The Press.
London, England, 1856-10-25 00:00:00

Qi,otat ano lastlon.

Her Majesty and the Court have remained at
Windsor during the week.
The Hereditary Grand Duke of Tuscany visited
the Queen this week, and returned to town on Tues-
day. His Royal Highness has left for Paris.
His Royal Highness Prince Alfred will shortly
proceed to the Continent for some months. It is
believed that the principal stay will be at Geneva, a
place offering peculiar advantage for the study of
modern languages and for other branches of educa-
tion. In addition to his tutor, Lieutenant Cowell,
R E., his Royal Highness will be attended by Lieut.-
General Sir Frederick Stovin, one of her Majesty's
Grooms in Waiting.

Viscount and Viscountess Palmerston are at pre-
sent entertaining some distinguished visitors at
Broadlands. Their Excellencies the French and
Russian Ambassadors, with the Countess Creptowich
and Mme. Persigny, and his Excellency the Sardi-
nian Minister, are at present at Broadlauds.
The Earl of Carlisle has, arrived at Castle
Howard.

The Earl of Radnor is entertaining some political
friends at his seat, Coleshill.house, Berkshire. The
Right Hon. Edward Bouverie, M.P., and his family,
ate among his lordship's guests.

plitual.

HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN held a Court of Privy
Council at Windsor Castle on Wednesday at 3 p.m.
Present—His Royal Highness Prince Albert, Vis-
count Palmerston, Sir George Grey, the Right Hon.
H. Laooucliere, Lord Stanley of Alderley, and Lord
Ernest Bruce, Vice-Chamberlain. At the Council,
Parliament was ordered to be further prorogued
from the 13th of November until Tuesday, the 16th
of December.

His EXCELLENCY M. PACHECO, the Spanish
Minister, was received by her .dajesty the Queen
on Monday, to deliver his credentials.

MR. S. LAING, M.P., whose delicate state of health
prevents his visiting his constituents, has is
sued au address to the electors of the Northern
Burghs. The document, dated "London, Oat. 10,"
reviews the foreign and domestic policy of the
country during the past year. "At this time last
year," writes Mr. Laing, "one ueiversal feeling
seemed to prevail that Russia was a power incurably
perfidious and ambitious, a sort of incarnation of the
evil principle, supporting brutal despotism, crushing
oppressed nationalities, and trampling down every
generous thought and liberal aspiration from Nova
Zembla to Naples " :
With these the war assumed almost the appearance of a
religious crusade, and any sacrifice appeared better than
to conclude a peace which left the Poles, the Hungarians,
the Fins, the Circassians, and the Italians in nu better
position than they were before. The Times thundered it
forth in its leading articles; the Post and other organs of
the Ministry followed in the same strain; subordinate
members of the Liorernment took it up (Sir R. Peel,
among others, who is now dancing attendance on the Cz it
at Moscow, said the Crimea must cease to be Russian),
and with rare unanimity Whigs, Tories, and Radicals
seemed to via wi►h one another in asserting principles
which, if acted on, must have bad the inevitable effect of
entailing on Europe a second edition of the Thitty
Years War.

But " tit re was one naper, THE Passe, and a small
minority,' who believed these extreme views to be
altogether "visionary and Quixotic." Thoy held the
war to have been just and necessary in order to
maintain that balance of power and to enforce that
public law of Europe upon which the possibility of
permanent peace depends, yet they considered it a
great evil which ought not to be prolonged a single
day after these original objects could be attained by
treaty :

A few leading statesmen and orators, finch as Mr. Glad-
stone, Mr. Bright, and after his visit to Vienna Lord John
Rinvell, one solitary organ of the press. supposed to re-
present the opinions of Mr. Disraeli, and here and there u
stray independent member like myself, who happened to
have same practical acquaintance with the state of opinion
in Europe, were then the only advocates of principles

THE PRESS.

which now are embodied in treaties and assumed as
axioms.

Whether the mode or time chosen to advocate these
principles was right or wrong he did not care to
argue, but he felt. satisfied with the conduct of her
Majesty's Government for having had the good
sense and courage, when it came to the point, to
throw over the bluster of their supporters, and oon-
elude " a safe and honourable peace ;"

Although (adds Mr. Laing) poetical justice would have
perhaps been better satisfied b♦ giving the statesmen
whose opinions were represented by THE Puma the credit
of concluding the peace, rather than those whu inspired the
daily elusterers of the Tines and Post.
With respect to the American question, be thought
Lord Palmerston's Government was wrong at first in
attempting to enlist soldiers from the United States,
and in raising questions certain to excite a strong
feeling in America, by occupying the Island of
Ruatan under a doubtful construction of treaties.

As regarded the foreign enlistment question, he
thought it was altogether wrong in principle to allow
or to encourage subjects of neutral States to shed
their blood in quarrels in which their own countries
had no concern. He had voted for the Foreign
Enlistment Bill, but he had ever since regretted
his vote :

I did so under the pressure of a great emergency, when
the tate of the British army in the Crimea seemed to be
trembling in the balance ; but subsequent reflection has
convinced me that the measure was radically wrong in
principle, and experience has shown that it was practi•
tally useless. Our mercenary legions have been nothing
but a source of annoyance and discredit to us, and any
reasonable man must be satisfied that in any future war
it would be better to rely exclusively on our own re•
sources.

Mr. Laing then expresses his notions upon what
should be the basis of the foreign and domestic
policy of this country :
As regards foreign affairs, I am for the policy of non-
intervention. Ido not mean in any abstract and impracti-
cable sense of the word, but in the sense in which it was
inscribed on the banner of the Liberal party (by whom, by
the bye, it has since been constantly violated) on their
accession to power in 183'J.
That perpetual, petty, and fussy interference with
continental politics, so characteristic of our foreign
policy of late years, was inconsistent with the true
interests and dignity of England. In every instance
in which we had departed from the great principle of
non-intervention we had defeated our own end,
diminished the real influence of England, and thrown
back the cause of liberty :
Our interference with the domestic disputes of Spain
has done no good to that distracted country, while it has,
on more than one occasion, endangered our friendly rela-
tions with France. Our demonstrations of sympathy for
Poland and Hungary served only to excite vain hopes and
to retard and embitter inevitable changes. Lord Minto's
mission to Italy did more serious mischief bl fanning into
flame the outburst of 184 M, which threw back the cause of
Italian independence by half a century ; and finally the
affair of Dnn Pacifico crested a feeling of indignation
against England, the intensity of which can only be known
to those who have travelled on the Continent and conversed
much with intelligent foreigners.
He was strenuously opposed to any such interven-
tion as was first propounded in the case of Naples :

What are the lazzaroni to us that we should risk solid
advantages for their sake—like the friendship of France
and the alliance of Austria—and give Russia the oppor-
tunity, of which she is dextrously availing herself, of re-
gaining ber place as the champion of European Conser-
vatism and the defender of the independence of the
smaller States against lawless aggression? Either the
misgovernment of a foreign State is a legitimate cams belli
or it is not. If it be, let ns go to war with France to oblige
her to free her press, with America hecau"e she flogs her
nigers, and with Russia because she sells her serfs, and
not to fishing in Neapolitan waters for a revolution to
punish King Bombs because be sulks when the Foreign-
office scolds him.

If it be not a emus belli, why degrade the honoured name
of England, by trying to do surreptitiously towards the
weak what we dare not attempt towanls the strong ? The
policy of a great empire is self condemned when it deals
in subterfuges and equivocation; and what can be a greater
equivocation than to send a fleet to Naples, nominally to
protect British subjects, hut really in the hope that their
presence may cause a revolution, under the plea that the
Neapolitan Government oppresses its subjects, who, if left
to themselves, have ample means, but apparently little dis-
position, to redress their grievances?
As regards questions of domestic policy, Mr. Laing
was of opinion that the times did not demand any
great measures. So much had been done of late
that little remained to do. To facilitate and en•
courage voluntary effort, and to aid the diffusion of
knowletlae indirectly by examinations for Govern-
ment appointments and by the repeal of the paper
duty, was the only proper function of the Legis-
lature as regarded education. With respect to the
ac,itation against Maynooth, "it would bring up the
Trish and Scotch questions as practical questions."
By a careful system of economy in the naval
and military expenditure, he thought we ought at
least to get rill of 15,000,001. a year additional war

SATURDAY,

taxation; while the present duties upon paper, in-
surance, wine, timber, and tobacco, would all bear re-
duction, and yet, by an increased eoniumplion,
maintain the revenue at its present, if not at a
higher, rate.
In concluiion, Mr. Laing expressed himself in
favour of a revision of the income tax, and of an ex-
tended law reform.

MR. OLIVEIRA, M.P., met and addressed his con-
stituents last Tuesday, at the Town-hall, Pontefract.
The hon. member gave rather a lengthened detail of
the origin and progress of the late war; and, with
respect to the peace, concluded without expressing
any individual opinion upon the question. The
conduct of Russia with regard to Kars, Ismail,
Reni, and the Isle of Serpents, showed the reluc-
tance with which concessions requiring an abandon-
ment of territory were acquiesced in. But the dig.
nified and united aspect of England and France had
removed all apprehensions upon those points. Yet—
To be prepared is to be safe; and I hope that no G:►•
vernment will hereafter lose sight of the paramount neces•
sity of maintaining such forces, naval and military, as
will cause Great Britain to be prepared for any emer-
gency that may arise, without those lamentable sacrifices
which were made at the commencement of the war just
terminated. This, I feel assured, is the true interest of
the country, and will in the end prove the most practical
economy.

The American dispute had happily been adjusted ;
the aspect of Italy, however, was too grave to be
passed over. Mr. Oliveira was doubtful how far in-
tervention was justifiable :
It is difficult to say how far foreign countries are justi-
fied in attempting to enforce liberal ideas or institutions
upon othet States. The experience of our days, since the
time of Canning, shows but little advantage in the propa-
gation of institutions unsuited to foreign people. Inter-
vention, as a general principle, is most objectionable, and
has usually been rewarded w.th ingratitude by tile very
parties benefited. It is to be hoped that the noble ex-
ample of SArdinis may spread, and that the fine countries
—the seats of ancient liberty and refinement—the cradles
of the arts and sciences—and amongst the most produc-
tive in the agricultural riches of the earth—may partake
in the general spread of prosperity and happiness which a
well regulated liberty has given to other nations of the
world. This must be a work of time, and can hardly be
hoped for at the hands of the imbecile rulers who now
possess those countries. Danger to the peace of Europe
may arise out of this question, and serious complications
follow. But if France and England are united. and pur-
sue a vigorous and just policy, great benefits will be the
inevitable consequences to those oppressed people, with-
out exciting the active sympathy of atsolute governments.
For these objects, as well as others, I have already pointed
out that England must be in a position to maintain and
c,irry out, if necessary, by force of arms the great princi-
ples thus advocated.

Mr. Oliveira concluded by expressing an opinion
favorable to Sir W. Clay's Church Rate and the
Passing Tolls Bills ; and stating his determination
to persevere in his attempt to obtain a reduction of
duty upon wine, and an extension of free-trade prin-
ciples over the existing tariff.

Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, M.P., met and addressed
his constituents, at Dudley, on Tuesday evening last.
The hon. member c3nfesse 1 that not being in the
confidence of the Government he knew little of
foreign affairs, but he detailed the apparent course
her Majesty's Government hail followed in the
case of Naples, pointing out that certain repre-
sentations had been made to the King of Naples
that his treatment of his subjects was in some
respects dangerous to the peace of other nations and
to the peace of Europe generally; these representa-
tions had been disregarded, and even met with some-
thing like insult. The consequence had been that
France and England had withdrawn their ambas-
sadors from the Court of Naples, and had sent out
fleets to hold out to our subjects resident in that
country prospects in reference to certain eventuali-
ties, which eventualities it passed the wit of a simple
man like himself to comprehend:—
Now, if he were to attempt to give a deliberate opinion
as to our conduct towards Naples, he should only be in
danger of misleading them, and probably might commit
himself' further than lie wished to do. We had necessarily
to put a great deal of trust in the executive Government
with regard to our foreign policy, and it was in the power
of the Government at any moment to embroil us in a
quarrel, which we could not interfere with while the affair
was proceeding, and which it would be too late to prevent
after the blow had been struck. The question, therefore,
with regard to our foreign policy was this Have we
confidence in the existing Government?"
To answer this question, we must look to what has
been the general course of the Government in these
matters, and especially with regard to proceedings of
recent date :

He confessed that the conduct of the Government in
some respects, as far as regarded negotiations, had caused
in him less confidence than he could desire to place in the
Ministry of the day. He might instance the conduct of
the Government in the correspondence which had taken
place with regard to recruiting in the United States. Ho
imagined there were few who had had time to read the

OCTOBER 25, 1856.

papers which had been issued in reference to that matter,
and it was one of those matters which had never been
made the subject of a full parliamentary discussion ; but,
Laving himself carefully read the papers, he must say that
he rose from their perusal with the conviction that the
Government had acted in a careless and precipitate way,
and had very nearly embroiled us in a quarrel for which
there was no occasion. He trusted it was not so, and it
was not his intention to say that it was so with regard to
Naples. While he did not put any great confidence in the
present Government he was not prepared to prejudge the
case. He hoped all would turn out well, but at the same
time it was the duty of the country to maintain its internal
relations as complete as possible. Whether they were
engaged in war or not, they should take care "to keep
their powder dry," and be prepared for whatever conse•
quences might arise.
The hen. baronet then urged the importance of a
thorougly good administration of our civil and mili-
tary concerns in all the different departments, and
expressed his entire confidence in the present Com-
mander-in-Chief, his Royal Highness the Duke of
Cambridge.

Sir Stafford Narthcote then addressed some obser-
vations to the meeting on the subject of our civil
administration. He maintained that if we were to
have good servants in the civil department we must
have them contented with their condition ; that their
present position was unjust, and that unless it were
altered we could not expect to have them contented.
He was for improving not only the position but the
efficiency of the public servants, and getting as much
work out of them as possible. At present the ar-
rangemanta were bad, one class baying comparatively
high salaries and nothing to do, and another having
lore salaries and being hard worked. What they
wanted was a better system of promotion by merit,
and to get rid of the system of regarding the higher
positions in the service as so much patronage to be
conferred upon young and favoured parties, and in-
troduce a system which would make everyone re-
sponsible to himself for his own rise and standing.
He quite approved of competitive examination :
The real question of talent and efficiency did not con-
sist so much in what a man knew, as in how much time
was spent in his education. If a man had the qualification
to gu at it " in one pursuit, he would have the same
aptitude to "go at it" in any other pursuit which he
might apply himself to.
With regard to the question of social improvement
a great deal remained to be done, and especially with
regard to education. He thought that the time
might come when an educational rate would form a
part of the system of the education of the people.
He bad voted against Lord John Russell's resolu-
tions because they did not go to the root of the evil ;
they neglected that particular class of children which
were the bane of large towns, and of country parishes
too, which were utterly vagrant, unemployed, and
neglected. The question of education was closely
connected with the refoi illation of the criminals and
the prevention of crime. We were doing a good
deal by means of our reformatory schools, by which
many were reclaimed, but what would be better
would be to take the children before they became
criminals, and so prevent them from becoming so ;
for it was perfectly easy to see, and as easy to say of
a boy, " That boy, if left alone, will become a
criminal," as to say of another " That boy, when he
grows up, will be tall or short in stature" :

What they wanted was a system such as hat been intro-
duced in Scotland and some foreign countries—America,
for instance—of taking boys when they were young, and
instructing and educating them—no; merely au instruc-
tion such as was commonly imparted in schools, but to
teach them their duty to God and man, and how to earn
an honest livelihood.

In further advocating the establishment of indus-
trial schools the speaker noticed that special assist-
ance was given by the Privy Council to such schools,
over and above what was given to national schools.

He then made some rem-arks on the bill intro-
duced in the last session for practically abolishing
the town dues of Liverpool. He was satisfied that
the dues which Liverpool collected on the iron and
other products of that (Dudley) district were to a
considerable extent injurious to the local trade. He
could not have agreed to the bill introduced last
year, but he thought it possible to arrive at some-
thing consistent with justice and consistent with the
interests of the public.
With regard to party politics, they were now almost
disregarded :
He thought the duty of the Conservative party was to
rely on their principles urtil they saw that something
really dear to them was attacked, which he conceived at
present was not the case ; and that it was not necessary
they should be continually active. That was a negative
kind of Conservatism, which pr rhaps might not be satis-
ft. etory to some. If they were desirous of preserving their
institutions they should keep them in good repair, by
Attending carefully to those questions of detail which
affected the administrative efficiency of the country, and
those several questions which kept the people contented,
and preserved to us the blessings which our constitution
gave us, and which he hoped might be preserved to us, by
God's blessing, for a long period of time.