The Express.
London, England, 1862-03-03 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 3.

THI telegraph announces a Ministerial crisis at
Turin. The event would be serious at any time,
but in the present conjuncture of circumstances it
is of an importance difficult to exaggerate. The

of the Italian nation—to which in
the last resort we must ascribe the event, by what-
ever modifying influence, it was hastened—and
their impatience of the obstacles, imperfectly un-
derstood, which prevent the deliverance of their
country from a state of transition and uncer-
tainty, bear fruit at a moment when the Power
which controls their action is itself pressed
by their foes, and shows itself embarrassed and
hesitating. The new■ from Turin and the
provinces of Italy will now be anxiously
inquired for in every court of Europe.
The disorganization and weakness of the
Government in France have often proved disas-
trous to the cause of liberal progress in Europe.
We can only hope that the calmness, and self-
reliance, and, above all, the spirit of union, of
which the Italians have often given proof, will be
conspicuous now, and that the new Minister,
whoever he may be, will remember that no imme-
diate material aggrandisement can compensate a
nation for the sacrifice of its independence.

Tee recent debates in the French Senate, and
especially the speeches on the Roman question,
afford a striking and instructive commentary on
the moral and political value of Imperialism, as it
is understood and practised in the second Empire.
They prove clearly enough what reflective ob-
servers have all along maintained, that while a
despotic Chvernment restiug on military force
may impose a temporary silence on extreme
opinions, it cannot conciliate, harmonise, or even
subdue them. Thu strong hand of an irre-
sponsible ruler may succeed in establishing a
deceptive external order, but it cannot advance a
step towards producing internal concord and secu-
rity, simply because it cannot touch the real sources
of social confusion. The revolutions which have
convulsed France for half a century have all been
produced by the violent opinions and hostile
passions of different sections of the nation. These
violent passions and opinions could only be softened
by free discussion, with the public duties and
responsibilities it imposes. On the other hand,
when denied all legitimate expression these passions
naturally gain depth and intensity beneath the
surface. We see accordingly that, after ten years
of Imperial "order," the old passions and preju-
dices reappear in all their force. The Imperial
Senate was occupied on Saturday in discussing the
most serious as well as the most urgent politi-
cal problem of the time, but the history of modern
deliberative assemblies might be searched in rain
for any parallel to such a discussion. Instead of
any statesmanlike view of the question in its various

bearings, any attempt to grapple with its diffi-
culties and come to some definite and practical
conclusion, we have throughout only the
bandying of rival watchword., coupled with
vague and declamatory appeals to the passions
and prejudices they represent. We see clearly
enough that there are priestly, conservative, and
democratic elements in the Senate, and each apps•
rently only cares to utter its favourite shibboleth in
defiance of the other. The champions of the Church
are still the sworn enemies of freedom and program.
Cardinal Dux!: rr declares that the constancy of the
HoLv FATHER, which is • curse to Italy and •
scandal to Europe, has won for him not only the
reluctant admiration of the world, but the suf-
frages and support of Heaven itself. It was easy
for the opponents of the Church to retort that the
temporal rule of the Sovereign Pontiffs bad been
throughout its whole history one of scandalous
tyranny and injustice, a dreary record of misery
and crime. Itut these rival statements did not
in the least help to solve the real question at
issue. That question was in propriety of speech
not discussed at all, nor will the recriminations

which the active members of the Senate substitute
for statesmanship add much to the dignity and
weight of its proceedings as a deliberate assembly.
But the intemperate or violent speeches of its
unofficial members were by no means the worst part
of the proceedings in the Senate on Saturday. If the
general discussion of the Roman question was un-
dignified, the part taken by the representatives
of the Government was contemptible. That the
partisans of extreine opinions, who have been very
much left to indulge their passions and prejudices
without the check of public responsibility and apart
front the sobering influence of political experience,
should discuss such a question in a violent tone
and from an impracticable point of view, is not so
very surprising. But that the Imperial Govern-
ment, that has enjoyed a monopoly of political ex-
perience, and loftily claims a monopoly of political
sagacity, should have no policy at all on the
foremost question of European politics, and should
condescend to hide its contemptible indecision
under cowardly and evasive forms of speech, ex
cites other and stronger feelings than surprise.
The position taken by the French Government
in this discussion justly exposes it to the scorn
of all honourable minds. That aro two

broad lines of policy on this question, each
quite intelligible, and the &tem* might have
chosen either. There is the interest of Italy,
which is identified with the cause of flatland
freedom, independence, and political progress.
And there are, on the other side, the imaginary
interests of the Church, and the real interests of
the despotic and dynastic reaction with which it is
identified. The Kmperor of the FRINCH has
often publicly professed his adhesion to the
Italian cause, and his desire to secure the freedom
and independence of the Italian people. But
it would be extremely difficult to adduce
any definite instance of his having ever
deliberately acted with • view to advance
their welfare. He drifted, or rather was
driven by the force of circumstances into the
Italian war, which after all was mainly undertaken
for the sake of humbling the old rival of France.
Directly the war was over, he laboured in every
way to street the progress of the national move-
ment in Italy. But here again the course of events
was too strong for him, and he was reluctantly
compelled to recognise what he could not prevent.
He indirectly supported FRANCIS 11. in his futile
resistance to the KING of ITALY, until liberal
Europe cried shame, and France would support
the disgrace no longer. And now, in the very
crisis of the national movement, in order to gratify
a miserable passion for interference, NA-
ru LSON 111. still persists in protecting
the reaction at Rome ; in outraging
the patriotic feelings and disappointing the just
expectations of the Italian people, and in exciting
against himself and his Government the scorn and
indignation of every liberal and enlightened nation
in Europe.