The Press.
London, England, 1856-08-23 00:00:00

THE NEAPOLITAN NOTE.

THE Cologne Gazette, this week, publishes the
following as a correct text of the note of the King
of Naples in reply to the recent notes of England
and France:—

King Ferdinand formally declines all interference of the
Western powers in the internal affairs of his kingdom. He
rejects it as contrary to all the rules of international law, as
an attack upon the independence and dignity of his Crown.
Relying upon the principles of eternal justice, which pre-
senbe " that thou shalt not do unto thy neighbour what
thou wouldst not have done unto thee," he puts the follow-
ing questions to the London Cabinet, whose representa-
tions were made in much stronger language than those of
France : What would Lord Palmerston say if the
Neapolitan Government was to presume to describe the
management of the English Cabinet, and to propose a modi•
fication in its internal policy or the adoption of more liberal
views towards Ireland, or to recommend more humane con-
duct towards its Indian subjects? What would he say—
what would he reply to the representatives of that power
which interfered in such guise with the Government of
her Majesty ? He would reply, as the Court of Naples
now replies, that he does not recognise in any one the right
or the power to dictate a line of conduct or to address re-
proaches. Or rather he would not do this—Lord Palmers-
ton would not even give himself the trouble to reply at all;
he would most probably send the meddling representative
his passports.
And has not the King of Naples, as well as Great
Britain, the right to look after his own ho.iour and that of
his people? He may, as a proof of his goodwill, listen to
communications made with a view to the consolidation of
public order in Europe ; but then such communications
must be made with that moderation and deference which
is due to a free and independent sovereign ; and he alone
must be allowed to form his judgment upon the pro-
priety of the proposed measures and of the moment
for carrying them out. No one except the King himself
can form a correct judgment upon what circumstances may
require.
It is asserted that the present state of things requires
certain alterations and improvements. It is stated that
the armed attacks of the revolution against the Govern-
ment of the Two Sicilles have ceased.

This is primi•facie evidence that the system opposed to
them, and which is the object of such violent attacks, is
not so useless or so baneful as some persons wish it to be
believed.

But, it is added, the necessity for such a system no
longer exists. . _

The King is not cf this opinion, and his will cannot he
opposed unless the exercise of superior force can be as-
serted as a right.
But what will then become of the principle of royal
authority; and what value will be attached to the acts of a
Government which have emanated under the pressure of
a foreign power? Under such circumstances any con-
cession, however justifiable, would lose all effect. His
Majesty King Ferdinand, therefore, regards himself as
perfectly justified in maintaining his prerogative, and
of notifying his intention to decide himself alone upon
what ought to be done, and the proper time for doing it.
He ardently desires that that time may speedily be at
band ; but it cannot be denied that the violent and sys-
tematical attacks of the English pleas and the demands
thundered forth in the English Parliament are of a nature
to adjourn that time for the present. Is it supposed that
such means are calculated to calm the evil passions in a
country still a prey to the revolutionary doctrines of
114-1,4? It cannot surely have been already forgotten that
the Central Committee of Italy only recently established
the principle " that political assassination was not a crime,
especially when its object was to get rid of a powerful
enemy," and that this same committee put a price
upon the head of the King of Naples, and promised a
reward of 1,000 ducats "to the man who rid Italy of this
monster." _ _

Considering such recent facts, it is not only the right,
but it is the duty of his Majesty the King of the Two
Sicilies, to act with the greatest caution, and not to relin-
quish carelessly a system of government which he thought
tit to adopt, as much in the interest of his subjects as for
his own safety.
It has been asserted, and attempts have been made to
establish the assertion, that the Constitution of 1848,
under which the above execrable principles were openly
promulgated, is the fundamental law of the kingdom of
Naples. But it is overlooked that when that Constitution
was proposed to the Sicilian Parliament they rejected it
with contempt, and asked for the Constitution of 1812.
The concessions then made by King Ferdinand 11. had no
other effect than to increase the demands of the revolu-
tionary faction throughout the whole of Italy, and the
risings which took place at Naples and at Palermo were the
signal for risings in Sardinia, Rome, and Lombardy. Is
it desired to see a renewal of those dreadful crimes and
catastrophes of which unhappy Italy was then the theatre?
The Constitution of 1848 would he wonderfully adapted to
bring forward a repetition of them.
Rut, on mature reflection, that cannot be the idea of the
Cabinets of London and Paris, whose object must be the
maintenance of the peace of Europe, so dearly bought.
Especially it cannot be the view of the French Cabinet.
After having taken such energetic measures at home to
put down revolution, France surely cannot seek to create
it in Italy. This would he in direct opposition to that
wise and clever policy which has been so successfully car-
ried out.
France and England should also remember that the war
in the East was undertaken precisely to prevent a
foreign power from interfering in the affairs of Turkey.
Any similar interference in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies
would be a curious anomaly, not to give it a more precise
qualification. King Ferdinand cannot, and will not,