The Press.
London, England, 1856-04-05 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 5, 1856.

THOUGH it was quite certain that the Court of
St. Petersburg meant Peace when it accepted
unconditionally the Allied Propositions, and
though it was never doubtful that the Paris
Conference met with a determination to put
an end to the War, yet our readers will expect
from us some observations on the facts that -a
Definitive Treaty has been signed—that all
hostilities are over—and that Peace has been
restored to the world. For some time we
stood alone in arguing that the fall of Sebas-
topol might naturally close the War. Our
position then was, at least, an independent
one, and we must crave leave to retain the

_ to did Tr_
the objects for which arms were taken up, _
it expressl3 stated the terms ou which it con-
ceived a satisfactory and honourable settle-
ment might be founded. [PRESS, Nov. 24 and
Dec. 1, 1855.] We never countenanced the
idea that such settlement could be equally
honourable to all the belligerents, except so
far as acknowledgment of error is honourable,
and as concession is honourable after a gallant
resistance has been made. We said that a
Peace which should be satisfactory to the
Allies " could not be otherwise than humili-
" ating to Russia" [PRESS, Oct. 20, 1855], as
she would have to concede the objects for
which the Western Powers contended. We
only insisted, that with the great military
success of the Allies, and with the fall of that
fortress on which Russia relied for maintain-
ing her supremacy in the Black Sea, a favor-
able moment had arrived for concluding the
War with the attainment of its original ob-
jects ; while, if the War were to be continued
further, it must of necessity be for objects not
originally contemplated, as the obstinacy of
Russia would compel us to materially reduce
her strength by depriving her of territory, and
to degrade her from her rank as a first-rate
European Power.
It was our object to show that if, clearing
our minds from visionary ideas of conquest.
and from the passions provoked by the
struggle, we held firm to the just and
moderate bases of settlement enunciated by
Mr. DISRAELI in the House of Commons, so far
back as Bth June, 1855, we might hope to
establish the great and beneficent principle—
that wars were under the control of statesmen.
and that they could be prevented from
spreading by their inherent activity, or by
the inflammatory action of national pre-
judices. In opposition to the tone of the
ar Party, we held that it was especially our
duty at that turning-point in the contest to
set forth the objects which would then satisfy
the demands of sound policy, and encourage,
to that extent, overtures of submission from
our foe.

be at once concilia-

tory and firm. Is it quite sure that our Go-
vernment has not acted on directly contrary
principles, and been at once unconciliatory and
yielding?
We have better hopes of the Peace which has
been signed than can rest on the sagacity of
Lord CLARENDON or the " vour " of Lord PAL-
MERSTON. We believe that the Russian Govern-
ment has decided on a total change of its sys-
tem. The policy of the Emperor NICHOLAS be-
longed to the first and rudest stage of national
development. The star of young nations, as
the first journal in Europe has acutely ob-
served, is apt to mislead them. From the
nature of things their life, like that of a young
plant, is for some time marked by unchecked
progress. It germinates in darkness and
obscurity with apparently irresistible strength;
but as it advances it has to submit to the
restraint of superior influences, and it is then
tutored and forced into the shape it is meant
in the gracious economy of Providence to
assume. Russia has been taught a severe
lesson. Her dream of universal empire is
at an end—a result of the War unquestionably
glorious; and it is probable she will now ac-
knowledge that she must look for an increase
of power and strength, not to an extension of
territory, but to the use and expansion of those
immense natural resources which she pos-
sesses, and to the essentially industriois
genius of her people.
However great the progress she may make
in this direction, we shall not envy her. While
contributing to her real greatness, it will con-
tribute also to the prosperity of the world at
large. We shall feel much more pleasure in
contending with her as a rival than as a foe,
nor shall we ever dread that kind of power, or
ever seek to repress its growth by arms,
which springs from natural sources, and is
extended by pacific influences. If it be the
fate of nations—though the experience of the
Christian world on this point is opposed to
the experience of the ancient world—to pass
through periods of infancy, maturity, and

artaiminate likewise. Education, -_
tration, fthance, law amendment,' Parlia-
mentary reform, will again supply the clubs
with conversation, the masses with subjects
for a vague and often aimless, but not ungene-
rous, enthusiasm, and professed politicians with
weapons of natural attack and defence. But
this will not come to pass in a moment. The
English mind is slow, pertinacious, persever-
ing—not ready to drop a subject which it has
once been thoroughly roused to consider, nor
quick to take one up which is not specially
forced by circumstances upon its notice. An
interval must elapse before slosh a degree
of interest is excited in any now suspended
controversy as to afford hope of its permanent
settlement. That interval it is the duty of
statesmen and journalists to fill up with such
suggestions as may at least be lmrtnless, and
possibly profitable.
We have mentioned five questions which,
the four first especially, seem likely to engage
public attention. But there is one, as yet un-
named, still better suited to the requirements
of a period transitional between war and peace.
We refer to army reform, to the practical use
which is to be made of our vast expenditure, of
our trained regiments. and of an experience
dearly and gloriously obtained during the
campaigns of IBM and 1855.
Everybody says " England ought not to
" disarm." Right or w-
there is afloat a vague
regards our relations
which will long discos»
economy from that of
With this feeling we st
some recollection of an
the wisdom of him tha,
torrent. It is there—L
Ministers, always averse
task of cutting down
care to foster it ; and, td
would in any case be a %
loose ou the world a

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vue, anu we must crave leave to retain we stances on record to show how often bluster is country a
ita. . same independence of judgment now. weak while moderation is strong? We con- incapable
•It was a gross and Malignant misrepresenta- tended that whenever negotiation was begun,
tion of the whole tenor of the argument of it should be carried on in a spirit of sincerity, THE
Tux Pas* to wort that i advocated an nu_ , but at the same time in a spirit of justice :• psAca is
ailft'att n'nwise, or an %glorious peace.' ou , wiage we avoided .Insisting on trifles, we
war that
the contrary, it insisted t at no terrusithouid should resolutely atilt,re to princip/es that
be listened to which did not completely satisfy were essential; and in the eousciousness of *36,1,1
the objects for which arms were taken up, and our magnificent strength be at once concilia- will termi

wrong, wise or unwise.
feeling of insecus
with other, ivatilifiaN
connect tilqr.idvii.:AosNi
our military' '
do not quail ,• • '
n ancients," • •wc • •
ut goeth
-there i :144'
.rse to 411, • '4l 'H
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•
expend re;'_. in.
!
td do theirj
difficulty abou
multitude of men who