The Press.
London, England, 1856-10-18 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

but two men, ZUMALACARREOUY, a first-rate
general, wounded at the siege of Bilboa, but
poisoned, as there is too much reason to be-
lieve, by his own party ; and CARRERA. The
latter has had too much experience of the
ignorance and ingratitude of his colleagues in
the cause, to risk the good position he has ac-
quired in the country by marriage. It is, how-
ever, not a little strange that his name should
be so popular through Spain. Some of the
Madrid democrats pretend that he is the only
veritable child of the revolution, and there-
fore they allege ho must sooner or later be
the President of a Republic. Here is another
retributive lesson in Spain. Tho successful
Christina generals, one after the other, sink
into obscurity or infamy. If there could be
found a name which is held in greater con-
tempt than that of ESPARTERO, it would be in-
deed singular. Here is the Liberal idol for
years in Spain, about whom the greatest
amount of absurd adulation has been ex-
hausted in London, completely extinguished ;
and he merits his fate. Never was there a
man who deserved his zeputation less. Sur-
rounded by a faction of flatterers, he aimed at
one time at the Imperial purple in Spain, and
when convinced that this was the acme of
folly, he was content to conspire for a dicta-
torship. In the final conflict, although O'DoN
NELL aimed at the Premiership, ESPARTERO
had the baseness to allow his partisans to be
butchered in the streets, without endeavour
ing to head an insurrection which he had fo-
mented and encouraged. But what could be
anticipated of the man who shot his dearest
friend, and one to whom he was mainly in-
debted for his military reputation ! When the
unfortunate DIEGO LEON was sentenced to
death, men of all parties joined in a petition
to the Queen to spare his life ISABELLA was
disposed to be merciful, but ESPARTERO was
relentless ; and DIEGO LEON, the most chival-
rous officer in the Spanish army, in raising his
hand for the death signal at the Toledo gate
in Madrid. had on his finger the ring given to
him by ESPARTERO, as a mark of eternal friend-
ship ! _ _ _

On the whole, the rapid decline of such a
political chameleon as O'Doris ELI., who in his
own Ministry was but a nonentity, and the
return to office of NAAVAEZ, can only be re-
garded as preparing the way for further and
more important changes, not immediately, but
certainly within a brief period in a nation's
history. To discuss the particular tendencies
of each Minister in his Cabinet is so much
waste time. It matters not whether the
Moderado, the Progresista, the Camarilla, the
Christina, or the Carlist elements predomi-
nate. It is sufficient that they are all
Spaniards, and that principles have nothing to
do with place. The real revolution in Spain
will he one of ideas, and will emanate from
the people—whether in the Absolutist or
Democratic sense is a mere question of time.
What the Spaniards cannot do for themselves
foreigners are achieving and will achieve for
them ; but French capitalists aro taking a
decided lead in the material changes now
going on. The great railroad projects are in
active progress, and French engineers are
scouring the country in all directions, making
their surveys and preparing their reports,
which are as political as they are scientific, if
Madrid gossip can be believed. It is not of
the slightest significance to France whether
an O'Donnell or a Narvaez be in power. The
Emperor is vigilant—and the advent of finan-
cial disorder, and the privations of the people,
will afford opportunities enough for the de-
velopment of his policy ultimately.

COLONIAL SELF-GOVERNMENT.
To epitomise the difference between Eng-
land and the rest of the civilised world, the
Englishman we should say is apt to be too
practical, the Frenchman, German, or American
too theoretical. If an Englishman has a
grievance, he is wont to look out for the
quickest remedy, rather than the best ; while
many other nations miss the opportunity of
much rational happiness by hankering after an
ideal perfection which can never be attained on
earth. It might at first sight seem strange to

SATURDAY,

rank America in the same category with Ger-
many and France. But what race and insti•
tutions have effected in the one instance, has
been effected in the other by the unfortunate
circumstances unaer which the national exist.
ence commenced. • The American War of
Independence was commenced and carried
out in support of an abstract idea ; and all
the energy of the Anglo-Saxon race has been
unable to counteract the consequences of this
false start.

A large party in our Australian colonies
appear to plume themselves on having passed
all the older nations in the race of political
progress. Universal suffrage, vote by ballot,
and withdrawal of State assistance to religion,
are, it seems, in Victoria the prevalent elec-
tioneering cries. Our colonists should, how-
ever, remember, before indulging in such ex-
cessive self-complacency, that between an old
European State and a young colony like their
own no sort of comparison is possible in mat-
ters of political detail. As well might we ex-
pect the mature and sagacious man of forty to
display the post-prandial elasticity of a
schoolboy, as that a middle aged common-
wealth like our own should be capable of the
same reckless activity as our more juvenile
progeny in Australia. But, at all events, we
must remember that they have only just
adopted some, and not yet adopted others, of
those extreme reforms on which they allege
the prosperity of the country to be founded.
Respiciaut finem—if they will take our advice.
And certainly just now it requires no Solon to
predict a disastrous termination to the delu-
sions of ultra democracy. In only two coun-
tries has the doctrine of the sovereignty of the
people been allowed its full development, and
in those two alone do we behold the unchecked
career of anarchy and despotism.
The theory of universal equality is a very
fascinating one, and our Australian colonists
seem fully to appreciate its charms. But
there is a strong element of English practi-
cality and unadulterated English sentiment in
their proceedings which will act as ballast
against the too great preponderance of merely
theoretical politics. In the debates, if debates
they can be called, of their Legislative
Assemblies we observe an almost laughable
parody of our own Parliamentary procedure—
a thorough, even wearisome, investigation of
details, and a devotion to subjects of more
utility than dignity, not by any means charac-
teristic of people likely to be led astray by
shadows. Destitution Bills, Road Bills, Cattle
Registration Bills, and the like, are eminently
characteristic of a race which has attained
supremacy by simply minding its own busi-
ness. The descendants of our American colo-
nists ought fairly to stand rebuked before the
spectacle of Australian self-government.

There is one remarkable expression of
opinion on the resolutions promulgated by a
great Liberal meeting in Australia which is
more than usually suggestive at the present
moment :

We will (they say) withhold our support from any
Government which is not prepared to render the adminis-
tration of justice less dilatory and expensive, and to make
it more accessible to the people by the localisation of
the means of redress, and the increase of the unpaid
magistracy.

An eminent French writer has well observed,
that a body of unpaid officials is de facto an
aristocracy—that is, a body with superior pro-
perty, education, and leisure, who govern the
country in virtue of those possessions, and not
by reason of their cleverness. The Amen-
cans, he tells us, are very jealous of such a
body, and, if so, it is impossible to
imagine a more instructive point of
contrast between the conduct of these
two branches of the Anglo Saxon family.
The one, in spite of its theoretical love
of equality, seeing clearly that a certain
sacrifice of this is necessary to secure
freedom, and manfully going straightforward
to the accomplishment of its object. The
other, obstinately bent on clinging to a par-
ticular idea, and willing to sacrifice the sta-
bility of institutions and the liberty of opinion
to the prejudices of social jealousy.
If we allude to the opinions expressed in
these resolutions on the subject of State aid to
religion, it is merely for the sake of protesting
against the arguments of those who endeavour

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OCTOBER 18, 1856.

to persuade us that the Church in this country
and the Church in Australia are, in this
respect, on the same footing. To speak of
the revenues of the Church of England as
" State aids," is an absurdity. The will of the
majority may be called law, which is only
another form of the doctrine that might is
right, and thus a settlement adverse to the
interests of the Church may some day be ac-
complished ; but the will of the majority can-
not alter the facts of past history. The State
never could have given what it never had to
give. And there is really less to be said in
favour of throwing over glebe land to the
Dissenters than of turning the " Dukery " into
allotment grounds. In Australia, however,
the question rests upon totally separate con-
siderations. If, indeed, a pious individual
chooses to build and endow a church, nobody,
we suppose, will pull it down again on the
plea that it was erected by the State. But the
question has not yet assumed this aspect
'the Church in Australia has no territorial
possessions. When she has, it will be time
enough to discuss their expediency ; at pre-
sent the only question is, How much public
money ought to be expended on the general
advancement of religion?

PASTORAL OF THE BISHOP OF
BRUGES.

Is a Pastoral Letter, which, to do itl justice, is
neither ill-written nor undignified, the Bishop
of Barroxs has solemnly warned his diocese
against the heretical Universities of Ghent and
Brussels. The publication of this document
possesses one or two remarkable features,
which are not unworthy of consideration. It
is curious to reflect that in a country like
Belgium, where the Roman Catholic Church
both wears a more attractive aspect and exer-
cises, we believe, more real power than in any
other country of Europe, that even here,
with every chance in her favour, she has been
unable to arrest the progress of anti-Catholie.
opinions..

Impartial meditation on so curious a phe-
nomenon may, perhaps, lead some of our
readers to consider what are the true founda-
tions of religious tolerance. It is not, in this
instance, enough to say that Romanism is
superstition, and that in these days of
enlightenment error cannot keep down truth.
The opinions alleged to be propagated in the
condemned Universities are even worse than
Popish. But the fact is that after a
certain period, both of national and indi-
vidual life, virtue can no longer be enforced.
We cannot conceive, a priori, that this
inevitable and universal impossibility should
be contrary to the design of Providence.
In addition to this prior belief, our faculties
are so formed as easily to comprehend the
reason of it. We can understand without ex-
perience that even if it were possible to pre-
vent an adult from holding erroneous opinions
by a prolonged system of coercion, this result
would only be attained by the suppression of
all the nobler elements of character—self-
restraint, self-reliance, and independent
thought. It is just the same with nations
After a certain age, the nation, like the indivi-
dual, must take its chance ; and there is no
more reason for thinking that national tole-
rance of error is a proof of indifference to
truth, than that a father is careless of his son's
welfare because he ceases to flog him when he
has arrived at manhood.

Of this very obvious truth the Church of
Rome has ever been systematically neglectful;
and it is certainly odd that if she believes in
the truth of her own doctrines, she should
riot have sought to turn her experience to
better account. Coercion will never benefit
truth, but it may add longevity to lies.
There is also another reflection forced upon
us by the perusal of this document, which is,
that the bigotry of a religious body is always
in nearly exact proportion to its dependence.
Where the priest or schoolmaster is dependent
on the opinions of his supporters, it is evident
that, he will endeavour to prove the chasm be-
tween himself and all who differ from him as
wide as possible, and to exaggerate with cor-
responding warmth the terrible situation of