The Press.
London, England, 1853-08-20 00:00:00

in arlinunt.

THE TURKISH QUESTION-MINISTEHIAL
EXPLANATIONS.

Lard JOAN 11118RELT, on Tuesday, gave his long-
promised narration of the Russo-Turkish controversy,
and of the acts and negotiations in connection there-
with, in which the British Government had more or
less participated. The noblo lord commenced with
acknowledging the past forbearance shown by the
house ; citing afterwards a number of precedents to
show that in previous instances when "eircumstances
were exceedingly critical," and negotiations still un-
completed, the Ministry had abstained from laying
papers before the Legislature, or entering into any
premature explanations of their own conduct and the
situation of afikirs. Premising further that even
now he could not, for official reasons, tell the whole
story, and in fail could do little else than "refer to
transactions" which he believed must have Already
become known to the house and tha.eountry, Lord J.
Russell embarked upon his history of the occur-
renczuVing them from a Mimsterial point of sight,
and sup 01) narrative from the first day when,
in Vehrtiary.leat, he resumed the responsibilities of
office :--

" When the present tiovernment entered upon Mike my
attention was immediately called to the question of the
Holy Places at Jerusalem by the Russian Minister at this
4 'ourt ; and I was told that that question was one of a very
important nature, and would probably give rise to some
anxiety. imme:diately turned my attention to that sub-
ject ; and I think on the very day on which l took the
seals of the Foreign-othee I wrote a private letter to Lord
Cowley, her Majesty's Ambassador in Paris, requesting, as
my predecessor had done, his earnest attention to that
eutjOd.. At a later period I was informed by the Russian
Minister that it was the determination of the Emperor of
Thiamin to despatch a special embassy to Constantinople.
with a view to put an end tothe differences and complaints
that had existed upon this subject. The Emperor of Rue-
sin complained that ordain privileges which had been en-
joyed by these professing the /Creek religion at Jerusalem
had been withheld, mid that certain concessions which had
been made by the Sultan had been withdrawn. It was,
therefore, a legitimate object on his part to seek to obtain
a settlement of those questions. Of course I could not
object to the special enabawiy from Russia to contemn-
mph+ on the subject; but I stated my hope that the mis-
sin would be of a conciliatory nature. Prince Menschi-
koff, who was entrnated with that mission, arrived at Con-
stantinople, and had an audience with the Sultan on the
;and of March. An incident then occurred which created
a good deal of alarm. Fuld Effendi, the then Turkish
Minister fur Foreign Affairs, was pointedly slighted by the
Russian Amhaseador, and immediately gave in his resigna-
tion. Other circumstances tended le excite alarm, and
Colonel Rose, at the request of the Grand Vizier, wrote to
say that it might be desirable that the British admiral,
who was then contemplating a cruise, should hasten his
departure from Malta, and approach nearer to the
waters of Breese. However, about a week afterwards
these apprehensions were a good deal allayed—some of
the reports which had been prevalent were fibula' to be
erroitemu‘ ; and Colonel Rose wrote a second time to say
that the Grand Vizier no longer persisted in his wish, and
therefore he would withdraw the request he had made to
Admiral Ihnlae. At a later period—hi the beginning of
April—Lord Stratfiwd, who was then at Constantinople,
was intbrmed by the Turkish Minister that certain
propositions had peen made to the Turkish Oovennnent
to which they were unwilling to secede. Lord Stratford
understood that it had let mn notch desired by the Russian
Ambassador that the demands which were now made on
the part of Russia should be withheld from the knowledge
of the repreeentatives of the other powers of Europe. I
believe that these demands were as new to the nevem-
ments of France and Austria as they were to the tiovern-
meta of England. After a considerable time these ',repo-
Nihon* changed their obvert.; and the theme has heard. and
will renolieet reading in the papers, that there was first a
eteivention proposed in one form, and afterwards a conven-
tion proposed in another limn, and that finally Prince
Menschikoff preeented a note to the Turkish Govene
ment, stating that, nimbus that note was signed by the
Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Prince and his
mission would lw obliged to leave Constantinople, and
that Russia would not be responsible for tine very grave
evils which might mane. The Turkish tiovernment did
not consider the acceptance of such a proposition emit-
patible with the independence and dignity of the Sultan.
and declined to atlix the signature of their Minister for
Foreign Afthira to the note proposed. At the same time
the Turkish Minister, instead of a direct and simple
negative, wrote a note on Ida part, which he said that he
was quite ready to transmit to the Russian Ambassador,
if it would 1w taken us satisfactory, and thus close all ilis-
mite* between the two thwernments. I should mention
here that. the question with regard to the Holy I'laces, and
all the particulars and various details which related to the
Greek and Latin Churches, had been previously arranged
in a manner that was satisfactory to Prince Menschikoff
mid the Russian Government. Prince Menschikoff, hew•
ever, instead of accepting this note, or considering it as a
Weds for intim. negotiation. immediately withdrew his
mlulen from Constantinople, and retired to the Russian
ilmlttier. I regard this circumstance as one that was
slily greatly to be lamented. It hoe always appeared to
me eat on the one side and en the other there were shin-
IMMO which could be admitted, while there were others
wide might have been the subject of compromise and
areangement. The %MIMI Minister maintained that

THE PRESS.

Russia had by certain treaties, especially those of Kainardji
and Adrianople, the right to expect that the Christians iu
the Turkish territory would be protected, and be declared
at the same time that Russia did not wish in any manner
to injure the independence or the integrity of the Turkish
empire. The Sultan's Ministers,on their part, maintained
that it was their duty above all things to maintain
the independence of the Sultan—that nothing should be
acceded to which would be injurious to his dignity or
would derogate from his rights, but at the same time they
declared that it was the intention of the Sultan to protect
his Christian subjects, and to maintain them in the rights
and privileges which they enjoyed by concessions and edicts
that had been issued by himself and his predecessors.
Such being the statements on the two sides, I own it
appears to me that the withdrawal of the Russian miesiou
from Constantinople, aided at the same time as it was by
the preparation, as a means of eompulsion of a large Rua-
sian force, both military and naval, on the. frontier of
Turkey, was a most unfortnnate step, ind has been one
which has given, naterully, very great alarm to Europe,
while it lean imposed great sacrifices both upon Turkey
,and the Tarkish provinces adjoining Russia. list Ma-
jesty's Government, when these appearances became SO
serious, thought it necessary to give directions that her
Majesty's fleet should leave Malta and approach the
neighbourhood of the Dardanelles. The French fleet had
a short time before been sent to the Bay of Salamis; but
there was a perfect concert between the two Governments
upon this subject. The two Governments upon this Occa-
sion and throughout the negotiations have acted eutitely
in concert, and have endeavoured in a similar spirit, by
daily and constant communication, to obtain a solution of
this question which would I,R compatible with the inde-
pendence and the dignity of the Porte, and which, at the
same time, might not lead to any disturbance of the peace
of Europe. The next step that was taken by the Russian
Government was a direction to the army of Russia to
occupy the principalities, with a declaration at the same
time that it was not to be considered HS a hostile invasion,
or as an act of war, but simply a guarantee for peace, and as
a means of pressure upon the Turkish Government. It
was considered by the English and French Governments,
as well as by the Turkish Government, that, in default of
any communication/4 either with Great Britain or France,
it was desirable, seeing what great interests were at stake,
to forego the clear and undoubted right of Turkey to con-
eider this proceeding as a ease of war, and to enter into
further negotiations. by whith the ends sought for might
be attained. No 'anal hostilities, therefore, further than
the occupation of those provinces by the Russian forces,
have hitherto taken place. It was the opinion of her
Majesty's Government that, whilst they placed the fleet of
Great. Britain, in conjunction with the fleet of France, at
the disposal of the ambassadors of the two powers iu Con-
stantinople, to be called up to Constantinople in case of
emergency, it was at the same time desirable to gather up
the broken threads of the negotiations, and to attempt to
arrive at some amuigement by which the question might
be settled. The different powers considered of various
means for its settlement ; but more espeendly the Minister
for Foreign Affairs of France--a person whose talents,
moderation, and judgment it is impossible not to estimate
highly—drew up a note, which we considered omitted
the objectionable part of the demands of Prince Mens-
ehikoff, and those parts of the Turkish note which
the Russian Government might think inadmissible,
and to which the two parties might agree. Previously
to this time the Austrian Government, as I have
stated on a former ocett, • to the house, declined the
propoeid of her Majesty's Government to enter into any
conference on these circumstances. But, when the Russien
Government had occupied the principalities, Austria
changed her view of the subject, and she declared that it
was absolutely necessary for the representatives of the va-
rious powers to meet in conference, and to endeavour to
obtain some amicable solution of differences which might
otherwise imperil the peace of Europe. The Minister of
Foreign Affairs of Austria took the proposition of the
French Government as the groundwork of the proposition
which he made to the conference. I have already stated
that it was an Austrian proposition, hut it. came originally
from France. That proposition was submitted for consi-
deration about the 2,4 th of July, and no doubt information
was immediately conveyed to St. Petersburg of the inten-
tions of the Austrian Government. Her Majesty's Go-
vernment requested to see the note as it was proposed, with
such modifications as the Austrian Government might
think it neeessary to introduce. That, of course, led to
explanations and further communications; and it was not
till the ;11/4t—that is, a week after the first conference—
that the final eonfetenee was held, in which the born of
the note was completely arranged, and settled to the satis-
faction of the representatives of the four powers, and of
the Government of Turkey. The house him already heard,
and the intelligence has been emifirmed by subsequent in-
formation. that the Emperor of Russia has the note of the
four powers. There has not been hitherto any communi-
cation from Constantinople with respect to the reception of
that note ; but this I can state, that upon the *.iflrd of last
month the Turkish Ministers were prepared to send to St.
Petersburg a communication bayed upon the former note
in its mode of meeting the demands of Russia, and having •
agreed to that note 1 think they wonkl bind themselves to
agree to the note which has met the assent of the four
powere. Supposing, what. however, is quite unsettled—
suppoeing that note to be finally agreed upon as the cent-
municetion which shall be made by Turkey, and which will
be satisfactory to Russia. there will still remnin the eva-
cuation of the principalities. (Hear, hear.) It is quite
evident that no settlement can be satisfactory which does
not include, or immediately lead to, the evacuation of
those principalitiee. (Cheers.) According to the decla-
rations which have been made by Prince Gortschakoff,
that evacuation ought immediately to follow upon satis-
faction bein given to the Emperor of Russia. 1 will only
say that it Is an object which her Majesty's Government

SATURDAY,

consider essential; but with respect to the mode in which
that object is to be attained I must ask permission of Par-
liament to say nothing further upon that head, but to leave
the means of attan►ing the end in the hands of the executive
Government. With respect to the question which has
been rai►ed regarding the fleets of England and France,
that, of course, cannot be made any condition, because we
ought to have it in our power at all times, supposing
Turkey to be in any danger, to send our fleet to the neigh-
bourhood of the Dardanelles, in order to be ready to assist
Turkey in ease she should be attacked. Therefore we
cannot consent to any arrangement hy which it may be
stipulated that the advance of the fleets to the neighbourhood
of the Dardanelles shall Le considered equivalent to th►e
actual invasion of the Turkish provinces. With respect
to anything further, if these questions shall have been
settled, if peace is secure►l, Besika Bay is not a station
which would be of any advantage to the Government
either of England or France. I can only add that, whilst
I regret not to lie able to state that the whole of these
transactions are terminated, yet I do think that there is
now a fair prospect that, without involving Europe in hiss.
tilities, the independence and integrity of Turkey, which
from the beginning of the session I have always stated to
be the main object of the policy of her Majesty's Govern-
ment in reference to the affairs of the East, will be secured,
and that in no very long period. 1 am sure this house
will feel-1 know that this country feels—that, if that
object can be secured by negotiation, without involving
Europe in the calamities of war, it will be a result which
the witole world will value, and upon which we shall have
reason to congratulate ourselves. lam quite sure that my
noble friend at the head of the Government may well con-
sole himself for any attacks that may be made upon him
in contemplating such a result, and that we have cause to
appreciate highly the mixture of firmness and judgment
by which he has been enabled to attain the end that is
before us. I will only say that this question of the main-
tenance of Turkey is one that must always require the
attention—the vigilant attention—of any person entnisted
with► the conduct of the foreign affairs of this country ; and
further, that. I think it can only be secured by a constant
union subsisting between England and France, and by a
thorough concert and cordial communication between
those two powers."
In the course of a brief debate which this tiltnni
occasioned, Mr. LAYAItI► regretted that no opportu-
nity had been afforded for obtaining a parliamentary
opinion on the question, and feared that too little
firmness had been shown in supporting Turkey
against the demands and aggressions of Russia.
Sir J. PAimarros remarked upon the unsatisfactory
nature of the explanations given by the minister, lie
rejoiced, indeed, to hear that Government continued
to consider the evacuation of the Danubian principa-.
lities a sine qiul two in any solution of the question,
but thought that statement made only to the British
Parliament far less dignified than it' made, as it
ought to have been, to Russia herself, and included
in the note transmitted to St. Petersburg. England
wished for peace, but would not sacrifice an iota of
honour or principle in order to obtain it.
Lord DUDLEY STUART found the Government cul-
pable towards all parties. Towards Parliament, by
withholding information and barring discussion; and
towards Turkey, by first inciting her to resistance,
then by treating the invasion of her territory as no
cases bells, and finally by forcing her to accept de
facto all the demands of Russia in their most humi-
liating form. France, he believed, was inclined to
adopt more energetic steps, and bad only been in-
duced by Lord Aberdeen to follow the pusillanimous
course of his suggektion.
Mr. Moslem*: MILNES defended the Government;
believing that they could have made out a much bet:
ter sto:y for themselves if consideration for the inte-
rests of England and of peace had not induced them
to practise a self-denying reticence. He dwelt upon
the delicacies and difficulties of a question involving,
among other things, the religious faith of a vast po-
pulation, and contended that Ministers ought not to
be blamed if, under such circumstances, they evinced
a somewhat decided partiality to a temporising pw•
Rey.
Lord J. RUSRET,T, interposed some explanations, de-
signed to show why he had not given a fuller narra-
tive; why he had not given it earlier; and why he
had refused to allow a debate on the subjeet. Al-
hiding to some censures upon Ministerial conduct
offered by Mr. Layard, he declined to refute them,
assigning as his reason that to do so he must refer to
papers to which the house hail no access.
Mr. M► NTX was convinced that the people of Eng-
land would be deeply disappointed at learning all
that the Ministers had done and failed to do in the
matter.
Mr. timelier' remarked upon the future dangers
in which the temporising course of the Government
had involved Europe. There were a number of
small and weak States placed as objects for the cupi-
dity of more powerful neighbours, and protected only
by the common feeling that in any case of aggres-
sion the aggressor would be treated as a common
enemy. By now showing that an act of audacious
aggression could he passed over in the -instance
of the Russian occupation of the principalities, the
Ministry had weakened this guarantee for peace,
and established a tempting precedent for future
ma-
lefactors who might attempt to disturb the repose of
the world.

384
rotabinp

AUGUST 20, 1853.

Mr. COBDEN agreed with previous speakers on
both sides. He coincided in the opinion that the
Russian aggression was unprincipled and auda-
cious; and in the conclusion that a pacific course
was preferable to a more peremptory one, even if it
did not secure the desired result until a month later.
From this point, however, he proceeded to examine
the subject in a new light—that, namely, derived
from a consideration of the condition of Turkey
itself. We talked much, he said, about "preserving
the independence of Turkey," but the very phrase
was now merely an empty sound. No country could
be called independent where the population were
slaves, or where the majority am not approve the
state of the Government. In Turkey in Europe
three fourths of the inhabitants were Christians,
and every Christian in his heart preferred the
Russian or any other rule to that of the Mahout.
medan. This was a principle which vitiated all our
arrangements at present ; superseding or rendering
ridiculous the complicated schemes of diplomatists ;
and remained still unsettled, as a deep and growing
cause of disturbance, beneath all our attempts
to close the pending difficulties at the surface.
Ministers might prevent a war at the momenkbut
the question what is to be done with the Christian
population of Turkey? would still await solution.
Mr. Cobden then treated the subject in its
commercial bearings, and, after denying the expe-
diency of " fighting for a market," recapitulated a
variety of facts and inferences to prove that Russia
would be a good customer to this country, and that
every extension of Russian power, if at the cost of
the Mahommedans, was a positive gain to the class
of English producers. He then contrasted the state
of St. Petersburg with that of Constantinople, and
protested against the argument that we had any
natural reason for alliance with such a country as
Turkey. Ridiculing the idea of terror from Russian
invasion, he declared that Russia could not move an
army across her frontier without an English loan.
Russia had not shown herself more unscrupulous in
regard to Turkey than we had been in regard to
Burmah ; and we had no reason to affect fear of her
menaces. He also urged the tremendous increase
in our own resources of defence. But, he added, we
had given hostages to fortune, and if we did plunge
into war it would be attended with consequences the
present generation little dreamt of, or they would not
talk so glibly. Drawing a picture of the commercial
disasters certain to ensue from war, he said that Go-
vernment had done wisely not to listen to the voice
of thoughtless and shallow men.
Lord PALsts:awrox addressed himself to the task
of demolishing the speech of Mr. Cobden—exhibiting
its inconsistencies, and denouncing the sordid and
yet improvident conclusion on which he had built up
his advocacy of peace at any price for the sake of our
commercial profits:—

" The honourable member began by assuming it as a very
proper maxim that we ought to maintain the independence
of Tnrkey, and to prevent Russia from taking possession
of her provinces ; but, in the °nurse of his speech, he toted
every argument his ingenuity could urge to show that
Turkey was not worth defending. (Cheers.) If he
had stood forward as the avowed advocate of the aggres-
sive and ambitions policy of Russia, I do not think
he could have pursued a course more extenuating,
and more calculated to assist that policy, than he
has done. (Hear, hear.) I never heard a speech so
full of self-contradictions. At one moment Russia was
weak and incapable of resisting any serious effort of this
country ; and in the next moment he tells us that war with
Russia would be fraught with infallible ruin to Englaud.
At one time he tells us that Russia is a barbarous power,
scattered in her territories and weak in her internal ad-
ministration ; then he launches out in praise of St. Peters-
burg, and, because. St. Petersburg is a liner city than Con-
stantinople, therefore Russia must poasgss both. (laughter
and eheers.) The hon. gentleman is a Free Trader ;in that
capacity he made the tour of Europe, and, being received
with courtesy and civility, fancied that he had persuaded all
the powers of Europe to abandon their former systems in
favour of free trade. The honourable gentleman says that
the efforts of this country in favour of unrestricted tariffs
have signally failed. I should like to know what was the
result of his European tour. But we never made wars for
tariffs : our wars were waged for the liberties of Europe,
and not for the tariffs of commerce ; we waged War for the
independence of nations, and for the balance of power,
Which the honourable gentleman sneers at, because he
does not seem to understand great laughter sad cheer•

sag )---but which all well-informed persons feel to be essen-
tial to the liberty and wellbeing of mankind. (Londe/teem)
The honourable gentleman, with all his free-trade partiali-
ties, entirely forgot those principles when he drew a earn-
kpurism between the commercial systema of Russia and Tur-
ey. Does lie not know that the commercial system of
Russia is strictly prohibitory, and that the commercial ays•
tern of Turkey is as liberal as that of any country with
which we have commercial relations? He says that it is
immaterial, in a commercial point of view, whether the
Turkish empire belongs to Russia or not, for we had not
commerce in the Black Sea till Russia got possession of the
Crimea. I never beard an argument that was less relevant.
It is not true that the commerce of Turkey is immaterial
to this country. It is very material. Turkey has many
natural products which are essential to our manu-
factures, and her mineral and natural resources are
every year becoming more valuable. The honourable

THE PRESS.

gentleman is a great advitcate of the principles of
uon-interference ; and has frequently said, 'Do not
you interinethlle in the atfaira of other nations; eve-
dally do not dictate to them what form of government
they are to adopt.' But what is the matter that he has now
especially committed to the deliberation of the Govern-
ment ma to the futon. consiolentt ion of Parliament ? Why,
it is—what are we to do with the Turkish empire ? How
are we to dispose of the destinies of the Mahommedans,
the Greeks, and the other nu't's that inhabit it ? Strange,
this, from a person who maintains the necessity of leaving
foreign countries to decide on their own form of govern-
ment. (('heers.) But Ido not admit that the Turkish
empire is in that state of decay which he represents it to
he in, or that the maintenance of the independence of Tur-
key is On object which cannot be successfully attained.
'flte honourable geutleman wholly misrepresents the state
of Turkey during the last thirty years. 1 assert, with t
fear of contradiction front any man who knows the subject.
that Turkey. far front going backward during tin' last thirty
years, has made greater improvement than most ether
countries during the same time. Compare Turkey now
with what she was in the reign of Sultan Malnnoutl—take
either her system of govennuent or the prosperity of her
inhabitants—take her army—take her navy—take her ad-
ministration of justice—take the pnosperity of her apical-
ture—take her improvements in smelt manufaetures as she
has—take her commercial system—take her religions to-
leration—l say, that in all these respects Turkey has
iamb, immense progress during the period which I have
mentioned. So fur from going along with the 1 . os.n.
Rennin in that wort of political slang—(eheepol—in which
it is the fashion of certain parties to del ttttt nee Turkey—
so far from talking of her as a Los. Jow.y 1 1 1
. or as one aboilt,
to 'spire, and which cannot be kept *the, I tun convinced
that if we rim only keep out those who wish to get
o'hrers I—if we leave those who are ill to deal with
her affairs aceording to the way they are now dealing with
them—l venture to say that, tae far as the seeds of internal
dissolution are cowls-tied, there is not a country with
which Turkey will not beer a favourable comparison,
and that she is likely to go till and to improve if we
1%11 only keep the hands Id' 1101 The our her.
am bound to say that, if ever l heard a speech which was
likely to discourage the Government in the course of
policy w'hi'le they have been pursuing—if ever i heard a
speech which was likely to damp the zeal of the country
in support of the Government, it is the speech of the
honourable gentleman. l am happy to any it is the only
speech of the kind we have heard twilight, and I only trust
it will not mislead persons beyond the 1' 'ts of this country
as it might mislead them. (('heers.) I hope the languar
we have heard will nut excite abroad a feeling which would
tend to mar the efforts of the Government to settle this
question satisfaetorily. I trust, rather, that the sentiments
and feelings which the general bow of the diststasion of
this evening has shown will prove to the whole world what
are the nentintente of the British Parliament, and what is
the fixed determination of the British nation—(ehrers)--
and that tl gh there may bo pellicle; who wish to Sel•
Russia extended to Turkey, yet that is not the wish of
the Bridal, nation. mid that the tiovernment and the Par-
liament are. determinist to maintain the independence of a
country which we think it is important should be main-
tained in its independence, both political and commercial.
((`Guinn.) Wt. tit) not intend to rearrange the country. We do
not go &matt &Tiering to the Bulgarian's, to the Ureeks,to the
Selavonbms, and to the Mussulmans, who are to be their
governors, and what their form of government shall be.
It has been the policy of England to give such advice to
the Turkish I iovernment as we thought would strengthen
the 'lower of Turkey, and contribute to the happiness of
the people who live tinder the rule of the Sultan; and I
am happy to say that our advice has been attended to, and,
as the result, there the people are tranquil—there justice
is administered—there oppression has ceasted—them is a
state of things which has resulted in the happiness of the
people. lam eonvinced that if that aystetu is pursued—
it England, united with France, shall say that Turkey
must not belong to 'Russia or to any other power—if no
tereign power shall be allowed to invade her, I ant eon-
, Villeed t.hut Turkey has within her all the elements of lift'
and prosperity ; that the policy which the I hl'
' gentleman denounces and ridicules is a sound imolicy, and
the policy which it is the duty of every Government to
pursue. (Load ehrcrn.)"
A few words from Mr. Daxsv SEvstomt closed the
discussion, and the house was adjourned over to
yesterday (Friday) evening.