The Press.
London, England, 1853-06-11 00:00:00

Vrottebings in Varliament.

Mr. Puhaamoite reopened the debate on the
government of India on Monday, by an elaborate
dissection of the various arguments and statements
hazarded by Sir C. Wood when introducing the new
Ministerial scheme on the previous Friday. Tra-
versing ut all points the vast field embraced in that
speech, but dwelling especially upon the system of
law and property as now existing in India, he
utterly scouted the assertion that English rule had
produced any benefits to that unhappy country. For
the abuses in the administration of justice he pro-
nouneed the only remedy to be the appointment of
native judges ; and, in reply to the excuse that the •
native tune of morality was too low, pointed to the
flagrant sins tuel tearful demoralisation exhibited
in many European courts and countries during the
past century, as showing a so-called civilised and
Christian standard in no degree more exalted than
that of the Hindoos. Respecting property and the
laws of land, he declared that the East India Com-
sany had assumed more than the due rights of pro-
prietors, but had omitted all their duties :
" Bengal, once so prosperous, and where life and pro-
perty were so secure, mid of which KO beautiful a demerit).
Mai was given by HolWell, was now one dead level of uni-
form misery. The pnalucers, cultivators, and consumers
of the richest country in the world laid, under the conduct
of those whom it was 110 W sought to invest with renewed
powers, sunk to the level of the deepest wretchedness, and
there was not a mingle opulent proprietor to he net with in
the district. (" Hear, hear," and " Oh, uh.") The result
of the system of ryotwar adopted in Madras, where one
European collector had to settle the bargains of 300,000
ruttier tenants, was, that upon the face of the civilised
world there did not now exist a specimen Of more coin.
plow 'degradation than the Madras ryot. In spite of all
these examples, the directors of the East India Company,
in spite of the renninstranceis of Lord Elphinstone,
insisted upon transferring the same principle which had
ruined Bengal to Bombay ; until, at length, the misery
which it predimed hail compelled them to retnice their
swim."
Remarking upon the absurdity of the doctrine that,
bemuse our 'lndian empire was an anomaly, there-
fore its government must be anomalous, the lion.
member denounced the present attempt to keep up
a sham system of administration, with its irresponsible
power and frequent opportunities for clandestine
arrangements, and called upon the Ministry to
halt in their infatuated course, and withdraw the bill
which they were trying to introduce.
Sir J. W. Hotl, as the avowed champion of the
Company, rose to rebut the frightful biU of indictment
which had been preferred against them. He observed
that the assailants of the India directors had cleverly
divided their labours ; Mr. Bright taking commerce
and finance, while Mr. l'hillimoro expended his
strength upon law and declamation. Ile rentarked,
too, upon the heterogeneous, if not exparte, character
of the evidence upon which the charges were founded.
Snipping* out of blue-books, newspaper reports, evi-
dence given years ago before committees, party
speeches made anywhere by anybody, were all laid
under contribution, and the statements therein dis-
covered reproduced as valid testimony in the face of
far more authentic evidence to be found elsewhere,
and of a perfectly contradictory tenor. Assuming,
therefore, that party spirit anti malignity had said
their worst, Sir J. Hogg proceeded to examine, clause
by clause, the articles of impeachment of which his
company was the object. it was said that India was
a " sealed book." So far from that tieing correct,
"there was not a single law or by-law which had not
lwen laid on the table of the (louse; not a rupee hail been
received or expended during the last twenty years which
bad 1101 been accounted for, and the particulars laid upon
tile table, as regularly us the finances of this country.
'l'here had not been a single public tintisaetion in India
the ismiettlimi respecting which had not. been laid before
tho leinse. Con iiii ittees of that hollst. hind Mit, upon the
salt duties, cotton, steam, and almost every subject Con- '
eected with India; and it' the bowie wished to know the
aggregate ot' the information relating to India, contained in
the parliamentary papers, he would inform them that they
tilled upwards of tiny-three large folio volumes. ( tough/cr.)
If the details 14 ludiunpivermitent Avery not I,noun,the
fault was certainly not the wait of 11111Wrilli but 11. the in-
&vary and upplieathal of these to avail them-
selves of the Information placed within their own reach."
They had been reeommended, with many plausible
reasons, to delay legislating for the present:—
" He conacientiously said that delay would tend to di.,
turb the peeve of the country, and to arrest the progress of
of reform. It would also, he believed, if
Ha destroy, at least lessee that slmost superstitious l'oll.
fidence in our power.whieh now happily prevailed through.
out India. lie lutist warn the house that delay would
iuduce feelings of apprehension as to the future. and would
fume into mi%chievotts acti% its' the worst excitements that
could agitate India. ( /fear.
The system of double government had been attacked
by Mr. Blight, who hunt quoted Mr. Kaye and Mr.
Tucker for his nude titles, and called that system a
"sham." Now. both Kaye and Tucker were the
strongest advocates for the double government ; anti

THE PRESS.

as for itS being a " sham," or, as others alleged,
that the Court of Directors had neither power nor

responsibility,
"he ►stated boldly and broadly that under the existing
system the practical government of India rested with the
Crown and the Court of Directors. Every measure origin.
ated with them. Every measure was discussed by them,
coming before t►tree several committees, and undergoing
careful consideration and investigation at each. 'Prue, the
President of the Board of Control had the power to alter it,
but if he did so the Court of Directors could call upon him
to assign► his reasons in writing for so doing, and when in
this free country a man had to do that he would not at.
tempt a change unless he could support it fairly before
the house and the public. The fact was, that, of all the
tent.dpatches which passed before
thesesth directors, not five per
were ever even touched by oard of Control. The
dutiess of the secret committee were limited to the questions
of peace and war and treaties of commerce. Parliament
Lad felt that it was ►unwise to trust such matters to the
wisdom of twenty gentlemen, more especially as iu them
great despatch and great secrecy were required. Ile be-
lieved that the House of Commons would say that the
great benefit of the double government was to keep India
free from all political bias, and would admit that the double
government was the only government by which they could
accomplish that great and paramount influence which such
freedom front bias gave."
In reference to the alleged nepotism of the Board,

and its abuse of patronage :
" The answer was Lord Ellenborough's. Lord Ellen-
borough had stated that it had been generally diffused. lint
more than this, he held in his hand a return laid before
the house of their military patronage, whence it appeared
that nearly one-third of their whole military patronage
went to the sons of their civil or military servants. (Hear,
hear.) Of 668 appointments since 1333, 159 were appoint-
ments of directors' sons, grandsons, nephews, or relations;
200 were given to sons of the Company's servants; 269
generally and indifferently among other members of society.
Now, he would ask, if these documents did not bear out
his statement, that the patronage had been fairly dis
tributed?" (Hear, hear.)
Respecting the alleged enormous emoluments at-
tached to the civil service :
" He would state the amount of emolument received by
the civil servants, commencing at five years' service, and
going up to twenty. The average payment under five
years was 470/. ; above five years, and not exceeding ten, it
was 911/.; exceeding ten years, and not exceeding fifteen,
it was 1,5351.; above fifteen years the amount was 2,5451.
Considering the education, the expenses, the absence from
their native country, and the ability and integrity with
which the civil servants of the Company had unifoisnly
discharged their duties, he believed those emoluments to
be inferior to the eorreaponding emoluments of cor-
responding situations in this cianitry." (Hear.)
Adverting to the statistical accusations laid against
the Company with reference to their revenues, their
territorial annexation, and the heavy taxes they were
said to have laid upon their subjects, the hon.
baronet entered into various calculations, showing, as
he alleged, the true aspect of the case :
"Since Isi33 there had been an accession of territory
amounting to 167,013 square miles, with a population of
P 4,512,1130. Now, in 1634 the gross revenue of India was
1N,699,6771. In 1651 the gross revenue was 27,625,360/.,
showing an increase of nearly 9,i KS P,OlO/. (Hear, hear.)
The find question was, how much of that increase arose
from the new territory? It was less than 2,000,011 M,
and there would then remain 7,000,0001. to be accounted
for. And yet, so far from new taxes having been imposed.
many had been entirely abrogated, and a great many reduced.
(Hear. hear.) 'rite export duty had been taken from
cotton and coffee, and other materials. The transit duties,
amounting to a large sum, had been abolished. The salt
tax had been reduced 25 per cent. So that, while there had
been this great increase of income, there had been simul-
taneously a decrease of taxation, (Hear, hear.) It was
said that land was going out of cultivation—that it was all
going to jungle. Let the house look at facts and figures.
In the province of Bengal and the north-west provinces, in
1633.4, the land yielded a revenue of 9,115,4111. In 1851
the amount raised was 12,075,4761., showing an increase of
revenue from the same territory of 2,960,0671. (Hear,
hear.) The increase front opium was 2,305,601/. ; from
salt, K 5.3751.; from customs, 100,4281. ; making together
5,357,4741., leaving as the increase of revenue derived from
other sources 1,412,5261. to make up the 7,003,000/. The
exports from India in 1534.5 amounted to 6,154,129/. In
1549-50 t hey amounted to 13.696,696/. (Hear, hear.) And yet
that was the misruled, misgovern's! country. ( Hear, hear.)
Now, what were our exports to India during those periods?
In 1t434.5 they amounted to 8,1 5e,161/. ; iu 1849.50 they
were 18:483,:')40i. He would ask, had this been the effort
of India herself, aided by the tioveniment of Balla, or had
the liovernment of England and the House of Commons
rendered them any assistants.? He would tell the house
that the Court of liwprietors—that calumniated body—
hail. year after year, been petitioning Parliament to do
justice to India, and to take away discriminating duties.
But they had petitioned in vain ; and, when the goods of
this estuary were admitted into India at 5 per cent.,
Indian goods were not admitted here under la per cent.
( Hear, hear.) In the year Iso6, during the monopoly of
that calumniated be of which he had the honour to 1* a
member. the exports of cotton from India amounted to
1,400,000/. ; anal in lstl 1, the duty then being tr2k per cent..
there were imported into Brest Britsin from India 967.052
pieces of calico and muslin. besides vast quantities of
silk
and tafthta. If India had prospered, what had been the
ease of England? In 1614 the 11.itish cotton manufactures
expensed to the East Indies annotated to 109.46; 1. In
Isl 9-50 the ',spirts had increased to 4,421,9•20/. Had the

SATURDAY,

hon. member for Manchester any reason to complain of
that increase ? (Hear, hear.) Had the shipowners any
reason to complain ? In 1934.5 the number of British
vessels employed in that trade was 220, with a tonnage of
1011,870. In 184940 the number of vessels had increased
to 429, and the tonnage to '252,153. He should like any
lion. member to point out any other part of the world with
respect to which there had been a similar increase. (Hear,
hear.)"
Respecting the revenue of India, with its alleged
deficiency, increasing debt, and impending bank.

runty :
" The estimate for 1833-51 certainly showed a deficiency.
But what had been the result? A surplus of nearly halt' a
million. That showed that the commissioners had made
no undue estimate. What was the sketched estimate fin.
Itss•/-3? The honourable member for Manchester was
correct in the amount he had given of the revenue of the
country. The gross revenue was 29;428,192/. The charges
amounted to t1et,317.:e2(9.. showing a surplus of 2,910,7261.
(Hear, hear.) India did pay, and always had paid, a
heavy tribute to this country, but after allowing for that
tribute the estimated surplus for the current year was
nearly half a million, including the estimate for the Bur-
mese war. Mr. Phillimore had said he would show the
house how India had been misgoverned by stating the
amount ot' the debt in 1825; also its amount five yeats
later, and again five years after that ; and he concluded
with an extravagant statement about the bankruptcy of the
East India Company. He. (Sir James Hogg) certainly
did not know what might be the honourable and learned
gentleman's idea of bankruptcy, but it was clear it was a
very curious and whimsical one. (Hear, hear.) The
revenue had increased. notwithstanding all the wars, in a
greater ratio than the debt ; and the proportion of the debt
to the revenue was less now than it was at any period.
The present revenue was :29,000,0001. In 1831 the total
debt was 34086,0001., while in IMO the debt was
1)0,000,0001., showing an increase, in twenty years, of
between fifteen and sixteen millions. Thus, whilst the
debt had been increased, the concurrent increase of reve-
nue had been infinitely greater in proportion, so that the
increase of the debt was perfectly immaterial. But what
was the amount of the debt in 1839, after some years of
peace ? Only 31,500,0001. ; and the increase from 1839 to
the present time was 18,812,0001. He mentioned the
increase from 1831 to the present period in order to show
what India could do in time of peace, and what India suf.

fered in time of war."
After alluding to the salt tax, the opium trade, the
general system of taxation, and the slight progress
effecting in cotton cultivation for the English market,
on all which points Sir J. W. Hogg vindicated the
Company front the charges of having committed
errors of commission or of negligence, he proceeded
to advert to the social results of their rule over India.
Education, he declared, had progressed, though much
still remained to do. There were in Bengal, English
and mixed schools, 37, vernacular, 140; North-West-
ern Provinces, 7, English and mixed; English and
mixed, in Madras 1 ; in Bombay, English and mixed,
14, vernacular, 233 ; the number of scholars, 20,000 ;
and the sum expended, 00,0002. (Hear, hear.) He
admitted that 00,000/. was a small sum, and that a
great deal more ought to have been expended, and a
great deal more in time would be expended ; but he
asked the house to consider how slow the progress of
moral and social improvement had been in this
country, where there had been no obstacles in the
way—how slow had been all improvements in gaols
and prisons, and in the administration of justice.
(Hear.)
Of public works :
" One would suppose, from the language which had
been held on this subject, that there were scarcely any
public works in India, and that hardly any public money
was expended on them. He had before him the names of
several roads, one of which was 1,423 miles in length, and
had cost 1,000/. per mile, and the general summary of his
statistics showed a total of :3,159 miles of public road, of
which the estimated cost had been 2,160.0001., and the
cost of repair per year was 90,00''1. With regard to canals,
there was one of 580 miles in length ; there was also the.
Ganges Canal, 510 miles long, which had cost upwards of
1,500,0001. At Madras there were works of irrigation. on
the only three rivers on which such works could be con-
structed—the Godavery, the Cavery, and the Kislina.
( Hear, Lear.)"
Upon the assertion that the judicial system was
made a monopoly, and the natives never admitted to
place or function
He entertained no apprehension of the result of any
candid inquiry. How much, he would ask, of the justice
of India had been administered for some years past liy the
natives? In the first instance, ninety-nine per cent.
Now, was it not astounding utter that to hear that the
Court of Directors had not honestly carried out the act of
1884 as regarded the advancement of natives, when in
that year there was scarcely a native employed in the ad-
ministration of justice except in the most subordinate
situations, and with the most limited jurisdiction, and now
ninety-nine per cent. was in the hands of natives, or, in-
cluding cases of appeal, ninety-six per cent? The natives
were also exclusively employed at high salaries as deputy
collectors and deputy inagisu-ates.
Lastly, he referred to the question of religion and the
ecclesiastical establishments
"In 1884 there were 01 churches ; in 1852, 115; in
1:•;94 the Chnrch establishment cost ; the Scotch
Church, 0,233/. : the Homan Catholic, 1,11091. ; making an
aggregate of 89,8061. In 18)2 the cost of the Church
establishment had increased to 107,000/. awl odd. the

I

JuNE 11, 1853.

Directors. The Presideut of the hoard of Control ought
to be the Minister for India. Ile would raise his position.
t Hear, hear.) If tho Chancellor of the Exchequer were
VI Will Y saliwy of 10.001. a yetu., the President of the Itoeml
of Control ought whe worth as much. lle would raise
his position tit the i'%,'s of the world, and make him
responsible. for his atiministrat with the. Court of
Ihreetors its a Connell and it eheek' upon hint. k !leer,

hedr.y
Mr. Hume then warnei the house that India
would be utterly lost. if we persevered in misgovern-
ing it, and, characterising the plan befori, them as a
mad declamt his int.mtion of opposing it
ut every stage.
Lea e Willi then given to bring in the bill.
THE INCOME-TAX 1111,1..
The third reading of this bill NMI affirmed on
Monday, after a brief conversation, by a majority 1)1
Is 9 ayes to 11 noes.
On the question that the bill do pass, two clauses
were moved by Sir F. One of these was to
reduce the tax from la. to 30. in the pound on in.
conies ranging between 1001. and !!..00/. per alumni
and to tied. upon those exceedingl.ool., but less than
:100/. By the second clause he proposed to take five
per cent. front the amount of the tax paid by any
individual in respect of every child born in wedlock,
and both remaining unmarried and under twenty-one
years of age. The classes en whose behalf these re•
missions were asked were
" the poorer clergymen and curates who hail to support
in a respectable position of life ten very slender
means. Also the smaller close of tradesuion and small
farmers, the latter of whom had had their incomes reduced
one•half by recent legislation. '!'he Chancellor of the Es•
cheer hail conceded the principle to WIWI ext, he
had p qurovided that the texon incomes under 130/. eut
should be'
in the pound."
The CitAXl'l:l.l.olt of the ExenElVEli declared it
impossible to adopt, these propositions. The great
danger of the inetime tax lay in the exemptions it
involved, and the course pursued with regard to it
ever since the impost was first established by Mr.
Pitt had been gradually simplifying the tax by abo-
lishing class exemptions and privilege*, by getting
rid of the system of gradations, and making the dit•
auctions as few and broad as possible. 11 regard
to the special principle involved in the two suggested
clauses, he regarded it us particularly dangerous.
It went much further than Radicalism. Now were
they to fix 40(11. us the mark above which every man
was rich, and below it poor ? If they once opened the
door an unexpected and undesired multitude would
be found rushing through it.
Atter some further discussion the first clause was
put and negatived by a majority of 144 to ; and
the second without a division.
Sir A.
Another clause, moved by CAmeam.i., and
providing that in charging the duty under schedule
A, in respect of lands, tenements, hereditament*, and
heritages, an allowance or deduction should he made
for the amount of all parochial and comity rates,
taxes, and assessments paid by the owner thereol,was
also opposed by Mr. 111,mocrosr, who affirmed that it
would destroy the whole structure of the tax. It was
likewise negatived upon a division.
The last touches being given to the scheme by the
addition of some new clauses proposed by the Ous-
t:Eu.oa of the ExenEtiont, the income-tax
Bill
passed its last stage in the Nouse of Commons.

TILE WAR IN
The Earl of ELLEsuoitovint, on Monday, while
putting some queries touching the information lin
this subject possessed by the Uoverument, took the
opporttunty of detailing many of the incidents and
weighing the probable rehalts of the our. He con-
demned the policy in which it ”atli originated, the
conduct and expenditure by which it had been car-
ried on, and drew a vivid picture of the hazard which
it had bright around our Indian empire id tt., .

MC4 iIIeMCBS.
Earl li RANY I LLE declined to enter upon the subject,
pleading that the tiovennnent had no further infor-
mation than WAR in the hands of the house and
country generally.
The Earl of ALBEMARLE strongly reconnuended
the cessation of hostilities upon the lust prudent and
honourable occasion. Especially he deprecated the
annexation of any new territory in Humid', or the
pursuance of any course which might render that
step a matter of painful neceasity. Nothing but
danger or pecuniary loss could result front the
acquisition :-
- There was ao one of their lordships who could ever
hope to owe the day when the annexed Uertitory would pay
its town expenses; the seaport WWI five Windt eil miles distant
from the nearest portion of our old tetTitory, and the film•
tier was Open Ulld wish', on any point of which an arrogant,
barbarous, awl implacable toe might Initc.; his whole tort'',
whenever it suited him to do so. What he would suggest
was that the province id l'egu should la' converted into an
independent state, under au independent sioverripi, who
might Ist chosen from tunongst the Pegiatui chiefs. At tithe
e
close of the last Burmese war the Veguans did elect
chief to govern them, and under him they made a ‘ery
respectable stand against their lturnattle couquenom out
our assistance or advice, which it' they had had, it wow with
vary

126

imolai& they would have achieved their independence. If
one of their chiefs were now appointed as their head, and
assistance were given in advice and by the presence of a
small force, they would be able to maintain their p►sition,
and form • friendly power between our territories and

Burnish." -
The conversation then dmpped.
PERTH PEERAGE BILL.
The Loup CHANCEIJAM, in moving on Tuesday the
second reading of this bill, explained that its object
WAS to reverse the attainder passed upon the Drum-
mondw, Earls of Perth, on account of their family
having been engaged in the rebellions of 1715 and

1745
" The earldom dated from the second year of James I.
James, the fourth earl, who was tthat Chancellor of Scot.
land, had aeveral %OM, one of whomolames, adlu to the
tortures of the exiled family of the Stuarts, was ete
gaged in the rebellious of 171:. ima nrt, and was by act of
Parliament attended. He hutl two Solis, both of whom
were also engaged in the rebel!' . and who died without
issue male. The party who butt for the attainder would
then have suceeeded was John, the next brother of James
the Chancellor, and fourth earl. He adhered also to the
exiled family ; and, tl gla there was no act of attainder
against hint, a decree of tieleiture was I►liNtO3,l in Scotland,
the effect of which was similar to au act of attainder in
England. Ile went to France and was created Duke of
Melron, and his issue had enjoyed that title for two or
three generations. The last duke had several Andre's,
all of whom were dead except t leorge , the present claimant,
who was the youngest aon. A coininittec of privileges had
found that the descent (Wile claimant Willie 101•01.141, but it was
necessary by the present bill to reverse the attainder. The
ehtimaut hail served in the British army, and was anxious
to !outmost the title of his tinnily. The object of the bill
was, not to restore to him the estate's of his ancestors.
which had long ago lapsed and been forfeited, but to put
aside the attainder in England, and the forfeiture in Scot-
land, to enable hint to Oahu the honours and dignity of
the earldom of Perth."
Lords Lv KIM BST, it Willi IiAM, and CAMPBELL exproated
their approval of the bill.
The Earl of AttElttlECN supported the bill. The present
elaimant bad maned her Majesty for Many years with credit
to himself and advantage to the public service.
The bill was read a second time.
THE RESItINATIONS AND urrnAcTATioss.
The published correspondence between Mr. Mon-
t4ell and the Earl of Aberdeen was on Monday made
the subject. of interpellations
Mr. Moony, who wished, first, to be furnished with
a correct version of the letters :
- -

- -
" Stningely enough, that correspondence is ditferently
given, and the different.o is nil a matter of some importe
slice, in the Theca mud in the Mitriting Chronic/v. M,..
'Monsen writes to I MINI Aberdeen thus It appears that,
in the course of a distaismi )))) uptin the ecclesiastical
revenues of Ireland, Levi Russell. who is the organ
of the Government iii the House of Commons, spoke of
the Roman Catholic. Chun+ in a manner which could nut
tail to ht. lliikSi Ilth•liiiiVe to the members of that commit.
Ilion. His lordship described, not individual intaiiiwrs of
thy, Itoinan l'atintlic Church, lad that Chinch itself.
" under the direction .if its head," as hostile to free insti-
tution,. mid disloyal to civil gave 'tits, and, therefor.,
the qualifielditin which his lordship added to his
ruuld wit illy to any one who, like myself, are in deep
and themiig unity of sentiment and spirit with that
Church anti its lwail."fo which Lord Aberdeen replies—
' I have to inform pat that, while the vote on that tweasitiii
(and by " the vete I SIIIIJNISC the 1101111. tilt.
vat' the noble lord tlw member t'or the city of Low,
_
tutu aid not give—(hsagider)—time Ibe not %41.1.
believe he did
at all) had the Kaill'l• of the time ad, the reasons
for that vote given by I Ain' .I.llin Russell, and the senti-
ments of which you elimplititt. are not shared by me nor by
any of nay colleagues "rids is what the Tinier gives—' nor
by any of my colleagues.: the .11•irni mg 1. hritsaiele gives h—
um. by many of my colleagues.' Now. I wish to ask the
tailile lord Cotten Russell). tint, which is the tsirrect 'spy
of Loral Aberlbsai's letter. that in Tinter, or that in the
JI tinting e runiele ! That is to say, whether it. is by the
whittle or only by a majority of the riuvem sat that the
opinions of the noble ll•rif an. nputliated? Anti, if the
latter, who are those members of the tiovernment ?''
Secondly, he wished to know whether the house was
to understand that it was only the votes given by the
noble lord which had the sanction of the iovern-
rnent, while the opinions expressed and reasons
offered by the " Leader" of the House of Commons
might be repudiated on any t r all occasions by the
rest of his colleagues?
Lord .1. Russo... Li.: With respcet hi the first question I
have to state that I have been informed by hied .kberdeen
that there is an important misprint in the letter of his
which is given in the TimeA, and that misprint consists in
stating that eertain opinions are not shared • by are Orally '
instead of 'by me or ho lkilliiy: The transcript in the
3forning Chronicle is therefore cornet. So fill' With rigor.)
to the first question the honourable gentleman has asked.
As to what members of the cabinet they are who .hare
opinions. and which inember.s of the Cabinet do not, I am
totally unable to answer the honourable gentleman's
question. I have only to say farther. and this shall lw the
answer to the last question itsketh, that bon) Nlelhounie
used always to say---and I think that it was a very sensible
opinion et hie—that it was quite sufficient for the members
of a Government to agree on the course they should pur-
sue, and that it was not at all neeessary that they should
agree in all the reasons for that course.