The Express.
London, England, 1863-07-11 00:00:00

EARL RUSSELL'S DESPATCH ON POLAND.

KARL BULL TO WILD NAPIER.

Foreign-office, June 17, 1863.
My Lord,—Her Majesty's government have eon-
dated with the deepest attention the despatch of Prince
Gortchakoff of the 26th of April, which was placed in my
beads by Heron Brunnow on the 2nd of May. Her Iff-
jeoty's government are not desirous, any more than Prince
Gortchekoff, of continuing a barren discuoion. I will,
therefore, pass over all the controversy regarding my pre-
vious despatch. I will not endeavour in the present corn.
municatiou to fix the precise meaning of the article regard-
ing Poland in the Treaty of Vienna, nor will I argue, as
Prince Gortchakoff seems to expect I should do, that there
is only one form under which good government can
be established. Still lees will I eall in question the
benevolent intentions of the enlightened Emperor
who has already in a short time effected such
marvellous change' in the legal condition of his Russian
subjects. Her Majesty's government are willing with the
Emperor of Russia to seek • practical solution of • difficult
sad most Important problem. Baron Brunnow, in preseet-
ing to me Prince Gortchakors despatch, said, "The im-
perial cabinet is ready to enter upon an exchange of ideas
upon the ground and within the limits of the treaties of
1815." Her Majesty's government are thus invited by the
government of Ramis to an exchange of Ideas upon the basis
of the treaty of 1815, with • view to the pacificatioa and
permanent tranquillity of Poland. Before reeking any de-
finite proposals, it is essential to point out that' there are
two leading principles upon which, as it appears to her
Maillety's government, any future government of Poland
ought to rest. The first of them is the establishment of con-
fidence in the government on the part of the governed. The
original views of the Emperor Alexander L are stated by
Lord Castlereagh, who had beard from the Emperor's own
lips, in a long conversation, the plan he contemplated.
The plan of the Emperor is thus described by Lord Castle-
reagh, "To retain the whole of the Duchy of Warsaw,
with the exception of the small portion to the westward of
Halisch, which he meant to assign to Prussia, erecting the
remainder, together with the Polish provinces formerly
dismembered, into a kingdom under the dominion of Russia,
with • national administration congenial to the sentiments
of the people."
The whole force of this plan consists in the latter words.
Whether power is retained in the hands of ooe, es in the
old monarchy of France—or divided among a select! body of
the aristocracy, as in the republic of Venice—or distributed
among a sovereign, a house of peers, and • representative
assembly, as in England—its virtue and strength must ooa-
sist in its being • " canoed administration congenial to
the sentiments of the people." The Emperor Alexander 11.,
speaking of the institutions be has given, says, " As to the
future it necessarily depends on the confidence with which
these institutions will be received on the part of the king-
dom." Such an administration es Alexander I. intended, such
confidence as Alexander IL looked for, ushappily do not
exist in Poland. The next principle of order and stability
must be found in the supremacy of law over arbitrary will.
Where such supremacy exists, the subject or citizen may
enjoy hie property or exercise his industry in peace, and
the twenty he feels as an individual will be felt in its turn
by the government under which he lives. Partial tumults,
secret conspiracies, and the interference of cosmopolite
strangers will not shake the firm edifice of snob a government.
This element of stability is likewise wanting in Poland.
The religious liberty guaranteed by the solemn declarations
of the Empress Catherine, the political freedom granted
by the deliberate charter of the Emperor Alexander 1.,
have alike been abrogated by succeeding governments, and
have been only partially revived by the present Emperor.
It is no easy task to restore the confidence which hes been
lost, and to regain the peace which is now everywhere
broken. Her Majesty's government would deem them-
selves guilty of great presumption if they were to express
an assurance that vague declanitiors of good intentions, or
even the enactment of some wise laws, would make such
an impression on the minds of the Polish people as to ob.
tain peace and restore obedience.
In present circumstances, it appears to her Majesty's go-
vernment that nothing less than the following outline of
measures should be adopted as the has of pacification :-
1. Complete and general amnesty. 2. National repreeenta-
tioa, with powers similar to those which are fixed by the
charter of the 15th (27th) November, 1815. 3. Poles to be
named to public offices in such a manner as to form • dietinct
national administration, having the confidence of the coun-
try. 4. Pull and entire liberty of conscience ; repeal of the
restrictions imposed on catholic worship. 5. The Polish
language recognised in the kingdom as the official language,
and used as such in the administration of the law and in
education. 6. The establishment of • regular and legal
system of recruiting.
These six point. might Nerve as the indications of mea-
sures to be adopted, after calm and full deliberation. But
it is difficult, nay, almost impossible, to create the requisite
confidence and calm, while the passions of men are becoming
daily more excited, their hatreds more deadly, their deter-
mination to succeed or perish more fixed and immoveable.
Your lordship has sent me an extract horn the St. Peters-
bury Gazette of the 7th (19th) of May. I could send your
lordship in return, extracts from London newspapers,
giving accounts of atrocities equally horrible committed by
men acting on behalf of Russian authority. It is not for
her Majesty's government to discriminate between the real
facts and the emanation of hostile parties. Many
of the allegations of each are probably unfounded, but
some must in ell probability be true. How, thee, are
we to hope to conduct to any good end • nego-
tiation carried on between parties thus exasperated
In an ordinary war, the suasion of fleets and armies who
fight with courage, but without hatred, may be balanced in
• negotiation earned on in the midst of hostilities. An island
more or lees to be transferred, a boundary more or Is to be
extended, might sprees the value of the latest victory or
conquest. But where the object ia to attain civil peace, and
to ioduoe men to live under those against whom they have
fought with rancour and desperation, the case is different.
The first thing to be done, therefore, in the opinion of her
Majesty's government, is to establish • suspension of hos.
tilities. This might be done in the name of humanity
by • proclamation of the Emperor of Russia, without
any derogation of his dignity. The Poles, of
course, would not be entitled to the benefit of
such an act unless they themselves refrained from hosti-
lities of every kind during the suspension. Tranquillity
thus for the moment restored, the next thing is to consult
the powers who signed the treaty of Vienna. Prussia,
Spain. Sweden, and Portugal must be asked to give their
opisioa es to the best mode of giving effect to • treaty to
which they were contracting parties.
What her Majesty's government propose, therefore, om-
elets in these three propositions :—let. The adoption of the
six points enumerated as boons of negotiation. 2nd.
A proviskoal suspension of arms to be proclaimed by the
Emperor of Meet& led. A conference of the eirht powers
• who signed the treaty of Vienna. Your Excellency will
read sad give • copy of this despatch to Prince Gortchakoff.
—I am, ke., (Sigted) RIIBBILL.