The Press.
London, England, 1856-01-05 00:00:00

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presuming but cowardly Court is ever seeking
the opportunity of showing towards those
ambassadors of European nations who will
tamely put up with them ; and while Russian
influence has made unbounded strides, the
influence of EngMO, which 9,11w/g to Vp
supreme there, has keeqi completetk lowered,
The ostentatious milisto,v, to lge,v.mfasFF, an 4
the still more pompous embassy to St. Peterer
burg, are some 24(tip wive ostAkekiAlie fruitt,
the blunder wick our Foreign-otilee thus
committed ; while the attack and capture of
Herat, a capture quite as disastrous to us as
that of Kars, is the material and most bitter

result.
With Herat falls, for the time, our influence
in the East of Central Asia, as with the cap-
tire of Kars falls our influence in the West.
It is true that, in the former case, we had no
officers or troops engaged, and that the pres-
tige which we lose is diplomatic only. But it
is idle to suppose that the effects will be the
loss damaging to us on that account. Asiatic
Governments seldom refuse attention to the
remonstrances of Powers which have been in
the ascendant until the opinion becomes gene-
rally prevalent that their pride has been some
what lowered. Minor States, therefore, will
hardly continuo to pay deference to England
if the effeminate Court of Persia is seen to
slight its ambassador, and treat his represen-
tations with contempt. The deep interest
which England has long taken in the fate of
Herat is known by every one throughout the
Eastern world. The gallant defence of it by
ELDRED POTTINOER when formerly besieged
by the Persians with Russian officers at their
head ; the sums lavished by the Indian Go-
vernment in the payment of troops there, the
purchase of stores, and the reconstruction of
its walls the diversion made by us in the
capture, f Karmic, which brought the Persian
Court its senses when diplomatic remon-
strances ltad failed—these are points familiar
to all Central Asia, and which have long formed
the theme there of story and of song. That
such a fortress, which forms one of the keys of
India, should be allowed to fall into the hands
from which we then saved it, is a great dis-
aster; and it is one of double significance now
that we are at war with Russia, whose hostile
influence, excited through the possession of
it, we so much feared. In the session about
to open the Ministry will have a severe
account to render to the nation for the fall of
Kars ; but not less deeply responsible has been
official mismanagement for allowing Persia,
under Russian instigation, to capture the fort-
ress of Herat.

THE METROPOLITAN PRESS.
We are unpleasantly reminded, at the open
ing of the New Year that THE PRESS stands
alone among the metropolitan newspapers in
the view it takes of the policy of the war.
But a fair consideration of the tone adopted
by THE PRESS, and by its leading contempora-
ries, will not, we are persuaded, result to our
disadvantage. At all events we have no wish
to shrink from the scrutiny. So far from hav-
ing anything to conceal, we only desire the
fullest and frankest communication between
our own mind and the mind of our readers.
The Ministerial journals, including tho
Times and the Post, while acknowledging that
the Government is a party to the pacific
kt pro-
osals which have been despatched to St.
etersburg, openly profess their belief that
ose proposals will not be accepted, and very
plainly express their opinion that a continu-
ance of the war, until further decided advan-
tages have been gained over the enemy, would
be more conducive to the honour and interest
of this country. We believe we fairly state
the line taken by those journals. They sup-
port the terms forwarded because they think
them impracticable, and would much sooner
see the war continued than those terms

accepted.
The view of THE PRESS, on the contrary, is,
that no negotiation should have been opened
without a reasonable prospect of success, nor
without an honest desire to bring it to a pro-
sperous issue. If the negotiation be not sin-
cere, why was it commenced? If it be sincele,
what is meant by the hostile and insulting

THE PRESS.

language directed against Russia by the Minis-
terial organs ? Why are we told that the tea ins
are certainly such as Russia will not accept,
yet that no nisy,Wica.taini of them will be sub-
mitted to? 1(ilw tinsps is favorable to a pacific
P4tc..Y% likut AA to pßiqi.fic shams. The dip,k9,-
ma cy 641tEurowa 4, nl4l disgraced by anakVT
abortiv% negekilN ati oni ond opinion would ukt.
versalV, look IR) the word as the only possiblo
arbitog. e,f the wiN44.
The .horning 1118. and the Standard, pre-
tending to represent conservative sentiment,
arc entirely opposed to, atv accommodation with
Russia until that Power shall have been
morally and materially weakened. They argue
that no pence can have any element of security
which shall leave Russia in possession of the
territory she held before the war commenced.
They earnestly urge the prosecution of the
war for the purpose of reducing her to extre-
mity—of imposing upon her terms which shall
mark that her submission is forced, and that
she is at the mercy of her conquerers, and
which shall deprive her of some points of her
territory, which, possessed by another State,
shall keep her perpetually in check. These
journals are prepared for all the cost and
sacrifice of the struggle necessary to accom-
plish the ends they propose. Persisting in
their view that Russia is a barbarous Power,
not to be restrained by treaties, they would
consistently seize what they conceive to be
the present favorable opportunity for depriv-
ing her of the capacity for future mischief, and
for destroying her influence in Europe.
If this policy is to be carried out, it must
not be done by halves. If Russia cannot be
trusted when she is dealt with on fair and
moderate terms, assuredly she cannot be
trusted when the professed object is to drag
her down from her station as a first-rate Power,
and keep her in subjection. No nation will
willingly submit to positive degradation. We
must reduce her to that state of weakness
from which it will be impossible for her to
rise, or we must trust much to her gool faith
and prudence. To impose upon her terms
which her Government would always regard
with shame and indignation, yet leave her
with strength sufficient to renew the struggle
on the first favorable opportunity, would be
to make a truce, not a peace. No long period
would elapse before the war again broke forth,
and in the interval the contending Powers,
instead of enjoying a time of settled prospe-
rity, would be preparing their forces for new
conflict.
Undoubtedly, there is a numerous party in
this country eager to make the war with
Russia a war of extremity—to listen to no
terms of peace short of her absolute and un-
conditional submission, and of some galling
and effectual restraint upon her power. But
we must doubt whether this party is iu any
way entitled to be regarded as Conservative,
or whether Conservatives can make common
cause with it except by an abnegation of their
principles. If this party had its way, the war
would assume a new aspect—it would be
indefinite in its duration, in its extent, and in
its objects. We do not say that we may not
be forced into such a war, but we hold that we
shall commit the greatest error in our history
if we engage in it before we have convincing
- proof that Russia will not submit to the rea-
sonable conditions required for defining her
boundaries and avoiding all pretext of future
quarrel.
The numerous journals of the Radical party
give to Lord PALMERSTON a kind of doubtful
support, which a Minister of higher character
would feel to be degrading. Without abso-
lutely confiding in him, they trust him to tho
extent of believing that he will find means of
extricating himself from pacific negotiation,
however earnestly it may be pressed on him
by statesmen at home or our Allies abroad.
They conceive that his power depends on his
being able to prolong the war, and thus gratify
the animosity which they entertain against
Russia on account of her despotic form of
government. They look on his conduct with
some suspicion, but they are willing to give
him the benefit of their doubt, and to impress
on him at the same time the necessity of con-
forming to their views.
Thus it happens that the Conservative daily
journals and the Radical journals work in the

MI

U

SATURDAY,

same direction, if they have not a common
object. Should not this fact inspire our
respected contemporaries with some mistrust
of the eattrae jorakting,? Can it really
be for th% interest Qt ilk 9 party they represent
to pl,tw% this eogAry Wo a desperate and
prolwAgafti confliet th% %eke of overthrow-
ing Oke soMtleineat oixf Vurqr, and of gratifying
an immeawing, deb gq byr. the destruction of
a particiekr for of oviernment? All forms
of gy,xernment aro alike to us. We prefer
that one wider which it is our privilege to live.
But we have a shrewd suspicion that the es-
tablished Government of Russia is the ono
bast calculated for the present state of that
empire and its people—the one most favor-
able to the growth of individual liberty, and
of the industrial interests of the nation.
Whether our Ministry be sincere in their
desire for the " vigorous prosecution of the
war " or not, can make no difference in our
argument with Conservative journals. We
think it probable that they are, and that they
blunder simply through want of capacity and
vigour.
It is unfortunate that THE PRESS should
at this momentous juncture stand alone in
advocating a policy, not of submission to
Russia, not a peace at any price, but of
peace on safe and satisfactory terms ; but it
would be more unfortunate still if we withheld
our convictions through timidity, through
deference to the prevailing sentiment of
the hour, or through any hypocritical pre-
tence of agreeing in opinions which we
regard to be most adverse to the true
policy and future welfare of our country.
If peace cannot be concluded now, it must,
according to all probability, be extremely
distant. The war is at that point when its
original objects need not be departed from.
One more campaign may render it impossible
for us to adhere to them. We think that if
there is to be any negotiation, it should be
conducted in a frank and conciliatory spirit,
and that no worse office can possibly be ren-
dered to the people of this country than to
persuade them, while the Allies are actually
in diplomatic communication with Russia,
that it can come to nothing; that it is de-
sirable it should be conducted in a churlish
and hostile spirit; and that the Premier is a
trickster intent on disconcerting a negotiation
he dares not openly resist.
Whether, distinct from all considerations of
party, Tan Parss, or its Loudon contempo-
raries, adopt the most principled, rational,
and prudent view of affairs, we must now
leave it for our readers to decide.

RESULTS OF 1853.
THE close of the eventful year that has
passed away compels us to look back in order
to estimate our gains and losses in the great
contest which we are waging. Sober examina-
tion of the past will aid us in calculating the
eventualities of the future.
In the successes which we have gained
during 1.835 there is much to gratify our
pride and to sustain our confidence in the
gallantry of British troops ; but the results of
the year teach us the useful lesson that the
vicissitudes of the whole war would have been
less trying if we had entered upon it with less
overweening confidence. While we are justly
elated at the valorous deeds of our soldiers,
while we exult at the glory they have won, we
must recollect that during the last two years
we found our enemy far more formidable than
we were taught to believe at the commence
ment of hostilities. All the more honour,
therefore, to our generals, officers, and men for
their skill and heroism in maintaining so
arduous a contest.
Still, however, it is impossible to overlook
the fact that, owing to the Ministerial mis-
guidance at the beginning of the war, wo
made too light of our formidable enemy.
Never did any party in office commit so grave
a mistake as that of Cabinet Ministers sanc-
tioning the absurd Reform-Club banquet to
Sir CHARLES NAPIER.
Yet, in spite of the Ministerial errors, the
British army in the East has added during

JANUARY 5, 1856•

the last few months some shining chapters. to
our military annals. The fortitude. with
which they endured starvation, pestilence,
and storm was almost sublime. The courage
with which, again and again, they braved the
bristling batteries of the enemy was equal to
the storming of Badajoz and St. Sebastian.
Justice to genius and an enemy compels us to
say that the young Russian engineer, TODTLE-
BEN, was a most direful antagonist. Justice
to our bravo officers and army must frankly
proclaim that seldom have our troops had
more obstacles to eounter, o.:el rarely have
they been equalled inc
in martial ardour. The
stubborn courage of British troops has for
the hundredth time been splendidly attested
before the world. What makes their valour
more glorious is, that from the first they had
a greater proportion of the work than was
suited for their comparative numbers. This,
too, was our glory, and—politic or impolitic—
success under such circumstances must add
to our pride.
It has often happened in our history that
feelings approaching to penis have seized on
the public mind—as during the mutiny at the
Nore, the retreat to Corunna, and the rout in
Affghanistan. Something similar took place
last spring, when the campaign opened with
an unsuccessful bombardment. Fortunately
ter the country, the Whigs were not in opposi.
tion. The Conservative party acted up to the
prophecy of Mr DISRAELI, when ho told the
ex-Leader of the Whigs, during the Coalition,
" that no future Wellington should experience
" from a Conservative Opposition what WEL-
' LESLEY on the Douro had to endure from
the Whigs."
Though the Allies in the early part of last
summer had some disappointments to en•
counter, the energy shown at the expedition
to Yenikale had a decided effect in dishearten-
ing our foe. Vast stores, upon which the
Russians counted, were completely destroyed
at Kertch, and the terror of our arms was
carried beyond the sea of Azoff. Tiie manner
in which this exploit was performed reflected
credit on the judgment of those employed in
it. But, of course, so hazardous a game as
war cannot always be a winning one. We had
to suffer a repulse on the 18th of June—an
anniversary glorious in our annals, and ever
memorable in the history of Europe.
Yet the spirit of our army was in nowise
daunted. Whether fortune smiled or frowned,
there was amongst our officers and soldiers
the determination that Sebastopol must be
taken. The Bth of September came, and,
though our troops had to cross over two
hundred yards from the trenches, the Redan
was assailed with fearless ardour. The true
history of that famous day remains still to be
written ; when properly told we have no doubt
that it will enhance the reputation of our
arms. The position the troops were in was
terrible, and if some of the younger sidiers
faltered, numbers of them were firm in their
duty. The cool- courage of English chivalry
was splendidly exemplified in the gallant
WINDHAM. Never were soldiers better led in
" the imminent deadly breach" than by that
heroic officer.
At last the victory was won ; and Sebastopol
fell after an unparalleled contest. The word
"siege" misleads in appreciating the tremen-
dous nature of the protracted struggle. it
was a battle fought from month to month, in
which the enemy were aided by the possession
of a vast fortified city, and a fleet protected
from the fire of our guns. No exact analogy
for such a peculiar contest is to be found in
military annals. The whole struggle—the im-
mense preparations at both sides—the quantity
of ammunition consumed—and the vast diffi-
culties encountered—exhibits a marvellous
display of military prowess.
To have been victors in such a fearful con-
test, carried on at the other side of Europe, is
a glory to our national fano, and to the
prowess of our troops. Our military successes
_are prominent and startling. Our glory is
beyond dispute, and the pulse of the nation
heats as high as ever. But what is the prac-
tical result? " The way seems lengthening
as we go." Are we to evacuate the Crimea ?
All the military authorities incline to answer
" Yes." if so, it, will become a subject for
serious thought to consider what solid advan-

THE PRESS.

tages have been gained. We have upheld,
and even increased, our military honour; but
as regards the relative positions of the com-
batants, the change is not so great as we had
hoped. The enemy will use the Crimea as
another Torres Vedras. If we stay to fight
him, wo play his game ; if we leave him there,
he will be defiant
This consideration shows that in the first
instance there was precipitation in the descent
on Sebastopol. We underrated our foe. Our
operations against him should have been in
another direction, and Sebastopol should have
been reserved until we could thoroughly cut
off his supplies. The loss of Kars tells of
mismanagement somewhere; but we need not
here say inure on that subject, upon which
Ministers will yet have to answer.
With respect to the navy, we state our firm
confidence that, properly handled, it will be
found equal to vindicating its name. The war
was begun, as far as Ministers were con-
cerned, in a half-hearted manner. Their in.
structions to our Admiral were of too diplo-
matic a character, and there was too much
harping on " discretion." Kinburn has been
occupied, and Sweaborg has been bombarded ;
but there are different versions of the extent
of the damage done in the latter case. There
was delay in the preparation of gun-boats,
though Government had timely notice that
they would be wanted. It is certain that our
officers and sailors are panting for an oppor-
tunity of showing their devotion to their
glorious service; and, when it shall be given
to them, we have no doubt that they will con-
firm the traditions of the blue-jackets.
The country owes much to Lord DERBY and
the Conservative Leaders for the total absence
of factiousness on the part of the Opposition.
If the Whigs had been on the left of the
Speaker's chair, what virulent attacks, and how
many inflammatory appeals, would have been
made? All parties are now agreed that the
driving of Lord DERBY from power by means
of a conspiracy called a " Coalition," was an
injury to England, and a calamity to Europe.
The pretensions of Russia rose with the
advent of the Earl of ABERDEEN, and the Czar
advanced as the Coalition vacillated. True to
their own honour, and the enduring interests
of England, the Conservatives have stood by
the Crown, and have aided it during the last
twelvemonth, when the energy of the Executive
was palsied by the small factions of the Whigs
The lofty tone of the Conservative party has
been appreciated even amongst antagonists,
and its public example will not be lost upon
the country.