The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1886-02-13 00:00:00

DEMONSTRATION

UNEMPLOYED OF LONDON.

RIOT AND PLUNDER

SOCIALIST MOBS.

A demonstration organised by the London United
Workmen's Committee and the General Labourers'
Amalgamated Union, held in Trafalgar-square on
Monday afternoon, was accompanied by many circum-
stances of riotous disorder fortunately raro in the
metropolis. For some days the bodies who had the
arrangement of the proceedings had been engaged in
perfecting the details for the meeting, and only on
Saturday evening adopted measures which they
deemed would be effective in repressing the disturb-
ance which had been threatened. The Social Demo-
cratic Federation had not regarded the pro-
gramme of the proposed demonstration with any
great favour, and at a meeting recently held
hints were given that the proceedings in the
square would not be allowed to proceed quietly,
and some of the speakers indicated an intention to
interfere with the promoters. At midday there were
signs that something unusual was afoot. Although
the speechmaking was not fixed to commence until
three o'clock, Trafalgar-square became pretty busy
soon after noon had struck. The Socialists, remem-
bering the reward which proverbially awaits the
early bird, had come in good time to pick up the best
places, but, except that there were a great many men
and boys in the square, doing nothing in particular,
everything went on quietly until about two o'clock,
when a large body of police from Scotland-yard,
under the direction of Mr. Walker, appeared upon
the scene, and the holders of advantageous posi-
tions at the base of the Nelson Column and other
coveted places disappeared from their holdings with
marvellous alacrity. The unemployed had published
the programme they intended to carry out. Various
contingents were to meet in different quarters of
London, and to march to the square, where a
resolution was to be moved from three platforms. The
Socialist party had taken up their positions on the
raised roadway in front of the National Gallery. A
red flag played a prominent part in the proceedings,
and was waved every now and again with an apparent
ambiguity of purpose. The crowd had by this time
mustered in tremendous force, and it was difficult to
determine how many belonged to the London United
Workmen's Committee and the General Labourers'
Amalgamated Union and how many had enrolled
themselves under the red banner of the Social
Democrats. Never, however, has Trafalgar-square
presented such a solid and compact appearance.
Every window in the locality was crowded with
spectators, and the National Gallery had within its
gates a great crowd of people who had not been
brought thither by the love of art. The hotels,
private houses, the clubs, and the steps of St.
Martin's Church afforded accommodation for hun-
dreds of sightseers, but as yet matters had gone on
quietly enough, save in some parts of the crowd
where the usual horseplay was being indulged in.
The 'promoters of the " legitimate " demonstratien
having arrived on the scene and erected three plat-
forms, Mr. Peters, of the Sugar Operatives' Society,
took the chair at the principal one, whereat also Mr.
Kenny, of the General Labourers' Association, moved
the following resolution, which was moved simul-
taneously at the other two platforms:
"This mass meeting of unemployed workmen
from every part of London and the suburban dis-
tricts, and also of special delegates from the provinces,
representing thousands of distressed operatives, hav-
ing regard to the great industrial depression now
existing in every branch of labour, and the great
suffering amongst lame masses of the people con-
sequent thereon, resolves: 1. That it is the bounden
duty of her Majesty's Government, and of all local
authorities, both in the metropolis and throughout
the country, te start useful public works for the em-
ployment of the great mass of workmen now unem-
ployed, through no fault of their own. And also,
that Parliament should render every facility in its
power f or the employment of British capital in
British rather than in foreign enterprises. 2. That
in order to maintain the farm labourer on the soil of
the United Kingdom, so as to check the ever in-
creasing influx of this class of useful labour into
our great towns, where there is no demand for it,
causing much misery and suffering, not only to the men
themselves' but to the town labourers, causing wages
to fall to the lowest point of subsistence, this meeting
resolves that the time has now arrived when Parlia-
ment should earnestly set itself to work to relieve
our distressed agricultural industry, in the interest of
our national labour. 3. That, bearing in mind the
disastrous effects of foreign hostile tariffs on British
labour abroad, and upon home labour in our national
markets, by the operation of foreign State bounties.
this meeting declares that the time has arrived when
a Minister of Commerce and Agriculture should be
appointed by her Majesty's Government, so as to look
after the interests of British labour in our own and
foreign markets, and secure fair play for home in-
dustry. 4. That these resolutions be properly signed
by the chairman of this meeting, and be at once com-
municated to the leaders of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, to the leaders of her Majesty's Opposition, to
Mr. Charles Stewart Parnell, M.P., the Metropolitan
Board of Works, and the District Boards of Works
throughout the metropolis."
This was seconded by Mr. Albert Charringtnn,
supported by Mr. J. E. Cooke, Conservative candidate
for Battersea in the late electibn, and carried. All
the speakers denounced the revolutionary character
of the counter demonstration which was being held
and gathering rabble force. At it Mr. Hyndman
made a violent harangue. He said the people cut of
work were asked to be moderate, but how could they
be moderate when they were out of work and starving?
If the thousands there had the courage of a few,
they would very soon alter the existing system of
things. But what happened? They went away from
meetings like that, and forgot all about what they had
heard. He and his friends would lead if they would
follow, and even 500 determined men out of the thou-
sands present could very soon make a change. It de-
pended upon them whether they would drive the middle
classes to bay, and if they die' thaY would soon win.
Then Mr. Burns made a speech, in which he observed
that the next time they met it would be to go and sack
the bakers' shops in the West of London. They had better
die fighting than die starving, and he again asked how
many would join the leaders of the Socialists, a ques-
tion in reply to which a great many hands were held
up. The men over there, Mr. Burns, added, referring
to the speakers at the rival meetings, were paid
agitators, who were living on the poverty of the work-
ing classes. Those whom he was addressing, he said,
pledged themselves to revolutionary doctrines, which
elicited cries of "No, no." He concluded by asking
the question, "When we give the word for a rising,
will you join us ? " to which a large number of the
audience replied that they would, and almost as large
a number declared that they would not. Other
speeches were delivered.
The after part of the demonstration was worse than
the actual demonstration itself. The vagabondage of
London, apparently associated by some mysterious
sympathy, marched up Pall-mall. The men, who
were not workers at all, but members of the
criminal classes, shouted and howled, and when
at the Carlton Club there had been pointed out to
them some statesmen, or the names of the eminent
men mentioned, the throng, apparently under the
orders of cunning leaders, began to throw missiles.
Some windows were broken at the Carlton Club, and
the mob passed on to St. James's-street, doing but
little damage as they went; bet when they entered
that street they began the work of breaking the
windows, and all the clubs on the left, without dis-
tinction of party, shared in the howls and the break-
ages—the mob apparently acting on the principle of
the revolutionary Soca' Democratic League, that
they were now to regard all the upper classes as their
enemies; and when they saw , the windows of the
Conservative, Brooks's, the New University, and other
clubs, they destroyed them. It was not until the
crowd moved into Piccadilly that the thought of
plunder seemed to strike them, as before that moment
no shops had been pillaged. They struck at a shop
just before reaching Arlington-street, destroyed
the Piccadilly ground-floor front of the Bath Hotel.
wrecked a jeweller's shop on the right-hand side,
and went on their way. The house of the Baroness
Burdett-Coutts, at the corner of Stratton-street,
did not remain free from assault and insult, and
wineshop in Half Moon-street was entered and
the contents consumed. The crowd continued under
concealed leaders down Piccadilly, then they turned
up so as to come into South Audley-street, where
pillage of the shops was continued in earne4, and the
same scene was continued through North Audley-
street into Oxford-street and so down East, the whole
making a work of disaster and shame such as London
has not known within living memory. Individual
policemen were overpowered and cast down. The
well-dressed public fled at the mere hubbub of voices,
and there were no endeavours of any moment made
to put a stop to the scene of disorder. Some few
vagabonds were arrested with the proceeds of
robbery in their hands; others were so frightened at
their connection with the looting that they cast their
share of valuables into passing vehicles—valuables
such as clocks and silver plate. One man is said to
have been taken prisoner with the looting, in watches
and diamonds, of a West-end shop upon him. The
route the mob, led by the revolutionary Social
Democratic League, took was afterwards marked
throughout by closed shutters or barricades of planks.
The Times of Tuesday, referring to the riot, says:
The occasion of all this lamentable affair was the
great meeting of the unemployed which took place in
Trafalgar-square. As our readers are aware, this
meeting was but the culmination of many attempts
that have been lately made to attract public attention
to what is really a very serious and a very real diffi-
culty and hardship. Several meetings have been held
to consider what can be done for the immense
numbers of unemployed now to be found in London.
Some have been reasonable and moderate; others,
such as that got up ten days ago at the Holborn Town

Hall by the Social Democrats, have been of the most
violent and fiery description, The Lord Mayor
has opened a fund ; a deputation ha;
visited Lord Salisbury, and has been appa-
rently received by him with suggestions not
very different from those of the fair-traders. At last
the time came for the men to gather in Trafalgar-
square. But, unfortunately, there was not that per-
fect harmony in their proceedings which might have
been desired. Some groups were simply unemployed
labourers, come in all honesty of purpose to hear
what could be said for them and for their chances of
finding work. Some were fair-traders, anxious to
impress on the Government that foreign bounties and
other tariff enormities were at the root of the mis-
chief. But with these moderately pacific bodies were
the more dangerous element brought into the meeting
by Messrs. Hyndman, Burns, and Champion. The
"Revolutionary Social Democrats" were there, with
the express object of breaking up the meeting called
by Mr. Kenny and his friends, and "of preventing
people being made the tools of the paid agitators who
were working in the interests of the Fair Trade
League." It cannot be too clearly understood that it
was to the proceedings of these men—of Mr. Burns
and Mr. Hyndman and their colleagues—that all the
subsequent destruction was due. It was they who
headed the mob in the march to Hyde-park ; it was
they who, before and after the march, delivered
speeches directly inciting to violence. Already or
several occasions the fanatic Hyndman has done his
best to lead his followers to break the peace, from the
time when,a year ago, he told the crowd on the Thames
Embankment that their principle should be a life
for a life—the life of a Minister for that of every
working man who starved—down to the time when,
at the Holborn Town Hall, he offered to head "the
Revolution." Burns is as vehement, and his voice
carries further. He yesterday told the mob that "the
next time they met it would be to go and sack the
bakers' shops in the west of London;" and that
"they had better die fighting than die starving' He
and his red flag led the mob yesterday in their
march. We wish to know whether there is no law
that can touch these men. Of course there
is; our civilisation would not be worthy of
the name if there were not. The case is dis-
tinctly one for firm and prompt action. The
London populace are easy to govern as compared
with those of many foreign capitals, but it is
because they have no revolutionary traditions and
because they know that violence is quickly punished.
The contrary lesson, however, is one very quickly
learned; and if a riot like yesterday's is allowed to
pass without any assertion of the law, it will certainly
be repeated on the first opportunity and on a much
larger scale. The ringleaders must be held re-
sponsible. If Messrs. Burns and Hyndman are not
already arrested they ought to be arrested this morn-
ing; and no misplaced fear of making martyrs of them
ought to stand in the way of their punishment.