The Press.
London, England, 1856-10-11 00:00:00

heat, are at least brought down from the region
of abstract speculation, and invested with im-
mediate and vital interest. The worth of
principles is acknowledged, and the very
source of corruption is stopped, when parties,
held together by honourable ties, contend pot
for individual objects, but for the triumph of
a common cause.

If we destroy Party Government, or if we
regard it with such indifference as must lead
to its dissolution in effect, what have we to
substitute in its place? We have shown that
independence in politics, even when it is more
than a cloak for cupidity, must be totally in-
effective either to impose a check on the Go-
vernment of the day, or to maintain the inte-
grity of principles. It never can make head
against that patronage which the Administri-
tion has at its disposal, and which circum-
stances are tending continually to increase
It never can assure the freedom of [the Sove-
reign by exhibiting a party sufficiently power-
ful in numbers and in reilutation to assume
the reins of Government, should an attempt
be made to hold the Throne in thraldom. It
never can form a barrier to democratic en
croachment, should the Minister of the time
conceive that his easiest way to disarm popu-
lar clamour is by ronocssion.
As little can be hoped from the public
opinion represented by the newspaper press.
Without Party that press sinks in real influ-
ence, because it must feel that no opposition
to the Government cau be effectual, or that
opposition can at best lead only to such paltry
shifting of places as we have lately witnessed.
When the action of parties is vigorous, the
press, by expounding their sentiments, exer-
cises real political influence over the minds of
readers ; but what influence can it have,
should its opposition on one side be known to
be hopeless, and should its support on the
other be notoriously the effect of what is
termed " inspiration" front the Government
offices?

The absence of exciting political questions
does not obviate the necessity of Party
Organisation. It is at such times that poli-
tical connection and fidelity to party engage-
ments must stand in the place of strong poli-
tical feeling. The allegiance owned by reason
to a principle is more permanent than the
obedience paid by passion to a sentiment.
Party Organisation should be maintained in
periods of political quietude for the same
reason that armies and fleets are maintained
in times of peace. It affords security against
sudden attack, and keeps a force in existence
to insure the safety of its cause.
The political situation at this moment is in
some respects peculiar. The Liberal con
nection has resigned itself to the direction of
a chief who, having little reliance on the fealty
of his followers, not unnaturally endeavours to
disarm the hostility of his opponents. But
meanwhile he is pressed from behind. He
uses his Liberal supporters, and is used by
them. He keeps himself in power by their aid,
but they compel him to exercise the government
for their benefit, to strengthen their hands,
and, while their principles remain in abey-
ance, to promote the adherents of their prin-
ciples to the highest places in the State.
They conceive, perhaps, that they can afford
to wait for the attainment of ulterior objects
while they are establishing a connection too
powerful to be resisted hereafter. Hypocrites
in what relates to the present, they are seers
as regards the future.

Our object in these articles is a very humble
one. It islto insist on no more than this—
that men invested with political privileges, of
whatever kind they be, have political duties
to fulfil. Those duties can never be waived.
They are plain and practical. They demand
firmness of purpose, and decision of action.
I They are, in realty, abandoned, when not
exercised with some clear and definite object.
To favour division in Party is to do more than
to nullify influence ; it is to throw weight into
the opposite scale. It is emphatically true in
politics, that he who is not with us is against us.
This was shown lately, when the seceders
from the Conservative party threw all their
weight into the Whig scale, and overthrew the
fairest chance which has existed for the last
twenty-five years of a truly Conservative
Government. Is it possible for the Con-
servative body not to see how dearly this
blunder has been paid for? It is pre-
cisely by such kinds of division that the
strength of that Party on whose unity depends
the security of the Constitution and the
stability of the State, has been broken up.
The unhappy waverera who are too feeble cr
too crotchetty to attach themselves to either
Party in the State, see the balance which they
hoped to preserve torn from their hands,
and themselves reduced to political impotence.
They begin by assisting to depress the Party
which they regard with sympathy, and end by
flying from the Party which they regard with
fear. They lose by their vacillation all power
of saving the one, or controlling the other.
The ascendancy of Lord PALMERSTON over
the Liberal party is but an accident. In spite
of his mock Conservatism, the party has its
way, and is collecting itself for the time when
it may propound its own policy. Unless the
country is prepared to discard politics altoge-
ther, honest men must frankly make up their
minds to which side they will attach themselves.
Any third Party at the present time must be
contemptible in itself, but may be dangerous
in its consequences. Like the " independent"
men on the Ministerial benches, it will expose
itself for sale to the best, we should say the
wealthiest, bidder. Honest men must declare
themselves to be Liberals or Conservatives,
and must faithfully abide by the fortunes of
the Party they choose.

THE NEW BISHOP OF LONDON.
THERE are two positive qualifications which
we think we shall not be considered extrava-
gant in asserting to be indispensable for the
fitting discharge of episcopal duties. They
are, considerable experience, and considerable
learning. A bishop is the rector of a more ex-
tensive parish, the shepherd of a more nume-
rous flock. He has, of course, special attri-
butes besides, but practically his position de-
mands the daily exercise of those qualities
which constitute the excellence of a parish
priest. Enlarged sympathies, knowledge of

character, and an adaj
aspects under which '
itself, are qualities in
cese ought to be di
hardly be acquired
college, or in the /
If it is no longer at):

commentary on a Cr
stepping-stone to

daptability to the varying
la human nature presuilbilp
a which no head of a dick -•
deficient, and which ova;' tzi
l within the walls of a.;,
seclusion of a cathedral. - CO
bsolutely necessary', that a;
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tb" Episcopal:lA*o, '
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