The Express.
London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1

that the day should ever arrive when the nation should be
more *enable of its irreparable toes than it was at the pre-
e' itt moment! The most appropriate tribute to the Great
Duke would be to strengthen our defences at home, and to
maintain our aneient alliances.
The E all of DEBBY—Beene I proceed to any other of
the topics upon which it may be afterwards necessary for
me to trouble your lordship., there is we topic which I am
sure all anticipate that it is impossible toe as to avoid
touching upon. It is impossible that we should re. ,
assemble here without remembering and deploring
the great loss we have sustained. As I nee to ad-
dress your lordships my aye instinctively turned to
the head of this table; but I miss there the once
familiar face, with his band upraised to assist the infirmity
of hie hearing as conscientiously and laboriously he sat to
Hetes to the observations of the humblest member of your
lordship's house. Again I see him rising amid the greatest
silence of your lordships, and with faltering stunts, with
no studied eloquence, bet with • power that grasped and
seised, ea it were intuitively, upon the very marrow of the
matter in hand, slowly and deliberately dropping, as it
were, sarong yffin lordships the pithy and sententious
words of matured sagacity, of matured experience,
and matured wisdom. Ilia unparalleled achievements
in the field, his possession of all the qualifications which
I mark the great militar leader, his sagacity in council,
his unswerving loyalty, his deep and unparalleled devotion
to the interests of his country—all these are already written
In the undying pages of history—ell thee. are already
graven upon the grateful hearts of an unforgettieg people.
But, alas! he is gone to another and • better place, and
with all reverence be it 'pekoe, there peaceful and happy
be his state. In the course of his long life, in the battle
field at the head of his troops, in the congress of monarchs,
in the councils of his nation, in the cabinet of his colleagues,
in the closet of his sovereign, in the assembled parliament,
unseduced by the lustre of his own bright name and un-
dazzled by the splendour of his own trarocendset
glory, he steadfastly resisted listening to the aspi-
rations of any wider ambition, and cast away from
him as unworthy of consideration thoughts of personal in-
terest. My lords, from such • subject I turn with regret to
subjects it may be of far lower interest, yet subjects, as the
noble marquis has said, of very considerable importuner.
(His lordship thee paid • tribute of admiration to the rouble
mover and seconder of the address for the ability they had
displayed, and thanked the noble marquis (Lansdowne) for
the friendly tone in which he had spoken. He proceeded
to say]—lt is a source of satisfaction to me that the'sddress
is not in the course of the discussion likely to lead to
any difference of opinion. It is ',necessary for me
now to state to your lordships the views of her Majesty's
government. I thank the &obis marquis and my noble
and learned friend for the language which they have
held with regard to the state of our foreign relation', for I
concur with them that while it is our duty to abstain, in
the slightest degree, from interfering with the internal
affairs of say other nation, while I recognise to the fullest
extent the right of every nation to regulate its own affairs,
I, looking not to the language alone, but to the acts also of
foreign nations, am bound to say that I see no apprehen-
sion at the present time of the interruption of our friendly
relations with any one of those powers, whatever may he
their form of government. On the other baud, I cordially
concur with the noble marquis, and with my noble and
learned friend, that it is nut in the professions,
it is not in the friendly acts, it is not in
the attitude of any foreign country, that • na-
tion must trust which desires to be independent and
to be respected, bat while she is desirous to maintain the
good will of all-foreign nations, and is anxious to avoid all
maws of offence, her real permanent security must rest
upon her own capacity for internal defence, upon the hearts
in the first instance of her own subjects, and in the next
upon the organisation of her own foram (Cheers.) And
I think it is • subject of congratulation that notwithstand-
ing the efforts made in various quarters by persons of whom
I will only say that I think they have taken a most mistakes
part, to prevent the formation of the purely defensive force
which wee established by the act of the Last session of parlia-
ment, and which, as my noble friend has reminded your
lordships had the sanction which was given in the last
speech of the noble and gallant duke to your lordships, I
say, notwithstanding the efforts which have been made by
those parties to prevent the formation and the organisation
of that tree, it is a matter of congratulation to find there
is still throughout the country that strong British feeling
of attachment to the institutions of the country, and that
attachment demonstrated not by word@ but by actions,
which has already, notwithstanding many difficulties,
brought into the field, and, to • great extent, to • state of
efficiency, as Gas and as able • body of the young men of
this country as ever volunteered their services for the de-
fence of the country. (Hear, hear.) Nor will I deny that
there is much to be done for the material defence
of the country. That is • topic on which I
jam sure your lordships will not expect that 1
should detain you. It will be sufficient if 1 say that the
attention of her Majesty's government has been and con-
tames to be to that most important subject, and
no doubt their heads and their means in providing for the
defence of the eoentry, without the desire of offence to any
foreign power, will be not inconsiderably strengthened by
the tone and language which the noble marquis has had
the good sense and the good feeling to address to us this
evening. (Cheers.) I will not touch on any of the topic.
of the speech relating to our foreign relations, or indeed on
any topic except we of those to which the noble
marquis has adverted, because-- important as they
all are, and confident as I feel that her Majesty's govern-
ment, whenever discussion shall take place upon any of them,
will be able to justify the course which they have pursued,
and the measures which they intend to recommend to parlia-
ment—this is not the occasion, uor is it desired on any of
these subjects, to pledge your lordships, by agreeing maul-
measly to this address, to the assertion of any principle as
connected with any of these measures. But there is one
topic, and that one of paramount importance, upon which I
think I shall not din harge my duty to your lordships and
the country if I depot say • few words. I advert to that
passage of her Majesty's speech in which she congratulates
the country, and I believe with very good reason upon
the improved condition of the country generally, and more
especially of the industrious classes. When I say the
improved condition I mean this:—For a course of three or
four years, since • period of greatdifficulty, of great misery,
and of great national calamity, there has been a gradual,
and to my mind a most satisfactory, progress in each year
in improvement over the year preceding, until at last in the
year 1852, I believe we have returned ia every respect to,
and in some we have goat) beyond, the period of 1946,
which was a period of great and acknowledged national
prosperity. I am sot now speaking of cause*, I am speak-
ing of facts, sad I will not trouble your lordships with
many of them at priest, bat I will refer to some which I
consider to be the host tests of the real esadition of
the indattrions OWNS of this . I be-
lieve you ow lobe as biller mMae6ga than,
he exam*. the emooot of piped's, oat the
mmeomption of difereat amidst,. Ma Ilea, cox,
into
t mom and all those miser amides which enter into
the momemplise of the great ba= the people, and with
peer! & whisk them bobs of ouluaively foreiga
teeposeihms, we sin memble oat merely of ascertaining the
emsoot which boo bonimperted, bat also the amount
which has been tionsused, without the possibility of the
admixture of any article grown is this eeleStry, the amount
of which, of course, greater or tem, would mateeially West
the calculation. I find, then, that malt mend to ell them
articles, there Is within the last few yam a iteatlaaews and
progressively rapid increase of comeemgeloo, from which I
think we may fairly argue that the pees mein of :he people,
so far as their expenditure w.eli dheelly show itself in
the coesemplium of those amide% are in a state of
gradual impeommeet. I leek /gala to the coediting
of the savings Innim tif Ms mostly. Few eiressiesemses
more peculiarly claw he sealisie• of the see ley them the
properties between the 111111 NO Ilabtrested hem awl the
amount depoeitedhsathems bombs. Mind. I us net now
speaking of the irmeahoe of hoc or the amount of de-
benture the emeset of ft aad the ormehar of
do 161111• 1114 esblhit mei alosooe of asstd.
Wiens saved. Dot le die mom of the years Mao 1848,
and 1849 there was a slisisadem to the mamma vested in
the savings banks of • mese /amiable ohmmeter. I will
not trashes your bate** sigh missy figures, but this
is • liellinellllllll mishit =oft is every striking manner
the made Is whisk the &trees of mime yeas back operated
in different plisses in dm opantry, and the period at which
the tide began to turn towards prosperity. I hold in my
hand • table, which, dividing the various districts of this
country into the agricultural district and the manufacturing
district, exhibits in each year since 1846 the amount put on
and the amount withdrawn, and the balance between these
will be an indication of the prosperity of the country. In
the agricultural districts, I find this remarkable fact. In
the year 1818, towards the close of 1848, there were with-
'insets beyond deposits to the amount of 80,4341. In the
year 1847, the balance of withdrawals against deposits was
39-5,0001. ; in 1848, it was no less than 782,0001. ; in 1819,
it was 379,0001. ; in 1860, it was 642,0001. • in 1851, the
adverse-balance diminished to 165,0001. ; and in the course
of the present year, it was within • few hundred pounds, I
am happy tosay, of the most prosperous of former years.
That is so far satisfactory ; but these statistics show that
from 1848 to 1852 great sufferings were inflicted on the
agricultural population; for in thou four years alone the
balance withdrawn from savings hanks in the agricultural
districts nearly amounted to 2,500,0001. The manufacture
log districts exhibited in certain of these yam • similar
decline. In the years 1848 and 1847 them was a predomi-
nance of withdrawals over deposits to the amount 01'330,0001.
Bet in 18184, 18k, 1841 aed 18.52, in each of those
years there has been in favour of the manufacturing districts
an increase of deposits varying from 200,0001. to 400,0001.
Therefore, from 18.50 to 18/2, there is exhibited with
regard to savings banks the same evidence which is ex-
hibited in the euttsumption of articles of prime necessity—
the evidence of • constantly improving state of things and
of a recurrence to that condition of national prosperity
which was experienced in 1816. I uy again, my lords, in
detailing thew things, I am stating facts—l am not giving
saw.. But, at the same time, I will not shrink
from expressing my opinion with regard to some at
least of the causes to which we are to look in explaining the
, facts shown in these returns. And I do not hesitate now in
' making the seknowledgment that, in my view, a great por-
tion of the prosperity of the agricultural and manufactur-
ing labourers, more especially of the manufacturing labour-
en, is to he attributed to that legislation, combined with
other causes, which has given to them the advantage of
cheap and abundant food, and which, at the same time,
other circumstances have prevented from beiag samen.
1 panted by those concomitant evils which we undoubtedly'
apprehended. If your lordships ask me what see those'
other circumstances to which I refer as having neutralised
the injurious effects of, while permitting to come into full
n 'oration the advantages to be derived from, that system of
i policy which made 'he prinisions of the people cheap end
' eteantlant, I do not hesitate to may tint I concur in a great
Imeasure in what fell from my noble friend behind me, and
in thinking that two Games hare had a material effect on

the resale, via., the 'Rennin discoveries and production of
gold iu different parts of the world ; and the emigration
which, pertly arising from those discoveries of gold, and
from other inducements, has taken place fb an tam-
mous extent, and to a still increasing extent, in the course of
the lest two years. (Cheers.) But it certainly was an
apprehensioa which I entertained, and which I am happy to
fad horn various causes has not been realised, but which i
was until very lately entertained by • great body
, of those who are seeing with me,—that • fall
in the price of provisions, other thing, being
as they were, would lead to • corresponding or to a more
than corresponding reduction in the rate of wages. I thiuk
that is a proposi t i tt u which may be theoretically made clear, .
and which, but for the circumstances to which I em allude '
ing, might perhaps have been practically proved to demon-
stration. (lie ir, hear.) And here I may say—though I
may have reed an erroneous report--that I read
with considerable surprise • statement •ttributed th- •
other day to • right hon. gentleman (Mr. Macaulay),
whom 1 rejoice zo find in such a mate of health as to be
enabled swain to devote his talents to public life. and in
whore brilliant capacity I think the new ilinthe et Commons
will have made • great imijuniition. The statement of
which I speak is in • speech the eloquence of which I
greatly admired, although a eonsiderable portion of that
speech was directed, and in a manner hardly worthy the'
right hon. gentleman's tale..te, against myself, and against
those with whom I act ; end I must say that it that speech
is correctly reported, I em conspeArd to give the right hue.
so ottoman greater credit for the brilliance of his oratory than
for the soundness of his judgment. [l'he noble earl here pro-
ceeded to reply to Mr. hl scam lay 's argument, that inasmuch as
wages were high in Ohio, and yet provisions were cheap, tho
Protectionist thery was erroneous. bysaying that between a
thinly inhabited and virgin soil country like that of Ohio,
and a thickly populated highly farmed country like Eng-
land, there could be no rational comparison. England
(added the noble earl) could only be compared with
England herself, and in the put circuuistauces of
England would be found facts sufficient to ju.tify the
former apprelieneions of the protectionist party. Ile then
returned to his general argument.] The circumstances of
the country, then, have become widely altered by the two
important causes, I have enumerated. In the first
place, the large production, and the increasing production,
of gold must out only have its effect to a certain extent on
the money prices of all articles of comineree, but by
making money cheap end abundant, and consequently the
rate of interest low, it enables the employers of labour to
make exertions they otherwise could nut have made,
and so to furnish an amount of employment
which throws the balance in favour of labour, by oin t i 11l ail-
ing the spin) ct number of the competitors for employment.
But beyond, and independent of this, you must look to the
emigration which has been going on during these last two
yeses. I hold in my hand a return of that emigration, and
I find that, taking England and Ireland together, there
have emigrated from this country in 18.50, 220,000
persons ; in 1851, 273,000 persons ; and in 111.52,
30:4000 persons making a total in three years
of 830,000 persona, most of them, be it remembered, being
in the prime of life, and all of them being competitors in
the labour market. Don't suppose that this emigration has
taken place exclusively from Ireland. I will show that it
Ins not. Of course Liverpool must to • certain extent be
left out of the calculation; for though the returns include it
as an English port, nine tenths of the emigration proceeding
thence is Irish. But assuming that of the emigrants railing
from Liverpool only one-tenth are English, that is 18,000 out
of 187,000 persons, we (Ind that there has emigrated from
England alone in the last year a body of 80,00 persons.
It is impossible, then, but that these two circumstances
combined—the large amount of gold discovered, mak;ng
money cheap, and rendering the means of employment
easy,—and on the other hand the concurrent diminution of
the number of competitors in the home labour market—
must have had the edict of keeping up the rate of
wages of the labouring classes, and thereby so altering
the state of affairs contemplatedi in all parties. calculations
as in a great degree to prevent the occurrence of those evils
which, but for those mitigating circumstances, would have
attended the fall in the prices of provisions. (Cheers.)
But, my lords, in reviewing the results of the new system
of commercial policy, working, as it does, more advan-
tageously for the working classes than we had anti-
cipated, I am bound to look, not so much to the
GUMS but to the practical results themselves—to
the facts as I find them, produced as those facts
have been by a variety of causes, some of which were
calculated on by any party. (Cheers.) Aud I am
bound to look also to the deliberate expression of the opi-
nions and of the feelings of the country. (Cheers.) When
at the early part of the last session of the last parliament I
had, most unexpectedly, the honour of addressing your
lordships from the place (the ministerial benches) I now
stand at, 1 stated that it would be my desire to be enabled to
conduct the business of the country through the session then
in progress without any reference to those important ques-
tions upon which a difference of opinion prevailed with re
gird to legislation—that that must be a point referred to
the deliberate consideration of the country, am it would be
tested by the results of the general elution—that by
the results of that general election I and my col-
leagues were prepared to abide—and that we should
abstain, unless we should then have the full sanc-
tion and support of a large majority of the country,
from proposing even those measures which we ourselves
in our private judgment might deem the most advantageous
for the empire. My lords, that appeal to the country has
been made; and 1 have no hesitation in saying to your
lordships that with regard to any imposition of any duty
on corn, or on other provisions of first necessity, not only
is there not that large majority, without which I declared
I would submit no such proposition to the consideration of
parliament; but that the country, by a very large and
very undoubted majority, including • very consi-
derable number of the representatives of agricultural
districts themselves, have declared that whether desirable
or not it might have been u a matter of policy, yet that in
the present state of the country they are determined not to
go back from that system of -legislation which has been
established, and that they will not consent to the imposi-
tion of any tax on the introduction of articles of provision.
(Loud cheers.) My lords, I think that question carries
with it the whole financial policy of the country. It might
have been possible to have adopted the system of free trade
as it is commonly called, and to have made these particular
articles exceptions from that system ; but it is
not possible to lay down a system of policy
by which you would have free trade in corn
and provision'', and by which you would not follow up as
far as possible the same system with regard to the other
principal necessities of life. If I understand that which Is
intended to be said by the common expression t" free trade,"
I understand it to mean this that you will not impose •
tax for the purpose of the protection of individual or local
Lunette , that you will impose a tax for the purpose of
revenue and for revenue only • and that in the imposition
of taxes for revenue you will have especial nineties to
lightening the burdens which may be imposed on those
articles which mainly enter into the consump-
tion of the great mire of the people. (Loud cheers.)
Now, my lord., in that system I see much advantage; but
1 do not deuy that I see much difficulty and future em-
barrassment. I see great present advantages; but I am
not sun—and Clod grant that I may be wrung—that that
system may not lead to future embarrassment, by the ne-
eousequences of the complete change in our whole
lansial system. But I do not hesitate to say that alter
thatmlultia which hu been pronounced by the peeple,
whatever any be the views of myself and of my friends as
to what would have been • desirable policy, I see that a
concurrence of the majority in such a policy is in itself
impracticable; and that, if it were practicable, it would
still be undesirable to raise such a question for contro-
versy among large alums of the people. (Loud cheers.)
Oa the part, then, of myself and of my colleagues, I say
that I bow to the decision of the country. (Loud cheers.)
And haring so bowed, I declare, en theii part and on mine,
that—while desirous to the utmost of our power to mitigate
that inevitable injary which the adoption of the free trade
pointy has inflicted on important classes—l du not adopt
that policy with any reserve whatever. I adopt it frankly as
the decision of the country and honestly and thirty 1 am
prepared to carryit out. (Loud cheep.) 1 hope that the
aoble marquis and other noble lords will see, after I have
said thus much, that there has not been any faltering or
hesitation in declaring our intention to the country. It
would obviously be improper fur me, on the present occa-
sion, to enter into any detail of those measures by which
we believe the injury to particular classes I have spoken of
may be mitigated—mitigated, we believe, without interfer-
ing with the general policy described as free trade. Into
such details it will not be expected that I should now
enter. But I have the satisfaction of stating to your
lordships that if you and the country can have the patience
to wait for the period of one short fortnight—(laughter)—
on the part of her Mejesty's government, my right hon.
friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will be prepared to
ley before the other house of parliament in full detail those
financial measures which, in the present state of affeirs.
her Majesty's government are prepared to recommend.
(Laughter.) Until that period shall arise 1
lordships will abstain from expressing or pronouncing any
opinion. I trust that your lordships will at all
events hear the views her Majesty's government
entertain ; and I trust that you will give • deliberate
and dispassionate consideration to the measures we may
bring forward. You may—or the other house of parlia-
ment may—dissent from our views, or they may adopt
them. If they dissent, and think fit to act on that dissent,
they may—if they can collect among themselves • sufficient
number of gentlemen ready to deal with this subject and is
a different way, and ready to deal with the other subjects in
which the great interests of the country are concerned—
they may Sin that ease prevent the adoptiou of the
policy which without any difference of opinion
among them without any hesitation subsequent
to the decision of the last general election—the government
deliberately adopted. But I believe there will be that good
*ease and that moderation in parliament that they will nut
sacrifice the great interests of the nation for the purpose of
rsthing personal points or fur the purpose of indulging in
personal recriminations or individual accusations. I hope
and I believe that on all aides of the house there will pre-
vail that spirit of which we see so satisfactory and honour-
able an instance in the speech to-night of the noble marquis
--a spirit which will induce members of parlia-
ment to look at great subjects of national importance—not
through the medium of this or that section or party, and
not through the medium of private interesle; but that they
will look at them as that great man WO have so Istely lost
would have looked at them, through the medium of that
which would, on the whole, bi for the advantage of the
great interests of the country, of those interests of which
out • miuiatry stone, hut of which both houses of parliament
are the natural repositories. On that point, my lords, I
need say no more. With regard to the question on which I
have dwelt so tons, I have frankly stated that we will
endeavour as honestly to carry out that policy to w loch we
. formerly objected as if we had been the authors of that
policy ; and, on the other hand, I say as distinctly, that I

will abstain from no effort which, in my judgment, and in
that of my colleagues, may be calculated to lessen the ine-
vitable injury inflicted on tl•oee who suffer from the effects
of that policy the nation hoe finally adopted. (The noble
earl resuined hts ve.it amid general cheering.)
The address WAS then adopted.
On the motion of the Fast Minister, Lord Redesthile au
re-appointed chairman of committees of their lordships,'
house.
Their lordships then (at a quarter to 8) adjourned.

HOUSE OF COM MONS.-7-Tor asoAr, Nov. 11.

The 8 took the ch.tir at I o'clock, at which hour
there was a large attendance of members.
The SPEAKER announced that the arrangements trade
two seuions ago for regulating the ettentLinco of members
of that house in the llouse of P.:ere, could not then tie car-
ried out at the table ; hut that a jiver lay in the lobby to
receive the name. of thou members who wished to accom-
pany him to the other house.
The swearing in was then proceeded with. Amongst
those sworn were:—Mr. E. B. Denison, Mr. 1:. Langton,
Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. Hume, Sir 8.11411, Lord llothem,
Sir Robert Price, Sir Thos. Frankland Lewi., Mr. Mums,
Sir Thee. Winnington. Mr. W. W. Hawkins (the new
member for Colchester), Mr. E. W. Pekenham (the new
member fur Antrim), Mr. Eliot Yorke, Mr. W. P. Price
(the new member for Gloucceter), Mr. 0. Buncombe, Mr.
Chas. Ocean Duffy (the new member (or New Rose, Sir
James Orahatu, Mr. W. 0. Stanley, Mr. Frederick Lucas
(the new member for Meath), Sir (leo. Pechell, Mr. W.
Evans, Lord Alfred Hervey.
The SI'EAKEIt announeed that the ballot had been
taken fur members to proceed to the House of Lords, end
that the names would be read over after the summons wee
received.

Mr. HUMS suggested that precedence should be given
to the members of the government even if their mimes were
not drawn in the ballot. (Hear, hear.)
An lion. Mennen on the ministerial side seconded the
suggestion, which wee understood to be agreed to.
At 20 minutes after 2 u'el.elt the usher of the black rod
appeared at the bar, and summoned the Speaker and the
house to attend iu the House of Lords to hear tho royal
speech. The house at this time was very full, probably near
400 members being present. Amongst the occupants of the
ministerial bench were the Chase, lie of the Ezchtquer,
Sir John Pakington, Me. Walpole, Mr. !ferries, Lord John
Manners, Mr. F. Mackenzie, Mr. Whiteside, Mr. Henley,
Mr. Bankes.

The Speaker immediately rose to obey the summons, the
clerk at the same time calling nut the minus of timee mem.
bora who had been balloted to accompany him. They were
about 100 in number, and amongat them were the Chine. I.
kr of the Ezchiquer, Mr. Walpole, Sir J. Pakinztom Mr.
Denies, Lord .1. Mennen, Mr. F. Mackenzie, Mr. W.Miles,
Mr. J. B. Smith, Mr. Apsley l'ellatt, Mr. C. Fonder, Lord
0 iderich, Mr. J. Cheetham Lord Dudley Stuart, Mr.
Whiteside, Captain Senbell, Mr. Macgregor, Mr.Westhead,
Sir A. Cockburn, Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. Dewily, Sir J.
V. Shelley, Mr. Hadfield, Mr. A'Court, Mr. Evelyn Den-
ison, Mr. Alexander Ilastie, Mr. Duffy, Mr. W. Williams,
1)r. Layard, Mr. Lawless, Mr Lawn's, Mr. Cairns, Mr.
Danbury, Serjeant Sher, Colonel Dunne, Mr. !hakes,
Mr. Macaulay, Mr. A. Wilkinson, &c.
Alter an absence of little more than ten minutes the
Speaker returned, and the house adjourned until a quarter
before four.

At the resumed sitting, several more member* were sworn—
including Mr. John Abel Smith, Mr. Bonham Carter, Mr.
W. Jackson, Mr. Keogh, Mr. Maurice O'Connell, and Mr.
Fitzgerald.
CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS.
Mr. G. A. HAMILTON moved the usual sessional orJers
relating to disputed elections.
Agreed to.
A bill relating to outlaws was, on the motion of Mr.
HAMILTON, read a first time.

Amongst the members who wire earliest in their phgos
on the opposition benches were Sir James Graham, Mr.
Cobden, and Mr. Bright. It was 20 minutes alter four be-
fore any of the ministers made their appearance. Mr.
Walpole then entered the house, and was lullowed at slaw
intervals by Lord John Manners, Sir W. Jollitfe, Lord
Stanley, Mr. F. Mackenzie, the Attorney-General, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Sir John Pakington.
Lord John Russell entered the house at half-past tone,
and took his seat in his usual place, on the front ministerial
bench, between Mr. Baines and Mr. Vernon Smith.
Lord Lovaine and Mr. E. C. Egerton, the mover and
seconder of the address, wearing the uniform of deputy-,
lieutenants' entered the house about 2U minutes after 4,
and took their seats on the second ministerial bench.
NOTICES OF MOTION.

Mr. RICE, to move, on an early day, to bring is a WI
for effecting uniformity in the law on certain points, be-
tween England and Wales.
Ts• Swin.c-nutuaz AVPRAT. —Sir J. F. FITZ-
GERALD, to move, on Tuesday next, for a copy of the
evidence given before the coroner's inquest, at Sizmile-
bridge, in the county of Clare.
TENANT Rlolll%—Serjeant GHEE, to move, on the tith
instant, (or leave to bring in a bill to provide better seen.
rity, and toregulate tenant right as practised in the pro-
viuce of Ulster, and to secure compensation to improving
tenants, and to limit the power of eviction in certain