The Press.
London, England, 1858-08-28 00:00:00

THE PRESS, AUGUST 28, 1858.

" steps should be taken, directly or indirectly,
" to give to the opinions of Europe an apparent
" preference over those which were found exist- ,
" ing in the country." Upon this principle, we
make bold to say, he mast g►ve up the govern-
nient of India altogether, unless he can transmute
himself at once into au Indian, with all his feel-
ings and notions, 4 bilte inconsistently, however,
he argued in favour of giving an actual preference
to European science in the instruction of the na-
tives, than which nothing could give a more
direct practical preference to European opinions.
By the were teaching you give a preference.
And this practical difficulty will meet us at every
turn. We must either teach our Indian fellow
subjects nothing, or we must teach them, as far
as they will receive it, all that we know and be-
lieve to be for their good, or we must abandon,
as a palpable lie, our professions of "neutrality."
Lord STANLEY admits that we are to carry out
our own principles against and in spite of the
natives, where their " ideas come into collision
" with the universal and everlasting rules of
" justice." But whence do we derive our different
" rules of justice" but from our religion ? Lord
STANLEY'S language savoured more of the
French philosophy of the last century than of the
true philosophy of Christianity. That a young
statesman of such undoubted ability and rising
eminence should have so expressed himself is, we
repeat again, matter for sincere regret, especially
as he is now the Chief Minister for India.
Our trust for India, however, lies chiefly,
under Goy, in the Council for India that is to
advise and act with the Minister. If such men as
Sir Joux LAWRENCE, as is reported, and if others
who are named, are to form the Council, we shall
have confidence that their policy will be wise—
bold, yet not rash--prudent, yet courageous—
temperate, yet decided. We would almost pledge
ourselves, indeed, to Sir J. LAwttEscE's policy
alone, and to renounce all that we have here ad-
vanced, it he thought it unwise, such confidence
have we in his sagacity and administrative ability.
And there is another gentleman named for the
Council, upon whom, though he has had no
Indian experience, we can place the utmost
reliance. We allude to Mr. G. A. HAMILTON,
the senior Member for the University of Dublin
—a man not only of high Christian feeling and
moral courage, but of the soundest practical
judgment. The actual policy for India must
necessarily be practically determined by the new
Council. As they advise, so the Minister, who-
ever he may be, must mainly act. And with
such men in the Council as those we have
named we feel that we may have hope of a
bright era yet for India.

CARDINAL WISEMAN IN IRELAND.
WE are not amongst those who entertain the
idea that Cardinal WISENIAN has a marked talent
for statesmanship, and that he is well adapted
for advancing the interests of his Church in this
realm. We are disposed to agree with Mr.
GOLDWIN SMITH in the sentiment expressed by
him in the last volume of " The Oxford Essays,"
that "the Romanizing movement within the
" Church stopped in 1850," and for that timely
cessation'of desertions to Rome we have reason
to be Frateful to Cardinal WISEMAN for his
awakening the public mind by his aggression.
Owing to peculiar circumstances connected with
the ecclesiastical system in England, it was diffi-
cult to deal with the cases of the insidious under-
miners of our National Church, who accepted its
dignities and pay in order to work for Rome.
Cardinal WisEmAx alarmed the whole country,
and removed the controversy from religious
cliques and newspapers into popular meetings,
and the progress of his Church was effectually
stopped in consequence of his most awkwardly
arrogant attacks on Protestantism.
It is well known that the Roman Catholic
prelates of Ireland v. ere by no means well pleased
with the " aggression " of the Cardinal. They
could gain nothing by the Cardinal's coup-d'kat,
and they might possibly lose by it. The English
Roman Catholics for many years had not
actively sympathized with their co-religionists in
Ireland; and after the way in which the Whig
Government had aggravated the evils of the
famine by their deplorable mismanagement, there
were strong symptoms in 1849 manifested of a
spirit of reconciliation between the aristocracy of