The Press.
London, England, 1854-06-24 00:00:00

Tinig 24, 1854.

it was pleasing to-know thercve were not etinbarlted
for any private object ; that there had been forced upon
us a great question, which had been growing up for years;
that the solution of that question, having been furred upon
us, must be settled for once and fur ever, finally,couclusively,
and effectually. (Hear, hear.) He was rejoiced more
than be could express on hearing that declaration repeated
by the noble earl, because sure lie was that the people of
this country, greatly as they might he indisposed to enter
upon a war at all, much as they might feel the pressure
upon their interests, much as they might recoil from all
the dangers and all the horrors that would be incurred,
their disinclination would be infinitely greater to arrive at
the conclusion of a shameful and dishonourable peace—
(cheers)—and a dishononnible peace he was confident
they would declare that t.. be v. filch uould not effectually
check the growing saute:ion of Russia, and restrain her not
merely within her existing limits, but rescue from her those
portions of her conquests which rendered her so arrogant
and overbearing, and take from her those territories which
should afford a material guarantee against a renewal of
those ambitious projects by which any further disturbance
of the peace of E urope might be effectually and permanently
prevented. (Cheers.) But this he would say, that the
people of this country, having expended very large
sums of money, having made incredible exertions,
and being prepared to make still greater exertions and meet
all the inconveniences of a war,he was convinced they would
not be satisfied unless the Government resolved that from
henceforth there should be security taken for the indepen-
dence, not of Turkey alone, but of the neighbouring states
of Russia against Russian aggression. But above all, as
his noble and learned friendbad said, one great object with
them ought to be—as well in point of honour as of policy—
not to desert that gallant people—(cheers)—whose course
we had advised, and who had so valiantly pursued that
course—not to make our own terms, and then fi:ially leave
them to the vengeance of Russia when she had no other
enemy to deal with. (Hear, hear.) Were we to adopt
such a course, we should be guilty of a base betrayal of our
duty. (Cheers.) For the future it was impossible to
permit that the Black Sea should be a Russian lake—
(cheers)—or that the Danube should be a Russian ditch
choked with mud and filth. (Chairs.) We must have a
material guarantee for the peace of Europe, and he rejoiced
in the language which had been held by his noble friend on
the part of her Majesty's Governnieut. That language
would give perfect satisfaction, and he trusted that the
country would see it iollowed up by the whole of her
Majesty's Government by acts as vigorous and decisive as
the language of the noble lord."
The Earl of ABERDEtN submitted that the speech
of Lord Lyndhurst would have been more appro-
priate three months since, as neither the Govern-
ment nor the people of England now required any
additional stimulus to warlike dispositions. 'Being
now actually at war with Russia, he thought also
that it was iUtimed to deliver, as the noble lord had
done, a violent philippic against the Russian policy
and Government. The war, he remarked, had from
the beginning been defensive, and engagements
entered into strictly with the view of preserving
Turkey from encroachment might possibly read
somewhat obscurely when the contingencies seemed
to include the invasion of Russia. Austria being an
independent power could not be compelled to pro.
teed further in the contest than she had already
undertaken to do ; but on the other band the Western
powers were not bound to accede to any Austrian
arrangements for peace. Respecting the arrange-
ments to which the powers might accede, Lord
Aberdeen would give no positive information. Every
thing, he said, must be contingent upon the develop-
ment of circumstances
" As to the conditions with which we would be satisfied,
on the conclusion of war, and the objects which we
should have in view, it would be Loth premature and un-
wise to pretend now to decide. My noble and learned
friend, to be sure, has given the Emperor of Russia due
notice that he had better lose no time in fortifying Sebes.
topol, for my noble and learned friend has already
announced his desire to lay his hand on that stronghold,
and 1 dare say his Majesty the Emperor will follow my
noble and learned friend's advice. (Laughter.) But the
conditions for the termination of hostilities are, I say,
those which can only be described by the expression— a
just and honourable peace.' (Hear, hear.) Now, that
must depend in great measure on the progress of the war.
If it should happen that you find the Russians at Con-
stantinople, it is perfectly clear that the conditions of
peace may be very different from what they might be if
the allies find themselves at St. Petersburg. Therefore,
the whole course of negotiations must be based on the pro-
gress of events."
Dwelling, however, with fond prolixity, upon the sub-
ject of peace, the Premier argued that the perils
which Europe underwent from Russian ambition
were not so great., nor theinjuries for which Russia
had to atone so bitter, after all :
"At all times I shall advocate an honourable peace,
though bent on obtaining the great objects we have in
view—the security, integrity, and independence of the
Porte, and, as far as reasonable, what is called the security
of Europe, which, however, I cannot say I feel to be so
much in danger by the chance of Russian aggression. Let
The remind my noble and learned friend that when the
disastrous treaty of Adrianople. to which he refers, was
concluded, at a time when the Russian troops were within
fifty miles of Constantinople, still no acquisition of Turk-
hilt territory was made by Russia. (hstiviatioss of dissent.)
Two or three small ports in Asia were taken possession of
by Russia—( Hear, hear)—but not an inch of territory in
Europe and the principalities was evacuated. (..in treks.

MININimm.

TIT

PRE.I

sift/fon •of ?Plc Danube?) The Dunnhe f No debt. . I ham I
already expressed my opinion in this house with regard
to the treaty of Adrianople ; and no one has ever descnbed
the disastrous and onerous nature of its contlitiona wore
strongly than myself. (Hear, hear.) But I say, consider-
ing the situation at that time of the Russian army,
which was almost at the gates of Constantinople, that is a
treaty which did not show any great exercise of territorial
aggrandisement. That treaty was made twenty-live years
ago ; and since that period has Itusaia got a single inch
of Turkish territory ? The only interference of Russia
has been to protect Constantinople against the Egyptians.
That was no act of aggression ; it was only a signal
service which was rendered; and I think if we can secure
tranquillity for twenty-tive years to come we shall not do
amiss. I think that ought to be the object which we
shonld keep in view. Ido trust, so carrying on the war,
and having these feelings, which ought to inspire all
Christian nations, we way look for the attainment of that
great object in a shorter time than many noble bode appear
to think probable."

Lord BEAUMONT spoke a few words, contending
the necessity of fighting until we had secured a
peace by which Russia should be crippled and Turkey
strengthened, and asked for papers relative to the
recent conventions between Austria and the Porte
regarding the occupation of Montenegro and
Albania.