The Press.
London, England, 1858-09-25 00:00:00

shall ultimately lead to it, appear to us to go
upon not only a false principle, but one which, if
analyzed, contradicts itself. The question at
issue is, " Who are to be the rulers of this
nation ? " Now, if there are rulers, there must
be those who are to be ruled ; when there are
none to be ruled, but when each sets up as a
ruler, anarchy is established, and the nearer the
approximation to the rule of all, the nearer is the
approach to anarchy. Now, in civilized and
densely-peopled communities, we believe that this
state of things is an impossibility. So long as
masses of human beings congregate together, so
long it will ever be that the few will rule and
the many will obey. This is in the nature of
things, and man may as well try to annihilate
the law of gravity as to fight against this in-
evitable law. When, therefore, flatterers try to
persuade the people that they can really govern,
they practise on their credulity: by changing the
character of our institutions no doubt a change
may be effected in the character of our rulers,
but there will still be the rulers and the ruled.
And what we wish our friends of the working
classes to remember is, that their numbers are so
great that they cannot themselves all rule ; and
what we wish them to consider is, whether they
will really be gainers by the change which is
suggested to them. We would also ask them
whether their own experience does not coincide
with the lesson that British history teaches, that
their real friends—those who sympathize the most
with their wants and their wishes, and who have
done the most to ameliorate their physical and
moral condition—have more frequently been
found amongst men of independent fortune, of
liberal education, and of high rank, than amongst
those who are or have been toiling for their live-
lihood, and whose minds are narrowed by the ne-
cessity and the habit of paying great attention to
pecuniary matters ? These are men who, having
been obliged to fight their way in the world,
naturally turn their especial attention to their
own advancement in life. We do not say that
small means and pure love of country cannot co-
exist ; we know to the contrary ; we could pro-
duce brilliant examples of the union ; but of this
we arc very sure, that, generally speaking, nothing
is a more powerful damper on the spirit of
sufficient independence to prevent sinister con-
siderations as to what will affect his pecuniary
interests jostling with his own genuine political

opinions.-
Now, one of the effects resulting from the
Reform Act of 1832 has been to bring into the
House of Commons a large body of men, who
have grown grey in being the architects of their
own fortunes ; men who would never care to
enter within its walls, if they did not hope, by
means of the position in society which the title
of M.P. confers, to add an additional story to
the pecuniary edifice which they have spent their
life in rearing. These are the men whose names
figure at the head of joint-stock companies of all
kinds, because a certain number of names, with
the initials M.P. attached to them, is thought
essential to success by the promoters of these
speculations. Many of these men are to be found
on Parliamentary railway committees, to which
post considerable influence is attached, so that,
without any positive corruption, a member,
sitting on a railway committee, finds, somehow
or another, a great many individuals who derive
much pleasure and satisfaction from doing him
some accidental service which is likely to prove
agreeable or beneficial. Then, again, look at the
enormous number of lawyers in the House. Arc
the constituencies so innocent as to suppose that
these men seek seats in the House, in order to
dedicate their time to the service of their
country ? Why, were they so to do, they must
abandon the practice of the profession by which
they live. What, then, are the motives which
really influence the majority of them when they
spend their time and money in order to get a seat ?
Generally speaking (and it is very natural) they
seek to become M.P.'s because thereby profes-
sional advancement is obtained. How many are
there now in fair practice who would never have
been so placed if it had not been for the prestige
which surrounds an .M.P., and for the iVlueuce
which a legislator possesses ?
Then, again, look at the number of men of
business returned who have obtained local noto-
riety—men justly, perhaps, deserving of the
esteem and confidence of their fellow-citizens--
bnt men who have lived more than halfa century