The Express.
London, England, 1862-09-12 00:00:00

LONDON. FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 12, 1862.

THE "DAILY NEWS" ON THE CONTINENT.

Mein the Daily News.)
WE hardly need apologize to the readers of
this journal for referring to matters of public
notoriety which are personal to ourselves. It has
lately been our fortune to excite an unusual demo
of interest in exalted and official circles, and we
have within the last few weeks received from the
Governments of Western and Southern Europe
an amount of special attention far beyond our
humble desires, and perhaps also in excess of
our deserts. At Paris, those who frequent the few
reading-rooms where English papers lie on the
table complain that of late they have rarely had
an opportunity of seeing our journal. Almost
every day the copies are all " seized " by the
Government ; and the new Director of the Press,
M. le Comte de TREILHARD, has just signalized
his accession to office by a formal decree against
the Daily News. lb has decided that henceforth
the journal is not to be delivered to subscribers
on the evening of its arrival, nor on the next day,
until the authorities have had ample time to
examine its comments on public affairs, and dis-
cuss the propriety of allowing them to circulate
in Paris. At Naples our Special Correspondent was
suddenly arrested by a telegraphic order from the
Government of Turin. This arrest of its corres-
pondent in Italy is scarcely as intelligible as the
seizure of the journal at Paris, except on the sup•
position of a common influence being at work in
both cases. It may possibly be another instance
of that "vigour" which elicited such prompt tele-
graphic compliments from the Tuileries. The con-
duct of the French Government towards ourselves
is, however, intelligible enough. We are subjected
to special censorship and repeated " seizure"
avowedly because our criticisms of the Imperial
policy towards Italy are considered damaging to
the EMPEROR and injurious to the interests of his
government. Such a practical and emphatic testi-
mony to the truth of the adverse comments on its
policy that have appeared in these columns could
hardly have been expected from the Imperial Go-
vernment ; but for the sake of Italy, we are
thankful to find it so sensitive on the subject.
There is, as all the world knows, nothing personal
in our opposition to the EMPEROR and his policy.
His public conduct, like that of any other ruler,
has in these columns been simply brought to the
bar of reason and conscience, and judged of by the
principles of common sense and common justice
which are the recognised rules of action amongst
States as well as individuals. Whenever the
policy of NAPOLEON 111. has appeared in the main
founded in justice, and directed towards liberal
aims, we have heartily supported it. We have, in-
deed, more than once spoken well of the EMPEROR
at times when he received hardly anything but abuse
from this side of the Channel, and are of course
prepared to do so again if he will give us the
opportunity. On the other hand, when his con-
duct has been selfish and exacting, if not violent
and rapacious, we have condemned it with equal
emphasis and decision. His Italian policy at the
present moment, so far as it can be understood,
is undoubtedly of this character. The grounds on
which the occupation of Rome has hitherto been
defended no longer exist, but the French troops
still remain there to exasperate the Roman people
and convulse the Kingdom of Italy. A word from
their Imperial master would end this anarchy and
confusion, and as he keeps silent the world
is compelled to believe that he simply
prolongs the torture of Italy . for his
own selfish ends. We have expressed
the common judgment, the verdict pronounced on
the EMPEROR'S conduct at this moment by the
reason and conscience of enlightened Europe. In
this agonizing crisis of their regenerated history we
have only defended the rights of the Italians, and
vindicated the doctrine of non-intervention which

reason for his arrest. The Ministry at Turin, in their
excitement, appear to have fancied he was too
important a person to be left at large during the
state of siege at Naples. They have accordingly
provided him with board and lodging for the
time being. He accepts it with a kind of tolerant,
good-humoured wonder, and consoles himself by
exercising the Englishman's privilege of grumbling
and criticising the authorities. But his letters
since his arrest do not contain a particle of resent-
ment or indignation. He perceives that the
Cabinet of Turin is in a great flurry and excite-
ment, and hopes they will soon recover sufficient
composure to set him free.