The Press.
London, England, 1854-07-01 00:00:00

PRICE SIXPENCE.

perilous, and an unnecessary war. Had he
acted with frankness and firmness towards
Russia at the commencement, Europe would
not have been disturbed, and, had peace been
maintained for a few more years, it is evident
that even the Czar would have discovered that
the Porte was a sufficient barrier to his
ambition.
Lord ABERDEEN COlRCillh4d the Melancholy
display of Monday by one of his habitual
notices of this journal. It seems that WO
stated iu our last number that Prince MET-
TERNICH had been consulted by his imperial
master, and we added that we had reason to
believe that the fruits of his counsel had been
communicated, though not officially, to Lord
ABERDEEN. We alluded also to previous com-
munications which had taken place between
the two statesmen. Lord ABERDEEN declared
on Monday that he had, had no communication
with his Highness for a
,year and a hail, and
insinuated that the whole paragraph in the
PRESS had been suggested by a casual allusion
to Prince Merrensreu in his speech of the
19th June. A little while ago Lord ABERDEEN
traced the Cabinet secrets revealed in the
leading articles of the Times to a youth who
had been for a .few months a clerk tit the
Foreign-office. Now, it is from hints furnished
by his own speeches that the PRESS bat farm
enabled to announce to the public the eitist-
once of the " Secret and Confidential Corre-
spondence" a year before it was discloeed ;
that, throughout last autumn, it furnished
important information—sometimes even weeks
before it otherwise transpired; that, on the
27th of May last, it announced the secret
negotiations which were to lead, in the first
instance, to the evacuation of the principalities
by the Russians.
We really. should have thou lit, after the.
acripe of the " clerk id the } oreign-offfeer
drat Lord ABERDEEN would scarcely again
have had recourse to such desperate rignia-
roles. Lord ABERDEEN at present affects sin-
cerity, plainness, and a, habit of rough truth.
"Honest lago !" It may be that ho has
changed since he gave his friendly and confi-
dential counsels to his predecessors. 'Tis a
charitable conclusion. Time, his ." ditel foot
" in the grave," 'the intrigues of some of his
colleagues, the insolence of others, the sense
of the mischief he has accomplished, terror
and remorse, may have combined to render
him less master of his memory and of a tongue
never very skilful. He declares, with uncouth
raillery, that he has had " no communication,
" direct .or indirtet, whit Prince :METTERNICH
" since he has been in office." We aver, on
the contrary, that within this year an indivi
dual who' fur long years has possessed the
confidence of Prince Mierrensten and Lord
APPIDEEN, and has been frequently employed
by the Austrian statesman on special
arrived in .this country, saw Lord ABERDEEN
instantly and without the interposition of any
third person, remained here privately, for three
or four days, had repeated interviews with the
English Minister, and returned. We have the
best. reasons for believing that the object of
this mission was that concerted action with
Austria which is to extricate both Russia and
Lord ABERDEEN from their terrible embar-
rassments. Wo have more to say upon this
head, it it will keep. Lord ABERDEEN not
only reads the PRESS very regularly, but is in
s

Y.-
the hagit of replying to itB A9fes. ,; e
matter, f,t4refore, may rest till his
speech.

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4 -

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.‘,l

602

THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL.
Tuis bill, introduced to the Commons by Lord
JOHN RUSSELL on the 17th of March, went
through its last stage in that House on the
29th of June, upwards of three months being
employed in remodelling it. Probably no
Government bill ever underwent so much
alteration before. The queStion now is—How
will it fare in the Lords ? When it was first
proposed that the matriculation test should be
abolished, Lord JOHN RUSSELL opposed the
clause, on the ground that, if successful, it
might cause the rejection of the bill by the
Peers ; yet, when it was proposed that no test
should be required on taking a B.A. degree, he
altogether lost sight of that fear, and gave the
proposal his support. These alterations are
certainly not worth the importance which has
been attached to them : the first very properly
dispenses with that declaration being required
at the commencement of a course of univer-
sity study which forms an appropriate conclu-
sion to it and the second is to be regarded
only as a sign of academical proficiency. It
confers no powers of any kind. It is an
honourable distinction, no doubt ; but it is no
more, and does not in any degree entitle those
who win it to take part in the government
of the university. Should the relaxation
attract dissenters to Oxford, we really think
that the Church would be the gainer. We do
not, therefore, imagine that the bill will be
rejected by the Lords on account of these
clauses, or even that the clauses themselves
will be struck out. The great amendment it
has received at the hands of the Conservative
party in the Commons will probably have the
effect of securing its adoption by the Upper
House.

TIIE COALITION MINISTRY AND ITS

EFFECTS.

A strong Government and a vigorous Oppo-
sition we hold to be essential to the healthful
and safe condition of our great representative
assembly. A strong Government exist 3 never,
a vigorous Opposition seldom, with a Coalition
Ministry. In the House of Commons, as in
the country, parties should be divided by
strong and well-recognised lines of demarca-
tion, and these lines of demarcation should
rest upon conscientious differences, upon
great and constitutional principles, or ques-
tions of policy. When this is not tho case the
House of Commons acquires a tendency to run
riot. There was a time in Israel when every
man did that which was right in his own eyes ;
and it was a time of internal confusion and
disorder.

There are many instances we might adduce
as illustrations of these remarks. Let us take,
for example, the proceedings last Monday on
Mr. COLLIER'S motion respecting the law of
partnership. The question is a very im-
portant one. It involves great commercial
principles, respecting which a Government
nught to have, and to be in a condition to
state and to maintain, an opinion, one way or
the other. Mr. COLLIER had a strong opinion,
and urged it with ability and earnestness.
The Cabinet, probably, on this as on other
questions, is divided and quarrelsome. Mr.
CARDWELL, accordingly, was unintelligible.
His speech was hesitating, but indicated, how-
ever faintly, an opinion adverse to Mr. COL-
LIER'S motion. Mr. COLLIER was ably supported
by Mr. COBDEN, Mr. LUCAS, and Mr. MALINS,
and there were decided manifestations in the
House favourable to the views of that gentle-
man. A report from commissioners—princi-
pally judicial personages of high repute—had
recently been laid on the table of the House.
It was stated on both Bides—by Mr. NAPIER on
the part of the Opposition, and by the Arrow-
Nit-GENERAL on the part of the Government—
that it was inexpedient to come to an abstract
resolution on a subject scarcely matured for
legislation. Lord PALMERSTON, the Home
Secretary, appealed almost pathetically to the