The Express.
London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

they have hitherto beef me sadly deficient. With regard to
that portion of the address which refers to the commiesion
to inquire into the state of the Uuiversities of Oslurd end
Cambridge, I ma reju.ced that those commissions, which
were stigmatised by the noble lord at the bead ot the grin
vernment as illegal commissions--(hear, hear)—when I ad-
vised their issue, are now ceknowledged to be productive of
good, and, instead of being cam solo as an illegal body,
ars to be referred to the universiiim themselves, while
we are to be asked to pass laws to enable the
universities to carry lute effect the moommeadatiocs of
these very commissions. (Hear, hear.) Whether the non-
sures so contemplated will be sufficient I cannot say, but '
I am glad that the attention of the ministers of the crown
have been directed tc the subject. 1 am sure nothing con
be more important at this present time that. that the whole
question of education, beginning with that of the higher
cloves at Oatord and Cambridge, thence to the middle
classes, and comprehending also thii education of the work-
ing classes, should be promptly and fully considered.
°tear, hear.) With respect to this pert of the subject I
am rejoiced to hear that it as intended to extend the means
for instruction in practical scieuce se applied to the general
business of life. 1 am si-u gird to bear that sonic
measures on the subject at seeoudary punishment
will be proposed, so that transportation to Van Die-
men's Land may at the earliest possible period be
abolished. There an two circumstances to be
sonsiderid in the treatment of that question ; one, that
we have given representative institutions to our Australian
colonies ; and the other, the recent discoveries of gold in a
portion of those colonies. It is quite obvious that these
two circumstances render it necessary that we should revile
the whole subject, and I am glad that the right hon.
baronet the Secretary for the Colonies—to whom 1 took the
liberty some time spice of speaking on the subject—has
mule to the wise conclusion of not confining the question
to transportation to Van Diemen'a Land, but that the case
es regards the whole of the Australian colonies should be
reconsidered. (near, hear.) Of course there are other
subjects connected with our penal laws which must be dis-
cussed in company with this question, and vrbich
will no doubt occupy the attention of govern.
Bent; but, upon the wle le, I am rejoiced to find
that, with the exception of the topic of commercial policy,
the quettiou of the great case between free trade and pro-
tection, thi re is nothing in the Premix or the address which
mils for more than the hew slight remarks 1 have made. I
Must that when the policy of the government on that sub-
ject is declared, it will be to secure to us permanently our
present emir, really admitted advantages. (Rear, hear.)
The CIIANCELLOIt of the EXCHEQUER—I eanuot
help fancying that if the only paragraph of which the noble
lord disapproves in the address, in answer to her Majesty's
most gracious speech, was really so evasive as some hun.
gentlemen have described it to be, some amendment to that
adder.' would have been moved by my boo. friend the
member for Montrose. I do nut think that hie con-
!Skewed delicacy—(a laugh)—would have prevented
him taking that course fur which his well-stored
memory would no doubt have furuiahed • suffi-
cient number of preeedents. I cannot say that I agree
with the noble lord or his friends in the version which they
have given of this paragraph. It appears to me to be one
completely adapted to the circumstances under which we
meet here to-day—(a laugh)—by the circumstances under
which we meet to-day, I mean the indisposition of parties
on both sides of the house to come to a collision on the ad-
dre.s. But having respected that feeling, I think the para-
graph is so framed as to leave no mistake in an impartial
mind as to the intentions of government. For the only
point laid positively down in the paragraph, and about
which there can be no evasion, is the principle upon which
the commereiel policy of this country and government
is to be carried on—the principle of unrestricted
competition. (Cheers.) There is only oae para-
graph in which the subject is alluded to. It is
true that government are of opinion that the legislation
which has created this unrestricted competition has, in its
operation, caused injury to certain chimes in this country.
(Ministerial cheers.) The noble lord ssys that that is pro-
tectionism, but I readies eddies& which the noble lord recently.
published, just before the dissolution of parliament—a letter
in which the noble lord addressed the constituency of the
greaten commercial city in the kingdom—and there I And
tint the merchant shipowners of Loudon are reminded that
they are e2oct to great Madera to unjust restrictions—
burdens restrictions which had only been made such by
the action aroma legislation. Therefore, the noble lord
was of opiates. when he was eandidate for the City of Lon-
don, that it win quite possible to preserve our commercial
opium founded on the principle of unrestricted competi-
teen and yet to remove those restrictions and those burdens
which one great interest was suffering, and which, by his
Mrs acknowledgment, had been virtually occasioned by re-
eMt legislation. (Ministerial cheers.) Was not this pro-
emtionist declaration much dissimilar to the objected para-
graphs in her Majesty's speech ? Why, I have recently had
1 representations made to MO by bodies of merchants and
shipownen, gentlemen of °et:sleety liberal opinions on all
subjects connected with commerce, and some of them sitting
on the benches opposite, and certainly, as tax as I can col-
lect their feeling, representing as they do one great interest,
they will be extremely dissatisfied if their burdens and re-
strictions be not taken into consideration by this or some
*gm government. Well, is that a desire to abrogate laws
'Pia have lately been carried into effect as the founde-
d's of our commercial system 1 Is that a proteo-
theist movement? I ask the house whether the
..Ms lord hail any better foundation for the charge
he his made of evasion than an allusion to a suffer-
ing immeat, which he endorsed by his own address
WYSS 1111Siklitill for the City of London. 1 shall not on the
menet Mileage pursue this topic further, as a proper occa-
sion we aim eroive. All 1 shall say is, that it is the in-
tendon to take such commercial claims into
their emend to endeavour to mitigate the in-
juries "MA by resent legislation, and we believe that we
can Meillee• • measure which will do all that
is nasionneg in that respect—all that can reasonably
be , without in any. way disturbieg that
piegiMil
of unrestricted competition which we I ecogniee as
the of oar system. (near, hear.) The noble
lord has Pepin' • puss lately for himself and his friends
of calling them the ',presentative' of a new and enlight.
said system of caimmerse,which has invariably been op-
=by gesdemes en this aide of the house. (Cheers.)
gontbseen impede% although they have changed
dies, have set lost one weakness—an am able one, I con-
fess—which is, Chet they sheer too soon. The noble load
has given es as esiblesoned catalogue of the feats of that
liberal commercial party of which ho is the recognised
chief. Free trade in eon, sugar, and the repeal of the
navigation laws. Those are three enduring pyramids
created by the 1111111.1 MO enterprise of the different sec-
tions whit see milsid ander the noble lord. hat, if
we leek biseseindly to the case, I cannot help remembering
that the pime minister who carried free trade in corn was
=M fres trade in sugar, end that then the prime
wins hilemed him with sugar was not disposed for
Ares reds In hips, foe that measure was not taken up by the
=bat was thrown upon them by a committee of
members of this house and two sessions elapsed
beim the noble lord month to.:be abolition of the nevi.
patios laws. And when they wen abrogated it was done
ma so umatillamory • moan* that the noble lord, when at
a sableamenaspltopied be wee mandible for the City of Lon-
don. ems Se mho that the shipping interest had
bees toy newt ;Iseilledllll. of benefits they had
pipe& owl bed been bit hese sethistiems and burdens of
erbidt the benolts bad been die elliglassation. (Cheers.)
Neither mgeelf nee my editor" hays any intention
of a galley with • view of creating 'Ai-
rless, or of entempting to give what gen-
tlemen on the ether side all compensation (or
knee essesioncd by Peps in legislation. But we do say,
in womb as dimities a I as Ind meths to express iletlz:
wo thbk these emennemial ammo have boon
witheth at the same U.S the neeeseery eenreponding
slangs s k e ear anneniendal system; end I say, notwithstasd.
Pe edist the thine lend km aossrestm•netwithatanding the
sementhisiz Poem he received hem me of his late col-
*oated with this the ph-
Milhet it I. Pr inteallem PPP
believinget that a
mew &Asks of taxation bee net lam plum
to spat Iwhee the beam s yaw that alai
pion the Anemia spews mem it basal wkb ear sow
mmeith melon. (Prelesimmiel shwa) Tithe noble lord
mils het peahen. I thbk he will sot sensed in 'stab-
Weft Ide milks. whoa Imr Mem us with his 011
dm Oh, of newersmeat The bra. member °relies-
um, in hat vets of frisimily amligemina In whisk he moth
time Indulges, me isermide the gemonavent he
has sub a mat, weighty meneadeis ambit
Climilieseelisaset ea the prime 0111111161111, The amides
peeminmpb neyeethog hos trade. whim it the bensmember
seems to have pinked up hem the hen. member of Wolves-
Crosesrthiss to have impelled Mu as bang a very
The while mind of my ham blend
seems I—e-.en.--ii vemeid with the beeme tar. He says that
theme might le have hem • paragraph in her himesty's
apes& the sentimeemse et the eammittee on the
lamas tax. we hem led two yam of inquiry,
say losa. friend is a prime elation for inquiry. (A
rg), I seethes that thews is net a pa on
and, the
of the pump and s
haves made op hob , fee
this nano, that -easinminds cm
he ISVIIIIII. likikeses have arrived at mormin 0111111i111401114
and amine did met *Mk it nsoomm to inesethiste far-
humbles prepared to lay their elens immediately
behes the Hein a Commons. My right hos. Mead the
•=afitake he. edemas& to the num why I have
the wet time is, malisitiag the staanden el the
Mass. The reams whisk have poreeseed ue will
he a dew days ken the mesenamsinte he bud.
ass 1111/1111dise lass clear sad ankh then might be
wraith Ina I believe my noble allerine in usher plats
les oresolotol that 1 Asa him Oho oiliesnt dsy I no avail
swath of lo lir oar p lie lb* of Osulasos.
sod to ask hs toasdfirt Iheesepes. The Yr. saeodear Ow
Walmimiliffil.ll hoe heenwldle. aim Miss el a modem
which wet= he shunt a modes RN IS belity into the
state of thanes cry I haves with any obstacle
in the weed the boo. atuaboto but I do not
think it would he possible sp government
night Wan the Wad ; ask _ I pot it to the
hon. Member whether it Pahl nil he mein satielasmoy
that the poveromeot should. he the lest imemee, bars as
oty for placing tole piny bean pselieseot.
(wial hears.) The aside is the Ye. ohrobee
mesa nut someerily white of the shathelsretodebate
is the accesses of the eleveralleat, mi. Si'-'-.w I oh.
malt ii month he mesh mere senvenient to tear the dhow
aim' ea husk , somesse at we. It our plan sheath met give
sedellsegem, he benourable member may thin being fet-
tered the **be recoatmestda, sad the loose 'whets a
fah Jimmies es this important anlyeet. Considering the
state ef the heelness, 1 sheik regime that en Friday the
MP I shall be abloom the ewe et the government in this
house, to call its attention le the consideration of our
flnnneial &audition, and 1 shall them Indicate the measures
which I think ought to be preessded with. I will not
tampon on the house by any general observations. The

noble lord hes confessed that thins is only one para-
graph in the speech of which he disapproves, and
I think I have shown that his disapprobation
is not well founded. I think that ;fair paragraph had been
of an evasive character, the house would not have so quietly
acquiesced in having no amendment to the address, and
therefore I shall content myself with assuring the dotage
that there as no one more 'vicious to meet this great contro-
versy then the individual who has now the honour to
address it. (Hear, bear.)
Mr. GLADSTONE said that so mach had been lain,
and so well, on the solemn subject of the first paragraph in
the ,peech that he should do no more than reform his con-
currence in the sentiments of those who had preceded him.
He felt it a high privilege to be one of those who on the
part of the public would carry to the foot of the throne
such a tribute to the memory of au illustrious man, and he
ventured humbly to rep:at the sentiments first promul-
gated by the noble lord the member for London in another
place, and say, he trusted that while honouring the virtues
end achievements of the fluke of Wellington, his country-
men would remember there were some of those virtues

within the reach of e;ery—m;;;;;l7soUltremuli;;Wril;
honesty, his love of truth, and his untiring seal and devotion
fur the public service. (Cheers.) His single-mindedness and
contempt of fraud were open to every one,and were qualifies.
toms which he (MeOladstone) trusted would not be forgotten
in the midst of the general hmentation. (Hear, hear.) The
noble lord had adverted briefly to &subject upon which he
(Mr. Gladstone), looking at his position as representing one
of the Universities, might be forgiven for saying a single
sentence. Ile, liko many of the gentlemen opposite, bad
thought the issuing of the commissions rather a stretch of
power; but, at the same time, there was no inconsistency in
holding that the result of the inquiry must be considered on
its own merits, wholly irrespective of the abotrect princip'e
as to the constitutional character of the tribunal
Coming to the main point of discussion, he telt
that the house was much indebted to the honourable

member for Wolverhampton to whom he tendered his best
thanks. (Cheers.) He did not doubt but that it wan the
intention of government to announce in the speech from
the throne what had since been stated by two of its most
prominent members, but the paragraph in which the sub-
*t was referee.. to was dark, end be must confess had ere
aced in his mind only disappointment and iliisatistmtion.
He did think that while the solemnity of Thursday next
should be treated with every respect and consideration, that
considering the greatness of the controversy,
_considering
that the general election was a final issue, the speech
from the throne would have been • fitting occasion for re-
cognising • great principle, and that government would have
acted wisely, and done no more than their duty had they
given, in the course of the speech, a declaration on the sub-
ject of our commercial policy, and placed it fur ever beyond
dispute by any party. (Hear, hear.) And he must cone
firs that he was confirmed in t ,at view by the defence
which had been set up by the Chancellor of the Eachequer,
fur it appeared to him that the government were defended
upon two principles, which were not only unsouud but
flatly contradictory to one another. The Secretary
of State said that the paragraph was suitable to
the occasion. Suitable, with what view ? With
tha especial view of obviating the necessity of an
amendment in that or the other house of parliament.
Well then, they were to avoid the necessity of an amend-
ment by introducing nothing like a declaration on the
question of protection. But where then was the evidence
of the other defence—that the paragraph was not advan-
tageous, and that an inference might easily be drawn from
it, that there was no intention to reverse the commercial
policy of the country, or of that which the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, going still further, described as the only plain
categorical declaration the paragraph contained, that unre-
stricted competition was henceforward to be the rule.
(Cheers.) But if unrestricted competition was to be the
rale—and that was the only thing categorically declared in
this paragraph of the speech—what became of the sacrifices
of those hon. gentlemen, supporters of the government, who
still adhered to the principle of protection T (" Hear,
bear," and cheers.) lie apprehended that, for them to be
asked without amendment, to agreelo an address which de-
clared unrestricted competition was to be henceforward the
rule of our commercial policy—if they did not stick at that,
what in the world would they hereafter make a difficulty
in swallowing? (Cheers and loud laughter.) Of the two
ha thought the first defence the best, When it was said
the paragraph aas purposely made ambiguous, because the
moment was unseasonable for the discussion of the ques-
tion—though he might differ with ministers os to whether
the time was unseasonable or not—be could understand that
as a ground of defence. The question was were hon. mem-
bers aware of the special purpose for which the consti-
tuencies had returned them, and were they prepared to say
that that purpose should not be fulfilled ? With, regard to
the paragraph it we, exceedingly ambiguous. The im-
portant questions whether recent legislation had contributed
to alma nappy results referred to at the commencement—
whether, if so, it had merely concurred with other causes
gad bad done so only in an insignificant degree—whether it
had Millet injury on any important interests—or whether
▪ ilsoldra sliced pronounced on the subject was to
lississitil stinger not—had without doubt been placed
▪ Oppraltffiffistri of uncertainty since that paragraph had
bus mg is speech from the throne than they were
WPM (Sear.) The Chancellor of the Ezchequeritad said':
list may motion that might be brought forward. by the,
Ms. issabsr for Wolverhampton en the subject must par-
lehe of 1N nature of an abstract resolution ; and haring
••••••••1 his immediate intention of submitting his mea-
nest en /asocial and commercial policy, recommended him
to kW his motion forward on that occasion, and there-
Ifems to met those measures by an abstract resolution.
(Base, km) He (Mr. Gladstone) hoped the house would
sot be ease of from the purpose which was contemplated
by the ChM la dissolving the late parliament, and by the
constituted's Is electing the present, by any question about
abetted samintioas—a term under which many different
things wen Ass confottuded. (Hear, hear.) If he
were saltail AM he wanted, his answer was, " I
want • fall, • final, and a solemn sanction for
the principle of free trade—(loud sheen)—and that
the party now responsible for the conduct of public affairs
should now once for all declare their views on that subject.
When they considered that for six years past this contra.
versy, as between free trade and the return to protection
had not only entered into but disturbed the whole political
action of our representative system—when they considered
other uncertainties connected with the question, and, on
the other band, the maturity to which public opinion bad
obtained in regard to it—it was surely not too much to ask,
after so much waste of time, so many ministries destroyed,
and parties disorganised by it, that parliament should make
up its mind on the issue fairly stated by the noble lord at
the head of the ministry in February, 1841, and plate this
question of free trade high and dry on the shore where the
tide of political party strife could no longer reach it.
(Cheers.) Not that he had any doubt of the permanence of any
of the measures which parliament had adopted as connected
with that system. (Hear, hear.) His firm belief was, and
had been ince July, 1846, that the restoration of the
corn laws was ant a mere difficulty, but an impossibility—
(loud cheers from the opposition)—and he had even thought
it a misfortune to the country that &great party in that house,
including men of the highest honour and intelligence—a
party that had amongst it some of the moat valuable ele-
ments of our constitutional system—should be organised
together on the principle of the attainment of a proposi-
tion which was beyond the power of man to carry.
(Cheers.) It was high time that a fallacy such as that
should be dispelled, and that the country should under-
stand what was the meaning of this political cry of protec-
tion—whether it was a subject lir political practical de-
- -- -e"ether those who mtesuilati it believed in the

in's-ability of obtaining it, at whether it was not, in fact,
pat es easy to resters; pelestion as to repeal the
d Rights, or to teemmetkuie the Heptarchy ?
(Ohms.) The Chancellor of the lathequer wanted
abstract resolution on Ma question, but he
(Kr. Gladsome) wanted rather le eat the public
mind at ems set only by a solesen mud heund acceptance
by the hues, ewe for aU at these miens ementres of free
trade which hod bees aMeft, hat by a distinct
declaration that all fetus MISIONS hembig on trade or
demos thrall he trumel esolietenA—• with the principle
__gear led ahem affirmed. Mar, bear.) Now he
did not all that a mere abase* reestatim. ((.heers.) It
wee log(eg down a tale of conduct, bat it was a rule of coo-
lest wildch thn interests ef He country required, and which
melt at once to be placed beyond the reach of further
gumption or dispute. (Cheers.) And was it unreasonable
they should have such demand—such security? He
thought not. (Cheers.) It was far from his intention to
refer to particular cumunistantes, as connected with par-
ticular individuals, but it was impossible to forget
the composition of the present goveroment, and the re-
peated declarations made by various deservedly respected
members of it in regard to protection. (Hear, hear.) H.
need hardly allude to the ease of a right hon. friend of his
own—a man who, of all others, had shown the greatest
courage and the most straightforward consistency in a
course which he thought right, but which he (Mr. Glad-
stone) believed to be mistaten—he meant his right hon.
fristadihe member for North Lincolnshire (Mr. Christopher).
(Load cheers.) He would ask his right hon.
friend hed ha heard the spina jest delivered by the leader
in *abase of the government of which he was a mem-
ber (the Chineellor of the Imitaquer), in which he
amend the lure that Ours wee a Its beet categorical de-
eland's la the muesli from the Meese, that henceforward
" unrestrietadompetition" was 69 be the rule of our com-
mercial policy ?
_(Loud cheers end laughter from the
opposition.) If Ids right beeentehle friend heard that
stemmed, he would ask him who onestruetion consistent
with the declaratives he had sank elsewhere could he put
on 69 elbow whisk bad base so onplained by the Chan-
cellor of** Inarbrart bor.) He referred to
the desimatises of 16 (Nair.
tight ken. ildond to his constituents
at Lincoln. And when wee the nature of those declara-
tions ? It was eel nommary M slued upon any particular
word or expression, hut the gourd teadosay of them was,
that his right his. Sited deiced in the most un-
mistakeable smarm " I aat km to maintain all the
opinions as to the fiasaial and ammesial policy of the
country. which be Me Ism twel-dee years have pro-
fessed.' regeodelea chum. Let it not be supposed
that he . (lbeilsbus) wish to pain any man by
Meeting with Maw of opinion. any
wu in
no condition to de that. (Hear, hear.) He was
himself one of these who, entertaining respect for
the traditions of the party with which at she tromasenu
meet of his political life he was associated, afterwards, em
coming to examine them for himself, found them give way
under his feet, and abandoned them. (Hear hear.) He
spoke of thou traditions that so long regulated the ooriser.
eating party as constituted by Mr. Pitt. (Hear, hear.)
But what said his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the
Duchy of Lancaster ? He declared that he adhered to all
the principles, in regard to financial and commercial
policy, that he had held for the last 25 years; and would,
as o torroher of government, use his utmost ionneaes to
promote them. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Gladstone) asked
nothing from the government that was dishonourable to

them, either personally or politically. He courted no
profession of untimely conversion to free trade principles.
f their opinions on protectiou were abstract opinions—if
theyl regarded as a thing of history something that
gone bye—with that he had no concern ; but
that he asked was this, that those who were
tle hold power in this country, and were to exercise the M-
inuet that belouged to the administration of public affairs,
sad were to represent the country in the hoe of foreign
powers and of the world—he did ask that those persons
should have, as a principle of policy, intelligibly and finally
abandoned any return to protection. (Loud cheers.) That
was all he demanded. More than this he had no right to
ask, and with less could not be satisfied. (Much cheeriug.)
Bat his right hon. friend would find that the house was
placed in a position of great difficulty if the government
were formed on a principle under which it was competent
fur the Chancellor of the Exchequer to declare in parlia-
ment that un rrrrr icted competition was to be the rule of
their commercial policy, while one of his colleagui s pro-
chimed to the country elsewhere that he was a member of
the government in order to defend there the principles lie
had always advocated out of office, and to use his
influence to procure the restoration of restriction in our
commercial code. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the
decision of the hon. member for Wolverhampten—(Mr.
Villiers)—whether he might think that the necessity fur
the resolution of which he had given notice was obviated
or not by the explanation of the government, be trusted
that the tout., in discussing the secondary and incidental
question, would never lose tight of the great end and ob-
ject for which parliament had been assembled—(cheers)—
but either before or after the promised statement of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, reserving to themselves the
liberty of reducing to accurate words, to be embeolied in •
distinct revolution, the principles they entertained, if the
measures of the government should not be saris
factory, he trusted whatever might he its decision in
those measures, the house would recollect, and without refer-
ence to party combination which, important us he ad-
mitted it to he, was fu less so then the great issue
they were now discussing—he hoped they would ever recol-
lect that the country would justly expect of them that they
should bear in mind the particular circumstances to which
the prevent House of Commons owed its birth, and the
special object with which they had been brought together ;
and that they should rest content with nothing that was
open to argument, or construction, or inference this way or
that way—that they should not rest content with a pure
graph which, instead of settling the question, stored Reel(
in need of glossaries and interpretations—but that in plain
English, intelligible to all the community, beyond the reach
of cavil—rot now, merely, but at other times that might
come when portions of the house might possibly find it con-
venient to re-open the question of protection—in lan-
guage for the present time, and fur all time, they
should give en assurance to the people of
England, that there was no party in the state prepared
to defraud or to deprive them of the inestimable boon
which had by the legislation of late years, been conferred
upon them—(hear, hear)—which boon bad not conduced
with other causes merely, hut was the main and grand
eases of the present prosperity of the country, and which,
by to increasing that prosperity, had spread abroad a satis-
faction, a contentment, tad • confidence in the spirit of
parliament—a revered attachment to our institutions, and
a strengthened loyalty to that throne from which her Ma-
jesty this day addressed us.
Mr. NEWDECIATE defended the government, and
hoped that the house would out pass in judgment upon their
policy before their plans bad been formahy brought forward.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER, in reply to an uheervistion of Mr.
Gladstone, explained and defended the sentiments lie had
expressed out of doors, and professed his readiness, now the
verdict of the country had been taken upon the question of
protection, to bow to its decision.
Mr. B. OSBORNE remarked that it seemed to be ad-
mitted on both sides of the house that a Queen's Speech was
now to be a mere matter of waste paper, and that the debate
GU the address was to he a mere shaking of hands prepara-
tory to this great conflict that was hereafter to ensue—
(bear, bear)—and that the Lion of Montrose, for the
present at least, was to lie down with the Lamb
of North Essex (lona laughter) mei that the
house was to welcome every paragraph in the speech
and the address with an harmony that argued somewhat of
servility. (Hear, hear.) It was a pity this doctrine was
not remembered and practised in the years 1849 uud
If he remembered right, having had the honour of a seat
in parliament in both those years, the right hon. gentle-
man (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), who to-night so
strongly deprecated any interruption of this happy family,
this general harmony, advocated a different doctrine while
in opposition. In 1849 the right hon, gentleman, he be-
lieved, moved an amendment on the address for an inquiry
Into the burdens on agriculture, which amendment, after
one night's discussion, he did not think pendent to press to
a division. But in 18:50 another right honourable
gentleman, who be supposed had given in his adhesion to
she principle of free trade to-night for tke first time—the
present President of the Poor-law Commission—he also
moved an amendment on the paragraph in the address in
reference to agricultural burdens, and with far greater
faith in hie principles than his leader appeared to possess,
reseed that amendment to a division, and was disgracefully
beaten. (Hear, hear.) He alluded to these circumstances
to show that hon. gentlemen might dispel from their minds
the idea that it is not a constitutional proceeding on the
part of the house, when any objection is taken to a para-
graph in the Queen's speech, to move an amendment to
the address. As it appeared to him, they would have been
better doing their duty to the country, and better advancing
the great principle of free trade, if they on this, the earliest
opportosity, had moved an amendment in the address in
reference to that expressive paragraph, which appeared to
bast bees conceived by the genius of rigmarole and traced
by dolma of mystdioation—(hear, bear)—for if the Chan-
geable of the Exchequer wished to tell the house and the
sesstry that he bad given in his adhesion to free trade and
the satinet were along with hint—where was the necemity
he this singularly evasive and deceptive paragraph?
Would any man who read this paragraph gather any more
from it than that the question of free trade was re-opened in
the country ? (Hear, hear.) It might be all very well for
the right hon. gentleman, the Home Secretary, to come
down and tell the house, in his smooth, dulcet tones, that
the policy of free trade was not to be reversed. But how
did the right hon. gentleman reconcile that with what he
told his 22 constituent' (for that was, be believed, about the
number) at Midhurst, that crime and poor rates had in-
creased in an inverse ratio, with the progress of free trade ?
Why, again, did not the Chancellor of the Exchequer take
physic ke a man ?—(laughter)—why did he make so
away gulps at his free trade potion ? why had the genius—
the governing mind in fact—the only mind in the cabinet—
demanded to put such a paragraph as this into the speech ?
Why did he noteome forward boldly and say at once, I ant
a free trader ? True, I hunted Sir R. Peel to his grave—
{Two I have maligned his memory—but I committed a
Owe= error, I am sensible of it now, and I
eseepe the doctrines of free trade, and am prepared
to emery them out. (Hear, hear.) That would have
been the honourable course. Talk not to him of
the spirit of chivalry, in • party who had bunted
to death one whose memory would go down to pos-
terity with that of another who was now about to descend
to the tomb, as the two greatest men of the sge—(hear, hear)
—and who, having got into office, adopted the principle on
their opposition to which they had risen. (Hear, hear.)
He had no confidence in the chivalry of such an admini-
stration, and sorry was he to add, that he had no great
trust in the sincerity of the leader and creator of that party
who sat in that house. He must, however, congratulate
the house on the course the debate had takes.

And he had no short time,
those who had been talking to their constituents
about the restoration of protection would take the manly
course of the right hon. member for North Lincolnshire
Christopher) and bow to the decision of the country. ,
i• Hear," and a laugh.) He bad nothing to say against
at graceful bow, only that he thought the right hon. gen-
tleman would have better consulted his own high position
if he had made it before, and not waited until be got into
omen. (Hen, hear.) This paragraph in the speech in re-
ference to free trade wan one which the leaders of that side
of the house were especially called upon to dissent from at
the very earliest moment. When the free trade measures
were passed In 1846 they had no notion of compensation to
any interest, nor was that doctrine maintained. He denied
that any injury was inflicted for which compensation could
be demanded, and they ought to declare whether they
should have any right to compensation for the robberies
they had testa allowed to perpetrate fur so many years. He
was sorry the matter was not regarded in that light.
As to what was coming in the future, that bottled problem
that they were to see enunciated, he would say nothing
now, but he would only warn the hon. member for North
Warwickshire and the country gentlemen, that the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer would prove the Flying Dutchman
to the agricultural vessel, and that having led them so far
with no other object than the elevation of himself, they and
the farmers would find themselves deluded. (Oh, oh.)
That was not his own language, but a paraphrase of the
language held by the right bun. gentleman towards Bir It.
Peel when he taunted him with exhibiting a great
difference of demeanour when the leader of the
opposition and the head of the government, and stigmatised
him as the author of an organised hypocrisy. The right
hoe. gentleman had himself carried on the same system of
political hypocrisy as that which ho then attacked. Away
then with that boasted chivalry which had been only used
as a stalking hone to enable him to get into power, and
then to kick away the ladder on which he had mounted.
He (Mr. Osborne) would not go into some of the other
paragraphs of the speech. Eulogy had been exhausted on
the Duke of Wellington, and he would take his place in
the great English Pantheon beside Sir Robert Peel. But
he (Mr. Osborne) moat take exception to the paragraph re.
biting to Ireland. There was no deception, no experimen-
tsun sn corpore ciii" there. (Hear, hear.) The right hon.
gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not
entered a disclaimer to the remarks on that
point made by the noble lord the member
for London. He (Mr. Osborne) denied that tur-
bulence• and insubordination prevailed in Ireland.
(Hear, hear.) There might be acme agrarian crimes, but
for every one crime that there was in Ireland there were
fifty in England • and he thought it not becoming in a
ministry who wished that there should be no amendment
to the address to cast such a slur on the people of Ireland as
this. (Hear, hear.) When there was so much talk about
a liberal policy to Ireland he thought there might have
been something in the speech from the throne as to when
the Landlord and Tenant Bill which had been promised by
the Attorney-Oeneral for Ireland would be laid on
the table, and whether there was to bo any inquiry on
the subject of Maynooth, or if it was intended
to interfere with the system of national education; for when
bee aw a recent appointment to the episcopal bench of a
man—who in all other respects was unexceptionable—who
t wan drri,le4ll, hostile to that system, he could out but
tremble for the result, and he could not but think that Lord
Derby, who constituted that system, had received some new

light into his chivalrous mind, and that he was about to
alter • system which the house had dune so much to pro-
mote. lie hoped that they should hear something on t. is
subject from some of the Irish t xecutive in the house. He
was sure, however, that a just said liberal policy was not
consistent with such maligning paragraphs a'that io the
speech, nor were they calculated to cohciliive the opinion of
the Irish people towards the new parliament. The right
hon. gentleman the Chart-ellor of the Exchequer had toed
to rates the usual mists, end he had, perhaps, been success-
ful in his attempt as regarded the country gentlemen ; but
he (Mr. Osborne) wanted to know if they were content to
hear the government say that they did not intend to re-
verse the policy of free trade ? If they meant to preserve
their party in power they must milkier the disc, mid ac-
cept free trade without compensation, for he dement that
they hail rceived any injury. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. ADDERLEY remonstrutell against the premature
attacks made upou the government. Ile had understood
the paragraph in question as a declaration that the minis-
ters had entirely and fur ever given up any intention to
attempt to restore a protecting duty on rem, but were lire-
panel to consider the question whether its abolition had
Witten:el injury upon a particular rhos. Ile hail sup-
ported protection upon the principle that the land was un-
equally taxed, and now that proteetian was withdrawn,
the inequality, from which it had originated, should be
adjusted.
Mr. COBDEN would not have added a word to what
hod been said maven it were to impress en his hon. friend,
the member for Wolverhampton, the propriety of not liege
ening to advice from the other Ride of the house with re-
gard to hie htinging forward a substantive motion. He
thought his hon foetid had duly appreciated his position
in the country with regard to this qua stein. Ile liad been
the faithful represcutative of tree-trade in that house,
and the country was now occ d with the dis-
cussions of the house on that subject, and expected a
definite result, lie (Mr. Witten) would ask whether it
, was possible for the plain, honest, fair•mincle el people elthis
country to say that the clause in the Queen', speech wise a
sufficient solution of a fourteen years' controversy on this
question ? If he read that paragraph aright, it appeared
to be put into that form with the intention that it should
not mean anything. It began with an " it," and, as
Shakspeare said, " Your if is a great pencemeker." If it
was hypothetical, and meant nothing, how could the house
come to a decision on the question ? He thought, there-
fore, that his hon. friend should ',ledge himself within the
next fortnight to bring a substantive motion before the
house. If the right honourable gei.tlemsn the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer said that it was tree
that the cabinet was resolved, and he understood that this
had been confirmed by the noble lord at the bead of the
government in another place, to adopt the principle of un-
restricted competition, where would be the difficulty or the
delay arising from the motion of his hon. friend I lie (Mr.
Cohen) wojild take it on himself to say, that his hon.
friend's motion would affirm the principle of unrestricted
competition, and if, as the right hon. gentleman asserted,
that was also the principle of the cabinet, let him agree to
the motion, affirm the principle, and so dispose of the goes.
tion for ever. (Hoar.) But it must not be mixed up with
other questions. (Loud cheers.) His hon. friend had seen
too much of that house and had too much experience to allow
one great question to be mixed up with another. 'They
must have tee principle of free trade affirmed, and that
affirmation was not based merely on the present prosperity
of the coutory. Ile saw that hon. gentlemen opposite
wished to cattle this question oa the ground of the present
prosperity of the country, and if that were done it might he
convenient hereafter to go to farmers' dinner tables and
tell them that the question was settled for the present, but
that the time might come when if they would agitate and
organise that principle might be reversed and protection
again adopted. But they on that side of the house
maintained that the principle of unrestricted com-
merce was true, sound, politic, just, and fitting for all times
and all circumstances, and if it be a truth that is
the answer to all those who' are opposed to it, and it net a
truth then it is not worth a snuggle to establish is by legis-
lation. (Hear, hear.) • mere assent to the principle of
unrestricted commerce and the !abolition of all protective
duties afforded a great field to au ingenious Chancellor of
the Exchequer to attempt a modification of taxation. That
was a process he (Mr. Cobden) invoked as being as much
the interests of his constituents, the woollen manufacturers,
as those on the other side of the House might think it for
the interests of the agriculturists, for his constituents,
whether in the woollen or stuff manufactures, were equally
interested in the question of taxation. He could not there-
fore allow the agriculturists to go into the question of
taxation, as parties who were injured by the measures of 1846.
That opened a very wide question ea regarded the agricul-
tural party. In the first place, he denied the injury.
(Cheers.) Had they proved their case? They had not.
There were some of the largest landlords who declared
that they bad not suffered, among them the Duke of Hue-
clench and Sir James Graham. The farmers had not all
suffered. Those who were engaged in grailiag, wool-
farming, and dairy-farming, had profited by the change
which had taken place. But when they talked of relieving
landed property, they appeared only to contemplate the
taxation on wheat growers, and did not touch railway and
other property which did not come within the meaning of
agricultural property. What, also, was intended to be done
with the seven or eight millions of property which had
been bought in Ireland under the Encumbered Estates
Bill since the operation of free trade ? Were those pur-
chasers to be compensated also by a remission of taxation,
besides the seven or eight millions' worth of property which
had dean sold in thes country during that period ? But he
(Mr. Cobden) denied that the agriculturists could show
that they suffered loss. Was land worth less now than at
the time of the change made by Sir It. Peel ? It was said
that if they made out a case for inquiry, and showed that
they had suffered loss, then they had a right to compensa-
tion; hut it was not proposed to compensate lawyers fur the
losses they had suffered oy recent changes, they might go
off to the diggings to supply the loss they had suffered by
the abolition of John Doe and Richard itoc feud the like.
When a class received benefits under a law they did not
necessarily have a beneficial interest created by it; and
when that law was abrogated they had no right to com-
pensation. The corn law, were upheld by blood-stained
hands; and he could bring forward eases to show
that many riots, and murder, and burning', and dis-
turbances, since 1819, were to be placed to the account of
the corn laws; add that had been the case since their enact-
ment, in 1815, instead of the well-affected condition of the
minds of the people as it existed now, and which exhibited
itself in the absence of all discontent when the failure of
the harvest in tho present year was anticipated. it could
not be expected that the house and the country would
go into the discussion of this question with the foregone
conclusion, that the agriculturists were entitled to com-
n. That was what they (the opposition) had been
against, and involved the whole question. What
hon. friend must do was to see that they were placed in
tbe same position as regarded free trade as before, and that
It should be made safe by a vote of the house, without the
alloy of any question of compensation. (Hear, hear.) The
right hon. gentleman the member for the University of
Oxford, whom it was always most difficult to follow on the
same side, in his speech of that evening, appeared to him
(Mr. Cobden) to fail in that :in which he was the least
likely 'to fail—his casuistry. (" Hear," and a laugh.) The
right honourable gentleman had laid it down that
they had a tight to call on the government
for a declaration of their policy, bat that they had no r;ght
to put them into a crucible in order to extract from them a
declaration of their principles and opinions. Now if he
(Mr. Cobden) was about to engage a steward or an agent,
he would like to know his views with regard to his busi-
ness, and knowing them, if he were honest he should con-
abide that his practice would be coincident with those
?Gera, and on the same principle it was only by a know-
ledge of the convictions of the ministry that he could
judge what would be their policy if they were given an
opportunity of carrying them out. It was not to be sup-
posed that they would take office holding certain convic-
tions and opinions, and yet, if allowed to remain, they
would be willing to carry out the opinions of their oppo-
nents. (Hear, hear.) That would be a very compendious
mode of carrying on the government, and would very
much simplify the proceedings of the house; there would
be no migrations from one side of the floor to the other,
for when once in office, whatever might be the demands
of the country, the convictions of the hon. gentleman
would be no obstacle to their carrying them out.
The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had told thou, not in the heat of debate of 1816, but in
1849, what was the reason why he claimed protection. Ile
had given the most infallible arguments to show that free
trade, according to the Manchester school, as he called a—
wes calculated to degrade the labourer, to lower the rate of
wages, to diminish capital, and to produce pauperism.
(Hear, hear.) lie had said so within the last few years
most emphatically. lie (Mr. Cobden) wits the last person
to quote " Hansard" against any one ; but when he found
the right hon. gentleman in office, and the hon. member for
Oxfordshire asking that he should be left in office, whatever
his principles, he (Mr. Cobden) could not separate hie prin-
ciples from his convictions, and what would be his practice
Hallowed to carry them out. Last May, the right hon.
gentleman had denied that he had come to that side of the
house to betray the principles he had held on the other side,
but on the contrary (and he said it most emphatically) to
carry them out. lie contended he was justified in asking
those gentlemen what were their convictions. (Cheers.)
lie would not subject them to the ordeal they had applied
M the late Sir Robert when he changed his opinions (Hear,
bear.) The last speaker hail talked of the way in which
they were constantly attacking the government. Surely he
was mistaken, and was referring to what had taken place
some years ago, when the right hon. baronet avowedly
changed his convictions, and yet was not allowed to remain
at peace with hie new convictions, though be bail aban-
doned office at the price of his conversion. (Cheers.)
It ght hon. gentlemen opposite had no reason to complain
of retribution. (Hear, hear.) He had felt often, and had
often been on the point of saying, what he would not hesi-
tatethanCoadbt MdhelertiLeablopul.
to say now, that the penoualhuferimecnlirs.
col-
leagues of the late Sir R. Peel, had shown more forbear-
ance
done, towards
i hist
ell the assailants
riths trn
seemed of. (Cheers.) But if the right hon. gentlemen
would come forward, when Mr. Villiers made his motion,
and say that they had changed their views, he would give
them his solemn pledge that they should never hear another
word on the subje t from him. (Cheers.) But unless that
declaration were made, he could only say that representing
the largest constituency in the empire—a population of a
million and a half—whose opinion was unanimous—until
ministers did avow a change in their opinions, they should
never remain in office one day with his consent, or a day
longer than he could turn them out. (Cheers.) lie hoped
his right hon. friend would take the earliest opportunity of
bringing forward his resolution, and that it would cover
the whole subject—that it would embrace emphatic illy the
right tattle people of this country to a tree and unre tneted
trade in corn, that it would avow the principle,of free trade
to be just and politic, and that it must be maintained and