The Press.
London, England, 1856-12-27 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

THE Christmas of 1856 presents in some points a happy contrast to
the Christmas of 1855. We have no longer an army wintering in the
Crimea with a prospect of bloody combats when the rigour of winter
should allow hostilities to recommence ; we are no longer horrified by
details of the cruel sufferings experienced by the garrison of Kars in their
fruitless resistance to the enemy. The great war has closed ; but, as
if to remind us not to expect too much felicity, a little war has begun.
No direct accounts from the expedition in the Persian Gulf have yet
reached us. But our private advices from Constantinople warn us
that the negotiations with the Persian Government were not proceed-
ing favorably. The opportunity for a declaration of war seems to have
been seized by the British Government with considerabl e haste and
alacrity.

Is there never to be peace on earth even between nations in the first
rank of civilisation ? The Governments of Prussia and Switzerland
are passing the season which brought tidings of great joy—glory to
God in the highest, and peace and good will to men—in preparations
for deadly strife. The Court of Prussia declares that, having exhausted
all means of peaceful solution, it is compelled to dispose its troops for
an attack on the territory of the Confederation, and the 2nd of January
next is at present fixed for the Prussian army to advance. France
and Germany propose to station armies of observation at points coun-
terminous to the territory where the first shock of war, if no arrange-
ment can be effected, must take place.
It has been the subject of much remark in political circles that in
the note in the Moniteur no reference whatever was made to England.
How is this fact reconcileable with the assertions of our Ministerial
prints that France and England are still closely allied on questions of
European policy ? We believe the truth to be, that the Emperor of the
FRENCH solicited the English Cabinet to join him in mediating
between the opposed Governments. Had such joint mediation taken
place, it could scarcely have been refused, and the necessity for an
appeal to arms would have been avoided. We are curious to learn
the grounds on which our Administration declined to interfere. The
contest, once commenced, may probably swell to gigantic proportions,
and lead to a great continental war.

In our columns we have lately dwelt on the benefits conferred by
the forty years' peace on our own land. In no like period of human
annals has progress in all social arts promoting the convenience and
happiness of life been so marked and rapid. On the Continent the
advance has been proportionably great. The devastations of the last
great war have been repaired, and each succeeding year the springs
of industry rise and play with greater elasticity, and social ease and
wealth advance with perceptible movement. It is humiliating to
reflect that this progress may be arrested, and the Continent again be
torn by desperate strife, through want of kindly, but decisive, media-
tion at a time when it might easily have been composed.
The Emperor of the FRENCH has, we are assured, determined on
giving the world one more proof of his good faith, and of his freedom
from all personal and ambitious motives, in taking up arms for the
defence of Turkey. If we are rightly informed, it has been arranged
between the Governments of France and England that their troops
shall speedily evacuate Greece. France will then have nobly com-
pleted her part for the settlement of the Eastern question.

The accounts from the United States are sittisflictory. The
generous and graceful act of sending the Resolute as a present to the
Queen, has had the happiest effect in promoting cordial good-will
between the people of the two countries.

The question of convict treatment is gradually assuming those
dimensions which we from the first anticipated. The presence
of a criminal population amongst us is felt to be such an intolerable
evil that people will not stay to balance pros and cons. Got rid of
they must be. If we cannot send them to foreign countries, we must
go ourselves. That is the simple state of the cane. Several
important letters have appeared in the Times upon this subject
during Vic past week, in which the two principal points started are the
possibility of procuring fresh penal colonies, and, on the assumption that
this is impossible, the best method of dealing with the convict at home.
Mr. MONCKTON MILNES is adverse to any increased severity of punish-
ment—first, because he doubts if we should have the resolution to
carry out such a system ; secondly, because, even if we had, he doubts
its deterrent power. The former objection is possibly well founded,
but if we are to accept the latter we shall be driven to acknowledge
the futility of all law ; for law ceases to be law when no penalty is
entailed by the transgression of it, and penalties cease to be penalties
when men no longer fear them. In fact, if punishments do not deter,
the whole question is at an end. Another letter on this subject.
with the well-known signature of " S. G. 0.," we have read with great
satisfaction. His positions—that adult criminals are usually incorri-
gible, and that therefore to make their reformation the primary point
in their punishment, is simple folly, and that under no circumstances
will released convicts be able to compete in the labour market with the
as yet unbranded workmen—seem unimpeachable. It is useless
to fight against an ineradicable principle of human nature. A
criminal may be..ceformed up to a pitch of excellence which should
throw a dozen serious ladies into eestacies; but for all that you