The Press.
London, England, 1857-02-07 00:00:00

ceeding on the part of this country is one that ought to
have been made known to Parliament—(Hear, hear)—
and may have an essential bearing on the measures that
may have been taken iu reference to Italian affairs.
(Hear, hear.)
The right hon. gentleman has said, we are not reaping
the fruits of peace—that the Government, by perpetual
quarrels, distracts the public mind, keeps up a lavish ex-
penditure, and stops the progress of improvement at home.
The right hon. gentleman has stated, with respect to
Switzerland, that at the period when Switzerland had
agreed, with the aid of France, on certain terwsof arrange-
ment with Prussia, the British Government applied moral
force to Switzerland, which led Switzerland to attempt
alterations of her bases and to return to the terms pro-
posed to her by France when she found she was unable to
obtain any definite promise of support front this country.
It is perfectly plain, if that be true, that the affair of
Switzerland is a very different one front that represented
in the Speech from the Throne, and the Government is
bound to let the house know exactly how the matter stands.
The accouet which the right hon. gentleman has given, if
it be correct, materially bears on the advice given to the
Crown by the Government in preparing the Speech from
the Throne. These various questions must, I fear, occupy
much of the attention of the house. I know nut why, but
undoubtedly for the last six months we have been kept in
a state of perpetual disquietude by one foreign broil after
another. (Hear.) has strange that, when the genius of
the noble lord is in the ascendant, we have ten quarrels for
one that occurs under any other Minister's reign.
(Laughter.) It is strange that we should always have to
break with all the world in succession—that in every case
we should find ourselves to be unquestionably right, and
should have to denounce, one after the other, the rest of
mankind as either knaves or fools, and that in every case
we should begin with bold and braggart language, with
high-sounding pretensions, and yet, in every case, the
result should 5e our coming down pretty nearly to the
terms our opponents had offered us at first. ( Hear, bear.)
I want to know how it is that these things happen ; for I
confess I think there is some justice in the statement of
the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), that, although we
have attained to peace, although the people of this country•
have accepted peace at some sacrifice of feeling, but with a
desire that it should be a real and profound peace, and
bring forth its proper fruits, yet we have not seen those
prospects realised, and our foreign relations, together with
our establishments and expenditure, are not such as can he
considered satisfactory.

With respect to the kingdom of Naples, inasmuch as in
her Majesty's gracious Speech we are told that the papers
shall be laid upon the table, I will not now enter into any
detail upon that very interesting and most important and
difficult subject. All I shall say is this—l, myself, have
stood in a somewhat different position from other mem-
bers as to transactions in the kingdom of Naples. I have
perhaps a stronger impression of the intensity of the
evils which have prevailed in that country and of the
nature of the measures which evils so intense might justify
or require ; but I did not scruple last year, while avowing
any concurrence in the sentiments of her Majesty's Go-
vernment with regard to what has taken place at Naples,
to express my doubts and misgivings as to the policy, as to
the justice, indeed, of that policy—tor I can have no donhts
as to the prudence and ultimate humanity of a practice of
introducing for discussion at conferences the affairs of
powers which are not represented at those conferences, and
of recording conclusions in the face of Europe to which
conclusions the powers chiefly interested have been no
parties. (Hear, bier.) At the same time lam strongly
of opinion that it was for the interest of Europe that the
great powers should unite to enforce and urge upon the
King of Naples the adoption of those measures which are
required to establish legality and good government in his
dominions. Every effort which her Majesty's Government
could use to bring the powers of Europe to such a con-
cert would have deserved the support and commendation
of this house ; but the question of the interference which
has actually taken plate is one the consideration of which
we had better defer until we have the correspondence
before us, and we are able to examine into the nature of
that interference, the prospects of success by which it was
attended, and the amount of authority by which it was sus-
tained.

Unfortunately, the Neapolitan question is the only one
of all those matters of interest adverted to in the Royal
Speech upon which, as far as I am aware, any information
has been promised us. Were it not the Queen's Speeches
are documents framed with grave consideration and minute
care, I would infer that the omission was accidental. But
there was a question relating to the Treaty of Paris which
at one time appeared to menace a European convulsion,
and when discussions and dissensions ran so high as
to exhibit England almost en;aged in military action
opposed to France. Here was a question, the gravity of
which could not be over-estimated, but the settlement of
which, I believe, has been altogether satisfactory, and I
must say that nothing can in my opinion be more
becoming or more proper than the language in which that
result is announced in the Royal Speech. But, at the
same time, the Government will, I think, admit that from
the extreme gravity of the circumstances, the agitation
which pervaded the country, and the tone which the Prime
Minister felt it necessary to assume, the colour which he
deemed it his duty to give to the case, were so serious and
formidable, that it is right the matter should be brought
authentically before Parliament, and that the fullest in-
formation as to those transactions should not be withheld.
T he charges made weft too serious—the interests at stake
too grave—the controversy too menacing—to pass over
lightly ; and it is right we should know whether the Go-
vernment were or were not drawn into that controversy,
and that the steps they adopted were required by a great
and overruling necessity, in order that we may give them
that justification which, if they have acted prudently, they
have a right to claim at our hands. So much for the goes•