The Express.
London, England, 1863-07-13 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 13, 1863.

the despotism of the few on the loved degradation
of the many. Before strangling any more about
the distribution of political power, our liberate
had better come to some common understanding
about the aims and objects of national life.

be Ittourt.

OSBORNE, JOLT U.
The Queen, accompanied by Princes& Lei-
ninon, drove out yeatorday.
The 800, km. Bruce and Lord Alfred Paget were in
attendance.

JOLT 12.

Tus discussion of our action in Japan at the
present moment involves questions of principle so
essentially similar to those raised by our recent
policy in China that it is almost impossible, even
were it desirable, to consider the two cases entirely
apart. In both countries we have to do with a
semi-barbarous people, intensely jealous of
European interference, who regard the presence of
foreigners amongst them with suspicion and dislike,
and who, therefore, until their prejudices are
softened by longer intercourse, may easily be roused
to express their hostile feeling in acts of mischief
and violence. In both empires the government is
of a thoroughly oriental type, too weak and
divided to maintain order or secure the effective
administration of justice at home, and incapable
of resisting any organized attack from without.
There are, moreover, in both countries large factions
more or leas actively opposed to the government,
who coerce its policy or defy its power. Under
these circumstances it no doubt requires the exer•
cise of great judgment and discretion on the part of
our representatives to avoid coming into con-
stant collision with the local authorities, to keep
clear of intestine brawl; maintain a strictly pacific
policy, and never exceed the simple duties which
our position as merchants trading under treaty
stipulations may impose. Without constant watch-
fulness and care, we shall almost of necenity drift
into war, or into a policy of active into-vention that
would in the end be equally burdensome and
expensive. We have already done both in China.
We drifted into a war which cost this country eight
milliona, and as the legacy of this war we are now
drifting into a policy of active intervention which,
if persisted in, promises, at no distant date, to
entail upon us still graver evils, and infinitely more
serious responsibilities.
Fortunately, we have not yet got to this pass in
Japan, but it is impossible to say how soon we
may be involved in a war with the Japanese, that
would inevitably be most disastrous to them with-
out being of the smallest permanent service to us.
The discussion raised by Lord CaastAnvom on
Friday shows how essential it is that public atten-
tion should be directed to our proceedings in these
distant centres of trade, and the public mind be
fully enlightened as to the guiding principles of
our commercial intercourse with these semi-bar-
barous governments. We seem already to be
rapidly approaching in Japan the same fatal
cycle of local disturbance, diplomatic pres-
sure, and hostile intervention that has already
proved so costly and burdensome in China and
elsewhere. A kind of ultimatum has been deli-
vered to the Government of the TYCOON, and the
next mail might bring us the unwelcome tidings
that we are actually at war with the Empire of
Japan. There is, indeed, some reason to hope
that this calamity may be averted, at least for
the present. Of all wars a war with a peace-
ful and peace-loving, but at the same
time a weak and semi-barbarous people like
the Japanese would be the most deplorable.
While we could gain no lasting advantage in such
semi-barbarous warfare, we should of necessity
do incalculable mischief. We might destroy
the principal ports, drive away the com-
merce of which they are the outlets,
fatally disturb the finances of the country, and
weaken, if not destroy, the existing Government.
Our hostile intervention would thus produce
nothing but anarchy, bloodshed, and desolation
in a country described by oar representative, Sir
RIMIELFORD ALCOCIL, as a kind of Garden of
Eden, with thirty millions of people, happy, pros-
perous, and contented. Such a war would at the
same time be as costly to England as it would be
ruinous to Japan. And what, after all, should we
gain by it I At the close of such a war we must
still either make treaties and establish intercourse
with the native Government as before, or under-
take the government of the Empire ourselves.
The real fact is that none of our interests
in Japan can justify a recurrence to these ex-
treme and burdensome alternatives. It is no
doubt the first duty of the British Government
and its representatives in Japan to protect the
lives and property of Englishmen during their resi-
dence in that country. And it is perfectly true
that on three different occasions murderous attacks
have been made, not only on British residents,
but on the British Legation at Yeddo. But there
is no evidence to show that the Government was
implicated in these attacks, nor has it refused the
demands made for reparation. In two cases it
succeeded in bringing the offenders to justice, and
the failure in the third case was probably due rather
to want of power than want of will. But in a
case of this sort, if the Government should
fail from inability, is the only alternative war
or domestic revolution I That appears to be the
doctrine laid down broadly enough by some of the
speakers in the course of Friday night's debate.
Lord WODEROVIR, for example, quickly reduced the
whole question to the simplest dimensions. " Here
"we have," he said, " a weak and rich nation
" scattered over a large territory, with whom our
" merchants are determined to trade. We must
" follow our traders, and extend to them pro-
" tection and the administration of justice, as
" far as that is possible." This broad
principle would, if accepted, justify any amount
of interference—not only war, bat theestabliahment
of a British protectorate over the Empire of Japan,
if that were the only means by which our traders
could be effectually protected. This is too large
a venture. Extended commercial intercourse
is no doubt of great value, but, like other
things, it may be purchased at too high a price.
Most Englishmen will agree with Lord Caasaa-
VON in holding that, while the acquisition of new
markets is desirable, it is " a very bad commercial
" bargain to obtain a few thousand pounds worth
" of good at the cost of six or eight millions of money
" for an Eastern war." In the long run trade will
always take care of itself, and find new and appro-
priate fields, without any such costly machinery for
its extension and protection.

The Queen, Princess Helens, and Princess Louise at-
tended Divine service at Whippingham Church this morn-
ing. The Rev. George Prothero performed the service.

A Cabinet Council was held on Saturday at the
official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury,
in Downing-street. The ministers present were
Viscount Palmerston, the Lord Chancellor, Earl
Granville, the Duke of Argyll, Sir George Grey,
the Duke of Newcastle, Earl de Grey, Sir Charles
Wood, the Chancellor of the Exchequer the
Duke of Somerset, the Right Hon. T. Milner
Gibson, the Right Hon. Edward Cardwell, Lord
Stanley of lilderley, and the Right Hon. C. P.

Despatches were received on Saturday at the Colonial•
°Mee from the Lord High Commissioner of the lonian
lakods.
Despatches were sent to the Governors of the North
American Provinces, Bermuda, Gibraltar, and Malta.

The Novz-Boos !—We gather from the conver-
gence on Pekin, evening that Mr. Lindsay is not, after
all, to produce his note-book. We are afraid that we mast
charge our conscience with the sin of depriving
the present generation of all chancel of a sight
of its precious pages ; at ell events of having
lost Mr. Speaker the inestimable privilege of • peep.
It is now, we regret to say, placed under • multitude of
seals, never to be broken till the day, we trait a far dis-
tant one, when Mr. Lindsay's literary executors will
break with trembling awe the waxen guardian of these
mighty mends, and give to the wondering world the
bottled memoranda of the illustrious statesman who so
carefully treasured them for the instruction of those who
come after. Mr. Lindsay boasts of the kindness of the
Emperor. His Majesty has but little reason to be obliged
by the return. If Mr. Lindsay remembered the come end ie.
sultieg terms in which, on his return from Cherbourg, Mr.
Roebuck spoke of the Enipernr, we cannot hut think it was
rather a "cool" thing in Mr. Lindsay to give that gentleman
an introduction to his imperial friend. No man living but Mr.
Roebuck, after using that language, would have thrust him-
self into the presence of the man he so abased. I. any
private =analog in England Mr. Lindsay sad his friend
would have probably been shown that mode of exit from
the house which the old song regards an equivalent to "dis-
sembling of love,"—lforairtg Pon.

LATZER INTZLIAIGENCE. I THE AUSTRIAN NOTE ON POLAND.
..-____ We have received the text of Count Reehberg's
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE KING despatch on Poland addressed to the Austrian
OF PRUSSIA AND HIS SON. I minister at St. Petersburg, and published in the
The Bumps of Fraukfort publishes the following . Memorial Dipionsatique. After a retrospective
character, Count
,
article which we reproduce with all reserve, leaving introduction of a very friendly
Rechberg says, respecting the replies of Russia to
to our German contemporary the responsibility
' 1 the former notes o the three powers :
LEITERS =NANO= BETWEEN CMG WILLIAM L AND HIE ' They have appeared to us to correspond with what we
SON, THE PRINCE ROYAL OP PRINNISA. : expected from the wisdom and liberal intention of the
We have received communicatious relative to the cones- Emperor Alexander. The cabinet of St. Petersburg ap-
pondence of the Prince Royal of Prude with the King, his PheLred;Ziketias ot: display • de
means tree
mteostl=tt:d as niter.-
father—communicetions which certainly have an interest cthe common object of our desires. Austria, Frame. and
in connexion with the politics of the time. Great Britain found themselves, therefore, in a mariner in.
On the 31st of May, before his tour of inspection ;e ' vikd to express their views in a more precise manner and
to explain them amiubly to the Russian government. _
Prussia, the Pried Royal wrote as nearly as possible in
the following words to the King : Animated by the spirit of conciliation which actuated
1 our first step, we have not hesitated to follow the
"Declarations which you have made to me (upon the • path indicated to tie. We have consequently examined
promulgation of the decrees) compel me to express frankly what are the conditions b
uld /e which, in our opinion,
to you my views. At the time of the retirement of the tflitilli. tyend
Ponce
and we havemsu ed in exp restored to
the
ktheseingdom
oo:f-
Auerswald ministry you told me that I was more liberal than ' u
claims in the following six points which we recommend to
you ; that an opportunity presented itself of playing the the consideration of the cabinet of St. Petersburg.
part of an heir to the crown, and that it was ie my Here follow the well-known "six points," of
:
power to prepare difficulties for your government. At that which Count Rechberg observes
period I promised you to be silent and to make no oppord- Several of the points of this programme already form
part of the line of coodect which the cabinet of St. Peters.
tion. I will keep my word. Nevertheless I owe youths troth.l
conjure you, dear father, not to attack the laws. No one , part of the line oP°coodoct which the cabinet of St. Peters.
I conjure you, dear father, not to attack th. laws. No one ourg has traced out for itself : others contain advantages
is more convinced than myself that an oath is to you • which it has promised or allowed to be expected ; none, in
sacred thing. But • prince easily puts himself is • false ; feet. overstep.i the
our ofmtrgLesf. what has been stipulated by
treatise
position towards his functionaries. With their art of inter- thebereffo.re,fredpersbyuadtheeoureß.Lives tha.trith.esebip::.-
preting the laws they know how to represent the legality . pniWtroVah. will
and necessity of their measures in such • sense that they' which may serve as the starting point to this interchenge of
to whirl it has appearfed disposed.n
lead the sovereign step by step into a very different path
` rtehakors d patch
from that which he had proposed to himself to follow. My .kiT?
to nai:icitrurenowom a
the caeblnet of Prince
Peterbnrg elms to
only oars is for your happiness," tan. admit the interaiit, which all the powers who signed the
The King replied: general act of the Congress of Vienna have in participating
" You say you have not wished to oppose me. You have in deliberations concerning the country designated in that
act as the duchy of Warsaw.
not been circumspect enough ; for certain speeches of an
We should have no objection for oar part to such a form '
of negotiations, and we should be ready to accept preli-
opposition character have circulated amongst the public.
You have now an opportunity of repairing the evil done by mloary negotiations or oonfereocee between the eight
declaring yourself energetically in an opposite sense, by ewers signing the general act of the Congress of Vieona,d
°°°lned. towards our pretended men of progress, oliXertorerguiwttethdee wee oPpeinisennand fapptateiooEnfe2 tiregri
and by extolling the doctrine of the conservatives. The gramme which we have drawn up above.
decree of the Ist of June is a strict application of paragraph When we addressed to you, M. Le Comte, our despatch of
' 63. It will be submitted for the approbation of the Diet. the 12th April, we were distressed at the effects of a un-
The previous ministry had itself to present a law in that fl;flinary countlict, thse:
wninietohc.e of wheicha.w.as f
ics oeflt on
way ; for it was upon that condition only that I promulgated Au.a
~._. roily to the subjectsm
of the Emperor our august master.
the law open the interpretation of the regulation reaPeo.roa We feel great sorrow at the prolongation of such coo-
industry." Rid& Guided no less by considerations of humanity than
On the 3rd of June the prince protested against the !i the special interests of Austria, we sincerely trust that
above- 'Atoned decree, in a letter addressed to M. the wisdom of the Russian government, and the conciliatory
te of the poweis who offer their concurrence will sue-
de Bismarck, and intended to be communicated to the entk-in-erruting a deplorable effusion of blood. 'We have
ministry. It states in substance that be considers pleasure in believing that the generous seutirsents of the
the restrictive measures against the press illegal and Emperor Alexander
if will o
wed
ully aidbtained weruld fin the
coo attainment of
prejudicial to the state and the royal house. It this result, which, it co be o, d greatly
declare' that they were taken without his knowledge, facilitate toe
iteushtpspl the c:ebinetsluattionthewcaneetburt of
Russia will take be in harmony with the great interests
against bas will, and that he protests against any inference
that may be drawn from these facts respecting his position which powerful motives have induced us to recommend to
in the ministry of state. This protest was characterised by its enlightened solicitude.
a certain degree of hauteur. occpubdupies.husich friendlyinwtoulsdiscussio a solution will be re-
in bringing such an intricate question as that which now
On the 4th the prince wrote to the King mother letter in
worthy of the sentiments whichl i • the cabinets.
be la and ;at the time P
which be represented that the spirit of the constitution had
been eluded by not submitting the decree to the Diet. It was You will be good enough to read this despatch to Prince
on the sth that the prince delivered at Dautzic the well. Cortchakoff, and I authorise you to leave with him a copy
known speech. This was followed by • letter from the thered•—lieeeiee. fie.
King in which the latter energetically disapproved of the
address. The King demanded • rectification in the
journals in the event of the report being incorrect,
and that the prince should pledge himself to avoid all
such declarations in future ; otherwise the prince would be
recalled to Berlin, where it would be decided whether or
not he should retain his command. The Kiog and the
ministry thought at first of violent measure; the latter,
however, thought better of it and advised clemency.
The reply of the Prince Royal was as needy as possible
as follows :

"My words were not thoughtlessly uttered. For a long
time past my conscience and my positios have imposed on
me the duty of adhering strongly to the doctrine the truth
of which I feel more and more every day. The hope
of being able perhaps to avoid contradicting you
alone made me keep the voice of my conscience
silent But now the ministry, without concerning
themselves about me the least in the world, have
adopted reeolntiona which compromise my future and that
of my children. I will defend my convictions with the
PSMO courage that you defend yours. I can, then, retract
nothing; but I will maintain silence. As to my position in
the army and in the ministry. I lay that at your feet.
I beg you to name the place where you wish to see
me take up my residence, or to give me permission to choose
myself the spot where I may live an absolute stranger to
politics."
This letter appears to have made a great impression on
the King. The King had prevented M. de Bismarck from
communicating to the ministry the protest of the prince.
From that moment the only thought was to prevent the
prince from taking sty new pclitical steps. The reply of
the King to the prince was conceived in moderate terms.
The King said that he did not wish to prevent his son from
expressing himself frankly to his father, but he required
him to keep silence towards everyone else, without which
the punishment with which he had been threatened would
take effect. " I also," added the King, " have a con-
science."

Then came, bat much later, the reply of M. de Bismarck
to the prince, letter. In this it was said, "It depends
upon your royal highness to lighten or to render more
difficult our great task. We are, moreover, faithful ser-
vants of his Majesty. I also have a oonacience,"
This closes the eorrespoodenoe. It is impossible to fore-
see what will be the attitude of the prince in future it is
asserted, however, that be intends to publish a protest.
The prince has discussed with no one but the Princess
Royal the letters he has written to his father. We may
add that somewhere in the south of Germany advice
was given him to resign his offices at an early period. We
may further add that the correspondence between the King
of the Belgians and the Prince Royal is at this moment more
active than ever. _ . .

(KEUTKR'S TZLEGIAMIL)
THE POLISH INSURRECTION.

CR ICOW. JOLT 13.

The announcement that the funds of the National
Government bad been seized by the Russians is
entirely false.
Wierzbicki, by a mano3uvre, whereby he deceived
the Russians, has succeeded in penetrating into the
interior of the government of Lublin, and has
effected a junction with Rucki's insurgent corps.
Czengery has left Kielce, whither considerable
forces have been despatched against him.

-- • -
Fiquette is operating with a flying column of
gendarmery in Saudomir, Bogus; and Stobnick.

FRANCE.

PARIS, JULY 13.

The Queen of Spain, the King of Prussia, and
the King of Holland have sent their congratula-
tions to the Emperor on the taking of Mexico.
An imperial decree has been published to-day
concerning the measures to be taken before any
educational professor of superior or secondary rank
can be dismissed his functions by the minister.
The decree is preceded by a statement of motives, in
which the necessity is pointed out for the members
of the body of teachers to have every guarantee
that justice will be done them.
The Muniteur of to-day publishes the notes ad-
dressed to Russia by England, France, and
Austria respectively.

The yachting interest in France has received
new impulse from a decree of the Minister of the Marine.
In future the owners of yachts can take the command of
their vessels, and will be at liberty to select their captains
among foreigners. They will no longer be obliged to com-
pose their crews of seamen inscribed on the naval list.
Henceforth owners of yachts can full at sea, provided,
however, that they do not make a trade of their amuse-
ment, to the detriment of professional fishermen.
A letter from Naples of the Gth says :—"A
grand funeral service in honour of the late Garibaldian,
Hullo, who was recently killed in Poland, is being prepared
here, and was to have been celebrated on Wednesday next
in the Jesuits' Church ; but as a beautiful mass, composed
by Cherubini, is to be performed on the occasion, and the
performers are not yet perfect in their parts, the ceremony
ban been put off for a week. The memory of the Garibal-
dian hero will be honoured by the presence of the prefect,
municipal authorities, magistrates, and national guard of
NaPise