The Press.
London, England, 1857-03-14 00:00:00

MR. ROBERT LOWE AT KIDDER-
MINSTER.

A SPEECH from Mr. ROBERT LOWE might not be
entitled to much attention on account of the
Right Honourable Gentleman himself. But
Mr. ROBERT LOWE is Vice President of the
Board of Trade, and in that capacity his re-
marks assume an official consequence.
The country bad now (said Mr. Lowe at Kidderminster)
another opportunity of returning to the House of Commons
another body of members pledged to progress, not selected
by the mere electioneering cries of the suffrage, the ballot, or
any other cry.
This is certainly rather cool and confident
from Mr. ROBERT LOWE. The great Mr. Lofty
himself could not speak in inure dictatorial
strains. It may be a too little " fast" for some
of the old-fashioned Liberals. According to
the Vice-President of the Board of Trade
" ballot" and " extension of the suffrage" are
mere " cries," and what the counxy wants is
" members pledged to progress." Some people
will ask, " What is progress?" and others
might reply that it means " Robert Loweism
"reduced to system." Mr. LOWE has been for
only five years in the House of Commons, and
he contrived to become Vice-President of the
Board of Trade and a Privy Councillor.
A few more remarks from Mr. ROBERT LONE
in the style of the close of his late speech in
the Chinese discussion would soon settle his
pretensions to become a Parliamentary
speaker, and check his " progress" in public
life.

Mr. Lowe, however, elucidated his views
still further :

The country wanted men wh) would work on steadily
and industriously in the drudgery of Legislation, which
depended on hard work to bring about the changes that
were not to be effected by the utterance of a few cabalistic
words.

We know what this sort of language means.
It is the cant of red-tapism, and is meant as a
sidelong panegyric on gentlemen of the class
of Mr. JAMES Witsoit and Mr. LOWE himself.
We do not doubt the capacity for " drudgery"
of several of the Ministerial subordinates ;
but something more than " drudgery" is
required to make a railway or to build a
bridge. Clerks cannot do the work of engi-
neers, nor red-tapists become politicians.
Besides, we may ask, Where is the " drudgery"
and " hard work" for which Mr. LOWE takes
credit? Surely, in his attempt at shining as a
commercial legislator, there was ro very "hard
work" in adopting the hints of Mr. CAIRNS,
the able and accomplished Member for Bel-
fast.

THE PRESS.

Vrotccbiits iii Varliantott.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAT.

DIVORCE AND TESTAMENTARY JURISDICTION BILLS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR, in reply to Lord Lyndhurst
as to what course be meant to pursue with respect to
the Divorce and Testamentary Jurisdiction Bills,
said that it was not the intention of the Go-
vernment to proceed further with either of these
bills during the present session ; but they would be
reintroduced, with some alterations, at the very
earliest period after the reassembling of Parliament.

THE OPIUM TRADE.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, in moving a question
to be referred to the consideration of the judges, as
to whether the revenne at present derived by the
East India Company from the opium trade with
China was in legal accordance with an act passed in
the 3rd end 4th years of the reign of his late Majesty
William IV., said his first object was to ascertain
whether or not the trade was one recognised by our
laws, and then to proceed, with the assistance of
their lordships, to devise some means for its total
abolition. He believed it was illegal, not only as
inconsistent with the spirit of our laws, but in direct
contravention to many of them. He had been taunted
with having brought the subject before the notice of
their lordships in order to embarrass the Govern.
ment and take advantage of the present state of feel-
ing among parties with regard to the affairs of China.
But he denied that imputation on the honour of a
gentleman. His simple object was to obtain an
answer to his question. If the judges declared the
trade illegal, then it was for the Government to put
an end to it at once and for ever. If, on the contrary,
they declared it legal, he would then start from a
new point, and appeal to the moral feelings of the
people of this country to put en end to a traffic
which had nothing to support it either in a commer-
cial or a financial point of view.
The LORD CHANCELLOR submitted that Lord Shaftes-
bury's question was one which from its peculiar
nature could not fairly be referred to the consideration
of the judges, who would in that case be called upon
to try the whole Government of India unheard, and,
if the trade was thought to be illegal, to condemn
them and leave them open at a day's notice to the
penalties of indictments for having systematically
violated the laws of the realm. It was impossible to
ask the Government to take such a course, and that,
too, upon entirely ex parte statements. The question
as to the legality of the trade, however, might be sub-
mitted privately for the opinion of the law officers of
the Crown.

The Earl of SRIFTESBURY had no wish to expose
any parties to the penalties of indictments, and be
was willing to withdraw his motion, on the under-
standing that his question as to the legality of the
traffic was so submitted to the judges.
Earl GREY thought that Lord Shaftesbury had
exercised a wise discretion in withdrawing his motion,
though he attached no value to the opinion of the
law officers of the Crown based upon the legal tech-
nicalities of an Act of Parliament, as he believed the
question of the legality of the traffic should be tried
by far higher considerations. lie bad hoped that
this motion would have included a question as to
whether the Government had ever directly or indirectly
connived at the practice of smuggling opium into
China, for that was the main point at issue. The
Treasurer of Hong Kong had stated that the passing
of the recent Colonial Ordinance had been of great
advantage to the colony, because it had increased the
coasting trade in that colony in cotton, opium, and
other products

He could not help thinking that that observation was
pregnant with significance. He had always been under
the impression that it was the manifest duty of the colonial
authorities there, under the treaty, strictly to abstain from
anything calculated to violate that treaty by encouraging
the smuggling trade to which allusion had been made. It
that was a correct impression, he entirely concurred with
his noble friend in the opinion that nothing could justify
that smuggling trade. Our obligations under that treaty
were clear and positive; and, when we were visiting the
Chinese with punishment fur what was a doubtful infrac•
tion of that treaty on their part, how should we stand if it
turned out to be a fact that, while we were doing that, we
ourselves, on a point of vital importance, and one in which
the Chinese themselves took the deepest interest, hail by
means of our local authorities deliberately violated the
terms and the spirit of the treaty ? (Cheers.)
The noble earl then referred to the announcement
that a plenipotentiary was to be sent forthwith to
China:—

That announcement was a somewhat tardy one, and it
had the appearance of having been extorted from the
Government. as if those who had supported them during
the recent discussions had intimated that they were not
prepared to support them in retaining Sir J. l3owring in
the inana2:ement of British affairs at Canton. But tardy
as it was he ( Earl Grey) hailed the announcement with
great satisfaction, and he trusted that the name of the
person to be selected would meet with the general appro.
nation of the country and command the confidence both of
their lordships and of the other Rouse of Parliament. He

SATURDAY,

trusted also such person would be sent out with the view
to ascertain, not only upon the matters now in dispute, but
also upon all other questions, what were the best means of
establishing peaceful relations with the Chinese. (Cheers.)
Ho remained of the opinion which he had already ex-
pressed, that our proceedings at Canton had been utterly
inconsistent with every principle of justice and humanity.
(Cheers.) But assuming the very reverse—assuming those
proceedings had been as right as he believed them to have
been wrong, and that the Government could justify every
step they had taken—still he said the occurrence of this
Chinese war was a fearful calamity to this country and to
the world; and their lordships ought to be most anxious
to put an end to it. (Cheers.) He maintained, then,
that the negotiator sent oat to China, whoever he might
be, should receive instructions drawn up in no vindictive
spirit, but of such a nature as should lead him to make
peace at the earliest moment consistent with the substan-
tial interests of this country.
Earl GRANVILLE denied most distinctly that there
was any ground for supposing that the smuggling of
opium into China was encouraged or connived at by
the colonial authorities. It was the intention of the
Government to despatch an envoy to Canton in
order to place our relations with the Chinese empire
on a satisfactory basis, having at the same time due
regard to the real interests of this kingdom. _ _

The Earl of DERBY said the Government had
come to a private understanding with the noble earl
whose motion was before the house to put certain
questions to the judges. He hoped 63 house would
not he considered bound by the decision.
The motion was ultimately withdrawn upon the
understanding that the question should be submitted
to her Majesty's law officers, though their lordships
should not in any way be bound by that decision.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY.
INCOME-TAX BILL.

The CPANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the
second reading of this bill.

Mr. DISRAELI said :

I had intended to offer a proposal to the house with re-
spect to this bill, but it appears from what I have read in
the accredited organs that we are now at war with China.
At least, I suppose no one will deny that such is the case,
since we are told that a force of 7,000 strong is to be sent
there; and I think, therefore, we had better make up our
minds at once to our true position, and cease to indulge
in those dreams of economy and administrative improve.
ment which I had hoped might have been realised this
year. ( Hear, hear.) That hope has now passed away,
and I do not feel justified in opposing the measure now
before the house, as I think it is absolutely necessary that
the Ministers of the Crown, to whatever party they may
belong, should have sufficient supplies for carrying on the
struggle in which we are now unhappily engaged. (Hear.)
There is also another reason why I should have felt some
difficulty in proposing to the house that modilication of the
present rates of income tax which I had contemplated.
The house, very unfortunately, as I think, agreed the
other night to an increase of indirect taxation, and in the
face of such an increase I should be very sorry to urge a
diminution of direct taxation. That, however, is a con-
sideration of secondary importance in comparison with
the state of our external relations. (Hear, hear.) The
policy pursued towards China has, as I feared it would,
involved this country in a war which may be of some
length, and which must be necessarily attended with con-
siderable expense. I hope that our constituents, who are
continually pressing upon us for a reduction of taxation,
will carefully consider how far the amount of our taxation
must depend upon the system which we adopt in the
management of our external affairs. (Hear, hear.)
We have been at war with Persia without the knowledge
of Parliament, and we have recently had the satisfaction
of being informed that peace has been concluded. So far
as we can obtain any information upon the subject, these
appear to be the facts of the case. The war with
Persia was occasioned by a cause which was really too
contemptible and shameful to be mentioned. (Hear,
hear.) Either thaticause was the true cause, or it was not;
if it were the genuine cause, the house can at once draw
the inevitable inference ; if it were not, then it was a part
of that system which in every quarter of the world appears
determined to distract this country front its domestic
arrangements by a turbulent and aggressive diplomacy.
( Hear, hear.) Admitting that the shameful cause as-
signed was really a pretext, and that it was not the abso-
lute reason for hostilities, what occurred? In consequence
of the war breaking out negotiations, as I am informed,
took place between the British and Persian ambassadors
at Constantinople, and certain terms were offered there
which we refused. (Hear, hear.) This refusal having
put an end to the negotiations, these transactions in good
time—Parliament being assembled—are brought under our
notice ; and the feeling of Parliament with respect to the
Persian war, commenced without our knowledge, being
evinced in a manner not to be mistaken, fresh nego-
tiations then occur. These negotiations are successful,
but by what means, and in what manner? By our accept-
ing at Paris the terms which we had rejected at Constanti-
nople. (Hear.) IVhat I want the country to consider is
how much the rejection of these reasonable terms at Con-
stantinople has cost us,—how much this quarrel with
Persia has cost. ( Hear, hear.) If we take this quarrel
with Persia at 500,0001.—end from what I have heard we
can scarcely take it at less—and if we have half-a•dozen
of these difficulties every year, anti average them at
500,0001. each, how is the remaining 7tl. of the In-
come tax ever to be taken off? Four difficulties at
'mita-million each make up 2d. in the pound of the
income tax, and not only will the tax remain at 71. but we
shall probably have the popular Pd. reintroduced to our
notice in a very abort time.

IVi4nta 14, 1857.

After the Persian difficulty we have the China difficulty,
which may cost us no one kaows how much, perhaps Id.
in the pound of the interne tax indeed, if we get out of
it for a million we may think ourselves very lucky.
As we are going to the hustings, where we shall
lie asked to review expenditure and to reduce the burdens
of taxation—when we find our constituents complaining
of the increased duties upon tea and sugar, and desire to
explain bow it happens that the income tax, which was to
have expired in 180, appears likely to affect them for a
longer period—let us ask them quietly to consider, before
they complain of these burdens, whether they have sanc-
tioned the turbulent and aggressive system of diplomacy
which has drawn us into these quarrels, and which really
is the cause of our not being able to reduce the income
tax in the present instance, and of our not being able to
afford that still more ample relief which the country ex-
pects. (Hear, hear.)
But, however we may disapprove of the policy, however
me may lament the expenditure which it entails, we have
A clear duty to perform. We have to support the Govern
went, of whatever elements it may be formed, which has
plunged the country into a difficulty of this kind. (Hear,
hear.) We are now at war with China, and, however we
may lament the penny which has occasioned that war, we
must pursue it until an opening is afforded of bringing
these calamitous proceedings to a close more consonant
with those principles which we have endeavoured to vindi-
cate in the course of the late debate. Under these cir-
cumstances I no longer feel justified in opposing this bill,
nor, indeed, in supporting any motion which can have the
effect of reducing the resources which are at the disposal
of the Government.

lament the necessity of the course Which I have to
pursue, and I indulge in the hope that the feeling of the
country will at last force the Government to pursue a
policy more conciliatory to foreign countries than that
which it appears to me to adopt on every occasion—a
policy which, while it maintains the honour, the dignity,
and the true interests of the country, at the same time is
not calculated to outrage the feelings of every foreign
State which is brought into connection with us. Then we
may look for economy, for reduction of expenditure, and
for reduction of taxation ; but until a policy of that kind is
adopted and sanctioned by this house and the country, I
sun convinced that the expenditure of the country will in•
crease, and its burdens also will increase in proportion.
Cheers. )

Lord PALMERSTON, on the plea of friendly relations
existing with all the great States of the world,
vindicated the foreign policy of the Government from
the charge of being " turbulent and aggressive," and
anticipated that public opinion would express its
approval of that policy.
Mr. GLADSTONE, considering that Lord Palraers-
sten had challenged th 3 approbation of the house of
the foreign policy of the Government, by way of pro-
test briefly reviewed that policy as respected Persia,
Naples (where, he thought, we had done either too
much or too little), China, and America, pointing out
the undignified and inconsistent course the Govern-
ment had in each case followed. It was his
opinion that a very material connection existed be-
tween the foreign policy of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, and the excessive taxation and high expendi-
ture of the country.
• Mr. V. Smrru defended the course taken by the
Government in the Persian dispute.
Lord J. RUSSELL observed that the result of our
proceedings et Naples had shown the inconvenience
of the course which the Government had pursued.
The discussion was continued by Mr. Newdegate,
Mr. Milnes, Mr. White- ide, and Sir F. Kelly, when
the bill was ultimately read a second time.
The house at length resolved itself into a com-
mittee of supply on the navy estimates, when
Sir C. Woon said, as he proposed to take votes on
account, he did not think it necessary to go at length
into the different items ; he gave, therefore, only one
explanation of the reasons why he had been unable
to make a reduction of the number of men to the
extent he had expected. He should move a vote for
the number of men (38,700 seamen and 15,000
marines) for four months only, and the money votes
he should ask were one-third of the estimates,
amounting in the aggregate to 2,700,000/.
The several votes were ultimately agreed to.