The Press.
London, England, 1856-06-28 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

AMERICAN affairs have again been the prominent topic of the week, and
a slight incident at the levee on Wednesday—which has been much can-
vassed in society—seemed likely in the absence of authentic explana-
tion to complicate them still further. It is known that the corps
diplomatique, with other distinguished persons having the privilege of
the entree, assemble in an ante-chamber of the state apartments.
The circle is not less brilliant than agreeable. The representatives of
foreign Courts meet here on friendly terms the most eminent political
personages of the day, ex-Ministers with Ministers for the time being
having the privilege of admittance. Among the company, on Wednes-
day, was Mr. DALLAS, in the full dress of a private gentleman, and
with him were noticed two other persons, whose costume was in
striking contrast with the elegant dresses of the courtly circle. The
appearance of one of these persons was so extraordinary as to excite
general remark. He wore a frock-coat, and had, what is termed in
" gentish" language, a "bosom full of satin," allowing no glimpse of
white linen to be seen, and giving to him altogether a very grimy
appearance. That no disrespect was intended seemed evident, however,
from the circumstance of a glittering trinket of some kind being set in
the middle of his stock. He had evidently smartened himself up for
the occasion. During the half-hour that elapsed between the filling of
the ante-chamber and the arrival of her Majesty, the singular appear-
ance of Mr. DALLAS'S friends excited much remark, and whether it
were that the attention of the Master of the Ceremonies, Sir EDWARD
Cusr, was distinctly called to the costume of the gentleman in question,
or that his eye detected the violation of etiquette, it is certain that he
felt himself called upon to interfere. It cannot be doubted that he
addressed Mr. DALLAS with all the courtesy for which he is distin-
guished, but, in whatever• phrase conveyed, the announcement that the
gentleman was not properly apparelled to be admitted into the
presence of her Majesty, must have sounded disagreeably in Mr.
DALLAS'S ear. He hurriedly left the ante-chamber, followed by his two
companions, and did not return.
When the circumstance was known on Thursday, it gave rise to
much speculation. Some persons conceived that the United States
Government had determined on testing by experiment,—fist experi
mentam in oorpore what'amount of indignity the British Court
and Ministry would submit; others imagined that the Prime Minister
had watched for an opportunity of retaliating the dismissal of Mr.
CRAMPION, and had found it sooner than he could have expected The
Stock Exchange was agitated, the funds drooped, and at first it was
imagined that Mr. DALLAS would, after all, leave the country. But his
presence with Mrs. DALLAS at the fete of the Marquis of WEST-
MINSTER on the following evening, put an end to all such unpleasant
apprehensions, and the opinion now is, that he has apologised for
having unintentionally violated the usages of the Court.
That Mr. DALLAS would be most unlikely to wilfully offend against
good breeding is certain. During his residence here he has created
a favorable impression of his good sense anti good feeling. In ap-
pearance, speech, and expression, he seems a genuine descendant of
the pilgrim fathers of New England. His manners, if plain, are
assuredly not wanting in courtesy.
The occurrence suggests the propriety of withdrawing the con-
cession hitherto made in favour—shall we say ?—of United States'
gentlemen appearing in the evening dress of private life. The con-
cession, it is clear, may be interpreted too widely. Somewhere, as
Mr. DICKENS'S barber observes, the lino mnst be drawn, or we shall
have gentlemen from Yankeedom entering the Royal presence with
cigar or pipe in mouth, and describing a circle of saliva round the
throne. Whoever desires the honour of being presented to her
Majesty cannot surely object to wearing any dress that may be pre-
scribed by Court usage. It was only at the commencement of the
present Presidency that the concession was made ; it has not
answered ; some more stringent rule is necessary. Had Mr. DALLAS
been Mr. SOULS, he would probably have knocked down Sir EDWARD
CUST, called out the Minister, and insisted on a declaration of war, as
necessary to the satisfaction of the dingy-looking gentlemen concerned.
There is ono practice, as we are told, of the American Legation
which requires reform. Citizens of the United States are very com-
monly attached pro forisui to their legations at foreign Courts, that they
may share in diplomatic advantages to which they have !lo just claim.
This is an abuse of a privilege which ought not to be allowed. We
fancy that Mr. DALLAs's friend must have been in this way attached to
the Legation, and that ho ought not to have been in the ante-chamber
at all.

Political insincerity was always a permanent defect in Lord
PALMERSTON, and the Daily News, in a series of articles, within the last
few days, has been exposing the Premier in various ways. It is almost
amusing to think of the time when his Lordship was writtea up as the
champion of " oppressed nationalities," and when his flashy speeches,
meaning anything or nothing, were applauded by the deluded fol-
lowers of KOSSUTH and NIAZZINT. There is virus in the articles of the
Daily News, and appearing in that once Palmerstonian print, the sneer-
rig censures read with pungent effect.

The further papers on the United States laid before Parliament
include a defence by Mr. CRAMPTON of the charges brought against him
by the United States' Government. and the reply of Lord CLARENDON
to the last despatches of Mr. MARCY. Mr. CaexProN, in his able

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SATURDAY,

paper, shows conclusively enough that many of the witnesses on whose
evidence the case against him rests are totally unworthy of belief.
But this is but a small part of the whole question, as certain acts
which the United States' Government positively assert would essen-
tially violate the neutrality and sovereignty of the States, are not at-
tempted to be denied—such, for example. as paying recruits, or
intending recruits, their passage-money to Halifax, are not denied ;
and it is impossible that such practices could be carried to any extent
without practically coming under the scope and intent of the neutra-
lity statutes. But on one point Mr. CRAMPTON'S defence is absolutely
conclusive. Quoting Mr. MARCY'S positive declaration that any case
in which a person in the territory of the United States is induced by
any terms offered to him to leave the States to enlist in the service of a
foreign power, is a violation of the neutrality law, he argues that, as
her Majesty's Government contests that view, Mr. MARCY cannot ab-
solve her Majesty's Ministers from blame, holding, as they do, a prin-
ciple he will not admit, yet punish the agents who act on that prin-
ciple. Mr. CRAMPTON forcibly says of Mr. Marcy's declaration
Now, my Lord, I submit that this principle cannot be reconciled with those main-
tuned by her Majesty's Government, and that if Mr. Marcy is content to waive, if not
abandon his view of the matter, so far as her Majesty's Government is concerned, he
cannot reasonably enforce it against the agents of that Government acting under its
instructions.

To this no other answer can be returned than that her Majesty's Go-
vernment find it convenient to recognise a distinction which common
sense abjures.
Lord CLARENDON'S despatch on the same subject is, perhaps, the
most curious diplomatic document ever penned. He thinks tho
evidence in support of the allegations against Mr. CRAMPTON and the
Consuls unworthy of belief; he cannot admit that they have offended
against the laws of the United States ; he is persuaded that the
American Government is mistaken, but as that Government believes
it is in the right, he is bound to accept its belief, and to acquiesce in the
course it has taken. Tn plain speech, Lord CLARENDON finds
the United States' Government and the British officers are at issue,
both on a point of principle and matters of fact. Lord CLARENDON
has such a high opinion of both parties, that he determines to believe
both, and therefore recognises the justice of a penalty which, in his
conscience, he is convinced is most unjust and undeserved. And
here the recruiting question, we suppose, will end. On the Central
American question, Lord CLARENDON adopts a conciliatory tone, again
suggesting arbitration on the main points of dispute, but avoids
" committing himself"—the dread of all weak minds—by a single
suggestion which might lead to direct and practical negotiation.

"Il n'y a qu'un pas de sublime au ridicule." Sir EDMUND LYONS
is raised to the Peerage for a lifetime of distinguished services ;
General WILLIAMS is invested with the Order of a Knight Com-
mander of the Bath; 'and—Sir CHARLES WOOD is made a G.C.8.,
while Sir BALDWIN WALKER is made a Baronet ! Sir CHARLES WooD, we
all know, has tried a great many things in his lifetime, and succeeded
with none, so, of course, he deserves the Grand Cross ; but Sir
BALDWIN WALKER, the man of sensitive honour, weak memory,
and no patronage and principles, what has he done to deserve a
baronetcy, is asked on all sides? Is it for disclosing private con-
versations, or for having at the Chatham Election Committee in '53
first sworn that he received the order to produce COTSELL'B papers
from Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and then two mouths afterwards declared
that he never saw Sir JAMES GRAHAM at all, and that Sir JAMES had
never advised him to do anything of the kind, both of which versions
were denied by Sir JAMES GRAHAM in the House, who dis-
tinctly stated that he did see Sir BALDWIN WALKER, but
did not advise him to tender any documents in evidence ! It
must he gratifying to Sir BALDWIN WALKER to think that such
exemplary conduct as his before the Chatham Election Committee in
1853, and such " honourable" proceedings as are connected with his
name as Surveyor of the Navy in '52-'53, have at length been recog-
nised by the Government and rewarded with a baronetcy. We hope
he may live long to enjoy it as an instance of the rewards showered
upon men of pure political conduct—of men who hate trickery, love
truth, and will sacrifice place sooner than pocket thoir principles. If
he wants a motto for his new coat of arms, we would suggest—" \facto
tha virtute Auer !"

WHOM SHALL WE HANG
(in the New National Portrait Gallery) ?
Well. since, in spite of all the strictures,
We are to have historic pictures,
And leading artists are to paint
Each celebrated sage or saint
Or sinner that the land can boast,
Of course at once there comes a hitch,—
That most perplexing question, which
First to select from such a host.
And then, before she can permit
Her numerous family to sit,
Britannia pauses, half afraid—
Like Goldsmith's Vicar, when ho stayed
To ponder out a grave decision—
On every costume and position.

I►nprimis, Pam. Oh place him there,
With jaunty glance and jesting air.
But his career! Let art despair,
Or like th' Horatian daub offend,
Depicting what at first was fair,
But deuced fishy towards the end

II

Forget not Pcel
There

us Fred :
honoured

give his portrait
Around let tape of deepest red
Its loved official lustre shed

place;

Upon that intellectual face.
And Clarendon,—there bid him shine
By him whose name alone he copies;
And there let Lewis seem to twine
His "Flowers of History" (mostly poppies).
Of course we can't omit Bob Lowe.
And like his measures, nobly free
From all originality,
So let his pictured costume show :
With here a patch, and there a garment,
And all (howe'er the wearer try
To hide it) set so much awry,
'Tis plain that not for him they are meant.
So poor the cheat that if we like we
Can, by the rule of suum claque,
To warn a future generation,
Raise Cairns above his reputation.

Argyll, too, must the scene illume,
Life size (which won't take too much room).
And Osborne—make his vision bright
With some fresh spark of saucy fun ;
And then upon the picture write
" The Parturition of a Pun."

Enthrone Hibernian Monsell high,

Great chief of military mystics ;
While round his head disordered fly
Unnumbered figures and statistics,
As rocket-sparks fall fast and thick
in bright confusion—round a stick.
Depict great Pan in act to rally on
Some petted, polyglott battalion,
Or using his official pen
To put down mere militiamen,
Writing (in German text) on high,
" N.B. No English need apply."
Yes, range them there, that Liberal band,—
The gallery, we understand,
Is formed to nourish emulation ;
And who, oh who, could not be bold
To hope for greatness when he's told
" These were the rulers of the nation "?

PAM TO ITALY.
(WITH THE SARDINIAN LOAN.)
List, land of my love, and forget
One moment the Austrians and French,
While I swear you're as dear to me yet
(Almost) as the Treasury Bench.
Take, sweetest, the gift I inclose
I'm proud and delighted to send it,
Since you're far too discreet to suppose
That I mean to allow you to spend it.

Yes, yours is my trust and support,
As I've proved by my recent profession
That I'd cut you uncommonly short
If you gave the least sign of aggression.

It may be you shrink from my name
While the rankling remembrance yet lingers
How I managed with Liberty's flame
To burn every aspirant's fingers.
Yet put up your sword, and attend
In peace to the words of your betters ;
While I earnestly beg (as a friend)
You'll discard your aversion to fetters.
With you, if you never will strike,
I'll promise to conquer or fall ;
So you really can do what you like—
Provided it's nothing at all.

ROEBUCK TO THE RESCUE.

THE first meeting of the reorganised Administrative Reform Associa-
tion took place at the London Tavern on Saturday last. The attend-
ance was not very numerous, but highly select, and when we mention
that there were upon the platform such men as Mr. Tite, the Bath
brick ; Mr. Murrough, the New Inn Demosthenes; Dr. Michell, the
Bodmin ‘Esculapius; and Meer Jaffir Ali, the illustrious nabob
together with a number of other persons who intend to become cele-
brated, we shall best refute the unfair and sarcastic remark, attributed
to Lord Palmerston, namely, that the Administrative Reformers are
" ambitious nobodies."

Mr. ROEBUCK took the chair. He said that the Administrative
Reform Association had hitherto been composed of jackasses

—(cheers)—but that all that was going to bo altered. He would let,
the world know something of his mind. Up to this time the
Association had done nothing except return Mr. Tite, who had also
done nothing. Now, if they pleased, they must go to work in earnest.
Nothing could be so base and contemptible as the House of Commons
except, perhaps, the House of Lords, which he never could name
without expectorating. (Cheers.) He would say nothing against the
Monarchy, at least not then. It might be that hereafter the Associa-
tion might play the part of Oliver Cromwell, but he was not disposed
to promise that for the present session. And when the time came, he
would behave liberally to the Sovereign, who was not answerable for
having been made the type of a ridiculous feudalism. But as for the
House of Commons, it ought to be kicked, and one of the earliest
motions he should submit would be that a deputation from the
Association should attend in the lobby of the House, and kick
every member as he went in. He was for fundamental reform, and no
compromise. (Cheers.)
Mr. NIORLEY said that no doubt the old Association had made a
dreadful hash of their work, but the new one had risen like a Phcenix
from its hashes. He considered that everything went wrong in the
country, and that it was all owing to the aristocracy. He was very
much disgusted to think that he himself bore the same name as an
earl, though they were no relations, and he believed that it had been
the cause of every blunder he had made in the course of his life. He
would change his name, but that would involve a payment of nearly
a hundred pounds to the bloated aristocrats who issued the Queen's
Letters Patent. Ho was very sorry that General Williams had
received money and a title, although he deserved them, because had he
been left unrewarded and neglected, he would have been an illustra-
tion of the way real merit is treated, and, besides, he believed that
General Williams would now become an aristocrat like the rest. He
should be happy to help Mr. Roebuck to save the country. (Cheers.)
Mr. JACOB BELL said the real secret of our misfortunes was that
our elections were not conducted with purity, and that wealthy
people, haughty lords, or rich tradesmen, availed themselves of their
money to obtain seats in Parliament for which they were in no degree
qualified. He was by no means sure that it was not the duty of a
patriot to encounter such persons with their own weapons, and to
bribe the electors for their own good.
Mr. T. WALL, a working man, said that Mr. Roebuck was un-
common like old Joey Hume. Not precisely in size, for Joey was a
fine big figure of a man ; whereas Mr. Roebuck—
The CHAIRMAN protested against this line of argument, and
threatened to turn the speaker out of the mom if he persisted.
Mr. MURROUGH said that the Association would soar through the
emulcent—he meant effulgent—horizon, shedding a thousand odours
from its dewy wings, and striking dismay ani chaos into the withering
hearts of the antibilious—he meant atrabilious—enemies of freedom
and enlightenment.
The Nabob of SMUT said that he had not much fault to find with
the House of Commons, for that they were likely to do him justice
against the India Company; but he had come there, having been told
that he should hear some noble orators. He had heard a good deal
of what was called in his own language bosh. (Sensation.)
Mr. TITE said that he had not been so entirely useless as had
been insinuated, although he had not been able to do all that might
have been expected. Even in the House of Commons he bad been
successful in promoting amendments. In the room where members
washed their hands one of the waste-pipes had been choked up, and
the water would not go down from the basin. He had not directed
the pipe to be cleared—no, that was what Routine would have done,
but he had sent out for a penny cane, and poked it down with his own
hand. He had also invented an edge to the washhand-stand, so that
the soap could not slip off upon one's boots; and to a strong opinion
which he had pronounced about a cesspool, he attributed the fact that
the bricklayers had been sent for. (Cheers.)
Dr. MICHELL said that he might not be the wisest man in the
world, but he saw enough in the House of Commons to convince hint
that it did not represent the people of England. Whv, he had only to
utter twelve words there, and the House burst out laughing at him.
(Cheers.) Mr. Disraeli had talked of the " magic prestige of prescrip-
tion," but he would tell Mr. Disraeli that, being a doctor, he knew►
something about prescriptions, and he should like to physic the House
of Commons. (Cheers.)
Mr. NIECHI said that he would do anything he could to shave—no,
save—the country, and he thought a good deal might be done by
papier mache and liquid guano ; at least, he had done very well with
those articles, and he spoke as he found. He would take that oppor-
tunity of mentioning that, in his opinion, a purchaser would prefer one
of his razors to one of Mr. Mappin's, against whom, however, be had
no charge to make.
Mr. ROEBUCK said that if they had nothing better to say, they had
best take themselves off. He would manage the business, and when
he wanted them again he would let them know. He then moved and
seconded a vote of thanks to himself, acknowledged the compliment,
and went away in an unusually good temper.

LOQUITUR EAST INDIA PROPRIETOR.
Shilly-shally with poor Ali,
Pay Meer Jaffir with mere chaff ;
What's a landless Nabob's rally ?
Them us win can laugh.
The figure's big ! well ! Surat's biggish,
Which, you know, we took
Really, Hogg. you're rather piggish,
When I comes to look.


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JUNE 28, 1856. THE PRESS. 613
Forget not Pcel—vivacious Fred :
1 —(cheers)—but that all that was going to bo altered. He would let,

A