The Press.
London, England, 1856-01-26 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY.

THE CLUB STAKES.—About three miles.—Mr. Good.
man's Honeycomb, I—Mr. Craven's St. Hillary, 2. A fine
raee. Won by a neck.
THE FREE HANDICAP STEEPLECHASE.—About three
miles.—Mr. B. Land's Goodlad, I—Mr. Buchanan's Fanny
Wynne, 2. Won by ten lengths.
THE WELTER STAKES.—About three miles.—Mr. Hed-
ley's g, by Worlaby Baylock, I—Mr. Brown's Harry, 2.
Won by six lengths—a neck between the second and third.

LORD BYRON.—There was something about him
not to be definitely described, but almost universally
felt, which captivated those around him, and nu-
pressed them, in spite of occasional distrusts, with
an attachment not only friendly but fixed. Part of this
fascination may doubtless be ascribed to the entire
self-abandonment, the incautious, it may be said the
dangerous, sincerity of his private conversation.
But his very weaknesses were amiable, and, as has
been
.said of a portion of his virtues, were of a
feminine character—so that the affection felt for him
was as that for a favorite and sometimes froward
sister.—Lord Broughton's Travels in Albania, Note.

THE PRESS.

Corrtsponttntt.

M. NISARD, FRENCH UNDER-MINISTER OF
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
TO THE EDITOR OF "THE PRESS."
Sir,—l learnt formerly from very unpleasant expe-
rience that it is impossible for even the most careful
and zealous editor to prevent.the occasional insertion
of a " filling up " paragraph, supplied by some corre-
spondent, or cut out of another newspaper, at variance
with the recognised principles of his journal. I was
not much surprised, though grieved beyond measure,
to see a paragraph in THE PRESS of the 12th instant
bitterly reflecting on my friend M. Nisard, for his
alleged desertion of the Republican party in France.
Such a reproach, sir, from the organ of the Con-
servative party in England would certainly have
amazed me, but for the personal experience referred
to above, which persuades me that the paragraph in
question must have been accidentally inserted with-
out being previously read by the editor of THE
PRESS. Even now, if the gist of the paragraph had
consisted in the words attributed to M. Nisard, to
the effect that "he sacrificed his opinions for his
salary," I should not think it worth while to notice
so absurd a calumny—for all who have the privilege
of knowing M. Nisard, are aware that a more pure
and high-minded gentleman never existed—but as
there happened to be in the paragraph just that
plausible mixture of fact which gives an air of truth
to falsehood, I feel bound, sir, as an intimate friend
of M. Nisard, to request your permission to explain
the circumstances on which this charge of "apostacy
for the sake of place" is founded.
It is true that M. Nisard was grossly insulted the
other day at the Sorbonne by the students, and that
the design was announced beforehand of compelling
him to resign his professorship, as M. St. Buive was
forced to resign a few months ago. But in the long
tumult which ensued, and could only be quelled at
length by the interference of the armed force, it was
evident that it was not so much the marks of sympa•
thy and respect from M. Nisard's friends, as his own
"conscience of his worth "—the conscience of a tho-
roughly honest man revolted by injustice—which
gave him unexpected courage, and enabled him to
face the attack throughout with a calm dignity that
never faltered in the most trying circumstances.
However, painful as all this was, it is rather un-
fortunate for the writer of the paragraph, who asserts
that it was a personal insult to M. Nisard "for his
apostacy," that exactly the same insults should have
been offered last week at Paris to the professors
of law and medicine ; so that, as the outrage appears
to have been rather on public than on private grounds,
I will briefly explain to the uninitiated reader what
such symptoms mean in Paris, before I answer the
charge of apostacy for place." It is, then, a melan •
choly fact that for more than a quarter of a century,
by the weakness and connivance of successive
Ministers in France, the principal chairs at the
University of Paris have been handed over to the
systematic teachers of anarchy, such as Michelet,
Quinet, Michewitch, ktc., and the students have been
permitted to constitute themselves virtually Jacobins
clubs, who would not endure any professor who did
not flatter them and teach time "rights of man,"
&c. ; and it happens by accident that the first pro-
fessor who has not yielded at once to the expression
of discontent by this interesting " Young France" is
the one whose character is now assailed, M. Nisard.
In this state of the university, whenever there has
been anything brooding in the public mind at Paris,
the Republican party, aided too often by those who are
the natural enemies of republicanism when in power,
ave acted on a regular system of trying the disposi
tions of the people, and feeling their way, by making
experiments first with the students ; so that a politi-
cal demonstration from the Sorbonne or the College
de France has been invariably the precursor of every
great emeute or revolution in Paris during the last
thirty years. This is the real secret. of the recent
demonstration at the Sorbonne against the different
professors ; they are simply an " essai d'emeute " on
the part of the Republicans, and as such I think
the French Government will know how to deal with
them.

And now, sir, in answer to the assertion that M.
Nisard " was once a stanch Republican, and redac-
teur of the National," I beg to observe, not only that
never at any time in the whole course of his life did
M. Nisard pretend to be a Republican, but that the
very circumstances of his temporary connection with
the National afford evidence of the fact. For,
although he is styled in the paragraph " redacteur
of the National," the truth is that he was only
attached to that journal for a short time as "literary
critic," and solely in that capacity ; and it is a singular
ct that at the period in question (1832.33) the
National, under Armand Carrel, though an innovator
in politics, was the only Conservative organ in litera•
lure ! It was then that M. Nisard, being a personal
friend of Carrel, was solicited by him to assist his
journal with exclusively literary contributions ; and

83

the reason for this request was, that M. Nisard had
ust then gained a brilliant reputation by his defence
of the classical against the romantic school of litera-
ture ; the unanimous voice of the public had pro-
claimed his merit ; and Carrel was anxious to obtain
for his journal the credit and popularity belonging
just then to orthodox opinions, on one point at least.
Yet so little did this at the time connect him in any-
one's eyes with the Republican party, that M. Guizot,
being then Minister, without asking him to discon-
tinue his contributions to the National, appointed
him "Professor of the Ecole Normale," to teach,
said M. Guizot, " the same doctrines there that he
had so well defended in the contemporary reviews."
Why did not the Republicans then cry out, if M.
Nisard was a deserter from their cause ? But, so far
from it, Carrel wrote an article, complimenting the
Ministry on the appointment, and explaining the
non-political and purely literary character of M.
Nisard's connection with the National. But if there
was no ground for accusation in his connection with
the journal, was there any in his friendship for Carrel?
I may answer the question by another: Do we not
all reckon among our friends some who differ from
us in political opinion ? And again : Is there any
man in France at the present day who would not be
proud to have been the friend of Armand Carrel ?
For, whatever were his errors of opinion, it is now
universally admitted that Carrel was one of the
noblest and purest of patriots ; his character was cast
on the antique model ; he was one of those remark-
able men, like Fletcher of Saltoun, whose virtues are
reflected most brightly to posterity in the homage
paid to them by contemporaries who were neverthe-
less strong political opponents.

However, after Carrel's premature death M. Nisard
quitted the National, and confined himself exclu-
sively to the profession of literature, and especially
to the completion of a work which will for ever be
invaluable to his countrymen,—the translation of
the Latin classics into French ; and it was after four
years of his occupation that M. Salvaudy, being then
Minister, appointed him his Chef de Cabinet; and
as during the preceding four years M. Nisard had
neither mixed in politics, nor been connected in any
way with any political organ, the place could not be
the price of an apostacy, and nobody dreamt of
making such a charge at the time.
I will now only add that the above accusation
against M. Nisard was brought forward once before
in an election contest at ChAtillon, during the last
elections in the reign of Louis Philippe, in 1848.
And on that occasion M. Nisard answered for himself,
so admirably and conclusively, that the charge
was at once withdrawn, and no more was heard of it
for the next ten years. If I had had his answer by
me, I should have sent it on this occasion instead of
this letter; but I know that it is preserved by many
of M. Nisard's friends and former constituents at
Chatillon, and I undertake to produce a copy of it if
necessary.

I must conclude, sir, by apologising for the length
of this letter, and expressing my sincere regret for that
circumstance. But, remembering that one of the most
amiable gentlemen and the most eminent scholars in
France has now lain for two weeks under a grievous
charge of corruption, which the world, sir, suppose
to be made on your authority and vouched for by
your respectability, I have certainly felt unusually
anxious to state at least so much as was essential
to prove M. Nisard's integrity, because he has pm-
bably no friend in England so well acquainted with
the circumstances as myself.—l remain, sir, your
most obedient servant,
JOHN DICKINSON, JUNE.
45, Thurloe-square.

THE POLICY OF ENGLAND SHOULD NOT BE INSULAR.
—So long as Great Britain is engaged in a commer-
cial intercourse with other nations ; so long as her
insular situation only serves to promote and extend
those commercial relations ; so long as other States
possess a large portion of seacoast, engage in a wide
commercial circle, and are acquiring a navy of for-
midable power; so long as Britain interferes with
them in other quarters of the globe, where her
dominions are the most valuable and extensive, it is an
abuse of language to talk of her being separated from
the continent of Europe by the Straits of Dover
The transport of an army by sea is often more easy
than the march over a considerable tract of land.
It is to her armies that every nation, insular or con-
tinental, must look for her sure and natural defence.
But although it would be absurd to recommend that
the internal resources of a country should be ne-
glected, either in order to favour its naval force, or
in order to commit its defence to the movements of
intrigue, and the efforts of foreign policy, yet he
would be an equally dangerous councillor who should
advise us to neglect those means of preventing war,
and of rendering it harmless when it does occur,
which are only to be found in a coin} liance with the
balancing system.—Lord Brougham's Contributions
to the "Edinburgh Review."

.
.
.