The Press.
London, England, 1854-02-25 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

unsatisfactory, that I think it is the duty of this house—
even if we ' potter over blue books '—(a laugh )—to try to
ascertain our position."
Mr. Disraeli then called for an explanation of an
answer given by Lord Clarendon in the House of
Lords on the 25th of April last as to the object of
Prince Menschikors mission, which appeared to be
inconsistent with the facts, and asked _ whether in

that answer the noble earl was influenced by credulity
or connivance ? Passing on to the Vienna note, he
drew from it another suggestion of connivance
" Here all the diplomatists, all the wiseacres assembled
together at Vienna. They drew up a document which
Turkey and Russia both agree in ascribing the same mean-
ing to, and which meaning is one not intended by any of
the ministers or diplomatists engaged in the drawing of it
up. (Cheers and laughter.) That is the first remarkable
circumstance; but the most curious thing is that the
Vienna note appears, as I understand it, under the exact
aspect and almost in the exact shape of the rejected Mens-
chikoff ultimatum which was to be a eases beili. Is that
suspicious of connivance or not ? Is it the less suspicious
of connivance when the note is first sent to the Emperor
of Russia and accepted by him—(Hear, hear)—and then
hurried to Constantinople and offered to the Sultan, with
hardly time for consultation—he is apprised that time is
precious—and is providentially rejected by him? And how
does the noble lord treat this matter? On the hypothesis
of connivance—on which I give no opinion—the afiliir is
of course very easy to understand. As he intended from
the first that this should be no mere shadow—the inte-
grity and independence of Turkey—having intended from
the first that the Menschikoff ultimatum should have been
accepted, those who are connivers would have been very
glad of the means afforded by the Vienna Conference to
have obtained their purpose. lint on the other hypothesis
—the hypothesis of credulity—that really is most difficult
to apply, because one can hardly imagine that any Ministry
were so credulous as to suppose that Turkey, after having
rejected the ultimatum of Prince Menschikoff, would have
accepted the note of the Vienna Conference."

The right hon. member then adverted to later trans-
actions and to the Ministerial speeches delivered
during the recess. Much as they talked now about
the independence of Turkey, at that time, lie re-
marked, her cause was still represented as worthless
and her condition as deplorable ; nor did Ministers
seem to awaken to a better sense of the prospects and
civilisation of that country until they heard of the
unexampled vigour and success of the Turkish arms.
Even then, indeed, there were traces discoverable of
a new conspiracy carried on by means of fresh nego-
tiations, and which might have resulted in pros-
trating Turkey before the Czar but for the occurrence
of the massacre of Sinope. Then the feelings of the
British public were aroused, and the duty of defend-
ing Turkey became too urgent to be repudiated.
Then the fleets were sent into the Black Sea, but
were so employed when there as to make it doubtful
whether the Government were more incompetent to
make peace or war. Adverting to the alliance with
France, he pointed out the distinction between main-
taining the balance of power and preserving the ter-
ritorial distribution of Europe, and elicited from
Lord John Russell a brief statement that no scheme
for the latter purpose entered into the terms of the
French alliance. Mr. Disraeli proceeded to urge
that the Ministry should have exacted from the Ger-
man powers more distinct information respecting
their intended policy, and concluded by reiterating
the assurance that they would meet no factious oppo-
sition on that side of the house :
" Whatever opinion we may entertain of the conduct of
the Government in the mansgeinent of those trans-
actions which have led to this terrible conclusion, I
cannot suppose that, upon these benches, there can be any
difference of opinion as to the duty we have to fulfil—to
support the Sovereign and to maintain the honour of this
country. (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) I can assure
the noble lord that so long as the Opposition benches are
filled by those who now occupy theta he will at least en-
counter men who will not despair, under any circum-
stances, of the resources and of the fortunes of their
country. (Renewed cheers from the Opposition.) I can
answer for myself and for my friends that no future Wel-
lesley on the banks of the Danube will have to make a
bitter record of the exertions of an English Opposition
that depreciated his efforts and ridiculed his talents. We
shall remember what we believe to be our duty to this
country; and, however protracted may be the war—how-
ever unfortunate your counsels—at least we shall never
despair of the Republic. (Loud rheera.)"
Lord PALMERSTON adverted by turns to the various
allegations brought forward against the Ministry, and
denied their force. They had not rushed hastily into
war, and they bad not sacrificed unduly to the desire
for peace, although clinging to every hope of preserv•
ing amity so long as any existed. Respecting the
charge of credulity, he contended that the Ministry
were warranted in believing the representations of
Russia, whose ruler and diplomatists should not
lightly be suspected of doing—what it turned out
they bad done—exhausting every modification of
untruth in the course of the negotiations. It was
said that the Emperor would have been checked if
we had taken hostile steps at an earlier period• This
was but an opinion; and to have acted upon it would,
he considered, have been a great political mistake.
Forbearance on that occasion had led to the best con•
sequences as regarded the important co operation of

173

Austria and Prussia►, whose conduct would be very
different if the contest began now than it would have
been if the sword had been drawn in July. On this
point the noble lord insisted with much emphasis :
" There were many reasons why forbearance was desirable.
It was of tLe utmost importance in matters affecting the
great interests of Europe that, although England and
France were from the first heartily, cordially, and entirely
united together, n•e should endeavour to obtain the con-
currence of Austria and Pr►ssia. (Hear, hear.) We know
that those countries had an interest in this matter far

greater than we had. To Prussia and Austria it is a regular
tight for existence, because if Russia were either to appro-
priate any large portion of Turkish territory, or even to
reduce Turkey to the condition of a mere dependent state
upon Russia. no man can doubt who casts a glance upon
the map of Europe, and hooka at the geographical position
of those powers with regard to Russia and Turkey, that any
considerable accession of power on the part of Russia must
be fatal to the independent action both of Austria and of
Prussia. (Hear, hear.) Well, it was of great importance to
get those two powers with us, and, as far as it was possible,
to obtain their consent and concurrence. But neither of
them could be expected to risk lightly a rupture with their
great and powerful neighbour. The reasons which should
lead Prussia not to wish to risk herself—the reasons, I
should rather say, why those who wished well to Prussia
would not desire to see her thrnet forward singly—are
obvious to any man who looks merely at the map of Europe.
Austria knew what her great obligations were to Russia.
(Hear.) It was natural that she should be unwilling to
break with Russia as long as it was possible that matters
could be arranged by an amicable adjustment; and if
Austria had seen, that England was deaf' to her counsels,
was unwilling to give ear to her wishes, and was hurrying
on matters to a war which, by the exercise of her forbear-
ance, and by her influence at the Court of St. Petersburg,
might have been avoided—l say, if hustria had seen such
to he the conduct of England and of France, we would not
have been entitled to expect her to take part in the war
which is now impending. It was, therefore, of great
importance to avail ourselves as much as we could of the
influence which Austria possessed at the Court of St.
Petersburg, and to convince Austria that we considered and
consulted her interests and her position as well as our own,
and that we were willing to give every possible opportunity
for an amicable settlement of the differences, if by her
means it could be effected. I believe I EMI not overstating
the truth when I say that the conduct of England and
France in that respect has been fully appreciated by Austria
and by Prussia. if a war had been hurried on in the course
of last summer, we should have had no reason or right to
expect their co•operation; but I cannot persuade myself
that, if mutters should oome to the point to which I am
afraid they are likely to come, the conduct of Austria and
Prussia will not be very different now from what it would
have been under other circumstances. (Hear, hear.) Well,
then, I say that the conduct of her Majesty's Government
is not blameable, either upon the ground of precipi-
tation, or I think upon the ground of too much forbearance.
The interests at stake were too important not to justify
every possible degree of forbearance short of the sacrifice
of those interests which it was our duty to protect."
Adverting to the internal condition of Turkey, Lord
Palmerston corroborated the assertion of its rapid
improvement and development, and combatted the
argument that the treatment of her Christian subjects
took her out of the pale of our sympathies
"We are told that it will be impossible to prevent the
dissolution of the Turkish empire ; and that, because it is
not in such an advanced stage of civilisation as this country,
it ought, therefore, to he acquired by Russia, and blotted
out from the map of Europe as an independent nation.
I have been asked by the honourable member for the West
Riding whether I am prepared to repeat the assertion which
made last session, namely, that there is hardly any country
which in the same period of time has made such material
progress in its internal arrangements as Turkey has done.
abide by that statement. (Hear, hear.) It is true that
Turkey is still far behind England and France ; but we are
not on that account to forget how much further advanced
t is now than it was in the time of the Sultan Mahmond.
Men who know anything of Turkey know tHat in every
matter of internal arrangement, whether army, or navy, or
justice, or administration, immense progress had been made
since that period. But Turkey, forsooth, is not worth de-
fending, because the Christian subjects of the Sultan are
not in all respects placed on a footmg of equality with the
Museulmans. I believe that the great distinction which
now exists between the two races is, that the Christians
pay the harasch and are exempted from the conscription.
There is also some inequality in regard to the evidence of
Christians in civil castes ; in criminal cases they can already
give their evidence ; but if the fact of one race in a country
not being on a footing of perfect equality with another
justifies you in considering the* country as undeserving of
an independent political existence, what would have been
said by the honourable member for the West Riding if he had
lived not very long ago, talking historically in the life of
nations, when there prevailed that penal code in Ireland
which oppressed the Roman Catholics there and placed
them in a more degraded position than that in which the
Christian subjects of the Sultan now stand ? (Hear, hear.)
I fancy in those times this country could boast of many
men eminent in all matters of literature and science who
would scarce have liked to be informed that they were
living in a state of utter barbarism, and that the country
ought to be acquired by France, in order that the Catholics
might be put upon the same footing as the Protestants

were."

Efforts had, however, been made, both recently and
heretofore, to obtain a more perfect equality of
condition for the Christian subjects of the Sultan,
and those efforts he defended against another section

I

111

174

of opponents, who bad likened them to the inter
ference attempted by Prince Menschikoff. As to the
foe we were about to encounter, Lord Palmerston
warne 1 the house not to overweigh his power, remark-
ing that the very properties of magnitude and in-
accessibility which rendered Russia so difficult to
attack told against her heavily when she attempted
in her turn to become the assailant. Russian armies
had proved much less formidable in the field than on
paper. The Turkish military force had, on the other
hand, far surpassed expectation. With the aid of a
single ally Turkey might hold her ground against
Russia. But the actual condition of affairs was
far more promising. The noble viscount ended by a
brief resume of the prospects of the war :

- - -
" With England and France actively supporting Turkey
—with the whole opinion of Europe against Russia—with
not a single ally to support her in her injustice—l cannot
bring myself to doubt what must be the result of the
contest. (Cheers.) I must say it is a noble sight to see
England and France, who, fur centuries, were engaged in
rivalry with each other—to see them now united in one
course of action, and bound by reciprocal engagements to
seek, as the result of their operations, no selfish object—
to see them standing forth in defence, not of their own
interests only, but of the welfare of the whole of Europe.
(Great cheering.) It is a noble sight to see those fleets
and armies, which hitherto have only met in deadly conflict,
ranged side by side as friends, and armed, not for purposes
of conquest, not for the oppression of the liberties of man,
but armed in a noble and a generous cause, for the defence
of right against might, and of injustice against oppression.
(Cheers.) I care not for imputations of credulity or
connivance ; we are willing to throw our crse before the
country, to be judged by this house, and by our fellow-
countrymen—and I am convinced that the people of
England will be satisfied that we have not involved them
recklessly, or without due cause or necessity,• in war.
(Cheers.) That war—though I do not wish to underrate
its consequences, or the exertions that it may require—will,
I take it, be very different from any other war in which in
former times we have engaged. But I feel no hesitation
in appealing to the country for assistance ; but this, at
least, I will say, that if the country or the house should
think that we have manifested hitherto the weakness of cre-
dulity or the infamy of connivance,let them take from us the
conduct of the war which we should be totally incompetent
and unworthy to conduct, and let them place it in the hands
of others in whose judgment and sagacity they may place
confidence, and on whose integrity they may rely. (Cheers.)"

COL SIBTHORP having said a few words, the discus-
sion closed at two o'clock in the morning of the second
day of debate. The motion for committee of supply
was agreed to without a division, and votes for money
and men on naval account were passed before the
h use adjourned.

The report from the committee of supply, commu-
nicating their votes of men and money to the house,
was brought up on Wednesday. A short discus-
sion ensued thereupon, opened by Mr. HUME, who
" could not allow this opportunity to pass without ex-
pressing his satisfaction at the vote before the honse.
However much on ordinary occasions he might feel it his
duty to oppose the outlay of public money upon warlike
armaments, at this time he would not offer one word of
opposition. He was not going to open the question which
had been so fully discussed, but he must say that he
thought the Government was not to be blamed for having
exhausted every means before entering upon war: on the
contrary, they deserved the thanks of the country. Upon
a perusal of the papers, he was of opinion that the Go-
vernment were deceived. The shame, however, was not
with them, but with those by whom they had been de-
ceived. ( Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances,
although he could not but regret the necessity for our
landing large bodies of troops on the continent of Europe,
he was prepared to support to the fullest extent, not the
honour of the country—fur he held that to be an empty
word—but the measures of the Government in the im-
pending struggle. The increase that had taken place in
the votes of 13,0()0 men on this occasion was moderate, in
his opinion, considering the emergency ; &indite was happy
to think that the expense was less in proportion to the
numerical increase of the men than he had apprehended,
which was owing, no doubt, to the laudable anxiety on the
part of the Government to economise the expenditure.
He though', therefore, the measures set on foot by the
Government to stay the encroachments of Russia on the
liberties of mankind had been conceived and executed in
the best and most economical manner. ( Hear, hear.) He
thought at the same time the Government were seriously
to blame for the secrecy with which they had, until lately,
surrounded all the documents relating to the dispute be-
tween the contending powers. He was satisfied, if they
had published those documents from time to time, runny
of the charges against the Government would not have
been made, and they would have escaped most of the
aspersions and doubts which had attached to their conduct
as public men on this occasion. lie thought the people of
England would rally round the Government in a time of
difficulty and danger like this; and they ought fairly in a
matter of this kind to have been trusted, and not sus-
pected."
Other members expressed their concurrence in
Mr. Hume's opinion touching the war expenditure,
and complimented that hon. member upon the libe-
rality of his sentiments.

Lord PALMERSTON explained that the blue books
were withheld so long, not from distrust of the public,
but because an earlier and imperfect publication of
the documents might have defeated the pacific en-
He assured the house