The Press.
London, England, 1857-10-24 00:00:00

AN EAST INDIAN DIRECTOR ON THE

INDIAN REVOLT.
Mn. J. P. Wirs.ovonny, M.P. for Leominster (whose
name has recently been before the country in re-
ference to the affairs of the East India Company, of
which he is a director), in addressing a meeting at
Leominster last week, made the following remarks
upon the crisis in India, premising that he offered
them as his own individual opinion and not as that
"of a party organ " :

First, then, I cannot agree with those who view this
revolt as a national one. I see no indication of its being
a general movement on the part of a people rising against
misgovernment, oppression, and wrong; if so, I should
despair of a speedy restoration of peace and tranquillity.
But I see many indications that it is not a national struggle
for independence. The masses of the population are with
us ; the industrial, the agricultural, the commercial classes
are all on our side, and even the resources round Delhi
are at our command. Look, again, at the native chiefs
and princes, who, with a trifling exception, are all on oar
side, and have given us ready and extensive aid. In that
part of India with which I was so long connected there
has been no rebellion ; all have proved faithful to the
Government, and have given us the readiest help. Even
from the remotest provinces the people have come forward
to assist the British Government—sonic with men, some
with money, and some with both. Far from considering
this a national movement, I think the British adminiatra•
tion in India has received a severe teat that our rule is
satisfactory to the general masses of the population.
Then, the revolt is peculiarly a military one, confined to a
portion only of our army, though a very large portion.
The first act of the mutineers was to release from gaol
I!,000 or 12,000 criminals, and they were joined by that
miscreant Nana Sahib and the scum of the population

(such as may be found in every large town in every large
country) ; and these are the elements arrayed against us.
I do not say that it is not a formidable revolt; 70,000 or
sopa) men trained ant disciplined by us are of course
formidable, and it is humiliating to our pride that men,
above all others pampered and indulged, should have
imbrued their hands in the blood of those with whom
they have long associated. The Bengal army being ripe
for revolt, I consider that greased cartridges were the im-
mediate cause of the rising, made use of by designing
men, because it united the Mahomedan and the Hindoo
in a common cause. But let me not be misunderstood.
Although I think it very probable that this was made the
pretest for rebellion, I firmly believe that many who were
otherwise loyal soldiers were seduced from their allegiance
by this means, and were really made to believe that the
use of these cartridges was to be forced upon them to
destroy their religion. In fact, there seems to have
been a delusion almost amounting to insanity, which no
effort on the part of the authorities could possibly have
prevented. Many are the causes to which the rebellion
has been attributed—the conduct of European officers, the
centralisation of authority, depriving commanding officers
of the power of rewarding or punishing, the unwise aboli
tion of corporeal punishment in the native army while it
remained as a custom in the European army, on the plea
that it would interfere to prevent high-caste men from
entering into the army. Some, again, say that it was a
movement against the missionaries ; but I am happy to
say that, neither in private nor official sources, is there the
slightest trace that suoh was the case. The missionaries
were, generally speaking, not obnoxious to the natives ;
they passed blameless and self-denying lives, and have
sown much good seed in India, from which I have no
doubt much good fruit will hereafter be produced. But,
in justice to those holy men (with many of whom I am
acquainted), I must say that the revolt was clearly not
directed against them, because, if so, they would have
become the especial objects of vengeance, while (as has
been happily observed) the outbreak has been the strongest
where no missionary ever resided; and although, unfortu-
nately, some few of them have fallen, it has been in
general a massacre of Europeans; Another party, taking
a political view of the case, my that these terrible events
originated in the yearning of the Mussulmans to recover
their lost dominion, but whether that yearning excited
the revolt, or whether the revolt excited the yearning, does
not appear. At all events, it is perfectly clear that such
a feeling does exist; but still this could only be a partial
eauee, or it would be impossible to account for the fact
that the Mussulman princes and population exhibited
very little sympathy with the mutineers. By others the
revolt is attributed to what is called the annexation
policy. Ido not think that is the case, because those
effected most by that policy have not joined the move-
ment, and, with oae slight exception, it would not
affect the revolted body. But whether right or wrong,
the annexation policy has been upheld by all parties in
this country, and the only party who on more than one
occasion resisted and opposed it was the East India Com-
pany, as the parliamentary records of 1843 and 1844 will
prove. These are some of the causes which may have
contributed to this outbreak; but, at the same time, I
think it behoves persons to approach the subject with
reserve and caution, because peeper inquiry will be
instituted by the authorities when the present emergency
has pegged away. There is one other cause assigned to
which I would allude, that the East India Company have
neglected their duty of evangelising the natives. This is
a large and wide question ; but I think that while it is our
duty to abstain from direct interference with the conver-
sion of natives to Christianity—that while on the one
_

hand we are bound by treaties and Acts of Parliament to
tolerate their forms of worship so long as they are not opposed
to public morals, on the other hand I think it is oar duty
openly to avow our Christian faith, and by precept and
example to show that we are a Christian nation, acting
upon Christian principles. What Vie have now to look for
is the punishment of those who have so grossly betrayed
their trust; the liberal reward of those who have assisted
us, particOarly those who have befriended oar ebutttrymen
and countrywomen in their distresses. We shall have to
reorganise our military force, which no doubt must in the
main be dependent upon European arms, assisted by
native troops, for it will be impossible to • perform all the
duties by Europeans. By a judicious mixture of the two
such a force may be maintained as will prevent for the
future the danger frdm which f hope we have now almost
escaped. In the nest session of Parliament the subject
will doubtless be amply and fully discussed; and I hope
the great Conservative party will approach the subject—
than which none can be of more interest both to England
and India—in a oalm and dispassionate spirit, determined
to do only what is best for India and to avenge without
destroying. That is the principle we have acted upon
and will act upon. I am not prepared to defend the
system by which India is at present governed. The East
India Company may have committed sins of omission and
commission, but, taken as a whole, their rule has been
beneficent and has done great good to India. Whether
any other system of government may be devised which
would bo more beneficial I cannot say, but it certainly
would not answer to Welee the whole of that vast empire
under a Secretary. of Stalataseisted by resident officers.

THE INDIAN RELIEF FUND.
MErrrtws continue to be held in every county, dis.
trict, and borough throughout the kingdom, and the
sum subscribed has already reached large propor-
tions. The Duo d'Aumale has handed ju a hand-
some subscription for his family. in ,connection
with the subjeot we may mention that erkeerrospem•
dent% between Sir John Palchltout !4,01 ap"
fiord gi9VP. rofer,nee 444 Flctgity f 0 tb