The Press.
London, England, 1856-08-30 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

cations of evil-intentioned or weak-minded sec-
tarians. This difficult problem Mr. Disraeli has, in
the permanent interest of Conservatism, endeavoured
to solve. He has invited all those who believe that
Conservative principles are not a sham, nor things
established a delusion, to unite under ons banner,
and, without resigning their particular tenets, to
consider them a subdivision of a great integral
whole. Unless this arpeal be heartily responded to,
Conservatism must continue to represent a negative
quantity in the body politic, and whilst its members
are engaged in controversies analogous to the
" Quicolour " dispute of a certain ex royal family, it
must submit to the spectacle of Conservative princi-
ples unwillingly and abortively carried out by their
avowed opponents.
One word, sir, with regard to the right hon.
member for Bucks, and I have done. Sectarian
Conservatives have discovered that the author of
" Coningsby " is not a large landed proprietor, and
they consequently pronounce him unfit to lead a
party which comprises the bulk of the territorial in-
fluence of the country. Now, this might have been
a most excellent reason for refusing to accept a
man as the leader of a party, but as for rejecting
him after a connection as leader which dates from
Lord George Bentinck's death, it is utterly frivolous
and illogical. Besides, it requires Athenian ingrati-
tude and Saxon stolidity combined to reject a states
man whom posterity will rank with Bolingbroke on
the lowest and most ignoble pretext ever advanced
for furthering a political intrigue.—l am, sir, with
many apologies, dtc., your obedient servant,

H. BUTLHE JOHNSTONE.
24, Park straet. Grosvenor squsre,
Monda3, August 25, 1856.

TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—Without wishing to commit you to my
opinions, T should wish to offer a few remarks on the
present position of the Conservative party. Perhaps
there has been no time at which the Conservative
position has been better defined, although through
a long continuance in oppositi,m it may be harder
to write out and codify t:,e tnaxims on which its pre-
sent working is maintained than at other times. I
am very far from agreeing with those who take a
desponding view, as some writers of the present
moment, of the prospects of the party—in fact, the
present political inaction, however we may regret it,
is capable of affording much hope to any one who
will be content to consider the success of the princi-
ples which he advocates as higher and more impor-
tant than temporary majorities and numerical
triumphs. On this account the remarks in THE
PRESS of last Saturday on the connection of conser-
vative with national feeling seem deserving of much
attention. It is beyond question that the views of
even a minority, when consistently maintained
through changes of circumstances, though never
perhaps thoroughly victorious, can yet obtain a great
influence over those who refuse entirely to submit to
their authority; and such I c nceive to be the case
at present. The persevering upholders of Conserva-
tive principles are out of office, it is true ; but in the
shop, in the market, even in the mill, wherever men
think, the principles themselves are, to ali intents
and purposes, triumphant. Perhaps not ostensibly,
but their power is not the less for that.

Still, principles are best uphell by party, and
party falls without a firm basis of connection. What,
then, are to be the principles of Conservative union ?
Or rather the. question becomes now, Are we, or are
we not, to limit the standard of Conservatism to
adherence on certain points of transitory interest—
questions comparatively of detail, which frcm their
nature are incapable of any perfect solution?
Questions of theory do not demand, nor indeed do
they admit, definitive settlement, except by the course
of years and the gradual progress of national feeling.
Practical questions, on the other hand, should never
be left in abeyance. Nothing can be WONO for a
country than perpetual fluctuation and indecision with
regard to administrative policy. For this reason no
intelligent Conservative chooses to attack any of the
" Reform settlements " of the century ; for this
reason Lord John Russell, if he bad preferred honour-
able candour to vulgar obstinacy, or wise statesman-
ship to extra senatorial support, would long ago have
suffered the Jiro n"‘'t;on to drop to the ground ;
lastly, for t..;., it is that I abjure, condemn,
and reprobate the doctrine that the course of Go-
vernment of the country, or the political attachment
of the representatives of the nation, should depend
upon such a question as the endowment of Maynooth.
And [perhaps the chief object of Mr. Disraeli in the

SATUIIDAY,

speech which he delivered at the close of the session
—a speech which I consider, though many do not, a
master effort of a master-mind—was to recal the at-
tention of his followers to the main and important
principles which some seem in danger of neglecting.
The fact is, that many of us are beginning to think
those principles so secure that they may be over-
looked, to imagine the truce so lasting that they may
never be called to furbish their armour anew. And
along with this carelessness, and as a part of it,
phrases creep into circulation among us utterly op-
posed to the truth. For instance—Protestantism in
not the basis of Conservative policy, though the sup-
port of Protestant institutions (not qud Protestant,
but qua Church of England) is one of the chief
articles of the Conservative creed. And these Con-
servatives are by no means free from blame when
patriotism is not strong enough to induce them to
leave smaller matters in the hands of their political
chiefs, and to make it their aim without prejudice or
bitterness to strive for a restoration of political
unity.
None can regret more bitterly than I the measure
of 1848, which so many Conservatives considered
fall of injustice and injury to the landed interest;
but if the voice of the nation decides that the settle-
ment shall be final, what impediment is there to
Conservative union nowt It; after all the hostility
and acrimony consequent upon a violent disruption
of party, it be possible once more to have in Parlia-
ment a compact united Conservative following, will
any one seriously come forward and propose more
dissension, more jealousy, more internal strife, for
' the sake of a universally controverted polemical
sudject, in which it may be that our religious feel-
ings are opposed to our sense of national honour?
Let Conservatives read in a large and intelligent
spirit the clearly enunciated summary of policy in
Mr. Disraeli's speech, and consider whether these do
not form a fit and sufficient rallying-point. There
is no room for selfishness; union we must have:
is not union upon these principles possible? is it not
desirable? When once Conservatives have rightly
decided this, they will be able to devote themselves
with some chance of success to destroying the pre!
sent anomalous phase of politics.
The chief requirement of a nation is that its
Government shall be well carried on. Good govern-
ment emphatically does not consist in mere per-
functory execution of the routine of office, or mainte-
nance of civil order, or petty half measures of legis-
lation. It is absolutely necessary for the goou of
the country that those who direct its administration
be men who, while they are competent by a compre-
hensive appreciation of the requirements of the
time at once to sympathise with and to direct its
feelings, are able by holding the confidence of a
majority of Parliament to act in accordance with
those views, unfettered by a consciousness of weak-
ness. No more perftet illustration of this could be
seen than the brilliant administration of Pitt, and
no more painful contrast can be afforded than that
of Palmerston. The first requisite has never been
wanting to Conservatives, with the single exception
of one short period—when they first resumed &hie
after the passing of the Reform Bill: of their con-
sciousness of the necessity of the second, their
honourable retirement in 1832 gives proof. Self-
respect is a great source of strength ; if it were the
only one, the Palmerston Administration must fall
in a week.

Conservatives of the present day have no small
ground of comfort to fall bark upon. They see
in office men who by traditional policy are, or
should be, opposed to them upon almost all the
questions of modern political controversy—men who
have obtained their power by means which they re-
gard with abhorrence, and hold it on principles
which they believe to be dangerous and detrimental;
but there remains the fact, sure and palpable, that
the views for which they and their fathers have
striven are becoming more and more, and still insen-
sibly, the views of Englishmen and legislators, and
have crept into and are moulding to their likeness the
minds of their opponents themselves. I earnestly
wish that a strong Conservative Ministry was in
office : but it is not in office only that the party can
do its duty; its influence is less, but still is great, ID
opposition. And since they are in opposition for the
present, a Whig Government which is compelled to
be conservative in action is better, not in moral►ty,
not in precedent, but still it practice is better than
a Whig Government on Whig principles. Let Con-
servative members of Parliament be contented to
remain on the Opposition benches, if it must be so;
and let them thank God that their work has not been
in vain on either side of the bouse.—l am, sir, your
obedient servant, E. E. B.

TO THE EDITOR OF " THE rams."

Sir,—As a Conservative, I regret most deeply to
see the attitude which the Morning Herald has
taken up with regard to the position and prospects

AUGUST 30, 1856.

of the "Conservative party," and also the general
tone of its remarks upon the articles in THE PRESS.
I% appears to me that the Herald assumes that
the only basis udon which a p lay preten ling to ad-
vocate Conservative sentiments can be founded is
the repeal of the Maynooth grant.. I have always
considered it to be a great error the giving a
political signification to questions which are, and
ought to be, entirely religious. If the repeal of the
Mayuooth grant were to give any additional strength
or protection to the interests of the Protestant
Church in Ireland (I say Ireland, for Maynooth is
eminently and entirely an Irish question, and ought
strictly to be treated Si such), if any good were
likely to accrue to the Protestant Establishment. in
Ireland from the repeal of the grant, then I for one
would be its most strenuous advocate. But it is
because I am convinced that such repeal would in
no one way benefit the Protestant faith in Ireland,
but, on the contrary, would create discontent, if not
rebellion, from one end of the land to the other—
would turn the present peaceful attitude of the
Irish nation into one of fierce sectarian and
polemical hatred towards this country—that I think
any attempt to awaken and put in motion such
bitter results as the repeal of the Maynooth grant
would undoubtedly lead to, should be deprecated and
repudiated by all true Conservatives. And when I
reflect who it wag who advocated and instituted the
grant to Maynooth—no less a personage than Mr.
Pitt—a name ever to be remembered with the
deepest gratitude and reverence by gentlemen
espousing Conservative doctrines—l must pause
beiore I presume to advocate the repeal of an act
originating from the greatest Minister and statesman
this country ever produced. Far better would it be
for those gentlemen who cry so lustily for the
repeal of the Maynooth grant to turn their attention
to soothing and quieting the differences which un-
fortunately disturb the serenity and calm of our
Protestant faith ; far better discern " the beam in
our own eye before we attempt to pull out the mote
which is in our brother's eye." Sure lam that it
would be more in accordance with the spirit of Con-
servatism to repair rather than destroy; and it is by
strengthening and repairing our Protestant Estab-
lishment at home and abroad that we shall in a far
higher degree promote its efficiency and usefulness,
than by any attempts we may make to undermine
and destroy a hierarchy which, if left to itself, will
slowly but surely perish.
I am also opposed to the doctrine laid down by
the Herald that it is the duty of an Opposition un
ceasingly to oppose the Executive. Such a doctrine
may be held by a Whig, hut surely not by a Conser-
vative, Opposition. That was the doctrine held by
the Whigs during the Peninsular war, and doubtless
such would have been their policy had they been in
Opposition during the Crimean war—at least, if the
conduct of L trd John Russell and the Whigs after
the formation of Lord Derby's Cabinet can be taken
as any criterion. Unceasing opposition to a Govern-
ment is faction—and is unworthy of, and antagonistic
to, Conservatism. The conduct of the Opposition
during the Crimean war was in every way worthy of
the Conservative party—in a word, it was the em-
bodiment and essence or Conservative patriotism.
Again, I cannot understand the policy of the
Herald in assuming the present position of the Con •
servative party as being divided and disorganised,
and that it is so is the fault of its leaders. But, sir,
is this the fact ? Is it the fault of the leaders of the
Conservative party that dissensions exist and that
differences of opinion have arisen within its ranks ?
Is it not rather the fault of the mistaken zeal of
some of the followers of that party? The policy of
Lord Derby's Administration was Conservative in
the strictest sense of the word—it conserved the
sound while it, reformed the bad; it was the sub-
stance and not the shadow of Conservative progress ;
and happy would it have been for the nation had it
not been so factiously driven from office!
One word more, sir, upon the ungenerous attempts
to write down the right lion. gentleman the member
for Bucks. If any man were better suited for the
lead-r of a political party than another, that man is
Mr. Disraeli. By his own untiring exertions and
ability, without the extraneous aids of high birth and
large .ortune, he has attained to a position of the
highest. political eminence. Indefatigable in attend.
ing his parliamentary duties—of splendid oratorical
powers—an acute and apt debater—ever ready in
" reply "—a keen observer of the political signs of
the times—manifesting the purest principle and the
soundest sagacity on all leading questions of the
day—such are the qualities which Mr. Disraeli
possesses ; and such are the qualities which should
belong to any man who presumes to " lead" a party.
Whatever be the present position of the Conservative
party, it is, I maintain, in no way owing to any
neglect nor inattention on the part of its leaders;
but is the result rather of defection of those in the
real ranks, than in consequence of any infraction of
duty by those in the van. Let but the Conservatives
place implicit confidence and unqualified support in

THE PRESS.

their leaders, and there can be no fear for the
result.—l have the honour to be, sir, your obedient

servant,
August 27, 1850.

Juvzsis.

MAYNOOTH.
TO TILE EDITOR Oli "THE PRESS."

Sir,—l am obliged by your insertion of my letter.
I have no wish to enter into a controversy with you
on this subject, but I wish merely to make a remark
on what you say. I would deprive the Papists of
political power and re-enact the restrictions, "not
penal laws," as you say, against them. Ido con-
sider the Roman Catholics as dangerous, because
they do not acknowledge the supremacy of the
Queen, but of the Pope, and a divided allegiance will
never do. That I am not very far wrong in my
reasons for alarm, look at the appointment of Lord
Castlerosse as Comptroller of her Majesty's House-
hold.—l am, sir, yours obediently,
FREDERICK JAMES PERCEVAL,
J. P. for Middlesex and Kent.

Colesbill, August 23, 1856.
PS.—When we have done wrong, ought we not to
retrace our steps, instead of continuing to do wrong ?

lortign (tartzsganbtnte.

BRUSSELS, August 27.
THE success of' constitutional government has been
amply verified in Belgium by the unanimous testi-
mony of gratitude which the country has given to
its King for his upright conduct during a period of
twenty five years. Bruges, Antwerp, Namur, Mons,
Luxembourg, and this week Liege, setting aside
party differences, "le politique du clocher," have
spoken out in the language of sincerity, free from all
conventional verbiage, that cannot be mistaken for
other than the genuine expression of loyalty and
truth. King Leopold is everywhere proclaimed to
be "le meilleur des Bois." In this jubibe of
national thanksgiving, which at the moment has an
especial value, there is no drawback. Even the
ultramontane malcontents who would disturb foi
their selfish ends the cal dins' statutes of the consti-
tution are willing, for the nonce, to hold their peace.
The members of this faction may learn from the
example of Mexico the fatal consequences that their
unwise projects would entail upon Belgium. The
estates of the landed proprietors of Mexico yield
90,000,000 pesos; that of the clergy, under the law
of " mortemain and dimes," for which the Belgian
Ultramontanes clamour and conspire, rather exceed
300,000,000 pesos; and the exemption from taxation
of this enormous property, by throwing upon the
smaller share of the land the burdens of the coun-
try, has brought about a revolution. such injustice
will always bring about a revolution. Let the Ultra-
montanes reflect upon this truth.
Lord Granville, on the 15th, bad his formal recep-
tion at Peterhoff. Prince Esterhazy, the Austrian
Ambassador, with his suite, consisting of the Prince
of Tour and Taxis, Princs Schwartzenberg, Counts
Aponyi, Chotek, and Gallenberg, were also pre-
sented to the Emperor Alexander on the same day.
There was no lack of imperial courtesy towards the
English Ambassador. Every minutia of official de
corum was punctiliowly observed; thqie was even
the fitting semblance of a dignified cordiality, but
there was an undisguised absence of sympathy. An
" arri ere pensee " lurked throughout, and the play of
the facial muscles in the constrained smile did not
serve to light the cold and passive eye of the Sclave
courtiers. The reception given to M. de Morny was
frank; that to Lord Granville formal. In the jour-
nals of the Russian Court the mention of the Eng-
lish Embassy is made with frigid politeness, whereas
of the French Ambassador it is said, " L'Amba.ssa-
deur de France a pu juger de la sympathie que son
pays inspire en Russie ; cette sympathie, qui n'a
jamais cesse d'exister, se mainfeste avec une expan-
sion peu commune." There is no real ground for
offence in this distinction. Towards Austria the
Russian Court is studiously teserved, neither have
the good offices of Prussia to soften the northern
austerities been of any avail, since the two Courts, to
make use of a Russian expression, "Sont toujours
unties dana lea relations les plus froides depuis la

821

fin de la guerre d'Orient." Each day brings its
mark of especial favour towards France. A ban-
Inet has been offered tq and accepted by, the
)fficers of the French Embassy, from the imperial
ecole du genie ;" and on the return of General
£odtleben, of Sebastopol, who id to be present, a day
will be fixed for its celebration. On the evening of
the 15th, the fête of Saint Napoleon, the saloons
of M. de Morny were overflowing with the nobility
and grand officers of the Russian Court.

A flotilla is preparing with the utmost expedition at
Dantsic to extertninate the Riff pirates, and the deter.
initiation has been officially signified to the Emperor
of Morocco. The Emperor of Russia also has placed
at the disposal of bis relative two frigate and two
steam corvettes. Prince Adalbert is slowly recovering
from his wound, which is severe, and to superintend
and cheer his convalescence the Countess of Barnim,
his morganatic partner (Fanny Eisler), has taken
her departure for the south. A deputation of Hun-
garian Protestants, headed by the pastor Maurice
Kolbenbeyer, of Oldenburgb, lately arrived at Berlin
with the ostensible object of soliciting subscriptions
for the construction of a Protestant church in Hun-
gary. Their real mission is to protest against the
treatment of their co-religionists in that country,
resulting from the provisions of the Aastro.Papal
Concordat. Much sympathy has been evinced for
them in Austria itself, and they are powerfully sup-
ported in their petition for theinterference of Prussia
in their behalf.
Not satisfied with the defeat of the unfortunate
victims of his pernicious advice at Massa and Carrara,
nazzini concocted another revolt at Orbitello, in the
rwican maremma. These hapless insurgents were
.nere boys—to the number of thirty or forty—and,
were dispersed by a dozen gendarmes without any dif-
leaky. They never waited to fight—flying in all diree-
t ions—and some few were taken prisoners. Mazzini's
revolutionary committee holds its sittings at Geneva,
*rom whence come the proclamations that keep the
vild republicans in a ferment. Fresh reinforcements
-If Austrian troops are on their march into Lombardy.
On the other hand, the subscriptions for the Aleseart-
Irian ordnance come pouring in at all hours. Florence,
Pisa, Pistoja, Rome, and Naples have furnished
their contributions, and these are forwarded furtively,
yet safely, to the committee in Piedmont. Under
he active superintendence of General de la Marmara
the work of the fortifications at Alessandria and
Casale are in active progress. The Buorgintento
has lately directed public attention to the time ap-
pointed, and which is near at hand, for the seques-
tration of the property of Lombard refugees resident
in Piedmont. Notice has been given to the meta-
'tiers by the Austrian officials, and should the
menaced sale take place, reprisals will be surely awl
instantly made upon the possessions of the Arch-
bishop of Milan and others situate in Piedmont.
A difference, short. and sharp, has occurred at Rome
betwixt Cardinal Antonelli and Monsignor Ferrari,
Papal Minister of Finances. The latter would not
consent to certain propositions of the Cardinal, in-
consistent with the poverty of the Roman exchequer
and in other respects injurious to the fiscal prospects
of the States. The Minister sent in his resignation,
which was not accepted, and the point of dispute was
eonceded instead; but the conscientious prelate is
loomed to be shelved by the presentation of a car-
dinalete, whereupon he will vacate his present office.
['he proposition for a railway from Rome to Bologna,
liming by Ancona, has been granted, in opposition
to the desires of Cardinal Antonelli, and the deposits
fir that from Florence to Areggo and the Papal fron-
tier have been naid into the Swiss bank at Florence.
Of all the arms wielded for Italian independence,
none will be more effective than a system of railroads.
Considerable importance is attached to the mission
of M. de Hubner to Naples. His task is not facile,
for each remonstrance that he may make to the King
on the misgovernment of the country will doubtlessly
be returned in no conciliatory language by the
monarch, in reference to the state of things in Lom-
bardy. There would be no justice in this recrimina-
tion, for the Government of Austria is especially
favorable to the development of the agricultural and
mineral wealth of Lombardy. Therein lies a selfish
and not a virtuous interest. On the contrary, the
Government of the King of Naples is not only ne-
glectful of agriculture, bat peremptorily refuses to
permit the landlords of ths interior to• do tits► nhisl►