The Press.
London, England, 1856-05-24 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

intention of proposing additional or reducing existing
taxes. They proposed to make no change in the
existing basis of taxation, but to resort to borrowing,
and the loan of 5,000,0001., concluded that morning,
would reduce this deficiency to 1,873,0001., to provide
for which he should propose later in the session to
borrow 2,000,0001. in Exchequer Bonds. The present
state of the Exchequer-bill market did not render it
advisable to increase the amount of the unfunded
debt. At the same time, he believed the fall in the
value of those securities had been occasioned by tem-
porary circumstances. The quantity of outatcnding
Exchequer Bills in the market amounted to
20,124,0001., of which sum the Commissioners for
the Reduction of the National Debt held 5,000,0001.,
so that the amount really in the market was no more
than 15,124,0001. Comparing the amount of the
debt at the end of the last wsr and at the present
time, he showed that the funded debt had decreased
49,000,000/. and the unfunded debt 17,000,0001., the
total diminution being 00,000,0001., while the charge
fur the debt had diminished 4,500,0001. Sir George
Lewis then reviewed the pos►tion of the various
branches of the revenue, and mentioned the duties
upon tobacco, wine, and on fire insurances as duties
which it would be desirable to reduce at the earliest
opportunity, but which in the present state of the
revenue it was necessary to retain at their present
rates. The right hon. gentleman then concluded by
moving the formai resolution authorising the new
loan of 5,000,000/. _ _

Mr. Aicocx was of opinion that the duty on fire
insurances ought at all hazards to be reduced at
once. He approved of the income tax, never wished
to see it taken off, anti would like to see it increased.
Mr. HADFIEI.D intimated his intention of taking
the sense of the house at a future period upon the
question of the reduction of the fire insurance duty
from 3s. to Is. per cent.
Mr. BALL and Mr. VANCE protested against the
malt and Irish spirit duties.
Mr. MIL' ER GIBSON an I Mr. INGRVII strongly ad-
vocated the reduction of the paper duty.
Mr. DISRAELI expressed his gratification at re-
ceiving an assurance from the highest authority
that the resources of the country were unimpaired,
and hoped, when the excitement of the war had
passed away, that the house would give its attention
to a most rigid system of economy, and not allow
itself to suppose that it could guard against a re-
petition of the circumstances which hail occurred at
the beginning of the war by maintaining a much
larger military establishment. He though the pre-
sent opportunity an admirable one for impressing
upon the country the great difference between an
effective and an expensive army. The principle was
to possess a perfect military system, and rather a
model than a large force. He trusted the house
would not permit the militia to fall again into a state
of inefficiency, as all reductions should be effected
upon a distinct principle, viz., one consistent with
the maintenance of power in this country and the
position which it ought to occupy in the politics of
the world.

With respect to the Sardinian loan, the house
was always ready to put a large and liberal con-
struction upon treaties; but he thought that, be-
fore the house was asked to exercise towards Sar-
dinia a liberality which her Majesty's Government
were not disposed to exercise towards our own troops,
some view of the existing relations between England
and Sardinia should be put fairly, frankly, and
clearly before the house :

I confess myself that nothing that I recollect ever ap-
peared to me so perplexing and so perilous as the position
which this country has assumed and the relations which it
is now forming in regard to that very kingdom. If I look
to the protocols of the conferences of Paris which have
been laid on the table, I find expressions of sympathy with
suffering Italy which really exceed the usual caution of
diplomatic language. The Sovereign of Sardinia is en-
couraged apparently in every way by the English Govern.
ment to fulfil the high mission to which his subjects be-
lieve him to be called. He is preparing, and he is en-
couraged to effect, what he deems to be the liberation of
Italy. We have authoritative evidence of the feelings of
the Sardinian Government, and of the policy of the Ser.
dinian Ministers, in the very important documents which
have been promulgated, and certainly if we were to judge
from the protocols of Paris and from the documents of the
Sardinian Ministers, we should come to the conclusion
that there was a perfect understanding between the English
Ministry and the Sardinian Government. and that, in fact,
not only was the liberation of Italy an adopted policy, hut
that the means of effecting it had been agreed upon, and
that England was to occupy a great position in the under-
taking. But how are we to reconcile such language and
such diplomatic documents with the publication of that
tripartite treaty, if not secretly at least unexpectedly con-
cluded, which apparently not only fashions but consolidates
a policy opposed and adverse to that which Sardinia has
adopted, which she is encouraged to prosecute, and which,
according to the documents of her eminent Ministers, she
is at this very moment actively prosecuting' The lan-
guage of the Sardinian Ministers is that the presence and
the rule of Austria in Italy are insufferable—l give no
opinion of my own upon these points on the present
occasion—that the occupation of Italian provinces by
Austria is the principal and the prime source of the degra-

SATURDAY,

dation, the misgovernment, and the misery of Italy. tha
these are evils which it is the mission and policy of'Sar.
dinia to terminate ; and that Sardinia looks, and has reason
to look. for the co-operation of England in her efforts to
this end. If this be the case, how can we explain that
subterranean policy which at the same time signs the pro.
tocols of the congress of Paris, claps the King of Ser.
dinia on the back, and signs a treaty which, we now under.
stand, appeared unexpectedly, and which, if it has any
point at all, has this point—that the government of Europe
is to be earned on fur the future by France, Austria, and
England, and that the security for the tranquillity of the
world depends upon this tripartite alliance?
He did not say that such an alliance might not be
wise policy, but it could not be wise or politic to enter
into an alliance which, if it meant anything, meant a
guarantee of the consolidation and perpetuity of the
Austrian empire, and of course of her Italian domi•
mons, and at the same time to enter into relations
with the King of Sardinia which would stimulate
him to a policy utterly opposed to Austrian views,
and utterly inconsistent with the policy which has
produced the tripartite treaty. An explanation of
the strange inconsistency between the protocols
of Paris and the tripartite treaty was highly desi-
rable. He wished to prevent a r..petition of the
scenes of 1848:

I do sincerely hope that, profiting by the bitter experience
of 1848, and by the recollection of Lord iliuto's mission,
and of those scenes of popular tumult which, excited by
English influence, were deserted by English power—a
desertion remembered to this day on the Continent with
anguish and indignation, notwithstanding the intervening
war in which the troops of Sardinia took so gallant a part
—1 say, sir, that I do devoutly hope that, bearing all these
things in mind, the House of Commons will refuse to be
made the cat's•paw of any Government for the sanctioning
of that pseudo-liberalism which, while it affects sympathy
with oppressed lands, strengthens the hands of their op.
pressors. (Cheers.)

If the house neglected this lesson, they would
bring dishonour on the reputation of England:—
I trust, therefore, that we shall be most scrupulous in
exacting from the Government a precise, frank, and definite
account of the relations between this country and Sardinia,
that we may understand whether we have played our cards
so badly at the late game of diplomacy that we are at the
same time pledged to support Austrian authority and Sar
dinian regeneration. This is a question which is recurring
to many minds in this country. It has touched the heart
of England, and be assured it is watched with anxious
attention throughout Europe. I feel a deep interest in
the future of ltalv—(Hear, hear)—and sure I am that
there is no hones.; -mfan in this empire who does not look
forward with delight to the day when that immemorial
land to which we all owe so much shall take her proper
place among the nations, and be again one of the leading
communities of the world. (Cheers.) But I for one base
my hope of that consummation on my faith in the genius
of the people and the resources of the country. Time, the
great reformer, will save Italy; but if there can be any-
thing that will throw her back in her career—anything tint
will baffle her advancing destinies—it will be the intrigues
of politicians who are not Italians, and who, for the sake
of getting an impulse and support which otherwise they
might not command, trifle with the fate of a great people,
pander to the lusts of secret societies, pretend to sympathy
they do not feel, and, for the love of popular applause and
a momentary success, compromise the destiny of a great
and gifted nation. (Loud cheers.)
•

Lord PALmeas.ros denied that there was any my-
tery in our relations with Sardinia; they were knoAn
to ever) body, and appeared upon the face of the pro-
tocols and the treaty—they were the relations of per-
fect confidence and friendship and of intimate
a:lianoe ; but as to any eecret project of revolution-
ising Italy, there was not the slightest ground from
which any man could imply such an imputation.
The treaty with Austria was for one purpose, and for
one only—namely, that there should be a mutual
engagement between England, France, and Austria
to provide for the due execution of thelAustria
treaty for
securing the independence of the Turkish empire,
but not binding England and France to guarantee
the possessions of Austria.
Sir F. BARING, recalling the discussion to the sub-
ject of finance, approved the conduct of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, and hoped that next year
there would be a reduction of the estimates, for which
otherwise the country would loudly call.
Mr. GLADSTONE thought that Mr. Disraeli was
justified in referring to Sardinia, which he did not
believe to be intent upon schemes of aggression. He
commended the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who,
he thought, had sailed very near the wind in his
estimates, for not proposing to remit taAes, and trusted
he would hold firm and decided language as to the
intention of the Government to maintain the existing
taxation until they were in a condition to propose the
remaining reforms necessary to bring our taxation
into a satisfactory state.
Mr. MALINs was sorry to bear that the double
income tax was to be continued for two years instead
of one.
Mr. HENLEY wished to know what were the five
millions in the hands of the Commissioners for the
Reduction of the National Debt..
The CHANCaLLOR of the ExcHEQUER explained that
he had only spoken of the income tax as a source of
revenue for the present year. The 6,000,000/.