The Press.
London, England, 1856-01-05 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

12

-a. •
, 4

THE WEEK.

Is there ono person out of a hundred in England who really believes
that a pacific negotiation between the Allies and Russia is now in
progress? The language commonly held would lead ono to doubt it.
Yet the negotiation has made some progress, and all the diplomatists
of the Continent are in full activity,—speculating what is to happen,
and scheming, we are afraid, to turn this great and solemn business to
the advancement of their own little selfish ends. If the proposals
borne by Count ESTERHAZY are correctly stated, we need not wonder
at the activity of Austria• She has a natural desire to see the Danube
freed from Russian interference, and has drawn up proposals such as
she might have hoped to obtain had she been a principal and victorious
party to the policy of the Allies. These proposals are substantially a
revival of the four points, with added conditions that Russia shall
altogether abandon her station on the Danube, that Consuls shall be
admitted into the ports of the Black Sea, and that the fortification of
the Aland Isles shall not be renewed. The knotty third point is to be
solved by the Euxine being /made a neutral sea, without Russian
arsenals and fortresses on its coasts. But nothing is said of any
fortifications for Turkey. Is her Asiatic frontier to be left defenceless ?
The conditions published give one the idea that the war has been
undertaken for the benefit of Austria, not for the protection of
Turkey The " Alice Grey "of a Whig contemporary is certainly
playing her new part adroitly.
It is said that ten days were to be allowed for the consideration of
these proposals by the St. Petersburg Cabinet. As Count ESTERHAZY
arrived on the 26th ult., and communicated his proposals on the rith,
that period has just expired, and we suppose the answer of Russia
will soon be known.

But for what purpose has Baron SEERACH gone to St. Petersburg ?
Not surely with a message from the French Emperor urging the
acceptance of the proposals. That would be at once absurd and
d 2rogatory. More probably he conveys a hint that some middle course
is open to Russia between acceptance or rejection of the Austrian
terms. The German Courts are all agitated in the most lively manner
by what is taking place. The King of PRUSSIA, it is reported, declines
t 3 support the Austrian scheme, and the usual intrigues are fermenting
in the smaller Courts, consequent on the jealousy of the two great
German Powers.

The circularjustissued by the Russian Government may probably
be taken as an answer by anticipation to the Austrian proposition
The circular is a dignified and temperate document. The Imperial
Cabinet " owns frankly that the desire expressed by the Emperor of
" the Faxxcur, at a public solemnity, in favour of a prompt and
" durable peace, was at the same time, and still is, the dearest wish of
" the Emperor ALEXANDER." Further, " the Emperor will give a new
• pledge of the sentiments of conciliation by which he is animated,
• and of the sacrifices he is ready to make for the peace of the world."
The instant it is said, the Allies showed a sentiment of conciliation,
the Emperor frankly responded to it. Must not every one ask, with
what object the Allies have reopened negotiations, if not with a bona-
fide desire to bring them to a satisfactory conclusion? Is it to be
supposed that they have voluntarily made themselves the cat's
paw of Austtia ? That will be the inference if the negotiation proves
abortive.

The position of Prussia has called forth a blustering manifesto
from the Montiny Post. " The contemptible impotence—the die-
" honourable neutrality of Prussia—must and shall have an end."
" It is easier to reach Berlin than Moscow," and so forth, the intent
being a menace to Prussia that she must make up her mind to join
the Allies, or prepare for their hostility. Prussia has hitherto been
emphatically the natural ally of this country, and the great support
of Protestant interests in Germany. Austria would, no doubt, regard
her humiliation with favour; but is it quite so clear that it is our
policy to play the Austrian game ?

The speech of the Emperor of the FRENCH to the Imperial Guard
on their triumphal entry into Paris is naturally warlike in its tone. It
gives the impression that he is, while disposed for peace, preparing to
strike a new and unexpected blow against the enemy. What does
the Paris Council of War portend ? Is a grand expedition against St.
Petersburg contemplated? The allied fleets, with the new gun boats
—some 120 odd—will form by far the mightiest force ever directed
against a single place. By rapid action the Allies would have no
difficulty in collecting a powerful army to act in concert with the
fleet; and, in that case, the operations against Sebastopol would he
probably far eclipsed in magnitude by those undertaken against St.
Petersburg- Sir EDNIUND LYONS, it is believed, will have the command
of the Baltic fleet this spring.

The American Congress was, by the last accounts, still squabbling
over the election of a Speaker. Sixty-five ballots have taken place,
and still the required majority has not been gained. How can so
shrewd and practical a people as the Americans tolerate this farce?
If they cannot be content to adopt the rational principle of electing
the man who has must votes, why not strike off in succession the
lowest on the poll? Poor President PtEncF. is in sad perplexity.
Events move on while the Congress stands still, and the President's
Message will have lost its point and purpose before it can be
delivered. Its state of suspension will resemble the tunes of

SATURDAY,

Munchausen's horn. It will be in a manner frozen up, so that he will
have to prepare another and another, and deliver a whole batch o;
messages together. A serious difficulty presents itself. What will
become of the American Constitution if no Speaker can be elected?
If sixty-live trials cannot determine so simple a matter, it would be
vain to speculate on the number which can.

The Nightingale subscriptio►►, it is whispered, does not proceed
so rapidly us could be wished. Why is this? Most persons suspect
it is because the committee have put forward no definite object to
which the money raised will be applied. In our opinion it would be
wise to announce at once that the Fund, whatever it may amount to, will
be placed absolutely at Miss NIGHTINGALE'S disposal, to be applied as
she may think proper. This would answer two purposes. It would
be a noble proof of confidence in her judgment, and it would insure
the application of the fund in the very best practical manner. Were
her singular charity and devotedness all that distinguished her from
the rest of her sex, there would doubtless be a large class of
persons who would be ready with their usual wisdom to depreciate
her usefulness. Fortunately, however, Miss NIGHTINGALE has placed
herself' beyond the reach of these familiar objections. The greatest
foe to enthusiasm, the most devout worshipper of the practical, must
admit that she has beaten him at his own weapons, and displayed a
talent for organisation which even an Administrative Reformer might
envy. To the sublime convictions and glowing piety of a saint of old,
Miss NIGHTINGALE unites a store of common sense and a loving
sympathy with all that is human, which proves that she is well fitted
to cope with those difficulties which beset the transaction of worldly
business. We entertain a confident hope that were the public made
aware that the Fund subsc►ibed would be at the sole and uncontrolled
disposal of Miss NIGHTINGALE, the wish to do her honour, and to show
the confidence reposed in her, would have a salutary influence in
stimulating subscriptions.

" Natus moriensque fefellit," says the old Roman of his model
character of a man ; and whichever interpretation we adopt of the last
word of the verse, the description will admirably suit the present
Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records. It is because the acts of Sir
FRANCIS PALORAVE " escape the notice" of the public that he is per
mitted to " deceive " the public to the extent he does. Will it be be-
lieved that, after all the exposures that have appeared in the papers,
the country is to be saddled with the expense of finding house-room
for the " War-office and Admiralty rubbish," to the exclusion of the
invaluable historical muniments, for the concentration of which alone
the new Record-office, in Fetter-lane, was constructed at an outlay of
nearly 100,0001.? The Balaklava-hut plan has been given up, after a
painful struggle between inclination and duty, or rather between two
opposite evils, of which, with national perversity, the Deputy has
chosen the greater; and Sir FRANCIS'S dearly-beloved and, as it will
turn out, dearly-bought collection of trash is to be intruded into the
repository into which it was his original intention to thrust it. The
whole affair looks like a Christmas Pantomime, the parts of Clown
and Pantaloon being enacted by the Master of the Rolls and the
Deputy-Keeper, the tricks and changes played off upon poor John
Bull.