The Express.
London, England, 1855-05-23 00:00:00

bander ; and that the sum allotted to them was not more
than was necesesay to astable them to live like gentleman,
and to keep up a respectable appearance. The WIG. mem-
ber had retuned te what bad been dby Sir Hassan'
Seymour with reaped to the social status of our ministers.
Everybody menthe aware that diplomatic intercoune was best
fended ea when the ambassador was on Memo( easy and
frisedlyeenenstnioation with the government to whisk he was
aseredited, and also with the other diplomatic agents at the
sewn sad with persons of distinction in the country. It
serial intercourse,
that when a minister had not the means of that
esia
intercourse, but when he must dwell alone in the
mikado of his own house, or must receive hospitalities
whisk be could not Mora, the interests of his country could
act be so well served as if he were on terms of easy social
(elation with the persons amongst whom he was thrown.
Again, the bon. gentleman said that we only wanted one
minister in Germany and one in Italy. Now, it was per-
fectly true that Bonaparte said that Frankfort was the
watch-tower of Germany, ad it was also perfectly true that
an active and intelligent minister at Frankfort could obtain
• great deal of useful -information as to the policy and the
Inters policy of the German powers. But he apprehended
that Napoleon I. had never acted upon his own maxim to
the extent of confining his diplomatic agents to Frankfort
alone. It w-s impossible that an 'gent living at Fraaktort
weld give his government all the information which it was
wahine have. Germany was divided into many powers,
which were leas than Austria and Prussia, but which were
all nevertheless estential elements in the general policy of
Germany. By keeping up, therefore, the means of obtain-
ing information in those smaller courts they would be
enabled to ascertain facts which were of the utmost import
use with regard to the policy, the conduct, and the views
of the larger states. The hon. gentleman said that Wur-
temburg had no minister in this country, and that therefore
there was no necessity for us to have one at Wurtemburg.
But surely that was the very reason why we should have
one there. (Hear, hear.) If we bad not, we should
have no means of communicating with Wurtemburg
at all, and so long as it continued to be an independent ele-
ment in the system of Europe, it was necessary that we
should possess those means. So far from any advantage ac-
cruing to us trout dispensing with ministers to the smaller
German states, he was convinced, after the very long cape-
rinCil he had had of foreign affairs, that such • COWS*
would be essentially injurious to our interests. The hon.
gentleman said he could not see of what use any informa-
tion could be that we received from these smaller states, but
of course nobody who was not in the daily habit of receiving
despatches from foreign agents could be expected to know the
atility of such communications. He could only say that, in his
opinion, it would be a groat injury to our interests if we
had to communicate to all those states through our agent
at Frankfort 'lone. For, what was Frankfort ? Frankfort
was a place where delegates from the other states
assembled. Those delegates no doubt possessed important
powers at • diet, but, alter all, they were not governments.
Suppose we had any matters relating to commerce with
Hanover, or any disputes with Bavaria or Saxony, we could
not address our communications or our complaints to the
Diet. (Hear, hear.) The same remarks applied to the
three Italian states in which we had ministers. It had been
mid that we ought not to have permanent ministers in these
sonde, but that when any question arose we ought to send
some person who would do our business. But unless a
person lived on the spot, and followed up the thread of
events, he would not be able to transact our affairs for us so
well as would otherwise be the case; and, moreover, the
emit of these spatial missions, if they at all frequently °c-
aused, would ba much greater than employing permanent
residents. (Hear, bear.) Then his hon. friend had referred to
eke example of the United Steno. Bat the United States had
ressetly been compelled to resits the whole of their diplomatic
end consular establishments, and that not at all in the way
of reduction. On the contrary, they bad been obliged to
Increase greatly both the number and the salaries of those
establishments. But though in some places they had
doubled the salaries of their diplomatic agents, he (the
noble lord) still feared that their representatives would not
and themselves entirely relieved from the painful position
in which to his certain knowledge he had sometimes known
them to be placed. Nevertheless, the United States gave
much larger allowance than this country. They gave outfit
and travelling expenses, and he believed that in certain
instances the missions of the United States had been more
expensive within a small period of time than the corre-
sponding English missions. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion,
he (the noble lord) could assure his hon. hi- ad that this
subject of our diplomatic and consular establishments had
not bean overlooked. There was no d ' n the part of
the government to avoid reductions whenever they could
be made with a due regard to the public service, and in
pelat of fact several had already been made. Vacancies
occurred so seldom that the diplomatic service to a young
man who entered with a view to make his living by it was
not a very promising profession. It was, however, • great
mistake to suppose that in the higher appointments the
selection of persons to fill them was not made with a view
to efficiency. It was much more to the interest of the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that efficient men
should fill the different missions than to oblige any political
friend that might apply to him on behalf of soy particular
candidate. It had always been his (Lord Palmerston's)
anxious wish to Sod persons fit for the offices which he had
to fill, because the credit of the Secretary of State, to put
the matter in the narrowest point of view, was more at
stake in the efficiency of the persons whom he appointed
than is obliging any two or three or half • dozen persons
who might apply to him on behalf of a less deserving man.
Of eaves the moment they departed from the rigid princi-
ple of seniority—which would be quite out of place in the
diplomatic service—they must expect to be assailed with
charges of favouritism, of partiality, and of selecting the
less fit man to the prejudice of one more tit. A minister'
meld only choose one man out of perhaps half-mcloaen can-
didates, end immediately he made his selection the friends
alike rest would complain that the choice was an improper
one because he bad passed over Cousin Tom, or Uncle Dick,
it Friend Robert. (A laugh.) It might be quite true that
the persons passed over were nearly or quite as fit as the one
chosen, but then the minister could only select one. But
even the less fit would complain. It would be said that so-
and-so had been for many years • paid attaché, and yet a
younger man, who had not served half so
nog, was appointed over his head. While, how-
ever, the principle of seniority was departed from
the government must expect such criticism. (Hear, hear.)
Again, it had been made a subject of complaint that our
diplomatic agents had not written books on diplomacy. But
it our agents had not leisure or love for such a task, they
were at all events sufficiently conversant with the works of
others who had written, as to be able efficiently to p.rform
their duties. Those duties were to furnish their govern-
ment with fall, accurate, and true information as to what
was going on around them ; to conduct with courtesy and
ability the negotiations which passed between their own
government sad that to which they were accredited; and
to prevent any little differences that arose from growing
into quarrels. Hardly a month or six weeks passed without
some matter arising between two governments, which by
prudent, courteous management might be settled to the
satisfaction of both, but which might otherwise have led to
• rupture. It was surely better that these matters should
be entrusted to diplomatic agents than left to our
admirals and generals—to threats and recourse to force.
(Hear, hear.) With respect to examinations for the diplo-
matic service, he bad to state that yesterday an order in
enincil was made with a view to establish a system of ex-
aminations of persons to be appointed. (Cheers.) Whea at
Me head of the Foreign-office he was in frequent oommuni-
settee with the London University on the subject, and he
bad no doubt that it would also meet with the anxious at-
tention of his noble friend (Lord Clarendon).
Mr. W. WILLIAIU. Mr. J. G. PAILLIYOIIII, Mr. WHITS..
me, and Sir G. FIICHILL, having spoken,
Mr. OTWAY said while he was obliged to the noble lord
ffirr having established a test for admittance into the civil
wales of the country, yet he must allude to some topies in
the speech of the noble lord. The noble lord said that it
was always his and other foreign ministers' habit to
select the best men for posts in diplomacy. If facts
bore out the statement of the noble lord he should
sot have made any observations; but reference
having been made in the mune of the debate
M • work called " The Foreign-office List," he
would make a few extracts from it, which might well be
mast elegant extracts. They referred to promotions and
appointments in the diplomatic service which had been con-
ferred solely en the sons and relatives of peers. Nothing
could be more illiberal or unworthy of any one than to
wish to put • bar on the promotion of men merely because
they were the relatives apogee, but it was nevertheless true,
that in a large public service requiring men of education,
talent, and efficiency, it was a matter worthy of remark,
that in the service of this great empire the only persoas
who got promotioa were the sass or relatives of peers or
cabinet ministers. lie would not go through a long list of
cases, which any gentleman might see for himself by put-
Oaring a Foreign-office List for • shilling ; but he would
select two cues which showed the injustice of the system.
The first ow was that of Mr. Loam. The noble lord bad
been *co long foreign secretary that he must be able to ap-
preciate the services of Mr. letsom. That gentleman was
appointed attaché at Berlin in 1831, was removed to
Maeda in 1834 ; Is. 1840 he was removed to Washington,
and was /X the int time e paid attaché ; in 1849 be was
appointed to Twin, sad to Madrid in 1850, and in 1864 he
was made secretary of legatioa in Mexico. Thus after
twenty-three years' service, nine of which were unpaid, be
was appointed secretary of legation at Mexico, which was
not the most desirable post in the service. The other ease
was that of the Hon. H. G. Howard, which was a very
'different one. He was appointed attaché at Paris in 1838,
and in 1841, only three years after, was promoted to be se-
rood paid attaché at Paris, and in 1844 lint paid attaché,
I with a salary equal to that of some secretaries of legation,
and in two years more (in 1846) he was •P•
plaited secretary of legation at the Hague. He
bad thus been is the service only eight years,
I during three of which only was he an unpaid easel* and
'that in the most agreeable court in Europe. Contrast the
ease of Mr. Howard with that of Mr. Lenora. There were
sumerous other eases mentioned in the book to which he
had alluded. He found gentlemen who had been long in
the service, and in posts in the Atlantic and Pasific, role-
lid to small posts; while other gentlemen, who had passed
Herr time pleasantly in Paris or -Vienne, were placed over
the heads of men of auger service. That was the ease of
Mr. Allison, at Constantinople, where that gentleman,
a profound oriental scholar, had been for so many
pears, and who mu a paid atteohd before Lord Napier
entered the service, and yet the latter had been made
secretary of *ratios over the head of Mr. Allison,
Mr. Doris, and other. Again, he said be did not
wish to debar the eons ard relatives of peen from entering
the public service ; bat it must not be Mid that the best
UM men always *sleeted, when it was shown that when
the sena of two seediest men happened to get into the eat-I

Vice, they were p&1144 OVIIIT is the manner he had duricji
Then there wee the Hon. Edward John Steals,, these,,.!
the nobleman who now very worthily filled the oaks
' sident of the Board of Trade. What was his sue ? la No
the noble lord (Palmerston) had each as *gat ws
capability that he made him his precis-welter; la MI
was appointed second paid attaché at Ceinstantinople: read
in six days after be was made first paid attache : sad a
6th January, 1854, this son of the President of the Board
Trade—by no means because he was his son, but beaus hi
was the best and fittest man—e. hear, hear," and 'avow
—was selected for the put of secretary of legitici
at Athens. (Hear, hear.) Believieg as he (Mr 624441
did that the noble lord had the service to which he
for so groat a time at heart, he could not imagine hoer th
noble lord could sleep at night—(" hear," our knots*.
while gentlemen were receiving no promotion who woo
at Constantinople when he was at the Foreign-office, tad
who would remain as they were until their relatives owe
found to be the fittest men to be appointed Presidents of the
Board of Trade. (Hear, hear.) As to the unpaid anodic
he found, in the book which be had mentioned, that
Petro(with whom he was acquainted), and who was a yet
accomplished gentleman, was appointed to Friskiest 14
1646, and was now at Paris as an unpaid attache, bid NI
received a shilling during his nine years' service. Then than
was Mr. Lytton, the eon of the hon. baronet of that naine,olis
inherited his father's talents, who was appointed in 1849.11,
was not a fashionable young gentleman, and he had bulb
the United States, to Florence, and to Paris, and doss
service, with no pay. Then came another,—Lord
de Burgh,—who was appointed attache in 1852, mg h
lea than three years was passed over the heads of all tas
unpaid attachés, and made paid attaché at Turin is
(Hear.) He could give more instances of this kind, and hs sew
surprised that the noble lord should make the statementilis
had made, and, knowing the facts, could declare that inthe
diplomatic service men were selected for their flung
alone, sad that it wu the interest of the Foreign Miantera
to select them. It wu clear that in the diplomatic two.
lion men were selected for promotion for two reasons oel7;
either because they were relatives of cabinet ministers et
peers, or because they had parliamentary interest to wasp
'their promotion. With these facts before 1.111/1, be hoped go
aoble lord would not think it unbecomingin him teed
that a stop should be put to things of this kind, lAA
were hrin3ing the public service into discredit. Not dubs
objected to noblemen being appointed to office, but ha 16.
ljustad to their being appointed only because they was
noblemen; whereas the fittest mss should be Hugel,
whether he was the son of a peer or a tailor. All thg
I was complained of was that appointments should be nail
I is the diplomatic service on account of personal mum*
sad not of fitness. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. WISR said that, after the statement of the ashy,
lord, he thought he should better serve the object be bad
in view by withdrawing the motion, being satiiified eitt
having ventilated the subject, and having been the WI
move in that house in the cause of administrative reform.
Mr. H. J. BAILLIE objected to the withdrawal dis
motion, and said be would divide the house.
The house divided—
For the motion
Against it
The announcement of the numbers was received viiik
loud cheers. _ _ _

THE BALLOT.
Mr. COBDEN presented several petition from the Ide If
Wight and other places in favour of vote by ballot.
Mr. H. BERKELEY then rose and said—l has ban
told often in the course of this session that I was brink
forward this question at a most disadvantageous time, whoa
the thoughts of all persons are fixed on the war into skids
the country is plunged, and at a time when metes mist
were perplexed, mortified, and almost maddened by ths
I effects of a succession of victorious disasters. But lex
eider that there never was a time when it was moo. WV
I feat that the people's house should consist of members freely
chosen by themselves, and this neither is, nor ever mu to,
the cue under the present electoral system. For those who
are opposed to all parliamentary reform, the war doebtlis
has a charm ; while to those who put on the garb of is.
formers as a matter of expediency, and to please their
constituents, the pre-occupation of the minds of the
people then being roused to arms is no doubt
a seasonable relief. But to many serious reformers the
calamities of this war and the waste of the blood and tressure
of the conatry are appalling, and they can thick of no other
reform than that of the evil immediately before than. To
this class of reformers I would more particularly and re-
spectfully address myself, and endeavour to convince them
that no better state of things can reasonably be seeded
under our present representative system. I would nips
it on all true reformers and on the country (for it is auks
to attempt to impr, as it on this house), that all the blinds
sad failures of the war departments it the management ales
war have arisen from very plain and perceptible
causes. The first cause is, because the goverment
of the country has become hereditary, and the property els
claws—(hear)--because the majority of thelionte of Comas,
as I have shown over and over again in debates on this subas,
being returned by that class, is no check upon it. Fain
our present representative arrangements there may is s
change of ministers, but there is no change of the opts,
and it is not likely there should be any change. Whit
tho people know of a change of ministry ? What sty
know is this—they know that one set of aristocrats S
squires and lawyers eject another, who go out triste sae
—(laughter)—and the other set of aristocrats, squires, sod
lawyers, sanopere gautientes , succeed them, and grsp
their way into office. (" Hear," and laughtei.) They 1110
that gentlemen who sit on the opposition benches rd
against those who sit on the treasury bench, and completed
jobbery, and red tape, and routine, and that they sty
" Only let us get into office, and then you will see whatys
shall see." (Laughter.) And when they do get into oft
what do we see? (Laughter.) Why, when they hiss
herited, by the political deaths of their opponents, ens
sacred edifices in Whitehall and Uowniog-street,wefsl
that they have taken possession, with those edifices, of ie.:-
bery, and red tape, and routine, and they continue is*
places reserved for the aristocracy. Taught by diuster,
its
people are fully
.alive to the atrocities of the system, sad
they desire inquiry into the cause of all this. Can anytbis
be more apparent than the cause ? It is because her Will
can only select her advisers from a few great families, is
monopolise all place and all power—who, not cootowi
with the full possession of the upper house, monopolise tht
majority of the House of Commons. Not only the million
of the crown, but the leaders of oar armies, and the WS
of our civil and military departments, are chosen not fe
their ability or sent, which it is quits tumble they any
possess, but because they belong to families seasonal as
to be able to make or mar a ministry. And this is because
their strength and influence lies in the power they nuns
over the votes of electors, and because by the malversatim
of the franchise they become omnipotent in this house
(Hear.) The aristocratic factions have desperate fiebta
place, but they differ only on speculative points. Oa
points which go to the monopoly of government they an
united as one man, and I believe if places couldbe (Nab
both factions, the Hones of Commons would become sots
cage for Whigs and tories, united in one lire, I*1:11
family—(laughter)—political cats fraternising with Ps**
rabbits. (Laughter.) The people are not only ingest If
the disasters which have rendered us almost contomptiblos
the eyes of Europe, but they are sick of governess
listed from the red book, and ministers of state chassis
Burke's Peerage ; they are sick of aristocratic Stens
and sick of seeing our well tried soldiers of to
East forced to give place to courtly So""
sad the soldiers of the West-end. All this **
loudly for inquiry. I may be told ibel
s
have had a committee of inquiry, and that a comaitts
inquiry is at present sitting, or rather that it his OLP:
eluded its labours, and that it is just about bringisf*r:
report. Now what is there to prevent that ioqUei .
. ,
The committee roes"

thi way of all ether inquiries) -
have done their duty, se other committees bars date—teeli
They have amassed vast blue books, and they will, weft
I have no doubt, with a very stringent and sticiPell 10;
upon which some measure of reform may be founded.. Bet*
that measure, judging from the pest, tends to istoile
- ion! -- es - ',Masa% the leer*

with the ...nuance,
the privileges of the upper clams it will not pus the
this house, or it will be so mutilated in committee It Or
coins totally inoperative. Instances of the tort war but
We had lately a splendid instance, which wan got UP I'o
rid of popular clamour. The house will recollect tee loe.,
the last general election a universal cry rose throutiosi,,,,'
land in reference to our electoral system, and ever'
O
emoted to be shocked and ashamed of our septeimisi,
Emilia, the orgies which lied been passed through beam
more unblushing eharectsr than usual. The Fa L:
r'Aberdesa cried out for a change, and every memlonti
Aberdeea government had his pocket-handlterebrol_,„,,il ,
kande weeping for the depravity of the land. (lair;
To be sure it was very bad. Intimidation, tabsrl.,,„
gaining for mate, perjury, end beer influence, bad dfo_il
worst and their best for meeting a peer-packed tor_,,
Commons. (Hear, hear.) Ministers were midi ~,
Before& Bill, but it proved abortive, for lee. emMi
could net be got to support it, for by so &meg thrf
I have got rid of their constituencies and tamed
I oat of the house. ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) "14
hat eomethiug must be done, for John Ball was st_ ,r„
led, the electoral abominatinoble lord the alembic 11'.;
City of London determined upon a committee, whisk
'to be • hind of safety valve. It was wormed of torlf;
men, who no doubt did their duty, as that comisittbs
'done who have just concluded their labows,
framed a measure, which came into the BO to
mons, purporting to put down bribery and lc amio,n7.
It was called the " Corrupt Practices Frivolities
Now, whatever there was in that bill calcul std u,
down bribery was carefully erased in cconnittak,
the pretence of dealing with undue influence waste ti
patently absurd that the house was perfectly ckianlio,,,
I it, and it not only passed through this home 'art ths.r.,,
house also with a flourish of drums and tram psOL Trip
gentlemen en the upper house were puler tly deligt
ace that they were able to pass a hill pnunding :do
reform bill, which in no way put dons or isterfe if
their corrupt practices. Now I have. before solo
clever analysis of this Corrupt P racticee ri,r,o
Act, written very shortly aftee it beanie
"10',0
this the editor of the Toms tornarked—"ll IN :j1
mony to the honesty and power of this act be corerst,,_:#
have no doubt that it is, the act is eaerely do, Y.—.
profemions." Well, then, thia pompom
'neatly the atoot of the interference of Lord

LL