The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1886-06-05 00:00:00

THE HOME RT:LE BILL,

At question time, Mr. Gladstone, in answer to a
question from Mr. Heneage, said he had nothing to
add to his previous declarations as to the inseparability
of the Home Rule and the Purchase Bills, but the
Government would not ask the House to pass any
judgment on the latter, since it was not intended t 3
press the principal bill beyond the second reading.
Before the renewal of the adjourned debate on the
Government of Ireland Bill, Sir H. Tyler asked whether
Et would not be contrary to practice and order to waste
time on further discussion of a bill which was admit-
tedly dead; but the Speaker replied that nothing had
come to his knowledge which should interfere with the
regular procedure on the bill.
_ _ . _

The debate was then resumed by Mr. H. Fowler,
who, in reply to the attack on the tactics of the
Government, pointed to the precedent set by Mr. Dis-
raeli on the Reform Bill of 15G7, in accepting a second
reading, subject to fundamental alterations in Com-
mittee. Turning to the arguments used by opponents
of the bill, he denied that it would impair the su-
premacy of the Imperial Parliament, which he insisted
could not denude itself of one jot or tittle of its power,
or pass any law which it could not subsequently repeal.
He treated as absurd the notion that there would or
could be any collision between the English and Irish
Parliaments, and in any interpretation of English and
Irish legislation the Courts of Law would be bound to
decide according to the laws of the Imperial Parlia-
ment. The veto of the Lord Lieutenant would be
confined to Acts of the Irish Legislature. It would
no doubt be exercised on the advice of the Irish
Ministry, but if the Irish Parliament attempted to
legislate on any Imperial subject it would he the duty
of the Sovereign, on the advice of the English Ministry,
to exercise the veto in opposition to the wish of the
Irish Parliament. Dealing next with the question of
Home Rule from a political aspect, he maintained that
the existing system of government, although it had the
advantage of time and experience, had resulted in
hopeless, absolute, and irretrievable failure.
Lord John Manners drew attention to the in-
ar'equacy of the safeguards in the Bill for the protec-
tion of the Protestant minority, and, objecting to the
constitution of the proposed Irish Parliament, con-
tended that at ttle end of 30 years the Irish peerage
would cease to be represented in it. He krongly de-
precated the silence of the Government as to the
course they proposed to take with regard to Ulster,
and enlarged at considerable length upon the dangers
rhich must result from the severance of the Union.

Mr. F. Stevenson maintained that the bill would pro-
mote the true unity of the Empire, and Colonel Hughes-
Hallett, who opposed the bill, dwelt upon the action of
the National LeaLuc, which, he argued, was mainly
responsible for the present difficulty.
Mr. Storey complained of the reticence of the leaders
of the Opposition, and twitted the Whigs with playing
into the hands of the Tory party. He prophecied that
the bill would be defeated, but insisted that in the end
a similar bill would be passed by one party or the other.
Mr. Macnaghten objected, as an Irishman, to the bill
on the ground that it would place keland in a degraded
and larimiliating pnition, and that it opened the door
to absolute separation and independence.
the bill, which he said was founded on sentiment, he
showed that there was nothing in it to prevent the
Irish Parliament offering bounties to trade, enrolling
volunteers, or endowing religion. Ulster did not desire
the bill, which had already done her much harm, for in
Belfast alone local securities had been depreciated by
nearly a million. The Ulster people, he said, did not
regard the law of this Parliament as c3ming from a
foreign Government ; and they would be much more
likely to take that view of legislation coming from
Dublin.
Mr. Gray compared the trade of Ulster with that of
other parts of Ireland, and denied that, if Ulster were
excluded from the rest of the country for legislative
purposes, financial failure would follow. He also dwelt
at considerable length with the inconsistencies of Mr.
Chamberlain and Lord R. Chwchill, who, he said, had
advocated Home Rule or something very like it; and
in conclusion he observed that, although the bill was
only a compromise, the Irish people would accept it.
The debate was further adjourned on the motion of
Mr. Chamberlain.
After some other business had been disposed of,
The House adjourned at ten minutes to three
o'clock.

In the HOUSE OF LORDS. June 1, a long discussion
took place on a motion by Earl Cadogan to refer back
to the Standing Orders Committee the examiner's cer-
tificate of non-compliance with the Standing Orders
in the case of the:Gravesencl and Ncrthfieet Docks and
Railway Bill. The Marquis of Salisbury supported the
motion, on the ground that in the event of the bill
passing it would be the means of furniahing employ.
meet for a large number of men, but on a division it
was negatived by 54 to 52.
TIIE ARMS (IRELAND) BILL.

The second reading of the Arms (Ireland) Bill was
moNed by Lord Spencer, who, after explaining the
reasons for the measure, intimated that, as the Govern,
ment were anxious to obtain the Royal assent during
the present week, he should propose that the Standing
Orders be suspended for the purpose of passing it
through its remaining stages at once. Considerable
debate followed, after which the bill was read a second
time, and passed through its remaining stages,

_
THE HOME RULE DEBATE.
In the HOUSE OF Comsorts, the adjourned debate on
tho Ish aneeserpent Bill was resumed by
Mr. Chamberlain, who said at _the outset that he
would not refer to the personal attacks so freely made
on him, because, though they enlivened the debate,
they were not up to the level of this great occasion.
Premising that the bill Was dead, and pointing to the
fact with the Shakespearian quotation, "Vex not his
ghost," &c., he said there were two courses open to the
Government—either to withdraw the bill (which he
did not believe Mr. Gladstone would submit to),
pro-
posing
at the same time an abstract resolution, for
which probably he would have voted, and the course
which ha was now taking. But the language used by
the Prine Minister made it impossible for members
who disliked the bill to content themselves with
abstaining from voting, because he maintained
that every one who voted for the second reads
ing would be logically and honourably committed to
vote for it or the same bill in the next session. De-
fending his own consistency, he asserted that he had
never been in favour of cutting off the Irish representa-
tion from the House of Commons, believing that it was
absolutely necessary for the maintenance of the
supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. At this the
Irish members her 3 called "No," and Mr. Chamberlain
challenged any one of them to say that he desired to
maintain the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament,
to which several replied by again calling " No." The
amendments by which the Prime Minister endeavoured
to meet the objections on this head would reduce the
supremacy of the Imperial Parliament to a spasmodic
sham. On this point he said that the opponents of the
bill, if they could help it, -would not allays the Irish
members to be supreme either at Westminster or Dublin.
This was received with interruptions from the Irish
members, which were reproved by the Speaker, and
drew from Mr. Chamberlain the comment that they
augured very badly for the peace and order of the Irish
Parliament. In regard to Ulster' he protested against
Mr. Gladstone's insinuation that the people who clung
to the traditions of the 'United Kingdom were un-
sympathetic and unpatriotic, and he insisted that the
House must have farther information as to what the
Government intended to do for Ulster. If the bill had
presented any elements of finality, lie would have
accepted it, much as he disliked it; but the Irish mem-
hers had never said that they would so accept it, and, if
they had, they could not bind the Irish people. Mr.
Parnell, as he showed by (rotations from his speeches
was precluded from closing with this bill as a final
settlement. Discussing the example of Canada, he
pointed out that a lesson for solving the Irish difficulty
might be found in the relations of the provinces inter se
and their relations to the Dominion Parliament, and
said that as the scheme and the amendments were un-
satisfactory he must vote against the second reading.
As for a dissolution it had no terrors for him, for
though he recognised the passionate attachment of the
British democracy to the Prime Minister and the
universality of the feeling in favour of some form of
Home Rule, he denied that the people had pronounced
in favour of this method of carrying it. Finally, re-
ferring to the charge that he was actuated by spleen
and spite, he asked whether this would be said of Mr.
Bright when he went into the lobby against the bill.
Mr. Sexton severely criticised the policy of Mr.
Chamberlain, describing him as the ally of Tories and
the confederate of Whigs, whose object, while acting
the role of a Radical, was to secure the downfall of
the Prime Minister. Drawing an adverse comparison
between his action and that of Lord Hartington, which
he admitted was straightforward, be argued that the
spirit of class formed the main body of the host
opposed to the bill. Ho pointed out that the rsatl ques-
tion for the country lay between the offer of peace
made by Mr. Gladstone and the 20 years of coercion of
Lord Salisbury, who, he sarcastically remarked, had
crawled into office last year by coquetting with a
policy which he now repudiated with the same object.
The Irish nation he said, was willing that the
supremacy of the Imperial Parliament should be mains
tamed in reference to Imperial matters; but it would
not consent to its proceedings in relation to local affairs
being systematically reviewed and its will annulled hy
any other Legislature. He also repudiated tbe pro-
posal to separate Ulster, and repeated that the ma-
jority of Ulstermen were in favour of the bill
Mr. Craig Sahli., examining into the effect of tbe
bill upon education in Ireland, pointed out that the
revenu-s of Trinity College, Dublin, which was D'GrW
essentially unsectarian might be confiscated to endow
a Roman Catholic College, and argued that the engsr
education of the country would by indirect mean
virtually fall into the hands of the Roman CatlsOlic
hierarchy.
Mr. Ince complained of the inconsistency of 'ZIr.
Chamberlain—an avowed Home Ruler—qpposini the
bill, and submitted that all he contended for lad been
conceded in the modifications which Dlr. Gladstone lista
undertaken to make. _

Mr. Dawson based his objections to the bill upon the
utterances of members of the Government before the
subject was first brought forward. He repudiated the
doctrine that the details of the bill ought not to, be
considered at the present stage, and maintained that
it would not finally settle the question.
Mr. Magniac was understood to support the bill.
The Chancellor Zlf the Exchequer commenced his
speech by reading Grattan's "Declaration of Right"
and numerous extracts from the speeches and writings
of statesmen of the time, showing that it did not excite
any protest. He contended that the condition of
Ireland now was worse than it was before the U
and denied that it was a foreign country daiing
Grattan's Parliament. The proposed Legislature would
be similar in its basis to colonial Parliaments, wtich
did not attempt to interfere with the sußremacy ofjlle
Imperial Parliament in relation to Imperial matters
an& h 4 gatii44417141-o:6.l4l.64,lleglalature would
not, attempt to act differently. lie, text discussed
alternative policies, and, repeating the fat:pillar quota-
tions from Lord Salisbury's Speech filing him with a 20.
years' coercive policy twitj Lad Hartingthn with
not having directly acceptbiol or repudiated thsi tradk
floral Tory poliw in his 13%1-afford eueesh,

Sir M. Hicks-Beach asked when it was proposed to
conclude the debate.—Mr. Parnell, Mr. Illingworth, and
Mr. Bradlaugh asked for more time; and Lord G.
Hamilton stated that, with the exception of Sir M.
Hicks-Beach, it was not the intention of any other
prominent member of the, late Government to speak,
as six had already rpoken.
Mr. Gladstone, however, declined to say more than
that the Government would prefer to close the debate
on Friday; but, having regard to the numerous opinions
which prevailed, he could not interfere with the liberties
of members.

The debate was then adjourned, on the motion of
Mr. T. P. O'Connor.

Some other business was disposed of, and the House
adjourned at 20 minutes past one o'clock.