The Press.
London, England, 1858-12-11 00:00:00

THE AGRICULTURAL CONSTITUENCIES

•

law unions and in our municipal governments, with some
needless restrictions with regard to the municipal frail.
chide which I would not introduce into our parliamentary
franchise. The more public opinion is freely and honestly
rapressed, the more distinctly will a Government engaged
in preparing a Reform Bill be able to discover which is
the point likely to be most satisfactory to the public. I
consider these differences of opinion on the suffrage as of
trifling importance when compared with the question of
the distribution of seats and members. This is the vital
point in the coming bill, and unless it be well watched, you
may get any amount of suffrage, and yet find after all that
you have lost the substance and are playing merely with
the shadow of popular representation.—l am, very truly
yours, JOHN BRIGHT.
Mr. James Robertson.

AND REFORM.
Ma. W. MILES, M.P, one of the members for the
eastern division of the county of Somerset, at a dinner
of the Bruton Agricultural Society, made some
observations on the coming Reform Bill, especially
referring to the agricultural constituencies. He said
he was against the ballot and against universal
suffrage. But the question was, if the people bad
become ripe for the suffrage, might it not be bestowed
upon those who did not at present possess it ?
Doubtless many of them had read a speech that had
been much spoken of which was recently delivered
by his hon. friend Mr. Newdegate. It showed the
way in which the seats in Parliament were distri-
buted, how the manufacturing and commercial
classes were represented, and also how the agricul-
tural classes were represented. To those who had
taken the trouble to read that speech it must be
apparent that the agricultural members were in a
very small minority, while at the same time they
represented much larger constituencies and a much
greater amount of population than the members for
other classes. If this were the case, there could be
no doubt whatever that in any redistribution of the
constituencies—and there must be such a redistri-
bution in a Reform Bill—the claims of those who
had the least representation must be taken into
account, and the number of representatives of the
agricultural interest must be increased. Now, Mr.
Bright wished it to be quite another way; be wished
for 101. voters, or even lower than that, to have the
election of the members ; but if this were allowed the
agriculturists instead of gaining would lose. If they
now, in this free country, enjoyed the privileges of
Englishmen, they would then stand a chance of
losing those privileges in the most complete way
imaginable, for the towns would return nearly all the
members, and the agricultural interest would be in
so small a minority that it would be very inadequately
represented. He hoped, therefore, that the electors
would see that the constituencies should be so
amended, and the members so elected, that, what-
ever Reform Bill was passed, the agriculturists
should not lose by it. They ought to gain a greet
deal more. At the same time he thought that the
small minor towns ought not to return one or two
members while places of much greater population
and influence returned none; and he also believed
that no measure would be acceptable to the country
which, while it redistributed the representation,
did not also extend the franchise. He might also
observe that he felt confident Lord Derby would
never bring forward a measure on this subject which
was not strictly Conservative. Conservatism did
not consist in keeping things exactly as they were;
but it was a movement in accordance with the
times, in which care was taken that while the insti-
tutions of the country were preserved, they were also
improved and strengthened.

THE RIGHT HON. MILNER GIBSON, ➢i.P.,

ON REFORM.
MR. MILNER GIBBON made a speech at Ashton on
Tuesday, in which he thus touched on the question
of Reform :—There was a question now occupying
public attention, upon which he supposed it was be-
coming for him to say something, though he did not
know much, because he had not seen any of the
plans likely to be proposed to Parliament in refe-
rence to reforming the representation. He saw that
a gentleman was charged with having stolen a public
despatch, and he wished that the document stolen had
been the new Reform Bill. He should like to have
seen what it was Lord Derby was going to propose.
It was reported in London that Lord Derby, who
was rather a sporting character, was going to astonish
the old Whigs; that he was going further than they,
perhaps, would like to follow. Then there was Mr.
.Bright, but lie had not seen Mr. Bright's Reform
Rlll. Although it might not go to an extent that
would meet all the wishes of Reformers, he had no
doubt it would be a real and solid improvement in
the. representative system. There were three clues.
tions we had to ask ourselves :—Was reform wanted ?

, ,

What sort of a reform would we have? How are we
to carry any Reform Bill? Taking the last first,
it was clear that to carry a real measure we must be
content to sacrifice minor differences. Those who
wished to go a little way must be content to go a
little further ; those who were prepared to go a great
way must be satisfied with stopping somewhat short.
By that union of forces we might be able to carry a
good and valuable measure, improving the repre-
sentation, and giving the people a more effectual
control over the Government. The bill of 1832 was
carried in that way. That measure was disparaged
now, but it was a large one as compared with the
then existing state of things. Earl Grey said, a few
year previously, that he could prove that 145 indivi-
duals, peers and great commoners, returned a majo-
rity of the Howie of Commons. It must be admitted
that the bill of 1832 was a greater advance, compa.
ratively, than any well-considered measure we could
now expect would be. People were not now so
alarmed as they used to be at the idea of reform. Sir
R. Inglis predicted that if the bill of 1832 passed, in
ten years there would be no King in England, and
that the Lords would be turned out of their house.
But now we had upon the throne a monarch who
was, perhaps, more loved and respected than ever
before was a monarch of England ; and we had the
House of Lords still in full feather. What we were now
going to ask for was, not the destruction of the House
of Lords, or any interference with the prerogatives
of the Crown ; what we wanted was a real House of
Commons as well as a House of Lords ; a House of
Commons returned by the people, and not nominated
by the Lords ; and that there might be freedom of
voting through the protection of the ballot. The
first and staggering fact we met with in reference to
Reform—and it was a complete answer to his first
question—was that out of five million adult males
scarcely a million enjoyed the elective franchise.
That state of things could not last. Every man must
feel that it was a question that would have to be
dealt with calmly and dispassionately, when the
passions of the people were not aroused, and with
the knowledge that the great mass of the people were
daily improving in political and other knowledge.
Lord Macaulay had well said—" The great cause of
revolutions is that nations move onwards, and that
constitutions stand still." Let us, in England,
as we knew that our people were moving onward,
see that our Constitution moved also. But be
would be asked, " How far will you go ? " Are you
prepared for universal suffrage, or for manhood suf-
frage? What will you do?" He answered, that his
individual opicion upon the question of the suffrage
—of its being a political right appertaining to the
man—availed nothing in the consideration of a matter
of this sort. He would support that extension of
the suffrage which appeared to meet the approval of
the greatest body of sincere Reformers—which ap-
peared the most likely to be carried, and to confer a
great advantage upon the country. He would not
be deterred from supporting a moderate measure,
because it might not coma up to those abstract
theories of the right of the suffrage being in the
man, which everybody, no doubt, whether Tory or
Liberal, must in his conscience hold. In dealing
with the question, in these times, we must deal with
it as practical men, looking to what could be carried.
Let a well-considered measure be laid upon the table
by men in whom the Liberal party had confidence;
let that bill be well circulated and considered ; and
if it met the approval of public meetings in the
large towns, then let the whole Roform party unite
to a man, and carry it through the Legislature.
With regard to the vote by ballot, it was thought
by many to be an unimportant question. He held
it to be vital to the freedom of election in a country
like this. Do what they would with the suffrage, a
man could not exercise it freely, if there was coupled
with the right of voting the condition that he
was to publish his vote to all mankind. In a country
like this, in which there were so many social in-
fluences, so many real powers exercised by owners of
property over the labour of the country, by landlords
over tenants, and by customers over those who dealt
in articles of merchandize, we had a case for the
ballot without going to Australia or any other coun-
try. It could not be too often repeated,. that when
the Reform Bill of 1832 was under consideration, it
was distinctly avowed by the Minister of those days
that the ballot was a subject for future consideration.
It was well known that the Cabinet of Lord Grey
had resolved at that time to give the ballot with a
201. franchise, and that they took away the ballot
when they extended the franchise to 10/., although,
when the franchise was extended, he considered
there was the greater necessity for the ballot. They
might depend upon it there was no real ground fur
opposing the vote by ballot, but a fear of the existing
constituency of the country. There was no danger
in reform in England if by danger was to be under-
stood confusion or disorder. We were a practical
common-sense people, and could manage our reforms
without violence or force, by simple appeals to
reason. He believed there was nothing in the shape
of parliamentary reform which the people would
have a difficulty in obtaining, if they set to work

410% -ao-

1209

and argued the question out with those who held high
places, and brought the force of publio opinion to
bear upon them.

LORD PALMERSTON AT ROMSEY.

LORD PALMERSTON presided on Thursday afternoon
at the annual dinner of the Romsey Agricultural
Society. After the usual toasts Sir J. B. Mill pro-
posed the health of the noble chairman, referring to
his taking office at a time of national depression
during the Crimean war, and to the successful
management of that war.

Lord PALMERSTON returned thanks, and, after a few
preliminary observations, thus referred to his foreign
policy .

I may be permitted to say with regard to the conduct
of the Russian war, that it certainly was brought to a suc-
cessful and glorious issue under the Government of which
I had the honour to be one, in co-operation with our
allies the French and Sardinians—and let us not alto-
gether forget the brave Turks who, for the whole of
twelve months, defended the line of the Danube unsup-
ported by any allies. But if we were able to bring that
war to a successful and glorious termination, it was not
owing so much to any merit on our part as to the deter.
mined and manly spirit of the British nation. The people
of this country took it up as a national question, and when
Englishmen are determined to assert their rights and
make their will prevail it is difficult to find a resistance
that will thwart them in the pursuit of their object. It is
no doubt gratifying to us who were members of the late
Administration to see that the great features of the policy
that we recommended to Parliament have been carried out
by our successors to a successful and satisfactory result—
that the rebellion in India is now nearly quelled, that our
operations in China have led to a successful and satis-
factory treaty, and that we have obtained a very satisfac-
tory and advantageous convention with Japan. If we are
entitled to claim any merit it is one that belonged more
peculiarly to the late Administration than to any other
portion of the community—namely, the choice of agents,
and we may look with peculiar pride and satisfaction at
having selected Lord Canning for the government of
lodis, at having appointed Lord Clyde to conduct military
operations in that country, and at having chosen Lord
Elgin to carry on the negotiations with China. These
three individuals have entitled themselves to the gratitude
and admiration of their countrymen for the manner in
which they have performed the duties which respectively
fell to their lot.
In proposing the toast of the evening, " The
Romsey Agricultural Association," Lord Palmerston
thus alluded to the progress of agriculture and the
benefits conferred by such societies :

With regard to the agriculture of the country generally
the progress it has made since that melancholy epoch, as
it was considered, when the principle of free trade was
applied to agriculture, is must remarkable. We, who
always supported that doctrine, contended that those who
were protected generally went to sleep, and those who go
to sleep can't do much—that the industry which is left
open and subject to competition is wide awake, and those
who are wide an eke are generally stirring and active. The
result has justified those anticipations. From the time
that agriculture was subject to the spur of competition
the greatest possible progress has been made in agricultus
rid practice and science. We have seen the introduction
cf machinery that was never dreamed of before. People
used to imagine that agriculture differed from manufac-
tures in so far that agriculture was simply the work of the
hand, while machinery was, they thought, to be confined
to those other processes that did not relate to the culti-
vation of the soil. Of late years, however, implements of
the most ingenious description have been applied to agri-
cultural pursuits, greatly to the advantage of the owners
and tenants of t le soil, and, allow me to say, not to the
disadvantage of the labourer. People used to think that
machinery would cut out labour and diminish the de-
mand for it. But the contrary has been proved, for
in those manufacturing towns in which machinery
is used, in proportion to the increase of machinery,
so has been the increased demand fur men and
women. So it will be in agriculture. The soil will be
better cultivated when machinery is applied to certain
processes, hut the amount of labour required will not be
less. I have no doubt that we shall live to see great im-
provements in that respect, and that the application of
steam to different agricultural processes will be carried to
a much greater estent than it is at present, to the advantage
of the country, and not to the disadvantage of the labouring
class. lu our neighbourhood we have seen how greatly
agricultural science has improved. The increased quantity
of stock which has been produced within the memory of
many of us shows the great advance in agricultural
practice and science. The land is far cleaner than it used
to be. lam bound, however, to say that one sees a field
now and then that seems rather to belong to a painterthan
a farmer, in which the most beautiful colours prevail,
and over which the late Mr. Turner might appear to have
been spreading that yellow tint which he so much delighted
in. Sometimes one might think that there was a prize to
be competed for in " chulock " as well as in other
products. In general, however, the land is much more
cleanly cultivated than formerly. In fact, agriculturists
have begun to see that weeds in your field are like a set of
tramps iu your kitchen; the tramps eat up your stock to
the prejudice of your family, and the weeds eat up the
nourishirent that ought to produce the crop. No doubt
great progress has been made, and greater still remains to
be accomplished. There is one thing that I wish to -
upon your ►ttention—guano is a material of
tity, and the regions that produce it arc not

• Ste.e

, •
TII E PRESS, DECEMBER 11, 1858. 1209
, „,„ anions and in our m.municipal governments, with some What sort of a reform would we have? How are we and argued the question out with those who held high
needless restrictions with regard to the municipal frau- to carry any Reform Bill? Taking the last first, places-and brought the force of public opinion to
chise which I would not introduce into our parliamentarY it was clear that to carry a real measure we must be bear Upon them.
franchise. The more public opinion is freely and honestly content to sacrifice minor differences. Those who
repressed, the more distinctly will a Government engaged wished to go a little way must be content to go a
in prepsring a Reform Bill be able to discover which is
little further; those who
. were prepared to go a great LORD PALMERSTON AT ROMSEY.
the point likely to be most satisfactory to the public. I
LORD PALMERSTON presided on Thursday afternoon
coosider these differences of opinion on the suffrage as of way must be satisfied with stopping somewhat short.
trifling importance when compared with the question of By that union of forces we might be able to carry a at the annual dinner of the Romsey Agricultural
the distribution of seats and members. This is the vital good and valuable measure, improving the repro- • . •
point in the coming bill, and unless it be well watched, you sentation, and giving the people a more effectual Society. After the usual toasts Sir J. B. Mill pro.
play get any amount of suffrage, and yet find after all that control over the Government. The bill of 1832 was posed the health of the noble chairman, referring to
you have lost the substance and are playing merely with carried in that way. That measure was disparaged his taking office at a time of national depression
the shadow of popular representation.—
JO HN am,
BRIG very
HT. truly now, but it was a large one as compared with the during the Crimean war, and to the successful
pur, then
existing state of things. Earl Grey said, a few
Mr. James Robertson. management of that war.
year previously, that he could prove that 145 iudtvi-
Lord PALMERSTON returned thanks, and, after a few
THE AGRICULTURAL CONSTITUENCIES duals, peers and great commoners, returned a majo-
rity of the House of Commons. It must be admitted preliminary observations, thus referred to his foreign
AND REFORM. that the bill of 1832 was a greater advance, comps. Policy '—
MR. W. MILES, M.P, one of the members for the ratively, than any well-considered measure we could I may be permitted to say with regard to the conduct
now expect would be. People were not now so of the Russian war, that it certainly was brought to a suc-
eastern division of the county of Somerset, at a dinner
al
leltthe asd t
hteh the
1.1
ei onnoohu rantdo
alarmed as they used to be at the idea of reform. Sir cessful and glorious issue under the Government of which
of the Bruton Agricultural Society, made some R. Inglis predicted that if the bill of 1832 passed, in
SheardeinhieiLisa—ce-andepleertatuioshnwotith
aloto_ur
observations on the coming Reform Bill, especially ten years there would be no King in England, and t
welve forget the brave Turks who, for the whole of
referring to the agricultural constituencies. He said that the Lords would be turned out of their house. tl months, defended the line of the Danube unsup-
ported by any allies. But if we were able to bring that
But now we had upon the throne a monarch who
he was against the ballot and against universal _ _
wee, perhaps, more loved and respected than ever war to a successful and glorious termination, it was not
suffrage. But the question was, if the people bad before was a monarch of England ; and we had the owing so much to any merit on our part as to the deter•
become ripe for the suffrage, might it not be bestowed House of Lords still in full feather. What we were now mined and manly spirit of the British nation. The people
upon those who did not at present possess it ? going to ask for was, not the destruction of the House of this country took it up es a national question, and when
of Lords, or any interference with the prerogatives Englishmen are determined to assert their rights and
Doubtless many of them had read a speech that had of the Crown ; what we wanted was a real House of make their will prevail it is difficult to find a resistance
been much spoken of which was recently delivered Commons as well as a House of Lords a House of
that will thwart them in the pursuit of their object. It is
;
by his hon. friend Mr. Newdegate. It showed the no doubt gratifying to us who were members of the late
and not nominated
way in which the seats in Parliament were distri- Commons returned by the people, Aciministratioe to see that the great features of the policy
by the Lords; and that there might be freedom of
bated, how the manufacturing and commercial • that we recommended to Parliament have been carried out
voting through the of the ballot. The protection by our successors to a successful and satisfactory result—
classes were represented, and also how the agricul- first and staggering fact we met with in reference to that the rebellion in India is now nearly quelled, that our
total classes were represented. To those who had Reform—and it was a complete answer to his first operations in China have led to a successful and satis-
taken the trouble to read that speech it must be question—was that out of five million adult males factory treaty, and that we have obtained a very satisfac-
apparent that the agricultural members were in a scarcely a million enjoyed the elective franchise. tory and advantageous convention with Japan. If we are
very small minority, while at the same time they That state of things could not last. Every man must entitled to claim any merit it is one that belonged more
represented much larger constituencies and a much feel that it was a question that would have to be peculiarly to the late Administration than to any other
greater amount of population than the members for portion of the community—namely, the choice of agents,
dealt with calmly and dispassionately, when the
other classes. If this were the case, there could be and we may look with peculiar pride and satisfaction at
passions of the people were not aroused, and with
no doubt whatever that in any redistribution of the having selected Lord Canning for the government of
the knowledge that the great mass of the people were India, at having appointed Lord Clyde to conduct military
constituencies—and there must be such a redistri- daily improving in political and other knowledge. operations in that country, and at having chosen Lord
bunion in a Reform Bill—the claims of those who Lord Macaulay had well said—" The great cause of Elgin to carry on the negotiations with China. These
had the least representation must be taken into revolutions is that nations move onwards, and that three individuals have entitled themselves to the gratitude
account, and the number of representatives of the constitutions stand still." Let us, in England, and admiration of their countrymen for the manner in
agricultural interest must be increased. Now, Mr. which they have performed the duties which respectively
as we knew that our people were moving onward,
Bright wished it to be quite another way; he wished fell to their lot.
see that our Constitution moved also. But be
for 101. voters, or even lower than that, to have the would be asked, " How far will you go ? " Are you In proposing the toast of the evening, " The
election of the members; but if this were allowed the prepared for universal suffrage, or for manhood sue- Romsey Agricultural Association," Lord Palmerston
agriculturists instead of gaining would lose. If they frage ? What will you do?" He answered, that his thus alluded to the progress of agriculture and the
now, in this free country, enjoyed the privileges of individual opinion upon the question of the suffrage benefits conferred by such societies :
Englishmen, they would then stand a chance of
—of its being a political right appertaining to the With regard to the agriculture of the country generally
losing those privileges in the most complete way man—availed nothing in the consideration of a matter the progress has made chat melancholy epoch, as
it since
imaginable, for the towns would return nearly all the of this sort. He would support that extension of it was considered, when the principle of free trade was
members, and the agricultural interest would be in the suffrage which appeared to meet the approval of applied to agriculture, is must remarkable. We, who
so small a minority that it would be very inadequately the greatest body of sincere Reformers—which ap- always supported that doctrine, contended that those who
represented. He hoped, therefore, that the electors peered the most likely to be carried, and to confer a were protected generally went to sleep, and those. who
. go
would see that the constituencies should be so great advantage upon the country. He would not to sleep can't do much—that the
. industry
. which is left
amended, and the members so elected, that, what- be deterred from supporting a moderate measure, openh and subject
.d to competition
eneii iswide aawoadk e,
tat:led those
Th
ever Reform Bill was passed, the agriculturists because it might not coma up to those abstract
rwesoulatrehawsi
.eosatt k
j leede those anticipations. anrtaimypations stirring
From the. time
should not lose by it. They ought to gain a greet theories of the right of the suffrage being in the that agriculture was subject to the spur. of coespetition
deal more. At the same time he thought that the man, which everybody, no doubt, whether Tory or the greatest possible progress has been made in agricultu.
small minor towns ought not to return one or two Liberal, must in his conscience hold. In dealing rid practice and science. We have seen the introductien
members while places of much greater population with the question, in these times, we must deal with cf machinery that was never dreamed of before. People
and influence returned none; and he also believed it as practical men, looking to what could be carried. used to imagine that agriculture differed from man ufac-
that no measure would be acceptable to the country Let a well-considered measure be laid upon the table tures in so far that agriculture was simply the work of the
which, while it redistributed the representation, by men in whom the Liberal party had confidence; hand, while machinery was, they thought, to be confined
did not also extend the franchise. He might also let that bill be well circulated and considered ; and to those other processes that did not relate to the culti-
observe that he felt confident Lord Derby would if it met the approval of public meetings in the vation of the soil. Of late years, however, implements o.f
he most ingenious description have been applied to agn-
never bring forward a measure on this subject which large towns, then let the whole Roform party unite
culturalt pursuits, greatly to the advantage of the owners
was not strictly Conservative. Conservatism did to a man, and carry it through the Legislature. and tenants of tle soil, and, allow me to say, not to the
not consist in keeping things exactly as they were; With regard to the vote by ballot, it was thought disadvantage of the labourer. People used to think that
but it was a movement in accordance with the by many to be an unimportant question. He held machinery would cut out labour and diminish the Be-
times, in which care was taken that while the insti- it to he vital to the freedom of election in a country mend for it. But the contrary has been proved, for
tutions of the country were preserved, they were also like this. Do what they would with the suffrage, a in those manufacturing owes in which machinery
improved and strengthened. is used, in proportion to the increase of machinery,
man could not exercise it freely, if there was coupled
so has been the increased demand for men and
with the right of voting the condition that lie
women. So it will be in agriculture. The soil will be •
•
was to publish his vote to all mankind. In a country
THE RIGHT HON. MILNER GIBSON, M.P. etter cultivated when machinery is applied to certain
" like this, in which there were so many social in-
processes but the amount of labour required will not be
ON REFORM. fluences, so many real powers exercised by owners of lss. I have no doubt that we shall live to see great pH-
MS. MILNER GIBSON made a speech at Ashton on property over the labour of the country, by landlords provements in that respect, and that the application of
Tuesday, in which he thus touched on the question over tenants, and by customers over those who dealt steam to different agricultural processes will be carried to
in articles of merchandize, we had a case for the a much greater extent than it sat present, to the advantage
of Reform :—There was a question now occupying
ballot without going to Australia or any other coun- of the country, and not to sherd
isadvantage of the labouring
public attention, upon which he supposed it was be-
try. It could not be too often repeated, that when class. lu our neighbourhood we have seen how greatly
coming for him to say something, though he did not the Reform Bill of 1832 was under consideration, it agricultural. science has improved. The increased quantity
of strod memo of
know much, because he had not seen any of the was distinctly avowed by the Minister of those days manyook of uswhich shhas been pows the greatuced ad within
thevance in agricultury ral
that the ballot was a subject for future consideration.
plans likely to be proposed to Parliament in refe-Cabinet of Lord repractice and science. The land is far cleaner than it used
rence to reforming the representation. He saw that It was well known that the
had resolved at that time to give the ballot with a to be. lam bound, however, to say that one sees a field
now and then that seems rather to belong to a painterthan
a gentleman was charged with having stolen a public 201. franchise, and that they took away the ballot a farmer, in which the most beautiful colours prevail,
despatch, and lie wished that the document stolen had when they extended the franchise to 10/., although, and over which the late Mr. Turner might appear to have
been the new Reform Bill. He should like to have when the franchise was extended, he considered been spreading that yellow tint which he so much delighted 114
seen what it was Lord Derby was going to propose. there was the greater necessity for the ballot. They in. Sometimes one might think that there was a prize to
It was reported in London that Lord Derby, who might depend upon it there was no real ground fe
r be competed for in " chulock " u well as in other
was rather a sporting character, was going to astonish opposing the vote by ballot, but a fear of the existing products. In general, however, the land is much more
the old Whigs; that he was going further than they, constituency of the country. There was no danger cleanly cultivated than formerly. In. fact, agriculturists
perhaps,have begun to see that weeds in your held are like • set of
would like to follow. Then there was Mr. in reform in England if by ilateser was to be under-tmp iu your kitchen; the tramps eat up your stock to
Bright, but lie had not seen Mr. Bright's Reform stood confusion or disorder. We were a practical
the prejudice of your family, and the weeds eat up the
Bill. Although it might not go to an extent that common-sense people, and could tnanago our reforms
would meet all the wishes of Reformers, lie had no without violence or force, by simple appeals to nourislerent that ought to produce the crop. No doubt
great progress has been made, and greater still remains to
doubt it would be a real and solid improvement in reason. He believed there was nothing in the shape be accomplished. There is one thing that 1 wish to press
the representative system. There were three ques• of parliamentary reform which the people would upon your attention—guano is a material of limited quan-
, lions we had to ask ourselves :—Was reform wanted ? ' have a difficulty in obtaining, if they set to work tity, and the regions that produce it are not likely to be
se
itt

I

wish to press
limited quan-
t likely to be
A