The Express.
London, England, 1852-02-04 00:00:00

EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1862.

with the court of heath. Ira assure him that my con-
dom was eatirely purred by the corresposilinsee I have
thelidedleand Ly the Wires which I base implanted.
Wrath Oa the 2lnd, a .615, I read to the
online oesamposillaste, both official conespondence
the bens h sew aeasertad with ad aad the private cor-
reepentenni which bad taken place between me and
rap aphis Mead; sad I stated at leap! that I
ems et wane, megssalble that U they reapproved
el /El tdoldott, et ellealle 1 mast leave once ;
and I h! it to thent to hem their own MI.
• eleslies. noy adds& without any differeace of
fliginineetbet 647 thooglit I could have taken no *tide
enesme thin that withal had takes. Sir, I do not know
whatbso the house aside say further statement with re-
=Vine tramselem I immediately proceeded to
and advised bra Majesty to make choir of my
Nab Mead Lard Oraseille as the Foreign Secretary. Now,
nbenewr may be the neult, I am convinced still that—con-
dign* with what wee due to the berm of the crown,
osioallesUp with what was due to the character of the
I amid have tskna se ether err e than that
voiced. Bet let me say—as one part of this
Malewlent ntlgbl pinny lead to • very wrong combines—
that I am fir bent accusing my noble friend of any intro
IS.. of personal direspect to the crows. My belief is that,
laving been keg esaversant with the affairs of the foreign
department, harag greet confidewe in his own judgment
sad is his own seettiod of doing those atfairs, he forgot and
neglected that which was due to the crown and that which
WA due to his colleagues, but without any intention of
meaning personal disrespect. But, sir, it is impossible for
one to make thieatattmcst without refining in some degree
to the state of affairs w hich now exist on the continent of
Europe. I think it necessary to make that reference, be-
canoe I have been necessarily led into an avowal of my
opinion, that we could not properly or (drip express an
opinion here favourable to the conduct of the French Presi-
deat on the Sad December. I certainly did think that it
was not our part to do what we heara the Russian and
Austrian ministers at Paris had done, and go at mar to
congratulate the President on his coup dr.rai. But, then,
I am bound to say that the President of France—hay.
fog ell the means of informetion which he has—has, no
doubt, taken that tourer, from a consideration of the
state of society in France, which, as he believes, is best
suited to procure the welfare of the country over which he
rules. (Great laughter.) Let me state that openly—
having declared that we could not curter our approbation
on the set. I further state that I have no reason to doubt,
and everything I hear confirms that opinion, that in the
opinion of the President of France, the putting an nut to
the three things I have mentinned—putting en end to the
election, and preventing the elections of Ilel2, and abolish-
ing the parliamentary constitution—are all /111011511,1,1 Clllllll.l.
Wye, and. perbape. ens stud to the welters: of the tenni ry over
which he rules (('nee, and counter cheers and laughter.)
1 mu-t, however, say further that I have seen with wry
great regret the language which has been used by • par
non of the press of this country—(cheers and counter
cheer.)—upon the affain of France. I remember some-
thing, and 1 have read of more, of what occurred during
the peace of Amiens, to render that reads of short duration,
and to involve England nut leranesi in the most bloody
hostilities that ever mangled the face of Europe. 1
believe that temperate discussioo, that temperate
negotiation between the two countries, might have
averted the calamity of war between them; but it
so unfortunately heppened that the language of the news-
paper. at that time was such that it embittered all ergo-
tiatioo, and prevented the continuance of the peace. Sir,
I should deeply regret if the papers of this country, at the
present time, we re to take again a eienilar course. We
have, indeed. one advantageeiver that time. Then, Cie
First Consul of Frenee, great as were his abilities, was
tetslly ignorant of the nsanneis and of the constitution of
this country. The pre rent President of France has that ad-
vantage over hie uncle, that he is perfectly aware how
much liberty, nay. how much license of discussion prevails
in this coantry, and that the fiercest and most envenomed
invectives of the papers do nut imply. any fecliags of hos-
tility either in the government or in the people of this
country. (Cheers and laughter.) 1 am convinced of this,
that there never was a time in which it was more essential
that these two reentries should preserve the relations of
peace and amity. (Great cheering.) I am also conviaced
that there never was a time when peace between
them could contribute more to the earn of
(Continued cheering.) I am likewise
convinced, from every wouranee I have had. that the ruler
of France. the rest act Preeident of France, is desirous of
keeping on those ti ems of amity with this country; and it
shall nut he from any fault of ours, it shall not be from any
fault of the government of this country, if those terms of
peace and amity ire not enduringly maintained. (Load
einem) Sir, I hare and the' more especially because it
certainly will he our duty, a. her Majesty's speech has
iatimated, to propose some increase in the esteblishinents of
the year. (1 ron cheer...) When the proper time curna,when
the measures for that purpose are proposed, it will be
shown to you, I think, .1 trust to the satisfaction of the
house, that three meanires are not an increase of arma-
ment—are, indeed, nothing more thaelpach precautions as
sot only every country in Europe, bat even the United
States of America, consider it proper to take fee their own
national defence. It is impossible sot to see that, with
the great changes that have been aoserriag in the world,
among other arts the art of war hoe undergoes great im-
provement ; and it is necessary, where there is always pos.
dbility of was, not to be without the sumer which that
improved art of war may make dleinelde. Really
however, to ace some of the lenient published, awl to hear
some of the language used, the ethansks Mil be that
then two great nationa—so wrathy, se similar, lad so ea-
Ughteced—were going to war with or anothor, were piss
Is butcher one another, merely to try what would be the
effect of a given concussion of shells. (Cheers and laugh-
ter.) Sir, I trust that that spirit is may pertial, and only
soop.orary. I am convinced that the solid sad deliberate
names of this house aside( this country is foe pew*. (Loud
Awning) And the continuance of peace, the most per-
maa,at sad ertaie peace, would, I own, sir, I think, be
the greatest, blessing which the nations of Europe can en-
s 7. (Load cheers.) There Is now something farther
which, if I may be permitted, I will point out to the atten-
dee el the lower. Four years ago we were startled by in-
s's:entities is various of the capitals of Europe. They
were generally combiaed with murder. sometimes with
ranee, said always with cheers of the most democratic
desstiptios. I herd peens in this hew eapeestieg *sir
greet joy at the revelation In those sevatriss. I eand sot
participate ia their sallsthellan. 1 Nil dot I Inked
thaw ems with skated Wisp of Mains if
should ea
rn oat to he mato not poomatal the Inset7S
the freedom of the mediae of Isoess bat Isg_ro mmm at
.aide... that that smell Is Ss souk -Ws Imam
bar rare go over as, aad IMO bosom &staler* Ado*
ossuaries sleigh' demon* osaontudoso son ostablishool
have raw boss gland maw almisto goostssat. For
. In that lids orembry at issasy, wbfab I 01
was time lived Ise WNW maths Iwo oak s& lbs wt
benignant rule el dr ass sand sad gwoora•
meat. We saw that forestry avortoorstri • domswas
We saw the Oesad Dohs drives Mu Wdoolairso
this demand that he aboubl jals as smith"
on have Sari owe his Mani to alsolate power, bat with
the oddities of • heap kiss which wapitis his mita
sad chief rower and tin saltsiatiosos of width is partly pro•
eyed bor has Ow mesas whisk porden4 wen Messed
to humid tiagniveseatn We saw la Moak • donor
static costa italics wrested has the
sad we have seen that ossellestlesell=
sad destroyed with absolute power rebored Is
that kingdom. In Rem again a foreign force
was introduced in order to put aa:oad to a constitu-
tion violently imposed. Now, sir, isthems se moral to he
drawn from tt nee events' Do they sot show, in the first
piece, that we should not judge howl!, int rashly of events
oeturriag in foreign countries? (Hear, hear.) Do they
set show, likewise, that with regard tom oselves, although it
was then thought that we did net puss tie same degree
of liberty which Giber oaosteha had enjoyed, we
have done wisely is adhering to ear assist iestitutions ;
and that freedom sf speck and liberty d the that
liberty which Is set mere license—re mare enjoyed
Oa this &nanny Or among the. arras when a short
time ago democratic libert), appeared loorishing to its
tabracet ea tent' (Cheers.) I truth as, we shall, with re-
gard to our own country, eenthass is lasisztitadele4seemble
and safe amendment, and the sot Is suit
themes, run the risk of twist an till may Wang gm Jew
seat already. Bat with regard to hoots aations Imo
is • this to be said, that, while no do sot iallerhas
—while we strain from any interposer judgment apes
the based main of ("reign rooatits•—got aim S. ems
ciaergreses at these events which imposes ups so • duty
hem whir we cannot shrink. An Aim pormmosts—as
sae perry se the other obtained = WA—drive
thole wows sad former enemies oat =sato
awantries. and it sub Is nosy •
. Sir. in giving to them atm
, re possessing Use mistent awl Irma
of this araatry. (Cheers.) la axing disig taut
14 ere het drag that which was eiletwated two centuries
age In the verse of Waller. (Cheers.) I trust that from
thaw obligations we shall not shrink. (Cheers.) I trust,
while we dila of any attempts made :a this country
to shake the eehibWhed governments of other countries,
that so leag r three exiles and refugees conduct themselves
peaceably, we shall consider it an honour and distinction to
this country that she receives indiscriminately in her bosom
all those who are the victims of revolution. With these
opinions, therefore, with respeet to our foreign affairs, with
regret to the advantages which we may derive from them,
with respect to the obligations which they impose upon sac,
I will conclude what I have said to the house, not touching
in any degree upon the other topics of the address. It has
been necessary, that at the request of my bon. friend, I
shield Wader to the house explanations with regard to the
fa as department of the administration ; and it
rhoZe bass been impossible to give that exile.
maths without in some degree referring to that
width bad taken place in a neighbouring country.
Bet I must again repeat that in any MCSAUree that we have
to Oho. that hi say measures that we may have to submit
to this brass Is will be our object not to mensal) that till•
reensable pars which ha. &rine, but rather to allay it.
It Is my preemies that, although it is wise at all times to
take preesutiont against contingencies and parable dangers,
there is no MOM whatever for supposing that this
country is in my immediate danger of hostilities
with any other sountry. There ie, is fact, at this
time no dispute between us sad say foreign power, in
Europe air elsewem; and I hays the happiness of saying
that the relations of peace exist in the firmest degree.
(Cheep.) I do trust that they may continue to exist.
(Chinn.) Ad while I deplore the events which have
Cedas the continent of Europe—events which I feu were
llhe too certain consequences of the revolution of
Nth— I do trust that with pesos and civilisation
—with the knowledge that is daily—with the inventions
that are hourly made, to improve the condition
of saakiad—that true political liberty will at length be

introduced and be establithed, and that with religion it
will govern the heart* of men, awl produce • limner cra
fur the world. (The noble lord resumed hie place amid
rossiderable *leering from the 'Wantons] benches.)
Lord PALMERSTO,Iff (oh* wag greeted warmly by
ell parti of the hoses) nee and said: Mr.flpeaker,—Sir,—l
am sere that the Mese tent feel, that after what has
primed ea the part of my lismosunble friend sitting
behind me, and on the part of the noble lord who bee just
sat down, it is absolutely incumbent on ow to make some
observations to the house. (Loud cheers.) I should be
sorry, indeed, air, If this house and the country should run
away with the impression which the speech of the noble
lord hes been but too well calculated to make, via., that I
had abandoned principles which I have ever enter-
tained, and changed opinions which I trust I
shall never alter—that I hove become, in short,
the advocate of military despotism and of the
abolition of constitutional government. Sir, I shall come
to that immediately. The noble lord began the remarks
which he made to the hottest by stating his opinion of the
relations which ought to subsist between the foreign secre-
tary and the crown on the one hand, and between the
foreign secretary and the first minister ou the other. In
that dehnition I most entirely concur; but I flatter
myself that there has been nothirg in my conduct
which is inconsistent with such • view of those
relation.. Sir, the practice that prevailed in the
Foreign-office was that which the noble lord
has described as laid down in the memorandum of 18.10;
but the practice did not begin at that time, but was in
existence before—the practice, namely, that no important
political instruction was ever sent to any foreign minister
abroad, and no note was ever addressed to any diplomatic
agent of any foreign power, without the draft being first
submitted to the noble lord st the head of the go-
vernment, in order that he might take the
pleasure of the crown on it ; or, if he had, either
from himself or from higher authority, suggested
alterations, thee. alterations were always made.
I know it has been sometimes said, that although the gene-
ral tenure of the policy pursued by me had the approval of
the government, and was right, that, nevertheless, there was
something in the manner and conduct of it that was calcu-
lated to excite irritation in foreign governments. That
course of conduct consisted for years of framing despatches
and noten, and those despatches and notes were never sent
' without having obtained the sanction of the cabinet. The
noble lard has commented on an incident which I am ready
to admit has excited some degree of regret on my pert,
namely, an interview which took place between myself and
a certain deputation from Finsbury and Islington on the
subject of the efforts made by government to obtain
the release of the Hungarian refugees. I was
asked by letter to receive a deputation for the purpose of
expressing their acknowledgments, agreed to at certain
meetings which had been held, of the efforts which had
been made by her Majesty's government to obtain the re-
h stee of the Hungarian refuges. I thought it was my duty
to receive a deputation of respectable penons from a meet-
ing of her Majest's subjects. I certainly did not expect,
M not being the habit of receiving deputations as my noble
friend has been, that what pissed in conversation wan to
appear in • newspaper paragraph the next day as an im-
portant communication from her Majesty's government.
Bet there was nothing that I stated to that deputation
which I had not stated in this bones, and which I had nut
stated dumber* in &manner that was perfectly known to
her Majesty's government. I certainly did regret that that
meeting should have mixed up withthenseknowledinnents to
the government expressions with regard to foreign sovereigns.
If I had taken the precaution of asking to see the address
before I received it, that might have bees expunged, but
being taken bp surprise, the address being read to me on
the spot, all that I could do was to repudiate those expreie
*ions. I certainly did not think that what passed on that
occasion was reasonably calculated to impair the friendly
relations of her Majesty's government and any other
country. And, now, I will enter into the particulars of that
to which my noble friend refers—the noble lord refers—on
the groundwork of my removal from the government. The
events, which are commonly called the soup hap-
pened in Paris, on the 2nd December. On the 3rd Decem-
ber, the French ambassador—with wheal I was in the
habit of almost daily communication—called upon meat my
house, to inform me of what be had received, and to talk
over the events of the preeeding day, and I stated
in conversation with him die opinion that I
entertained of the events that had taken plate. That
opinion was exactly what wee Mated in the letter part of
the despatch which the noble lord has read as having been
sent by me, The Pesach embroider, in • private letter,
as I am inhemed, sealed what had posed at that conversa-
tion. On that day, nonsely, the Sid of December, her Ma-
jesty's ambesoder at Paris wrote a deoatch to ask what
instructions he timid receive fee his naes Ia the Wee-
vil which should depot bolero the vete et the Pres& Ra-
tios es the maim le be pot to them end whether is that
interval he Maid WON IMO lb niers with the Pfeseh
goveramest grime dimes et reserve than atm& I
took idm opinion of the eabieet ea that question. • MA
was prepred, which was sot be her Majesty's
semi the .sewer was glean ambient! with
arson Thigh we had pmeed hem the very et
reseed mob is Paris. That Memo, was that Mash my
Mb Merl has read &Stir deiperateher Majestreaseirm
mew. le melte se it%is the sdeisse with the Prowl
govOlOnlent, to an whi* wadi wear the
saes et interlinear the WM* alike et Pentane
There was no beer aerie to somerierlie that le the
French goverment; it we. am brimeries , net Is
feet what he was to do, but what he was to ham
doing. The noble lewd, however, thought it lII* to mass
menicate with the French Minister of Ferias ABM, the
substance of that limas* wiesemesigcb4sersmier
tion with seem swim ihr these bed net
boss ; fee his *merit wee *mg es the and the m-
ower was smarm the Mk. The Wm* Malahr nests& that
he had nothing to my with reseed to the day, _sad the
ler, Liked, Masse ree dem Mere he bad nerved hem
the lees* usbanseett Me that etatmrt white the
obis bed alladiel se, that I had moirel sr whet
had hem dem, mil that I them* the me fay
=ell to se W
ing That we a somewhat Willy sr
emneris et the remit
tai, lese assesereles.
Those particular words I sem anti it is
that the Preach saltreadee we sew* eemtilmi4 with
• murd Se the peeper Ely* if his elm seemly, heve
MM the :=1 at • hieleressestmey lime, awl the
mild mei ham gime that approval it se
ailtareavd..6.llThes dm despot* reehed m_seitie Mend be
wrens to me ie my be trusted I wear canoodles that
stems* There was, es he ism, as iatervel between my
receiving that Mere( hie and my mower. His Ws; en
he sloth, wee dated es the lata, sad my seer
the leth. I was at that the miler a Mary pecans et
balsam I wished toeils at hill Ism*tie Maim
that I arrtaised esd espereed. sad it most dlthe
eveshwee the *heat wee able se Mee asfame
Mle Mead.
that
get it as the winiai et the 17*.
Ity mower of that the Maim *a weeds meted *
have slist'ail
gem • isliwrieg ki miles Mt I mid
have said rmeties with the Pami omlremier
_hat
that my mires wee, sod that was the spires that se *Mt
I had ex the there bad been he mese time GM es
antagonism betimes the Preldest es the me side,
and the es the ether, that their it., *-
existence bad berme imeseille and that it wee
my opinion If one Of On other was to p=
that it was better be the limit that the Prelate*
prevail Ma this the Aimbly premiL The Ae.
mak* bad maim me as britsie be the Prelim,
what wail ha le rail was; bat the Frailest, alit
otherat hen* hed le eller malty et wpm mid eery et eas•
thitry. Mileepirden expressed
ash the *4l, the dm
aloe the sem err. I was
will net trie the hem with
all the immmeste that I used is m letter or the Swim
tiom whisk it contained. To that bar my seide Idea
Replied that alter that letter he had .tee te the felonies*
mehries that it was net essilest with the inure et
the emery that the geared raimpeesst r
maks should any longer remain in my hands.
Be said that the quietism between us was not
whether the President was justified or not in
what he had arm but whether 1 was justified or not in
having expressed es @Onion upon the subject. To that I
replied that there lee well known and perfectly understood
distinction between conversations which are official, and by
which governments are bound, and representing the
opiates_ of governments, and unedleial conversations which
do net Mad geveraments, and in which the speakers are
not ampersOg the opinions of government, but the o unions
whisk they themeolvta have. I said that I had old no-
thing is my senversation with Count Walewski, which
could In the slightest degree ever affect her Majesty's
government. I mid, if the doctrine of the noble lord
were to be established, that the Foreign Secretary was to
be precluded frees expressing on poising events any
opinion to a foreign minister, except in the
capacity of the organ of • previously concerted
cabinet, that there would be an end of all that easy and
familiar intercourse between secretaries of state and foreign
ministers which led so greatly to the maintenance of good
understandings and the facilitating of public business.
(Hear, boar.) To this my noble friend replied that my
letter gave him no other course than to advise her Majesty
' to name • successor to me. Now, sir, I humbly think that
my conduct is right, and that the doctrine of my neble
fnend is wrong ; because it is obvious that if • secretary of
state was nut to be allowed, in easy and frank
conversation with a foreign minister, to especial an opinion
upon foreign events, whether important or unim-
portant, xpreseing them not as the organ of
the government, but as the opinion which he
may have formed, in fact, at the moment, then I say there
would be such a restriction upon the intercourse of a fie
reign secretary with a foreign minister as would be exceed-
iugly incourenitot and prejudicial to the public service.
But, sir, I explored this opinion to the French anthamador
on the morning of the 3d of December, and was I the only
member of the cabinet who hail expressed an opinion on
the event? Why, air, I am informed, and believe, that on
the evening of that very Same day, end under the very same
roof under which I had exprissed that opinion, the noble
lord at the head of her Majesty's government did, in con-
versation with that dime ambassador, exerts* his opinion
also. (Laughter and cheers.) I cannot tell what that
opinion was, but I think from what has fallen from that
noble lord in the course of the evening's dieemaion, it may
be assumed that that opinion was out very different from
' even the reported opinion that I am said to have expressed.
I Well, was that all? In the noble lord's own house I be-
lieve, I have been informedhouse,
that the French ambassador

Oa the able bed, the Praia a the Peak sod the
Chemsellse tithe Bahasa end that the male bed in
eamemed as eaniem, that the Peeddeat of the ex-
pand an eplam—(liese, hear)—ead that the Chemeellor
dila Sosbeque expressed an erbium. 'lieu, hem) Be
th esentabei el that the charge agoloalt me was is the
MOM Of the opinion. The nab hod Wafted, aid, yso
Eleftew the warden betweem ma it hi ma whether the Pri-
ding was Jailed. bat whether yea were Jualla In *s-
ae opinion a the easitsr a al. (Camel Well,
sir, I 'vs that the abbe lani the Socrotary far the Colo-
sins did also Ia the SWIM of these few days express an
aginien is the iamb I ass informed Ida that the noble
les& then Vise-Primideme ef the Board of Trade, and now
beam of inala fee Paesies Affairs, did oleo slum an
alas ass the semaa. Well, then, sir, it follows that
stay enusaber Whim abbot, whatever Ids retailer rea-
lism say he. Is a Obey to express his oplaion apse pear
fratevals, belt the Illareary of State, whom pelt duty
it VI mobil them matter, who is unfit for kis elk* if be
kw met as eanion—(cheers)—is the only man who is not
tonpress his opinion ; sad whets the French minister comes
to tell hies a piece of sows be is to remain speosisisisa, like a
gaping dolt of an isseiseS pasha. ( iugbter and driers.) Bat I
am told it was met year eallesmaem with Osumi Wolowski, it'
was your siespotsit re Mortmeghp. Well, whet sea that
despata. of yid& do ampleitt buboes that I was guilty
of a breath Oily War llMPern or to the prune minister,
that I oath it withal amembla him ? No one would lay
it dews sessawe that 1 alike a Beseetary of date who
made ost
dieinmethens withal baring sessrtai et they
me erpead by the prime Waists; is etas
beach
ef
duty. There any be ass a width he rosy haw pr-
imed, well that be is only awash. the *MIS se govern.
sea aad that incenunlense aps• win fl.. delay.
May ewe have mania whisks earefeishansume a that
rale as art port hoe been ."meld with sae immmumiener
of that sea, end has earned me se the isapetatioe of
eeriest and delay in answering derratia. But what was
the despot& from Lord Neremsay, ad what was my
answer? There is nothing is that daratch inconsistent
with the sastrnetions not to interims he the internal affairs
of France. But what does he repot is that very despatch
as having dew what the noble lord resdaust now ? Wiy,
he says, that having made that MOMMunication to N.
Target- booby; just received isistewollissesto avoid snytbing
that mosid weer the appearance of iftwirrawn with the in-
ternal affairs of France, be prememied ihrthwida to tell a.
Tai of he was quite sure Ala if lee a reammamet
had Inown the events in Frame em ea Palsy,
they would have joined with him in tier the go-
Ti,
Tawniest of France on those events. y it to
me a much greater interference with the into affairs
of the French nation than any opinion that I could have
exposed in conversation with Count Walewski. The
noble lord said-1 wrote to you ten days ago ; you never
condescended to tell me, but I :now beg to know what it
was you said to Count Walewski. Why it was impossible
for the noble lord to know better than I did what I said.
I repeated in that despatch that neither the Secretary of
NSW are the Ambassador was entitled to prmounce a
=filmeths mein of France. But I told him shortly
ial= I Hit "pressed. I think it was a very unfair
et the facts of the ease to assert that in an-
otigifiggim of LorsiNormanby I was giving him on Millillaillia
en ear important matter. It was no instruction.
lAM not give Mgt the opinion of government. I said it
nom my opinion. That opinion might be wroog ; but
Whether right or wrong it was shared in by many. There.
lire, I must say, that the charge that the noble lord has
lesight
_against me as to the despatch, is 'charge that has
Me lbowdolisa it *lite. The noble lord might have gives
the edam a lee Majesty he did without assigning any
moms to me, but he chase to assign a reason, and that
was that I had done that in conversation with Count Wa-
breski, which he and divers other members of the cabinet
appear equally to have done in conversation with that IMMO
pinion. Ido not pretend to dispute the right of
the noble lord to remove any member of the Imam-
ant whom he mw think it better to 11111110.11
this to continue. With regard to myself, the nab kid
Ihne done me justice by saying that the course of AM*
pulley of which I was the organ received the ecatamt age
probation and support of the rest of the goverment. I
think that course of foreign policy was the proper one for
this country to purest.. I always thought that it was the
duty of the government of this country to make the inte-
rest of England the pole star to guide their course. I
always felt that it was my duty to be, as the noble lord de-
scribed me in the year 1850, neither the minister of Au.tria,
nor of Buss's, nor of Prussia, but the minister of England.
(Cheers.) I have felt it to be my duty to maintain the
interest of England, to afford protection to British
subjects in all parts of the world, to protect
their commerce, their persons, and their property.
It is not to be expected that in punuing.thst cosine, and in
giving that encouragement winch our own disparities ma
the wishes of the nation impelled us to give to the
Ma establishment of constitutional gercrnoustriPet:r.
_ .

asuatriso—it is not to be circled that that course could be
pentad without meeting with great opposition from govern•
meats and preens who entertained opposite opinions, and
wise to be the wrozgdoers in the matters in
which wdtum might be demanded for injuries sustained.
Nat I ma berry to say, and I am confirmed by what fell
just new both the noble lord, that after having for a coa-
-1 =lira h"
the
t got fporinethande tpoerehonouignrerlsof.
Wt • It the sesetry, that 1 have left the cows-
lip ie etas of the most friendly relations with every
er, and that there is no political question of:any
la whisk there is a dinkiest.* of opinion with any
ognstm. It is not chows that that could have
In said Them have been pedals when a different state
adds's added. But, at all suers, the firebrand of re-re-
learns as khave been sometimes the individual who
the reletithe of Enfield with all other countries
111 have hillnielineed of Inoue—eitar having found the
senstry bodged with 'Easy diligidties andimportant
mminefiekone dig leseing en Ingenes of yimport.
SUM Viet ger esomist, god this country ea
1111.4 MA mem any MOW un For instance,
ME lima Me time has bees with we had serious differ-
MN& and Runk we wow co-openting with
Nepal to ehq. And is iaterfering to establish
pease is the north of Genthay, with Denmark, 1 suc-
ceeded in wising off these recollections of former events
width emhipnad the Motions of the two countries.
We knew perfectly well theme eassiderationa which the
aside lead hes adverted te which masks it to the interest
INA of iniliend est Vaasa that those two great nations
should be ea teems of the meet perfect friendship and good
wadentendlug. During all the changes which have talon
plea sines MC whoever was at the head of government
mod whatever fens of government might be adepted, we
have abstained keth any interference with the internal
Wales of France. We have always treated the authorities
8f the ~meet as the authorities of the French nation, and
with them both endeavoured to be in amity. With
the United Rates, with which, at former times,
very serious thillarences have edited, we me on a
ern cordial feedeland andeestemlfas we ever were
before, a etas of I an hindto my whist' le ney
pnek owns eg Me and smiliseers wager of onr
.
Min repressontlin is anneiga, Mr IWsrF geld very
nub also le the geseiginilmenni wed emelliatory
eliesteeter On Mglinonlied poem now 'Memento
Me United Bus. at Mb genet (Mgr, bear.) With the
ilinehheliegs of Asides sew normal rendition was that of
Ilialaaaft visas INF Wades thole to air subjects ; but
lbe met t of these Aim bath either been settled
OWtlaßeme of adjustment. sad we are as well with
Ola ft., IWO al we have ever been or an likely to be.
Will Medi we are eo-operslieig Ia the great object
of Me eWgswsiea of the slave trade, and that eo-
=ll im liths attended with melt MOM that,
in hewn yeses the number ef slaves
impelled Owe bees from 80,001 to 118,00:ka:41 7.114111 be.
Bow lsW wsniser last year did met exceed f the
megesing MO ere sow in opermies is emits the
Snit of Aides gee persevered is then is a woilleimended
Ism that 6,2 of this genstry will hays the maim
dea of lading theempthhaest of that peat and
noble object las for so grant a length of time been
the aim at whisk they have been directing their efforts.
With Spate, wedWeins are more cordial than they
have almeae On. Ism. With the states of Italy
there have bet setethleas about individuals • with Naples
WO have W "theliens, but these have bees settled in a
@etiolates, theither. With Turkey we are perfectly well.
Austria ie perhaps the only power with which our relations
have see Inc as cordial as in former years • but, as far as
thawed see aad diplomatic intercourse went, we
were no Mbrogy tesugs. But it is fair to the government
of Auld" Ilethribli fie many years there has been a great
diffeeethes dalai. between the English and Austrian
gnenramegge. England has supported the diffusion of
soustlinlignel novenment—butria, on the contrary, has
moaned eapepe system; and therefore in Portugal,
and in Spa.s god Ia Sicily, and in the north of Italy,
the two ts were at variance—at variance
I mean is dints and views. They were at variance
with relbeemaile the Hungarian question, sad also with
regard to be reimers that had taken refuge la the Turkish
dominions. Bollibat was no reason why the amid Mel
eo-operate la ammeter Ia which our iaternisemeni. Two
countries wall ses be on more oppeolaa tacks than
England end Ambit wen in 1835, 1838, wad 1887, but
that did net prevent the two countries from mroperating
most virtually together in 1840 and 1841, wirMilligr Sound
that their objects were the same; and, theming, what-
ever relation of as unfriendly kind with that country
may exist now that relation will be sure es eabaide, and
I un justified therefore in including Austria as one of the
countries with whom our relations are satisfactory, and
thong of friendship and peace. Well then, sir,
I say that having conducted the affair, of this
country through periods of very considerable difficulty
it was my good fortune to be the instrument for the main-
tenance of peace, and that in the maintenance of peace, and
in the assertion nut unsuccessfully of the interests of Eng-
land, I think I may say that in quitting caw I have
tweed the foreign relation' of the country to my successor
leaving the honour and dignity of England sustained,
and leaving her character and reputation standing
high among the nations of the earth. (Loud cheers.)
No other hon. member rose, and the 8 therefore
proceeded to read the address and to put it to the house, but
Mr. MUNTZ (apologising fur speaking after the forma-
lity) begged, on the part of the manufacturing interest, to
disclaim having received Kossuth as a republican. He had
been received as an oppressed man, and the representative
of a country oppressed by a had government.
Mr. BAILLIE could come to no other conclusion, after
hearing the explanations to-night, than that Lord Pal-
merton had been offered up as a uerifice for the sins of the
whole ministy. The real fact was, that nut foreign rela
, doss were in a most unsatisfactory condition ; we had
hardly an ally in the world, and Lord John Russell,
by his own admission, was answerable for that state
of things. It was impossible that any person in that
holm could believe that the oldest and ablest mem-
. her of the government had been dismissed at the

grounds Lord J. Russell had stated ; and if it was amen-
airy to make a sacrifice to the evil genius of continental
despotism, it would have been more chivalrous in him to
have gone out with his noble friend.
Mr. OEACII disclaimed having given support to Kos-
suth on the ground of his republications.
Mr. M. MILNLS believed that ;abbe spires would see
behind Lard Jobs Russell's statereaS marre Irbil* he
had not 'sparred. The exulted". of absoloWit powers at
the fall ofLord Palmerton showed the Ng tales sad lm-
pottier of the great minister we bad MM. The govern-
meet would regret the dismissal of sueb a ass.
Lord DUDLEY STUART, after lasidiss of Kossuth,
sod reproaches to the upper classes for losogleig aloof from
hint, expressed an opinion that Lord Jobs Erie% desirous
to get rid of Lord Palmerstoo, hod availed hired( of a mere
pretest the so doing.
After a few words from Sir Hitt', VISSIMT,
Mr. B. OSBORNE said that he sardiered the lose of
lord Palmerston • very heavy one, sad Sea adverted to •
few of the topics in the Speech, recommending minister',
in reference to crime is Ireland, to alter the law, and let •
majority of a fury convict, and also to give rewards in Mad
fur apprehension of offenders.
Mr. ROEBUCK spoke at considerable length in con-
demnation of the general system of the government, which,
he said, had lost the only valuable official it possessed. lie
took occasion to speak strongly against the President of
France, and asked bow we meld be reasonably declared
safe from a man who had shown that he could be bound by
se tie. . _ _

-- ---
Mr. NAPIER complained of the impomibility of
bringing Irish criminals to justice, and called upon the go-
vernment to take energetic stops for giving security to life
and property.
Mr. E. B. ROCIIE deprecated any recurrence to
coercion, and demanded a modification of the law of land-
lord and tenant.

Mr. DISRAELI said be could not anent to the address
without a few desultory oeservations, although ho knew it
was by no means usual to make remarks upon an address
to which no amendment had been moved. The fact was,
that the subjects alluded to in these addressee were so
varied, so important, and an interesting, that nobody thought
it was anybody's business to attend to them, and everyone
expected that in the course of the session ample opportunities
would be given foe discussing in detail the featurea of the ori-
ginal programme. They were often, however, told afterwards
by the minister, if they attempted to oppose his measures,
that they were pledged in the affirmative by the unanimity
with which they bad supported the original address. On
the present occasion be felt that it was scarcely respectful to
the government or to other great personages, to pass unno-
ticed the—if not unprecedented, at least the remarkable—
sane with which the present session of parliament had
had been ushered in. (Hear, hear.) He was sorry to my
that the result of his rather long clammiest* in the House of
Common was, that whenever it was a member's duty to
make an inquiry of a nstnixter he was not, as a general
rule, very successful in eliciting information—(a laugh)—
and he was bound to add that he did not think the hen.
baronet the member for Marylebone had proved a remark-
able exception to that general rule. (Hear, hear.) The
hon. baronet bad given due notice of his intention of ad-
dressing an inquiry to the government on a subject of im-
perial importance, and his question had been responded
to by the First Minister, and by a statesman
of foremost rank in the house. The subject was of
considerable, nay of paramount importance, and the au-
dience was the assembled Commons of England • but, in
as far as he could see, no sufficient reason had been offered
for the remarkable catastrophe to which the inquiries re-
ferred. (Hear, hear.) The first minister had indeed im-
parted one most interesting piece of intelligence, and given
them one of the great rules by which he managed his
cabinet. He had told them that on an occasion on which
due notice of a question had been given, be had
not consulted his cabinet as to his answer, lest he
might he open to the suspicion of speaking the sentiments
of a cabal. Very extraordinary indeed ! A cabinet then
could not give a collective opinion without being open to the
imputation of cabal. They had heard some observa-
tions not very judicious respecting the present ruler of
France, but here was the noble lord pursuing something
very like similar conduct. (Hear.) Notwithstanding what
had fallen from the noble lord, he thought they were bound,
after the remarkable scene that had taken place, to express
some opinion on the displacement of the noble lord the
Secretary fur Foreign Affairs. Ft r himself, it had fre-
quently- been his duty to oppose the political system repre-
sented by the noble lord in that house, but he had n ver
refrained on any occasion from doing justice to the ability
of the noble lord, nor hail ever for a moment supposed that
he was obnoxious to those strange imputations which
had been circulated. He had always believed the
noble lord to be a faithful British minister, and
that the great object of his policy was to main-
tain the lemoUr and interest of England, but at the
same time lie had thought that the means taken were often
adverse to the ends that were intended to be obtained. lie
had never separated the noble lord from the policy of the
government, and could well remember that in the great
debate of 12 months since every one repudiated the idea of
looking at the policy of • particular minister as distinct
from that of the cabinet. On that occasion the noble lord
at the head of the government took his full share of
the responsibility. The question he remembered was
introduced in another place by a noble friend
of his, and his noble friend's views were sup-
ported by men of various shades of political opinion.
They were for merely expressing an opinion on the
policy of the government held up to public reprobation
as the instruments of a foreign canal. Her Majesty's go-
vernment deaounced themes a band of conspirators for chal-
lenging the policy of the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs,while the noble lord at the head of the govern-
ment had been so busy in turning out his Foreign Secre-
tary that he had forgotten to attend to the arrangement
of the Queen's speech. He should call attention only to
the latter pert of that speech. They were told " that this
was the fitting time for calmly conic ring whether it
may not be advisable to make such amendments in the
set of the late reign relating to the representation of the
commons in parliament as may be deemed calculated to
carry into more complete effect the principles upon which
that law is founded." Without offering any opinion as to
the necessity or non-necessity of what was called parlia-
mentary reform, or the degree or kind of parliamentary
reform which should be adopted, he could not agree
that this was a "fitting time" to consider that ques-
tion. It might be a subject that under ordinary
circumstances should engage their attention, it might be a
subject which a minister might feel it to be his duty at a
fitter time to bring forward, but when they were asked to
agree, not only that this was a fitting time for recon-
structing that house but "calmly to consider" the sub-
ject, it was impossible for him to forbear taking them
to pause ere they permitted such an expression to pass
unchallenged. Now, at a moment when Europe was at least
in a critical state; when as the noble lord had
told them the whole aspect of affairs as regarded
the possession and exercise of the franchise in foreign coun-
tries had changed of late years. when experience had failed,
am/ experiment distracted them, it was thought necessary
aa less der the question of parliamentary reform, he would
est wee calmly." It might be a fitting time if there was
irmalatible demand for it in the community, but no one
paidamiled that that was the case. If that demand was not
genesinne, then, he mid, it was a fitting time calmly
la madder the question. He should not give
as = with regard to such a measure to-night.
He however, that both sides of the house
would net allow the plea of parliamentary reform to divert
thin ben subjects of as great or greater importance—
he hoped that when those great questions demanded their
attention, that they would not be diverted from giving their
consideration to topics which so commandingly called on it.
He would take up the Queen's speech. It was a colonial
speech. Ile found that two colonies were specially men-
tioned, and at great length. Was parliamentary reform to
prevent inquiry into the Kaffir war? (lieu, hear.) Was
parliamentary reform to be the answer when they wished
for some explanation of that iiinguar passage that related
to the constitution :of New Zealand ? Let hint recall the
attention of the house to these topics. They had been so
wrapped in their attention to the personal question which
had been brought before them that evening, that
they had been, perhaps, diverted from the exa-
mination of this remarkable passage in the speech.
If there were any colonial reformers in the house,
he would beg to call their attention to this.
They were informed by the speech as follows:
" The Act of 1848, for suspending the operation of a pre-
vious Act, conferring representative institutions on New
Zealand will expire early in the nest year. I am happy to
believe that there is no necessity for its renewal, and that
no obstacle any longer exists to the enjoment of represen-
tative institutions by New Zeeland." The act for the sus-
pension of the constitution would expire next year, and it
would naturally be supposed that New Zealand would then
enjoy the constitution which hail been long promised to that
, colony. They were told that there would be no necessity
fur its renewal, and no obstacle to the enjoyment of repre-
mutative institutions. This was satisfactory to the sup-
porters of the constitution of New Zealand; but in the
next sentence it was said—" The form of these institutions
will, however, require your consideration, and the addi-
tional information which has been obtained since the pane-
-1 ing of the acts in question will, I trust, enable you to
arrive at a decision beneficial to that important co-
-1 lony." So that, although the act suspending the con-
stitution was not to be renewed, yet it was still
to be considered what the constitutions were to be.
Would they maw that question ? Would they allow
parliamentary reform to divers them from this important
though comparatively humble subject ? Were they pre-
pared with the whole subject of the relations between the
mother cour.try and the colony? As the noble lord
I at the head of the government could so easily get
rid of one Secretary of State, be wished he would
try his hand at getting rid of another. (Laughter.)
I The noble lord was a bold and au adroit man, as they did
• not know that night for the first time. He had finished a
difficult business in connexion with the Foreign-office in a
manner which few could equal. One Secretary of State
had been recently discherged, perhaps, because Europe was
afraid of him; and ne (Mr. Disraeli) could tell the noble
lord that the whole of our colonies were in very much
dread of another Secretary of State. (Great laughter.)
In going further over this. document, the speech from the
throne, which touched upon Denmark, Ireland, New Zr..
land, and the Cape of (loud Hope, there was a remarkable
geographical omission. Even in this age of rapid events,
the house could scarcely have forgotten the circumstances
under which they had assembled last year. The noble lord
at that tune had written a letter, and he had been writing
1 letters now, and he was always writing letters. (Great'
laughter.) But the letter last year was published. That
letter, it would be remembered, was of a most passionate
character. In that letter the noble lord had appealed to
the noblest and deepest sympathies of the country, and on
a subject nut only of great, but universal and undying
importance. The noble lord, in that epistle, announced to

England that them had been an " insidious and insolent
aggression" upon the sovereign and realms of Great Britain.
He (Mr. Disraeli) had not been one of those whu had
criticised that letter. lie and many had regretted that it
contained expressions hurtful to the feelings of large bodies
of her Majesty's subjects. But let the house remember the
sympathies to which it appealed, and the results to which it
pledged the writer. Let the house also remember the effect it
produce d.an effect not metalled by the Reform Bill of 1830,
with all its factitious incitements. and not likely to be sur-
pared by the Reform Bill of 1862. (Laughter.) In the
i events, last year, no paid agents were employed to spur '
the passions of the people ; no links were woven between
Downing street and Manchester and Birmingham ; no or-
ganised committees were hired. Simply and naturally were
aroused the convictions and the indignation of the people ;
and this was an effect which, in tho proudest so-
ciety and in the humblest hamlet, responded to
the appeal of the noble lord. (Hear, bear.)
A minister was not justified in taking that step,
unless he was prepared to act up to it. (Cheery.) The
noble lord was a bold man, perhaps, to turn out the noble
lord the member for Tiverton. But the noble lord the
first minister was ten thousand times bolder, when he told
the people of England that the I'upe of Rome had com-
mitted an insolent and en insidious aggression against the
English sovereign. Then came the measure to meet
the great emergency. That measure would be recol-
lected. Its efficiency and inadequacy it had been his
(Mr. Disraeli's) lot to observe upon. Well, he (Mr.
Disraeli) now begged to ask the noble lord what
had been the fate of the bill which he had, against all
advice, insisted on carrying out. (Great laughter.) Did the
noble lord mean to say that it had vindicated the outrage
which had been offered to his sovereign and to the kingdom i
(Cheers.) Had it punished an insolent aggression /lad
it baffled that great European conspiracy against the realms
of England, and generally against the protestant faith
(Cheers.) Why they all knew that it had been treated
with contumely which could not bo expressed, and with a
derision which had been richly merited. (Cheers.) In
Ireland it was announced from the first that it would be
treated as a dead letter. But they would be told that it
was alwaya necessary to wink at Ireland—that the honour
of England had been asserted—and that the great cardinal
had been put in the position which a great cardinal de-
' served. This great cardinal—whom the noble lord, in a
tone hardly as dignified as was usual with him, had recom-
mended to leave England—bad not left England. (Hear.)
Ile was advertised in the newspapers every day as Lord
Cardinal and Archbishop of A% estnsinster. (Hear, hear.)
In point of fact it was evident to all of them, in innumer-
able instances, that the law was as flagrantly violated in
England as it hail been in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Well,
why was this topic not touched upon in the Queen's
speech ? Surely they were entitled to ask what, 00
this subject, were the views of the government.
Her Majesty intimated that there were outrages in
certain counties in Ireland. He was exceedingly ffisap-
pointed at the necessity arising for the introduction of that
paragraph. Considering the interest which the govern-
ment had taken in " the cause of law and order" in that
country—considering that at least one member of the go-
vernment had expended a considerable sum of money out
of his own pocket to secure "law and order"—(great laugh-
ter)—it must have been excessively mortifying to the ca-
binet, and in especial to Lord Clarendon, that, after
such an investment, so many counties should have become
the scenes of crime. (Great laughter.) On this subject
some explanation was required. The investment of capital,
if confined merely to promote the revenue of the viceroy,
was one which for his (Lord Clarendon's) sake, ho (Mr.
Disraeli) greatly regretted. But if it was, as some sup-
posed, a public investment for a pu• lie object, certainly the
Queen's speech proved it to have been but a very sorry one.
(Cheers and laughter.) There was another point in the
speech which could not be paved over. lie could not help
recollecting that ter two years her Majesty's government bad
thought it necessary, if not to sympathise with the difficul-
ties of the cultivotora of the soil, at least to notice them.
(Hear, bear.) Two years ago they were noticed without
being acknowledged; and last year they were positively
sympathised with. lie was not aware, although some mi•
tigstory circumstances might be appealed tn, that there was
any change of that importance in the condition of the culti-
vator, of the soil which could authorise the minister, who
boil established the precedent of noticing the state of their
fortune, to omit them in a Queen's speech this
year. (Cheers.) It might be a question whether
the noble lard and his colleagues had been wise
and politic in making the acknowledgmi nt and
in offering his sympathy. But having established the
salutary precedent, he thought the noble lord was bound to
inform them what were the reasons justifying the omission
on this occasion. (Cheers) He (Mr. Disraeli) believed,
whatever the petty mitigatory circumstances, that there
was still the same strain upon the energies, and still the
same drain of the capital, of the agriculturists of the
country. (Loud cheers from the protectionists. ) That this
had been occasioned by their legislation no one denied; and
as it had been occasioned by their legislation they were
bound to consider whether, by their legislation, they could
not relieve it. (Cheers.) lie had heard that there was a
certain rise io the price of wheat. lie had been told this
with some exultation by gentlemen who were partisans of
the free trade school. Now, he could not understand how
the adversaries of dear bread could be so delighted with a
rise in price—it was an economical mystery. (Cheers.)
Upon this topic Mr. Disraeli proceeded to dilate at some
length, appealing to • very recent admission of Mr. MtCul-
loch, that the peculiar burdens upon the land entitled that
class to countervailing duties, as a compensation, and de-
picting in dark colours the sufferings and the perils which
he ascribed to our past commercial legislation.
Mr. GRATTAN spoke in vindication of the Irish cha-
racter ; alter which
Lord .1. RUSSELL said a few words in reference to
Lord Patmenton's speech, observing that his own state-
ments had been borne out, and that Lord Palmerston's
were but a reflex of his own. In reply to Mr. Disraeli,
he denied that the Aggression Act had been treated with
contempt, and said that the haw authorities had informed
him that even in Ireland it had not been violated. It was
no violation of the act, he remarked, for other persons to
give the catholic hierarchy the objectionable title*. lie was
quite ready to leave the merits of the ministry to the deci-
sion of the house. His lordship excited some laughter by
his answer to some allusions made by Mr. Disraeli to cer-
tain friendly relationships among the cabinet, and concluded
by remarking that the real question was, whether the per-
sons holding offices were competent to fill them.
After a few words from (201. SIBTIIOIIP, Mr. WIIITE•
sum, and Sir Geonoz Ouse, the address was put, and
agreed to; and the house adjourned at bsaf-past twelve
o'clock.