The Express.
London, England, 1852-02-02 00:00:00

the OrpregiO.

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LONDON, MONDAY, 111B.RUART 2.

Soar[ time back our contemporary, tho nnes, had
as article lamenting the miserable condition of
Lord Joint ltussEu, in a cabinet, the majority of
whom pooh.poolied, and would not entertain his
proposals of reform. The journalist even alluded to
one or two veteran boreughmongers in the cabinet
who refused to give up their vested rights. And
oar contemporary thundered against them and threat-
IMed them,—however potent and respectable,—with
se little ceremony as if it were laying its cat-o*-nine-
tails on the buck of sa old enemy, Lord PAL-
31KILVTi N.

On Saturday the Times treated the public to more
cabinet revelations, but no longer in the same indig-
nant and exhortative tone. A battle, it is evident,
has been fought in the cabinet, and won, it would rein,
not by Lord don't, but by the boroughmongers. The
complaint of the Times some weeks bark was, that the
lordly of boroughs would not give them
sip. 'he admission now Is. they will not be asked
to give them up. There is,—if we are to rely on
the statement of the Times,—to be no schedule A.
The electors of M. Albans and of Harwich are still
to drive their trade, the corruptible to be merely
linked to a few more newly-made voters, supposed to
be incorruptible. Although some counties have an
inordinate share of the mpresentution, and some
populous cities remain totally unrepresented, still
the present proportions are not to he disturbed. If
this las the case. the Reform Hill will answer none of
the purposes, political• electioneering, or other, for
which it was to be brought forward. Ili:formers
mo-t ha- on the al. rt.

_
hat two things can be more unsatisfactory
than a 5/. household franchise in limns, and a
201. franchise in counti • . A house in n small

unrepresented town of a county will let for one
half the rent obtaihable for a similar house in
the capital or chief bwouglis of the county. 'fhis
makes the difference not fourfold, but eightfold, be-
tween the electors of town and of county eoustituen-
cies. If the extension of the franchise be intro-
duced as the 'limes states, we may expect the tories
to move a literal amendment, for they are anxious to
have the votes of farmers and farmers' dependents ;
and they are anxious also to get the credit of not
dreading an extension of the suffrage through the
lower ranks of the agricultural classes.
What the tories really dread are, first, the ballot,
and secondly the acquisition by the town population
and commercial interests of a number of ri ['moan-
tires, more in proportion to their wealth and popula-
tion. If we arc to believe the Times, there is to be
no Schedule A, and consequently no electoral power
to be transferred from deserted hamlet to augmented
town. It is difficult to believe this. A reform
bill without disfranchisement or without new
enfranehisement will disappoint all parties, whilst
the grouping of boroughs, making many enemies,
Will not raise ups friend.
In this, however, we may be wrong, for the
grouping of boroughs is, a e b. Neve, not a measure
distasteful to the landed aristocrimy. They no doubt
would prefer to see the towns franchise swamped
amidst the farmers of the neighbouring hundreds.
But next to this, they would like to 1%..0 their unen-
franchised towns,—which liberalise the county elec-
tions,—withdrawn from the counties, when a 101.
county franchise is in prospect, and trained to fight
with their own local predilection the local predilec-
tion of other boroughs.
The fact seems to be, that the bruited Reform Bill
threatens to turn out such a measure as the lurk.s will
find no great reason to object to. They care little for
the lowering of the franchise in towns. Many of them
even would like to see the citizen swamped by the
operative. M'hat the tories, we repeat, mainly aim
at in all changes of the franchise and the representa-
tion, is to avoid the ballot,—which makes their depen-
dents free during an elect ion,--and toresist any attempt
to increase the number of town members propor-
tioned to those returned by the landed interest. The
great aim of the thorough liberal must be to see
representation in proportion to wealth, numbers,
and intelligence. But against this the tory flies
furious ; whilst the Whig declines to do battle in any
such cause.
The great Reform Bill of 1832 was concocted and
carried on the principle of not disturbing the exist-
ing balance of town and country interests. There
was a surety to the crown, a sop to the lords, and a
concession to the tories. But to observe in 15452
that olsaquiousnese to the landed aristocrucy, which
was necessary twenty years ago, is not progress, but,
on the contrary, the maintenance of a vicious prin-
ciple, which must nullify emery measure of reform,
and every effort at improvement.
When we see how the industrial and monied inte-
rests of the country are cheated in this respect, we
cannot but regret the non-existence of a puissant
League for securing the triumph of the great princi-
ple of free•trade, by obtaining the representation of
each interest in the state, according to its real wealth,
numbers, and intelligence. Until that is achieved, until
the exclusively territorial constitution—which Mr.
Disaani patronises, and which pretended reformers
talk about—is done away with, there will be no chance
for town interests and town classes to have their flue
influence. And without this regular constitutional
influence, they may, indeed, carry great ques-
tions by agitation and outcry ; but in the
small ones they will be sacrificed and mulcted. Such
a tax as the house tax will be made to weigh on them
exclusively, and in the arrangements of the income
tax, expenditure will bo the rule and earning the
source, of raising • revenue,—not property, or per-
manence of property, or comparative ability.
The plain question to be asked is—are the town
elasses—middle and operative—to gain by the clauses
of the new Reform Bill ? If the account in the
nous he correct, we should say that these classes
will nut be gainers. And if so, we leave the public
and each member of the public to draw their own
conclusions. Cabinets, however, change their pur-
pose as well as their composition from day to day.
'fhe drops from the ministerial eaves, which Times
and G/ohe procure, are just as often worthless, as
containing true intelligence. We may, therefore,
reserve our censure or approbation, especially as
Lord June is said to be prepared to unfold his re-
form budget on the first day of session, or on the de-
bate on the address, if it be required. Reformers,
meanwhile, must be prepared for the worst, and he
ready to raise a load and threatening demand for a
real reform, and b ready to act up to their profes-
sions, if what is really offered for their acceptance
be only a sham.