The Press.
London, England, 1858-04-10 00:00:00

THE PRESS, APRIL 10, 1858.

that the Revolution was at an end ; but he
does not dwell enough on the extreme diffi-
culty of erecting institutions in a country like
France, where society out of Paris is almost
on a complete dead level. The utter destruc-
tion of provincial life in France, resulting from
the policy of Richelieu, has for the last two
centuries given France a dangerous habit of
centralization, and thereby placed all power
within the sphere of the angry passions of
Paris. This truth, clearly understood by
many other French writers, we do not think
is sufficiently appreciated by M. Guizot.

We must remark, also, that there is a singu-
lar absence in this volume of references to the
position of England with regard to French
politics in the eventful period from 1815 to
1830. Whether this reticence about England
be intentional or fortuitous, we shall not hero
conjecture. There are eight long chapters in
this volume, and in the six pages of contents
prefixed to its 330 pages we find England's
influence only alluded to thus,—" M. de
Chateaubriand, Ambassador at London ; "
there is a contrast elsewhere between the
historical characters of France and England
which is purely philosophic, but all the
delicate questions dependent on the vast
influence which England had in contributing
to the downfall of the First Napoleon, and to
the restoration of the elder Bourbons, are
carefully avoided. The history of the period,
undoubtedly, would justify more special re-
ferences to England, but in the future volumes
this absence may be remedied.
As a defence of Guizot, we cannot say that,
as far as he has gone yet, he can be said to
be highly successful. He has left his public
career just where it was, and many of his
admissions may be skilfully used against hint
by his personal antagonists and depreciators.
A political reader who peruses these pages to
see their bearing on the character of the
author will on the whole be disappointed ; but
the general reader cannot but be struck with
the admirable literary faculty displayed in the
reflections, weighty in thought and terse in
language. We shall give some examples of
the best passages of the volume. Here is a
judicial opinion on the character of Napo-
leon I.:—
Since I have had some share in the government of men,.
I have learned to do justice to the Emperor Napoleon.
He was endowed with a genius incomparably active and
powerful, much to be admired for his antipathy to disorder,
for his profound instincts in ruling, and for his energetic
rapidity in reconstructing the social framework. But this
genius had no cheek, acknowledged no limit to its desires
or will,either emanating from Heaven or man, and thus
remained revolutionary while combating revolution : tho-
roughly acquainted with the general conditions of society,
but imperfectly, or rather coarsely, understanding the
moral necessities of human nature; sometimes satisfying
them with the soundest judgment, and at others depre-
ciating and insulting them with impious ➢ride. Who
could have believed that the same man who ha ,1 established
the Concordat, and re opened the churckes in France,
would have carried off the Pope from Rome, and kept him
a prisoner at Fontainebleau ?

The vigorous and precise thinker is visible in
the sentence " remained revolutionary while
" combating revolution "—a remark perfectly
true. There are those in Parisian circles who
will cavil at the admission, " Since I have had
" some share in the government of men, I have
" learned," &c. Writers and talkers in various
salons will sneer at this retrospective candour
in Guizot. The passage is in the style of his
best essays, in which every line has thought.
On the next page we have another passage
equally good. He is writing of France before
the Restoration (1807-181.0:

I associated myself with the Opposition, but it was an
Opposition bearing little resemblance to that which we
have seen and created daring the last thirty years. It was
formed from the relics of the philosophic world and
liberal aristocracy or the eighteenth century, the last repre-
sentatives of the saloons in which all subjects whatever
had been freely proposed and discussed, through the
impulse of inclination, and the gratification of mental in•
dulgence, rather than from any distinct object of interest or
ambition. The errors and disasters of the Revolution had
not led the survivors of that active generation to renounce
their convictions or desires ; they remained sincerely
liberal, but without practical or urvent pretension, and
with the reserve of men who had suffered much and suc-
ceeded little in their attempts at legislative reform. They
still held to freedom of thought and speech, but had no as-
pirations after power. They detested and warmly criticized
despotism, but without any open attempt to repress or
overthrow existing authority. It was the opposition of
enlightened and independent lookers-on, who had neither
the opportunity nor inclination to interfere as actors.

After a long life of fierce contention, I recur with
pleasure to the remembrance of this enchanting society.
hi. de Talleyrand once said to me, " Those who were not
living in and about the year 1789, know little of the enjoy-
ments of life." In feet, nothing could exceed the pleasure
of a great intellectual and social movement, which, at that
epoch, far from suspending or disturbing the arrangements
of the world, animated and ennobled them by mingling
serious thoughts with frivolous recreations, and as yet
called for no suffering, or no sacrifice, while it opened to
the eyes of men a dazzling and delightful perspective.
The eighteenth century was, beycnd all question, the most
tempting and seductive of ages, for it promised to satisfy
at once the strength and weakness of human nature ; ele-
vating and enervating the mind at the same time; flatters
ing alternately the noblest sentiments and the most
grovelling propensities; intoxicating with exalted hopes,
and nursing with effeminate concessions. Thus it has
produced, in peilmell confusion, utopians and egotists,
scep:ics and fanatics, enthusiasts and incredulous scoffers,
different offspring of the same period, but all enraptured
with the age and with themselves, indulging together in
one common drunkenness on the eve of the approaching
chaos.

The concluding characterization of the eigh-
teenth century is extremely happy, and rises
to the highest moral tone of an historian, while
there is something of the charm of a reminis-
cent in the early portion of the passage. We
must not forget that the eighteenth century
had a very different aspect in France and F. rig-
land. Society with us was not so relaxed or
so dissolute as with our neighbours. We con-
quered the East Indies and extended our
colonial system, while under the influence of
Wesley and others religion became popular
amongst a large portion of those classes dan-
gereuses which in France were debauched by
corrupting writers and speakers.
Of Talleyrand hitnsell, quoted in the fore-
going extract, Guizot draws the following che
meter, which is one of the severest ever penned
on the arch-intriguer :
At the crisis of the Restoration, M. de Talleyrand dis-
played, in a very superior manner, the qualities of sagacity,
cool determination, and preponderating influence. Not
long after, at Vienna, he manifested the same endowments,
and others even more rare and apposite, when represent-
ing the House of Bourbon and the European interests of
France. But except in a crisis or a congress, he was
neither able nor powerful. A courtier and a politician, no
advocate upon conviction for any particular form of go-
vernment, and less for representative government than for
any other, be excelled in negotiating with insulated indi-
viduals, by the power of conversation, by the charm and
skiltul employment of social relations ; but in authority of
character, in fertility of mental resources, in promptitude
of resolution, in command of language, in the sympathetic
association of general ideas with public passions—in all
these great sources of influence upon collected assemblies,
he was absolutely deficient. Besides which, he had neither
the inclination nor habit of sustained, systematic labour,
another important condition of internal government. He
was at once ambitious and indolent, a flatterer and a
scoffer, a consummate courtier in the art of pleasing and
of serving without the appearance of servility; ready for
everything, and capable of any pliability that might assist
his fortune, preserving always the mien, and recurring at
need to the attractions of independence ; a diplomatist
without scruples, indifferent as to means, and almost,
equally careless as to the end, provided only that the end
advanced his personal interest More bold than profound
in his views, calmly courageous in danger, well suited to
the great enterprises of absolute government, but insensible
to the true atmosphere and light of liberty, in which be
felt himself lost and incapable of action. He was too
glad to escape from the Chambers and from France, to find
once more at Vienna a congenial sphere and associations.
Talleyrand has been rather exaggerated by the
world, for after all he did nothing positive,
but M. Guizot is rather too deprecatory of his
abilities. The words, "by the charm and
" skilful employment of social relations," do
not adequately describe the fascinations of
that strange being. 1% horn George Sand has so
brilliantly depicted under the name of " The
Prince." We should have liked, en revanche, a
character of Guizot by Talleyrand.
The question whether Ney should have
been executed was one of the most difficult
that was brought before the Royalists in 1315.
Our philosophic autobiographer first gives one
side of the case :

A great act, resolutely conceived and accomplished, on
a great occasion, was necessary to raise the executive
authority from the reputation as well as the actual mischief
of this weakness, and to emancipate it from the party
under which it succumbed while resisting. To-day, so
long removed as we are from that time, the more I reflect
on it in the calm freedom of my judgment, the more I
am convinced that the trial of Marshal Noy afforded a
most propitious opportunity for such an act as that to
which I now allude. There were undoubtedly weighty
reasons fur leaving justice to its unfettered course. Society
and the royal power both required that respect for, and a
salutary dread of, the law should repossess men's minds.
It was important that generations formed during the
vicissitudes of the Revolution and the triumphs of the
Empire, should learn, bj startling examples, that all does

not depend on the strength and success of the moment ;
that there are certain inviolable duties ; that we cannot
safely sport with the fate of governments and the peace of
nations ; and that, in this momentous game, the most
powerful and the moat eminent risk their honour and
their lives. In a political and moral sense these considera-
tions were of the greatest importance.

The reasons for the execution could not be
put with more singular conciseness and clear
strength of logic. On the other side, Guizot
says

But another prominent truth, equally moral and political,
ought to have weighed heavily in the balance against an
ettreme decision. The Emperor Napoleon hail reigned
long and brilliantly, acknowledged and admired by France
and Europe, and supported by the devotion of millions of
men—by the people as well as by the army. Ideas of right
and duty, sentiments of respect and fidelity, were confused
and antagonistic in many minds. There were two actual
and natural governments in presence of each other; and
many, without perversity, might have hesitated which to
choose. The King, Louis XVI 11., and his advisers might
in their turn, without weakness, have taken into considera-
tion this moral confusion of which Marshal Ney pre-
sented the most ilinstrious example. The greater his
offence against the King, with the more safety could they
place clemency by the side of justice, and display, over his
condemned head, that greatness of mind tied heart which
has also its fall influence in establishing power and com-
manding fidelity. The very iolence of the reaction in
favour of royalty, the bitterness of party passions, their
thirst for punishment and vengeance, would have imparted
to this act a still greater brilliancy of credit and effect ;
for boldness and liberty would have sprung from it as
natural consequences. I heard at that time a lady of
fashion, usually rational and amiable, call Mademoiselle
de Lan:late " a little wretch," for aiding her mother in
the escape of her father. When such extravagancies of
feeling and language are indulged in the hearing of kings
and their advisers, they should be received as warnings to
resist, and not to submit. Marshal Ney, pardoned and
banished after condemnation, by royal lettera deliberately
promulgated, would have given to kingly power the aspect
of a rampart raising itself above all, whether friends or ene-
mies, to stay the tide of blood ; it would have been, in fact,
the reaction of 1815 subdued and extinguished, as well as
that of the Hundred Days.
Admirable writing, vigorous thinking, excel-
lent sentiments! But what did Guizot—" the
" man who went to Ghent "—do or say then ?
That is a question which sarcastic lips will
urge at Paris, as passage after passage of a
similar kind may 131 seen in this volume. The
able author anticipates the cavils and the cri-
ticism of his censors, and thus tries to silence
them :

Ido not pretend to have thought and said then, all that I
say and think at present. I was sorrowful and perplexed.
The King's ministers were in a similar predicament.
They believed that they neither could nor ought to recom•
mend clemency. In this momentous contingency, power
knew not bow to be great, sometimes the only method of
becoming strong.

The " candour of Guizot " was a double-edged
weapon of a formidable kind. This apologetic
air, white affecting the severe tone of history
in judging others, has something of the savour
of an austere Tartq(fe We shall not, however,
discuss here the character of M. Guizot,as there
will be other opportunities of doing so. Sonic
of the weaker traits of his nature are uncon-
sciously revealed in these pages. The air of
opinionative obstinacy with which he contends
for his views,'and the singular pliability before
power of this stern censor, have alwa) a con-
trasted strangely in this eminent man's career.
As a philosophical lecturer on history, not
only on the laws which regulate it, but on the
course of events in modern ages, Guizot could
not be surpassed. His masterly grasp in
generalization is rendered doubly strong by
his prodigious command over literary details,
and by his penetration in discovering the real
sources of historical knowledge. As a man of
action--hut in that capacity we shall have to
notice him in the future volumes of this work.

In the meantime, we shall present some of
the lighter passages in this able volume.
Fouchti is thus described :
I only met the Duke of Otranto twice, and had but two
shortconversations with him. No man ever so thoroughly
gave me the idea of fearless, ironical, cynical indifference,
of imperturbable self possession combined with an inordi-
nate love of action and prominence, and of a Sued resolu-
tion to stop at nothing that might promote success, not from
any settled design, but according to the plan or chance of
the moment. He bad acquired from his long associations
as a Jacobin pro-consul, a kind of audacious independence;
and remained a hardened pupil of the Revolution, while, at
the same time, he became an unscrnpuloua implement of
the Government and the Court.

The following description of Bellinger is
admirably penned. No one but Guizot could
condense all the critical points with such sin-
gular closeness:—

At the same moment a man of the people, born a poet
and rendered still more poetical by art, celebrated, excited,

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