The Press.
London, England, 1858-01-23 00:00:00

THE PR

Is
I

Addresses have been forwarded to her Majesty from her Australian
subjects deprecating any further deportation of English felons to that
continent. The obvious comment upon this proceeding is that the
colonists know their own business best, and must be the best judged
of the effects of transportation on themselves. At the risk, however,
of seeming presumptuous, we would suggest that they may possibly
be mistaken. We do not mean to deny that the old system of trans-
portation was an obstacle to the improvement of regularly formed
communities. We will concede that much for the present, though
something must always be allowed for the value of their labour in a
newly-formed settlement. But, in fact, nothing is more natural than
that the colonists should draw no distinction between different kinds
of transportation, and regard every shipload of oonvicts with indis-
criminating horror. But there can be no doubt that in any future
legislation upon this subject the system of classification will be
adopted, and such offenders only sent over to the colonies as may be
calculated to advance rather than retard their civilisation. Already
the principle is acknowledged by the discretion vested in the Home
Secretary of determining what sentences of penal servitude shall be
carried out by means of transportation. It has been our opinion all
along that it would be better to confer this power upon the judges.
who could judge of the criminal in his natural state before he had
enjoyed an opportunity of practising on the sensibilities of the
chaplain and governor. But at all events enough has been done to
anticipate some part of the objection, entertained by the colonists,
who, if they would make themselves accurately acquainted with the
present state of the question in this country, would perhaps see reason
to repent of their petition.

The message of President BITIHANAN to the Senate of the United
States relative to the arrest and release of General WALKER is a better
token of that gentleman's abilities than of the peaceable disposition of
his Government. He says exactly as much in praise of Commodore
PAULDING as can be said consistent with discouraging such conduct in
future, and condemns General WALKER'S raid as interferig with a
better mode of obtaining the same results. This may seem a harsh
interpretation to put upon a document the language of which is so
guarded and so thickly sprinkled with generous and just maxims ; but
we must confess we have no confidence in any American manifesto
which does notexplicitly disavow all sympathy with the Munro doctrine.
That doctrine may be right or wrong ; but it is, and will continue to
be, the parent of filibusterism. The supporters of WALKER have indeed
reason on their side when they quote the aggressions of other
countries upon their weaker neighbours as precisely similar in spirit.
None can know better than Mr. flocususw himself that WALKER will
only be a "Filibuster " as long as he is a faii.ure ; and that. whatever
he may think proper to say, the failure is not inevitable. The
President wishes to confine his denunciation of such proceedings to
the ground of expediency only. They prevent American progress.
Thus he is enabled to steer clear of the principles which are involved
But Mr. BUCHANAN cannot expect us to believe that he is sincerely of
opinion that States are never founded by violence and fraud—that
progress is never promoted by cruel or unjust means. This would be
to fly in the face of universal history. But it serves Mr. BUCHANAN'S
purpose to condemn filibusterism without condemning a generally
aggressive policy. What we require is a distinct renunciation of its
doctrine. We cannot look so far forward as the peaceful colonisation
of the whole Western Continent by one dominant State. Whether
they would be for the good or evil of the world we do not undertake to
say; but we do say we will not be deluded by a cry which veils a
policy of conquest under certain vague professions of impossible
patriotism. Nobody believes in the cry of America for the Americans;
but they know what it really means—America for the United States.

Few persons to whom religion is anything more than a name, and
few who possess even the smallest sense of the value of consistency in
general, will be disposed to differ from us when we say that her
Majesty's advisers would have done well to abstain from arranging a
Drawing-room for the 30th of January. The observance of that day
may or may not be wise and necessary—that is not to the point. As
long as it was part of the recognised established ceremonial of the
State religion, the Head of the State should not have been instructed
to violate it. If necessary, the service should have been formally
expunged from the Prayer Book. But it is, to use the mildest term,
unwise to bring the ritual of the Church into contempt at a moment
like the present, when we are being watched so carefully by many
observant foreigners ; and, more than all, when we are about to link
ourselves with a people among whom, it is believed by a large and
nd
Influential party in this country, the English theory of relig
is unpopular. As for the sneers in which some of our contemporaries
have indulged at the language framed by those sincere and pious
men who merely shared in the feeling of horror which we know
thrilled through Europe at the murder of King CHARM 1., they are
simply disgusting, and consort very ill with those professions of
attachment to his descendant with which their columns are filled.
We are among those who think the service might be abolished with
advantage, not from any wish to put a slight upon such feelings as
originally prompted its insertion, and which we sincerely hope are
still to be found amongst us, but because we think that we may

I 9

now fairly act upon the principle of letting bygones be bygones. This,
however, is a totally different thing from turning the service into
ridicule while it is a recognised part of the established ritual. And
we are sincerely sorry that so untoward a mistake should have occurred
as that which has given rise to the discussion.

Sir Gaoling GREY has at length been prevailed upon to denude
the Cape of some of the troops which he cherishes so fondly. In
addition to the 3,000 already despatched, the latest intelligence
announces that the 6th and 80th Regiments were on the point of
embarking for India. These two corps number together 1,500 bayonets,
and thus nearly complete the total amount of 5,000 men which the
Governor was requested to furnish. We cannot but believe that cne
additional regiment may still be spared, as the Kaffirs are entirely sub-
dued, and the colony both externally and internally is undisturbed. The
71st Regiment from Malta, and the 92nd from Gibraltar, are on their
way to India overland ; and when all these reinforcements have arrived,
our force, exclusive of the troops of the East India Company, in the
three Presidencies will be as follows :—ln Bengal, 2 troops and 14
field batteries of artillery, amounting to 96 guns ; cavalry, Wregiments,
or 3,000 men; infantry, 42 regiments, or 30,000 men. In Bombay, 1
troop and 8 field batteries of artillery, or 54 guns ; cavalry, 4 regiments,
or 2,000 men ; infantry, 12 regiments, or 7,500 men. In Madras, 1
troop and 4 field batteries of artillery, or 30 guns ; cavery, 1 regiment,
or 502 men; infantry, 8 regiments, or 6,090 men. Forming a grand
total of 180 guns, 5,500 cavalry, and 43,500 infantry. The above details
of the disposition of the forces may, we believe, be relied upon as
authentic ; but it is obvious that the numbers can be only at best
approximately correct, as they must depend on the amount of the
casualties which have taken place in India since the date of the last
returns.

A MARRIAGE.
A young, fair girl is wed to-day,
A Princess of the land,
Who, just as lowlier maidens may,
Her heart gives with her hand ;
Gift, holier or more precious, none
To Serf or Sov'reign given—
And blessed with which the humblest home
Knows less of earth than heaven.

What happier lot can fancy dream !
A blooming, royal bride,
'Round whom, in rich profusion, teem
All ministrants to pride—
A manly consort, future throne,
Two nations' fond acclaim—
And, wide as England's sun-lit zone.
A blessing on her name!

Born on a soil, the sacred hearth
Where Freedom's watch-fire burns,
Towards whose pure flame, throughout the earth,
Each nobler bosom yearns—
She goes to strange, tho' kindred soil.
Where man's free voice is still,
Tho laws in vain have sought to foil
Th' indomitable will.
For there the student ponders deep
The Greek and Roman page.
And pants to climb Fame's rugged steep,
As hero, or as sage ;
There with firm step once Luther trod,
And with a fire-tipped tongue
Proclaimed the road to truth and God,
And smote the Dagon—Wrong!
Oh! may she be the morning star
That harbingers the day,
Which from our holy Isle afar
Must spread its steadfast ray !
Prussia's " Bright Stone of Honole* then,
Not walls with vassals lined,
But the strong hearts of Prince and Men
By Freedom's rivets joined!
And may she, like her mother, prove
Her subjects' mother, too—
The object of their honest love,
As tender, and as true!
May Prussia's eagle, soaring, join
Britannia's lion might—
The watchword " Peace," the countersign
" God, and the people's right !"
A young, fair girl is wed to-day,
A Princess of the land,
Who, just as lowlier maidens may,
Her heart gives with her hand;
Gift, holier or more precious, none
To Serf or Solfreign given—
Awl blessed with which the humblest hcme
knows less of earth than heaven.
• hrotaiiv.o.