The Press.
London, England, 1858-07-17 00:00:00

LEGISLATION FOR IRELAND.

THERE are two very important Irish measures
before the House of Commons, which we trust
will receive the assent of the Legislature in the
course of the present session. We allude to the
Dublin and Belfast Police Bill, and to the Bill
providing for the retirement in certain cases of
Assistant Barristers. With the details of the
first of these Bills we shall not now trouble our
readers, who are already aware that serious riots
have occurred in the last six months in Dublin
and Belfast, and that the police in those towns
have failed to gain the confidence of large sections
of those two important communities. In Dublin
there are eleven hundred policemen, only 135 of
whom are Protestants, according to the admis-
sion of Roman Catholics themselves. A closer
estimate would probably show that there were
only about eighty Protestants in the entire force. '
In Belfast, on the other hand, there are two
hundred policemen, and there are only six
Roman Catholics in the entire force, though there
is a population at Belfast of from 25,000 to
30,000 Roman Catholics. In Dublin, the Liberal
and " pro-Catholic " interest is dominant in the
Corporation ; while at Belfast the Protestant and
Conservative elements are decidedly in a cor-
porate ascendancy. It is easy, therefore, to
understand that in Dublin the Protestants, and
in Belfast the Roman Catholics, must be dis-
satisfied with seeing the formidable power of
police organization placed within the influences
of a particular local ascendancy.
The history of the Orange and Green riots at
Belfast, and of the College-green disturbances in
Dublin, shows that something should be done to
restore to the police of those cities the confidence
of the general public. The influence of authority
is seriously diminished, if the Protestants of the
Irish metropolis and the Roman Catholics of Bel-
fast distrust the police.

The Government measure proposes to find
means for proportioning the police force in those
great cities, so as to regain to the police the
constitutional confidence of those important com-
munities. The fourth clause of the Bill is to this
effect :

" The Inspector-General, subject to the ap-
proval of the Lord Lieutenant, may transfer such
of the officers and men in the Dublin Metropoli-
tan Force, and may receive such of the officers
and men in the Belfast Police Force in and to the
Constabulary, who shall consent to be transferred
or received, and shall appoint them to such ranks
in the Constabulary as he shall deem proper.
The service in the Police to reckon for the Con-
stabulary."

No better means could be devised for propor-
tioning the numbers of Protestant and Roman
Catholic policemen to the respective cities in
question ; and, by the proviso of the Lord Lieu-
tenant's approval being required, an ample
check is given on official or sectional prejudices
operating in the Inspector-General's department.
At Dublin, as a matter of course, the agitation
party endeavour to get up a " cry" against their
threatened loss of influence. Always clamouring
for equal rights and equal laws, they wish to leave
the Protestants of the Irish capital to the care
of a civic force in which the Roman Catholics are
to the Protestants in the proportion of about ten
to one. We shall not argue the question, be-
cause the principle of the Government measure is
obviously just. But we cite with pleasure the
testimony of the Northern Whig of Belfast. That

Liberal organ administers a spirited rebuke to
the Roman Catholic Corporation of Dublin, for
having "exhibited a factious and bigoted in-
tolerance" in the discussion of the Bill of Lord
NAAS ; and the Whig says fairly:—
" The great bulk of the metropolitan force is
made up of Roman Catholics, in the same way as
all but a mere fraction of the Belfast constables
are Protestants. The Protestants of Dublin
allege that they have no faith in the conduct of
the men to whom the tranquillity of the city is
intrusted. They have shown that their allega-
tion is not unibunded—that there has been a
sectarian spirit, on more than one occasion, exhi-
bited by members of the force. This very fact of
distrust would, of itself, be sufficient to destroy
the moral influence of the finest body of men in
the United Kingdom."

We have no doubt that the highly reasonable
proposal of the Government will receive the
approbation of Parliament.
The measure for giving increased retiring
allowances (in certain cases) to the Assistant
Barristers in Ireland is absolutely necessary.
Hitherto, if an Assistant Barrister in Ireland (an
office equivalent to a County Chairmanship in
England) had not served his full thirty years,
his retiring pension was placed no higher than
4001. per annum. He might be drawing
upwards of a thousand per annum from his
office, and , he. might have served twenty or
twenty-five years, and still Government had no
power to offer him an adequate retiring allowance.
The consequence may have been foreseen. For
a long time past several of the Assistant Bar-
risters have been anxious to retire, being in invalid
health ; but they naturally cling to office,
refusing to accept so small a retiring pension.
Their duties have consequently been discharged
by occasional deputies, and the prestige of
judic►al administration has suffered. The Go-
vernment measure, by giving a graduated scale,
will enable those who are incapacitated by illness
to retire ; and at the same time it will not give
undue temptations to improper retirements. The
measure is approved of by the Irish Bar, and the
whole public is interested in having justice
vigorously administered. Some small Whig
snarlers attempt to raise a cry of " jobbery," but
that taunt comes very ill from the partizans of
the last Administration.

COMMERCE OF FRANCE.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—Any correct information regarding France
cannot, I conceive, be otherwise than interesting to
John Bull, and from the Economist of June the 12th
I take the following :
The trade of France has received a check. . . . But
the remarkable development of the great commerce of
France must be owing to some more deeply-rooted and
substantial reason than the commercial crisis which has
swept over America (England) and Western Europe.
In the year ending 31st of December, 1847, the imports
of France were 51,600,0001., and the exports 41,960,0001.
In 1856, the last year for which we have any official re-
turns, the imports had increased to 88,360,0001. and the
exports to 86,680,0001., of which 6%280,00W. consisted of
the manufactures and produce of France.

The Times of July 10th gives the imports and
exports of France as follovrs

Imports. Exports.
1856
18;)7

Decrease .. 2,080,000 .... 800,000
There being a great discrepancy in these statements
as•to the year 1856, amounting to 23,280,000/. on the
imports, and 19,680,0001. on the exports. I hope,
sir, you will inform us which is the real Simon Pure.
This great development of the mercantile re•
sources of France, her speedy recovery from the
recent collapse of trade, with her increasing com-
merce and stock of billion, and material prosperity,
under the firm and wise rule of Napoleon ff 7., is no
doubt as highly disgusting to the Mazzinis, Ber-
nerds, and Red Republicans of France, as the suc-
cessful and peaceful management of the political
affairs of Great Britain by her present Conservative
Mikisters is to their opponents the Whigs, &c., of
Cambridge-house notoriety.—Yours,
July 14. A TORY.

[We can conceive no other way of reconciling such
opposite statements, but that of concluding that
in one of these statements to year ending Jan. 1,
1856, is intended; and in the other, the year
from Jan. Ito Dec. 31, 1856. We often observe
a looseness in this very respect.—Ed. PaEss].

MENIMEMIft
rake to
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led in-
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I hope,
on Pure.
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jrrvo :a.i.vof
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Jan. 1,
he year
observe
sal.

THE MEMBER'S DIARY.

HOUSE OF LORDS.
MONDAY.

Tana Lordships were edified by a specimen of
(tine, in which, however, other " depart-
ts" besides those of the public service were
iplicated. There was an idea suggested in
liament last session that the Irish corre_

idence might be sent via the Chester and
,gvhead Railway with more frequent and rapid
toPatch than had hitherto been accomplished.
Duke of ARGYLL made some explana-
tons, and gave some promises on the subject at
time. As nothing has really been done,
REDESD kI.E to-night asked "the reason
." It appeared that a scheme or contract
he purpose in view had actually been drawn
in September last, but had slumbered peace-
- in the late Postmaster-General's bureau
February. Then, either just before or
the entrance of a new tenant into the office,
papers had been transferred to the railway
ipany, with whom the contract has remained
toticed ever since. If the question had
ed between the company and Messrs. PlCK-
the new arrangement would have been
tpleted and at work in the course of twelve
, In a Government matter twelve months
tot sufficient to get anything ddne. As a
in which the Chester and Ilolyhead Directors
interested stood for third reading, the Duke
SOMERSET suggested that the House could
ly an effectual screw upon the company.
I was adopted, and further progress with the
suspended until something is heard about
mail-service contract.
The Oaths Bill and the Jew Bill left the
rouse together. The former went back to the
nmons with the Peers' amendments uncan-
All, and a sort of " covering letter," as it
ould be called in the Foreign-office, containing
Lordships reasons for believing that non-
tristian Members should not legislate for a
Tistian community. By the companion Bill
was given to the Commons to admit as
iy non-Christian Members as they pleased.
compromise settles a long-standing feud, in
terms something like those of the Peace of
!ns, of which it was said that everybody was
but nobody proud. It was, however, a
Jlation to find from the ill-tempered out-
weak of Lord GRANVILLE that the clique who
'' claim by courtesy the title of a Party are very
wage at seeing this bone of contention snatched
their jaws. Before their final dismissal both
were subjected to the ordeal of division and
.red by rather narrow majorities of 8 and 12
respectively in a House which, for the dog-days,
• remarkably full.

TUESDAY.

Lord PORTMAN, who had promised a Church-rate
`l this session, mentioned that as Mr. DISRAELI
undertaken to deal with the question next
he should not take the trouble to frame a

ocular measure himself. Whatever hints and
suggestions he might have gathered during the
wse of some rather extensive inquiries on the
ject were, however, quite at the command of
;body who wanted them. Lord DERRY con-
fessed that the Ministerial plan for settling the
atroversy was only among the good intentions
:1109e ultimate destiny it was impossible to pre-
licate, and meanwhile begged for all the assist-
: which independent members or amateur
legislators could furnish.
Much business was afterwards got through.
• only measure which took up any time was
Scotch Universities Bill, which required an
:xplanation from the Duke of MowntosE, and
-ived some lengthy comments from Lord
.DEEM, Lord STA-NHOPE, and the Bishop of
"DON. But all the criticisms related to points
detail, and the Bill passed its second reading
general approval, and many compliments to
late Advocate-General, whose handiwork it
been.

THURSDAY.
.ie India Government Bill, which had taken
Commons five months to dub into shape, was
a second time, after a discussion of less than
hours. Lord DERBY'S speech in intro-
. _mg the measure, was chiefly historical and
descriptive. Parliamentary etequitte required
the Premier should recapitulate a variety of

THE PRESS, JULY 17, 1858.

circumstances which the House knew perfectly I
well before—and, quite aware of this foreknow-
ledge, he touched very lightly on these familiar
facts and well-worn arguments. Subsequent
speakers followed this excellent example. Lord
GRANVU.LE tried to fulfil the mission he has
lately undertaken, which consists in picking holes
in every Ministerial proposition. But the holes
had all been picked and mended before, and he
knew it. His efforts were, therefore, made in
the loose and flabby manner in which a man
fights when he is only beating the air. Lord
ELLENBOROUGH, allowing bygones to pass into
oblivion, frankly accepted the measure, and was
energetically anxious that as soon as the Act
passed, proclamation should be made far and wide
throughout India, announcing to our 180,000,000
fellow-subjects there that John Company
was no longer their Sovereign, but the great
Ranee of whom they had heard, and whose in-
vincible soldiers they had seen, and sometimes
felt. Two little speeches from two little Peers
exhausted everything which their Lordships
thought it necessary to say on the Bill before
passing it through the pending stage.

FRIDAY.

In committee on the India Government Bill
many clauses were passed, amidst copious criti-
cism, with many amendments suggested, espe-
cially in the Council clauses, but no alteration of
any importance.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
MONDAY.

The old joust between the two knights con-
cerning the gold-and-silver-sided shield was
re-enacted apropos of the Slave Trade. Both
parties concurred in a common object—both
held the same opinion concerning the general
question—but viewing that question from oppo-
site sides, the resulting encounter was long and
obstinately contested. In the end, though one
side was thoroughly worsted—the numbers on
the division being 223 to only 24—the defeated
party remained unconvinced, fully persuaded as
they were, on the testimony as they thought of
their own eyes, that the shield about which they
had fought was not composed of gold, but of the
inferior metal. The special question was raised
by Mr. llurr, on the motion for going into
Committee of Supply, by a resolution declaring
that the African slave squadron should be with-
drawn. Aided by a party select in number but
strong in conviction, the Hon. Member main-
tained that this squadron was worse than a
failure. Its presence did not prevent, as we had
too good reason to know, the importation of
slaves into Cuba, while it aggravated to a terrible
extent the sufferings they endured in the middle
passage, besides costing England the lives or
health of several hundred seamen, and a round
million in money into the bargain. On the other
side it was argued negatively that if thousands of
negroes were now annually sold into slavery,
there would be tens of thousands if our squadron
were withdrawn ; and, positively, that a large and
expanding commerce in cotton, palm oil, ivory,
and other commodities had grown up lately at
various points on the west coast of Africa, where
the chiefs, if allowed, would revert exclusively to
that older and more easily procurable article of
merchandize—human beings. Much would be
lost, it was said, on the score of humanity, by re-
calling the squadron ; and much had been gained
in the way of commerce by its establishment.
Lord PALMERSTON, in the course of the debate,

rested the case in defence of the squadron upon
" facts." But this was a very imperfect enun-
ciation of the real question. Facts are valuable
only as they are marshalled and compared. For
example : take on one side the " fact " that our
cruisers prevent so many thousand Africans from
being sold to the slave-traders, and on the other
the " fact " that their presence aggravates the
misery and increases the mortality among so
many hundred Africans who, notwithstanding all
our efforts, are still ferried across the Atlantic to
Cuba who is to strike the balance between
these opposite results, and decide whether the
preponderance is in the scale of success or of
failure ? Or where can the point of equilibrium
be fixed between the hypothetical preservation
of black men and the actual sacrifice of life among
the whites ? These are the two sides of the
shield ; and so long as " facts " are regarded from
opposite points, every one will see in them nothing
but corroboration of his own opinion touching its
colour and quality.

677

TUESDAY.

Lord JORN RUSSELL, somewhat in a hurry,
seeing that neither had " come down " from the
Peers, told the House what he should recommend
them to do with the Jew Bill as passed and the
Oaths Bill as amended. After a good many sen-
tentious' commonplaces, and a liberal display of
rigmarole, the Noble Member explained his
proposition, which simply was to accept both the
Lords' offers—thankfiffly in one case, and silently
in the other. Of course.

Monday had been given up by Mr. DISRAELI
to debate. To-night was appropriated to busi-
ness, and a good many Supply votes got through.
The discussion was without incident, except that
Lord Eumo managed to knock off 3001. charged on
account of salary for M. Orro MUNDLER,
travelling agent for the National Gallery.

WF.DNEBDAY.
Supply again, and a few bills pushed forward
a stage.

THURSDAY.

Mr. DISRAELI, according to promise, explained
the Government scheme for getting the Thames
purified. His plan is simple and compendious.
He gives the Metropolitan Board money and
power, but expects them to "do the deed" in
return. In detail, his proposition involves these
provisions :—I. The Metropolitan Board are
made a real corporation, with all the permanence
which naturally follows from possessing power
under Parliamentary sanction to levy a rate of
3d. in the pound on the householders of the metro-
polis for a period of forty years. This gives them
a regular income say, 140,0001. per annum. 2.
Government guarantees a loan of 3,000,0001., to
be raised by instalments as the drainage works
proceed—the above-mentioned income being com-
puted as enough to pay interest and extinguish
the principal of the debt in the forty years. 3.
All limitations as to point of outfall, all veto
powers heretofore assigned the Chief Commis-
missioner of Works, arc withdrawn. The Board
are left unfettered and uncontrolled, at perfect
liberty to select their own scheme, appoint their own
engineers, and set about the work in their own way,
upon the understanding that London is to be
drained and the Thames purified within the next
five years and a half. Many Members objected
to this reliance on the Metropolitan Board, who
had hitherto shown more proclivity to talk than
ability in performance. But, as Mr. DISRAELI
explained, the Board were young, and had
never been fairly tried, having hitherto been
trusted only in a " go-cart," with the Chief
Commissioner for nurse and attendant. Lord
JOIN MANNERS added, that as the Metropolitan
Board would levy the money they were entitled
to control the works—on the principle " that
" those who pay the fiddler may call the tune."
4. Endowed with these powers and furnished
with these sinews of war, the Metropolitan Board
are enjoined to go and do it—before the end of
1863.
Small Irish business, as measured by imperial
standard, though great in Irish estimation,
lingered the House on until long past one.

FRIDAY.
The Jew Bill was read a second time by a
large majority, and without a single word spoken
in its favour. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who moved
the second reading, evidently wished to avoid
speaking at all. He made his motion, and sat
down. Mr. NEWDEGATE enforced energetically
and ably his objections to the Bill. When the
Hon. Member ended, in the natural order of pro-
ceedings, some friends of the measure should have
risen to defend it. But defence there was
none ; and Messrs. SPOONER, BENTINcx, and
ADAMS afterwards followed each other with re-
newed protests against the measure, which the
Member for East -Norfolk observed had not even
been properly introduced and explained. Thus
forced to say something, Lord JOHN spoke for
several minutes, chiefly defending his personal
conduct on the question. Lord PALMERSTON
called the Bill a piece of patchwork, was sure
that the settlement could not be permanent, and
reluctantly accepted it, but only as an instalment
of the justice which he thinks due to the Jews.
Mr. Eln.,Lwv-x disliked the Bill excessively, and
denounced it in round terms as long as he could
get the House to listen to him; but., neverthe-
less, voted with Ayes. On the division the num-
bers stood-156 against 65. So the Bill passed
the second reading. The rest of the evening was
spent in miscellaneous business.

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