The Press.
London, England, 1855-03-24 00:00:00

4w

No. 99.—VoL. 111.

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 1855.

Ukt Vrtss.

Nothing could justify a war with Russia but
a determination, on the part of the Western
Powers, materially to reduce its empire in the
South. This is the only solution of the
Eastern question. The occasion in 1853 was
favorable ; it has been lost. Time, trea-
sure, armies, reputation, have been alike
squandered.
Had we acted cordially with France in
1853 the German Powers must have followed
m our woke. What has now happened?
The Emperor of AUSTRIA has assured the
Emperor ALEXANDER Of Russia, " THAT Aus-
" TATA SEEKS NEITHER TO DIMINISH THE LIMITS
" OF HIS EMPIRE, NOR TO INFLICT ON HIS TER-
" RITORY ANY DISHONOR. There is only one
meaning which can be attributed to these
words.
With refence to an allusion, made in our
last number, to the secret engagements en-
tered into between France and Austria, we are
assured, on high authority, that " while those
" engagements unquestionably indicate an
" intimate, and probably permanent, union
" between the two empires, there is nothing
" in those engagements that would necessarily
" lead to an invasion of Russia on the part of
" Austria."
The position of Prussia requires no remark.
Those who account fur a profound and here-
ditary policy by the personal predilections of
the King for St. Petersburg, may be distin-
guished by many gifts, but they are not
statesmen.
Conscious of his narrow escape from great.
disasters, and anxious to defer to his German
friends, the Emperor of RUSSIA is prepared
to submit to terms of peace, which, though
they offer no solution of " the Eastern ques-
tion," are, unquestionably, an admission of
baffled aggression, and, in some degree, an
atonement for the outrage.
We believe that the opportunity for the
higher policy has been lost, and that the com-
bination of circumstances which, had a CHAT-
HAM been at the head of affairs in 1853 instead
of an ABERDEEN, might have secured the inde-
pendence of Europe, will not speedily recur;
but a peace, on the whole, advantageous to
Europe, beneficial to Turkey, and not discre-
ditable to the Western Powers, may still be
obtained.
We regret to state that, from the informa-
tion in our possession, we have reason to fear
that such a peace will not be negotiated.
What is the obstacle?
It comes from one who, on this subject, has
a right to speak with authority ; whose views
have been clear, whose will has been firm,
and whose conduct has been straightforward
from the first, however ill-responded to by the
English Cabinet. And if the Emperor of the
FRENCH, notwithstanding the now adverse
circumstances under which the mighty task
has to be undertaken, were still of opinion
that the solution of " the Eastern question"
ought to be attempted, we are not prepared to
say that England should falter; 'out it
reaches us that the views of his Imperial
Majesty are of a very different order ; and,
believing that they are pregnant with difficulty
and danger both to England and France, we
earnestly hope that the Emperor will pause
before he persists in a course which is viewed
with regret by every statesman in Europe.
Between the reduction of the Russian
limits and the negotiation of the projected
peace, the Emperor of the FRENCH has devised
a mezzo termine, which is perilous, and may be

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 1855.

“PRESS” OFFICE,

Friday Night, March 23.

IhiPORTANT circumstances have transpired.
When we last wrote there was a prospect
of the Congress breaking up "re infecti,"
and of Lord JOHN RUSSELL returning abruptly
to England. Since then the aspect of
affairs has greatly changed.
The altered tone adopted to Russia by
Austria since the death of the Emperor
tklicnoLAs—wide for authentic details our
leading article of this number]—and espe-
cially the declaration of the Austrian Em-
peror to ALEXANDER 11., have doubtless
mainly contributed to this result. We have
reason to believe that the Emperor of the
FRENCH has removed the obstacles which
existed to a general pacification, and that
France will consent to the complete evacua-
tion of the Crimea without any conditions
as to the demolition or diminution of any of
the fortresses of that province.

NOTHING, sometimes, is more disagreeable than
to hear the truth, but few things are more in•
evitable in the present age, and more salutary
at all times.
Notwithstanding the trifling pedantry with
which the merely formal proceedings of the
Congress of Vienna are recorded by some of
our contemporaries, in reality the situation of
affairs there is becoming every hour less
rational and satisfactory ; and it is of import-
ance that enlightened opinion on both sides
of the Channel should exercise its influence to
prevent results which may become alike mor-
tifying and deplorable.
The alliance between England and France
depends upon the mutual interests of the two
countries which are continually increasing),
the sympathies of their populations, and the
personal character of the Sovereigns.
Had this alliance been sincere on the part
of our Ministers in 1553, we should, probably,
never have had occasion to embark in war ;
hut, bad such an appeal proved necessary, its
conduct, in all probability, would have been
triumphant and effective.
Instead of acting cordially with France, and
supporting the policy of the French Emperor,
a year was wasted by the British Government
in obtaining what they styled " the adhesion
" of the great German Powers," on which
result Parliament was congratulated by Sir
JAMES Graeliam on its assembling in 1854.

„,

PRICE SIIPENCE•

fatal. There is to be a campaign of brilliant
achievement, which is to restore what is called
western prestige, and then conclude with a
peace, which will not affect the present terri-
torial arrangement of Europe or Asia one
whit more than the Austro •Russian proposi-
tions to which, it is understood, her Majesty's
Plenipotentiary Extraordinary at Vienna was
prepared to accede.
We will not dwell on that part of this
scheme whizh would sacrifice many thousands
of human lives to the mere restoration of
prestige, a quality, after all, which we think has
been sufficiently maintained, even in the
Crimea, by many feats of arms. We hold that
the impolicy of this project is as flagrant as
its immorality.
Suppose the campaign of prestige do not
succeed ?
The French and the English Governments
are in possession of authentic information that
the effective force of the Russian armies in
the Crimea, at the present moment, is not less
than 150,000 men, in a high state of discipline
and equipment, and with ample stores of
every kind. Reinforcements are known to be
at hand. This is not a foe to vanquish in a
day. But this is not our only, perhaps not our
principal, enemy. Pestilence is as likely to be
at hand as war. We have the prospect of
having to encounter an opponent invincible to
the keenest valour or the most adroit tactics.
If the campaign of prestige fail, where will be
France and England? On whose side will
then be arrayed the great German Powers?
The vista is not less than the decline and fall
of Europe. Even if the odds were not against
us, are we justified in running such a chance—
not even in favour of a policy, but of a demon-
stration ?
It may be mortifying to the ruler of France
that a great opportunity has been lost : let
him understand that it is not less mortifying
to the people of England. But statesmen
must deal with the circumstances before
them. Neither France, nor England, nor
Russia, in 1855, are in the positions they re-
spectively occupied in the year 1853. Woe
to the men who have betrayed the highest
interests of Europe I May they meet the
doom they deserve! The ruler of France and
the Queen of ENGLAND are guiltless ; but they
must not, like bewildeied gamesters, persist
in backing their ill luck in a frenzy of dis-
appointment, or in a paroxysm of despair.

EDUCATIONAL LEGISLATION.

- - -
Two years ago, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, then the
second member of a powerful Government,
and Leader of the House of Commons, intro-
duced an Education Bill, long matured, pom-
pously predicted, but neither large in its
scope nor happy in its details. That bill,
prefaced by a feeble speech, and received with
ominous coldness, fell through, no one exactly
knew how or why; and though its revival in a
modified form was confidently prophesied, it
has up to the present time shown no sign of
life. Early in the present session—we believe
before the Christmas recess—a modest notice
appeared on the Parliamentary Paper, indica-
tive of Sir JOHN PAKINGTON'S intention to try
his hand at a solution of the great political
problem. On Friday of last week the plan was