The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1881-05-14 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT;

In the HOUSE OF LORDS, May 9, the motion for an Address
to the Queen praying her Majesty to give directions for the
erection of a monument to Lord Beaconsfield in West-
minster Abbey caused an unusually large attendance of
peers. There was a considerable number of peeresses in
the side galleries, and the strangers' gallery was completely
filled.
Earl Granville, in moving the address, said :—I rise to
move the address of which I have given notice. It requires
no long argument to recommend it to your lordships, and
for this and for other reasons I will confine my observations
Within narrow limits. This is not the time and I am not the
person to give a biographical sketch of one so well known
as Lord Beaconsfield; still less is it for me to analyse his
policy and his political actions. Approval from me of these
would give astamp of insincerity to my remarks which would
be displeasing to your lordships and discreditable to myself.
(Hear, hear.) My lords, our long experience of constitu-
tional practice has convinced nearly all Englishmen that
party government is necessary for the good working of
representative institutions, and that party organization
can alone constitute strong and efficient Governments in
sucfi circumstances. But, owing to the same experience,
together with other favouring circumstances, there is no
country where the relations of political opponents are more
free from personal bitterness (hear, hear), none where the
readiness is greater at the proper moment to drop party
feelings and exclusively to consider that which is for the
nationa dignity. I believe it is for the dignity of the
nation that from time to time, and on exceptional occa-
sions, ?ornament should recognise the public services of
statesmen, not as a proof of universal approval of the par-
ticular policy which they may have pursued, for that would
be impossible, but as an acknowledgment of unusual abili-
ties devoted in eminent positions to the service of the
State. (Cheers.) That Lord Beaconsfield has played his
part in English history, that he had rare and splendid
gifts and great force of character, that his labours in serv-
ing the Crown and the Parliament were long and continuous,
no one can deny. I doubt whether to many public men
can the quality of genius be more fitly attributed. It was
by his strong individuality, unaided by adventitious cir-
cumstances, that he owed his great personal success. As-
sisted by those social circumstances which Mr. Disraeli was
Without, I came into the House of Commons at an early
age, and six months before he took his seat in that
assembly. I thus heard him make that speech famous for
its failure, a speech which I am convinced, if it ha, been
made when he was better known to the House of Commons,
would have been received with cheers and sympathy,
instead of derisive laughter, but which, owing to the
Prejudices of his audience, he was obliged to close with a
sentence, which, like a somewhat similar ejaculation of Mr.
Sheridan, showed the unconquerable confidence which
strong men have in their own power. A few weeks ago
Lord Beaconsfield made his last argumentative speech In
this House. At ten o'clock on the second evening of the
Afghan debate Lord Beaconsfield sent me word that he
must speak at once. I sent back a strong remonstrance.
Two noble lords who formerly held office, and a third with
remarkable power of speaking, wished to take part in the
debate. Lord Beaconsfield, however, persisted, and in fol-
lowing him I complained to your lordships of what he had
done. I thought at the time I was justified in that cora-
plaint, but it is with regret that I have since learnt that
just before my remonstrance Lord Beaconsfield had swal-
lowed one drug and inhaled another in quantities nicely cal-
culated to free him from his suffering during the time re-
quired for his speech. These are incidents, one at the begin-
ning of his Parliamentary career, one 44 years later, at the
end of it, which show the power of will and the contempt for
obstacles which were his strong characteristics. A slight
circumstance connected with this House always appeared to
ace indicative of his patience and self-control. Almost any
Man coming into this assembly as Prime Minister, and with
a great oratorical reputation, would have been impatient
for an opportunity of display. Your lordships will remember
how silent and reticent he was at first, until an unfounded
accusation gave him an opportunity of making a speech,
which at once established the hold on this House which he
had so long maintained in another place. Some men
exercise influence over others by possessing in a stronger
degree the qualities and the defects of those whom they
influence. Others produce the same effect from exactly
contrary causes. It is probable that Lord Beaconsfield,
With few prejudices of his own and more or less tolerant
of those of others, belonged to the latter class. I never
knew a greater master, in writing, in speaking, and in
conversation, of censure and of eulogy. His habit of
sp-rkling literary composition, his facility in dealing with
ep gram, metaphor, antithesis, and even alliteration, gave
hisr e, singular power of coining and applying phrases
Which at once laid hold of the popular mind, and attached
praise or blame to actions of the contending parties in the
State. Lord Beaconsfield had certainly the power of appeal-
ing in his policy, in his character, and in his career to the
imagination of his countrymen and of foreigners, a power
Which was not extinguished even by death. With certain
exceptions, Lord Beaconsfield was very tolerant to political
adversaries, and showed great appreciation of their merits.
No happier compliments were paid to lord Palmerston and
to Lord Russell than by Mr. Disraeli, and I have heard Mr.
Cobden's dearest friend quote as the most touching speech
he ever heard the tribute paid by Mr. Disreali in the House
Of Commons to the memory of his great and victorious
free trade opponent. I have been treated with uniform
fairness and courtesy by successive leaders of the Con-
servative party in this House, but by none more so than by
Lord Beaconsfield during the time which I have had the
honour to sit opposite him iii this House, as I had pre-
viously been upon some important questions of foreign
Policy. The noble duke on Thursday spoke with the
authority of an intimate friend, of Lord Beaconsfield's good
nature in private life. I have no doubt of the truth of it,
though combined with singular powers of destructiveness
When he chose to exercise them. I remember being told by
one, to whom the devotion of Lord Beaconsfield was one of
the main characteristics of his life, that not only was he
good-natured himself, but that he was especially sensitive
to good-nature from others. There is one reason, my lords, •
why this House should pay respect to the memory of Lord
Beaconsfield, which is not altogether of a disinterested
character. It has been said of the British aristocracy,
sometimes as a matter of praise, sometimes of blame, that
they are proud, wealthy, and powerful. There is an
element, however, of a democratic character mixed with
Ms aristocratic constitution of the House of Lords, which
leas certainly added to its wealth and strength, possibly to
Its pride. It is the unexclusiveness which is peculiar to the
institution. Of the smoothness with which the portals of
this assembly roll back before distinguished men, without
reference to caste or to blood, of the welcome which is
given to such, of the distinguished place which is assigned
to them in our ranks, I know no brighter or more brilliant
example than that of Lord Beaconsfield. (Loud cheers.)
His lordship concluded by moving, "That an humble
addreas be presented to Her Majesty, praying that Her
Majesty will give directions that a monument be erected in
the collegiate church of St. Peter, Westminster, to the
memory of the late Right Honourable the Earl of Beacons-
field, KG., with an inscription expressive of the high
sense entertained by the House of his rare and splendid
gifts, and of his devoted labours in Parliament and in great
offices of State; and assuring Her Majesty that this House
Will concur in giving effect to Her Majesty's most gracious
Message."
The Marquis of Salisbury, who was loudly cheered said,—
2.1,y_ Lords, the noble earl in the graceful language with
which he has moved the erection of this last and melancholy
tribute to a political opponent justly said not only that con-
tested questions were in no degree affected by the action
that he or your lordships might take, or by the language
That he used, but also that not many words were needed to
commend thie motion to the acceptance of Parliament. My
lords, in this case not many words are needed, because one of
the most strikii g phenomena attending on Lord Beaconsfield's
brilliant and remarkable career has been the deep interest
With which through his illness and after his death his fate was
followed not only by his own friends and adherents, but by men
Of every class and degree in this country, and by distin-
guished men of great influence in other countries also.
(Cheers.) Whatever else may be said of the deceased
Statesman, this at least can never be gainsaid—his memory
Will ever be associated with many a controverted issue;
but the historian must always add that when the fierce
struggle was over and the great career was closed, there
Was no doubt what the verdict was of his countrymen upon
the service that he had done. (Cheers.) This unanimity
of opinion with respect to one whose measures were neces-
eerily much contested will suggest various explanations.
That his friends and colleagues should mourn Isis loss and
regard his memory is only too natural. I have not the
same title to speak that many of those beside me have,
because my close political connection with him was com-
Paratively recent, but it lasted through anxious and difficult
times, when the character of men is plainly seen by those who
Work with them—(cheers)—and upon me, as I believe upon all
Others who have worked with him, his patience, his gentle-
• his unswerving and unselfish loyalty to his colleagues
and his fellow labourers have made an impression which
Will never leave me as long as life endures. (Cheers.) But
these feelings could only affect the limited circle of his
Immediate adherents. The impression made on the vast
Mass of his countrymen must be sought elsewhere. To some
extent' to a great extent, no doubt, it is due to the peculiar
eharacter of his genius—to its varied nature, to the wonder-
ful combination of the qualities he possessed and which
resided in the same brain. To some extent it is also due to
the circumstances to which the noble earl has gracefully
alad eloquently alluded—the social difficulties of his early
life and the steadfast perseverance by which they were over-
rine. (Cheers.) These facts were impressed on his coun-
trymen, who love to see exemplified that open career to all
Persons, whatever their difficulties may be, which is one of
the characteristics if their institutions of which they are
roost proud. (Cheers.) They saw in Lord Beaconsfield, too,
that whatever difficulties may attend the beginning of a
Man's fame, whatever he may have to struggle against, if his
genius and perseverance be equal to the occasion he must
succeed. (Cheers.) But there was another cause. Lord
Beaconsfleld's leading principles with respect to the greatness
el his country, more and more as life went on, made an im-
pression on our country. Zeal for the greatness of England
Was the passion of his life. (Cheers.) Opinions might differ
and did differ deeply as to the measures and steps by which
expression was given to that dominant feeling; but more
and more as his life went on and drew near to its close, as
the heat and turmoil of controversy were left behind, as the
ratification of every possible ambition negatived the sugges-
tion of any inferior motive, and brought out into greater
Prominence the sacredness and strength of this one intense
feeling, the people of this country recognized the force
With which this desire dominated his actions and drew
towards him the affection and reverence of those who did
not depend upon and had no connection with the policy he
Pursued. (Cheers.) This was his great title to their
attachment—that above all things he wished to see Eng-
land united, powerful and great. • (Cheers.) The questions
of interior policy which divided classes, he had to consider
them—he had to form his judgment upon them and take
kis course accordingly; but it seems to me he treated them
always as of secondary interest, compared with this one great
question—how the country to which he belonged might be
made united and strong. (Cheers) The feeling which he
showed was repaid to him abundantly; and it is because
Elie conviction spread itself to all classes, both among those
who were his friends and those who were his opponents,
Chat this vote which has been moved by the noble earl, and
Which I have risen to second, is no expression of any party
or sectional feeling or upon any controverted question, but
is the homage mid recognition by an united people of the
aplendid genius which was devoted to their services. (Loud
cheers.)
Lord Malmesbury, as an intimate friend from early life,
expressed his opinion that Lord Beaconsfield had possessed
every domestic virtue a man need have. He mentioned that
ills domestic life while Lady Beaconsfield lived was of the
the happiest, but that after her death Lord Beaconsfield
said, "I have no home."
The motion was then agreed to.
The Municipal Franchise (Scotland) Bill passed through
Committee, and the other orders having been disposed of,
their lordships adjourned at ten minutes to six.
In the HousE OF COMMONS, Viscount Folkestone asked
the First Lord of the Treasure whether the Transvaal State
would be in "full colonial relations with this country;" or
'Whether the relations between this country and the Trans-
-veal would be conducted through the Foreign Office and not
through the Colonial Office.
;reir. Gladstone: In answer to this question as to the
trorEae "full colonial relations with this country" which
implied
Put inverted commas, I el ish to say I never stated or
amplied at the Transvaal under the new condition of
things when. settled would be in full colonial relations with
this county. I do not think that that would be an
accurate descriitiOn, so far as I am able to form an opinion.
With regard to tbet question whether the relations between
tellis country and thoa Transvaal will be conducted through
the Foreign Office, and not through the Colonial Office, I
tave to say that the praetice in South Africa even with
regard to a piirely foreign State—for example, the Orange
Zree State—has been to conduit the relations through the
Colonial Office. instructions have been given to the Royal
Commissioners on this subject to the following effect :—As
regards communication with foreign Governments it will
'Probably be found that the Transvaal Government should
'correspond on such matters with Her Majesty's Government
through the President of the High Commission.
Earl Percy asked whether the words " full colonial rela-
tions" were not part of the words need in reference to other
counkes in the condition which they believed the Trans-
vaal wouiel be in towards this country.
Mr. Gladstone; The noble lord completely mistakes the
bearing of my illustration. It was an argument a fortiori..
After some fifty other questions had been put to the
Millieters also, on various subjects, the House went into
Committee, and
Mr. Gladstone moved the Address to the Crown, of which
he had given notice, praying her Majesty to direct a monu-
ment to be erected to Lord Beaconsfield. At the outset he said
_that though it might be too sanguine to eepect the motion to
be received with unanimous assent, he earneatly appealed to
the House not to enter into a lengthened and contentious
argument. As a keen personal opponent of Lord Beaconsfield,
nothing would pain him more, except its rejection, than

that the grace of the vote should be marred by angry dispu-
tation. Adverting to the criticisms of his own action in the
matter, he said it had been directed to what he conceived
to be the fulfilment of his duty, by the examination of the
precedents with a desire liberally to interpret them, but
with a proper jealousy of adding to them. This was
not the occasion for drawing an historical portrait of
Lord Beaconsfield nor for attempting a political eulogy,
but it was an occasion on which a majority ought
to be guarded against giving way to its own narrow
views, and which certainly ought not to be used for issuing
a political manifesto. Mr.
.Gladstone proceeded :—" I say
that in my judgment we have to look to two questions,
and to two questions only, and they are whether the
tribute that it is proposed to pay is proposed to be paid to
one who in the first place has sustained a great historic
part and done great deeds written on the page of Parlia-
mentary and national history, and, next, whether those
deeds have been done with the full authority of the con-
stituted organs of the nation and of the nation itself ; and I
think that an impartial survey of what has happened will
satisfy the House that upon neither of those points is there
the smallest room for doubt. (Hear, hear.) It may seem
to be a sharp mental transition for us to make when we pass
from the balance of political opinion now prevailing in
this House to the balance of opinion that existed here two
or three or four years ago. But it is right, it is just, it is
necessary that we should recollect that what was done by
the late Parliament and what was done by the late Ministry,
and above all by Lord Beaconsfield, as the official head and
as the guiding spirit of the late Ministry, was done under
precisely the same constitutional title, and with exactly the
same charter and authority as that under which we now _
claim to act. (Cheers.) I cast behind me for a moment the
question what I approve, and what I disapprove, what I
rejoice in and what I regret. We are here to act on the
part of the nation, and to maintain that description of action
which is suitable to, and which is required by, the nation's
continuous policy. The career of Lord Beaconsfield is in
many respects the most remarkable in our Parliamentary
history. For my own part, I know but one that can fairly
be compared to it in regard to the emotional surprise—the
emotion of wonder, which, when viewed as a whole, it is cal-
culated to excite, and that is the career, the early career, of
Mr. Pitt. Lord Beaconsfield's name is associated at least
with one great constitutional change, in regard to which I
think it will ever be admitted—at least, I never can soruple to
admit it—that its arrival was accelerated by his personal act.
I will not dwell upon that, but upon the close association of
his name with the important change.in the principle of the
Parliamentary franchise. It is also associated with great
European transactions, great European arrangements. I
put myself in the position, not necessarily of a friend and
admirer who looks with sympathy at the character of the
action of Lord beaconsfield, but in the position of one who
looks at the magnitude of the part which he played on be-
half of this country, and I say that one who was his political
friend might fairly have said of

'Aspics, ut insignis spoliis Marcellus opimis
Ingreditur, victorque viros supereminet

My duty is to look at these things in the magnitude of
their national and historical character, and it is when so
looking at them that I have not a doubt that the man who
for seven years sustained the office of Prfine Minister, the
man who for nearly 30 years led either in one House or in
both a great party in this country, is a man for whom the
House may well do what I now call upon it to do. I
have said that, in my opinion, the magnitude of the part
played by Lord Beaconsfield and the authority with which
it was played are the only matters to which we ought to
luok ; and I press this point specially as one that many of
us might perhaps forget—namely, that he acted with the
same authority that we claim ourselves; that the same
.Constitutien, the same popular liberties, the same principle
of reverence for authority, placed him m a position, first in
this House and then in the House of Lords, to give effect to
the policy that he believed to be for the good of his country.
(Cheers.) This somewhat dry. portion of my duty, which
has led me to direct the attention of the House to these
points, is now, I think, concluded, and, as I have said, I
will not attempt anything like an historical retrospect.
It would not be fair, and it would net be just, even if it
were appropriate, that I, who have been separated from Lord
Beaconsfield by longer and larger differences than, perhaps,
ever separated two persons, should endeavour to draw a pic-
ture which must lie too faintly coloured if executed by
my hand. But yet I will allow myself some satisfaction
in dwelling upon topics that are both pleasant
to myself and useful to us all. The deceased
statesman had certain great qualities on which it would
be idle for me to enlarge; his extraordinary intellectual
powers, for instance, were as well known to others as to
me. But other qualities there were in him, not merely
intellectual or immediately connected with the conduct of
affairs, but with regard to which I should wish, were I
younger, to stamp the recollection of them on my mind for
my own future guidance, and which I strongly recommend to
those who are younger for notice and imitation. (Hear.)
These characteristics were not only written in a marke
i d
manner on his career, but were possessed by him n a degree
undoubtedly extraordinary. I speak, for example, of his
strength of will, his long-sighted persistency of purpose,
reaching from his first entrance on the avenue of life to its
very close, his remarkable power of self-government, and
last, not least, his great Parliamentary courage, which I,
who have been associated in the course of my life with some
scores of Ministers, have never seen surpassed." (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Gladstone then proceeded to allude to Lord Beacons-
field's strong sympathies for his own race, his readiness to
help struggling men of genius, and the tenderness and devo-
tion of his domestic affections; and concluded his speech
as follows :- "In expressing a hope that this debate
may not be unduly lengthened, I wish that my con-
tribution to it may be confined within the limits of
necessity, and I have now set before the House all that
it is necessary, perhaps all that is warrantable, for me to
say; but there is one slighter matter to which I wish to
have the satisfaction of referring. There is much misap-
prehension abroad as to
.the personal sentiments between
public men who are divided in policy. Their words may
necessarily from time to time be sharp; their judgments
may necessarily be severe, but the general idea of persons
less informed than those within the Parliamentary circle is
that they are actuated by sentiments of intense antipathy
or hatred for one another. I wish to take this occasion, if
with the permission of the House I may for a moment
degenerate into egotism, of recording my firm conviction
that in all the judgments ever delivered by Lord Beacons-
field upon myself he never was actuated by sentiments of
personal antipathy. (Cheers.) It is a pleasure to me to
make that acknowledgment The feeling on my part is not
a new one, but the acknowledgment of it could hardly have
been made With propriety on an earlier occasion, and
hon. members must excuse me for having thus obtruded it
upon them. (Hear, near.) I have now called attention
to the fact that that to which we have to look is the great-
ness of the man himself, and of the transactions with which
he was associated, and the full, undisputed, constitutional
authority that he possessed to sanction his policy. Those
are the essential considerations that ought to guide us, and
I feel convinced that, unless it is my grievous fault, I have
said enough to show that the Committee will do well and
wisely to accept, and to accept in a kindly spirit—(cheers)—
the motion I have the honour to submit for a public monu-
ment to lord Beaconsfield." (Cheers.) The right hon.
gentleman then moved :

'That an humble address be presented to Her Majesty,
praying that Her Majesty will give directions that a monu-
ment be erected in the Collegiate Church of St. Peter,
Westminster, to the memory of the late Right lion. Earl of
Beaconsfield, with an inscription expressive of the high sense
entertained by the House of his rare and splendid gifts, and
of his devoted labours in Parliament and in great offices ot
State; and to assure Her Majesty that this House will make
good the expenses attending the same."

Sir S. Torthcote, in seconding the motion, said that, what-
ever might be its fate, one monument more enduring than
any which could be carved in stone had already been erected
to Lord Beaconsfield in Mr. Gladstone's speech just de-
livered, nobly expressed end nobly conceived, which was
an honour not merely to the orator and its object, but
to the British House of Commons. Sir Stafford proceeded to
say—" Speaking as one who has had the great pleasure of
political intimacy with our distinguished friend; and who
has also been admitted to his confidence in quiet moments,
I can entirely confirm the statement of the Prime
Minister that in all those contests, ready as he
always was to enter into the battle, and sharp as
sometimes his words were, there was nothing in his
spirit unworthy of a generous antagonist (Hear, hear.)
No personal feeling, I believe, was ever allowed by him to
warp his sentiments of admiration for his chief political
rival. (Hear, hear.) I feel that this is not a moment at
which 1 could properly address the Committee, as I should
wish to do. This is not a moment for the indulgence of
private feelings. We have, indeed, been connected together
on occasions of contest and of public debate, but yet there
is so much beside that and behind that to those who were
intimate with Lord Beaconsfield that it would be painful to
ourselves to attempt to parade the feelings that exist
among us. There was much in his sympathy and his readiness
at all times to give advise, to enter into every difficulty,
however trifling it might seem, to encourage where en-
couragement was needed, and to utter words of warning
when he thought them necessary that greatly endeared
him to us. It would be still less appropriate, indeed,
it would be an outrage, were I at such a moment to
attempt to draw anything like a political character of
Lord Beaconsfield which should be in the nature of a
political eulogium. I distinguish such occasions as the
present, characteristic as they are of the British House of
Commons and of the British nation, from those eulegiums
which are sometimes passed in foreign countries at the
funerals of men who have borne a distinguished part in
party warfare, when the opportunity is seized for glorifying
political differences and political parties. We have nothing
of the sort here. We are engaged here for a moment.
pausing in the midst of our political strife, in placing a
wreath on the bier of a champion who has fallen among
us, and whom all on both sides are prepared to honour.
(Cheers.) If there were anything in this proposal that
seemed to pledge the country or the House to any approval
of any political policy of Lord Beaconsfield I can quite
understand that there would be difficulties raised in many
quarters to paying a tribute which might be misunderstood.
That, however, is not the case. We are now doing honour
to a man whose rare gifts we all admire, and which have
been acknowledged by all who have had any opportunity
of witnessing their display. We are doing honour to a
man who never quailed before danger, who never allowed
himself to be disheartened by defeat or 'discouraged by
difficulty, but who always kept a high standard before
him—whether it approved itself to all men or not I
will not say and who never under any difficulties
or under any circumstances lost sight of or shrank
from the standard he so displayed. He was one
who, when he came to the post of dignity, to which he had
so fairly fought his way over the greatest obstacles and
under the greatest discouragements, commanded the respect
net only of the people of his own country, but the respect
of those among whom he took his place as the representa-
tive of Great Britain in the affairs of foreign countries.
(ilear, hear.) Sir, we have been reminded that the public
*honours which it was desired should be done to him at his
funeral were exchanged for a funeral of a more private
character, in accordance not only with his written instruc-
tions, but with the whole spirit of his life. He was one
who, among all things, rejoiced in that retirement of which
he was allowed to enjoy so small a portion, and his heart
was in the home and the sepulchere in which his body is now
placed. But we know that although his funeral was
private' and there was nothing in the nature of an invita-
tion to the nation' to attend it, yet all England was there,
and that the hearts of the people, whatever may be their
ranks or distinctions, were turned to Hughenden on that
day. I venture to say that whether or not a monument is
erected to him, either in this or any other place of public
notoriety, the name and fame of him whom we have lost is
secure in the memories of Englishmen and will never perish."
(Loud cheers.)
Mr. Labouchere, who was received with cries of " Agreed"
and a few cheers from below the gangway, moved that the
Chairman leave the chair. While expressing his admira-
tion for Lord Beaconsfield's gifts and disclaiming all
intention to offend his party, he contended that it was
impossible to separate the man from the politician, and
asserted that there was no precedent of a memorial being
erected to a Prime Minister unless his policy was at the time
supported and approved by a majority of the House and of
the country. But Lord Beaconsfield's policy had been
decisively condemned by the country, and the Liberal party
would be stultifying itself if it agreed to this vote.
Mr. A. O'Connor made some remarks in support of the
amendment in an impatient Douse, and a division being
taken, it was negatived by 380 to 54. The Address was then
agreed to.
The adjourned debate on the Irish Land Bill was resumed
by Air. Errington, and continued by Mr. Dawson, Mr.
Brodrick, Mr. Summers, Sir J. biker, Mr. Bright, and Sir
It. Cross, and ultimately the debate was again adjourned on
the motion of Mr. Shaw.
There was another discussion on the proposal of the Go
vernment to fix the Oaths Bill for a morning sitting on
Tuesday. A motion to adjourn the debate having been
made and negatived by 202 to 182, a further appeal was
made to Mr. Gladstone, and ultimately he withdrew the
proposal, promising to take an early opportunity of making
another arrangement.
Sozne other business was disposed of, and the House ad-
journed at five minutes past two o'clock.

In the Horn or Lonns, May 10, Lord Middleton gave
notice that on Friday he would ask whether the Government
intended to take any further and what steps for the better
protection of the well-disposed subjects of Her Majesty in
Ireland.
Tha Inland Revenue Bin'dings Bill was read a second time,
and the Municipal Franchise (Scotland) Bill passed through
Committee and was reported to the House.
Lord Carnarvon rose to call attention to a letter in Tho
Times of the 15th of April purporting to be written by the
Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone to Mr. Tonikin son on the Trans-
vaal war. He commenced by thanking the Colonial Secretary
for the fair way in which during his absence he had referred
to the part he had taken in the annexation of the Transvaal ;
and tlier4, turninif to the letter, pointed out that Mr. Glad-

stone made in it a charge of a very grave character in con-
nexion with that annexation. The right hon. gentleman
evidently referred to it in a passage of his letter in which
he spoke of not wishing to go back on events and refer to an
earlier policy. Until he knew what the right hon. gentle-
man's charges were he would not go into them ;but whenever
they were stated he would be found ready to defend the
part taken by Sir Theophilus Shepstone and himself with
respect to the annexation. The statement in the letter that
the war with the Boers had been stopped in order to avoid
blood-guiltiness was one which he had read with the utmost
astonishment. That statement was .made after our troops
had sustained three severe and heavy defeats, one of which
had been brought about by one of the most treacherous and
cold-blooded massacres that had ever occurred. He charged
the outbreak on Mr. Gladstone's Mid-Lothian speeches
and the appointment of Mr. Courtney to the Under-Secre-
taryship in Her Majesty's Government. He did not
admit that the annexation ought to have been undone;
but he did assert that it might have been set aside at other
opportunities without the discredit which attached to the
agreement which had been core to with the Boer nego-
tiators. He said that those negotiators were men who had
made the grossest accusations and charges against English
officers. The result of the agreement come to with them
was that society in the Transvaal had been resolved back
Into its original elements. There was now no law there,
because the magistrates could not get their orders executed,
and yet something was due by this country to the natives and
the English colonists who had entered into engagements on
the faith of promises made by England. "And:" said the noble
Earl, in concluding his speech—" something is due to
those loyalists who stood by us shoulder to shoulder in the
Zulu War. Something is due to the English residents in the
Transvaal who have accepted your assurances, and built
houses, and invested their capital in the country. Some-
thing is due also to the English colonists of South Africa;
but by all of these this action is condemned in language far
stronger than any I have used, and will be condemned
wherever the English name is known. Hear, hear.)
That is not the way in which the English Empire was won;
nor is that the way in which it will be maintained. (Hear.)
I wish I could think that by this unhappy measure you
will secure the object you have in view. Bat, my lords,
there is no peace in this settlement. It is a house built
upon the sand, and very soon indeed you will find it has
been swept away. You will find that this settlement will
lead not only to the strife of races, but to further troubles
and bloodshed. But all this is now in a certain sense a
thing past and irremediable. But one thing remains.
Her Majesty's Government have, wisely or unwisely com-
mitted themselves to certain terms. Those terms age laid
down in certain telegrams, and in the instructions to the
Commission just issued. Ido beg Her Majesty's Govern-
ment, having laid down those terms, to adhere to them.
(Hear.) There is a feeling abroad that all concessions will
be in vain, and that anything may be wrung and extorted
out of the Government provided it is only sufficiently
pursued by blood and massacre. I can conceive nothing
so dangerous; nothing, to put it on the lowest ground, so
expensive. When credit is lost, even the National Exche-
quer itself suffers. Dangerous it certainly is, because if
once the impression gets rooted abroad that you can be
driven from pillar to post, and that any concession may be
wrung out of you by pertinacity and force of arms, then
before lon you will have to fight not only in the Transvaal
and South Africa, but in India—anywhere and everywhere.
(Hear, hear.)

Lord Kimberley again reminded their lordships that any
approval he had ever expressed of the annexation of the
Transvaal was conditional on the information adduced in its
support being correct. He must now express his opinion
that, with one exception, the policy pursued by Lord Car-
narvon in South Africa was one of the most lamentable
failures that had ever be.en experienced. As he had pre-
dicted, the confederation scheme of the noble earl proved
to be premature. The charge founded on Mr. Glad.
stone's Mid-Lothian speeches he met in the debate
raised by Lord Cairns: but as to the appointment of
Mr. Courtney, he would observe that it could not
have been one of the causes of the outbreak in the Trans-
vaal, inasmuch as that outbreak occurred before Mr.
Courtney's appointment. He held that events amply proved
that the annexation had not had the consent of the popula-
tion, whereas that consent was Lord Carnarvon's main
ground for the annexation. It was a truism that you un-
necessarily shed blood if you went on with a war after you
could settle on fair terms the matter in dispute. We had
not commenced the war; it had been commenced by the
Boers. After some further observations the noble lord
concluded by saying—"In the present state of things,
the present question is this—ls peace finally concluded
now? Not at all. (Hear, hear.) What we concluded was
an agreement preliminary to peace; and does it not make a
considerable difference when you have to carry into effect
certain terms whether you have a force at your back of
not? Does my noble friend suppose that, if we had taken
no steps to vindicate the Queen's authority, we should now
be in a position to make peace? Certainly not. It is a
settlement which may be carried through, but it is one of
very great difficulty. I concur with my noble friend oppo-
site that some firmness may be requisite, but I deny that
it is the same thing now to negotiate as to have submitted
to the insurgents at the first outbreak without making any
movement at all to show that we were in a position to up-
hold our authority in South Africa. (Hear, hear.) My
noble friend spoke of his desire to conciliate the Dutch. I
do not think that we should be actuated simply by a desire
to conciliate the Dutch, but by a desire for the good and
prosperity of South Africa generally; and if a war of this
kind be allowed to degenerate into a war of races, a state
of things will be brougkt about which will make it almost
Impossible to maintain the Queen's authority in that coun-
try. When my noble friend speaks of the possibility of
maintaining the Queen's authority in the Transvaal, I reply
that it was possible before we had the insurrection; but after
it we were placed in this position—we could have main-
tained it permanently only by conquering the Transvaal
Boers' and then we must have maintained a larger force to
keep them in subjugation. But would the country have
borne the expense of such a force, and would it have been
possible to avoid difficulties of the most serious kind with
the Dutch populatien ? I think not; and therefore I ra-
gas d the course that has been taken as just, and right, and
saund, and conducive to the permanent interest* of South
Africa. (Hear.) As regards the present position of affairs,
I am far from saying that I am without hope of a
satisfactory settlement; but I am aware of the diffi-
culties and dangers of the whole question, and will not
speak in a too sanguine tone. But I am certain that
the policy initiated by my noble friend opposite could not
have been maintained. Whether ours will be permanent, I
cannot say; but our motives are as good as his, and I
hope the chances of success are greater for our policy
than in that which he pursued." (Cheers.)

The Duke of Argyll was of opinion that perhaps in sharp
language the letter of Mr. Gladstone gave an accurate de-
scription of the situation. He held that no Government
would have attempted to annex the Transvaal if they dU not
believe that such annexation would have the assent of the
majority of the inhabitants, and up to the time of the outbreak
he had supposed that only a small, though active, minority
was against it. That was the report of our own officers;
but such evidence was disapproved by the rising. That cir-
cumstance affected his conscience when he was a member
of the Government, and he thought that as our troops had
been shot down by deer-stalkers rather than soldiers the
defeats sustained by small bodies of our men rashly ex-
posed to large numbers of the enemy ought not to stop the
negotiations. The question was a political and not a mili-
tary one. There was the danger of a war of races, and he
held that the policy pursued by Her Majesty's Government
was the right one.

Lord Brabourne once more expressed his opinion that
the course taken by Rer Majesty's Government was likely
to lead to the most disastrous results. Prestige to a
country was very like credit to a great commercial house ;
and he argued that the prestige of England had suffered by
the condbet of her Majesty's Government. If two or three
hundred dogs had been slaughtered, less notice could not
have been taken of the occurrence than had been taken by
his noble friend the Secretary for the Colonies of the mas-
sacre of the detachment of the 84th Regiment.

Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to seven o'clock.
In the HousE OF COMMONS, Mr. W. Holms gave notice of a
motion for the 31st, deprecating the conclusion of any un-
satisfactory commercial treaty with France.
In answer to a question from Sir H. Wolff, Sir C. Dilke
said that, though the French Government had given no
written assurances on the subject, M. St. Hilaire had twice,
in conversation with Lord Lyons, disclaimed any intention
of conquest or annexation. The Government had heard that
some such Note as that mentioned in the second edition of
The Times of Monday had been presented at the Porte, but
they had no authentic information. Sir H. Wolff thereupon
gave notice of his intention to ask Mr. Gladstone wkether
the Government was prepared to take steps to prevent
France obtaining exclusive possession of a naval and military
position necessary to our Indian communication, to the
Sultan's authority, and to the independence of Italy.
- -

: -
At the conclusion of question time, Mr. Bradlaugh, who
had been standing below the bar, walked up the floor and
took his stand at the table. His advent was received with
loud cries of "Order" After a pause

The Speaker called out "Order." •
Mr. Bradlaugh: I am here, Sir, in pursuance of my duty to
mpconstituents, imposed on me by the law, to take the oath
and my seat.
The Speaker: The House has already ordered that Mr.
Bradlaugh should withdraw below the bar upon presenting
himself to take the oath. Until the House has otherwise
ordered, I shall consider that that order of the House is in
force, and I, therefore, in fulfilment of my duty to this
House, call upon Mr. Bradlaugh to withdraw below the bar.
.Mr. Bradlaugh: Most respectfully I submit, Sir, that the
order of the House is illegal, and I refuse to obey. (Laughter,
cheers, and groans.)
The Speaker: In discharge of the order of the House, I
must call upon the Sergeant-at-Arms to remove Mr. Bradlaugh
below the bar.
The Sergeant-at-Arms came forward, and placing his hapd
on the shoulder of Mr. Bradlaugh, the latter turned, after
bowing to the Speaker, and walked towards the bar. He
paused, however, just inside the House, and stood there.
Mr. Bradlaugh: The order of the House is illegal and I
refuse to obey it.
The Speaker The House has been the witness of the
course taken by Mr. Bradlaugh, and my powers in this matter
being exhausted. I must ask the House for instructions as to
the course to be taken, so as to secure the orderly conduct of
business. (Cheers, and cries of "Gladstone.")
Mr. Gladstone showing no sign of moving, Sir S. North
cote, after a moment or two's pause, rose, and assuming,
from the absence of any sign on the part of the Leader of the
House, that he did not intend to take any steps to enforce
the order of the House, moved that the Serjearit-at-Arms do
remove Mr. Bradlaugh from the House until he shall engage
not further to disturb the proceedings of the House.
Mr. Gladstone, while admitting the propriety of the
motion from Sir E. Northcote's point of view, and disclaim-
ing all intention of resisting it or of encouraging resistance,
pointed out that it was impossible for him to make such a
motion, because he still remained of opinion that Mr. Brad-
laugh, whether he was right or wrong in his present action,
had a legal right to present himself at the table.

Mr. Labouchere remarked that he would not divide against
the motion, but he wished to khow precisely what it meant;
to which Sir S. Northcote replied that his object was to
prevent Mr. Bradlaugh being in a position to interrupt busi-
ness at any moment he might think fit, and to exclude him,
therefore, from the House until he gave the Speaker an
undertaking that he would not disturb the proceedings.
The question was then put, and, two or three gentlemen
persisting in crying "No," the House was cleared for a
division, but in the end the motion was agreed to without a
division.
Mr. Parnell then put a question in reference to the arrest
of Mr. Dillon. Mr. Forster replied by reading the terms of
the warrant and declined to give any further information,
adding that the Government would be ready to meet any
motion censuring their conduct.
Mr. Parnell thereupon moved the adjournment of the
House, and complained bitterly both of Mr. Dillon 's im-
prisonment while on his way to Parliament, which, he said,
if continued would be fatal to him, and of the refusal to
state the reasons for it.
Mr. Gladstone replied that the Government had acted
strictly up to the requirements of the Act, which had been
settled after long discussion, and pointed out that the proper
mode of challenging their conduct was by a direct vote and
not by an aimless motion for adjournment.
A long discussion followed, in which Mr. M'Carthy, Mr.
Daly, Mr. Cowen, Mr. T. P. O'Connor, Sir W. Harcourt, the
Attorney-General for Ireland, Mr. Power, Mr. O'Donnell, and
other hon. members took part, and, after an unsuc-
cessful attempt at a "count out," Mr. Parnell's motion
was carried, there being only one member of the Government
present on the Treasury Bench, and the House adjourned at
ten minutes to nine o'clock.