The Express.
London, England, 1864-10-07 00:00:00

THE -•,EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 7, 1864.

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.

THE ABIJY OF TEE POTOMAC.
All remained quiet in the army in frost of Peters-
burg, though a battle wai thought to be huminent.
The news of General Sheridan's victory caused the
greatest rejoicing throughout the army, and a
salute of ten shotted guns from each battery along
the entire line was fired at sunrise in honour of the
achievement.

LET/MR OF GENERAL SHERMAN ON THE
EXPULSION OF THE INHABITANTS OF
ATLANTA.-EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS.

General Sherman, by special arrangements with
the Confederate General Hood, has effected the
exchange of 2,000 prisoners. Oat of a batch of
900 Confederates, seventeen refused to be ex-
changed and took the oath of allegiance. Of 100
picked men on duty with a flag of truce at Rough
and Ready, 21 deserted. The ten days truce
between Generals Sherman and Hood ended on the
22nd ; but, in order to complete the removal of
families from Atlanta, it had been renewed, to
continue for tome days.

General Sherman had returned the following
reply to a petition from the city authorities of
♦tlanta, begging him to cancel or modify the order
for their removal :

Heetkinariete ldilitery Division of the Mimeiteippi, in the

Field, Atlanta, Ga., Sept. 12.
James M. Calhoun, mayor ; E. E. Rawson and S. C.
Walla, representing City Council of Atlanta.

Gentlemen,-1 have your letter of the 11th in the nature
of a petition to revoke my orders removing all the inhabi
tants from Atlanta. I have read it carefully, and give fall
credit to your statements of the distress that will be ma-
sioned by it, and yet shall not revoke my order, simply
because my circlets are not designed to meet the humanities
of the case, but to prepare for the future struggles in which
millions, yea, hundreds of millions of good people outside
of Atlanta, have a deep interest. We must have Peace
not only at Atlanta, but in all America. To secure this we
must stop the war that now desolates our once happy
and favoured country. To stop war we must defeat the
rebel armies that are arrayed against the laws and consti-
tution which all must respect sad obey. To defeat them
armies we must prepare the way to reach them is their
racemes provided with the arms and instruments which
enable us to accomplish our purpose.
Now, I know the vindictive nature of our enemy, and
that we may have many years of military operations from
this quarter, and therefore deem it wise and prudent to
prepare in time. The use of Atlanta for warlike purposes
is inconsistent with its character as a home for families.
There will be no manufactures, commerce, or agriculture
here for the maintenance of families, and sooner or later
want will compel the inhabitants to go. Why not go now,
when all the arrangements are completed for the transfer,
instead of waiting till the plunging shot of contending
armies will renew the scene of the past mouth? Of
comes I do not apprehend any such thing at this mo-
meat, but you do not suppose that this army will be hers
I till the war is over. I cannot discuss this subject with
you fairly, bemuse I cannot impart to you what I propose
to do, but I assert that my military plans make it nem.-
eery for the inhabitants to go away, and I can only
renew my offer of services to make their exodus in any
direction as easy and comfortable es poasible. You cannot
qualify war in harsher terms than I will.
War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it ; and those who
brought war on our country deserve all the curses and
maledictions a people mu pour out. I know I had no hand
in making this war, and I know I will make more sacrifice
to-day than any of you to secure peace. Bat you cannot
have pesos and a division of our country. If the United
States submits to a division now, it will not stop, but will
go on till we reap the fate of Mexico, which is eternal war.
The United States does and must assert its authority where-
ever it has power ; if it relaxes one bit to pressure it is
gone, and I know that such is not the maims] feeling.
This feeling sesames various shapes, but always comes back
to that of Union. Once admit the Union, ones more ac-
knowledge the authority of the national government, and
instead of devoting your houses and street. and roads to the
dead uses of war, I and this army become at once your
protectors and supporters, shielding you from danger, let
it come from what quarter it may. I know that a few in-
dividuals cannot resist a torrent of error and passion such
as has swept the &milt into rebellion ; but you can point
out, so that we may know those who desire a government
and those who insist oa war and its desolation.
You might as well appeal against the thunder storm as
against these terrible hardships of war. They are inevita-
ble, and the only way the people of Atlanta can hope once 1,
more to live in peace and quiet at home is to stop this war,
which can alone be dons by admitting that it began in
error and is perpetuated in pride. We don't want your
negroes or your horses, or your houses or your lend, or any- I
thing you have ; but we do want and will have a jut ohs. I
dience to the laws of the United Slates. That we will have,
and if it involves the destruction of your improvements,
we cannot help it. You have heretofore read public sen-
timent in your newspapers, that live by falsehood and
excitement, and the quicker you seek for truth in other
quarters the better for you.

I repeat, then, that, by the original compact of govern.
meat, the United States had certain rights in Georgia
which have never been relinquished, and never will be;
that the South began war by seising torts, arsenals, mints,
custom-houses, &c., long before Mr. Lincoln was installed,
and before the South had one jot or tittle of provocation. I
myself have seen in Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and
Mississippi, hundreds and thousands of women and children
Seeing from your armies and desperadoes, hungry and with
bleeding feet. In Memphis, Vicksburg, and Mississippi we
fed thousands and thousands of the families of rebel soldiers
left on our hands, and whom we could not see starve, Now
th►t war comes home to you, you feel very different—you
deprecate its horrors, bat did not feel them when you
sent car-loads of soldiers and ammunition, and
molded shell and shot to carry war into Kentucky and
Te 11114311600, and desolate the homes of hundreds and
thousands of good people, who only asked to live in pesos
at their old homes, and under the government of their
inheritance. Bat these comparisons are idle. I want peace,
and believe it can only be reached through union and war,
and I will ever conduct war purely with a view to perfect
and early success.

But, my dear sin, when that peace does come, you may
all on me for anything. Then will I share with you the
last cracker, and watch with you to shield your homes and
(smiles against danger from every quarter. Now, you most
go, and take with you the old and feeble ; feed and nurse
them, and build for them in more quiet places proper
habitations to shield them against the weather, until the
mad passions of men cool down, and allow the Union and
pesos once move to settle on your old homes as Atlanta.
Yours, in baste, W. T. BB:mum, Majar-Glenerel.

and, however hesitating his policy may be, the proems of
his party will, we may hope, fame him to it. Betimes
throe hates, I think, no man of the liberal party can re.
main in doubt ; and I believe I em consistent with my
antecedents in withdrawing, not to aid in the triumphs
of Mr. Lincoln, bet to do my part towards pre-
venting the election of the demoorthe candidate.
In respect ►o Mr. Lincoln, I continue to hold exactly the
methane contained in my letter of acceptance. I consider
that his administration has been politically, militarily, sod
financially • failure, and that its necessary continuance is •
cause of regret for the country. There never was a greater
unanimity in • country than wee exhibited here at the fall
of Sander, and the South was powerless in the face of N.
Bat Mr. Lincoln completely paralysed this geseroes feeling.
He destroyed the strength of the position and divided the
North when he declared to the South that slavery should
be protected. lie has built up for the South a strength
which otherwise they could have never attained ; and
this has given them an advocate on the Chicago platform.
The Cleveland Convention wss to have been the
open avowal of that condemnation which men bad been
freely expreming to each other for the peat two years, and
which had been made fully known to the President. Bat
in the uncertain condition of affairs leading men were sot
found willing to make public • dissatisfaction and con.
demnation which could have rendered Mr. Lincoln's nomina-
tion impossible ; and their continued silence and support
established for him a character among the people which
leaves DOW no choice. United, the Repubboan party is rea-
sonably sure of sitcoms ; divided, the result of the Presi-
dential election is, at the least, doubtful —I am, geotlemea,
very truly yours, J. C. Falmorr.
To Hewn. George L. Stearns and others, a Ooaunittas, &c.

" Art. 5. The present Convention will be rati-
fied, and the ratifications exchanged within a fort-
night, or earlier if possible.
Signed) " DILOITIN DI LHITYB.
" Di kliciaa.
" PI:POLL"

A protocol following the Convention says :
' " The Convention will only become executive
when the King of Italy shall have decreed the
transfer of the capital of the kingdom to a place to
be subsequently determined upon by his Majesty.
The transfer to be effected within a term of six
months from the date of the Convention. The
present protocol will have the same force and value
as the Convention, and the ratifications will be
exchanged at the same time as those of the Con-
vention."

A declaration signed by M. Drouyn de Lhuys
land the Chevalier di Nigra, dated 3rd October,
says :—"According to the terms of the Convention
of the 15th September, and the protocol appended
thereto, the delay for the transfer of the capital is
fixed at six months from the date of the conven-
tion, and the evacuation of the Roman States is to
be effected within the term of two years, datingfrom
the decree ordering the transfer of the capital. The
Italian plenipotentiaries supposed, therefore,
that the latter measure might be taken
by virtue of a decree to be immediately issued
by the King of Italy. This hypothesis would
make the periods from which the two measures were
to date, almost simultaneous. But while on the
one hand the Turin cabinet considered that so im-
portant a measure demanded the concurrence of the
chambers and the introduction of a bill, on the
other the change in the Italian ministry caused the
re-opening of parliament to be adjourned until Oct.
24. Under these circumstances the point of departure
originally fixed would no longer allow a sufficient
delay for the transfer of the capital. The govern-
ment of the Emperor, desirous of favouring any
plan, which, without altering the arrangement of
the 15th of September, would tend to facili-
tate its execution, consents that the delay
of six months for the removal of the Italian
capital as well as the term of two years for the
evacuation of the Pontifical territory, shall com-
mence from the date of the royal decree, sanction-
ing the bill which will be presented to the Italian
Parliament."

The Duke de Montebello, M. Adolpe, Baron
Darboy, and M. M. Boinvilliers, Godelle, Salignac,
Fenelon, Chabrier, and Nieuwerkerke, have been
appointed senators.