The Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1860-07-02 00:00:00

now in this position, that the Government of England
tried to avert, and has failed to avert that unhappy measure
—I must not call it the cession—l will call it the seizure
of Savoy and Nice (uproarious cheering); a measure
which does discredit to both the sovereigns concerned in
it. (Renewed cheers.) Looking, then, at these facts,
and looking at the whole aspect of the foreign relations
of England at the present moment, I think that the
Government of Lord Derby might proudly compare the
state of those relations in the summer of 1859 with the
state of those relations in the summer of 1860 (hear,
hear) ; and if my right hon. friend Mr. Seynniur Fitz-
gerald, who gained, and justly gained, so much honour
by the ability which he displayed when Under Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, 'had not, to our deep regret, been
prevented by illness from coming amongst us this day, I
am sure he would have readily confirmed what I now
say. Well, looking back to those quarter sessions days,
which are sometimes made a subject of reproach against
us, but of which I confess I feel very proud, I can only
say that if a man had been brought before me for
obtaining anything in the manner in which the pre-
sent Government acquired their offices, the course which
I should have taken would have been to direct an
indictment for procuring goods under false pretences.
(Cheers, and great laughter.) But, gentlemen, how was
it that they were enabled to make use of those false
pretences ? Why, it was by a meeting held in this very
room—(cries of " hear, hear ")—the scene generally of
gayer and more festive scenes. (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) It was in this very room that the gathering
took place which ruined the great Liberal party; and
there were not a few who prophesied then that the
result of that hollow truce—a hollow truce between two
political sections having nothing in common but the
word " liberal," which applies equally to every right-
minded Englishman—(hear, hear)—that that hollow
truce could only be maintained, that the semblance of
unity could only be prolonged by a system of concession
to the democratic section of that party. (Hear, hear.)
I appeal to you now whether that prophecy has not
been to the letter fulfilled. We trace the influence I
of that democratic section in the Commercial Treaty
with France—(hear, hear)—with respect to which, 1
I may say, the wiser men at the head of the Govern-
ment were obliged to concur in it, and to use a
homely but expressive phrase, the amateur negotia-
tor and the Government who employed him were both
supremely diddled. (Protracted cheering.) Mark the
progress of that treaty. It was announced in July
by Mr. Bright, and immediately condemned by Lord
Palmerston and Lord John Russell. Mr. Bright
sent his own negotiator to Paris. Mr. Cobden nego-
tiated the treaty, and in January Lord J. Russell
and Lord Palmerston were compelled to retract what
they had asserted in July, and to yield to that democra-
tic influence which I say has been the result of the
meeting in this room. (Hear.) We trace it next in
the budget—that rash, improvident budget, condemned
by every financier of experience in England, and adopted
in deference to the suggestions of Mr. Bright and the
Financial Reform Association of Liverpool, in order to
carry out the principles of that association, and to make
a revolution in our financial system by putting an end
to indirect taxation and substituting for it a direct tax
upon the property of England. (Hear.) To effect these
objects in deference to the democratic section of that
alliance, Mr. Gladstone, with a tergiversation of fickle-
ness of purpose almost unparalleled in political history,
condescended to come down to the House of Commons
and double the income-tax to which he was bound to
have put an end. (Hear, hear.) We trace it next
in the democratic reform bill, which would have
handed over to one class exclusively, to the complete
exclusion of every other class, the representative sys-
tem of England. (Hear, hear.) We trace it again in
that subject which has been so eloquently referred to by
my noble friend Lord John Manners. We trace it in
the defection of the leading Liberal statesmen of the
day from the interests of the Church—(hear, hear)—
and in their unhappy readiness to abandon the interests
of that church in deference to what may be considered
to be the interests of the great Liberal party. But,
gentlemen, here again retribution promptly followed ;
and those statesmen have been exposed to the mortifi-
cation of finding that they have changed their policy
and deserted the principles they long advocated just at
the moment when public opinion took an opposite turn,
when the charch had determined to assert her power,
and when I hope and trust I am justified in saying that
the means of that church are once more safe from the
hands of her foss. (Great applause.) Such have been
the palpable effects of the alliance which was formed
in this room. But let U 9 now turn for an instant to
the brighter side of the question. Aud first permit me
to congratulate you on the great and striking effect
which the circumstances I advert to have had in
rousing the Conservative feeling throughout the
country. I use the term "Conservative feeling" in
its widest sense, and I rejoice to see that, not only
within the walls of Parliament, but throughout the
length and breadth cf the land, among the mass of the
people who are not bound and tied by anythina liea
party connection, and in the minds of many men who
are members neither of Lord Derby's party nor the
Carlton or any ether Conservative club, there breathes a
spirit of sound patriotic attachment to the institutions
of the country, for which we ought to be deeply thank-
ful. Inside the walls of parliament we may trace that
spirit in the manner in which the Reform Bill was
condemned and rejected; we may trace it also in the
manner in which the chnrch-rate question has recovered
its proper position—(hear, hear,)--and, lastly, we may
trace in it that remarkable event which now chiefly
occupies our thoughts, I mean the manner in which an
overwhelming majority of the House of Lords, compris-
ing men of both political parties, have rejected ono of
the most objectionable features of that dangerous bud-
get, and thereby secured the gratitude of nine-tenths of
the people of England. (Continuous and enthusiastic
plaudits.) If lam not unduly occupying your time, I
would, with your permission, refer for a few moments to
this remarkable event. I believe there is no subject in
the present day that deserves more earnestly than that
does the grave and serious consideration of- the Conser-
vative party. (Hear.) The Radical party in England
are fiercely assailing the House of Lords, because that
branch of the Legislature have ventured to protect this
country from the rash and improvident proposals
of the Chancellor ;of the Exchequer. (Cheers.) The
result of that vote was the appointment of a com-
mittee of the House of Commons, of which I had the
honour to be a member. The report of that committee
has beers presented to-day; and in two or three days
more it will be in the hands of both }louses of Parlia-
ment, and open to the criticism of the whole British
public. In that report you will find repeated instances
in which the House of Lords have rejected bills for the
imposition and bills for the repeal of taxes. (Loud
cheers.) You will also find repeated instances in which
the House of Commons themselves have distinctly ac-
knowledged the existence of that power on the part of
the House of Lords. (Renewed cheering.) But, gen-
tlemen, I am sorry to be obliged to add that the Radical
party are so deeply committed upon the subject, that I
believe they will not be content to accept my view of
this great constitutional question, founded upon the
precedents to which I have thus referred. I am afraid
that at the head of that Radical party you will find Lord
John Russell—(a general outburst of groans and hisses
escaped from all parts of the assembly at this mention
of the noble lord's name)—and, added the right hon.
baronet, the once Conservative Mr. Gladstone! (The
storms of hisses and groans were here renewed with
increased volume and duration.) It has now become
evident—l know no reason why I should conceal
it—for the facts will be palpable to every man in
a day or two—it has now become clear to every
man who attended that committee that there are
two sections in the present Cabinet who upon this
constitutional question are divided as widely as the poles
asunder. (Hear, hear.) For my own part I earnestly
hope that moderate councils may prevail. I earnestly
hope that the House of Commons may be spared the
struggle which appears to me at this moment to be too
probable ; but my Lai is, that before many days arc
over that house will be asked to come to a decision
which will involve, not the maintenance of our just and
acknowledged privileges, but an attempt to bind and
fetter the House of Lords from hereafter exercising
those functions and those powers which up to the pre-
sent moment have never been disputed or denied. (Hear,
hear.) In addressing you on behalf of the members of
Lord Derby's late cabinet, I think I should have failed
in my duty had I not adverted to this great question.
Glad should I be if my anticipations are falsified ; but
if they are correct, and if this attempt shoqd be made,
then I say that the Conservative party will bear a heavy
,responsibility upon its shoulders. It will then be our
duty to support the moderate section in her Maiesty's
government. (Cheers.) It will then, be our duty to act
with moderation, but I hope and trust with firmness,
with decision, and with unanimity. (Cheers). I hope
and trust that we shall be unanimous in upholding and
I"guarding those privileges of the House of Commons
which, having existed for centuries, are among the
best securities for our liberties, and I hope that we
shall be no less unanimous in protesting, eigakust any
attempt to invade or to encroach ispn the just principles
of the House of Lords. (Bear, hear.) I: think you
will agree with me, that if the ConserVative party dis-
charge.their duty upon this great question? we shall,
have reason to congratulate ourselves upon the position
which that party now occupies and, I 'hope and trust
that, irrespective ef this great question, we shall con-
tinise to act as we have hitherto' done, cordially united
among ourselvei, determined to uphold our OupOes,
11 not seeking the attainment of ettss by apy'fatipus or
unworthy courses, but r,eaky to. vKi,i,l4lgat, ans nAnAnnt
to asgutne whateyer it our
duty to undertake, for. pxonlotting the welfare of our
its institutions unimpaired.
cheers.) s.)PP rung
The right hon. gentleman then c4n4t(lry,
cl
con-
cluded by proposing; in very complimentary terms, "The
Health of their noble Chairman, who was. alact Pre-
sident of that Association."
This toast was duly 'honoured, and the compliment
was sfSerwards acknowledged by the Chairman.

. .
The Right lion, Joseph Napier proposed the ilex