Government should be
able to avail themselves, so as to turn them to ac-
count iu attempting to gain the desired result, they
purposed asking fur a credit of three millions ster-
ling. This, he admitted, was a large sum, whose ad-
ministration, perhaps, many might wish to see
entrusted to other hands than those who would have
tlldisposal of it. He remarked, however, that the
money was raised already, and would require no im-
position of new taxes, so that the question after all
was simply one of appropriation.
The Earl of EI.LENBOROVOR made no objection to
the address, believing as he did that we were en-
gaged in a just, necessary, and politic war ; but the
Government, whilst consulting the efficiency of the
naval and military services, should not forget to study
economy in the civil departments of the State.
The Earl of lifinowicxx complained that so little
was known respectirg the objects of the war; and
said that, with the large forces sent out, if the pre-
sent campaign closed without some great deed of
arms, equal to the power and dignity of this country,
her Majesty's Government would lie under heavy
responsibility.
Earl Ferzwitwir considered that the house was
left in a most perplexing position through the vague
tenor of Ministerial speeches:—
" His noble friend at the head of the Government must
forgive him if he said that there never was a speech made,
he would be bound to say, on such an occasion as that, of
which it might be more truly said that it conveyed scarcely
a single idea to the Parliament to which it was addressed.
(Haar, hear.) Though there was little contained in the
speech, there did fall from his noble friend one ominous
expression, to which he was desirous of drawing the atten-
tiou of the house; and, if perchance beyond the walls of
that house some little attention should be drawn to it in
other quartets, he should not regret the observation he was
about to make. When his noble fliettd spoke strongly
about the restoration of peace he used this ominous ex-
pression. 'with the concurrence of other powers.' ( Hear,
hear ) His noble friend must forgive him fur saving that,
if he used that expression, it was his duty to relieve it from
the mystery in which it was involved. He desired to know
who were the powers whose concurrence his noble friend
was desirous of obtaining ?"
Lord ABERDEEN explained that the concurrence in
question was not for the restoration of peace but the
prosecution of war. Lord FlTZWILLIAlll,however, could
not find that the explanation removed his difficulty,
and afterwards urged another inquiry :
" He would certainly like to know, though he did not
think he should obtain the information, what was the in-
terpretation which her Majesty's Ministers would place
upon that expression,' the integrity of the Ottoman empire.'
Lid it simply mean the maintenance of that boundary tc
which the Ottoman power was circumscribed by the treaty
of Adrianople, or did it mean to leave that power in such a
situation as would enable her, with the assistance or without
the assistance of such allies as she now has, to maintain
her independence against the aggressions of Russia?
( Hear, hear.)"
He proceeded to express his fear that the attainment
of peace would be difficult; and urged that it could
only be secured by serious blows against the power
to which we were opposed. Peace could not be at.
tamed by small attacks against small forts; and be
deeply regretted that no portion of the exertions of
this country had yet been applied to great objects
either in Europe or Asia.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE also called attention
to the meagre statement made by the Prime Minister.
Not one word was said of the bravery and endurance
exhibited by the Turks; not one word of the progress

THE PRESS.

or condition of the war. There had been successes,
it was true, but they were successes, not of British,
but of Turkish troops, on whose valour Lord Aber-
deen might have bestowed a word of praise. Some
account might have been expected as to the opera-
tions of the fleets in the Baltic and the Black Sea, as
well as with regard to the stipulations of the conven-
tion recently concluded between Austria and Turkey,
and of the lino which Austria might be expected to
take in general as to the war in the East :
"According to the accounts in the papers, the treaty was
concluded on the 14th of June, at the time when the siege
of Silistria was being raised, when the Russians were in
hot retreat, and when it was generally supposed that they
were not only in retreat from Silistria, but from the princi-
palities altogether. (Hear, hear.) It does, then, appear
to me most unaccountable, and a point upon which we
ought to have some information, that, after the signing of
the convention, the Russians being in retreat, and the
Austia army being upon the borders of the Turish
empire,n instead of, as might have been supposed after the
engagement entered into, marching and attacking the flank
and rear of the Russian army, and endeavouring to cut it
off, the Austrians should have kept in their place, and have
refrained from moving into the principalities. ( Hear, hear.)
What 1 want is, that Parliament should know the meaning
of the convention between Austria and the Porte—that they
should know whether it is a conveution for driving the
Russians from the Danubian provinces. If it is, how came it
that at the hour of danger, arid in the moment of tbe greatest
need, Austria, instead of hurrying into the field, held back
and commenced fresh negotiations? (` Hear; and cheers.)
I believe that hitherto we have placed too much dependence
upon other powers, and too little reliance upon our own re-
sources. Austria is an independent power; she has aright
to be neutral ; she has aright to take part with Russia, or
she may take part with 'Turkey ; hut this, at least, we
ought to know—namely, where we are, with whom we are
acting, and against whom we are opposed. ( Hear, hear.)"
These, he admitted, were delicate matters, but still
considered that the country had a right to be in-
formed of them.
The Earl of CLARENDON, replying chiefly to the
remarks about Austria, explained his grounds for
believing that she really intended to act with good
faith towards the Western powers and Turkey :
" Austria is an independent power, mistress to pursue
her own policy in the manlier she thinks best. But
Austria is also under solemn. eugagemuentsto other countries;
she has vital interests of her own to protect ; and unless
we can suppose that she would bring disgrace upon
herself, that she can be unfaithful to her engage-
ments, and that she can be blind to her own most urgent
and, I may say, vital interests, we must believe that she
will act as she ought to act, and as we have every reason
to expect that she will act. ( Hear.) Austria has, herself,
summoned Russia to evacuate the principalities, andlastly,
at n great expense—at an expense which she is very ill able
to bear—he has organised and equipped one of the largest
and finest armies which I believe has ever been seen in
modern times. As it is impossible to suppose that Russia
will voluntarily submit to the demands which England and
France, with Austria, have addressed to her, so it is equally
impossible to suppose that Austria, having made these recent
demands, will ignominiously withdraw from them and will
consent to sink herself in the scale of nations, by acknow-
ledging the snperiority of Russia and submitting to her
dictation. I thinli we may be assured that the time is not
far distant when we shall have Austria co-operating with
us. (Hear, hear.)"
With regard to the questions relating to negotiations
in progress or prospect, he declared that the Govern-
ment were at all times ready to enter into them, with
the view of obtaining a just and honourable peace,
provided only they were assured of their bond fide
character. He, however, asked their lordships to
believe him when he said, not only in his own name,
but also on behalf of his colleagues,
" that there is no intention of returning to the status quo
—(lord cheers]—and that there is no intention of listening
to a patched-up peace, which could only be a hollow truce,
and which would render a return to war inevitable. (Hew,
hear.) if we continue to enjoy the support of Parliament
and of the people of England, I can assure your lordships
that we will enter into no negotiations that shall not have
for their object a just and honourable peace, worthy of the
just and righteous cause in which we are engaged, worthy
of the allies with whom we have undertaken this cause,
and, I hope, not unworthy of the great and disinterested
sacritices which this country has so cheerfully made.
',Chem.)"
The address was then agreed to.

The Commons holding the purse-strings, the
answer from the Lower House to the royal
message was accompanied with a vote for the
money required, and this vote demanded a more
detailed exposition of the Ministerial policy,
leading to a prolonged debate. The house
having accordingly resolved itself into a committee
of supply, Lord Jolts RUSSELL proceeded to move
that 3,000,0001. be granted to her Majesty as a credit
towards defraying the expenses of the war. The
noble lord began by acknowledging the forbearance
which all parties had displayed and the support they
had afforded to the Government in the prosecution
of hostilities, and then briefly stated the nature of
the naval and military preparations that have already
been completed. Since January, 1853, the number
of war-steamers, third-rate or upwards in force, had
been increased from one to seventeen ; the sailing

SATURDAY

ships-of-war of similar magnitude from eleven to
eighteen ; and the whole number of' steamers a nd
ships of war in commission from 209 to 259. Wit bin
the same period the muster-roll of seamen employed
had enlarged from 23,000 to 47,000, and the marl flea
from 5,000 to 9,000. With regard to the land for eta,
30,000 troops had been conveyed to Turkey, and
were lately at Varna in readiness to operate in ray
required direction. Respecting the actual purpose
upon which the present three millions were to be
expended he could give no details, but, after simply
mentioning that heavy charges had been incurred on
account of the commissariat, ordnance, and tramp ort
services, and that a plan for organising a body of
Turkish troops in English pay was under conside la-
tion, he declared that the appropriation of the vote
must be left to the discretion of the executive Go-
vernment. Lord J. Russell then directed attention
abroad, alluded to the negotiations which Lad re-
cently taken place between Austria and Russia, and
stated the tenor of the Czar's reply to the last mes-
sage from the Vienna Cabinet. This reply, he
pointed out, was inadmissible in many respects, but
chiefly because it repudiated the principle that
Turkey should be admitted into the great community
of European nations. That principle lay at the
bottom of the whole controversy; and while Lussia,
since the victories obtained in the reign of the Em-
press Catherine, had Claimed a right of protectorship
and predominance over the Porte and its Christian
subjects, the Western 1 owem were now dettimined
to relieve Turkey from this degradation, and place
her as an equal in rank among the Eulope an powers,
for whose integrity all other powers constituted them-
selves mutual guarantees. Reserting to the conduct
of Austria, the noble lord admitted that her attempts
at contriving a diplomatic solution of the difficulty
had been too long protracted, and might even be
again renewed under the pleasure of domestic cir-
cumstances sand the halt-hearted co-opetation of
Prussia, but could not doubt that she would finally
fulfil her engagements to Turkey and the Western
powers. Reiterating the declaration that England
would never sheathe the sword she bad drawn except
upon the conclusion of a just and honourable peace,
Lord J. Russell, without pledging himself as to
details, gave an outline of the principles whereon
such a peace might be framed, and of the conditions
which it should include :
"We ought to endeavour to obtain securities against
aggressions similar to those which have now taken place,
because 1 hold it to be impossible that the arrangement
which was made by the treaty of Adrianople, with regard
to the principalities, should be again renewed—(loud and
general cheering )—an arrangement which gives the Em-
peror of Russia a predominant voice in the provinces of
Wallachia and Moldavia, which gives him a power of con-
trol in cases where be thinks that their uftairs are not
conducted to his satisfaction, and which, by the destruc-
tion of all the Turkish foresses, gives him the facility at
fortresses,
any moment of occupying by his armies provinces contain-
ing ,000,(100 of inhabitants. 1 say that the integrity of
Turkey and the balance of power in Europe could nut be
secured by reverting to the stalua quo in regard to those
provinces. (Renewed cheering.) But there is another
mode in which the position of Russia is menacing to the
independence and integrity of Turkey. I mean the es-
tablishment of a great fortress. prepared with all the
combinations of art, made as impregnable as it is possible
fur art to make it, and containing within its port a very
large fleet of Ime•of-battle ships, ready at any time to come
down with a favourable wind to the Bosphorus. 1 say
that that is a position so menacing to 'Turkey that no
treaty of peace could be considered wise which left the
Emperor of Russia in that same position of menace.
(Continued applause.) 1 have thought it right to state, not
particularly but generally, the views of the Government
with respect to the securities which we ought to obtain.
What those special securities should be, in what manner
they should be gained, and how they should be affirnied
is
not a subject on which I think 1 can go furtherthan 1 have
already done. We shall he ready, as we have been ready,
to commanicate with the Government of France upon that
subject, and 1 have every reason to believe that the views
of the Government ot' the Emperor of the French coiticif..o
with oar own in that respect. (Cheers.) We shall be
ready to communicate also with the Government of Aus-
tria, when they wish to know our opinions with regard to
such a settlement as in our view could be alone secure,
honourable, and just."
Lord J. Russell proceeded to trace the bygone steps
of Russian aggression against the Ottoman empire,
showing bow the Sovereigns of Russia bad always
been envious of all improvements and hostile to all
reforms in Turkey; how they bad opposed every
movement that tended to elevate the Ottoman nation,
and fostered every symptom of decay and disorgani
sat ion in an empire of which they hoped to become
the inheritors. Aguinst this attempt, so long per
sisted in and so widely ramified, the present war was
commenced ; and, considering the power and char-
ter of the Monarch against whom it was waged,h ace
could entertain but slight hope that its durauon
would be brief:—
" We, on our side, most not stop--and, let me say, will
not stop—until Russia is assured, by the events and the
calamities of war, by such failures as she has lately in. ade at
Silistria, and by other and still heavier losses and sin.
fitures—(Hear, hear)—that the great project of her aiiiht•
tion cannot be executed against the consent of Eurupo

JULY 29, 1854.

(Hear, hrar.) It is in this mighty contest that Europe is
engaged ; and it were to mislead the house were I to say
that, engaged with such an enemy, with a Sovereign of
immense power, of great influence and great talent, we
could hope for a very early termination to such a contest.
(Hear, hear.) But this lam sure of, that if we were to
shrink from the contest, if we were to patch up a peace
that was hollow and insecure—(Hear, hear)—we should
lose our allies, we should lose the confidence and respect
of Europe, and Russia would be placed', not in the position
which she held before the outbreak of hostilities• not in
the position which she held from lf+29 to VW, but in such
position that her Emperor would then justly be called,
that which by flattery he has already been called in some
quarters, ' the arbiter of the destinies of Europe.' (Hear,
hear.) It is our business to prevent that consumma-
tion."
Declaring his assurance that Englishmen would not
grudge their sacrifices in such a cause, Lord J. Rus-
sell passed on to a question which he was told would
be raised in the course of the debate—that of bolding
an autumnal session. He admitted that circum-
stances hereafter occurring might render such a step
expedient, but contended that the discretion of the
Government should not be hampered by demanding
from them any pledge upon the subject. On this
point he referred naturally to constitutional prece-

dent:—
" At the commencement of the ."entury, the Coalition
Government of Lord Grenville and Lord Grey were asked
by the Sovereign to bind themselves as to the advice they
walla give that Sovereign with reference to a particular
measure to which he felt the strongest repugnance. Lord
Grenville and Lord Grey felt that it would be unbecoming
in them, as advisers of the Crown, to cripple and fetter
themselves by any such engagement. That engagement
which these noblemen refused to enter into with the
Crown we must refuse to enter into with the House of
Commons. (Hear.)"
The vote having been put from the chair,
Mr. Atcocx criticised the mode in which the war
had been carried on, censuring especially the delay
that had occurred in commencing an attack on Sebas-
topol.
Mr. BANKES urged the propriety of holding a ses-
sion in the autumn. Parliament ought not to leave
Ministers unwatched while events of so momentous
a character were proceeding, and when there were so
many tokens that the opinions of the different mem-
bers of the Cabinet were utterly discordant respect-
ing the great questions at issue.
Mr. Husia believed that the Coalition Government
deserved well of the country, and exhorted both the
Cabinet and the House to unanimity in providing
for an active prosecution of the war. He hoped,
however, that there would be no recurrence to the
subsidy system.
Mr. KNIGHT referred to the bravery of the Circas-
sians' and considered it of importance that they
should be amply supplied with arms and secured as
auxiliaries in the pending conflict.
Mr. BLACKETT was convinced that amidst all the
preparations for war the chief energies of the Govern-
ment had been expended in the diplomatic direction.
He complained that the public had received no pro-
per account of the negotiations, and pointed to seve-
ral possibilities of danger and disgrace which might
arise from that source.
Mr. COBDEN remarked that Lord J. Russell had

converted tbe house into a council of war, but even

ander that aspect considered it most indiscreet in
proclaiming his intention with regard to the Crimea,
" always, of course, supposing that the house was
not discussing the question of the occupation of the
Crimea and the capture of Sebastopol after those
events had been accomplished." He then referred
t) the recent proofs we had obtained of the weakness
of Russia as an aggressor, taking credit for having
himself promulgated the same opinion long since :
" The house had one great advantage in discussing the
question at the present time, and that was, that they
need not be under that feeling of apprehension as to the
power of Russia with which they had been so long accus-
tomed to speak of this war. He had himself been much
laughed at because he would not join in that tone, but be
'std never been in the least degree afraid of the aggres-
sive power of Russia, although, of course, he drew the
line between the power of Itufisia for attack and for
defence."

Reverting to the promised occupation of the Crimea,
he said :

" It seemed that the Government were not now content
with going to war to restore to Turkey the provinces
taken from her, hut that they would continue the war
until they had taken possession of a part of the Russian
territory—that they would not merely attack Sebastopol,
but that • • 'Hr hear.) He

THE PRESS.

that the war was to lead to no retrenchment of the
Russian territory ?
" The German powers, who appeared now to be all
united, had laid down, he understood, as a fundamental
principle of any negotiation with other powers that there
should be no diminution of the territory of Russia as a
consequence of the war. They stood on the settlement of
Vienna, and he presumed that the existing relations of the
Crimea and Bessarabia were fixed at the time of that
treaty. Now, he begged to suggest that if England and
France took the Crimea from Russia, by that act they
released the German powers from their quasi alliance with
them, and put themselves in antagonism with those
powers. ( Hear, hear.) This would he a source of great
future embarrassment to the noble lord."
As the inhabitants of the Crimea had also shown
mach dislike to Turkish rule, he questioned our
I right, upon constitutional principles, of transferring
the allegiance of the population to the Porte against
their own wishes. Mr. Cobden then commented
upon the course pursued by the British Government
towards the Christian subjects of Turkey, and
towards the supporters of Hungarian and Italian
nationality. These, he declared, would vainly expect
any aid from an English Ministry, and least of all,
notwithstanding their persuasion to the contrary,
from Lord Palmerston :
"He presumed that the admirers of Kossuth would
admit that he was at least as good a judge of what was for
the benefit of his own people as they were. Well, that
eminent chief had declared that the origin and purpose of
the war was to increase the power of Austria over Hungary,
and to rivet the chains by which Hungary was bound in
the grasp of Austria. He wished to know the opinion of
those deluded gentlemen below him this matter.
(Laughter.) They had been resorting to advice which
had more ingenuity than reason or logic to recommend it.
They had been crying out that the Government were not
carrying on the war as they ought to do, that we ought to
have some other man at the head of the War Department—
nay, sometimes they have even said, at the head of the
Government. ( Hear, hear.) They have called out for
Lord Palmerston. (Cheers.) And this was all done for
the interest of Hungary and the Italians. But what said
that illustrious chief to whom he bad already referred, and
who, he supposed, spoke the sentiments of those down-
trodden nationalities? He (Mr. Cobden) had heard it,
from the lips of two of' the greatest chiefs of Italy and of
Hungary, declared that, so far from their hopes and
aspirations resting upon that noble lord, they knew that
when that noble lord had an opportunity of giving to them
a moral support he would not so much as lilt up his finger
in their favour. t Hcar, hear.) If there was any member
in the present Government at this moment upon whom
those leaders would be less disposed to rely than on any
other, it was the noble lord whom these hon. and deluded
gentlemen below him called upon to take the helm, in
order that the war might be carried on, not in the interest
of the Austrian Government, but in the interest of Italy
and Hungary."
Pursuing his strictures at much length, the hon.
member found at many points subjects for blame or
prognostics of danger, and predicted that, in six
months, the English people would be as anxious for
peace, on any terms, as they were now eager for war.
Mr. LAYARD began by contradicting Mr. Cobden's
assertions respecting the tyranny he bad alleged to
be practised by the Porte against its Christian sub-
jects. He then assailed the Government on their
conduct of the war, and cited numerous in Lances of
negligence and mismanagement: among others, the
arrangements for the commissariat had been culpably
defective:—
" He had no desire to accuse the Government without
cause ; but, when he knew that Government had been
warned in the early part of the winter against all the trou-
bles and delays which had arisen out of the mismanage-
ment of our commissariat department ; when he knew that
they had been advised how safely and economically to move
and advance our armies in the direction it was now found
it was necessary they should go ; when he knew that the
very men who were known to be most efficient to attend to
and most capable of supplying our troops with all they re-
(mired were actually named to the Government ; and per-
sons were also pointed out by name to whom recourse
could have been had under almost any circumstances to
assist the commiasariat: when he positively knew all this,
it was somewhat disheartening to find that Government
had seemed carefully to avoid using any advantages or
adopting any one suggestion that presented itself to their
notice or was offered for their acceptance. (Hear, hear.)
All that Government seemed to have done was to have sent
a gentleman from the Treasury over to Turkey to make
certain official inquiries, and to make a report as to the
same. (` Hear,' and laughter.)"
Mr. Layard then passed on to Lord Aberdeen's un-
fortunate speech and subsequent explanations, and
asked how his famous despatch of October, 1829,in
which the treaty of Adrianople was so heavily im-
pugned, could be reconciled with another document

701

June Ist, 1821), he gave the following account of the inter-
view :
" As he (Lord Aberdeen) was 'untainted only imperfectly
with our conversation with the First Minister, ho laboured,
when he learnt the details of it, to soften the disagreeable im-
pressions that might have been left upon us by his lannuace at
the commencement of It, by the reiterated assurance that at no
period had it entered into the intentions of England to seek a
quarrel with Russia. Public opinion was pronounced against
us, because generally in England it took the side of the weak—
but, au trite, the British Cabinet was far from not wishing us
success; ou tho contrary, it wishod us success prompt and de-
cisive, because It knew that it was the only means of termi-
nating the war, which could not be regarded except as a great
misfortune, since it was impossible to foresee its results. The
English Minister entered into long directions to demonstrate
that we lent to him intentions that he could not have, and ended
by saying that the Cabinet of London desired that the war
should be terminated to the honour and advantage of Russia.'
He (Mr. Layard 1 had no doubt there were then parties who
believed that if Russia obtained certain successes she would
be more ready to consent to a peace, but they were disap-
pointed, and he thought it was important thet the des-
patch to which he had just alluded should not escape notice.
He would remind the house of the condition of the Russian
army when the conversation to which he had just referred
took place. It was now known, on the hest authority, that
at the period in question, although '23,000 Russian troops
had been marched to Adrianople, not more than 8,000 of
those troops were available for sevice, and the Russian
general declared, at the time, that Russia was saved by the
treaty of Adrianople. The house must remember that the
Porte wits said to have accepted that treaty at the persua-
sion of the English Minister, who was the brother of Lord
Aberdeen. (Hear, hear.) Now, how far were the opinions
of the noble earl warranted by the occurrences which bad
taken place since the treaty of Adrianople ? The noble
earl had said that Russia, so far from having inflicted evils
upon Europe, had done it signal service, and he alluded to
the treaty of Unkiar 'Skelessi. But the separate article
of the treaty of Unkiar 'Skelessi was in favour of Russia,
and compelled the Porte to close the Strait of the
Dardanelles against all foreign powers."
After these illustrations of past diplomacy, Mr.
Layard pasedin review more recent negotiations, and
expressed his belief that all our efforts in the war
were frustrated or paralysed by a persistence in
useless and unskilful negotiations. Austria was still
made the great obstacle to our progress :
"As long as Austria should continue to maintain her
doubtful neutrality, we must be unable to undertake any
of those enterprises to which the noble lord had that even-
ing alluded. The noble lord's observations respecting
Austria were extremely unsatisfactory, and when lie ended
his speech no one could determine whether Austria was
with us or not. (Hear, hear.) Equally unsatisfactory was
the noble lord's allusion to the ends which the Govern-
ment had in view. It would be the height of ingrati-
tude to desert the Circassians and leave them exposed to
the vengeance of Russia. Some persons pointed to the
opening of the Dardanelles as one of the objects of the
war ; but if that took place before the destruction of Sebas-
topol and the Russian fleet there would be an end of the
independence of Turkey. Had the Dardanelles been open
twelve mouths ago, Russia would by this time have
triumphed over Turkey. Unless we ettacked Sebastopol
soon the opportunity of doing so would be lost. Admiral
l)undas had reported that it was impossible for the Bntish
fleet to remain in the Black Sea after a certain period t f
the autumn. To Turkey was due all the success which
had attended the war—( Hear)—and, although he was one of
the last persons to clamour because we hail not performed
great deeds in the Baltic ur Block Sea, lie must say that the
country did expect that something should be dune before
the end of the year."
Lord DUDLEY STUART, with little circumlocution,
declared that neither himself nor the country felt
any confidence in the present Ministry. The public
had nobly come forward to support the war, but were
now beginning to inquire anxiously whether they
were to have anything for their money ?
" The people now looked at the manner in which the
war was conducted with jealousy, apprehension, and suspi-
cion. The apprehension of the people was not founded on
any mistrust of the gallantry of our navel and military com•
menders, but on the belief that the hearts of some mem-
bers of the Government were not in this war. The people
thought that these members of the Cabinet did not intend
honestly to carry the war to a safe and satisfactory result.
Among all classes the opinion prevailed that the Minister
at the head of the Government was not the man who should
be there during the continuance of the war. That was the
fact, however placemen and Peelites might flatter them-
selves it was otherwise. (.A laugh.) A public meeting at
Drnry-lane would testify the feeling of the metropolis.
When the people saw that nothing had been done by the
great armaments which had gone from the country, they
could not help suspecting that orders had been given to
our commenders to prevent them employing the forces
under their command."
One means might have been available to restore
some confidence in Lord Aberdeen, namely, a wiser
selection of the War Minister :
" If 'Palmerston hail been appointed to that nffice there

muien rrom net, nut tnat tney woniu continue •" ~ ma &sae(' now ins ramous I.IIIIIIIIICII Ul MA: lt,oca , 1 l•.•Ef, maa some confluence ru LIM ll AUV 1 kIICG.I, •••%••••••••., I
until they had taken possession of a part of the Russian which the treaty of Adrianople was so heavily im- selection of the War Minister :
territory—that they would not merely attack Sebastopol, nuaned, could be reconciled with another document , , •
but that they would occupy the Crimea. (Hear, hear.) He .- -
date, of which he read some extracts to 'lf 'Palmerston had been appointed to that office there
Would tell the noble lord that, unless that had already been of previous . would have been a guarantee that the war would be carried
accomplished, he had been guilty of a great indiscretion by refresh. the memories of hon. members on the sub• on with energy and vigour. There was no doubt that his
giving notice to the enemy of the point to be attacked, ject :
noble friend's name carried with it a moral force which
and so informing them what place they would be required " Among the documents published was a despatchwrittln
to defend." by Prince I.ieven to Count Nesselrode some time before was alone equal to an army. It was known everywhere,
After showing, from Captain Spencer's "Travels," the treaty ofTtAdrihancople, giving an account ofdththe ptrprtaceed. and wherever it was known it was either loved or feared.
mint of t e fins Tovernment. 1i
apreare a nee It was. in fact, synonymous with the power and strength
that the climate of the Crimea was most unhealthy, of England, hut it was rumoured that the Prime Minister
Eleven in the first instance, rommnnientell with the Puke had declared that so long as he was in office hie noble
, Mr. Cobden inquired bow the present announce- of Wellington, and endeavoured to induce him not to in- friend should never have the conduct of the war."
went of the English Ministry could be reconciled tefere in the war carried on between Russia and the Porte.
• with the declarations of German powers—to which The Prince afterwards went to Lord Aberdeen, and in a Lord Dudley then recapitulated other facts and in::
• our own Government had given an implied assent'— despatch addressed to Count Neseelrode, and dated London, ferences which warranted distrust, and led to the
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