The Press.
London, England, 1857-04-11 00:00:00

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No. 206.—V0L.V. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 11, 1857.

STAMPED ....SIXPENCE.
UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE.

able pretence for delaying to produce mea-
sures which he may not be able to carry, or
which may occasion his own overthrow.
In mechanics want. of power may be pleaded
as an excuse for inaction ; but when power is
abondant, what excuse has an engineer for the
stoppage of his machinery? If it does not
work, he is pronounced incompetent, and de-
graded.
It is the part and the use of strong Govern-
ments to settle those questions in one way or
the other which have long agitated the public
mind. The anti slavery battle, which had
lasted for fifty years, was at last decided by
the bill of Mr. STANLEY, in the " strong Go-
vernment" of Etta GREY. The tithe question
was disposed of with similar decision. The
first measure of the strong Government of
Sir ROBERT PEEL was to rescue the national
finances from the deplorable confusion into
which a long course of Whig bungling had
plunged them, to establish a surplus revenue,
and to give greater freedom to connnerce.
Unfortunately, Sir ROBERT was timid on some
matters which demanded energy. With a
majority of a hundred at his back, he could
never overcome his fear of the minority in his
front. Had he acted as became a Conserva-
tive statesman, the agitation against church
rates which now threatens to extinguish the
fund hitherto available for the repair of our
venerable ecclesiastical edifices would have
been equitably settled.
The third strong Government since the
Reform Bill—or rather the third strong majority
of a political party—has now to commence its
work. It has been obtained by professions
that changes and reforms of a specific
character were demanded. The Ministerial
prints, with scarcely an exception, declare that
the majority—as a Liberal and Reforming
majority—will be large. It must, then, resolve
on some course of action to give effect to its
principles. It cannot stand still. It is in this
position,—that if it does not now carry its
professed objects, it must acknowledge that
those objects are not desirable or not praAical.
If the present Parliament is not Liberal
enough to carry those questions which are the
shibboleth of the party, what future Parliament
is likely to be so? If the questions are, from
their nature, shown to be impracticable—or
if those who profess to advocate them are
proved to be insincere—or even if constitu-
tional obstacles to their success are found to
be insurmountable, they are not likely again
to figure in electioneering addresses. The
Liberal party are successful. They have their
majority. Weil, then, they must give effect to
their principles, or they must prepare to be
regarded as political imposters or fanatics.
We believe the Conservative party may well
afford to wait the course of events with calm-
ness. In the Liberal majority arc included a
sufficient number of moderate men to prevent
the introduction of changes of a dangerous
character. From other changes the Con-
servatives have nothing to dread. Even as
respects Electoral Reform, the Bill of 18;12 was
so designedly unfair to interests essentially
Conservative, it gave such undue prepon-
derance to urban populations in the represen-
tative system, that it is almost impossible for
any change to be otherwise than favourable to
the Conservative party. Any degradation of
the existing suffrage is nof. likely to enlist
such an amount of support in its favour as
would secure its success 7; while to any fair
extension of the existing suffrage, or to any

such modification of the electoral system as
would tend to give greater weight to intel-
ligence, character, and station, the Conservative
party would certainly not be opposed.
In the presence of an imposing majority, the
Opposition %null, we imagine, neither court con-
flict nor slu•ink from the assertion of its prin-
ciples. A time will come when the public
must think that constitutional changes have
been carried far enough—when they will be
disgusted with a foreign policy which involves
the country in needless quarrels and sullies
its honour—when their eyes will be opened to
the folly of a systematic and profuse expendi-
' ture, which not only imposes unnecessary tax-
ation, but which renders a large deficit cer-
tain, and imperils the national credit—when
they desire to see their Government really
and honestly conducted upon the principles
announced by the leaders of Opposition—
" Honourable Peace, Reduced Taxation, Social
" Improvement." The Conservative party can
afford to wait. It is quite strong enough to
seize any opportunity which may present itself
for giving effect to its principles. Paradoxical
as it may appear, we think it much more for
the advantage of our party that the Liberal
connection while in power should have a
decided rather than an uncertain majority, as
its principles and administrative ability must
be sooner brought to the test of experience,
and as we firmly believe that success is only
wanted to show its insincerity and its divi-
sions, and to disgust the country with its domi-
nation.

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 11, 1857.

THE classified lists published in the Ministerial
Journals of members returned to the new Parlia-
ment are of little worth. The elections have
taken place under circumstances which render
any accurate division into parties impossible.
No broad intelligible question of policy was
submitted to the country. The Premier dis-
solYed Parliament because he found himself
in a minority. He desired to secure a more
pliant House of Commons, and carefully hid
his hand while his adherents paraded his
name. This course was the mere easy for him
as he has never identified himself with
any great principles. On all those ques-
tions which have agitated the community
for near thirty years past, he has been con-
tent to follow the lead of his political con-
nection, without much caring to exercise or to
form an independent opinion. In his whole
life he has initiated no measure of domestic
policy ; and he has now surrounded himself
with Ministers whose political opinions are as
colourless as his own. The Ministerial journals
say that he has attained his end—that he
will have the pliant Parliament he wanted.
But what can bo predicated of the character
and constitution of a House of Commons, with
u considerable majority disposed to support a
Minister who oscillates between the magnets
of opposing principles, and whose ultimate
intentions are probably unknown to himself ?
We know how often the maxim Ulnae ignotum,
pro tnagnifico is falsified by the event.
One conclusion only is certain. At the
opening of the session a considerable majority
will be found on the Ministerial side. The
organs of Government assert that the majority
will be a hundred at least. Whether it be
twenty or thirty more or less is very imma-
terial. It will certainly be sufficiently large to
allow of those differences of individual opinion
which on particular questions diminish the
numerical strength of a Minister's following ;
but no majority can ever be so large as to pre-
vent the effect of a split in its own ranks on
matters of vital policy. On general questions
the Government of Lord Am.:am:Ex had a
considerable majority, yet it fell at last by
the most decisive vote that ever overthrew tt
Cabinet. The present Government could
usually command a very large majority.
Lvery one must recollect the triumph with
which the Kars division was received by the
Mmisterialists; and even at the commence-
ment of the session so suddenly brought to a
close, the financial proposals of the Govern-
ment,bad and delusive as they were. gained a
majority of eighty over the resolution sub-
mitted by the Leader of Opposition.
No Administration can possibly be safe from
the consequences of its own incompetency or
rashness. A great majority is a snare when
either it tends to make a Ministry presump-
tuous, or to intrust them with a power they
know not how to wield.

In the present instance it is clear that the
largeness of the Ministerial majority will
compel action of some kind. ‘Vhen a Parlia-
ment is much split up into sections, and when
a Minister is compelled to rely on an uncer-
tain and precarious support, he has a reason-