The Express.
London, England, 1864-09-23 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, SEPT EMBER 23, 1884.

AMERICA.

In the alx,sace of any important military news,
the approaching Presidential election almost ex-
clusively occupied public attention in New York at
the departure of the mail on the 10th. General
M'Clella n's letter, accepting the nomination of the
Chicago platform, appears to have been received
with very little favour, except by the Copperhead
faction.

General Sherman has sent to the government
farther details of the capture of Atlanta. The
folk wing is his despatch :
Atlanta. Sept. 7.

On the 25th of August, perennat tea plan of which the
War Department bad been fully advised, I left the 30th
Corp at the Chattahooehie bridge, and with the balance of
the army, I drew off front the siege, and using some °onside-
Tells artifice to asisleadthe enemy.
moved rapidly south, reached the West Point Railroad
near Fairborn on the Wth, and broke up twelve miles of
it. When moving east my right approached the Macon
Railroad near Jonesboro, and my left neer Roughand Ready.
The enemy attacked the right wing of the army of the Ten-
sense, and were completely beaten.
Oa the 31st, and during the combat, I pushed the left of
the centre rapidly to the railroad above, between Rough and
Ready and Jonesboro.
Oa the Ist of September we broke up about eight miles
of the Bacon road, and turned on the enemy at Jonesboro',
easardted him and his lines, and carried them, capturing
Brigadier-General Gorman and about 2,000 wieners, with
eight guns and much plunder. Night alone prevented oar
capturing all of Hardee's corps, which escaped south that
Welt.
flat same night, Hood, in Atlanta, finding all his rail-
' roads broken and in our porasion, blew up his ammunition, '
seven locomotives and 80 cars, and evacuated Atlanta, which,
on the next day, Sept. 2nd, was occupied by the corps left
for that pogroms Major-General Slocum commanding,
we following the retreating rebel army to near
Lovejoy's station, thirty miles south of Atlanta,
where, finding him strongly entrenched, 1 con-
cluded it would not " pay" to assault, as we already
had the great objects of the campaign, viz. Atlanta. Ac-
cordingly the army gradually and leisurely returned to
Atlanta, and it is now encamped sight miles south of the
city, and to-morrow will move to the camps appointed. I
am now writing in Atlanta, so I could not be uneasy in re-
gard to our situation.
We have, as the result of this quick, and, as I think, well
executed movement. 27 guns, over 3,000 prisoners, and have
buried over 400 rebel dead, aid lett as many wounded ; they
could not be removed.

The rebels have lost besides the important city of Atlanta
and stores, at least 500 dead, 2.500 wounded, and 3,000
prisoners. whereas oar aggregate lore will not foot 1,500.
If that is not success, I don't know what is.
(Signed) Smasua, Major-General.
Some of the Southern papers pretend that the
fall of Atlanta is an event of but little importance,
but others mourn over it with undisguised vexa-
tion. The Biehmmid Examiner of the 6th
has the following remarks on this event :—" This
abandonment of Atlanta, under the circum-
stances, is not a good thing, but so far
from being dispirited by it our people ought reve-
rently to thank God that it is no worse. There are
many persons who have had a great weight of
anxiety raised from their souls by this news. They
have been fearing for the last month, not only that
Atlanta would be abandoned, but that some great
and irretrievable disaster would overtake the army
of Tennessee. Atlanta is gone, but the army is
still a unit, and is safe. The lose of Atlanta is
nothing ; the loss of the army would have been
without a remedy."

GENERAL WCLELLAN S LETTER OP
ACCEPTANCE.

ulna those who 'remain in arms spied the Union. But the
Haim mad be preserved at all hazards. I could not look in
the face my Willie comrades of the army and nary, who have
survived so many bloody battles, and tell them that their la-
bours sad the sacrifioce of ea many of oar slain and woonded
brethren had been in vain ; that we had abandoned
that lion for which we hare so often perilled our lives. A
vast majority of our people, whether in the army and navy
or at home, would, as I would, hail with unbounded joy the
permanent restoration of peace, on the basis of the Union
under the constitution, without the dream of another
drop of blood. But no peace can be permaneet without
onion. As to the other subjects presented in the resolu-
tions of the convention, I need only soy that I should seek,
in the constitution of the United States and the laws
framed in accordance therewith, the rule of my duty, and
the limitations of executive power, endeavour to radon
economy in public expenditure, re-establish the supremacy
of law, and by the operation of a man vigorous nationality,
resume our commanding pontion among the nations of the
earth. The condition of our MAIM% the depreciation of
the paper money, and the burdens thereby imposed an
labour aad capital, show the necessity of • return to • sound
financial system ; while the rights of citizens and the rights
of States, and the binding authority of law over Praddent,
army, and people, are subjects of not ter vital importance
in war than in peace. Believing that the views here ex-
pressed me those of the convention mid the people you re-
present, I name the acumination. I realise the infect of
the responsibility to be borne should the people ratify your
choice. Conscious of my own weakness, I can only meek
fervently the guidance of the Ruler of the universe, and, re-
lying on His all-powerful aid, do my beet to restore union
and peace to a suffering people, and to establish and guard
their liberties and rights.—l am, 'gentlemen, very respect.
fully, your obedient servant,

Ow. B. M'Cuu.►r.

Boa. Horatio Seymour, and Mims, imounittee.

THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON AND THE
ROMLN QUMTION.

We reproduce the following letter from the Em-
peror Napoleon to IL Thouvenel, dated May 20,
1862, which will be read with renewed interest
at the present moment :

May 20, 1862.
Monsieur le Ministra—The more the force of circum-
stances maintains us, u muds the Roman question, in
a line of conduct equally distant from the two opponent
Fatties, the more necessary is it that that line should be dis-
tinctly defined to prevent henceforth the accusation, iOOlll-
- renewed, that we incline now to one side, now to
the other.

—Sinceiitave been at the head of the government of France
my policy has always been the same towards ltely—to
second natiooal aspirations, to induce the Pope to become
their support rather than their adversary in a word, to con-
solidate an alliance between religion and liberty.
Since the year 1849, when the expedition to Rome was de-
cided upon, slimy linen, all my speeches, alt the despatches
of my Ministate have invariably manifested that tendency,
aid acoordiag to circumstances I base maintained it with a
deep conviction, either at the heed of a limited power, as
President of the Republic, or at the head of a victorious
army on the banks of the Mind°.
II efforts, 1 must own it., have hitherto bees thwarted
by o of every description, in the presence of two
parties diametrically opposed, absolute in their hatreds as in
their convictions, deaf to the counsels inspired by the sole
desire of their benefit. la this a reason not to penevere, and
to abandon a canes grand in the opinion of all men, and
which must be beneficial to the welfare of mankind

It is urgent that the Roman question should be "tiled,
for it is not only in Italy that it disturbs public opinion ;
everywhere it produces the same moral disorder, because it
touches %woe what is most dear to man—religious and po-
litical faith.

Each party substitutes its own exclusive sentiment; in
the place of the real principles of equity and justice. Thus,
one psrty, forgetting the recognised eights of • power which
has Inted for ten centuries, proclaims, without any con-
sideratioe for so ancient and acknowledged an institutiou,the
fall of the Papacy ; 'amine party without regard for the
legitimate claims of the right of 'peoples, owns with-
out a scruple • portion of Italy to eternal stagnation and
oppression. Thus one party dipoles of • still existing
power as if it was defunct, and the other of • people that
supplicates for life, as if it was deed.
However this may be, it is the duty of statesmen to study
the means for reconciling two canna which the play of
pession aloes has reodend knoosaileable. Should the
attempt fail, it would not be inglottious, and, under all cir-
cumstances, there is an advantage in frankly declaring the
object in view.
That object is to coon to • combination by which the
Pope would adopt what is great in the idea of a people that
aspires to become • Indio° ; and, on the other band, that
that people should recognise what is ealutary in a power
the influence of which extends over the whole universe.
On a prima fade view, considering the prejucliees sad
hatreds, equally violent on either side, • favourable result
seems to be despaired of. But it, the enatining into the
question, reason and common sense are appealed to, it is
gratifying to behave that truth, that Divine light, will
haally penetrate into every mind, and show the supreme
and vital interest which induces, which obliges the partisans
of the two opposed causes to come to an understanding and
to • recoociliatioe.

First of all, what is the interest of Ital►? It is to put
' away from her every danger that threatens her, to diminish
the enmity she has caused, to upset everything which op-
poses her legitimate ambition of reconstituting herself. To
overcome so many obstacles the► must be taken coolly.
Italy, as a DOW state, has against her all those who hold
to the traditions of the past ; as a state which has called
revolution to her assistance, she inspires distrust to all mu
of order. They doubt her power to put down anarchical
tendencies, and hesitate to believe that a society can firmly
Lind a team upon the very elements which have upset so
many others. Finally, at her very gates she has a formi-
dable enemy, whose armies sad ill will, easily understood,
will fora long time be an imminent danger.
Thew antagonisms, already so serious in themselves,
become doubly so supporting themaelves upon the interacts
of the catholic faith. The religious question adds con-
siderably to the gravity of the situation, and multiplies the
adversaries of the new order of things established beyond
the Alps. Not long ago the absolutist party was the only
one opposed to it. Now, the majority of the catholic
popu:ation in Europe are hostile to it ; and that hostility
not only thwarts the beeevoleet inteutiosa of the govern-
ments attached by their faith to the Holy See, bat stops
the favourable intentions of the protestant or schismatic
governments who have to deal with a considerable fraction
of their subjects. Thus, everywhere it is the religions idea
which cools the public feeling for Italy. Her reconciliation
with the Pope would obviate many difficultiaa, and rally
round her millions of adversaries.

OD the other band, the Holy See has an equal interest, if
not a stronger one, in this reconciliation ; for, if the Holy
See has zealous supporters among all hermit catholies, it
has against itself all the liberals of Europe. ln politics it
is looked noon as the represeetative of the prejudices of the
uncle, rt"ginte, and in the eyes of Italy, as the enemy of her
independence., the most devoted partisan of reaction. This is
why the Pope is surrounded by the most violent adherents
of fallen dynasties, sod this compsay is not of a nature to
procure for him the sympathy of the people who upset those
dynasties. Nevertheless, this state of things does less harm
to the sovereign than it does to the heed of religion. In
catholic countries, where new ideas have a great bold, men
who are most sincerely attached to their faith feel troubled
in their ecescience and doubts enter their minds, not blow-
ing how to reconcile their political convictions with religious
pneciples which seem to condemn modern civilisation. If
this state of things, so pregnant with danger, should be pro-
longed, there would be a risk of political dissension' leading
to lamentable dissections is faith itself.

It is, therefore, in the interest of the Holy See aa well as
in that of religion that the Pope and Italy should be recon-
ciled : for it would be • reconciliation with modern ideas, it
would keep 1.430,000,000 catholice within the pale of the
church, and give • new lustre to religion by showing faith
supporting the progress of mankind.
Hitt upon what basis can so desirable a work be founded?
The Pope, brought to a reasonable view of the state of
affairs, would understand the necessity of accepting every-
' thing which can bind him to Italy ; and Italy, ceding to the
counsels of • wise policy, would not ream to adopt the
guarantees moesaary for the independence of the Sovereign
Pontiff, and for the free exercise of his power.
This doable object might be attained by a combination
which, maintaining the Pope master is his own domains,
would remove the harriers which nowA separate his Stator
from the rest of Italy.
To be marter is his own domain independence mast be
insured to him, and his rule freely accepted by his subjects.lt must be hoped that it would be so—on the one band,
when the Italian government would' take the engagement
towards France to recognise the States °tithe Church and the
limitation line agreed upon • on the other hand, when the
government of the Holy See returning to ancient traditions,
would sanction the privileges of the muncipslities and of the
provisoes in such guise that they would, so to say, govern
themselves, for then the power of the Pope, soaring in •
sphere elevated above the secondary interest of society,
would be free from that responsibility which is always
heavy, and which only a strong government can stand.
The above general indications are not an ultimatum which
I pretend to impose upon the two opponent parties, bat
the beams of • policy which I think I ought to endeavour to
establish by oat legitimate 11161311•0111 sad by out dieintereseed
advice.

Whereupon I prey God to hare you in Him rod hoping_
N AMNON.