The Press.
London, England, 1857-02-07 00:00:00

FEBRCAVY 7 , 1 857 .

this country would be permitted to adapt themselves
with increased energies to the openings which had
been made for them. I want to kticrtv why it is that,
instead of a Speech from the Throne graciously hold-
ing out such prospects as these to her Majesty's sub•
jects, we have one which is a Speech of " wars and
rumours of wars r (Cheers.) With very slight ex-
ceptions, the S:)eech consists entirely of references
and allusions to foreign transactions, and all these
are transactions attended with peril and calamity, or
indicative of want of confidence and trust in us on
the part of foreign Governments—At least of misun-
derstanding and want of good inte3tions. ( Hear, hear.)
Nov, sir, is this what was expecta.l by Parliament
and the country when they heard that on the 30th
of March a treaty of peace had been signed at Paris ?
If it be not, what has led to the existence of this
state of affairs ? Why, it is a curious circumstance,
and l must allude to it not merely because it is
necessary to the result which I shall put before the
house, but because the subject is most markedly
brought under our consideration in her Majesty's
Speech ; it is a very curious circumstance that almost
on the very day on which the treaty of peace was
signed at Paris by Lord Clarendon—almost before
the ink of his signature was dry, there was sown by
that very negotiation the seed of new troubles and
difficulties in Europe. Almost before—or, at all
'events, immediately after—the Treaty of Paris was
signed the negotiators are assembled, and we find
the English Minister doing the very thing for which
we bad denounced Russia three years before—
(Hear, hear)—upon which we had gone to war, and
to prevent the repetition of which we had just nego-
tiated a peace—interfering and counselling inter•
ference, forcible interference, in the affairs of an
independent State. Now, it is a very remarkable
circumstance that this happens almost on the very
day on which the treaty was signed. The treaty was
signed on the 30th of March, and on the first days
of the month of April we find the seed is sown for
the commencement of' the difficulties in our foreign
relations, of which we have had a plentiful crop ever
since, and which have resulted in two instances in
absolute warfare.

All these circumstances are of such recent occur-
rence that it is quite unnecessary for me to enter
into a wearisome narrative or exposition of the affairs
referred to in her Majesty's Speech. Let me recal
to the recollection of the house, as succinctly as pos-
sible, what happened in regard to the interference
in the state of Italy, and I beg the attention of
the house to dates in this matter. It is not neces-
sary for me to stop to inquire what were the repre-
sentations of her Majesty's Government, by which
the adhesion of Sardinia was obtained to the great
alliance. I don't stop to ask whether the Government
engaged themselves morally, if not legally, to ter-mi.
nate that position of affairs in the centre of Italy
which Count Cavour, in a paper now on the table of
the house, described as subversive of a necessary
equilibrium, and fatal to the independence of Sardinia
herself; but remember that in last February or
March, when Lord Clarendon went to Paris, Count
Cavour, the distinguished Minister of Sardinia,
placed himself immediately in communication with
the English Minister, and required to know what
steps were to be taken in order that Sardinia might
receive the fair reward she had earned for the part
she took in the recent struggle, and what was the
position in which Sardinia was in future to be placed.
The treaty was signed on the 30th of March, end on
the Bth of April, in consequence of a statement de-
livered in by the Sardinian Minister, and now lying
on the table of the house, Lord Clarendon, having
induced the French Minister formally to open the
affair, made that remarkable statement which appears
in the protocols, which is, in fact, a reproduction of
the State paper of Count Cavour, which points to
the abnormal state of Central Italy, occasioned by
the occupation of foreign troops, especially by those
of Austria ; ant not only to the abnormal but to the
highly exceptionable state of the kingdom of Naples.
Now, the house can recal with vividness all that has
occurred since that moment with respect to the
affairs of Italy, and it is of the utmost importance
that they should remember it. The country was
then expecting to reap the fruits consequent on a
successful war and the treaty of peace ; and yet, in
consequence of steps taken especially by the English
Government. respect to Italy, no sooner was the
Turkish difficulty finished than that of Italy appeared,
and instantly attracted and engrossed the attention
of this country.

How was it possible for men to recur to those
domestic circumstances which demanded considera-
tion ? How was it possible to wean the public mind
from the exciting considerations of war, when you
were impressing on the public mind of Europe, and
on the public opinion of England, that a great struggle
wa9 about to take place in Italy, and that the time
bad at length arrived when Italy would be rege-
nerated, and regenerated under the patronage of the
great powers of Europe? Why, it became a ques-
tion whether we should not awake any morning and

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hear that an English fleet WAS in the Bay of Naples.
That was a fact credited by eVerf gentleman, what.
ever may be his political opinions, tlti both sides of this
house. So serious became the aspect of affairs and
the temper of the public mind upon it, that one of
the most distinguished members of this house—the
noble lord the member for Landon—felt it his duty
at the end of the last session to bring the state of
Central Italy before the house, and in doing so the
noble lord male the protocols of the Treaty of Paris
the foundation of his motion. The very fact that
oneof the most distinguished statesmen In the house,
at the close of a session, felt it his duty to bring this
subject under the consideration of the house, stamped
it with additional gravity to that which the matter
itself possessed. It became a subject of speculation
what would be the consequence of her Majesty's Go
vernment entering into those protocols. Some found
fault with the noble lord only for an act of apparent
rashness, while others sought to excuse him in con-
sideration of the highvirited remonstrances he had
made with regard to the occupation of parts of Italy
by foreign troops, and especially by those of Austria;
and it became a question whether a war would not
again be waged on the great battle-field of Europe,
and whether that heroic French army which had
already gained such lasting renown might not again
be summoned to action.

But what I want to impress on: the house is that
the consequence of all this was that for six months
the mind of England was distracted and diverted
from the consideration of its domestic interests. No
step was taken to reduce the large establishments
which the war had called into existence; no meaeures
of domestic or economical improvement could be
entertained when to-morrow we might awake and
find Austria and France in hostility and the whole of
Europe in flames. We know how slow her Majesty's
Ministers were in carrying their promises of inter-
ference in the state of Italy into action. We expected
the King of Naples was to be coerced into acquies•
cence, and were in daily anticipation that a French
army occupied the centre of Italy. Willit be believed
that, at the very time when Lord Clarendon was
listening to the passionate representations of Count
Cavour, in which he impeaches the very existence of
Austrian rule in tbe second meMorandum on the
table, a secret treaty was in existence guaranteeing
t) Austria the whole of her Italian dominions?
(Cheers.) Why, sir, I don't say this is any cause for
cavil against Austrian skill; I admire the wonderful
adroitness—l would say, the successful wisdom—with
which Austria has managed throughout the whole of
the late struggle the conduct of her affairs. We have
seen her reaping tbe fruits of victory without having
had to enter upon a campaign, and we have seen the
war concluded by Austria obtaining that which, I
believe, the most sanguine of her great statesmen
could never have ventured to hope to gain. (Hear.)
Lord PALMERsTuN :

By what power ?

Mr. DIsRAELI : "A guarantee from what power?"
says the noble lord. Why, a guarantee from the only
power that Austria feared upon such a subject—a gua-
rantee from France to Austria of her Italian posses-
sions—a guarantee given not merely with the sanc-
tion and approval of the noble lord, but given by the
advice and at the special instance of his Government.
Let the house observe this secret treaty is
not denied, although it is now mentioned for the first
time. (Hear, hear.) "By what power?" asks the
noble lord. Why, we know that it is not England
that can cross the Alps. The power that can cross
the Alps and can threaten Austria is that power
which, according to the representations of the noble
lord and of his Minister, is actually a partner in this
great scheme for the emancipation of Italy—( Hear,
hear)—a plan which was to have accomplished those
great objects for the attainment of which the noble
lord possesses the confidence of the Liberal party in
this country, but which has not led to those liberal
results which had been so sincerely and ardently
desired. (Hear, hear.)
Now, I think this is a circumstance which throws
some little light upon our relations with Italy. Read
the protocol in which Lord Clarendon makes that
memorable statement with respect to the measures
which he thinks should be adopted towards Italy.
Read that protocol now that I have given you the
key-note of the mystery, and then you will understand
the haughty contempt with which Count Buol lis-
tened to Lord Clarendon—yon can comprehend the
scoffing derision with which the other Austrian
negotiator, Baron Bruck, heard the representations
of the English Government. They interfere to drive
out the Austrians, or to induce Austria to withdraw
from the occupation of the Roman provinces? Why,
sir, the Austrian Minister, with a guarantee of all the
Italian dominions of his sovereign in his pocket,
what did he or his colleague care for these represen-
tations which were brought forward with such pomp
in the House of Commons, which were made the
basis and foundation for the confidence which the
noble lord had claimed from the Liberal party in this
country ? (Hear.)

149.

When the noble lord the me nber for the city of
London brought forward, with the authority which
must always attend any motion which he makes, and
with the consistency which becomes him, the subject
of the state of Italy, and particularly of the occupa-
tion of Central Italy by Austria, he listened to the
answer of the noble lord at the head of the Govern-
ment, and then declared himself satisfied with that
answer. I ask now does the noble lord k Lord J.
Russell) still consider that answer quite satisfactory?
I ask any man was the Minister justified in holding
out to Italy, to England, and to Europe that he was
sincerely determined to change the aspect of social
and political life in Italy, especially in Central and
Southern Italy, when at the same time he knew that
he had made the nation a party to an instrument
whereby the supremacy of Austria in Italy was ren•
dered complete and universal? (Hear, hear.) We
know that fact now; it has not been denied by the
noble lord, although until now, no doubt, he believed
the secret was locked up in his own breast.

Eet me remind the house what has happened in
consequence of this ruinous imposture upon the
credulity of the country. How much time have
you lost—what have you done for the benefit and
advantage of Italy? I renumber making some
humble observations upon the motion of the noble
lord (J. Russell) last session—not, indeed, against
the improvement of the condition of Italy, which all
of us must desire, but warning the house not to
interfere in Italian politics unless prepared to inter-
fere actively and with effect. (Hear, hear.) We did
not interfere—we did not make up our minds to
interfere actively. We bad protocols, we had State
papers, we had speeches in Parliament, we had a
motion made by a distinguished Liberal lord, and we
had expressions of sympathy from numerous Liberal
members; and yet what has happened? Ruthle.ss
assassinations, unsuccessful insurrections, death to
many excellent and some brave and distinguished
men, the aggravation of every evil of which you then
complained, the exaggeration of all the misgovern-
ment which you then denounced. k Hear, hear.,
You threatened the King of Naples, and the King of
Naples treated you with contempt. (Hear, hear.)
The King of Naples, attacked or menaced by such a
power as England, with whom be could not contend
upon equal terms, of course consulted that power
near him which was his friend—of course he con-
sulted Austria. The King of Naples, I have no
doubt, said something to this effect, " I count upon
the friendship of Austria, but I do not wish to bring
Austria, my friend, into dangerous collision with the
great Western powers. Those powers I see are
determined to have a revolution in Italy, and are
trying by all means to encourage the discontented
classes, but to have again a French army crossing
the Alps, and English gold employed where her
troops cannot appear, and her fleets in every place
where they can be used, is too great a sacrifice to
impose upon a generous ally, but nevertheless such
is my situation—my independence as a sovereign is
threatened. What shall I do?" " What shall you
do?" replied Austria. " Clear your mind from all
embarrassments. No French army will cross the
Alps, except to maintain our authority or to guarantee
our possession of our dominions. Be perfectly easy;
you have no French troops ; no English fleets to
fear. They are my best friends, and have given me
the title-deeds of my estate, and so you vindicate
your honour as an independent sovereign." The
King of Naples, of course, followed this advice, and
how far the results of the policy of the noble lord
have redounded to the credit of England, bow far it
has advanced the interests of the Liberal party in
I.aly, or obtained the amelioration of Italian society,
I leave the house to consider upon another occasion
when this subject will come before it.

My object is now to show how much time has been
wasted, bn d expense incurred, in consequence of
this Italian difficulty, which followed so immediately
upon the settlement of the Turkish difficulty. Here
were months during which I maintain the people of
this country did not enjoy the advantages of peace,
during which the people of this country were bored
into the belief that the state of Italy was such that if
insurrection or revolution occurred in that country
war between France and Austria must be the neces-
sary and fatal consequence, while all the time it was
all a great hoax—(laughter)--which has had no
other result, beyond the unfortunate consequence to
Italians, and Sicilians in particular, than that of
diverting the attention of the people of this country
from their own affairs, to prevent criticism upon our
great military establishments, to permit war taxes in
a time of peace to remain unchallenged—(Hear,
hear)—and to retard the progress of all measures of
economical or administrative improvement.

Now, it is very remarkable that there is always a
difficulty in our foreign affairs. I have shown the
house how the spring and the summer were wasted
away, England always expecting to be called upon to
embark upon a great war, while the condition of
Europe was such that, unless there should be the
worst mismanagement possible, never was there a

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