The Press.
London, England, 1858-12-11 00:00:00

1210° THE PRESS, DECEMBER 11, 1858.

replenished when once their stock of guano is exhausted,
because the birds from which guano is created are driven
away, and, like coal, when it is once dug up, you cannot
expect to have it reproduced. I believe that nothing is
better after all than good farmyard manure, and if those
who cultivate the land would be more attentive than they
are in some farmyards to the collecting of the manure
formed in those yards, and would apply it to the enrich-
ment of the soil, I believe that foreign manure would, in
many cues, not be required; at all events, I think that
the time is not very far distant when the foreign supply
will cease, and when domestic guano will be the source to
whch you must apply. There is one great subject which
is very much discussed, and which is now under chemical
examination—viz., whether town sewage can or cannot be
advantageously applied as manure. One's hope was that
the application would be easy and certain. Experiment
has shown, however, that it is very difficult; that the
matter mixed up with the sewage, and which is of its
nature inert, forms so large a portion of the compound
that its removal costs a great deal, and is not remune-
rative. I know, however, that the Metropolitan Board of
Works are now employing experienced chemists to see
whether town sewage cannot be applied so that it may
be advantageously transferred at any distance as agri-
cultural manure. Undoubtedly if in a town like Romsey
you could mix mould with the contents of your cesspools a
great deal of valuable lost manure might be obtained
which would otherwise be lost. It is hardly necessary for
me to say—because I know your kindness to those under
you—that while agriculturists attend to their machinery,
their cattle, and implements, their labourers ought also to
be the subject of their peculiar care. I knew people imagine
that societies like the Labourers' Encouragement Societies
are not founded upon sound philosophical principles.
entirely differ from that opinion. I am quite sure that
such meetings and such institutions do immense good. It
is all very well to say that labourer; ought not to receive a
piece of card or a few shillings as a reward for many years
of faithful and dutiful service—that they ought to throw
back such a thing upon those who give it them, and say
that they are trifling with the labours of a life. But such an
objection is at variance with the principles of Inman
nature. It is not the few shillings or the bit of pasteboard
that constitutes the reward, bat you appeal to one of the
leading principles of human nature—the one, indeed,
moat conducive to the social improvement of mankind—
the love of approbation—the love of the approbation
of others, of those whose opinion is of value
to those who are judged and who are capable of judging.
The labourer who comes before such an institution
and who receives a ticket of good conduct and a few shit.
lings of reward has the same sense of pride, of selfrespect,
and of gratitude as the soldier who gets the Victoria Cross,
or the officer who gets a ribsuid tied round his neck or hung
over hie shoulder—distinctions for which men risk their
lives, and go through the greatest dangers. Go into the
eotta,Ae of the labouring man, and see the delight with
which he points to the card on the chimney-piece, which
proves to the eyes of his neighbours that he is worthy of
the distinction of receiving this testimony of his merit
as a citiz,-n. Gentlemen, I give you " Prosperity to the
Romsey Agricultural Association."

parties into which the people of England are divided—the
Conservatives, the Whigs, and the Radicals—l say that
the Conservatives are the parties that ought to bring it
forward. Observe the reason. Twenty five years ago a
Reform Bill, which has formed the constitution of this
country since that time, was brought forward by the Whigs.
1 am old enough to have had a seat in Parliament at that
time, to know what was said and thought of it. We spoke
of it in very disparaging terms—in terms which I acknow-
ledge were much more severe than the measure deserved.
It was confessedly a measure brought in by one party in the
State. I will say no more upon that, except that the same
party have twice put into the Queen's Speech a recommen-
dation to Parliament to consider that same question with a
view to remedy the defects which experience has shown
to exist in that measure. Will you, then, leave them—the
same people—to attempt again to botch their own mea-
sure ? I say nay. They have had their turn, and have
had full credit for their measure, which has turned out
better than I expected. But, if we are to have another
Reform Bill, it ought to be no longer intrusted to them,
but ought to fall to one of the other two parties. Well,
that being the case, speaking as a Conservative, but still
giving my honest opinion, I do believe that throughout the
whole of England the strong majority will be prepared to
trust that delicate operation to the hands of the Conserva-
tives rather than to the Radicals. According to my judg-
ment, they would rather that the operation should be
performed by an experienced surgeon than by a medical
practitioner, who, however great his skill, has yet had no
experience in the matter; that they would rather trust
the bringing in of a Reform Bill to Lord Derby than to
Mr. Bright.
Mr. DARBY GRIFFITH, M.P., also made some allu-
sion to the subject, and said, he believed the country
was not desirous to undertake the great organic
changes, or to ride upon the sea of popular expecta
Lion as it did twenty-five years ago. He hoped that
in whatever change might take place there would be
a careful consideration of the claims of all classes;
but, speaking in agricultural language, he believed
they would prefer to confide their prospects and their
interests to the old Derby plough rather than to the
Birmingham scarifier.

measure was introduced to the House of Commons h
would lend his boat exertions, both by vote and speech to
carry it. They had got a House of Commons which was
now willing to submit to the opinion of the country, and
what more did they want? If they turned it upside down
be thought they would not improve its present constitution.
He thought, also, all that was necessary to be done was with
regard to the representation of the counties. It lay more
with the counties than with the boroughs. The great
fault which had been committed was the division of
counties, by which means two or three great landed pro-
prietors, by patting their heads together, could prevent
the voterlfrom exercising an independent franchise. He
thought it was wrong that people who had not 501. should
be excluded from voting, and therefore he had voted for
Mr. Locke King's motion, to extend the county franchise
to 101. holders.
Having observed that he had been instrumental in
establishing a 101. franchise in Australia, the right
hon. gentleman proceeded to say :
There was another thing which he thought ought to be
done, and to which he would now turn his attention, and
that was what was to be done with those classes whom
the Reform Bill had not invested with the franchise.
Those who did not now possess the franchise were not
enabled by fortune to live in houses of 101. per year
rental. He wished to speak with the greatest respect
for the working classes of this country, and when he
compared the wealth produced by them with the property
of the richest men in the country, that property sunk into
insignificance. But he was bound to consider that the
country should be represented by its wealth and intelli-
gence. He agreed with Lord Macaulay that it was better
for wealth and intelligence to represent a nation than mere
numbers only. He knew he was telling them what many
would disagree with, but it was better that he should come
there with truth on his lips than any more claptrap lan.
gunge, because, if he did not speak in accordance with
what he intended to do, be should very likely be one day
called to account. The number of constituencies, if
equally divided amongst the 658 representatives, would
give 37,000 persons to each. Let them look round at the
matter as it stood with regard to Ireland. In England
each member represented an average of 24,000; in Ireland
they represented something like 73,000; therefo-e. if an
average were to be taken it would give Ireland 210 mem.
hers instead of 105. Such a measure would no doubt
disenfranchise several of the boroughs in Worcestershire,
and he knew that in Kidderminster they were below the
mark. If they adopted Mr. Bright's principle, instead of
sixteen members for London, as now, they would have, in
proport:on to its population, seventy-three members;
therefore Mr. Bright would concentrate all the parlia.
a
mentary power in the large towns. Mr. Bright would take
the representation from the counties and give it to
the large towns. Why should they look to Sardinia, which
ten years ago was under an absolute monarchy, as an
example to this country, or either to the mushroom States
of America, in both of which they had vote by ballot and
universal suffrage? Let them take a lesson from France,
and there they had universal suffrage, vote by ballot,
and au absolute government ; and what did they find'
That no man was safe from domiciliary visits during soy
part of the day or night.

THE RIGHT HON. R. LOWE ON REFORM.
Ma. LOWE addressed a meeting of his constituents
at Kidderminster on Wednesday, giving an account of
his votes in the House of Commons and expressing
his opinion on political events. In eulogizing Lord
Palmerston he said :

He believed that impartial history would render to the
me ivory of Lord Palmerston a very different measure of
justice to that which had been rendered by disappointed
factions and unscrupulous malignity. At any late, now
that Lord Palmerston was no longer powerful in giving
promotion, or in conferring benefits which could excite the
wishes of mankind, he could only saj that a man who at
a period of unexampled danger and difficulty boldly and
firmly grasped the helm of State; who carried us bravely
through the Russian war ; who secured an honourable
and triumphant peace; who took care we should not lose
in the quibbles of negotiation that which we had so nobly
won by a gallant stroke of arms ; who, by his course of
policy with respect to China, had opened it up to our
commerce; who, by his policy in India, had put down
rebellion, and had nobly revenged our slaughtered country-
men and women—such a man had established for himself
lasting claims to a nation's gratitude.
Mr. Lowe, after a passing allusion to the unfitness
of the present Ministry to govern such n country as
thin, then referred to the question of Reform, con-
trasting the excitement about the old Reform Bill
with the apathy at present prevailing in the country
on the question ; the people bad patiently waited for
seven years. Mr. Lowe then proceeded to reply to
Mr. Bright. He said

.!•1

The noble PRESIDENT then proposed " The Mayor
and Corporation of Romsey."
Dr. BEDDOME, who has served the office of mayor
six times, and who is now in his third successive
year of office, returned thanks, and adverted to the
criticisms on Lord Palmetston's recent visit to
France. There was this coincidence connectea with
his visit to France, that immediately after his return
the Empetor of the French gave a free pardon to
Count Montalembert. He hoped that when his lo►d-
ship again visited France his return would be marked
by the removal of all impolitic restrictions upon the
French press.
Lord Palmerston then left the chair, amid the
cheering of the meeting, and the proceedings termi-
nated.

In conclusion, the right bon. gentleman said he
should always be glad to derive the inspiration of
his words and acts from the glorious and noble con•
stitution of the British nation.

MR. GLADSTONE'S MISSION.
A LETTER front Corfu says :—" Since his arrival
here Mr. Gladstone has been in communication with
all the Greek authorities of Corfu. Ou Thursday he
called on the Bishop, and bad a lengthy conference
with him. He has also visited the churches and
every object of interest in the city. On Friday the
Queen's warrant, appointing him Lord High Corn•
missioner Extraordinary to the lonian Islands, was
read to a full meeting of the Senate, and he on that
occasion delivered the following speech in Italian
":
Your Highness and Most Illustrious Sirs,—
Yon have heard the words of the Sovereign Protectress
Of the United States of the lonian Islands.

THE RIGHT HON. SOTHERTON ESTCOURT,
M.P., ON THE REFORM BILL.

THE President of the Poor Law Board, the Right
Hon. Sotberton Estcourt, presided at the meeting
of the Wilts Agricultural Society, at Devizes, on Wed-
nesday, and in his speech, after dinner, he alluded to
the new Reform Bill. Having compared himself to
a friend of the artist who sees a picture while being
done, but whether it will be a " good likeness " or a
" pleasing " likeness he cannot )et say, the right
bon. gentleman proceeded :

The House of Commons, as at present instituted,
always followed the will of the people; as also did the
House of Lords—for instance iu the Jew Bill. The
agitation for a new bill came not from below ; it was the
work of the upper and middle classes. It did not come
from the people at large. And now he came to what
they had perhaps been looking for—his opinion upon it.
He did not think that if a Reform Bill had been obtained
a few years ago it would have worked beneficially to those
who framed it. If the working classes had bad their own
way some time ago they would not have been so well off
as they were now, badly off as some of them were at that
time. He had been, ever since be understood anything
about reform, a thoroughgoing Liberal, and he saw no
reason now to change his opinion. He had early been
taught in a system of politics which he had never felt
called upon to change. The times had come to him, he
had not been obliged to go to the times. The principles
he held in 1832 he held now; they were those advocated
by Lord Grey, and he did not differ from them. He
advocated that the country should not be governed by
mere numbers, but by its wealth and intelligence. lie
did not wish to make a Reform Bill ; he left that to Mr.
Bright. With regard to the redistribution of electoral
districts, the principle of the old bill was to remedy such
scandalous inequalities as those which gave members to
the Park at Gatton, and to Old Sarum, whilst Birmingham
and Manchester were not reptf sented. If there was any
bormigh which since that time had become so small and
insiocifilant, and so unworthy or the great privilege of
reviiinin; a member to Perth ment, 1.0 was perfectly
willing that that privilege should be taken away from it.
If they were to have a Reform Bill he hoped it would not
be a sham, but an honest and anal measure. It such a

From the Commission which has been read to you is
derived whatever title I possess to your regard and Basis-
tance, and to that of other lonians in the execution of my
duties. It. avoids, as you will observe, all interference with
constituted authority, whether in your hands, in those of
the Loid High Commissioner, or in any others; and while
binding me, as the subject and servant of her Majesty, to I
given purpose, it does not bind any lonian, but simply
empowers rae to appeal to a free and voluntary aid in
furtherance of my endeavours.
Nor is it only the title, but the matter and scope
for my charge, which is to be gathered from this Com-
mbsion. .

Now, that is my case. I *nave been to London, and may
possibly have taken a glimpse at the canvas • but,
whether the Reform Bill, when it comes out, will be a
good likeness of what you expect, and will be satisfactory
to you, depends not upon one or two items, which may be
let out beforehand, but upon the whcle measure as corn.
pleted by the great artist in whose hands it now rests.
After observing that the present unexcited time was
the proper time to bring in the bill, Mr. Estcourt
said :

Her Majesty, ever solicitous of the well-being of the
people whom she either governs or protects, is earnestly
desirous that the inhabitants and subjects of the lonian
State should enjoy in the fullest sense, according to the
spiiit and opportunities of the time, every advantage
which was contemplated on their behalf by the Treaty of
Pails in November, 1815.
Aware that embarrassments have heretofore from time
to tine beset the action of the institutions established
under the treaty, she deigns to seek information through
an organ independent of past lonian politics as to the
causes of those embarrassments and the best means of
removing them.
On the onn side the British Protectorate over those
UPON; on the other the eubstetnxtee existence of the

I believe that the measure will be conceived with an
intention of placing the representation of the people upon
a broad, a deep, a good, and a stable fourdatton ; and that
it will be judged of by the people of England with much
less excitement than when a Reform Rill was proposed
twenty-eve years ago. Now, gentlemen, it is also said—
you Conservatives are nut the proper people to bring such
a measure forward; you Conservatives have always been
obstructing reform, and you should therefore leave it to
your opponents. My answer is, that of the three great