The Press.
London, England, 1856-11-15 00:00:00

1086

THE OCCUPATION AND STATE OF
GREECE.

M. MANZAvINo, of Manchester, has this week ad•
dressed a letter to the Times denying the constant
statements from " Foreign Correspondents " that the
continued occupation of Greece by the allies is ac-
ceptable to the Greeks or to the benefit of the
country. M. Manzavino admits the policy of the
occupation upon the breaking out of the war ; but, be
writes--

The Russian war is at an end ; the allies know very well
that Greece cannot, even if she had the inclination, attempt
to overthrow the Turkish empire, supported, as it is, by
the treaty of Paris. The continuance, therefore, of the
occupation of Greece is not consonant with its original
object. If, however, the allies have any secret motive or
intention for its continuance, let the people of Europe at
least know that we do not acquiesce in it, that we consider
it as an insult to our independence and as an act of op•
pression by the strong upon the weak. Let the public
know that every Greek in and out of their kingdom, with
the exception of about a score who would sacrifice the in-
dependence of their conntry to obtain the reins of govern-
ment—l say, let the public know that all of us regard the
continuance of the occupation with sorrow and bitterness
—that we are attached to our King and Queen, and are
satisfied with the present Government. Why, if the con-
trary were the fact, the nation, with such an amount of
exterior pressure against its King, would have sent him
out of the kingdom long ago.
But what do we see? During all this period not one city
nor one village has made a show of resistance to the Govern •
ment. The taxes are paid with more regularity than ever
before; tne robbers who alarmed end devastated the country
are all exterminated ; the greatest tranquillity prevails in
all parts of the kingdom ; the King both rides and walks in
the streets of Athens and its environs unattended ; the
nation prospers, for '20,000,000 drachms are calculated to
enter Greece this year from its raisins and silks alone, and
above all, 6,010,000 drachms have been sent by Greeks
residing in foreign parts as donations, and for establishing
a commercial steam navy. I ask any politician if lie calls
these signs of dissatisfaction on the part of the people to-
wards their Government.

Where are all those tyrannical acts of the Government,
and upon whom inflicted ? Where the fettering of the
public press? Where the unjust imprisonment, the
bastinado, the barisnment of a subject, the seizure of one's
property, or the assault of one's person or honour ? Give
us an example ; publish any fact, and then compile all the
bile of the Athenian correspondence. It is not my business
to speak of what the allies think proper to impose upon
the King of Naples for humanity's sake, bat the difference
in the state of the two kingdoms is vast. Yet the publica-
tion of a letter by Louis Blanc on the sufferings in
Cayenne brought forth an article from the Times well
worthy the attention of those it concerned.
I wish the Times would favour us with another leader on
the continuance of the occupation of Greece, and en-
lighten us as to the cause of it.

M. Manzavino then alludes to our administrative
system in the lonian Isles :
Does the Times know that in the lonian Islands the high
secret police, the worst class of officials in any country, are
still employed? Are yin aware that often citizens are
seized and imprisoned or banished to the rocks of a small
island without being convicted before any tribunal, and
solely because .:heir political opinions are not acceptable
to the High Commissioner? Are you aware that more
than six years have elapsed since M. Helias Zervos and
Joseph Manforato were banished to a small island distant
from their homes, and not allowed to he visited by their
families, and all because, as independent members of the
House of Representatives, they dared to express their
liberal opinions; and because they do not condescend to
beg for freedom, and thereby renounce their principles,
liberty is withheld from them? This statement I read in
a newspaper with the greatest amazement. I feel confi•
dent that if these poor men could have communication
with the land ( but they are well guarded) they might
possibly tell tales that would put the revelations of M.
Louis Blanc into the shade, and would startle the English
public.

Our present system of foreign policy, he declares,
is winning for us the hatred and contempt of every
nation in Europe :

It does not belong to me to say in what estimation an
Englishman is now held in the East—in fact, on the
whole cantinent of Europe ; hut 1 can any that when I was
young and capable of receiving moral impressions with
enthusiasm, I was taught to look upon an Englishman
with admiration, gratitude, and love, because the same
feelings were nourished by all our fathers. What is it
now? In Russia he is considered as an open enemy, in
Germany as a meddler, among the Turks as impotent, and
I shall explain why; among the Christians of Turkey as
a friend of the barbarians and an enemy to their liberties,
in Italy as a revolutionist who leads you to rebel and
leaves you to the mercy of the tyrant, and in Greece as
arrogant and an oppressor of the weak. This is what the
present policy of England has gained the last few years.
To myself and other foreigners who reside in England is,
however, well known the character of the country and its
people. We well know the liberties you enjoy, and we
envy your constitution. What, then, is the cause of this.
vast difference in the character of an Englishman at home
and ahroa I—that he is to he admired at home and disliked
abroad ? The principal cause, in my opinion, is that to
the internal affairs of his country every Englishman pays
the deepest interest, but to foreign affairs he is as
negligent and careless as 1 am of the affairs of China—per-
haps more so. _