The Press.
London, England, 1856-11-01 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

WE are reminded this week by the organ of the Premier•, that on Mon-
day last " expired the six months fixed by the Treaty of Paris for the
final evacuation of the Turkish territories, and for the closing of the
Straits of the Dardanelles to ships of war, with the exceptions stipu-
lated for in the text of the Treaty." It is to be greatly regretted that
the stipulations of the Treaty have not been executed. The Ministe-
rial print asserts, that Russia is chargeable with the delay. The diplo-
matists of Russia would, of course, tell another tale ; nor does it
appear that that Power has anything to gain by the protraction of a
state of things which allows Austrian forces to retain possession of the
Principalities, and leaves the Black Sea open to a British squadron.
To whatever cause the delay in the execution of the Treaty is to be
referred, it is to be regretted, as it keeps Europe unsettled, and affords
probability to those rumours so industriously propagated by Minis•
terial jonrnals and speeches—that we are still, in their favourite lan-
guage, on the edge of a volcano, and that we must keep ourselves in a
state of pi eparation for a renewal of European warfare. At present,
we are certainly not in possession of those benefits which we had a
right to expect from the return of peace.
The attitude of our Foreign-office continues to be still extremely
ambiguous. It is generally understood that Austria is countenanced
by the British Cabinet in her continued occupation of the Princi
palities, and that the two Governments are closely allied on the
general question of Turkish policy. On the other hand, Lord
PALMERSTON'S Admininistration favours the idea that it is totally
opposed to Austria as respects Italian affairs; and the remarkable ex
pression of the Premier's organ, that the Italian question is now
narrowed to a sharp point, and that point a sword at the heart of
Austria, is not to be forgotten. Without presuming that a print
known to be in the confidence of any distinguished political per-
sonage, will on every occasion express his sentiments, it is only
reasonable to suppose that on cardinal points of policy it will not be
opposed to the views of the person who is known to inspire it. How
the Cabinet of Lord PALMERSTON can be cordially agreed with Austria
on one question, and most hosti!e to it on another•, is not easily
to be understood. Yet we must suppose this double-handed game is
being played, unless we accept what is probably the more rational
supposition, that the hostility affected towards Austria on the Italian
question is merely a trick of bottle•holding to satisfy the Liberal
propagandists in this country. We have some reason to believe that
the French Government regards this ambidextrous dealing with great
dislike, and that explanations have been required concerning it.

Sir ROBERT PEEL seems determined to maintain his character
for indiscretion. It would have been easy for him at his recent after-
dinner display to have given his bearers some account of his expe-
rience at Moscow without, at all events, using any offensive expressions
towards the representative of France. But Sir ROBERT seems to have
been eager to show that the insinuations against our great Ally did not
want for his concurrence. He remarked most invidiously, that Lord
GRANVILLE knew how to maintain the dignity of his country without
descending to those unworthy concessions to Russia which marked
the conduct of the representative of another Power. The allusion
could only he to the Count DE MORNY ; and we imagine it impossible
that this indecent remark front the lips of a member of the British
Government, and from the Secretary to the Special Embassy sent to
grace the coronation of the Emperor ALEXANDER 11., can be suffcred to
pass without a demand for explanation For the very reason of Sir
ROBERT PEEL'S personal insignificance and levity, he may be regarded
as a straw in the air to show the direction of the wind.

The present Viceroy of Ireland continues his career of catering to
the appetites of Roman Catholic place-hunters. Whenever a Roman
Catholic official dies or is promoted, Lord CARLISLE immediately fills
up the place by gazetting to the post another gentleman of the same
persuasion in religion. This week we have to record the nomination
of Colonel KEOGH of Carlow to the Stipendiary Magistracy vacated by
the Honourable MARTIN FhENCH. Like his official predecessor, Colonel
KEOGH is a Roman Catholic. Taking this promotion in connection
with Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL getting the valuable office of his brother-in-
law, and the continuous appointments of Roman Catholics to the
judicial offices in Ireland, we are justified in concluding that the Whig
party has resolved to keep up its old connection with the Roman
Catholic influence. In England the Whigs will, after their old fashion,
excite the prejudices of the Protestant Dissenters, while in Ireland it
would appear that they intend to use Roman Catholic instruments
as means of securing themselves in office. The policy of the Whigs
is therefore laid bare by Lord CARLISLE'S system of patronage, and it
is important that such a peculiar dispensation of the favours of the
Crown should not be overlooked by the Protestants and Conservatives
of the empire. Nor let any one be deceived by the fact that Mr.
BLACKBURNE, an eminent Conservative, has been just chosen for the
Judge of Appeal in Ireland. We had already drawn attention to the
circumstance that out of the twelve judges at Dublin only four have
been chosen from the Conservative Bar. Under such circumstances
we doubt whether the Whigs could have had the audacity to pass over
the matchless claims of Mr. BLACKBURNE for the office of Judge of
Appeal. As ex-Chancellor of Ireland, independently of his unrivalled
legal efficiency, Mr. BLACHBURNE was obviously most suited for the
post: We have not the least desire to oppose the legitimate claims of
qualified Roman Catholics aspiring to political office. We do not
make any charge against any of the gentlemen selected by Lord CAR.

SATURDAY,

LISLE, although some of them, from their rather peculiar antecedents, are
fairly obnoxious to criticism. But we do complain that too much
of the official patronage is given to the Roman Catholics, and that
the claims of Protestants, whether " Conservative " or " Liberal," are
improperly neglected. The magistracy of Ireland, whether stipendiary
or local, ought to be kept from the taint of electioneering bias ; and it
would really seem as if "J. C." of the Reform Club had telegraphic
communication with the particular department of " the Castle "at
Dublin where warrants for the nomination of "J. P's " are issued.
Lord AULGRAVE'S system of appointments was condemned by Parlia-
ment: and the Irish Executive iu the Repeal year of 1843, and subse-
quently, had reason to recollect some strange things which had been
done when Lord MULGRAVE was in Ireland. It were to be wished that
Lord CARLISLE was 111013 cautious, but it shall not be our fault it the
public mind be deceived about the one sided system now prevailing at
Dublin Castle. The public may yet have reason to regret that Lord
CARLISLE had ever been a candidate for the representation of the city
of Dublin ; and we would recommend his Excellency to remember the
Imlay motto of his ducal kinsman, whom he has recently visited at
Lismore Castle, " Tutus cavendo."

Alderman FAREBROTHER is reported to have observed last Monday
at the Guildhall, while investigating a betting case, that " all bettors
" were rogues, and should be sent to the treadmill. I would have all of
" them," added the Alderman, " whipped round the racecourse." On
the value of this aldermanic respectable-indignation suggestion there
may be a difference of opinion, but of the Alderman's logic there can
be none Every one will admit that what is here sauce for the goose is
certainly sauce for the gander, and that the rule which condemns the
many of one class for the villainy of its few, will apply equally to every
other class. Hence, according to Alderman FAREBROTHER, every
member of a profession which numbers in its ranks a leg or
a swindler, should be punished for the sins of his less scrupulous
brethren. Mercantile morality is just now at a discount;
and if the rule were put in force, Alderman FAREROTHER'S
class would suffer severely. Bankers who once claimed a
Strahan, Paul, and Bates, or acknowledged a British and a Tipperary
Bank—merchants who recognised a Davidson and Gordon, or clerks
who envied a Robson, will by this system be classed together under
the speciality of their rogueish brethren. To bring the case more
home to this worthy but suspicious Alderman, we would even say that
all auctioneers should be ranked with that branch of the fraternity
given to mock auctions and terminating its brief existence in the tread-
mill. It is clear Alderman FAREBROTEitIfB experience of life has
eventuated in the commonplace consequence of looking upon every
man as a rogue until you prove him an honest man. No doubt
this contracted view of life results from the nature of that
" skill and enterprise " required to constitute a successful auctioneer.
For a man who has made his money and his way in the world by
auctioneering, or any legitimate mode of taking his neighbour in, to
cry down the good old English sport of horse-racing—and because a
few blackguards infest the ring, to publicly express as a magistrate his
opinion that some of the best and noblest men in Europe should be
sent to the treadmill because they backed their horses, and to utter
as his conviction, that they were all rogues and Vagabonds, and de-
served to he whipped round the racecourse, is slightly inconsistent,
and reminds us rather of the Giant Widenostrils, who, after feeding for
a twelvemonth upon windmills, was choked one summer day by a put
of butter at the mouth of a hot oven. We would recommend the legend
and moral to Alderman FAREBROTHER.

Our Liberal contemporaries have been completely nonplussed by
Mr. LAING'S recent address to his constituents. We can fancy them
sitting upon it—turning it over and over like a set of old gentlemen
handling some newly-discovered specimen of animal or vegetable life,
and perfectly at a loss bow to describe or classify it. They seem,
however, at last to have made up their minds that the thing was dis•
agreeable, and that it was necessary to put it down summarily if they
would retain any degree of composure. The fact is, our contempo-
raries have had to choose between praise of Mr. LAING'S professions of
independence, and censure of his audacity for venturing to speak
truth of rHE PRESS. Hate with many men is stronger than love,
and accordingly they have had no hesitation in sacrificing a testimony
to the truth of their convictions for the pleasure of abusing a political
opponent. People, however, who act in this manner are not unfre-
quently betrayed into inconsistencies which the blindness of passion
conceals from themselves, but which are tolerably conspicuous to the
world at large. Mr. LAING professes to be a gentleman of liberal
opinions, but wedded to no party. Is not this the model politician of
the Liberal press? We had certainly thought so. But when he ven-
tures to give the plainest proof of this independent tone of thought
which a man can give, by acknowledging the merit in a particular case
of those from whom he generally differs, he is held up immediately to
the scorn and derision of the public. The real reason why 11r Luso
has failed in public life—why he started in 1852 full of hope and
vigour on his career of independence, and returns to his constituents
in 1856 simply to tell them he zan do nothing—is not the fanciful one
adopted by the Scotsman that he used up his political dodges
too fast, and is consequently in a state of political blue-devils.
The simple truth is that representative Governmeilt is a machine
which can onl) work well by a certain union and good understanding
among the workmen. In an eight-oared boat, for instance, any ono
rower may think the stroke oar a very bad stroke, but he knows that he
shall not make the boat go by refusing to keep time with him, and
pulling in a style of his own. Just so with the House of Commons.
It may or may not be an institution well adapted to the end for which
it was designed. But no man can hope to do any good there who
refuses to keep himself iu harmony with its requirements. And the

THE PEEL AND NAPIER CORRESPONDENCE.
[The following letters, in continuation of correspondence already published, have
been sent to us. with a request for their insertion, and we comply, though at
some inconvenience, in consequence of the late hour at which they were
received, and certain orthographical impediments which will be discerned by
the reader.

Press Office, Saturday Morning.]
SIR ROBERT PEEL TO SIR CHARLES NAPIER.

Sir,—Having perused your letter in the Times, in reference to my
speech at Stafford, I beg to inform you that it is of no consequence to
you whether I spoke in a Ministerial or a private capacity, and
that your raising such a question is an infernal liberty. What I
said I said, and 1 abide by it, a thing you did not do by your ridi-
culous and bombastic threats made before you set sail with the fleet
for the Baltic.

T adhere to my opinion that if you had known how to make a
stroke, you would have pocketed the Russian fleet, but you do not
seem to understand the common cannon, and it is my believe that any
luck you may have had in earlier life has been a fluke. You talk of
Nelson--he'd have given you what you liked, and beat you with his
one arm.
As for your calling the Grand Duke Constantine a liar, that is lan-
guage that might be expected from the pet of the dirty snobs of a
suburban borough; and, as fur your skulking behind the French
admiral, it is all of a piece with your remarkable prudence.
Hoping to hear no more of you, I am Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Friday, Elcven o'clock.

ROBERT PEEL.