The Press.
London, England, 1858-04-10 00:00:00

THE PRESS,: APRIL' lA' 1858.

tion. It did all very well-for the purposes of agita-
tion, twenty years ago, to declare that foreign nations
would follow British example, and open their ports
to the world. The'United States—the pet example
of Mr. Bright on all great occasions—is now, as for•
merly, highly protective. - It won't do to try the old
game over again ; it cannot be successfully repeated.
Every prophecy made by the Free-traders prior to
the repeal of the Corn Laws has been falsified by
experience. They promised "Peace, high wages,
full employment "; Time has answered the oracle,
and with 'his finger written, " War, low wages, and
want of employment." The country swallowed the
Free-trade draught of Mr. Cobden. .The physician
promised the confiding patient a complete cure for
all the grievous bodily infirmities of which he com-
plained. - The physician, having when in practice
acquired a competency, is now in retirement. The
patient is in a very bad condition, suffering from
that most trying of all diseases, the want of employ-
ment—the disease of all others which It was said
could not possibly return. - The patient, racked with
pain, sends his OW4 prescription to London. He
receives advice gratis from the Rochdale apothecary,
and he says, " There is but one remedy
.for you.
Swallow Bright's Pills of Health, and you are safe ;
refuse it, and your only hope is in a change of cli-
mate. Pack up and be off, or resolve to aid Mr.
Bright. Let there be no delay—danger is imminent."
Were it possible for the sick man, which it is not,
to swallow all the drugs in the shop of the Rochdale
apothecary, after having endured much pain, the
unfortunate sufferer would discover that his consti-
tution was shattered, his name dishonoured, and he
a skeleton in rags, with the alternative before him
of living on low diet, working without intermission,
or certain and almost immediate death.—l am, sir,
your obedient servant,
April 5, 1858. FAIR TRADE.

INDIAN GOVERNMENT.

TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—Referring in a leading article of your last
number to the proposition contained in my letter of
the 24th March, that the Indian Council should be
elected by the votes of the members of both Houses
of Parliament, you remark, that " this plan would
undoubtedly be objected to by many, as stripping the
Crown unwisely of a large portion of its prerogative."
Could I for a moment conceive that such a conse-
quence was involved in my suggestion, I should at
once admit, not only that it would lead to partial
objection to the proposal, but that it ought to induce
its instant and absolute rejection. Devotedly at-
tached to the Constitution of my country, and
admiring the wisdom which recognizes, and the
judgment that balances in its arrangements, the
relative claims of monarchical privilege and popular
right, • f should be the very last person to advocate
any disturbance of that equipoise on the maintenance
of which I am profoundly convinced that the per-
manence of our institutions, and with • them the
preservation of our political liberty, depends. But I
am convinced, sir, that on reconsideration you will
perceive that your conclusion is opposed to all the
rules of logical induction. The powers to be dele-
gated to a council may indeed be so absolute as to
render it independent of the control of the Crown ;
but this would then be the result of unwise delega-
tion of power, not of unwise construction of the
body to whom it is to be intrusted. •To suppose that
the appointment of the Council by the *members of
the Legislature would necessarily involve an invasion
of the Royal prerogative, appears to me as incon-
sistent as it would be to imagine that the same con-
sequence must follow the constitutional exclusion of
the Sovereign from all interference in the election of
members of Parliament. .Without further argument,
however, it may suffice that I remind you that the
representative principle, for which alone I contended,
in contradistinction to that of nomination, is actually

embodied in the Government India Bill ; and surely
no one will suspect Lord Derby of a desire to " strip
the Crown of its prerogative." To counteract all
such tendency, I have always contemplated that the
President and Vice President should be appointed
by the Crown—the former being a Cabinet Minister,
and his assent being necessary to all " Ordinances "
to be adopted by the Council; the latter a permanent
appointment. To this safeguard I would add a power
to the Crown to place on the list of persons eligible for
election, in addition to those qualified according to the
provisions of any act to be passed for the govern-
ment of India, all such individuals as may be spe-
cially recommended to be so placed by the president
for the time being, thus opening the door for the in-
troduction to the Council of talent and fitness from
every department, guarded by the personal selection
being subsequently confided to a constituency ab-
solutely unequalled for all the qualifications calcu •
lated to inspire public respect and confidence. I could
enlarge on details which T am prepared to suggest,
which would, as I think, equally dispel all apprehen-
sion of evils from the undue preponderance in the

351

Council of either royal, aristocratic, or popular in-
fluence ; but I do not .at present feel called on to
discuss abstract theciries or specific systems, and
having vindicated my leading proposition—that of
election as opposed to nomination of the Council—l
might quit the subject. I cannot, however, refrain
from asking permission, through the medium of your
columns, very earnestly to express my conviction,
that in the present position of the great and solemn
question of providing for the future government of
our Indian empire, sufficient evidence has been
afforded that neither public opinion, nor the judg
ment of statesmen of any party, nor the views of
legislators, are sufficiently matured to justify, either
in justice or in policy, its instant decision. A preci-
pitate vote of the House of Commons may be fatal to
the welfare of the Indian race, and to the British
interests connected with our magnificent empire in
the East ; for on that vote may depend whether, for
a lengthened and indefinite period, that empire is to
be well or ill governed. I venture therefore, with
deep consciousness how little pretension I can per-
sonal]: offer to present such an appeal, but with
earnest solicitude, and in the perfect absence of all
party spirit, respectfully to suggest to those' with
whom it rests either to stimulate or to calm, public
excitement on this great and interesting question,
whether they will not best discharge their high.and
responsible mission, by promoting the withdrawal
of the two rival bills now before Parliament, in-both
of which, I believe, public intelligence discovers
objections of principle not to be remedied by amend-
ment of details. The field would- thus be open for
the introduction of a measure which, discardieg all
the narrow views of expediency which guide the
course of the party poiitician, may be founded on
the comprehensive principles of the enlightened and
sagacious statesman. For such a measure the dis-
cussions that have taken, and are taking place, have
greatly prepared the public mind; and if .the exa-
mination of this great question be but pursued in a
philosophic and patriotic spirit, it may well be hoped
that a plan may be evolved worthy the occasion, the
age, and the nation. 1 cannot better conclude than
by inviting attention to the sentiments of 'our im-
mortal Burke, who in the discussions on Fox's
India Bill, in 1783, thus nobly expressed himself :

It is now to be determined whether we are to have a
substantial reform in . our Eastern administration, or
whether our knowledge of grievances bas abated our zeal
for the correction of them ; and our very inquiry into the
evil was only a pretext to elude the remedy, which is
demanded from us by humanity, by justice, and by every
principle of true -policy. .- Depend on it, this business
cannot be indifferent to our fame. It will turn out a
matter of great disgrace or great glory to the whole British
nation. We are on a conspicuous stage, and the world
marks our demeanour.

Again, as if looking forward with prophetic inspira-
tion three-quarters of a century, he says :

J am concerned to perceive the spirit and temper in
which the debate has been pursued. The declamation of
gentlemen has been vehement, but they have been
reserved and silent as to the fitness of the plan to attain
the real object in view. By some it is taken up as a point
of law, by others it is regarded as the petty intrigue of a
faction at Court, and argued merely as it tends to set this
man a little higher, or that a little lower in situation or
power. All the void has been filled up by invectives
against coalition ; or allusions to the activity or inactivity
of Ministers. The silence of these gentlemen concerning
the interest and well-being of the people of India, sad
concerning the interest which this nation has in the com-
merce and revenues of that country, is a strong indication
of the value they set on these objects. It is not worthy of
us; it is not right in this manner to depreciate the value,
to degrade the majesty of this grave deliberation of policy
and empire.

Once more, appearing almost to foresee the present
position of conflicting bills introduced by Ministers
opposed to each other, and to indicate the fitting
course to be taken by independent and patriotic
members of Parliament under such circumstances,
he goes on to say
For my part, I have thought it right when a matter of
this extiaordinary weight came before me, not to consider
(as some gentlemen are so fond of doing) whether the
bill originated from a Secretary of State for the Home
Department, or from a Secretary of State for the Foreign ;
from a Minister of Whit-nee; or from a Minister of the
people; from Jacob, or from Esau. I asked myself, and
I asked myself nothing else, what part was it fit for a
member of Parliament to take, when a Minister of State,
in conformity with a recommendation from the Throne,
has brought before us A system for the better government
of the territory and commerce of the East.
The whole debate from which I have quoted is to
the last degree instructive. But I must not pursue
it. I may, however, remark that, by common con-
sent, the object then to be sought was a bill that
should not be a "half-measure,' or a " palliative,"
but a " whole system," a " legislative provision,
vigorous, substantial, and effective." Can any man
doubt that this is the character of the measure now
far more urgently required?
But I must not further intrude on your space, or
the patience of your readers, and will therefore sub-
scribe myself, sir, yours faithfully,
Reigate, April 2, 1858. CMS 11031ANV!i.

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