The Press.
London, England, 1854-04-29 00:00:00

392

FRENCH REPLY TO THE LAST RUSSIAN
MANIFESTO.
Is publishing the last "circular note " of Count
Nesselrode—in which every encouragement is given
to the insurrection in Epirus, and a stimulus to revolt
afforded to the Greek population in Turkey gene-
rally—as also the further " declaration " and vindi •
cation of Russian policy published in the Journal de
St. Petersbourg, and of which we gave an abstract in
last week's PRESS, the Moniteur accompanies these
Muscovite manifestoes with an official reply from M.
Drouyn de l'Huys. Although the dispute has now
passed far beyond the range of diplomatic contro-
versy, there is still much importance to be assigned
to this document, which may be viewed as the last
attempt to appeal to reason and justice upon a con-
troversy that has already been referred to a sterner
arbitrement. The following are the more important
paragraphs of this State paper:—
" The Russian Government has just published a deola
ration, in answer to the summons addressed to it for the
last time by France and England, and to which it has not
consented to subscribe. We have not the intention to
enter into an examination of the arguments refuted to
satiety; we will limit ourselves to some observations on
the new en•ors which that declaration is endeavouring to
get accredited.
" In the first place, the Russian Government demands
by what title England and France pretend to exact the
evacuation of the principalities of the Danube. There is
no one so ignorant as not to be aware how much their
summons is founded upon right. The powers who signed
the acts of Vienna have themselves recognised it as such.
The Cabinets of Paris and London acted on this occasion
in virtue of treaties, and their conduct had the approbation
of other Governments.
" The declaration adds that the Russian armies could
not evacuate the principalities in the midst of a war which
the Ottoman Government had been the first to declare.'
The parts cannot be more strangely inverted. The inva-
sion of the two provinces of the Turkish empire was, in the
eyes of the whole world, an act of war. If the Porte was
recommended not to make it a case of war, it was because,
in spite of the aggressive character of the acts of Russia, it
was still hoped that there would be, on the part of that
power, a return to moderation and equity. The initiative
of the acts of war, as far as regards the Porte, as well as
the provocations in matters touching the maritime powers,
belongs exclusively to the power which invaded the prin-
cipalities of the Danube ; and such is the opinion of all
Europe.
" The declaration of the Russian Cabinet remarks that
the occupation had not prevented the negotiations from
being opened, and that they would not have stopped their
being followed out if the powers had not suddenly, and
without valid reasons, changed the bases which they had
themselves given in the first note drawn up at Vienna.
The powers had, in fact, laid down principles which, loy-
ally admitted, might then have solved the difference ; but
the commentary which the note in question received from
the Count de Nesselrode attested that the Russian Cabinet
did not accept them, except by attaching to them a signifi-
cation very different from the idea of the Conference of
Vienna, as was admitted by all the Governments repre-
sented in that conference. It is, therefore, Russia herself
who changed the bases of the negotiations, and compelled
the great powers to seek for others. The Russian Govern-
ment bitterly complains of the demand which the Cabinets
of Paris and of London addressed to the Commander-in-Chief
of its naval forces at Sebastopol in consequence of the ag-
gression of Sinope. We admit that that demand was un-
usual, but it was called for by a state of things which was
not less so ; and it was not until after every means of con-
ciliation which patience, moderation, and a sincere desire
for peace could suggest had been exhausted, that France
and England had recourse to that extreme measure. Ac-
cording to the declaration of the Russian Cabinet, we have
less respect for the independence of the Porte than it has;
and one of the proofs which it adduces for this is,tliat the
Ottoman Government has renounced, by treaty, the power
of making peace without its allies. In entering into that
engagement the Porte only contracts a reciprocal obliga-
tion, on the footing of a perfect equality, and moreover in
strict conformity to constant and general usage and the law
of nations, when several unite together to pursue by arms
a common object.
" The Porte (adds the Russian Cabinet) is about to be
forced to subscribe to an engagement which would extend
to all its subjects equality of civil and political rights.'
That assertion, far from being well founded, gives us an
occasion of showing, in a striking manner, what is the dif
ference of acting between Russia and the Western powers
in their relations with the Ottoman empire. Russia has
insisted on stipulating with the Porte. either in a treaty or
by means of a note, for the maintenance of the liberties of
the Sultan's subjects. The other powers have not for a
single moment thought of requiring from the Porte any
such engagement, either in the form of a treaty or of a
note. They have not, it is true, neglected any occasion to
suggest to the Porte such measures as appeared to them
best calculated to ameliorate the condition of the Christians
in the Turkish empire ; but they never could have thought
of restricting the sovereignty of the Sultan, when, on the
contrary, they were taking up arms to defend it against the
pretensions which were menacing it. 'lt is for Europe,
and not for the two powers ( continues the Russian Go-
vernment), to decide if the balance of power in Europe
really runs any of the dangers which, it is pretended, arise
from the excessive preponderance of Russia.' On that
point the wish of the Russian Cabinet is already realised.
It is the great powers of Europe, and not France and Eng-
land alone, who have signed the acts of Vienna ; and these
a cts declare loudly that the position taken by Russia on
the Danube places the general equilibrium in danger. Ac-
cording to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, it is, on the con.

SATURDAY,

emotion at the sight of anything except an English lady ;
then gather a noisy, picturesque, and active crowd of fez-
capped Greeks in baggy, blue breeches, smart jackets
sashes, and rich vests—of soberly-dressed Armenians—of
intellectual-looking Jews, with keen, flashing eyes—chas-
beim do Vincennes, Zouaves, British riflemen, vivandieres,
sappers and miners, Nubian slaves, camel-drivers, com-
missaries, officers, and sailors, and direct them in streams
through the streets round the little islets in which the
smoking Turks are harboured, and you will do much to
populate the place. ]twill be observed there are no wo-
men mentioned, but children are not by any means want-
ing—on the contrary, there is a glut of them, in the Greek
quarter particularly ; and now and then a bundle of clothes,
in yellow leather boots, and covered at the top with a piece
of white linen, may be seen moving about, which you will
do well to believe contains a woman neither young nor
pretty. Dogs, so large, savage, tailless, hairy, and curiously-
shaped, that Wombwell could make a fortune out of them
if aided by any clever zoological nomenclator, prowling
along the shore and walking through the shallow water, in
which stands a herd of bullocks and buffaloes waiting till
the araba, or cart, is ready fur them—six French steamers,
and three French transports, with the tricolor flying,
and the paddle-box boats full of troops on their way to laud
—a solitary English steamer, with the red ensign, at
anchor in the bay—and some Greek polaccas, with their
beautiful white sails and trim rig, flying down the straits,
which are here about three and a half miles broad, so that
the villages on the rich swelling hills of the Asia Minor
side are plainly visible,—all these must be added, and
then the picture is tolerably complete. In truth, it is
a wretched place--pictureagne to a degree, but, like all
picturesque things or places, horribly uncomfortable. The
French came first, and, like all first-comers, they are the
best served. When the Golden Fleece came in on Thursday
night there was no pilot to show her where to anchor, and
it was nearly an hour ere she ran out her cable in nineteen
fathoms water. No one came off to her, for it was after
midnight, and there was something depressing in this
silent reception of the first British army that ever landed
on the shores of these straits. As we entered the portals
of the Dardanelles, and rushed swiftly up between its dark
banks, we tried to discern the outline of the villages on its
shores. The sentinels on the forts and along the ridges
challenged loudly—shouting to each other to be on the alert
—the band of the Rifles all the while playing the latest
fashionable polkas, or making the rocks acquainted with
Rule Britannia' and God save the Queen.' But all
these things ceased at Gallipoli, and when morning came
we only felt sorry that nature had made it a desirable
place for us to land at. The tricolor was floating right
and left, and the blue coats of the French were well marked
on shore, the long line of bullock carts stealing along
the strand towards their camp making it evident that
they were taking care of themselves. As it happened, our
active, intelligent, and able Consul had gone to the towers
of the Dardanelles to look for us, but we had escaped him
in the dark. Will it be credited that no instructions what-
ever were sent to the Consul to prepare for the reception
of this force at Gallipoli? And yet lam assured such is
the case. The only steps taken by the authorities' were
to send two commissary officers, without interpreters or
staff, to the town a few days before the troops actually
landed to make provision for them. Sir George Brown,
commanding the first division of the British expedi-
tionary army, Colonel Sullivan, Assistant-Adjutant-Gene-
ral, Dr. Alexander, first-class Staff-Surgeon, Captain V,hit
more, Aide-de-Camp, Sae., the Rifle Brigade, and two
companies of Sappers and Miners, under Lieutenant-
Colonel Victor, arrived on Thursday morning, but it was
midday on Saturday ere the troops were landed and sent
to their quarters. Why was this? Because nothing was
ready for them ! The force consisted of only some thou-
sand and odd men. and small as it was, owing to the fault
of somebody or other,' it had to lie idle for two days and
a half watching the seagulls, or with half-averted eye
regarding the ceaseless activity of the French, the daily
arrival of their steamers, the rapid transmission of their
men by the paddle-box boats of their vessels to shore, and
the admirable completeness of all their arrangements in
every detail—hospitals for the sick, bread and biscuit
bakeries, waggon trains for carrying stores and baggage—
every necessary and every comfort, indeed, to be had the
moment their ships came in ; not a British pendant was
afloat in the harbour! Our great naval Stare was repre-
sented by a single steamer belonging to a private company.
It is all very well to talk about the fine moral effect of de-
veloping the energies of the country and relying on the
effects of private enterpi ise, but the thing is not understood
abroad (perhaps not much at home either), and ex-
perience convinces me, as it has convinced every
one who has seen the system at work, that it would
be far better for the Government, even at an increased
expense of time thousands a year, to keep up an efficient
steam transport navy in time of peace, than to derange
the operations and channels of commerce, and disturb the
commnnications and workings of our great mercantile as-
sociations, by seizing on their ships in times of war.
Soldiers suffer by it—sailors complain of it—the officers of
the ships don't like it—and the companies grumble inter-
nally, and talk about the damage and loss they sustain in
consequence of their beat vessels being engaged as tram-
ports. A dandy new ship, all brasswork and paint, with
gold and maple and papier attache drawing-rooms, is certain
to suffer when employed as a transport for Llital men, with
ammunition and arms. If Government dockyard engineers
could only build engines that would keep in order now
and then, or if the Government would always employ men
like Penn. Maudslay, or Napier, they ought to maintain a
fleet of twelve good steamers to act as transports. Ther
will be plenty to be done with them as long as we have co-
lonies and distant empires to manage. We have always
troops at sea, troops coming home or going out, end a
powerful maritime nation like ourselves should take shame
to see other nations doing that which we are unwilling to
effect. The French, however they manage it, are able to