The Press.
London, England, 1857-07-25 00:00:00

DIVORCE BILL.

UNLESS Government and the House of Com-
mons proceed with extreme caution, the
whole relations between Church and State in
this country will have to undergo revision. A
disposition is apparent on the part of Govern-
ment to use its numerical strength with des•
potic authority, and to ride roughshod over
all opposition that may be offered to their
measures. How brief that tenure of power
must be which depends upon so transient a
position of affairs, we need not waste time in
proving. We only notice the fact for the sake
of calling attention to its bearing on religious
subjects.
It cannot be endured that the consciences
of the British people should be at the mercy
of any Government that may acquire a few
months' lease of absolutism. It is bad enough
that our civil administration should be left to
the treatment it is sure to receive at such
hands; but religious convictions are sacred,
and Englishmen will not permit them to be
periodically jeopardised.
Although the tone of last night's debate was
rather of a practical character, and dealt more
with the circumstances under which the
Divorce Bill was trought before the House of
Commons than with the provisions of the
Bill itself, it was easy to see from
the language of the Government speakers
that they are resolved to take high ground,
and brook no questioning. It is peculiarly
unfortunate that they should have selected the
Divorce Bill for the display of this ill-timed
vigour. If ever there was a question which
demanded careful consideration in every
stage of its progress, and the acceptance or
rejection of which would be unconnected with
party tactics, the present is the one. Where
speed is necessary, the Government loiters.
Where they are bound to be circumspect,
there alone are they precipitate. They fail to
secure victory where it would be accepted as a
guarantee of party union ; but are eager to
snatch it where it is a gratification of Govern-
ment arrogance.

What can be the object of hurrying through
such a bill as the Divorce Bill at this period
of the session ? To prevent the existence of
notorious scandals for the space of another
year. But what are these scandals? The
control exercised by the husband over the
wife's property, and the trim. con. action, are
the principal, if not the only ones. But it
would be easy, as was partly suggested by Mr.
GLApsTot:E, to remedy these two evils, without
touching the question of divorce at all. And,
after all, what scandal can be greater than the
spectacle of a bill intended to revolutionise
the domestic habits and the religious princi-
ples of centuries hurried through an English
House of Comity-ins in the last three weeks of
the session? The Government may, perhaps,
wish to register a notable triumph before
their majority melts away from them. But
otherwise their haste on this occasion seems as
aimless as it is infamous.

We are not surprised at the result of the
division. In the present temper of the House
of Commons none other could be expected.
But we earnestly beg the Conservative party
not to let slip the opportunity afforded by the
coming discussion of the Bill itself, and prove
that their attachment to the Church is un-
abated, and that whether successfully or other-
wise, it is, at all events, to them alone that she
must look for aid against the more and more
obvious designs of her enemies.

HER MAJESTY'S STEAM SLOOP Gorgon, Commander
George W. Towsey, last from the Mediterranean, was
yesterday morning admitted into basin at Woolwich,
and placed under the shears in order to land her
cargo, which consists of 250 packages, among which
are some colossal statues in marble of horses, Sze.,
weighing eight or ten tons each, excavated by the
officers and crew of the Gorgon among the ruins of
the ancient city of Halicartiassus, in Asia Minor.
Among the smaller discoveries are some highly pre-
served mosaics, friezes, tkc., the whole of which are
about to be deposited in the British Museum. The
Gorgon, having been upwards of three years in cm.
mission, is under orders to be paid off at Woolwich.

716

Vrott6ings in arliament.

HOUSE OF LORDS—MONDAY.
THAMES CONSERVANCY BILL.
Lord ST. LEONARDS moved the second reading of
this bill.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE opposed it, upon the
ground that it would give the London Corporation a
right of licensing encroachments on the river :
The question affected the whole of the population along
the banks of the river between Staines and Yantlet Creek,
and it was therefore absurd to confine the representation
at the board to so small a portion of the metropolis as the
city of London proper. He did not make it a charge
against this body that it would job, but its functions ought
to be intrusted to a board thoroughly competent for the
task. The bill invested them with immense powers of
taxation; it enabled them to grant licences to persons
wishing to erect piers or wharfs on its banks, and it even
placed the Trinity Board in subjection to this body of con•
servators. The future management of the river would be
practically in the hands of the city of Loudon, who would
be entirely tree from responsibility or control. The Board
of Trade had presented a most excellent report, which was
wholly adverse to this bill, and it was therefore remarkable
that the Government should support the measure.
The house divided, and the second reading was
carried by a majority of 44 to 5.
MERSEY CONSERVANCY AND DOCK BILL.
On the order for the second reading of this bill,
The Earl of DERBY opposed the bill upon the
ground that the principle involved in the bill—viz., the
right of taking away private property without coro•
pensaticn—was never yet known to be embraced in
any private and scarcely in any public bill :
A bill had been introduced last year by the right lion.
the Vice• President of the Board of Trade the effect of which
would have been to confiscate the property of the various
corporations of towns throughout England without giving
them any compensation ; and perhatis their lordships had
not forgotten the extraordinary doctrines which had been
laid down upon that occasion by the right bon. gentleman
—doctrines of such a character that even the political
friends of the right lion. gentleman shrank from defending
them, and which approached almost to the old Socialistic
motto, "La propriete c'est le vol." That bill had been
referred to a select committee, which had proceeded to
inquire into the case of Liverpool alone. In the meantime
a private bill was introduced by persons unconnected with
Liverpool affirming principles similar to those of the
measure which was withdrawn in the House of Commons.
To this bill the Government lent their support in order to
carry out the principle in a private bill with regard to one
city, and thus to put at their mercy all other corporations.
This was not a matter which ought to be referred to a
select committee of five members. It was a principle on
which the house ought to decide, and the proper stage at
which to take its decision was on the second reading of
the bill. The principle involved was the taking away of
property from individuals or corporations by legislative
enactment without giving them compensation. That was
a principle upon which we had not acted either in regard
to the Danish Sound dues, or in regard to pensions held
by persons who had no right to them except tha t of
prescription.
Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY vindicated the conduct
of the Government:—
The arguments by which this bill was opposed were
exactly those which were brought forward when the
Municipal Corporations Act was under discussion. Then
it was said that Parliament had no right to deal with
corporate property without compensation, but Parliament
did so deal with the property of corporations on that occa-
sion, with these town dues among the rest, and Parlia-
ment had an equal right so to deal with them now.
Nothing more was done by the bill than to transfer these
dues to the purposes for which they were originally in-
tended—the maintenance and improvement of the harbour.
It had undergone very careful and laborious consideration
before a select committee of the other house, lasting over
twenty-five days, and he hoped their lordships would not
consent to the motion for its rejection.
Lord REDESDALE was afraid that if in a private
bill they dealt with property in the manner proposed
without giving any compensation, they would be
establishing a precedent which might hereafter most
injuriously affect private property.
Their lordships divided, when the second reading
was carried by 23 to 15.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—MONDAY.
FALKIRK BURGHS ELECTION.
Sir J. PAKINGION reported f tbq Falkirk Dis-
trict of Burghs Election Committee that Mr. James
Merry was not duly elected, and that the last was a
void election.

INDIA.
Mr. V. Bunn, in reply to an inquiry by Mr. Roe-
buck, stated that no information had been received
by the Government of any disaffection among the
native troops at Bombay, and that his impression
from the last accounts was that none whatever had
made its appearance in either the Bombay or the
Medi as army.

SAVINOS•BANBS BILL.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply to
Mr. Baxter, stated that it was not his intention to

THE PRESS, JULY 25, 1857.

persevere in carrying on the Savings-banks Bill this
session, and he subsequently withdrew the bill.

TROOPS TO INDIA.

On the report of the Committee of Supply,
Mr. BENTINCK called attention to the state of the
naval and military defences of the country, with the
view of obtaining from the Government some more
satisfactory information on the subject than had
been afforded by them with respect to the steps
they contemplated taking to fill up the drain upon
us from India. . _ _

MV
Lord A. VANE TEMPEST wished to learn what
measures the Government proposed to take in order
to replace the large force about to be sent abroad.
Mr. W. WILLIAMS protested against any attempt
to stimulate the Government to increase the stand-
ing army.
Colonel KNOX insisted that the forces about to be
sent to the East should be replaced at a very early
period.
Lord PALMERSTON said, as far as regarded the
defences of the country and the state of Europe,
there was no reason for calling upon Parliament for
a greater amount of force than had been voted; but
if an emergency should arise, an application could
be made to Parliament. It was true that a portion
of the force had been required in India ; but, to
fill up the gap, recruiting had been ordered, which
would go on without requiring any assistance from
Parliament. To have recourse to the militia would
be a very expensive mode of recruiting for the line ;
Government had no power to embody the militia,
except in certain exigencies, without the sanction of
Parliament :

It is possible (said the noble lord) that events may have
happened in India, of which we may receive information
before Parliament rises, which will necessitate so large a
detachment of forces from this country that the ordinary
process of recruiting will not be likely to fill up the gap;
and I admit that, without any apprehension of particular
danger at home, or anticipating any unfavourable change
of political circumstances in Europe, it would not be right
and fitting to leave this country, I will not say entirely
destitute, but with any diminution for any length of time
of the force that is necessary for its home defence. It
might, therefore, in such a cast; be proper to ask Parlia-
ment to give the Crown for a limited period powers to
embody a portion of the militia, though not in a state of
war. I merely mention that as one of the possible events
that might make a recourse to Parliament necessary, though
I hope no such necessity will arise.

In reply to Lord Vane Tempest, the noble lord
stated that the amount of force either embarked or
under orders for India was about 20,000 men, partly
recruits for the European corps in the service of the
Company, partly infantry of the line, partly cavalry,
and about 1,000 artillery. If it should he found
necessary to send further reinforcements the Govern-
ment would apply to Parliament.
Mr. LINDSAY said the real question was whether
the readiest and quickest mode of sending troops to
India had been adopted by the Government. The
question, in his opiuion, lay between sailing and
steam ships :
He found from a return he held in his hand that the
average passage of 22 sailing ships from this country to
Calcutta was 1321 days, and that screw steamers had per-
formed the same passage in 94 days. less stoppages of 10
days, being a gain of 38 days in favour of the steamers.
But, throwing aside stoppages, there would be a saving of
45 days by sending trops to India in screw steamers.

Sir C. NAPIER considered it impossible to send the
troops to India by line of•battle ships, as they could
not he fitted out in less than three months from the
day the order was given. Great difficulty, too, would
be found in raising men, and he theretore thought
the Admiralty were right in going into the market to
hire vessels. He did not care what the cost was, but
he thought the Government ought to sent out screw
ships, and, in order to save their coals, they should
take care to have them towed out to catch the trade
winds.

Sir C. Woon maintained that clipper sailing ships
possessed advantages over screw vessels in long
voyages, and that hence he believed the East India
Company had acted with sound discretion in not
relying upon screw vessels only. He asserted that,
while these was less prospect of any war, the naval
defences of the country were in a better condition
than for the last forty years.
Admiral DUNCOMBE said he had before him a list
of the ships already taken up, and he found among
them the Robert Lowe, of only 100 horse power, an-
other ship of only 150-horse power, and sailing ships
of 600 and 700 tons. He did not think the efficiency
of the troops would be promoted by embarking them
in ships of such a description.
Admiral WALCOTT recommended the employment
of men-of-war to transport the troops.
Sir J. ELPHINSTONE considered our system of trans-
ports was entirely wrong. In the first place, he
thought that iron transports were entirely a mistake.
It was perfectly impossible that they could touch
ground in the Indian Seas, where coral reefs
abounded, without sustaining such damage as to
risk the loss of a regiment at once. Moreover, they
were very hot, and rolled heavily. These were faults
and defects difficult to remedy :

We had the most perfect means of remedying the exist+
ing state of things. There was a class of ships in the
navy which went by the name of " The Forty Thieves,"
and which would make the finest transports in the world.
They had two tiers of ports, and engines which would
enable them to make over fourteen days of calm weather,
and perform the whole passage in from seventy to eighty
days. He had always observed that the system of taking
up ships for the transport of troops was a commercial
error, for it raised the price of freights, kept our own ships
out of commission, and prevented us having a large addi•
tional reserve of able seamen who would be able to man
them. If the house would give him 250 men for each of
those line•of battle ships, he would undertake to navigate
any one of them with the greatest possible ease.