The Express.
London, England, 1863-02-28 00:00:00

FIPRESS, SATURDAY FVEISINtt, FEBRUARY 29, 1863.

I believe that, under these circumstances, the 'arrangements
will be such as not only to secure to the inhabitants of the
metropolis generally, the best opportunity of witnessing
and welcoming the arrival of the Priam' iu Lendou,
but also to give to all parties concerned• without favour or
partiality, a full opportunity of taking their park in a de-
monstratios which I trust will be as gratifying to her royal
highness as I am sore it will be to all the loyal subjects of
her Majesty in the metropolis. (Loud cheers.)
Sir G. BOWYER wished to know whether the City
authorities would be allowed to go beyond Temple-bar.

Sir G. CREY—Not as preceding the royal carriages. An
application was made to me with regard to the sheriffs,
who are also sheriffs of Middlemen, sad as they have
jurisdiction beyond the City, I am informed that there can
be no objection to their being allowed to go beyond the City.
- ---- • " • ' . . . .

Mr. LO('KE wished eleerly to uodeistanci what would
be the position of the borough be bad the honour to repre-
sent with regard to the authorities of the City of London.
He desired to know what the authorities of the City were
to do there.

Sir G. GREY—I have already expkined that the
High Bailiff of Southwark, attended by some of
the authorities of that borough, and I believe by my
hon. sod learned friend and his collates, will be in atten-
dance within the station, in order to receive her royal high-
ness. I wish also to state that a number ofamagea, not
to exceed six, will woonipany the royal preemie° through
the Borough as far an London-bridge. The Lord Mayor
and sheriffs have no jurisdiction beyond the limits of the
City ; but as they state that they appoint the Bailiff of
Southwark, and as the point has been conceded on other
occasions, I thought there could be no objection to their
being in attendance on the arrival of the Princess at the
railway station. I ought to add, that the same permission
has been given to the Lord Lieutenant of Surrey.
Mr. LOCKE said the question of precedence did not ap-
pear to have been .60. W—the question which the City of
London had mimed as to who are to go first.

Sir G. GREY mid he should be glad if the hon. and
learned gentleman would communicate with him on that
point out of the house.

THE O&$E OF MR. REED.

Sir J. PAKINGTON wished to ask the Secretary to the
Admiralty whether be could inform the house that Mr.
Reed, previous to his employment by the present Board of
Admiralty, had ever drawn the lines, or prepared the
models, or superintended the construction of any man-of-
war mother ship.
Lard C. PAGET said that u Mr. Rerd was just abort
to appear at the bar of the house, he hoped it would be
oonsidered better that he should defer answering the ques-
tion of the right hon. baruet. (Hear, hear.)

! house to look to possible consequences, and not to act
blindly and one-sidedly in this matter, but to bike a largo
and comprehensive view of the question, ; sod if they did
their duty is this respect they might feel "Weedy at ease
as to the comocrences. He had no hops that Poland
had sufficient military power to resist Elia but still the
diplomatic interposition of other powers Wild materially
modify the situation. Let them expostulate with Prussia
. in a friendly manner, and remonstrate with Ruda in terms
of manly indignation U the noble lord did this he would
certainly not misinterpret the feeling of that house. (Hear.)
Mr. WALTER hod listened with great pleasure and atten-
tion to the able and eloquent speech of the bon, member
for King's County, but the enthusiasm which that
speech had excited in his (Mr. Walter's) mind very much
cooled down when the honourable member said that the
interferon*e he contemplated was not of a warlike, bat of a
diplomatic character. However strong might be the sym-
pathy of Eoglaod in favour of Poland, it was all-important
that there should be no miamderstending on so irqportent a
question as was treated in these resolutions. The reeolu-
time contained sundry recitals, but the conclusion was so
important that he would read it once more. It said :
" Them facts demand the interference of England in vindi-
cation of her national faith and her own solemn engage-
ment.." Now, if that language meant anything it meant
war. (Hear, hear.) Emiand should not counsel her sore-
reign to express herself thus if she did not moos war. When
the parliament of England stated to its sovereign that the
latter was bound to vindicate the national faith, it should
be prepared to support the sovereign in giving effect to that
language. He trusted that the government would sot as
the words of the resolution which he had
quoted as conveying no meaning beyond a re-
commendation to send a Queen's messenger to Vienna.
It would be degrading` to the sovereign to put such language
in her mouth. For all he knew, the time might arrive for
England to act up to such language, but until then he
trusted that it would not be used. The resolutions of the
member for King's County said too much and meant too
littleto obtain ha (Mr. Walter's) support.
Mr. DENMAN did not approve of diplomatic negotia-
tions commenced with the understanding that in no even-
tuality they were to be followed by war. In his opinion
they should support the government in their diplomatic
demonstrations, but he would not tie their bands by telling
them that however atrocious the conduct of Huai& might
be, in no case were they to go to war. With that view be
bad prepared an amendment modifying the last resolution,
and inserting the words, "That them facts loudly demand
the serious and immediate consideration of her Majesty's

government."
Lord FERMOY thought the leas nervous and 'cautious we
were in expreuing our opinions the greater would be their
moral force and influence on the net of Europe. With
France on the one side and Austria on the other, be felt
convinced that her Majesty's government might easily settle
this matter. If England, France, and Austria offered a re-
monstrance he felt sure that Russia would at once do justice
to Poland, or let her go free ; and by joining in such a
course England would earn the lasting gratitude of Poland ;
she would pin the praise of the method world, and she
would do more to secure the future peace of Europe than if
she hesitated for ever ea to the teems of a reeolution.
Mr. S. FITZGERALD maid it could never be ex-
pected that upon • question of this kind Austria
should take the initiative. On the one side
she had Russia and oa the other France, and her policy had
always been how she could act consistent/7 with her own
intonate with the more powerful party. Nothing, there-
fore, could be of greater importance than that England
should take the initiative ; and he (Mr. Fitzgerald) was an
thinly convinced ache could be of anything that was sot
capable of mathematical proof, that if we acted in concert
with France we should have not only the willing but the
melons co-operation of Austria. (Man.) They were
told that the resolution necessarily meant war. Bat
why? Surely there were modes by which • solemn inter-
position might be made without either ' war, or ex-
preering a determination never to goto wee. ear, beer.)
Would it not be a solemn interposition if they called
together the states who were parties to the treat/I:mare
arraigned the government of Ennis in the face ot
for its falsity ? Would not that be an interposition
on the part of this country, and would it not
be • mode of bringing the public *nice of
Europe to bear upon the conduct of Emilia ? Would /not
=oh a course, taken in harmony with France and Austria
and the other great powers, be likewise • vindication on
the part of England of her own public faith in her solemn
ants ? (Hear, hear.)
"STANSFELD said that be desired to take
no mere enthusiast's view of this question. He did
not in any degree ignore the difficulty which must be felt
by statesmen to surround its solution ; but he would at
least venture to say that it was impossible to state too
strongly the claims of the Polish people on the ground of
right, on the ground of treaties, on the grounds of their
heroism and their sufferings. (Cheers.) He would add
that it would be impossible for this house too loudly sad
too clearly to express its sympathy with the Polish cause ;
and however great the difficulties of the solution
of this question might be, be would nay this to
the noble lord who presided over the councils of this
country, that the Follett ynastios had proved itself to be
one of those great national questions of which it might be
said that until they were solved they could have DO sure
and abiding peace. (Cheers.) Now there was another
phase of this question upon which he would ask leave to
my one or two words. Prussia bag begun to play her part.
He would not Mop to apply to the part which Prairie bad
begun to play the epithets which would be necessary to
define its character. (Hear, hear.) Suffice it to say
that it constituted ao flagrant an outrage upon what
he would all the very decencies of international
("hear, hear," and cheer)—that no great power
venture to overlook those proceedinp without chasing
hx the dimes (Hear, hear.) Prussia had been volunteering
lie part et spy and gendarmes to Russia. (Cheers.) She
Used fee the footfall of those noble Polish youths who,
tspd on by an irrepressible instinct, hurried across her
son to seek their fathers home ; she waylaid, she entrapped,
she mode prisoners of those young men; and, without the
mightiest evidence of the crime of • patriotic intent, she
beaded them over the frontier to the toad*r mercies of the
Cher. (Cheers.) Then there was the convention which had
bean recently concluded between Prussia and Banda. Was
there ever such • degradation heaped upon an enlightened
astion by Mune who should be the guardians and protectors
a he honour ? (Load cheers.) Their own soil to be made
human Ambles upon which • brutal and foreign soldiery
maw to pursue and slaughter defencelem fugitive' ! (Beer,
hear.) If England could brook such acts ea thole, then, he
nday of shame in England was come bear
time was then come when it wield
be well that we should at once make confeesica
of our impotence of power or of will, and turning our hooky
upon Europe, should sit down and count the probe of ho-
nour abandoned and of the mist sacred duties of • ashes
dose iced and set at naught. It seemed to him that some
notice on the part of the government of this country, and
some action oa the pert of that house, were imperative in
that ansepacy.
Lord It. CECIL said that when be saw the hon.imeraber
foe Halifax (Mr. Stansfeld) rise on this occasion he could
not look without • feeling approaching to ooseternatien at
the prospect of being compelled to vote with the eloquent
and maromplithed pupil of Massizi. (laughter.) He had
so doubt be would find himself in the same lobby with
several hoe. gentlemen with whom he did not ordinarily
▪ and therefore he would explaia bristle the grenade oe
which he should support the motion. He had sever before
brad "'debate in which there was so much unanimity,
e7s=apparently sympathising with the present suffering
olee except the bon. member for North Warwick-
shire.

Mr. NEWDEGATE, in explanation, said he bad =unsaid
a hope that the noble lord (Lord Palmerston), who he
thought might be trusted on that question, would use r'l
his inflames in endeavouring to mitigate the present state
of things in Poland. (Hear, hear.)
Lord R. CECIL was glad, then, to Sod that not one
single voice was raised, so far, to defend the conduct of
Russia, or to express anything but the deepest eympathy
with regard to the sufferings of Poland. It was
hardly possible, indeed, to conceive any as embly of
!memo, enjoying peace in their own homes not sympatbia-
iug with the suffsrinp of that unhappy country. It would
seem as if the hordes of Zooms Khan had oome to life again,
and poured down on the plains of Poland. (Hear.) If this
were a mere ordinary revolution, however brutal might be
the mode of suppression, he should still say it was not the
duty of this country to interfere. But in this ease
England had • direct loons st•odl, inasmuch se she
was a party to a treaty by which Alexander solemnly
engaged that Poland should have represeetative institutions.
Sir H. VERNEY said he coufessed the argument of the
noble lord who had just addressed the house was that which
principally confirmed him in opinion that it was the duty of
England to interfere, and that if we abstained in this in.
stance, we should in a certain degree have been parties to
the atrocities iufiicted by Russia on the Polish nation.
Russia herself was disorganised, principally by her repeated
attempts to crush Poland, and the failure of all those
attempts. With regard to the attitude of Prussi►, he be-
lie►ed the people of that country disapproved of the conduct
of their government.
The debate was continued by Sir H. Verney, Sir M. Far-
quher, Mr. G. Duff, Mr. D. Griffith, and Mr. Maguire.
Mi. H. SEYMOUR, speaking of the conduct of the King
of Penni'. said that it ought to raise the blush of shame
on his cheek, es it had brought dishonour on the Prussian
nation.

Mr. WALPOLE said be apprehended that the con-
currence of three powers in remonstrating with such •
power as that remonstrated with would lead to • war
which would not end in freeing the Poles, but might
end in a war they did not inteod at con-
template, probably I. the Rhenish provinces.
This country would mot pin much in acting, upon such •
pinch, with Russia and Prussia. His boo. flood the mem-
ber for Stamford (Lord R. Cecil) urged an argonaut which
would lead to MAJOR it it applied to the promit case. He
stated that there having been a vinialka et treaties and en-
peony* we were bound to tabs up the geodes seri-
ously. But had not these treaties sad essepoots bean
violated for the last 45 years, and wine we sot equally
called upon to interfere if the argatost of his noble friend
were ma toweled ? rhe hoe. gentleman who last addressed
the home caded noon theta to MOW to a outdid coseln-
dos. H. (Kr. Walpole) thoegbt that the ant Imaelkal
conclusion they mold arrive at wag at to destroy tot una-
nimity of that liciuse—asd which ansalmity would go out
to Europe and the world—(oheen)—by anything which
seemed oft to approach to • divides el opiake. The
goodies resolved itself into this—ereee the pr rament
prepared I. oho the sentiments which had bees esereseml
ea that moles f (Hear, hoar.) It they were prepared to

echo those entiments, was that bonze prepared to leave
to them the responsibility of enforcing those sentiments ?
le was darigerens for the house to take upon itself a respon-
sibility which It eould not execute. On the other bland,
there was no &auger that be could see in leaving the respooni-
bility with the government, who bad in point of fact aimed,'
exprethed themselves upon the question in terms as strong,
as cogent, and asforcible as any that bad been used in the
noun of the debate. (Hear, hear.) He fir one was
prepared to leave to the government that responsibility.
if they would assure the house they would not shrink from
it. (Cheers.)
When the right hon. gentleman resumed his seat there
were cries for

Lord PALMERSTON, who on nice was loudly cheered.
The noble lord said—lt was natural that, upon a subject
which excites so much feeling, not only in this country but
upon the Continent, and especially in a neighbouring
nation, this house should re-echo the sentiment which pre.
vails so strongly out of doors ; and I must do the hon. mem-
her who moved the resolution the justice to say that in the
manner in which he brought the subject forward there was
nothing, I thick, that anybody had • right to complain of.
(Hear, hear.) With regard to myself, I have been quoted
by the hoe. member, both as to what I have mid and what
I have written. I have only to say that I do not stand here
to unsay anything I have fennerly aaM, ear to retract any-
thing which I have formerly written. (Cheers.) The govern-
ment of which I have been • member has always entertained
the opinion, which it was my duty to express, that in this
matter of Poland the engagements of the treaty of Vienna,
especially as regards Russia, have been antematically and
long violated. (Cheers.) It is impossible not to feel the
deepest sympathy fee the Polish nation. (Renewed
cheers.) The have for a century been most singularly un-
fortunate. They were unfortunate before the partition in
having a constitution, which, whatever some of its merits
may have been, was tainted with the greatest possible
defects. They were unfortunate in the 80001:41give partitions
which deprived them altogether of thsir nationality. They
were unfortunate when the first Napoleon entered the
Polish territory on his way to Rork, because he did not
then think it expedient to take advantage of that *scups-
tion for the isurpose of restoring to Poland either entire or
modified nationality. They were unfortunate at the cat-
grow of Vienna, because at that time, however anxious the
British plenipotentiary was to restore to Poland a °Duel-
derabie degree of nationality, the power of Russia pre-
vented it ; and when Lord Londonderry—Lord Castle-
reagh as he was then—urged certain conditions, the
&newer of the Emperor of Rusk was, "I have 200,0001
men in Poland, and I =mot agree to the proposal which
you mats." They were unfortunate afterwards, inar
much as those good and liberal intentions which I be-
lieve animated the Emperor Alexander at the time when'
the treaty of Vienna was soped were not adhered to and
carried into execution. It is well known that at that time
the late Prince Czartoryski was the confidential ad-
viser el the Emperor of Rusk, and you see
in the provision of the first article of the treaty
of Vienna the hand of a friend of Poland, and of •
person who looked forward to • better future for his
country—for in that article it is said that " the Emperor of
Russia reserves to himself to give such internal extension to
the kingdom of Poland as he may think fit"—the meaning of
which was, I think, that the Emperor contemplated at that
time adding to the kingdom of Poland some of the ancient
provinces which had been incorporated with the Russian
Empire. But, Sir, it is the fate of despotic governments
that much necessarily depends upon personal influence;
aod when persons ange the policy of the government
change. too. So it happened that these good intentions
were soon laid aside, sad although a constitution was given
to the kingdom of Poland in accordance with the provision
of the treaty of Vienna, that constitution soon became •
dead letter, and is the administration of the kingdom of Poland
under the Orand Duke Constantine there were grievances
which were sufficient to justify the insurrection which took
place in 183 L (Cheers.) Sir, it is impossible for any body,
seeing on the one hand the great and distinguished qualities
of the Poles, and on the other hand the calamities which
have befallen them, not to take • deep and lively interest
in their fete. (Rear, hear.) We have been reproached in
some degree by the hon. member for Ring's County for
not having in 1831.32 availed ourselves of a communica-
tion made by Preece for the purpose of inviting some action
in favour of the Poles, who were then in arms against
Russia. We had at that time to wander a great many cir-
cumstances, and with every disposition to do that which
would be likely to be woeful to Poland we did
not think that that particular provost was op.
which would have led to any good and useful
result. It might have embarrassed us with reference to
questions then pending, and, so far as we could see, could
Pot have been attended with any good result to the Poles
themselves. We therefore declined at that time to inter-
fere ; but we have always held that the conduct of Russia
towards the Poles has been • violation of the treaty of
Vienna. (Load cheers.) Preemie and Austria have not
been Bahia to the same degree of reproach. Latterly they
have carried into effect in their respective portions of Po-
land the stipulations of the treaty, because in Posen and
Gatlin& there have been national Institutions, the language
of the Poles is preserved, their religion is respected,
and the pre • which the treaty secured to them have
been enjoyed. akiog of Pruisia, I must here remark
that, however we may condemn the spirit and intention of the
convention which we understand was signed la' ely between
Prank and Murk, lam inclined to think, from informs/
ties we have received, that the appreheusions we have been
led to entertain with respect to that carnation are not
kely to be realised in the result. (Cheers.) I believe that
that convention has not been ratified—no ratificatioos have
been exchanged—and I am inclined to think, not only from
what passed in the Prussian Chambers, but also
from information which has reached nos, that it is not
likely that that convention will, in its objectionable puts,
be carried into operation. (Renewed cheer.) lam speak-
ing, however, not officially, but from information we have
received—for we have not yet had • copy of the convention
itself. I trust that that may be so, because the winner
eery interference of Prussia in that which is now peeing
in Poland has already excited great condemnation every-
where ; and if that convention were followed by acts, it
would have oast great discredit op= the government of
Prussia. (Cheers.) The present Emperor of Russia has,
with regard to Poland, been placed in a very dif-
ficult position. It is a great calamity to anybody to
succeed to an inheritence of triumphant wrong—lloud
cheers)—and it is very difficult for • person so circumstanced
to disentangle himself from the poisonous folds of so fatal a
bequest. There is in the human mind a strong passion, a
determination, to maintain and vindicate personal liberty ;
and there is also there a pardon-1 doubt whether it is not
as strong a passim—which makes men oling to the power of
exerciser( oppression upon others • and when loin-rooted
habits have accustomed subordinate in the admi-
nistration to • tyrannical system, it requires great
perseverance and peat activity on the part of the
sovereign to undo the evil and restore the good. (Hear,
tiiiitiolitidlielieve that the present Emperor of Rusks, a
and benevolent man, does mesn, and has meant
for same time past, to improve the coodition of his Polish
subjects • iodeed, such would be in perfect consonance with
the syste;n by which he is governing hu Russian subjects.
A sovereign who has emancipated the serfs—a sovereign
who has established a system of
codes d jurisdiction founded
uwChatsbrntrotteeridnigalhia Russian do:iircnros a va—a ":teren Ogn
in-
ks of Important improvements—surely such a sovereign
never had in his heart the intentional and systematic crush-
ing of oppressed and unfortunate subjects, whether they be
Ruskin or Poles. There is no doubt, however, that the
last eat, called &conscription, but which has been more justly
described °blowhole as • proscription—(hear, hear)—was as
act entirely foreign to that disposition which I suppose ma-
natee the breast of the Emperor of Russia, and it will en.
tirely account for the outbreak whichjlias taken pima (Cheers.)
Sir, it was • most barbarous measure—(loudebeers)—a most
crud political p;, ce of tyranny under the semblance merely
of military arrangements. No wonder that the Poles should
have taken up arms to prevent the further execution of • I
measure of that kind. I believe that in some degree that
has now been stopped or has ceased. (A laugh.) But, sir,
the question mooted by the resolution relates towhatshould
be the conduct of her Majesty's government with • view to
oommuuintioos which should be made by them to Runk.
I cannot conceive that • sovereign gifted with the Trilbies
which I believe are possessed by the Emperor of Ras&
should not see that in the contest in which be i now
unfortunately engaged with the Polish nation, military sue.
cam would bee great and signal calamity. (Cheers.) What
would be the result if by the overpowering action of 100,000
men in Poland he wee scalded entirely to suppress aad put
down this extensive insurrection' Why he would have a
country the plains of which would be bathed in blood—a
country in which there would be nothing but the smoking
ashes of ruined villages and towns. Is that an
object which any sovereign could wish to attain?—
Could success of that kind be deemed desirable?
If the Emperor of Russia sees his own interests—
and we gave him credit for being an enlightened man—be
would think that the course best suited to his own advantage
the pre-emineoce of his authority, and the happiness of he
people, would be to put an and to the revolt by an act of
generous amnesty, and at the same time to re-establish
in Poland those institutions which the Emperor Alexander
contemplated at the time of the treaty of Vienna. I
believe that such • coons would restore peace in Poland and
save Europe from those disturbances which the continued
bad government of Poland, and the continued discontent
thereby occasioned, cesnot fail to produce from year to
year, as has been the case in years bygone. But, sir, with
regard to the motion of the hon. member, I should hope
that he will be satisfied with the unanimous expression of
opinion which has been the result of this discussion, and
that he will not press the resolution which be has placed
in your hands. (Hear, hear.) The objections to it are
really very goat. It proceeds upoo an erroneous
foundation. The hon. member assumes that by the treaty
of Vienna we are under obligation to interfere in the
affairs of Poland. We have the right to interfere, but we
are under no obligatioe—(hear, hear)—and though it may

anew to those—T/6 Lea M teried *sir iiesitoe to
g*owatic dawaissta to be • Wee distimitioe, yet there is
a really subideafid sad teed importait distinction between
treaties which give the right to interfere, and treaties which
impose an oblisahicie to interfere. (Hear, hear.) In the rreaty
of Vienna there is oely one obligatioe by which we
should be compelled to interfere in a cue which might
arise, namely—that article which stipulates that the
powers guarantee to Prussia the =Wooed possession of
that portion of Seamy allotted to Prussia by that ar-
magemeet. There is so gemenlee whatever, relating to the
kingdom of Poland, or is say other part of the treaty. er-
..i_wised, Mel which Make to the integrity and hide.
of Settairiesd. The boa. etarber, throughout
ig"Zoh7tles, preen& wee the semeglisa that we are

wider an obligation to interfere, and oomisteutly with that
assumption, in the closing passage, he calls upon
the government to interpme and to vindicate
the public faith and solemn engegements of the crown. If,
in truth, we were wider the obligation to interfere, that
resolution would be right and fitting, and it would amount
to this—as has been observed by those hon. members who
have taken part in the debate—that unless the remon-
strances which might be made in virtue of that obligation
were attended with success, the crown would be compelled
to call upon the house to give it the means of enforcing, by
arms, those engagements and treaties. (Cheers.) There
is therefore that grave objection to the resolution of the
hon. member, and if unanimity la desirable, as I think every-
body must admit it is, we must already see that there having
bean two m three amendments proposed to the resolution,
it is not likely, if it is premed, that the unanimous consent of
the home can be secured. (Hear, hear.) There have been
other less material suggestions made. The hon. member
proposes that which I believe to be unusual, namely, to re-
cord, in an address of this house, quotations from Hansard,
of that which a member of this house may or may not
on some former occasion have spoken. I apprehend he has
done me the honour, and I am much obliged to him for it.
He proposes to record in a solemn address of the hoarse quo-
tations from speeches; which I am supposed to have made,
but 1 do not think that that is a course consistent with the
mega and dignity of this house. Well then, air, I should
m y, in the interest of that cause which the ho-
sourable member has at heart—which the whole
house has at heart—(foad cheers)—which I believe the
country has at heart—and which lam sure that he, and all
who hear me, must wish to be promoted in the best manner
possible for the advantage of those whom it concerns—l
should say that the course best adapted to accomplish the
purpose which he has in view would be to content himself
with that unanimous expression of opinion which has been
elicited to-night, to let it go forth to the world, as it will
to-morrow, that among all the hon. members who have
spoken upon this occasion there has not been any difference
of opinion with regard to the interest felt in the fate of
Poland, sod with respect to a deep sense of the injuries
which the Polish nation have sustained. I submit that
it would be better, as the right hon. gentleman opposite
(Mr. Walpole) suggested, to leave it to the responsible
government of the conMry to give to the crown upon this
matter such advice as they may think best calculated to
accomplish the purpose in view, and that the
house should not take upon itself the responsibility
of details which belong properly to her Majesty's
government, but should rest assured that the sentiments ex-
pressed generally this evening are shared equally by those
who have the honour to hold office under the crown.
(Cheers.) 1 would therefore suggest to the hon. gentleman
that he should allow the house to go into committee of
supply, and remain content with a result which is honour-
able to him, and, I am sure, must be satisfactory to all who
take an interest in the fate of Poland, as to which so many
hon. members have expressed such unanimous opinions.
(Loud cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI argued that there were moral obliga-
tions resting upon this country under the Treaty of Vienna,
which it was its duty to fulfil whenever the opportunity
occurred. He agreed with the noble lord that, under the
circumstances, the great object was to elicit an opinion on
the part of the house ; but he had not gathered from the
noble lord any expression of what might be thought de-
sirable or practicable, or even the spirit in which her Ma-
jesty would be advised by Ministers with respect
to the present condition of Poland. As he un-
derstood the motion for an address it was that
the government were not to pus over Polish affairs in
silence, but assert the right, they possessed under treaty,
and that did not necessarily mean war. In his judgment,
however, the proposer most feel that he had attained the
main object in originating a discusaion which bad been sus-
tained with power, had greedy interested the house. aod no
doubt had mode her Majesty's minister clearly understand
that in the House of Commons there were not two opinions
with regard to the conduct of Runge in Poland. In con-
cluding, the right hon. gentleman, spiraling of the insur-
rection itself, said that it represented all the elements of a
sacred cause—love of country, memory of a glorious past,
and he hoped and believed the inspiration of a triumphant
future.

Sir R. CLIFTON said be trusted the boa. member
would pram his motion to a division, nukes some more
definite answer was gives by the government.
Mr. WYLD said he meld not allow this opportunity to
pass without entering his protest, as au individual in a free
state, and as a member of this house, against the atrocities
that were now being committed in Poland. The policy of Rus-
sia Once 183 l bad been utterly to ignore thetreetyof Vienna.
He wished, on behalf of his constituents, to enter hie pro-
test against the conduct of the Prussian government in this
matter.

Mr. HENNESSY said be believed he should be acting
only in scoordiume with the general wish of the house if he
were to withdraw his motion. (" Hear, hear," and " No.")
At the same time it any hon. member desired to divide on
the question, he should go with him into the lobby.

The motion wu then I;ithdroorn.
The house then went into committee pro forma.
TOBACCO DUTIES. - - -

The house having resumed, tie;cljomusd debate on the
second reeding of the Tobacco Duties Bill was continued.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the
hoc. member for the Tower Hamlets having stated his
views in support of his motion for a select committee, it
would be his duty to oppose that motion.
A long discussion followed, and ultimately
Dr. BRADY moved the adjournment of the debate.
Upon a diviaion the motion was negatived by 137 to 71.
Sir. H. CAIRNS proposed the adjournment of the
debate, and
The house again divided, when the motion was new
Seed by 194 to 70.
Finding the minority against the bell determined to
continue their oppositioat
The CHANCM.OR of the EXCHEQUER consented
to the further adjournment of the debate until Monday.
BILLS OF EXCHANGE AND NOTES (METROPOLIS)

BILL.

This bill paned through oommittee, sod wu read a third
time and pasted, in order that it might be sent to the House
of Lords oa Monday.
INNKEEPERS' LIABILITY (No. 2) BILL.

On the motion of Mr. BUTT • bill wee brought in to limit
the liability of innkeepers.
- - •

The other orders were disposed of, and the hone ad.
owned at two minutes peat 1 o'clock.

tato Inttlitgenrc.

EQUITY COURT.—FEB. TT.
(Before VicoChanceilor Sir J. Stuart.)
IX 72 THE ANOLO-DAREBIAN MAN mAvroATiox COLLIERY

COMPANY.
Mr. hfalins, Q.C., Mr. Roxburgh, and Mr. Fry applied,
ea behalf of a oontributory to the above company, or an
order to wind it up.
Mr. Greene, Q.C., and Mr. Loma Webb appeared for
the amapany, and objected to the order being made.
Mr. Terrell, Mr. Dickenson, and Mr. Turner appeared for
other parties.
It was, after some discussion, arranged that the cam
should steed over until Friday next, the company under.
taking to furnish, in the meantime, certain affidavits re-
gained of them.