The Express.
London, England, 1852-12-07 00:00:00

CLERICAL, MEDICAL, and GENERAL LIFE
AIPSOTIANCE SOCIETY.
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L')NDON, TUESDAY. DECEMBER 7.

Tor qncetion of national defence assumed yester-
day the shape of supplemental estimates for the year
185.-3 for the Navy and Ordnance.—the two amount-
ing to 20.1.7.34'. AVe arc to have an addition to
the Navy of five thousand seamen and one thou-
sand five hundred marines. The eost of these
for the four months ending on the 31st of
March next is estimated at 113,1001. In
March the House of Commons will of course be
called upon to vote a sum of money for the support
of this additional force, for such further period as
their services may bo deemed necessary. These
preparations being made to meet an alleged need for
an additional protective force, will meet with general
approval. Seamen have ever been the chief defence
of this nation, and their arms have never been used
against those in whose service they were enrolled.
No man doubts that we—wealthy England—must
he kept free from the mere suspicion of danger from
foreign aggression. Indeed, the existence of any
doubt upon the subject of our complete preparation
to guard our homes, embodies a most severe cri-
ticism upon the executive authorities of this
eountry. The cost of our naval and military arma-
ments is about 13,000,0001. a year, and for that
sum we are surely entitled to an efficient
fleet and army. When the invasion alarm
was last year raised. we asked Where
is the Channel fleet? and after public opinion had
unmistakeably backed the inquiry. a portion of the
fleet was brought from Lisbon to Cork. We urged on
that occasion how much more important it was for
our ship. to be in the Channel to preserve our own
shores from the desecration of a foreign hostile
landi•ig. than that they should rest in the Tagus to
uphold the rotten throne of the Bata aNZ as in Por-
tugal. The need for a sufficient naval force in the
Channel is just as urgent as ever—be that need
more or lege—yet now where are our ships of
war? Some at Lisbon, others in the Rest
Indies, others in the Pacific, and a very
large ferce indeed off the shores of Tunis—because the
Bar of that country is just dead. In the Mediter-
ranean it may be desirable to have a good force, bat
the other places where our vessels of war now float
are surely not so important as the neighbourhood of
our own shores. Why keep ships in the Tagus that
ought to Lbe in the Channel, the Thames,
the Solent, the Mersey, and the Humber ?
Why guard Lisbon with many hundred
British guns afloat in charge of many hundred of
our best seamen, when Liverpool is unprotected, and
Hull open to all comers ? The spendthrift borrows
to meet the claims his extravagance has made, in-
stead of retrenching that waste itself; and so too
often with governments, who, rather than cut off a
single sinecure, or admit end correct a single govern-
mental mistake, prefer coming afresh to the people
with new demands for taxes upon industry. Is it
not something easier to the Admiralty to ask for
more ships than to bring home those we'have astray.?
Is the present case, this demand for the navy is
neither unexpected nor altogether unteasonable. In
the estimates prepared by the Whigs before they left
office was a platiseeuring 5,000 sailors as a relieve I
force is csse of need, and the funds for the I
were voted before the change of Ministry tool
The Tories have therefore had cash in hand that min I
voted to give us an extra number of men, although
the men have never yet been entered. Instead of
carting out the scheme left at the Admiralty by
Sir Faucets BAILING, the present Chief Lord of
the Admiralty, the Duke of NOIITHVIIIIERLAND, has
asked fur a permanent force of 3,000 additional
seamen. Nobody will grudge this. The new plan
will make a different item in the national ex-
penditure to that contemplated by the late govern-
ment : but still, if it can be shown that the safety of
our shore requires new form—and if itj can be
proved that the best and wisest use is now made of
the navy we possess—there will certainly be little
objection to an increase of our defensive power afloat,
We always for generations peat have had a good Navy,
and at a time of unparalleled prosperity there is
surely no reason why we should fall back in this
respect. But !the country and the Parliament will
require to know with certainty that the best at.
is made Of the ships and guns we now possess before
unreserved sanction is given to further increase of our
armament. To prove that our prevent navy is in the
beet order must be a difficult task; especially in the
teeth of the many and notorious proofs of Ad-
miralty mismanagement which have lately been
made public, but the nation is entitled to a
clear explanation on this subject. When more
money is given it is at least fair to ask for
a proper expenditure of that previously granted,
and no prudent man will consent to endorse lavish
nes of public resources under the control of men who
cannot give a thoroughly good aceonnt of the mil-
lions a year at present entrusted to them. Let IMF
Butt. know that the Navy is really what it ought 1111
be—and is really used in the way it should be, mai
no government will ever have to grumble at lb
want of liberality. Whether perfect national semis
rity ie more likely to be got by navy and army re-
form or by lavish expenditure remains to be deter-
mined. Pew men will be bold enough to say that
our sailor. are overpaid. Indeed all classes of active
and en:Haile naval men, both seamen and officers,
are very poorly paid. The money is not wasted
upon them—but urn idlers at home, in dock-yard
joy bang, and in using dock-yard influence for politi-
cal end.; in the wante of ships of war, where shires(
war ought not to be, and by disgust inggood officers adi
seamen through mismanagement of the service. Awl
ther whobtale gourmet waste exists in the system al
fitting ships for commission; getting their men into
good order and discipline, and then at the end of
three yenta setting all tho men adrift, and pulling
the ships to pieces to send out others in their stead,
with riay crews to go through the same absurd
system over and over again. If we pay this 113,1001.
for addl. ionsl men for the coming four months, let
tabs sure that between the present day and March
next,—when we shall be asked for at least three times
that amount to pay them for the following year,—we
have from the Admiralty satisfactory proofs of navy
reform, h dh afloat and ashore—in our fleets, in our
dockyard., and at the Admiralty in Pall Mall itself.
In addition to thistxtra Navy Estimate the House
of Commons last evenir.g had before them an addi-
tional Ordnance Estimate, in which means were asked
for securing the services of 2.000 more artillerymen,
and for purchiming a thousand more artillery horses,
a number of heavy guns. and a stock of projectiles.
How many pieces of iron ordnance eon be
got for n. 0061., or what quantity of di adly projectiles
for 40001., we know not, but the artilleryman
are—as we have often shown—wanted to render
our artillery effective. But these two thousand
extra men will be comparatively wasted if Lord
Rains"( doss not put a atop to the stupid old plan
of adding the men in small parties ;to the different

lamented Mend the late Lord George B mtinek—a mina-
derstending which happily wets thoroughly removed before
his lamented death—was the full though very friendly ea- ;
mission of hisopinion thatnethingcould be more injudicious
and nothing could be .0 re impolitic than for his noble
friend to allude in tonne of vituperation to those from •
whom they had been compelled to dissever themselves.
(Cheers.) At the same time, he was not prepared to say
that he might not have taken now the same course that he
did in 1816, if the same events were to come over again,
but he was prepared to say this much, th ir, whatever
might have been the justice or policy of the c curse pursued
in 1846—which, it should be remembered, wasnut I
then introduced upon any abstract principle or de•
fined doctrine, but which arose out of en emergency
in Ireland,—sluts the decision of the e suutsy was
found to he made in favour of the measure, it MU time to
put an end to those useless oppositions which could ce ly
keep up a feeling of continued uncertaiuty, while they
retarded the prosperity of the country. (Cheers.) The
resolution went to that extent in its expression of opinion,
and he could see no just grounds fur their lordships
requiring anything more upon this occasion. A noble earl
opposite had commented upon languroe which hail been
used in the other house. It was certainly not a
convenient practice, but the noble earl hail commented upon
lanstuaite which had been held in the other twine by his
right lion. friend the Chancellor of the Exclirquer, to the
effect that at no time had the protectionist party attempted
to reverse the system of 1816, but that noble earl must have
misunderstood the expression mule use of by his right lion.
friend, for what his right hon. friend did say was simply,tl.at
frusta the repeal of the corn laws in 181 e, down to the gene-
ral election In 1817, and even afterwards, the language which
the protectionist party held was that the qui etion could nut
be settled until the country pronounced a definitive opinion
1.11.0111 it at a general election, which should be ezpressly
taken to decide its merit,. (Hear, hear.) Well, so meet
for this; but this more he coithl bey, that he had not altered
the views which he entertained of that policy, nor did he
regret the course which had been taken, fur he stated in
the early part of the last session that unless there was not
only a declared majority. but an over vlielnaing majority on
the part of the country in favour of a return to a protective
system, so strung did he feel the inconvenience of the con-
tinued agitation of the question, that he had determined to
advise a continuance of our present commercial policy. (Hear,
hear.) All that their lordships could possibly desire was to
pronounce in favour of that policy; and, for his own part, lie
need scarcely say that ho medians concurrred in the motion
made by the noble marquis. Ile concurred in it without
the slightest reservation, and he billeted it could be con•
curred in by the great maturity of his friends and sup-
porters; but, at the same tinte, he was quite ready to de-
clare thet, it worils could be found to make the future more
clear and decided, he would unhesitatingly adopt them.
(Hear, hear.) Ile was, however, convinced that
no such words could be introduced into the re
solution ; and he therefore hoped their lordships
would, resting satisfied with the restluti in no it
stood, refuse to sanction an amen linens which could
only be Helsel upon as a medium for censuring
opinions that some noble lords had conscientiously enter-
tinned in bygone times. (Chit re.)
The Marques of LAN:ti)OWNE had hut a very few
words to address to then hielshies before the res ilution
was put. tie was ready to comities that he had been a party
to the agreement which was made by the noble marquis n. ar
him, and he tette inly undersmod that for the sake of recei v in
unanimity, the resclution proposed by the noble earl at the
head of the government was to be adopted, but, of course,
that understanding could not possibly be binding upon
noble lords who were not present when the agreement woe
made. (Hear, hear.) Ile did not find fault with his noble
friend, the noble bar a who had moved the amendment,
for having done so, but under the circumstances which he
had just mentioned, if the question came to a divi-
sion he should abstain from voting for it. (Hear, liter.)
It was in accordance with and breathed the spirit of
a protest which one of their own body had placed
on the records of the house, and which first gave
utterance in parliament to those maxims which had since
proved so favourable to the people ut this country. The
amendment only carried out the priuciple laid down in that
protest; and although it was not is the power of maim-
ment to reverse the policy which had since been haled
upon these principles, he should still have been rejoiced to
sec this amendment a booted. (Hear, h-ar.) He need
scarcely add that be cordially coincided in it, more espe.
cially after what hail transpired within the List few days as
to the proposed financial changes. It became of the
utmost importance that both they su well as the
other house should pronounce a decided opinion
as to the evils of financial changes. The e iuntry was sated
to be in a moat healthy and proeproous condition, and it
' was perfectly ridiculous to supp se that we could inetrfere
with our finances without riehing their stability.
(Cherie.) Changes lied been propased in the other house
as a ''sufficient convene:dims" to certain uoprotected
classes who were supposed to be suffering from
the effects of unrestricted competition, and th se
changes were spoken of by the government as being
expedient and necessary, but he really did trust
that, upon consideration, both the government and
the other house of parliament would take lime to deli-
berate before they beauty adopted changes the effect of
which couldonly be to transfer Worthen, from one class to
another. (Cheers.) There WWI one other point which
he must touch upon, and then he should have done.
The noble lord at the bead of the government had
talked repeatedly about the discoveries of gold, but he
fur one must take leave to dissent from the doctrine that
those discoveries hail anything to do with the prevent ques-
tion. His noble friend (Lord Beaumont) to a certain degree
subscribed to that doctrine, but it was one to which he
(Lord Lansdowne) must rec.ed his entire dissent. lie be-
lieved that whatever permanent accession of inset a nature
was made to the country in general, it did net alter in the
least the permanent relations be:twist' consumer and pro-
ducer, aad that there was ;to more produced of any article
in consequence of a great accession of gold than there would
be peoduced is consequence of a great accession of popsy.
If the Bank of England issued paper to-morrow, at it
might do if permitted by parliament, it would nut make
the slightest diaeresis in tae relations between the amount
of *wield:Anal produce, or of any other produce, and eon-
susaption. ids was sure the noble earl would on refieetien
admit that fact, for, if his argument was carried out, it
would ()Bow that if a diminution of the supply of gold was
to take place parliament would be compelled to altar the
corn laws again. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of DEBBY explained what be said and what
be still maintained was this—that the condition of the
working classes had been benefited by all them three causes
together, and not by any one of them alone.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed that the noble
earl had mentioned the rate of wages as the first thing to
be affected, but he believed it would be found that it was
the last in the circumstances to be considered in the

question.
Lord RADNOR suggested that the house was In a di®-
' culty between the amendment and resolution, and was un-
derstood to propose, as • means of getting oat of it, that
the debate should be adjourned.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said he had no objec-
tion to offer to the adjournment of the debate, as he found
that in endeavouring to secure unanimity he had only pro-
duced the greatest amount of discord among their lordships.
("Hear," and a laugh.) If both propositions were with-
drown, it would appear to the public that their lordships,
having bed that question before them, had adopted neither
one view of it nor the other. He had some fault to find
with the noble earl opposite, because he thought he had
given no reason for not taking a vote on the resolution
before the house.
'fho Earl of DERBY said he would support the noble
lord against any amendment, if the motion for the adjourn-
ment was not agreed to.
The Earl of HARROWDY was opposed to any imitation
of the House of Commons in assigning reasons for the row
lution they had adopted. The objection to such a course
was that by assigning no other to own, the house in effect
declared they saw no other reason for opposing the
recent policy than the inexpediency of frequent change. It
would be beat to leave out that portion of the resolution,
and make it merely amrmatory. He should propose,
therefore, that they should leave out all the preamble, and
simply declare their adhesion to the recent commercial
policy, and that they would do nothing to impede ite opera-
tions or hinder its progress. He doubted if the noble lord,
or any noble lord in the house, would assign the prosperity
of the country to any one cause, be it free trade or not.
Lord STRANOFORD, after listening to so much and
understanding so little—(a laugh)—only roes to express his
deep regret that the noble lord the member fur Tiverton
(Lord Palmerston) was not • member of their lordships
house. There would then be some chance of coming to •
conclusion. (Laughter.)
The Duke of NEWCASTLE expressed his concurrence
in the view taken by his noble friend (the Earl of Aber-
deen), and in the opinion which he expressed as to the
absolute inutility of the present or any other resolution.
Under these circumstances, he rose to impress on the noble
marquis (Clanricirdel that it would be very desirable for
him to accept the proposal just made by the noble earl—
(" Hear" from the Earl of Derby)—end thus put an end to
the discussion, by the omiii.ion iu the motion of the coin-
mencing words, of which act many noble lord'. disapproved.
(ll.ur, hear.) He thought that they would b. acting more
wisely and prudently as regards their own credit and the
object they all protessed to have at heart, if they contint d
themselves to the practical part of the restitution, emit.
tint all tl e preamble. If he were to understand from
the cheer of the noble earl opposite that this arrange.
meat met with his approval—(the Earl of Derby here said
he had no objection to it)--and if the noble marquis (Clan-
ricarde) would &ilia assent to it, he should not think it right
to trespass on the attention of the house.
Lord BEAU moNT, in relerence to what had fallen from
Lord Btrangfurd. said they did not want the noble lord,
the member for Tiverton, in that house, because his genius
was present there, for the noble lord on the crass beaches
hail proposed an amendment which appeared to be approve
of by all parties. (Laughter.) Ho expressed his willing-
I ness to withdraw his own amendment.

71.0 M ,rquis of CLANItICARDE consented to the alte-
ration of the resolution as proposed by the Earl of Ear-
rowby.
The Earl of DERBY, in expressing his concurrence in
this arrangement, observed that it Wit a curious coincidence
that in both heti,* the ditf•rent parties had been brought
more in harmony by a resolution interposed. (Laughter.)
The resolution, as altered by the Earl of II arrowby, was
then agreed to in the following terms :
.. That this house sulhieoi to the commercial system
I recently established, and wattlrl view with re,t7et any re-
. n.w.-0 attempt to disturb its operation, or impede its future
Om& _ _

riu Marquis of CLANRICARDE desired that it should
be entered ou the journals that the resolution was passed
nern. dis. (" 11, sr," and laughter.)
Lurd STANLEY of ALDERLEY, pursuant to notice.
inquired of the government whether than was any oboe-

tion to lay before parliament a copy of the protocol signed
by England and the four great European powers Ripest.
ing the canton of Neufchatel; and also of the .!..nee,,,,„
between Englnd, Ruud', France, Bavaria, -,iol Gre. eo,
fur the settlement of the soccemian of the throne of
Greece; and to ask a question respecting •4 report that
there had been some recent changes in the political •,.a-
Lions of the territory of Montenegro ?
The Earl of MALMESBURY—My lords, with res•eet
to the first question put to me by the noble baron,
only make to him the same reply that I did last se a.
Negoticints have not been pv.ceeded with sul,req-
to that period, and the protocols to which he al. aes
hive not been prepared to be laid upon the table
your lorusliips' house ; but they give her Majesty's whi-
ttlers the power of ehoot,ing their ttwn time to begin
these negotiations. The present does not appear to her
Majesty's government to be a proper time fur entering
into these negotiations, sad the .the. parties who have
signed the protocols are of the same opinion as her
Majesty's government upon that point. With respect to
the treaty relating to the Greek succession w'sich has just
beim signed between the t,ur powers, it will he in your
lordships' recollection that when the independence of
Greece was accomplished, it w considered an object of
great importance that the dyna..•.; should be seminal to
that people, and that the sue:wenn of that dynasty in a
regular line should be gu seantre,l by the contracting posers
of Massie, France, and Feq;.atit' After the dynasty
been secured, mid Greek cede. .”desee mad, sate, the
Greeks themselves framed a eunidt lion, sad the articles
in that cow titu'.ion declared tout t o ratite king of Graves
should be of any religion bat the t' reek fai:A. It is known
• your lordships that the presoat %ins of re •-• s • • .44
up it an he, childhood in the ' letar • • 01... :a 0
con‘no, hen of who it is, that that v ..It •
tare it. It 11.110 dg '• r • tees
shout l emend an tar as th- rl w •
Greek people were club.' al 0 • • • ,

the three powers should • et, . at
• the future King of ilrece:Oeisle! ' their er 1•101,
well as the dynaety which had hwfed o t e en !.
nation iu 18SY. It be rme nee •saaree taerefore.
jeisli this end, and t. review the treaty uf IF 2 f e
purpose of rendering it iewe in accordance with the stn
article el the conatitet:oe. Yu Majesty's goverment
thereupon invited the C r af Russia and Fritioce to
join them in the cedeavir t amplisb that ohsect, u.:the three courts together h the treat, .to
signed the convention a..cordo h at I believe',
are
in order when 1 say that 3 rot the 'who
to :lay such treaties upon the tab'e • ,o , •
retificetion hos taken place. The le o o • u.. ion-- ,f
which the noble baron II so given me net: : ybr '
change has been effected in the state of the p :c • 1
oh the wild country situate d un the borders
aid called Montenegro. I believe that since Li r t
present governiu, sat hues come into office their lee Leer •
change whatever in the state of these relations. Ihe ibis:
of Out country bears a double title. Ile is t'. heed of tee
Greek church in his own country, and he is also the
temprral sovereign of that country. But, sa hi id of the
Greek church so he own country, be is under the juri,.:ie.
tiou of the Emperor of Russia, sore,, pour jeoloop„
is :naked upon as the head of the whole Gook emelt.
'the chief of Monteueero hae, therefere, been, as ! I. an-
cestors have been Lon, him, to the court of lit. Veto,
burgh, to receive the eanctiou of the Emperor to his
episcopal jurisdiction and titles at Miletem gro. Wok
respect to the indepenele rice of that country, what. err may
I be the opinion of did' rent persons upon that qui,tios, it
seem. to be a quk stool rather for antiquaries than fur
cabinets to settle. Bat the practical fact i., Viet it has
been an indeeendent country fur something like Vel years
—and although various attempts have been wale by the
Porte upon its independence, they trove only lost large
armies in the effort to subjugate it, sod he believed that,
in ita present practical position, it remained, as far as
possible, the same now that it was 200 years ago. Having
thus answered the question of the mole baron, it now be-
comes my duty to announce to your oraships ea
event which you must all have long since ex-
pected ; but which is not diminished in importance by
the circumstance that it has been so long expected sod
foreseen. I allude to a notification which has been m
to her Majesty's government be the Secretary of State for
Foreign Adair- at Para, announcing that the }:such people
have determined to change the cionstitution of their govern-
in •nt from a republic to an empire, and to steel. to the
person of the Prince President of the Republic the impe-
rial dignity of Emperor. That notification was merle tome
on Thum:lay lest, and having been communicated by me to
her Mejoety'r, pet rument, her Majoity's eerveute have
th mem, it right, a ithout furtieer delay or hoitalun, to
ads Ise her Majesty cordially to accept soul recognise the
new constitution eeleeted by the French. people fur their
owu government. My lords, it has been, as your lordships
know, our usual policy for the last 22 years—nide& I see
sines the revolution of 1830 in Paris—to iecknowlolee
the constitutional doctrine that a people hose a right
teethes' their own sovereign without the int erferenee of any
foreign power; and the sovereign having been freely
chosen by them, that that sovereign or ruler, or by what-
ever name he may be called, being rie facto ruler of his
country, ehould be recognised by the sovereign of this.
l'hete might have been oar, and one only, reason that
might have tempted us to hesitate before we advised her
Majesty so to proceed ; but I rejoice to say that the g rote
sense of the present Emperor, foreseeing the difficulty, met
it in advance, and removed from her MAjesty's wiv,ruinent
those difficulties that might otherwise have intervened. I
allude to • somewhat ambiguous expression which was
found in the report of the Senates Censultum, which re-
ferred to the late President of the Republic, and which
was conseeted with the title he meant to tem.
—that of Napole..n 111. That expression might
have induced her Majesty's government, anti would
naturally have induced any one, to .oppose
that the interpretation to be given to it would hive
teen that of common parlance when it designates Part
rdgns—that it gave the bearer of the title au hereditery
• retrospective right to the throne, end that he was deeeneled
in • straight and legitimate lice, and by right hot ti ow
ascended the throne of France. My lord-, the aelvisen of
the:preeent Emperor of time French, foreseeing thi. diffi-
culty, frankly took the initiative, in assuring her Majesty's
government that it related simply to the historicel in.ident
that in France, :and according to French law, two tete-
reigns of the name of Beureparte only had preceded the
present Emperor. Neither of them, a. your lordships know,
were recognised by this country, and the French knew
that as well as your lordships--and they therefore adopted
the title with no iutention of claiming any heredituy right
from the first Emperor. They have distinctly intimated
that, both to her Majesty's government, and since in 'speech
by the Emperor himself ; he has declared, and his govern-
ment have also declared it to ours, that he is sovereign
only by the voice of the people, not by hereditary right to
the throne—that he distinctly recognises all the govern-
ments that have existed since 1814 in France—that he
recugnisei the act. of thou government., and ac-
knowledges the solidarity of those governments in
succeeding others. With this satisfactory and frank
explanation, it was only left to her Otej.ety's
government, as I said before, cordially and with
pleasure to acknowledge the decided will of the French na-
tion ; and to send to her Majesty's ambaunilor at Paris
new credentials for the new court. In the notifies ein
which the Empetor has made to her Majesty's geventini•nt,
he says that the same policy which influenced the Pre,i-
dent will influence the Emperor. And with respect to that
policy, as regards England, it is impossible to speak too
highly of the cordial and frank manner in which every
question has been entertained by the government of Francs
—at least since I have had the honour of holding the seals
of Also. (Hear, hear.) 1 have no doubt my noble friend
opposite will say the same thing at the time be tilled my
place. I have found nettling but farness and lair play—
in all these transactions—nothing but assurances of good
will and wishes to maintain an unbroken friendship with
this country. I believe the Emperor himself, and the great
mass of his people, deeply feel the neceseity, for the inte-
rests of both countries, that we should be on a fo dear/ of
profound peace. And, on the other hand, they tie the
great folly and crime which it would he on either side to
provoke a war. They must know that a war, us tar in it
would lead to the subjugation of either country by the
other, is an absurdity—that neither country, so great,
powerful, and independent, could in any manner subjugate
the other • and therefore war must be as useless, as cruel,
and ulnrilori .as, as absurd. (Hear, hear.)
Viscount CANNING, after making some observations,
which were not heard in the gallery, said he would take
the liberty of asking the noble earl to complete his statement
as regarded the form and shape in which the awurances
which be had referred to load been placed in his hands,
and he also wished to know whether the noble earl would,
either now, or at any future, hut not very distant, time, lay
them before parliament and the country ? (War. bear.)
'the Earl of MALNIESItt'ItY did not uniervtand his
noble friend on two points. Ile appeared tint to ilisapprovo
of something which he (the Earl oh Mnlmesbsry) hat
state 3

Viscount CANNING said it was • feeling which he had
over and over again repeated and constantly miintained in
that and the other house of virliament, and it was simiily
this, that in the kinglisli parliament, whtneser toreign
matters were brought under discus,ion, it was advisable—
and, above all, in the cue of • minister of the crown—to
abstain from anything approaching to comment on the
conduct of a neighboaring country, whether it were the
people or the ruing authority. Chen us to the other
point, communications betiTeeit friendly mates msunted
diff rent forms; sometimes they were in the torn of •
dispatch from the ambassador, an I sometimes in the form
of a note from the minister of the country. Ile wished to
know in which of these berms or, if in either furor, what
form, tht se assurances had been received 2

The Earl of MALNIESDIJRY perfectly agreed Is to
what the noble lord said with refcrenee to comments, if
they were disagrecalee or unfriendly. In that case he
should be the last man to have made them. Ile was not in
the habit of expressing his feelings very often to their lord-
ship., and he might not have made himself clearly ueiler-
stood. Ile rose with the most earnest wish to say for
France and the French all that France and the French
would say for themselves. Ile dill not, therefore, under-
stand why his noble friend found faultwith his com-
ments. The diplomatic nature of the columnar,. violet
which hail been made were perfectly odici d,
BD l therefore satisfactory to the goveniment. They
oould not be more satisfactory to him th
when made by the French limbos...ado,. vi chatty, .nd in
words repeated by the Emperor hima9 in his •pceclk
to his Chambers. lie thought that WAS satisfactory
enough.
.

The Earl of BREADALLIANE hoped the changes which
had taken place in Franca would bo attendel with the hest
results.

BANK NOTES BILL.
On the motion of the Earl of Duke v, this bill wu read
• second time.
Their lordships then adjourned at • quarter-past 9 o'clock.