The Express.
London, England, 1852-03-20 00:00:00

DISSOLUTION OF P.,

Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Sir, I rise to put a question
of great importance to the right boa. gentleman, the Chan-
cellor of theist:l/levier. The house will recollect that on
Heeday leek is answer to a question, the right hon. gen-
tleman, the isentarf of State for the Colman', stated that
be bed hat-Ml to being forward a motion with regard to
the diesiseas dish of the sets with reference
lo the veer hulks; bet that u the ministry were in an
adimewilgoll felicity in this home, he did net think
peeper to pewee that coarse, and that be should proceed
by these smote wish be thought the most advisable to
adept. He pretended further to say, that the ("ink= he
entrinimmt with regard to those disastrous diode were un-
changed, both with reference to the **eke and the slave
*eta. He awed further, that he received utmost daily
asses* ham the West India colonies, as to the distress
whisk mists ; and he then went on fa nearly these
word—" Without being at all indifferent to that dinner,
we have determined that this, like others of the same
nature, ought to be kept for the consideration of a future
parliament." Now, sir, that answer with regard to
the distress which exists la the West Indian colonies, and
with regent to the pay of the sager duties, ap-
plies likewise to the peaky which has been pursued
with teed to the ems laws, and with regard
to ease renetions of a Mailer nature. The house will per-
mho, therelbse, that ith et the OEM kweednews that we
have sees assess upon lib Wend. (Hear,
bear.) I and not refer le *het took pleie 'ea Made;
night. fee everybody sail Isee In his naiad Hie Vials,
that Wise mode by the debt ha berme the modem he
Rips fir J. Grim), lbe debt lies the member he Os
Usiviellity of Oiled (lit. Oiiiese), ma tie sells bad
Oa iambs for Tiverton (word Palawan) ; hat law.
Ilea aid* was asked by Sir 11. Peel, when I wee at the
1188IMMI le 1841, and when we were is seiaority in this
Wily se steeled by its vote, I ask the right hon. berme.
elegit, sliskir her Ilessty's permarant are praised to
Sielitilke emu to dishy the youseat parl;sateat, red to
mime a sew ewe elk the kit Islay consistent with a
Me mpg to the palls Womb, in referenee to these
Meddees which are event sad of immediate importance ?
(ieeses.) I treat that the right hon. gentlemen will give
ea
mower es this quells (Lead obeers.)
The munsuas lit the MCCHEQUEB--Sir, the
=Ws Lod Ms dismal be her Hremete government an
weepassialei palm 011ialleil dim) The noble
led is releeel to Os poisisat Is the year 1841, when
be eat apes lie Timm bench, sad was the leader of this
hems ; bet the stab hod will allow me to remind him that
lime is a seedisalie ildlours between the position of
M who ell ea Si boil awl the sable lard at that pe-
dal, became the shessimat Ikea bad been cosimed by
• vete of this beess—(mieheirld shoos)- led all the pre-
sidents to whisk HS Hebert Peel solneed en that isesesien
--eemaely, the pesselat of 1787 wt ad 4 VAL wire la a
similar istegert—lhey wore all in rellsesie la a ministry
whisk bad bees maimed by • see of Ike Roue of
Dermas. (Hier.) Sir, the aside lei t to have
teethed his question, mot only as same impelest, but as
es ampoesedonted sae. (Hear, bear.) I all, however,
imply le the amble lard. Sir, I think it wean be highly
ensesetitedemd sad most Myelitis, if her Majesty's minis-
tate should pledge themselves to advise her Mejesty to dis-
solve perliemsat at any stated and spechle period. (Load
mibierial sheen) The noble lard must feel that easier
emcee might suddenly arise which would render the fel-
ilment of such a pledge not may most injurious, but per-
haps even Impracticable. (Cheers.) At the same time,
have no hesitation in saying that it is the intention of her
Majesty's government to advise her Majesty to dissolve
this partiammt no most as the memeary measures have
bun paced—oomea, I should rather say, as those mea-
sures have bum rand whisk are neassery for the service
of her *dens, sad for the ilietrity and good government
of her swam. (Load ministerial cheers.) I will even
say WY" lint it is Our wish and mu intention to meet
the new pedisemat that will be elected, so that its vote
way be takes on is emation of coalldeam in the present
administrative. sad area the Millielliell whisk they feel it
emit duly, Mier the skomestmeses, So igen la thesauri,
et the peemst year. (Lost milsteelel Moeda& Wailed
with some ohms on the oppseilisa beilms.)
Lewd I. HIISSIILL—Sir, I wilt to ask the right hes
panthers a question with regard be two weeds of whisk be
has Jest lasi use. I wish to silk hint if, anew* the mos-
eases which he thinks neeneary he the geed gomenimmt ef
these realms, he includes those moms es whit* be ad-
vetted the other day, reform la Clissiory, and others ?
(Cheers.)

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Sir, I do
not feel called upon to give any further explanations. (Loud
eries of " hear, hear" from the ministerial side of the
house.) _
ALLEGED SHOOTING OF A DESERTER.
In reply to Mr. W. WILLIAMS,
Mr. 8 AFFORD denied the statement whirls had been
I made that a seaman, while attempting to desert from •
British ship, had been shot, by order of Captain Shepherd,
the officer to command. Several desertions had taken place,
and punishment had been inflicted when the downers had
been apprehended. The rumour in quevtion, he believed,
arose from • dead body having been seenduriting in the
water.

THE CASE OF MR. MATHER.
The CHANCELLOR of tho EXCIIE,WER, in refer-
ence to questions by Lords John flown and Palmenton,

Jest night, said that a demand had been made upon the
Tuscan government for compensation to Mr. Mather for
the outrage upon him, because Tuscany held independent
relations with this country. But though no such demand
had been, for the above reason, made upon Austria, coin-
municati tttt s had been held with her representatives, and
from their considerate and conciliatory tone, he wits happy
Ito believe that the, question would be arranged to the satis-
faction of the country.
LIABILITY OF COMPANIES.
Mr. MACGREGOR remarked that the late President of
the Board of Trade had given them to understand that he
would introduce a measure fur limiting the liability, of
companies under the present system. Dill the right lion.
gentleman (Mr. llenley) intend to carry out that under-
standing ?
Mr. HENLEY said the hon. gentleman's question was
so vagu" that he must request him to put it in auto more
precuo terms. (Laughter.)
AUSTRIAN TROOPS IN ITALY.

Mr. ANSTEY gave notice that on Monday next he
would ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in
consequence of the outrages at Leshoni end at Florence,
the British government would use its offices with the Aus-
trian government to withdraw their troops (ruin Italy.
(Laughter.)
SUPPLY.—THE ARMY ESTIMATES.
The house having gone into a committee of supply,
Major BERES!. 0111) rose to move the army estimates,
but he spoke in so low a tone (for which he apologised
on account of indisposition) that ho was frequently
inaudible. He said he would not claim the forbearance
of the house on the ground of his diffidence in addressing
them on so impertant a topic, but he must do so, because
he would bring forward not his own estimates, but those of
the late government. To those estimates he had given his
best attention. and having endeavoured to master the whole
of the them, he hoped he should be able to lay before the
house and the country sufficient reasons for the additions it
was proposed to make. The house was aware that the
army estimates consisted of seventeen lutes, seven of which
embraced the effective service and the other ten the non.
effective ; and lie proposed first to go through all these
voter in their order. The first UM principal vote was
the land forces, of which in the year 1851-52 the
itemiser was 98,714, not including the force in the pay
of the Indian government. For the
.year 1852-53 the
number was proposed to be 101,1137, being an increase of
3,213 men. The charge of the farce was this year
3,601,0671., and last year it was ptopused to be 3,521,0701.,
being an increase of 80,9971. The charge for the staff was
this year 169,607/, last year 159,9324., increase 9,6751. For
the public departments this year 95,9571., last year 92,7471.,
increase 3,210/. ; for the Royal Military College this year
17,1411., last year 16,9011., increase 2401. ; Royal Military
Asylum this year 17,3361., last year 18.016/, decrease
4801. ; volunteer corps this year 84,0001., last year 6;,0004.,
increase 19,0001.—the incecue is the last case having arisen
from the yeomanry corps going on what was termed per-
m inent duty. The vital sum for the effectiveserviees last
bear wise thus 3,873,6661., while this year it was 3,946,3081.,
ing a total increase of 112,642/. The non-effective ser-
vices were as follow, :—Rewards for military services this
ye.ir 15,6431., last year 14,606!., increase 1,037/. ; army pay
of general officers this year 61,0001., lest year 52,0001.,
increase 9,0001.; full pay for retired officers this year
60,0001., last year 52,5004, decrease 2,5001. ; Isalf-pay and
' military allowances this year 366,000!., last year 3, 7,000/.,
decrease 12,0001.; foreign half-pay this year 36,9161., last
year i 19,993/., decrease 2,0771.; widows pensions this year
119,3871., last year 122,717/, decrease 3,330!.; conspee
sionate allowances this year 83,0001., lest year 88,5 M.,
decrease 6,5001.; in pension this year 28,8151., last year
33,413/, decrease 6,5981. ; out-pension this year 1,226,8031,
last year 1,233,0301., decrease 6,2471.; superannuation al-
lowances this year 37,5001, last year 37,5001., total this year
2,021,0641.; last year, 2,052,2791.; total increase, 10,0371. ;
total decrease, 3.4,25:1. ; total decrease on the non-etfeetive
services, 28,2161. Total estimates this year, 6,010,3711. ;
last year, 5,924,945/. ; total increase, 84,4271. The right
bon. and gallant gentleman then proceeded to move the
first grant of 101,937 men, attributing the increase solely to
the Kaffir war. Fur his own part, having spent the
brightest years of his life in the service of the crown, he was
of opinion that there was a just and legitimate economy
capable of being exercised, but he warned the house against
that false economy, which was not consistent with the effi-
ciency of the army, and which, though piny-wise, would
prove to be pound-foolish. Ile coneluded by moving the
first vote.
Mr. W. WILLIAMS, after the slight attention
which had been given to the Secretary-at-War, could
expect but little attention for himself. The go.
verumcnt, in consequence of their very recent ac-
cession to office, had adopted the estimates of their prede-
cessors ; and this precluded him from making the objections
he had made on former °emulous. During many years he
had voted, with Mr. Hume, for • considerable reduction in
the military fore*; but the altered circumstances of foreign
countries and foreign governments had placed her Majeetys
goverpment in a different position; and it was accorded by
the pa opinion that the military force of this country
should be placed on • more efficient footing. Ile should
therefore not propose • reduction on this occasion ; but he
thought the house ought to be made acquainted with the
further measures which the government proposed. Something
had been said with regard to a militia force. The house
ought to know the number of men proposed to be so embodied.
It must be satisfactory to know that the late government, with
the best means of intennation, entertained no apprehension
of any foreign aggression ; for it happened that on the Ist
of January last, the number of the forces was 5,172 less
than the number voted by that house. lintels some now
light had broken out, he was at a loss to understand the
reason of the proposed increase. Looking at the enormous
amount of our military force, be thought any apprehension
of invasion was groundless, and the idea of embodying a
lot of young lads as a militia was perfectly absurd. At
present the number of dims and men in the cavalry and
infantry was 101,936, in the artillery 15,582, making, with
5,300 marines on shore, • total of 122,818. On the Ist of
January 42,818 of these were in the colonies leaving a
force in the United Kingdom of 80,538 men. In addition
there were 15,000 embodied pensioners ; and Lord
lierdwicke said be never saw a fluor body of
men. The Irish police consisted of 12,380 men,
allowed to be one of the finest military bodies
in Europe, as described by Col. Brown, before Lord
Devon's commission. He said he would match them to
beat any 12,000 soldiers in the world. Adding those to the
cavalry, infantry, and artillery, we had a force of 108,000
men. What foreign government could lead an army in
this country to match that number of men ? In addition,
we had a volunteer force amounting to • very begs num-
ber. There was the coast guard, 6,000; the dockyard bat-
talions, 9,200 ; the yeomanry cavalry, 13,520 ; which added
to the above made a total of 136,634. If the 14,000 police,
lobo were half-trained and exercised, were added, the total
force in Great Britain and Ireland would be 15438 men.
Wes not the • force sufficient to protect this island against
all the world? We had, in addition, that branch of the
public serene to which we had always appealed with oonfi-
' dimes for protection, the navy; but unfortunately it was
now considered as counting for nothing at all. He hoped
soon to see it plated in a state of greater efficiency. The
number of marine, on board wee 6,708; the number of
sailors voted was 28,000, and 5,000 for the reserve, making
together 40,780, which added to the military breach
gave • total force of 191,338 for the defence of
this country, to be ;voted and paid for out of
the public money, with the exception of the police.
He hoped the government would not contemplate the ne-
cessity of adding to this force • militia of raw lads. The
proposed rifle-corps would be found infinitely more effi
cant. If her Majesty issued her proclamation, calling on
the people to form rifie-corps, he doubted not it would be
responded to by a million of men. Ile regretted to see
that • rebuff had been given by the government to an ap-
plication for sanction to a rile-corps.
Mr. B. OSBOKNE said that he should apologise to the
house for the vote he was about to give under any other
circumstances but it would be most unusual that this vote
should be taken as a matter of course. There had been
no declaration of any sort of principle from the ministers,
and it was too much to expect that the house should confine
itself merely to criticising details. Ile should go on a broader
principle, for he did not think, after the answer given by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the noble lord, that the
members of that house were at all more clear or satisfied
about the course of the government than they were on Fri-
day night last. He was one who totally dimwitted from
the course taken by the noble lord (Russell) in throwing up
the government. It was ea unfair thing, because a local
militia, led by a foreign general, defeated him in • dying
battle, that great principles were to be endangered and
petilled because of some minor difference of opinion.
(Hear, hear.) And it was not quite becoming in the noble
lord to name Lord Derby to the Queen as the only pos-
sible prime minister. 'There were many noble lords in
another place, and hon. and right bon. gentlemen in that
house, quite qualified to form an administration which
would not only claim the support of the liberal party, but
be popular with the great body of the people. Meer,
hear) Therefore he totaUy dissented from the policy of
tailing Lord Derby to her Majesty's councils, and putting
that powerful but dangerous party on the mint, terial
benches. (Hear, hear.) A party who exclusively mo-
nopolised to tliammlves the epithet of " the country
themselves.the ngllsh h They were
morewereyet,
directly they
got
into power they assumed a sort of Italian mystification,
and endeavoured to conceal the cloven foot of protection
under the amockfrock of official reserve. (Cheers and
laughter.) Wu this fair, open, or holiest? Was it not
rather what would be called a shilling and dishonest
course for statesmen to pursue ? The proper time had ar-
rived when some right hon. gentleman ought to tell the
house distinctly whether or not the question of protection in
aby shape was to be revived—not only whether what
was called • fixed duty was to be proposed, but whether
any jugglery was to take place for the sake of giving coin.
pensatims to the landed interest. (Cheers.) He did not
complain of the elevation to power of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. He was not disposed to arraign the ministry
for any presumed want of talent or ability, or to throw in
their teeth that they were new lied untried men. He was
of opinion that it required no greet conjuror, after ell, to be
a minister of state. (Hear, hear.) And if a man had mode-
rate abilities, great attention, and some respectability of
character, he had as good a right to sit on the official side
of the house, even though a chairman of quarter unions.
(Cheers and laughter.) If he had fixed principles, he was
as well qualified to be a minister of this country as any
other man. (Hear, hear.) Feeling what they might, the
ministers were bound to speak one, and tell in an open and
honest way what their principles of government were
founded upon. (clear.) lie rejoiced in the elevation of the
right hon. gentleman to the Chancellorship of the Exchequer.
Ile hed had a hard cud to play; he harksehieved hikpresent
position by no aristocratic connection; but, after many
struggles, 801110 dislike on his own side, and great didrust
on the other, he had 'mule tiro party what it was. (('heers.)
lie had been their spirit of life—galvanic life, bo mac—

and the leaden body of protection would be ungrateful in-
deed if itdid not carry him through. (Cheers and laughter.)
He rejoiced in his elevation, because it wax, at any rate, •
tribute to the Intellectual superiurity of the age to ale him
the leader of the great uhlocratic party of England.
Despite of their power he had made the party what it was.
(Cheers.) But, participating in those feelings he, (Mr. 0.)
could not but lament that the right hon. gentleman had not
shown himself more open and candid as • minbit, r of the
crown. Ile could not forget the eloquent audacity, the
fluent acerbity, with which he tenoned the late lamented
' Sir Robert Peel, and twitted him on every occasion.
(Hear, hear.) He could not forget tho motions he
brought forward on those occasions; he, therefore' la-
mented he had not taken u moremoreopen course. The
course now pursuer'. by them struck at the root of all re-
presentative institution,. Pf it were admitted that ministers
comin,t into power were to observe this obstinate silence as
to principles, representative government was • farce.
d(Cheers.) It was altogether destructive of confi-
ence to see men who,within the last two or three weeks,had
motions nn the paper for the reversal of our free-trade pre
hey, and fur crippling the system of education, now sitting
on those benches, and night after night declaring that
their convictions were perfectly unaltered, but that they
oat intend to give effect to them in any shape. Such
hearse in ministers and 111-itish senators was in the last de-
gree shuffling; and the people of this country had a very
eirewd suspicion that the good old-fashioned amusement of
thimble-rig was about to be played by the country gentle
men, with Lord Derby as their confederate, and that the
public were as usual to be :gulled and plundered,
while the noble lord and his confederates in the
smock-frocks were playing the game. (Cheers and
laughter.) This state of things ought to come to an end ;
hon. gentlemen were bound to speak out. They would
say this was a factious °Fruition. (Cheers from the mi-
nisterial side.) Hu did not object to that : whenever hon.
gentlemen, in office, were interrupted, particularly in bring-
ing fcrward their estimates, they were always accustomed
to cry out that it was a factious opposition. (hear, hear.)
lie cared very little what hon. gentlemen in that house
thought, but he eared a great deal a hat people out of doors
thought; and, in using these words, he was certain he
should not stand worse with his constituents. (Hear, hear,
from the ministerial side.) They would thank him for
having offered this alleged factious opposition to unprin-
cipled conduct. (Hear, hear.) How was this cabinet
constructed ? They might be called an amalgamated society
of chairmen of quarter sessions, meeting tog, thee to raise
the price of bread. (Cheers.) They consisted of thirteen
gentlemen, who, differing on other points, all agreed on one
thing—to endeavour to raise the price of the poor man's
loaf. (Cheers, and " No" from the to. tcrial aide.) Ile
lard a suspicion they meant to throw the farmers completely
over; that was becoming very commonly noised about; and
in coihequeuce of Lord Derby's appealing to the clergy—as
his ancestor did when ho meant to deceive Richard the
Third—they were beginning to say, " After all, I think we
may do without protection; Lord Derby is such an excel-
lent man, and will give such an excellent protection to
what are called church of England principles." (Loud
cheers and laughter) But how war this cabinet con-
structed? The Chancellor of the Exchequer had carried
out at least one principle for which he had always contended
when in opposition—that the government ought to be con-
ducted on what he called "the territorial principle."
(Hear.) Hon. gentlemen used to cheer loudly at this, not
well understanding how far it went, but it was catching.
lie had constituted his government on this principle : he
had got 13 gentlemen, if not all men exclusively of great
territorial possessions,
? yet representing exclusively terri-
torial c. 0..— '...ncies. (Hear.) Thirteen lg. ntlemen—a
• .

. ,
baker's closest—leagued together to put a tai upon bread
(Cheers, and laughter) The cabinet being constructed
in that way, bow was the rest of the government
constructed ? The territorial principle prevailed again.
There were seven of theta county members, who repre-
sented county constituencies. In the minor offices of the
government the territorial principle wan likewise curried
out. Ten of the gentlemen who held minor, but still very
snug ethics' represented the smallest constituencies of the
country. (hear, hear.) If be was not afraid of wearying
the house, he might draw a very good reform argument
from that fact. Ten of them represented somew bat over
3,000 electors, and seven of the places for which they sat,
were nomination boroughs, and had not the best characters
in the world. (Hear, hear.) The country could not be so
besotted as to give its confidence to a government wh cb so
sepresented the people. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Osb )
bad no confidence in the government, and he believed they
bad no confidence in themselves. (Hear, hear, and
laughter.)
If they bad, why,did not they declare their prin-
like men, and say that they believed free trade wax the
MA of England ? (Bear, hear.) They had been dinning
into the ears of all the interests of the country, that free
trade was the ruin of the country, and now when they
were placed in a position to carry out their principles, by
the napardonable weaknese of the noble lord, they ehrunk
aura Meg so. (Hear, hear.) They said they were going
is reform the state of the law. He would examine their
delins to forbearance on that ground. Whom did they
point as Lord Chancellor ?—Sir E. Sugden (now Lord
IR Leonards), one of the most violent of anti-reformers,
elms he had formerly a seat in that house. (Hear, hear.)
If he turned to the pages of !laniard, it would be found
that he opposed every measure of reform which had Loch
proposed, and that he was one of the most uncompromising
and bigoted of tones in that house. Their law appoint-
ments, therefore, inspired him with no confidence. lie
could not but recollect that the lawyers were the first
to desert Sir R. Peel—(hear, hear)—deserted in his ut-
most need by those his former bounty fed. (Hear, and
tt oh.") But even granting that they were sincere in
their desire to promote law reforms, those reforms might be
purchased too dearly, and they would be purchased too
dearly at the sacrifice of free trade. (Hear, hear.) What
the Route of Commons, therefore, should du wax to place a
little salutary restraint upon the government and to refuse
them a grant of either men or money till they declared their
principles. (Hear, hear.) But if there was one appoint-
ment worse than another it was that of the hon. member fur
Essex, who declared at Braintree that he looked to the in-
terest of the electors of Essex and not to the people at large.
A government that made such an appointment could expect
no forbearance from the representatives of large and popular
egestituencies. (Hear, hear.) But if for their English ap-
=merits they deserved no forbearance, still less did they
e for their Irish appointments; and, in the present
state of Ireland, their appointments in that counley
ewe of, perhaps, more importance than their Euglish ease.
llablenen were in the habit of complaining when no Irish-
ma WY appointed to a seat in the cabinet. But in the
present instance he thought It was satisfactory that there
was no Irish appointment to the cabinet considering the
mmennt of mischief which he would be likely to oc-
onion. lie (Mr. Osborne) looked upon the govern-
mat as mischievous by their principles, and was of opinion
Kat they would ruin the country if they were allowed to
sorry tlems into action. He could only support them on the
rOluad of being false to all their former professions. (Hear.)
Next to the noble lord sat the right hou. baronet the mem-
ber for Droitwiels, who was honest in his intentions, but
iscapable in action. (Oh, oh.) Ile should, therefore,
we
s.that) they dct no vote of men that night. (Loud
assir
Kr. WHITESIDE, after a severe allusion to the substi-
tution of miserable imposture for real oratorical talent,
delhaded the Irish appointments of government, and
Inmated Mr. Osborne with having no particular opinions on
goilsion, and with being unable to comprehend the feel-
of those who had any. After some strictures on the
legal appointments an Ireland, he declared that Lord
y's conduct was most constitutional and patriotic,
MI added, that though the duration of his ministry
weld depend solely upon public opinion, his lordship,
Tether such duration were long or short, would do his
Italy by his sovereign and by his country.
Kr. HATCHELL defended the law appointments of the
Kr.
_ 34. BOOKER declared his entire confidence in the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, from which he was not to be
essesed by taunts from the otherl aide, and he accused the
lion with delaying public business because they wore
to meet their constituents.
Kr B. HALL s.iid he thought hon. gentlemen opposite were
Mead to come forward and declare to the country whether
lbw mama to abide by the professions through which they
=loffice, or whether they had merely used those pro-
ke the purpose of obtaining power. Lord Derby said
be Meer be was to a minority, but all he asked for war for-
beeeneres. Forbearance for what ? That he might work
Albs appliances of the government, and that when by
aims of them he obtained • majority he might put a tax
em the food of the people. Wan that a reason why those at
host who represented large constituencies should
dew forbearance ? The noble lord did not say
again islaile as to his policy with regard to
dm siva bow; awl ill that account he (Sir B. Hall)
bed Inked sentslly at the addresses issued by the noble
lord's colleagues. The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor
of the Duchy of Lancaster (Mr. Christopher) said distinctly
that be was for • reversal of the past policy. The right
be.. gentleman the member for Midhunt, though address-
les a purely agricultural constituency, took care not to
eye word about protection ; he promised his agricultural
einetituenta a full and efficient reform of the Court of
Cbsocery What did such persons care about Chancery
Ram ? (Hear, bear.) They would much rather hear
Esther the government meant to propose a sliding scale or
taxed duty. (Laughter.) The address put forward by
ilhe right hen. gentleman now the leader of that assembly
lee framed apparently with the view of giving as little in-
sight as possible into the policy of the government, and
dierefore he moat refer to the speech delivered to his con.
iiiill6llol6 The general impression conveyed by the right
boa gaftleman's apoech was that the government meant to
=• duty on corn; be spoke of a is. duty on wheat,
graduated duty on other species of grain. Ile would not ,
*p to analyse that proposition ; but he warned the right
hoe. gentleman that if lie attempted to tax the food of the
people he would discover that they felt very keenly on the sub-
ject. In looking through the last of the now government
be found that they were all professed protectionists, except
tee members of what was termed a liberal profession—the
1 Allterney-Oeneral and the Solicitor•Oeneral, the law °fil-
ms of the late Sir Robert Peel—(hear' hear)—and ono of
Kase hon. and learned gentlemen had been endeavouring,
he believed, to secure a seat for the immaculate borough
of Harwich, his previous acquaintance with Ipswich being
well known. (Hear, hear.) 'rho house had been told that
what' the government intended was not a reversal, but a
modification of the existing policy. Now, what was intent
by " modification ? " Did it not amount, if hon. gentlemen
followed up their prinmples, to a revered of the whole
policy ? The imposition of any tax whatever on the
food of the people, whatever it might be called,
would be a reversal. (Hear, bear.) It was said
that although the right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor
of the Duchy of Laucastee, had declared for II reversal, noble
lords and right lion. gentlemen in the cabinet were only in
favour of a modilicatiuo. Now, a; a meeting of the National
Association for the Protection of British industry, held at

the London Tavern, about three months ego, the Dake
Richmond in the chair, a resolution Wait moved by Lord
Berner,, seconded by Lord Malmeshury, and pumas-Th.,'
Mr. Gillett, calling upon all the friends of protection "ta
support the association, and to of-operate with it to the
utmost of their power." In :" In obtaining n reversal
of the present system of free importation width visa
fast sapping the sources of national wealth, uud thee:deny
to sonaummatc, 'ere lung, the ruin of the COuntry
(Hear, hear.) plow could
.it be said aped tlq
that the government did not armlet the revenal of fry
trade? (Hear, hear.) In February, INql, Lod 11.-sby
said that, through a moderate duty uu corn, they night y
a year or two get rid of the income tux. Now it was v,
well to talk of a moderate duty—a duty, ear, of :is., ~
or jig. &quarter ; but the income tax ninutilited to paw.'
than 5,000,0001. sterling; awk there being about 11,froioja
quarters of wheat imported annually, it would a
duty of about VW. to get rid of the :ileum tax. 'lbis say
what was called a " moderate duty," ~a mere racliticati.a.
and not a reversal of free trade. Were Lou. g,,t,,rauit,
going to reversal free trade or not? That was taa
queatien, and it ought to be answered. Having d
n.
turns to allow that the country was proxiwroint, ,e would
ask—Why did the government want to rev. roe or tro,Lf,,
the came of all this prosperity ? (Hear, hear.) lie
1it,41
ask, for whose benefit was this rever,al or inislineata,,
to
take place ? For the benefit of the landlords, of the is
nanta, or of the labourers ? He was burin used that M.
rents of the Duke of Richmond and Rutland had in no
materially diminished. Had the tenant, b..,
sufferers ? If lion. gentlemen said lby I. al, t...
he asked them why they had not rs elated toyr
rents ? No general reuuetion had taken play.
(Expressions of dissent from the protectionists). 110 ~,,t
hon. gentleman the Chancellor of du: Exchequer, r. pennon,
to the case of the labourers at Aylesbury. said,' la 1.4
we all admitted that there would necessarily be a ;:nal.a.
pension of the foreign trade, and we raid Vint .span-.4
would be accompanied by conshlernblu sufferina, 0.. a&
would overweigh our great and important hits restsati.,,o,
No doubt that much that was predicted did tot 44, u,
alluw me to say that much that was pn-diett I Ls istarrel.
Distress on the farmers has occurred ; but I admit, mid it 4
with unfeigned pleasure I admit it, that the lii,ourya
s
population of England has not auffereel, hut. on the t 4.
teary, their condition him improveil." Did not such au ad.
mission afford the greatest reason for continuing the must
policy ? (Hew, hear.) Ho must ray that the only thji
in which the right honourable gentleman had lveu
roughly eonsi.tsnt WAS his opposition to that tat
late Sir Robert Mal did. The piessa,:e which he was 04,4
to refer to he would recommend to the atteutiun of thou
gentlemen who were usually denominated the touter,
party ;it formed part of *speech &liven-a by tale fir Win
that party entertained the highest respect, cud the words
appeared almost proph.-tic. In this speech the right
La:-
gentleman said " they 'neat ask themselves, as salijtell of
a popular government, whirl were the means,, what Sim
machinery by which the right hon. gentleman acquitsd
position? Fur a intuitive of years he supportevl a protective
policy, and well did they remember, perhaps wit without a
blush, the efforts they made to name him to the bench as
which he then sat. Suddenly, he discovered that
the arguments in favour of protection to native in-
duatry were not valid, and lie adroitly turned rowel.'
The right hon. gentleman proceeded to say, that if the
constitution of England required that men should recta.
mend what they did nut approve, the sooner they got rid
of it the better. " Let men, ' said he, "stand by the prin.
ciples by which they rose, right or wrong, ant) make as
exception." (Cheers.) Such were the rum reliable wards
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Yet they now sae
hon. gentlemen cheering him on fur giving up his opiniots,
and, to fact, rewording political ter,riveisation.
hear.) Was the ri;;Lt hon. gentleman now prepared "to
stolid by his former principles, right or wrong," or veil
he admit that lie and his party had been trading on talia
political capital ? IVlnt they (the opposition) asked war
to be told what were the intentions of the government
They declared that they did not waist fair play for them-
seivosbut fur the country. They had bas Cling aloud for
protection ; and the country had a right to Jima/id that it
should be appealed to by a dissolution. (11..ar, bear.)
The Earl of MARCIE complained that Mr. traborne had
substituted abuse of members of the government for alga.
moot ; and, in reply to Sir B. Hall, defined a pruteetiunist
to be a warm and cordial supporter of Lad Derby's gr
vernment.

Mr. COBDEN then rose and spoke as follows.—lie
said—The definition of a protectionist, we have ju.t bear:,
is something new—(a laugh)—and I think, w hietes,T may it
the opinion of the house, that there will not lw two opinions
on the point in the country, when it is tested by the inter-
predation put by the public on the word pretecticen. (Hear,
hear.) At all events, the noble lord w ill allow us to draw
this conclusion from his statement, that, by couldn't the
name of the Earl of Derby with that of protection, we are
bound to consider we have to deal with a protectionist go-
vernment. That Ravel me a great deal of trouble, and ren-
ders it unnecessary that 1 should trouble the house with
any facts and quotations to prove that one-half of the gen-
-11 Unlace with whom the noble lord is connected are pledged
to the question of protection (as we under-tood). We have
it from himself that wo are dealing w ith u protectionist
government. Now, what is the cane i We have a
proposition front a protectionist government, ant who asks
the House of Commons, if we have sufficient confidence in
them, to vote the supplies for the maintenance of the army.
It is the constitutional rule in this country, and it is, in
fact, the most important arraugement in our represeutatirs
constitution, that the majority of the House of Commons go-
vern the country. I ask the noble lord (the Earle( March),
and those who come here in the name of the protectionist
government, to ask a free-trade parliament to grant their
confidence by voting the supplies fur the army for a whole
year-1 ask him whether we are transgressing the rule aid
the duty which devolves upon the members et the House of
Commons, at all events to pause before we agree to a vote
of mode-Kum in the government, in direct antagonism to
the maturity—(hear)—not merely in the number of elem.
tive—for, while we have • numerical majority in the hotter,
we have an overwhelming majority in the immix rut thme
who scut us here. The debate to-nig at w.al opened by nis hot.
friend the member for the metropolitan county—a county
not only one of the most populous, but equal in amount of
wealth to any in the United Kingdom. His obwreations
have been sustained by the hen. member for the borough
of Maryletione, who oleo represents a mat important con-
stituency. I support the motion ulnae hatAncinber, repre-
senting tho vast constituency of the West Ruling of York-
shire—(hear, hear)—fully convinced that what 1 sm say-
ing will be supported by the opiui•ins of the population of
that district. I represent a body of eons.ituents as numerous
as the whole of the constituents of all the members of his
Majesty's government. Olean hear.) 1 tun sustained is
my observations by my hoe. friend near me, the member
fur South Lancashire, and I shall bo sustained, 1 stn sure,
by the hon. members for Manchester, (ileagow, and other
large constituencies—(hear, hear) —and thereture you are
appealing to us as a minority. fisted by Tour number or
your worth, you are an insignificant minority asking for the
confidence of the house. (Hear, hear.) I cannot allow yea
now to come forward and say there are various great qui..
tiot.s, such as a reform in chancery laws, in the patent laws,
or in any other laws, which you are d. sirens of passing.
These are questions with winch we are as competent to
deal on this side ~f the house as you can be. I don't
ask houourablo gentlemen to decide what course the
house ought tc pursue. Ido not ask the right hem. gentle-
man (the Chancellor of the Exchequer).to tell us what
course the government contemplates. It is the majority of
the house which has to decide what course ought to be
taken, and I appeal to the majority whether you will allow
a minority to govern us—whether you will consent to the
principle that amen minority is to govern the nation i I My,
lot the men be voted, get your Mutiny Act passed, but whys
we come to vote the money, let the majority of thc house
give a clear and unmistakeable proof of its recognitiou of
the representative principle, by exercising in a cosishae
tional way the right reserved to them of controlling the
public purse. (Opposition cheers.) 1 shall be asked probably.
Why do you ask government to dissolve parliament nee:
Why, from one end of the kingdom to the other the pas-
try is agitated at this moment by an election cone ,t.(!!rare
hear.) The instinct of the country lea at once conic to the
conclusion that the =spent}, of the house will deal with the
question, and will nut allow an attempt to carry os
the proceedings of the legislature by a minority of
the house. I say an attempt to carry on the proceedings
of the legislature, and that brings me to another reason for
an immediate dissolution. You will not be able to carry
on the business of the country while you remain is a
minority. You have already heard the right hon. gentle-
man the Chancellor of the Exchequer declare his ivability
to proceed with any important measure became' you are M
a minority. The business of the country cannot he coral
on. Select committees are, being: appointed, on educates
for instance, and other matters of vital importance, but r..,t
one of the members appended to those committees ent,r-
, tinned the idea that their labours will be. brought tea
conclusion during this session. In the course of tea
or three months the house must be brought 13
a close. Seeing, therefore, that you will be unable
to carry on any business in a satisfactory manner, we are
bound to bring the parliament to a close by the onstee-
Ronal means placed in our power. The noble lenl
(the Earl of March) says that there has been a diminatos
of the rent-roll of property belonging to the Dulcet liteh.
mond.
The Earl of MARCH said that hie statement won made
in reply to a statement which had fallen from the hoe.
baronet (Sir B. Hall).
Mr. COBDEN continued—lt is with the correct ion of the
, statement made by the honourable baronet that lam go-
inig to deal. The noble lord has just told us that his noble
relative has experienced a loss of income consequent epee
the free-trade policy. (Hear, hear.) I was not aware, foe
I did not watch the speech allay lion. friend (hit 11. RAP,
that it was the Duke of Richmond who had been alluded
to. But do not let hon. gentlemen suppose that if this
' question is to be raised, it will be posiolde to avoid mea-
lboning noble castles. I have nut heard in the course of nip
opportunities—and I live in the neighbourNesd of the
mates alluded to—that there has been is reduction of not
on them; indeed, I have heard the contrary. (" Oh, obi'
from the ministerial benches.)
The Earl of MARCH was sorry again to interrupt the
hon. member. This was a matter of a personal nature.
The property of a noble relative of his was called lame,
tion. Ho now again distinctly stated of his oven know-
ledge, that the property in the south of England his Nes
revalued, and a diminution has occurred ea the whole
rental. (Loud cheers.!
Mr. COBDEN—I will state exactly what I have bean!
in the course of my experience. (Cries of " 0i1...) I.
have had many opportunities of inquiring ,if bumf'. of
the noble duke, and of residents in the immediat:
miglitiourhood of Goodwood, and 1 have heard that iio:-
only has there not been a reduction of rent—(oh, oii)-21
when 1 say that there has not been a rehretion of cease .
mean that that is not to be applied as a rule to Cie i''.,'
perty, but only to show that there has not been a gz11""