The Press.
London, England, 1857-09-26 00:00:00

MIDDLE.CLA.SS SOLDIERS.

IT would be highly advantageous in the pre-
sent emergency if, through all the cloud of
writing and talking upon the value of the
middle classes, some tolerably definite plan
could be seen to shape itself. At present
people seem to be at cross purposes with each
other. Some want the " middle classes " to be
volunteers and some regulars ; and then, some-
how, we find out that each means the other
thing. And so we go on in a state of the most
hopeless confusion, though it must be said
that this samo " middle class " itself seems to
take the whole thing wonderfully easy. A few
letters hive appeared in the leading journal,
written by persons not different in their
station, we presume, from the rest of that
well-known class whose differentia might
ahnost be said to be " writing to the Times."
And upon this a vast amount of journalistic
ardour has been grounded. But beyond this
we confess we see little signs of any great
." middle-class " movement. However, as the
subj'•ct is undeniably one of great interest, we
shall venture to lay before our readers certain
reasons which induce us to question the pos-
sibility of recruiting from the middle class
without at once raising the expenditure and

lowering the efficiency of the British army.
The value of this class as volunteers would
probably be very considerable. Of that we
say nothing. We are only speaking of service
in the line, and for this we believe it unfit.
There are reasons at once why the middle
class would not like tho army, and why the
army would not like the middle class.
It seems to be assumed that if promotion
from the ranks were generally adopted, that
would be a sufficient bait to draw the middle
class into the army. Now, from this view we
entirely dissent. First and foremost stand
those veteran obstacles, pounds, shillings, and
pence. Who can suppose that any sensible
young man, with a chance of success as a
farmer or a tradesman, would be allured by
the prospect of dying a retired major, with
3001. a year? If it be urged that not the
money: but the lift in the world, the rise on
the social ladder, would be the attraction, the
answer is easy. If the middle class habitually
entered the army, it would at once cease to
be an elevation. The so-called boon would
destroy itself. The ensign would find himself
still among companions of his own station,
and infinitely worse off than the cousin or the
brother who had stuck to the plough or the
counter. Trade and agriculture are thriving
pursuits in England. In point of comfort and
enjoyment, the young farmer and the " young
squire" are almost on a par. People do not
sufficiently consider this ; they take a bird's-
eye view of Europe, and make jaunty compa-
risons between continental armies and our
own. But they quite forget that what is
luxury to a foreigner is often looked on as
starvation by a Briton, and also that in the
greater continental empires the army is con-
fessedly the readiest, if not the sole, channel
of advancement in the world.
Something has lately been said of the
British yeomen at Cressy, and a wish ex-
pressed that our armies could now be com-
posed of the same material. We think it
neither necessary if possible, nor possible if
necessary. It is not necessary, because the
movements of modern armies are entirely
mechanical, and the nearer their approach to
mechanism the greater their excellence. This
kind of precisi.m is as easily acquired by a
labourer or artisan as by his superior ; and
for mere animal courage, relying on itself
alone, and deprived of the confidence inspired
by regimental organisation, Inkermann can
testify that the present style of British soldier
cannot well be surpassed. It is not, on the
other hand, possible, because in our opinion
members of the middle class would never sub.
mit to that dull, monotonous discipline which
alone insures the efficiency of modern English
armies. The very consciousness that they
could buy their discharge when they pleased
would make them careless. And if you de-
prived them of this liberty, you would never
get a man to enlist. Nor do we see that they
could bring us anything in exchange for what
we should lose. English characteristics are
not those of the French, and if we cannot
have the elan of the Gaul, we must fall back
on the solidity of the Briton.
On this, as on other subjects, a great deal of
cant has lately been both written and spoken.
A morning contemporary, remarkable for the
modeAition and good sense which it fre-
quently displays on social and commercial
subjects, has the following precious passage
on the subject in question:—
Such are the results of that system which has nothing
to refuse to money, nothing to grant etcept to money ;
which draws a gulf practically impassable between the
ranks and the mess-room, and prefers a force composed
of patricians who rise by the purse, and proletarians who
never rise at all, to a noble and national institution which
reflect' every phase of ;the society it is established to defend,
where all ranks find a place, where every avenue to advance.
ment is thrown open, and the highest honours are within
the reach of the highest desert.
Why, what arrant nonsense is this ? At the
same rate, why should not the police force
reflect every phase of the society it is estab-
lished to defend "? and a gentleman sit down
to dinner in his dining-room at six o'clock, and
descend the area-steps to share its cold re-
mains with the cook at ten o'clock the same
night? Why should not firemen represent
every phase of the society they are established
to defend, or pickpockets every phase of the
society they are established to rob? The fact