The Press.
London, England, 1856-03-22 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES.
SORE further letters have been published relating to
the Central American question and the proposition of
Lord Clarendon to submit the matter to arbitration.
Several interviews between Mr. Buchanan and Lord
Clarendon are detailed, but the most important
point is a letter from Lord Clarendon to ➢ir. Cramp •
ton, in which the offer to arbitrate is first made :

LORI) CLARENDON T 3 MR. CRAMPTON.

Foreign office, Nov. 10, 1&55.

Sir,—Mr. Buchanan having. in the course of conversa-
tion a few days ago, adverted to the impression that would
be created in the United States by the non-settlement of
the Central American question, I again assured him that
Englan I had no wish to extend her influence, or to obtain
any terr.tory in that part of the world ; and I reminded
him that as the difference between this country and the
United States turned solely upon the interpretation of the
treaty of 1850, i had offered, on the part of her Majesty's
Government, to submit the case to the arbitration of a
third power, but that he had declined the offer. Hor Ma-
jesty's Government, I said, would still abide by that offer,
and thought it would be the fairest and most amicable
manner of arriving at a settlement of the question.
Mr. Buchanan said he would make it known to his Go-
vernment, and you are instructed to communicate this
despatch to Mr. Marcy.
I am, with great truth and regard, sir, your most obe-
dient, humble servant, CLARENDON.
_

J. F. Crampton, Esq., tkc.
Owing to an oversight on Mr. Crampton's par►,
this letter, it appears, was not read to Mr. Marcy,
by Mr. Crampton until the 27th of February last.
On the 3rd of March General Cass made a personal
explanation in the United States Senate, in relation to
an article in the Washington Intelligencer of the 3rd
of March. signed "J. W. W.," which he attributed to
James Watson Webb. It relates to a conversation
between Mr. Webb and Lord Clarendon, in which
the latter stated he had no unfriendly feelings towards
the United States. This statement was explanatory
of a remark made by Lord Clarendon in the House
of Lords, that the understanding between the Eng-
lish and French Governments was perfect in relation
to all parts of the world, which was understood as a
menace to this country regarding Cuba. General Cass
asked, if Lord Clarendon's language had been misun-
derstood, why did be not explain it in his place in the
House of Lords, instead of leaving it to be explained
iu a private letter which few, perhaps, would see or
hear of?

The following is a copy of the article referred to
by General Cass :

I was in London and in the House of Lords when Lord
Clarendon made his famous declaration in January, 18.4,
of the character of the alliance then recently entered into
with France, and I was also in London when the steamer
from the United States arrived in March, bringing over
General Cass's famous speech, in which he proclaimed that
the language of Lord Clarendon was the annunciation of
an alliance with France against the United States. On the
evening of the day that the steamer's news reached London
I met Lord Clarendon at a soirée, when he inquired what
news the steamer brought from America. I replied, " but
little, save General Cass's denunciation of him for his re-
cent speech in the Lords upon the universality of the alli-
ance between England and France," giving him in detail
General Cass's construction of his language. He expressed
himself greatly grieved at being misapprehended, and
added, " Surely you did not imagine that I intended to
convey the idea that we had entered into any arrangement
affecting the United States?" I answered, "Certainly not,
because your daily language to me rendered it impossible
for me to mistake your meaning. It is nevertheless true
that your language appears to justify the construction put
upon it by General Coifs ; anti his speech will excite alarm
and anxiety throughout the country, and ultimate') make
our people dread the success of the allies as the signal for
their ititerfereice with the United States?' He assented
to this view of the subject, expressed the greatest regret at
not having explained himself more fully, assured me that
he alluded solely to the misunderstanding which had ex-
isted between France and England in South America and
at Tahiti in the Pacific, and inquired how it was possible to
remedy the error which had been committed.

I recommended an interview with Mr. Buchanan, which
was adopted; and the interview accordingly took place on
the following day. A few evenivs thereafter I again met
his lordship, when he said to me that he had arranged
with Mr. Buchanan the unfortunate misapprehension of
his speech ; and in reply to my inquiry how it had been
arranged, he stated that he had addressed an explanatory
letter to Mr. Crampton, to be read to Mr. Marcy. I smiled
at this information, which induced the inquiry why I con-
sidered the arrangement a bad one. My reply of courie
was, that the present Administration would not feel desirous
of correcting the error that ha.l been made ; and that, con-
sequently, the American people would never hear of it, and
all their sympathies would be gradually transferred from
the allies to the cause of Russia. He appreciated the
force of this remark, and asked me to suggest a mode in
which the people of America could be made to understand
how grossly his meanirg had been misrepresented,
adding
I look upon the sympathy and good-feeling of your country-
men in the coming struggle as being all-important to the allies.
The moral power which they will exercise upon the warts second
only to their takingpart with us in the contest.

SATURDAY,

After some conversation upon the subject, I proposed to
write him a note, asking him to commit to writing what he
had said to me in out first conversation upon the subject,
to be used at my discretion in the event of the Administra-
tion suppressing the purport of his official explanati.,n of
his speech. This was acceded to, and on the following
day I addressed him the note agreed upon, in reply to
which I received the following :

Grove•court, March 19, 1831.
My dear—, I was unable to write to you yesterday, owing
to the extreme pressure of business, which I must beg you to
excuse. Ido not exactly remember what I said to you on Wed•
nesday, but I have no hesitation in saying now that General
Case's attack or charge against me DIDI occasioned me the utmost
surprise, and I can with truth assure you that there is not a
particle of foundation for it. When I spoke in the House of
Lords I was not Nuking of the United States, but solely had on
my mind the Joint action of France and England (in which the
United States shared) in Paraguay, Buenos Ayres, Bc. In fact,
I simply meant to show that two countries, hitherto rivals, bad
learnt to know each other better, and no longer intended to be
disputing about nothing, and getting up rival factions in different
parts of the world. Very truly yours,
CLARENDON.

This very satisfactory and important letter I at once in-
closed to a distinguished member of the Senate, urging him
to inquire of General Cass in the Senate whether our Go-
vernment had not been officially apprised by Lord Claren•
don of the true meaning of his speech in the House of
Lord;, and in the event of his disclaiming any knowledge
of such an explanation, to read Lord Clarendon's letter to
me, suppressing only the name of the party to whom itwas
written. My letter, with its inclosure, came safely to hand
early in April, 1854 ; but, fur some reason which has never
been exulained to me, the distinguished senator to whom
it was sent did not deem it of sufficient importance to be
given to the Fublic as an antidote to the poison so exten-
sively circulated through the speech of General Cass.
Since then General Cass has made two other speeches,
insisting upon his erroneous construction of Lord Claren-
don's language in the House of Lords in January, 1854,
although he should have been informed by Mr. Marcy that
Mr. Crampton had read to him a despatch from Lord
Clarendon fully and satisfactorily explaining his meaning
in using the language to which exception was taken.

A deputation of the friends of Poland, headed by
the Marquis of Breadalbane, waited on Lord Palmers-
ton on Saturday last with a memorial of the Society,
calling attention to the present sufferings of Poland,
and praying that at the conferences now held in
Paris some special instructions may be given to Lord
Clarendon not to allow the present opportunity of ob-
taining some positive stipulation in favour of Poland
from Russia to pass away. Lord Palmerston listened
with great attention to the memorial, and promised
that the subject should receive the most earnest at-
tention of the Government.

The petition of the holders of Westminster Im-
provement Bonds for a parliamentary inquiry will, it
is stated, be presented after the recess by Sir J. V.
Shelley, one of the members for Westminster, and
be supported by his colleague, General Evans.
There are forty candidates for election into the
Royal Society this year. This number exceeds that
of any preceding year since 1847. The day of elec-
tion is fixed this year for the sth of June, when fif-
teen candidates will be submitted by the council to
the society for election.
Mr. Buchanan transferred the charge of American
affairs in London, on Monday, to Mr. Dallas, the
new Minister. Mr. Philip N. Dallas was appointed
Secretary 3f Legation, in the room of Mr. Benjamin
Moran.

The New Police Bill, by the two clauses added in
committee, prohibits police constables from receiving
fees, and requires an annual statement as to crime
in counties and boroughs to be furnished to the Secre-
tary of State by the chief constables of counties and
the watch committees of boroughs.
Burlington-house, it is stated, will be pulled down
by Government, with the view of erecting a new street
in the space at right angles to Piccadilly, the build-
ings to be devoted entirely to the learned societies.
Drawing rooms and levees are fixed this season
for the 10th and 29th of April, and for the 16th of
April and 7th of May next.
Mr. Baron Platt has lately been prevented by ill-
ness fiom attending to his duties on the Wtstem
Circuit. The learned baron's health is now improv-
ing, and at no distant time it is expected be will be in
a condition to resume his duties; in the meantime
Mr. Sergeant Channell has filled the place on the
bench.
Sir George Russell Clerk, K.C.8., who has filled
the important offices of Lieutenant-Governor of II e
North -west Provinces of India, and Governor a
Bombay, has accepted the permanent Under.Secre-
tarysLip to the India Board, vacated by Sir Thomas
Redington.
The Right Hon. George Robert Dawson, Deputy-
Chairman of the Board of Customs, has suffered a
severe attack of illness. But slight hopes are enter-
tained of his recovery.
A deputation of teetotallers waited on Sir George
Grey on Monday, to present various memorials askivg
for an inquiry into the sale of intoxicating
on Sunday. Sir George Grey declined to commit
the Government to any definite promise in the
matter, but thought the subject was open to any
Member in the house. liquors

MARCH 22, 1856.

fittraturt.

The Political Future of England By the
Comte de Montalembert. London : Murray.
WE are glad to receive an "authorised trans-
lation" of il. de Montalembert's thoughtful
tract. No one can dispute the profundity of
the author's genius. His point of view in this
instance is peculiar, but ho reasons from it
with masterly effect. Though his essay has
had a wide circulation in its original French,
we think our readers will be pleased with a
general notice of it. We shall pretend to do
no more than glance at some of his remark-
able passages.
He commences by stating the question
generally asked on the Continent—What is to
become of England? And he enumerates
some of the circumstances which have led to
an unfavorable answer being returned :

The insupportable arrogance of the English diplomacy
towards the weak, and of the English press towards every-
body, has raised the just indignation of a vast number of
reasonable men. . In truth, we
. .
have to deplore that for several years England should have
so varied her attitude—should have passed so quickly from
the extreme of invectives to the extreme of adulation—
should have forgotten so much, equivocated so much, and
so often sacrificed right and liberty to her ambition, to her
fears, and to her interests. She seemed to give up com-
pletely the honour of her free institutions to the pressure
of the opposite party. This has been the last stroke to
more than one noble heart among us.

There are some charges in this extract
which those among us who love England best
must be compelled to admit ; but it would be
erroneous to accept in all cases the language
of our press as an index to the mind of the
nation. The latter part of M. de blontaletn-
bert's sentence is obscure. The general state-
ment is too vague without instances. We do
nut clearly see what is meant by the " sacrifice
"of right and liberty," and by " the pressure of
"the opposite party." If we are to understand
that England, after having encouraged " Con-
stitutionalists " on the Contineut—(or by what-
ever other name the parties may be designated
who have risen in opposition to their Govern-
ments)—has deserted them in their day of trial,
the passage would be intelligible, and would
be just. But the " sacrifice " in that case
would result less from the "fear" or "pressure"
supposed by the author than from the neces-
sities of a false position.

For the last twenty-five years our foreign
policy has been eccentric, and, as regards
definiteness of purpose, has been unprincipled.
It has held out great encouragement to the
"constitutionalists" on the Continent, it has
even encouraged the hopes of the " nationali-
ties," but it has shrunk, when they rose in
insurrection, from championing their cause in
arms. They have received from England ex-
pressions of sympathy and some secret coun-
tenance, but nothing more. Our Foreign
Minister ought surely never to have en-
couraged the resistance of subjects to their
Governments, in ever so slight a degree, with-
out being prepared to openly support them.
But there is then a difficulty. Are we to
survey unmoved the struggles of enthusiastic
natures against the oppression and injustice
of arbitrary Governments ? Are we to show
no preference for one form of government
over anothe:-? Are we to think it a matter of
no concern whether freedom or despotism pre-
vails, when their forces are arrayed against
each other?

These are puzzling questions, and the truth
is, that no precise rule for the action of our
Foreign office can be laid down. Its first duty
is to be on friendly terms with the Govern•
ments of those countries with which it has
relations. Political propagandism is no part
of its mission ; it cannot, without a gross viola-
tion of its proper duty, encourage a party o f
disturbance iu any State with which it is
in friendly communication. This would be
to reverse the first function of diplomatic
.intercourse, and make it tend, not to the con-
tinuance, but to the rupture of amicable rela-
tions. There is some pretence for accusing
our Foreign-office of double-dealing under
Lord Palmerston's rule. We do not know how
any Englishman can look without shame to
tin sa&U7 times that the cry of " Poland," and

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