The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1887-04-02 00:00:00

TUE GOVERNMENT IRISH PROSPECTS.

Mr. Arthur Balfour, in moving for leave to bring in a
hill to make better provision for the prevention and
punishment of crime in Ireland and for other purposes
relating thereto, observed that the Government did not
think the amount of crime in Ireland was, taken by
itself, a trustworthy indication of the state of things
in that country, although since 1815, there had been
only seven years in which the amount of agrarian crime
now existing had been exceeded. No fewer than
917 persons were under police protection, at a cost
to the country of £55,000 a year. The law was not
enforced over a large portion of Ireland owing to
the impossibility of getting evidence upon which
to convict or juries which would convict even upon
the clearest evidence, in consequence of tire wide-
spread terrorism and intimidation: which prevailed.
The place which the law °Light to fill was occupied
by the National League, which leant in part upon dark
and secret societies, who relied upon dynamite and the
dagger. That organisation struck at every relation of
life, and he contended that no tyranny, however cruel,
could compare with the anarchy which must result
from having at the same time in the same country two
Bets of tribunals and two sets of laws—one, the legal
tribunal which got no verdicts, and the other an illegal
tribunal which invented its own methods of law and
procedure and inflicted with unerring certainty its own
punishments. For the purpose of obviating the diffi-
culty in procuring evidence the bill for which he asked
leave proposed to borrow from the Scotch law a plan
under which it would be possible for magistrates to
examine witnesses on oath even in eases where no
person was charged before them with the com-
mission of the crime. In order to obtain verdicts
it was proposed to abolish the jury system in cases
of criminal conspiracy, boycotting, rioting, offences
under the Whiteboy Act, assaulting officers of the law,
taking forcible and unlawful possession, and inciting to
these offences; and to vest in two magistrates the
power of summary jurisdiction and of inflicting im-
prisonment for six months with hard labour. The power
of punishing incitement by summary jurisdiction would,
it was hoped, prevent the press from being participators
in these crimes. For the graver class of offences power
to change the venue would be given, with a right of
protest on the part of the accused; and either the
defendant or the Attorney-General would be entitled
to apply, if they thought fit, for trial by a special
jury. When, even by these means, a fair trial could
not be obtained or could be only got at a risk to the
jurymen which it would not be fair to expose them to,
it was proposed that the Attorney-General for England
and the Attorney-General for Ireland together might
certify that a fairer trial could be had in Eng.
land, and thereupon the trial would be removed
to this country. Irish counsel would be allowed to
practise at the English Bar, and the State would pro-
vide the necessary funds for the conveyance of wit-
nesses and lawyers to England. The cases which might
be so tried were those of murder, attempt to murder,
aggravated crimes of violence, arson, and breaking or
firing into dwelling-houses; but treason, treason-felony,
sedition, and seditious libel were expressly excluded.
The Act would apply only in those districts which were
prochimed by the Lord-Lieutenant, and it was hoped
that the powers already explained would be sufficient
for striking against unlawful associations; but, if they
should fail, the Lord-Lieutenant in Council would
have power, under certain limitations, to make it an
offence against the Act to have anything to do with,
associations formed for the incitement to or com-
mission of crime, violence, or intimidation, or
for interfering with the administration of the
law, or disturbing the maintenance of law
and order. The Lord-Lieutenant might issue a
proclamation making such associations illegal, such
proclamation to be laid before Parliament, if it were
sitting, within seven days, and, if it were not in session,
Parliament would be summoned as quickly as possible
for the purpose. An Address to the Crown from either
House would invalidate such proclamation. The Lord.
Lieutenant might choose certain specified districts
within which the proclamation would lose effect, but
while in this and other respects the action of the bill
would be limited in point of space, it was not proposed
to attach any limit to it in point of time. The bill
was a measure, not for putting down agitation, but for
enforcing the law, winch in every civilised country
existed for the security of the lives and property of
individuals, and if the Opposition, for the first time in
the history of the country, failed in its duty that was
no relson why Ministers should neglect that which
was the first and elementary duty of every civilised
Government.

Mr, Dillon predicted that the bill would never pass,
and declared that if it were passed he would leave for ever
a country where no Irishman could live unless he were
a slave; or if the people were able and willing he would
be proud to lead them into the battle. The Irish
people would never submit like cowards and slaves
to such a law as that which was proposed; they would
only wait until the opportunity occurred to strike
back.

Mr. Haldane contended that the policy indicated by
the Government could only end in disaster to the
cause of social order in Ireland and humiliation to the
people of England, and that their measure, though
appalling in its stringency, would prove utterly
useless.

Viscount Lymington gave a general support to the
bill, though he did not pledge himself to the details.
It was, he held, the duty of every Unionist member to
support the only possible Unionist Government, and
the only possible means of enforcing the authority and
securing to every inhabitant of Ireland the protection
of the laws passed by Parliament. Unless they accepted
the doctrine of separation they must, in some form or
other, accept the right of coercion.
Mr. J. Redmond declared that any resort to coercion,
to be effectual, must go far beyond the measure of the
Government, and must include tt e disfranchisement
of Ireland and the abolition of the empty mockery of
constitutionalism.

On the motion of Mr. Illingworth the debate was ad-
jourr ed.

THE CONSOLIDATED FUND.
The Consolidated Fund (No. 1) Bill and tna Army
dnnual Bill were read a third time.

CONSOLIDATED FUND.