The Press.
London, England, 1857-04-18 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

them. Abstractedly we should suppose that the highest Personage
in the realm would not dissent from the proposition. But the almost
fatal objection to a change not perhaps otherwise to be deprecated,
consists in the undue influence which could hardly fail to
accrue to those few great families who might be honoured by a royal
alliance. The fact of any English House standing in such a re-
lation to herself would rather tend to fetter her Majesty in the
choice of her servants. Favouritism is a name odious to British ears ;
and rather than incur such a charge, her Majesty would doubtless
prefer to do violence to her own judgment. This, however, is a very
remote question; and we beg to offer to Queen Vicromk our tribute of
congratulation and thanksgiving, unqualified by the presence of any
political of controversial element.

A continuance of the peace of Europe depends upon the future
relations of Austria and Sardinia. To speak in plainer terms,—it has
to be decided whether a Government, purely constitutional, can exist
in close proximity to a despotic State, or, taking the converse, whether
absolutism can persevere in its rule, with a liberal and flourishing
State abutting upon its frontier. Let the present state of affairs be
fairly analysed. The Emperor of AUSTRIA, a young soldier, full of high
courage and youthful generosity of heart, animated by an earnest
desire to increase the prosperity of his Lombardo-Venetian kingdom,
visits his Italian dominions, proclaims his liberal intentions, acts up
to them with scrupulous fidelity, and fails to produce the favour-
able effect which might have been reasonably anticipated. Tho
contrast between perfect freedom in Sardinia with its necessarily
limited form in Lombardy, checked the feelings of the Lombardo.
Venetian people. Fully sensible of the nature of the trial more or
less remote, M de Burn, was tho first to signify dissatisfaction, and,
pro tanto, M. de CAVOUR declined to recede from his position. In point
of fact Austria proclaimed her inability to remain in her present
position, while Sardinia declared her determination to maintain
her independence. Such is the exact state of things. The intention
of Sardinia, prematurely announced, to establish a camp of 20,000
men upon her frontier has been replied to by Austria, and a division
of General GYULAI'S force is to be assembled for exercise upon her
Lombardo frontier.

The continued scarcity of money and depreciation of the Public)
Securities—at a time when the new gold-fields of California and Aus-
tralia have trebled the former production of gold, and evince not the
slightest signs of exhaustion—naturally excite some marvel. Com-
mercialists have not yet assigned any plausible explanation of the
phenomena. The money oracle of the Times strings together a num-
ber of alleged circumstances, and supposes that, taken altogether, they
may account for the fact, though no one of then► alone might exercise
great influence. This is illogical. A steady and continuous action of
any kind argues a persistent cause, and not the force of a number of
accidental incidents. Besides, some of the alleged causes can
obviously have no connection with the effect. Monetary de-
rangements, it is said, arc usually owing to a failure of crops.
Of course, in the event of any great deficiency in our annual
harvests, there must be an efflux of specie to pay for the pur-
chase of food, and the same action must in degree take place in all
countries when there is a failure of any crop on which the people are
dependent. But in such cases the derangement, or the specie scarcity,
must be felt almost entirely in the countries where the failure occurs.
It is not credible that a failure of the wine in wine counties, or of
silk in silk producing lands, should cause a continuous drain on the
specie of Great Britain. A contrary action would seem more
natural. The true explanation of the phenomena must, we believe,
be sought deeper. We doubt whether the effects'of the free-trade system,
as regards specie transactions, have yet been fully experienced, and
we think it not unlikely that the continual drain on our coffers may
result from that natural tendency towards equalisation of prices
through the world which the soundest economists predicted as the
effect of corn-law repeal. Add to this the enormous augmentation of
Government expenditure for the last three or four years, and conse-
quent diminution of the amount available for industrial enterprise,
and the fact of the scarcity of money may cease to excite surprise,
though it is not to be viewed without some degree of uneasiness.

The general order upon staff military education, published this.
week, may be regarded as an earnest of the policy the Duke of
CAMBRIDGE is resolved to pursue for the benefit of the army. That
military system according to which the British army would be
officered simply by the most industrious students, we are heartily
opposed to. We believe that such would tend to the depreciation of a
class of qualities which experience has shown to be the mainstay of
our military prestige ; but we cordially approve of the general order
recently issued by his Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief. It
was shown in the late war that our staff was not exactly what it ought
to have been. It is needless to re-enter upon details ; and we fully
believe that a stop better calculated to insure the efficiency of our
armies in the field, as well as advantage and convenience to our
Generals in command, has seldom been adopted, than that which the
Duke of CAMBRIDGE has now had the prudence and the courage to
resolve on.

The people dwelling in these islands remind one of Corin-
thian brass—a fusion of many metals, more precious than any of
its constituents. Mr. BROWN, whose liber tlity was celebrated on this
occasion, is an instance in point. What finer proof of the results of
our social system can there be than the fact that a man whose innate
powers have raised him from the rank and file of merchandise, should
have been greeted as the " fine old English gentleman"—that
expression not being here used to indicate long descent, but the

APRIL 18,1857.

possession of qualities which, in some countries, it is supposed
that long descent alone can confer? What finer proof that
there now exists in England a more valuable equality than demo-
crats dream of, than that " The House of Stan .ey " was one of the
very next toasts to that of the hero of the day? On this occasion,
Mr. HORSFALL spoke for Liverpool, declaring this a fitting opportunity
for the chief city of English commerce " gracefully to say to the son,
" that it entertains the highest respect and regard for his illustrious
" father, one who takes so deep an interest in the town of Liverpool,
" and which has been shown on no occasion more than on a recent
" one, when he presented to its inhabitants a must magnificent col-
" lection of natural history, known as the Derby Museum.' " Lord
STANLEY'S reply is well worthy of notice, He spoke strongly as to the
undiminished existence of local attachment and local sympathy.
We who come from Lancashire," he said, " look upon one another
" with mutual friendship and goodwill." The lavers of change who
would substitute " electoral districts " for counties, would also, we sup•
pose, substitute some abstract ideas in place of friendship and goodwill.
Sir JOHN PAKINGTON took occasion to show, from the position of
Liverpool itself, that the voluntary principle in its highest develop-
ment seldom sufficiently provides for popular education ; that very
rarely, indeed, can it be expected that the will and the power to do
good. should be united, as in the case of Mr. BROWN.

Mr. Wir.LiAsr RUSSELL (Our own Correspondent) is announced to
commence his Lectures on the Crimean War at Willis's-rooms on the
28th inst. The course will consist of three lectures, and the price of
an admission for the three is announced at two guineas. Mr. Russell,
has proved himself to possess great ability of a popular kind, and it is
rumoured that his lectures will comprise revelations which he has not
hitherto thought it expedient to publish. There can be no doubt that
he will make his lectures exceedingly amusing; ut that metropolitan
audiences will be found for them at the rate announced is exceed-
ingly problematical. Mr. RUSSELL does not, we hear, intend to avail
himself of scenic accompaniments, but will exhibit ground plans
to illustrate his narrative. We hope the experiment will answer
his expectations. He richly deserves some substantial token
of public appreciation ; and in the provinces we imagine that his
lectures at a moderate price, and with agreeable accompaniments,
will command great popularity. Mr. ltessELL stands on a different
footing from the literary gentlemen who have lately taken up with the
trade of lecturing. His attainments are of a showy kind, and may
without degradation be turned to showy uses. The very eminent
gentleman who has recently set up a booth for Iris personal exhibition
has by this time, we believe, discovered the great mistake he has
made. His error has inflicted a deeper sting than even the loss of
literary reputation. We have no desire further to pursue a painful
subject than to express a hope that he will at once desist from a
practice unworthy his abilities, and attended by this among other evil
consequences, that it leads him to court vulgar applause, and to
minister to vitiated tastes, instead of giving fair play to the higher
instincts of his genius.

Every one must have observed with pleasure how greatly the
atmosphere of the metropolis has been purified since factories of all
kinds have been compelled to consume their own smoke. Those tall
chimneys which formerly belched forth dense volumes of noxious
vapours, poisoning the air, and pouring down showers of " blacks," are
now rendered harmless—not a trace of smoke issues from them ; and
though, of course, the numerous fires of private houses very sensibly
and disagreeably cloud the atmosphere, yet the nuisance is mate-
rially abated to the great advantage of both the health and comfort of
metropolitan denizens. Now, we should like to know why the same
beneficial law should not be applied to the provinces. We could name
some manufacturing localities, where, from the crowding together of
tall chimneys within a narrow space, the nuisance is infinitely greater
than it ever was in any metropolitan district. The night breeze is
never sufficient to clear off the accumulations of the day, and most
commonly a densely-crowded community of artisans is condemned
to breathe this deleterious atmosphere in addition to suffering from
numerous other unhealthy influences attached to their e mdition.
Why should this great evil continue? It is now clearly proved that
furnaces may, at a very trifling cost, be made to consume their own
smoke ; and there can be no reason whatever why manufacturing
localities should bo exempt from the regulation which has proved so
salutary in the metropolis.

BISHOP-MAKING.
A DIALOGUE.
THE PREMIER.-LORD SHAFTESBURY.

The PREMIER.—Pass the wine,Anthony. Well, I wonder whether
you will have to make any more Bishops for me.
Lord SHAFIESBURY.—I should be sorry, as a Christian, to say that
I trust so ; but there are eeveral dioceses--

The PREMIER.-Whiuh you would be glad, as an Evangelical, to
see vacant.

Lord SHAFTESBURY.—No, not vacant, but occupied by serious cha -
racters.

The PREMIER.—I take your word for the new man being all right.
only look to the horse's pedigree ; you must ans wer for the running.
Lord SHAFTESBURY (deprecatingly).—My dear Lord, we are talking
of the Heads of the Church; you speak as if they came out of stables.
The PREMIER —They come out of stalls, anyhow. So I'm not so
far wrong, after all.

385

Lord SHAFTESBURY.—I can only wait and hope that ono of these
days you may take a graver view of the subject.
The PREMIER.—If I did, I might get appointing my own men.
Now you have it all your own way. Let's see, Villiers, Baring,
Langley, Bickersteth, Pelham—that's a pretty good haul fur your net,
St. Anthony.
Lord SHAFTESBURY.—AII worthy men, and it's a great privilege to
be able to help them into places where the good work may be done.
The PREMIER.—As I said, I suppose it's all right. But if I cared
about the matter, you know, I would as soon think of arranging the
Bishops in your fashion as, if i were driving a donkey to market, I'd
put all his load into one pannier.

Lord SuArrEstiony.—What au illustration !

The PREMIER.-4 swear it's highly Claphamite, and, what's more,
it's to the purpose. One of these days—not in my time, perhaps, but
hi your's—you'll have a Free Kirk in England, if you go on as you are
now doing.

Lord SHAFTESBURY.—We arc, I humbly trust, in the plain path of
appointed duty, and if pleases Providence that offence shall come, it
is out of our hands.
The PREMIER.—Bother.
Lord SHAFTERBURY.—Eh
The PREMIER.—I say bother; you'll excuse a familiar phrase in a
poor Irishman?

Lord SHAFTESBURY.—WeII, it is not exactly the sort of reply one
expects to a religious observation, made in all humility.
The PREMlER.—Neither humility nor religion in the matter,
excuse me. You are an excellent fellow, and nobody more sincere.
I'm an outsider, and care for none of these things like what's his
name—Gallipot--
Lord SHAFTESBURY (g►'oans).—Gallio.
The PREMIER.—Him's the nigger. Well, but I can see a little
that you can't or won't see. You'll have a Free Kirk. That is to say
the other side in the Church will not stand being handed over to your
sectarian Bishops. You'll have an emeute.
Lord SHAFTESBCRY.—I can only repeat what I have said.
The PRENIIER —Don't—you are told to avoid vain repetitions. I
wish, in earnest, that before the next mitre tumbles oil' you'd con.
sider whether one of the other side ought not to have it. lam certain
that my old plan of giving the bishoprics sandwich fashion—alter nate
slice of Clapham and Pusey—was the real secret of preserving the
peace of the Church.

Lord SHAFTESBURY.—Insincere in the highest degree.
The PaEutr.a.—lnsincere as far as regards doctrines, and all that,
which is of minor imports.cce, and which no two people can agree
upon; but very sincere as regards friendship for the Establishment,
and its permanence, a matter which you sectarians seem to consider
very little indeed.
Lord SHAFTESBURY.—I fully comprehend you, my dear Lord, but
we are not to do evil that good may come.
The PREMIER.—Who wants you to do evil? All I suggest—mind,
I don't care a farthing about it, the row won't come in my time, but—
I suggest that it is worth while to remember that there is a large
party in the Church as zealous as yourselves, and with a great deal
more learning (to say nothing to you, a non-worldly man, of immense
wealth and influence), and that it seems a blunder to turn these
people into enemies of the Established Church, as your tactics are
doing.
Lord SHAFTESBURY.—Without departing from my original ground,
that there is a right and a wrong, I assure you that you are in error
in detail. About zeal I say nothing, but as for learning—
The PREMIER.—Come, out of your new batch is there one who
knows Cyprian from Origen ?
Lord SHAFrEBBURY.—Well—yes—I dare say Dr Bickerstcth does,
because there was a commentator in his family : but that is of small
consequence. Who was Cyprian and who was Origen, that in the
nineteenth century a Bishop ought to be acquainted with them ?
The PREMIER.—Nay, if you put it to me with that serious face, I
can't tell you. Perhaps the less a Bishop knows of Cynrians the
better ; and Origen invented original sin, which you know I have
abolished—there, don't look shocked. What I mean is that you Evan-
gelicals are held to be very deficient in theological learning ; and as a
Bishop ought to be able to defend his Church, your ignorance is
thought to be a little scandalous.
Lord SHAFTESBURY.—EntireIy a mistake.

The PREMIER —l'm glad to hear it, but the other side have some
able men, I don't believe one of our new lat would pass the Bishop
of Exeter's examination.
Lord SHAFTESBURY.—I trust not.
The FREMIER.—Tbere you arc, you see, wrapped up in spiritual
pride, and regardless of Christian charity. You are a Dissenter, and
you are splitting up the Church! But if you say it's all right, and the
matter is in your line. I've done, and you may give the next mitre to
Baptist Noel if you like.

Lord SHAFTESBUILY.—He has seen
.his way clear to leaving the
Establishment, dear fellow.

The PREMIER.—He'II see it back again, perhaps, if you hold up a
mitre; but, if not, there's Spurgeon.

Lord SHAITESBURY.—WeII, well, all will be overruled for good.
The PREMIER.—I don't know about your ruling, but your lines
will fall in very unpleasant places if you don't mind. But it's your
business. Pass the wine, Shaftesbury the bishop-maker. Ad te,
Dentine.