The Press.
London, England, 1856-11-01 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

partially successful. But the " History of
American compromise " is ti history of Ame-
rican failures. And the most discouraging
feature of that history is the extent to which
all the leading politicians in America have
been deceived in their calculations. The
Missouri compromise in 1820 had " finally
" settled the question." The Clay compromise
in 1850 was to set everything right—and so
on through the whole list. But the South is
now resolutely bent on a contravention of the
whole tone of thought on this subject which
has prevailed since the foundation of the
Republic. It is no longer content with acqui-
escence. It is resolved on aggrandisement.
Under these circumstances it, is, of course,
hopeless to expect any such termination of
the difficulty as was anticipated by \VAsHIN6•
TON or FRANKLIN. The evil cannot now wear
itself out. But, indeed, had matters even not
taken the turn which they now have, the exist-
ence of slavery would still have seemed likely
to be permanent. The increase of the black
population is far more rapid than of the white,
and most rapid of all in the States which have
joined the Union the last.

These are significant facts. Between the
years 1840 and 1850 the increase of the slave
population was nearly one-third of the whole ;
that of the free population, as near as possi-
ble, a fourth. In Alabama and Arkansas,
which date from 1830, the increase in the
next twenty years was in the first from
119,549 to 342,892 ; in the second, from 4,576
to 46,982. Of the old States, in some, as in
Maryland, the number has actually declined,
and in none of them during the same period
has the increase exceeded one-fifth. With
this proof before their eyes how well slavery
flourishes on a new soil, it is not to be ex-
pected that the Southerners will relax in their
efforts.

A dissolution of the Union would seem to
be the only possible termination of the
struggle. Antagonism between interests of
this nature can never be settled by compro-
mise ; even if quieted for the present, the diffi
culty must break out again. And, indeed, we
are not sure that slavery could receive a
greater check than to be left to its own re-
sources. Mankind, at all events, would then
see what was the intrinsic worth of the insti-
tution ; and the Southerners be more ready
to come to terms when they found what it was
to be deprived of the prestige acquired fur
the American people principally by the ener-
gies of the North.

SIR ROBERT PEEL'S TABLE-TALK.
WHETHER post-prandial "eloquence" (?) should
be literally reported, or not, is a delicate
subject. Vinous inspiration might be more
dangerous to the public service, only that it
becomes so ineffably ridiculous ; and it has
been often remarked that our English
audience have an amazing relish for scenes of
drunkenness acted on the stage. To play the
part of a drunken gentleman, like the Cassio of
the late CHARLES KEMRLE, is admitted to be a
feat of rare histrionic power, for few persons
can be at once absurdly ridiculous while pre-
serving something of refinement. The oratory
of City feasts is fortunately unreported. A few
brief notes of stereotyped ,ommon places from
the lips of " Her Majesty's Ministers " are all
given to the world. The turtle and veniscn
on those occasions are spoken of with imme
respect than the " orators." In provincial
banquets it happens otherwise, as public feasts
in rural districts are not of frequent occur-
rence, and the country journals wish to report
whatever makes a stir in the neighbourhood.
In those instances, therefore, the after dinner
speeches are given to the world with cruel
accuracy.

Sir ROBERT PEEL'S harangues the other
night at the Stafford Militia Banquet wt re
very fine specimens of his best style. The)
were delivered, unlike some of the Baronet's
literary lectures, before a full audience, and

1035

Lord LICHFIELD kindly got him up to exhibit
his remarkable powers. Only imagine the
rich humour of a Peer of Parliament, and the
representative of the AssoNs, desiring that
Sir ROBERT at a public banquet would " tell
" them all" about his visit to Russia ! Nothing
loth to reply, up bounced Sir ROBERT PEEL in
" admirable fooling," and made an harangue,
which recalls to the mind " Miss Caroline
Wilhelmina Amelia Skeggs, Shakespeare, and
the musical glasses." He told all about the
great personages whom " he had met," whose
names, oddly enough, ended in—scoff. He
touched on Cronstadt, and as " Lord of the
" Admiralty" fired some stern-chasers at poor
Admiral Sir CHARLES NAPIER. If the energy
of the English Admiral had only equalled the
pluck of the British Navy, Cronstadt would
have fallen ; and if the Admiral had been a
Lord NELSON, &c., &c. When it comes to an
" if " in an after-dinner speech of Sir ROBERT
PEEL, we think of the dramatist's remark—
" There is much virtue in an if." Sir CHARLES
NAPIER, scanning the pretensions of his bois-
terous accuser, could vigorously retaliate with
a contrast between the present Sir ROBERT
PELL and the two preceding baronets, who
gave that name social respectability and Par-
liamentary eminence, gained by great indus-
try and eminent talents in two generations,
possibly to be lost in one, where the intellec-
tual qualifications are not hereditary with the
family estate.
Sir CHARLES NAPIER, however, has had
enough of angry bickerings, and the Admiral
has had the good sense to write a compara-
tively moderate reply to the expressions of his
censor. "If you had been put forward by the
" Admiralty to insult me you acted an un•
" worthy part, and if you have put yourself
" forward you acted a foolish one." So writes
the Admiral, who takes care to record the fact,
that the Admiralty had not given him mortars
or gunboats. Unquestionably, the " Coalition"
behaved most unjustly to Sir C. NAPIER ; but,
unfortunately, the Admiral acted most un-
fairly to himself when he published official
letters without her Majesty's permission.
But, seriously, these exhibitions of a " Lord
" of the Admiralty" ripping up such matters
before a popular audience are not to be ex-
cused for the sake of the mirth excited by
seeing an indiscreet young baronet making
himself ridiculous. The hereditary name and
official rank of Sir ROBERT PEEL may make
his harangues reprinted and translated in
foreign countries, but they are not likely to
serve the dignity of England. Burlesque may
do well before the footlights, but we think that
the Naval Departments ought to be preserved
from such escapades as journals too often
record under the name of the present " Sir
ROBERT PEEL."

THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT .XND THE
ENGLISH PRESS.
THE Moniteur of Friday last published the
following note with reference to certain articles
which have lately appeared in some of the
English journals :
Various organs of the English press have for some time
past been in the habit of diffusing calumnies against the
French Government, which are the more odious as they
are concealed under an anonymous mask, and allow no
other answer than contempt. We understand the respect
which the liberty of the press in England receives ; and in
thus noticing its errors, we confine ourselves to appealing
to the good sense and good faith of the English people to
warn them against the dangers of a system which, by de-
stroying confidence between the two Governments, would
tend to disunite two nations, the alliance of which is the
best guarantee of the peace of the world.

This brief note has given rise to much com-
ment.

The Daily News replied to it on Saturday,
and demanded that the charge be made
" specific," that it might either clear itself or
confess its guilt ; and then, claiming great
forbearance towards tho French Government,
proceeded, with a display of " warm friend-
ship," to put every circumstance connected
with the domestic policy and prospects
of France in the worst light, to express
the " darkest foreboding" at the F
of the coming winter, to anticipate

e the ex

1036

tension of secret societies and the decline
of Imperial popularity, and to hint mysteriously
at " vacillation and uncertainty " as character-
ising the French Executive.
The Times replied on Monday that the para-
graph was framed "in terms of studied am-
biguity," claimed for itself the best feelings
towards his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon,
and expressed its belief that the Emperor was
" the best and sincerest friend to the English
alliance within his dominions " ; and on this prin-
ciple of alliance asserted the right to discuss
the measures and men of the French Govern-
ment. The Times! in a "friendly spirit," then
deliberately misrepresents the views of the
French Government, which, acknowledging the
respect due to the freedom of the press, remon-
strates only against the abuse of the liberty,
and proceeds as follows :
We have observed with dismay the rise to the surface of
the financial pool of vast bubbles ; we have witnessed the
most reckless and gigantic private speculation combined
with the direction of public affairs ; and we have seen with
deep regret that, instead of doing everything in their power
to check the rising spirit of ganib ing, some hiwli in office
and favour in France have lent the whole influence of their
position and their example to stimulate and exaggerate the
evil. We have also observed with pain that the Govern.
ment of France has conducted its operations in many
respects ostentatiously in defiance of the ascertained and
reeognise,l principles of political economy, and thus pro-
voked a collapse, which, come when it may, cannot fail to
be injurious to the Government, calamitous to France,
and deeply prejudicial to this country. We detest the
restrictions on personal liberty in France. We abhor her
whole system of passports and its attendant annoyances.
It is idle to tell us that the free discussion of these things
is inconsistent with the alliance between France and Eng-
land. It is because we are allies—allies to an extentwhich
no merely political ant can make its—allies in commerce
as well as in arms, because France cannot suffer without
inflicting corresponding sufferings on England—that we
now claim to exercise the right to discuss measures and
men in which we as well as she are deeply interested. The
Monileur and its injudicious prompters have drawn these
observations on their own heads.

The Globe the same evening expressed a
view more in accordance with fact:—

It is our opinion—and, being so, we express it without
reserve—that there are some English papers, metropolitan
and provincial, which allow themselves too easily to be
made the vehicles of the inventions and imputations of one
or other of the malcontent parties in France. The enmity
of those parties to the Imperial Government and its chief
finds itself gagged in Paris ; but it finds means of trans.
mitring its highly-coloured views of the whole existing state
of things in France to English journals, some of which,
as regards French politics, are really the outlandish organs
of the Fusionist or Confusionist parties in the royalist or
revolutionary faubourgs of Paris. It is not surprising that
the perception of this is annoying and irritating in many
quarters more or less connected with the French Govern-
ment.

The Post disclaimed any part in these
attacks against the French Government ; yet
the Post itself has been a great offender in its
attacks upon the Government of Austria.
But the most admirable reply to the coarse
bluster of the Times and the insidious spleen
of the Daily News, is that by the Morning Chro-
nicle. The writer denies that the question
raised by the Moniteur affects the liberty of the
press at all. It is a question, he asserts, of
" self-respect ;" and he justly asks if it be right
or becoming to taint the purity of press
freedom with such misrepresentations of the
views of the French Government as the
Times gave on Monday, or by respectable
journals copying anonymous libels circulated
against the character of the Empress by "a
virulent enemy of the present dynasty who
writes from Paris in an influential Lancashire
newspaper " ? The writer concludes with some
excellent remarks replete with sound sense :
On domestic questions, our leading journalists show
themselves self-respecting, and sensitive on the point of
honour and gentlemanly feeling, to an extent that does
them credit. With such irresponsible power, it is marvel
lous how cautiously they use it. Why should not the
same qualities be exhibited in dealing with foreign topics?
We speak not of freedom of commentary—for which we
will contend as stoutly as our neighbours—but of a licen-
tious perversion of truth, and a facile circulation of false-
hood. The national interests—not to speak of our dignity
among nations—are deeply and directly involved in such
practices. When they were silently abetted, some years
since, by the statesman who is now at the head of affairs,
they nearly involved us in a quarrel with Europe, the
embers of which are still alive though slumbering. But
is not the national honour something? Is it worthy of a
great and civilised people like the English, that their
press shall become the receptacle for all the malignity
with which disappointed foreign politicians—absolutists as
well as moderates and republicans—vent their spleen and
spite
? Yet this has been the ease for years, and the
nuisance is increasing in intensity every day. Our states-
men can no longer shrink from looking the question in

THE PRESS.

the face. The age for such modes of warfare is past; and
it the international affairs of Europe are hereafter to be
guided by moral influences, the English press must
either voluntarily subject itself to the same laws of
courtesy and self respect in foreign, which it obeys in
domestic matters, or it will cease to count as anything in
the deliberations of European statesmen. The article in
the Moniteur was evidently intended as a friendly and
timely hint to the British public, who will do well not to
let the offenders to which it refers step in between the
two nations, and, by perverting its meaning, increase and
envenom a nascent imitation.

On Friday the Times recurred again to the
subject, and, in a far more daring and far more
impolitic attack, directly accused the Emperor
of the French of being influenced by persons
surrounding him, to play false with England
by instigating Russia to take an attitude, and
to put forward pretensions, which would ren-
der the settlement of Europe impracticable.
It will be noticed that the Times is even more
than usually arrogant in ascribing to itself
authority to speak in the name, not only of
Lord Palmerston's Government, but of the
whole British people.
The Times begins by declaiming against the
perfidy of Russia as an unscrupulous Power,
stating that her " acts or actings "

are intended for the benefit of the minor Courts of
Europe. to give them an excuse for believing, or still
pretending to believe, thst Russia is still unconquered—
still able to protect them against their subjects—still
competent to extend their lease of tyranny and misrule.
It proceeds to say :

We only regret the moderation which led us to conclude
the struggle as soon as we had gained the exact amount of
advantage necessary for our object, instead of protracting
it until our superiority was not only obtained, but so
notorious as to be incapable of misrepresentation.
And it then makes a direct and most insulting
and injurious attack against the Government
of his Majesty the Emperor of the French :

We find it difficult, however, to believe that, with all her
cunning and all her audacity, Russia would have ventured
upon playing the pari. she is now exhibiting had it not
been for encouragement received from the alliance of the
Western powers itself. We do not mean for a moment to
impute to the Emperor of the French anything but the
most honourable and loyal persistence in the engagements
into which he has entered, but, unhappily, that honour
and loyalty does not extend in the same degree to those by
whom he is surrounded. The ides of dismantling the
fortresses to be given up has been traced to a source not
entirely Russian, and we cannot help believing that the
secret enemies of both countries, who stand high in
the confidence of the Emperor, are playing off Russia
against England, in the hope that by so doing they
will restore the prestige of their enemy, and lower the
consideration of their ally. We warn these clever
speculators on the endurance of one patty and the
arrogance of the other to beware lest they meet with sue
cess entirely transcending their mostsanguine expectations.
There never was a moment when the people of this coun-
try were less disposed to be trifled with, and Russia may
have, unless she awake to wiser counsels, to buy the false
eclat of her present demonstrations at a price which she

will be alike unwilling and unable to pay. Our resources
are untouched, our spirits are unbroken, and having once
made a treaty we will not suffer ourselves to be hel I up to
ridicule as unable or unwilling to enforce its conditions.
We only hope that this dangerous game will be carried no
further. We have asked nothing but what is fair and
reasonable ; and what we have asked we are thoroughly
resolved to obtain. We have been obliged on one occa•
sion to undeceive foreign nations as to the extent of our
devotion to peace. It is by no means impossible that we
may be called upon to repeat the lesson.

It is for the public of this country to take
into its most serious consideration the fact
that the note in the Moniteur did not appear
until after a series of such gross and
violent attacks had been published upon
the Emperor of the French personally, and
upon his Government, as were directly calcu-
lated to give encouragement to whatever ele-
ments of discontent may exist in France, to
stimulate into activity revolutionary societies,
and even to arra the hand of the assassin
against his life. Indeed we have noticed with
shame and indignation that some of our even-
ing papers have published instigations to revolt
and assassination still more atrocious. All
of our readers will recollect the letter of Mr.
W. S. Lundor, and there have been even more
monstrous provocations Though it be true,
as is argued by some of our principal journals,
that the Government has no power directly to
influence the press of this country, yet that
argument only shows the expedience of great
moderation on the part of conductors of news-
papers, and the necessity that exists of the
public disclaiming, so far as practicable, any
participation in sentiments which outrage
public morality, and tend to give our great
Ally any reasonable cause of complaint.

SATURDAY,

jortign CortrspolOtittt.

PARIS, Oct. 30.
THE remark in the Moniteur of the 24th, addressed
to the English papers, has caused great excitement
in the capital, but the Parisians pay too little atten-
tion to what appears in the English papers to under-
stand very minutely to what articles reference is
made, though English readers are, unfortunately, too
well acquainted with the license of some of their
papers to misunderstand the allusion. I need only
say that the note has excited a most painful impres-
sion in the capital. It is to be remarked, however,
that bitter attacks upon England daily emanate from
certain of the Parisian journals—the Union, A seem-
blie Nationale, &c.
As to the commercial crisis, it continues almost
unabated; silver, however, is again in circulation,
and things so far have amended. The Emperor's
admirable example of taking houses for the artisans,
who have been displaced for the street improve-
ments, at high and letting them at low rents, is
followed in a praiseworthy manner by many of the
haute noblesse here : yet the discontent continues
almost as great as ever, and I fear will do so
throughout the winter, which in Paris is the severest
season. Some severe examples have lately been
made of persons tried for the adulteration of food,
&c. At. Bourges a trial has just concluded in which
heavy fine and imprisonment were inflicted by the
Cour d'Assizes.

The paragraphs hinting at Lord Clarendon for the
future Premier of England do not meet with much
favour here. As special envoy he did not impress
the assembled statesmen of Europe with a very high
opinion of his talents; and, excepting a certain
degree of finesse and skill in the art of over-
reaching, he displayed, it is said, no particular cha•
racteristic entitling him to any distinction. Even in
these particulars he was outdone by the Russian
Envoy, and became the deceiver deceived.

The Neapolitan question is in a fix. France will
certainly do no more, at present at least, and Eng-
land seems to think she cannot act without her. In
truth, so long as Rome is garrisoned by French
troops France cannot take a forward step in promo-
ting the " freedom of Italy," as it is called. It' Lord
Palmerton continues much longer Premier of Eng-
land, you are in a fair way of leaving no British
envoys anywhere, it would seem ; already America
and Naples have ceased to have any English repre-
sentatives—Turkey promises soon to be in the sante
condition, and as for Florence, Lord Normanhy
might as well follow Lord Howden's example in
Spain and discharge the duties of his legation by
remaining, like the latter, three-fourths of his time
in England and France—anywhere, in fact, except
where he ought to be and is paid for tieing. Apropos
to the Florentine Embassy, a duel has just been
fought between one of the attaches thereat, Mr.
H— M , and an Italian mare nese, concerning
the lady of the latter gentleman. The attache was
wounded in the side. It has been a pleasant little
hit of gossip for the Florentines, who, without such
things, would feel dull at this season.

Accounts from Bologna speak of that city as filling
with travellers, and becoming gay in expectation of
the Emperor Francis Joseph's visit.
_ _

The recal of Baron Brenier excites little remark
here, as it was well-known beforehand ; and at Naples
the matter seems to be taken very coolly. All ver-
sons of influence here agree that some general con-
gress is necessary for the adjustment of the nume-
rous difficulties into which the last congress has
thrown all the States of Europe. It is to be hoped
a more judicious selection of diplomatists will on
this occasion be made. Switzerhnd (Neufchatel),
Sardinia and Naples, Spain, Denmark, Turkey,
Austria, the Principalities, and the Serpent Island
question, open a wide field for diplomatic manage-
ment at the next congress here.

E. W.

BRUSSELS, Oct. 29.
AT the banquet given to M. Manilius, the Liberal
candidate for Ghent at the late elections, a resistance
equally determined as that at Brussels on the opening
of the University, was exhibited against the Jesuit
and Ultramontane party, of which the Bishops of
Ghent and Bruges are the avowed leader,. The
mention of the King's name drew forth long and loud
plaudits, again and again repeated for some minutes.
There was no affectation of an exuberant and servile
loyalty, but it was a spontaneous demonstration,
" una voce," of a personal attachment to a sovereign
who on all occasions has proved himself worthy of
the esteem and regard of his subjects :—"Un toast
qui a provoque d'unanimes et chaleureuses demon-
strations de patriotisme et crattachement tout per-
sonnel au Roi et a nos precieuses liberte3 conEtitu
tionelles." No king more thoroughly deserves the
gratitude of his people—no monarch has more com-
pletely won and possessed himself of their undivided

I