The Press.
London, England, 1858-03-13 00:00:00

rights and privileges of Englishmen with the maintenance
of that alliance which is necessary for the cause of Euro-
pean civilisation is a problem not easy to solve, but one
from the solution of which we shall not shrink. (Hear.)
So unhappily have affairs been managed that the result
of the proceedings of the late Administration with respect
to these great transactions appears to be that there is
apparently an attempt to change the laws of England at
the dictation of a foreign power. I am convinced the
people of this country will miter submit to such a pro-
ceeding—(cheers)—and, although I deeply regret that by
misunderstanding and misconception such a situation
should have been arrived at, I feel it is impossible that the
difficulty should be solved by pursuing a course which
the great majority of the people of England have already
entirely condemned. I do not, however, despair that
these great difficulties may be overcome. Ido not despair
that there are means and methods by which, consistently
alike with the honour and interests of England and of
France, we may arrive at some conclusion which wed be
perfectly satisfactory to both nations, and will, as I hope,
leave no feeling of coldness or alienation behind. (Cheers.)
In considering this question I regard with great con-
fidence the character of the Emperor of the French.
The custom of that prince, arising necessarily from the
great transactions with which he has to deal, is to leave
the conduct of affairs for a considerable time to his
Ministers and to subordinate agents. This is the neces-
sary consequence of the Emperor's dealing himself, more
or less, with the entire administration of his empire,
both foreign and domestic; but it has happened before,
as I hope it will happen in this case, that when by their
mismanagement and by their misconduct a critical state
of affairs has occurred,—when the peace of Europe or
the independence of countries has been in question,—
when difficulties have appeared to take much' an inextri-
cable form that no solution was at hand,—the Emperor
himself has then interfered and has brought to the survey
of the whole transaction that sagacious and unimpassioned
intelligence which he possesses, viewing the state of
affairs, as I believe he will do on this occasion, solely
with regard to the interests of France. The Emperor of
the French, I feel assured, will not permit these great
principles of policy of which he has been the chief sup-
rrter, if not the originator, to be sacrificed for want of
intelligence or from deficiency of judgment on the part
of those individuals who have had the previous manage-
ment and conduct of these matters. ( Hear, hear.) I
feel persuaded that when the Emperor himself brings—
as no doubt at this moment he is bringing—his personal
investigation and supervision to all the circumstances of
this difficult case, he will not hesitate to recognise the
original error of his Ministers ; that be will not hesitate
to place confidence in those laws of England the efficiency
of which has not even yet been tried to obtain for him
the just remedy which he solicited. ( Hear, hear.) I
am confident that when the Emperor has investigated in
gash a spirit all the circumstances of this case, while
he reoogniseenthe first error of his Ministers, while he
recognises what has too late been acknowledged, the effi-
ciency of the existing law—if his hopes are frustrated,
if it be proved that :hat law is inefficient ( which I am
not inclined to believe), and if the monstrous doctrine
can be demonstrated to be the law of England that an
alien in this country may commit with impunity a crime
which one of her Majesty's own subjects could not com-
mit without incurring the penalties of the law, then I am
sure the Emperor of the French will not send dictatorial
messages or menaces ; he will leave them to counts and
eolonels—(laughter)—but he will appeal to the justice of
the English nation, and he will ask them, " Do you wish
it to be the law of England that an alien may commit with
impunity a crime which one of your Sovereign's own
subjects cannot commit without punishment, and that such
a crime may be perpetrated against the person of your
faithful ally?" ( Cheers.)
Now, with respect to this situation, I watch with in-
terest the trials that will soon tate place in this country.
I know it is imagined abroad that there are great and pur-
poted delays in the investigation which is now in progress
be ore magistrates, preliminary to the trials which will sub-
sequently take place ; but this arises from that ignorance of
oar forms of law which is too prevalent on the Continent.
These forms of delay were adopted to protect the liberties
• the subject, and we must on no account permit them
to be diminished. So far, however, as I can form a judg-
ment, from a knowledge of proceedings now in progress—
and of course I avoid giving an opinion upon the guilt of
any man who has not been tried—l think a case of such
gravity and magnitude will soon be brought before our
tribunals, that the efficiency of the law on this important
subject will be fairly and completely tested. Until a deci-
sion has been given I think it premature to say more.
For myself, I have confidence in the law of England. I
cannot but believe that the law of this country is sufficient
to touch miscreants of the class in question ; and although
I would on no account, under no circumstances, with no
conditions, and under no limitations, ever consent to
tamper with that law of asylum which has rendered this
the consecrated land of liberty—(cheers)—l do not hesi-
tate to express the great gratification I shall feel if the law
is proved to be powerful enough to deal with those who
have outraged the feelings of this country, and have violated
that sacred right which, even with such exceptions, we are
still bound to maintain. (Cheers.)

I have touched upon this difficult and delicate topic with
frankness, because it appears to me of the utmost impor-
tance that there should prevail at this moment au intelli-
gent spirit in this country on the subject of one relations
with France. It is undoubtedly the interest of many influ-
ential persons, classes, and individuals in England to
poison the feelings of the people of England at this
moment against the Government and people of France.
That is, in my opinion, a most dangerous conrse.
(Cheers.) While the people of this country should be
prompt under all circumstances to maintain their laws and
customs, and while they ought to consent to every and