The Press.
London, England, 1854-07-22 00:00:00

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it was from such convictions on the part of the Government
that his noble friend had been appointed to the new depart-
ment. With regard to the vote which would be asked
from the House of Commons that night, he begged honour-
able gentlemen not to suppose that the only thing done or
to be done was the appointment of a new War Minister.
The appointment was to be followed by certain arrange-
ments and consolidations which had been long ago recom-
mended by various authorities ; but those arrange-
innts
ean cdourse consol
of a idationsfew days.ld cou not be carried out
th They must be the
work of time; and, although they had been recommended
by two parliamentary committees, Lord Grey and Lord
Melbourne, who in their time gave the subject much con-
sideration, found the difficulties so considerable that they
abstained from undertaking it. The Government, how-
ever, had already prepared the outline of a scheme for this
purpose, which he should probably explain to the house
that night; but he might say then, that one part of it was
that the commissariat, which was now entirely directed
from the Treasury, should hereafter be placed under the
Minister of War. Then there was the department of the
Ordnance. The Ordnance Department had had a great
many duties added to it within the last few years; and he
was aware that great difficulties had arisen in it from the
want of central power upon many important matters. He
referred especially to the erection of barracks and other
military buildings in this country and in Ireland, but espe-
cially in the colonies. It was, in many cases, owing to the
want of central authority, doubtful whether a certain ex-
penditure for a given purpose should or should not be un-
dertaken ; and, after the subject had been dismissed in
one department, it was handed over to another, which in
its turn referred it to a third, which referred it back to one
of the others, because there was really no proper authority
which could decide these things. It was therefore ex-
tremely likely that great errors of judgment had been
committed. The Government, however, hoped to be able
to make arrangements for next year which would put these
matters upon a more complete footing, and by which the
action would be uniform.
Passing on from the War Ministry to the war itself,
Lord John Russell said
there was nothing known certainly as to the ultimate
resolution of Prussia and Sweden, but that Lord Clarendon
had told him that the answer which Russia was likely to
make to the demands recently made upon her by the Ger-
man powers must be one of these three--either a negative,
or an affirmative, or an evasive answer. He need not say
that there was great probability that the evasive form was
the one which would be adopted. He might further state
that it was the opinion of his noble friend, Lord Clarendon,
that, if the answer from Russia was not satisfactory, there
could be no doubt whatever that Austria would at once go
with the maritime powers. The noble lord then said that
the events of war were uncertain. This being a great
struggle with one of the first military powers of Europe, it
would necessarily involve this country in a very great and
very serious expenditure; and he should be obliged to give
notice, on the part of the Government, that in the course
of the next week he should apply to the House of Commons
for a very considerable sum. The Government, of course,
must trust to the house placing confidence in them with
respect to this necessity. He did not for a moment mean
to imply that no other Government was possible but the
present. He did not know what combinations might be
formed. He did not know whether Lord Derby and his
friends, or any other persons, might be able to form a Go-
vernment. But so long as himself and his colleagues con-
stituted the Government, and had upon them the respon-
sibility of the war, of course they must appeal to the House
of Commons for its generous confidence and support, for
no Government which had not the support and confidence
of the House of Commons could hope to carry on a great
contest like the present to that successful issue which every
person in the country most anxiously desired to see."
Lord John Russell's speech elicited considerable
cheering from his supporters present, who neverthe-
less seized the opportunity of taking him to task upon
sundry points of policy.
Mr. Venivoti SMITII dwelt upon the conduct of the
Government with regard to the admission of dissenters to
the University of Oxford. Their proceedings on this
question, he thought, were as damaging to their character
and position as anything could be in the eyes both of the
house and of the country. He added that those persons
who wished for the establishment of a War Ministry were
quite as anxious to have a particular man to be at the
head of it. They were just as anxious to have the depart-
ment created as to appoint a particular individual to it.
That individual was his noble friend Lord Palmerston.
He ( Mr. V. smith) was not disposed to find fault with
the Duke of Newcastle. He merely expressed the opinion
of those who had asked for the new department to be estab-
lished. But he thought the office of Secretary-at-War
ought to be done away with, and he hoped the noble lord
would not allow any regret, at having to discharge what
might be a painful duty, to deter him from taking that
step at the earliest practicable period.
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT came to the rescue of his assailed
functions. He had given a great deal of labour to the
duties of the office which he had now the honour to hold.
He had twice held the office of Secretary-at-War ; and,
without presumption, might venture to say that he was
pretty well acquainted with all its duties. When the
changes now under discussion were first spoken of, he
placed himself unreservedly in the hands of Lord Aber-
deen, being perfectly willing to submit to anything, or to
do anything that might be considered best for the interests
of the country. No personal feelings of his own ever
should, he stated to his noble friend, hinder him from ac
ceding to any step that might appear wise to be taken in
the interests of the country. The office he held was now
one of reduced dignity, and he, might, for that reason,
have given it up without reproach ; but he believed he

THE PRESS.

was best consulting the interests of the country under
present circumstances by the course he had taken of re-
maining in it ; but he assured honourable gentlemen that
no personal object, no personal ambition should ever for
one moment stand in the way of any rearrangement
these offices that could be made for the benefit of the
service and the advantage of the country. (Cheers.)
Mr. HORSMAN broke new ground, with the pre-
liminary remark that they had met there, not to
exchange compliments, but to do business, in which
" plain speaking " was not to be found fault with
He then referred to the religious questions continually-
coming before the house in one shape or other ; and said
this subject was one upon which it was evident the Govern-
ment were not agreed in their policy, and that they differed
largely in respect to it from a very important class of their
supporters. He afterwards adverted to the fact that many
objections were taken by their own supporters to Lord
Aberdeen ; and, without expressing his own opinion on
the subject, he must say that a large number of Lord John
Russell's usual friends were of opinion that, under the
circumstances of war, it was unfortunate that Lord Aber-
deen should be in the situation of Prime Minister. They
could not, from Lord Aberdeen's well-known views, antici-
pate that the war would be carried on in a manner con-
sistent with the power and dignity of this country so long
as the noble earl held the chief place in the Government.
He also said that it was the opinion of another consider-
able section of Lord John Russell's party that the noble
lord, in taking a subordinate office under Lord Aberdeen,
had rather let his party down—that in so doing he had
scarcely consulted either their position or their interests.
Mr. HUME was more clement and hopeful, but
still dissatisfied
He approved of the position of Lord Aberdeen in the
Government, and was very glad to see the manner in which
the Peelite party had joined the old Liberal party. It said
a great deal for their patriotism, while it gave them a great
deal of strength with the country. He told Lord John
Russell, however, in plain terms that when he went against
three-fourths or more of his own party, as he had on some
occasions, and found himself in the same lobby as those
who were called his opponents, he might be quite certain
he was wrong, and that he was taking the most effectual
course possible to break up and destroy the Liberal party.
There were, further, many little matters of concession,
things proper in themselves to be done, which the Liberal
party could not get either the Government or Lord John
Russell to consent to do. He would certainly give the
Government what supporthe could in the course they were
taking with respect to the war, and he would consent to
vote them all the supplies they might deem necessary ; but
he must urge upon them the absolute necessity of their
keeping more at one with their supporters. If they were
a liberal Government they ought to act in these respects
more in a liberal spirit.
Mr. BRIGHT, who seemed very doubtful of his
right to be present at all in the character of a
Ministerial supporter, yet, having been invited to
come, felt justified in offering a "few observations,"
all of which related to points whereon he believed
that the Government were sluggish, faithless, and
divided :
Alluding to the actual position of the Government, he
thought a great part of its evils arose from its constitution.
They had overthrown Lord Derby's Government, and es-
tablished one of opposite politics, while they offered office
to several members of that Administration. They never
decided upon any policy which they ought to pursue ; and
he could not understand how the differences which neces-
sarily arose in consequence could be called misapprehen-
sions. The speech of Lord Palmerston upon the ballot
and Lord John's speech on church rates were not only not
difficult to be understood, but it was impossible to misun-
derstand them. The two noble lords might be quite right,
and their supporters quite wrong; but they differed entirely
from many of their supporters. He further complained of
the course of the Government with respect to the adver-
tisement duty and the newspaper stamp, and said that,
unless they consulted their supporters, they could not
expect their supporters to consider their convenience. No
Government could exist which disregarded the wishes of
its supporters. He would not go into the question of the
noble lord the member for Tiverton being the new Minister
of War, for that was a question rather for the House of
Commons than a meeting like the present. He then
referred to the war; and hoped Lord John would be able
to tell the house what the war was for, and upon what
terms peace would be accepted. If Turkey was cleared of
the Russians, and certain treaty guarantees agreed to,
would the war be brought to an end? If it were to be
carried on with a view to the dismemberment of Russia,
no man could foresee the end of it, or the calamity in
which it would involve both this country and all Europe.
As to Lord Aberdeen, he had, for his part, great confidence
in the noble earl ; and was extremely sorry to see the
bitter and malignant attacks which were made upon him
without justification.
Lord D. STUART strongly eulogised the merits of
Lord Palmerston, and said that the noble lord ought
to have been the new War Minister.
Mr. LAYARD expressed some apprehensions with
regard to the conduct of Austria.
Mr. V. Scl:T.Ly opened on the question of tenant
right, but the meeting rapidly melted away, and Lord
John broke up the conference. Lord Palmerston
watched through the whole proceedings in silence.

THE BALANCES IN THE EXCHEQUER on the sth inst.
amounted to 1,008,0871. On the sth of July, 1853,
they were 5,112,6391. •