The Press.
London, England, 1855-02-10 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

which had occurred, abstained from any motion
which might imply censure upon them, or tend to
increase the national calamities. It was not an easy
part to act. If they brought forward a motion which
might, by implication, be regarded as a censure on
any matter connected with the Government, they
would immediately be called upon to move a vote of
want of confidence ' • if they concurred in a vote of
censure moved by the party in opposition, it was said
that they acted from party motives, and not for the
benefit of the nation ; if they did neither, but re-
mained silent, they might be charged, with some
justice, as being indifferent to the enforcement of
public opinion, and being accessories after the fact
to the conduct of the Government. Notwithstanding
these difficulties, the Conservative party abstained
from bringing forward any vote of censure. But
immediately after the recess notice was given of a
motion by a member of the Liberal party. He could
not agree in a distinction which had been laid down
by the late President of the Council, that it was to be
considered, not only what the nature of the motion was,
but from what quarter it came. If the conduct of the
Government was defensible, whether the attack was
by friend or foe, it was the duty of the Government
to defend itself ; if indefensible, he could not con-
ceive how a motion could be resisted because it came
from a particular quarter. From whatever quarter
it came the result was unparalleled in the history of
the country :
Such was the extent to which the party habitually in
opposition to the Government carried their resolution not
unnecessarily to interfere with the Government, that he
believed that even on that motion, if the division, instead
of being postponed till Monday, had taken place on the
Friday, little more than one half of the party would have
been in their places to pass the vote of censure. But
when a motion was brought forward, from whatever quarter,
which implied a want of confidence in the Government,
and which the Government themselves took care to ex-
plain was a vote in which the confidence or the absence of
confidence of the House of Commons was to be tested,
the circumstances were changed. It was impossible the
limits of moderation and prudence could be carried to such
an extent that, being invited by the Government to ex•
press an opinion on the question of confidence or no con-
fidence, this party should not give expression to the views
which they entertained.

The result was, as he had said, without a parallel.
Upon a question involving a censure, not on one or
two individuals, but on an entire Government, that
Government was able to muster no more than 148
out of 650 members of the House of Commons :

Of the majority of 300 by which the motion was carried
the great Conservative party, who have acted together
for a considerable period with perfect and uninterrupted
union, constituted something like 200. With regar to
the different Liberal sections of the House of Commons
they were pretty equally divided in this way-100 of these
gentlemen voted on one side and 1(X) on the other, and
another 100 altogether abstained from voting.
Under such circumstances, continued the noble
earl :

I was not surprised, my lords, when, on the following
evening, I received—though I acknowledge I did so with
deep anxiety—her Majesty's gracious commands to wait
upon her on the following morning, perfectly well knowing
and understanding for what purpose I had received such a
communication. ft became then my duty carefully to
consider the position of the country. In ordinary circum-
stances I should at once have felt it my duty to accept the
responsibility thrown upon me ; for, though the gentlemen
who honoured me with their confidence were not those who
had incurred the first responsibility by bringing forward the
motion, yet, as it was mainly carried by their instrumen-
tality, I felt that it would have been my duty to accept
the proposal; but, under existing circumstances, I felt
that I was bound to consider carefully and deeply,
without thinking of personal considerations, and without
reference to party objects, what course it was for the in-
terests of the country that in such circumstances I should
take. My lords, I can conceive no object ofhigher or nobler
ambition, no object more worthy of anxiety by a true pa-
triot and lover of his country, than to stand in the high
and honourable position of the Chief Minister of the
Crown and leader of the councils of this great empire,
assisted and supported by colleagues combined with him
by mutual sentiments and mutual and personal respect,
and with the knowledge that this and the other House of
Parliament would give to such a Minister the assurance
that, except on most extraordinary and unusual occasions,
he would be enabled with life and energy to carry out his
plans and to mature and accomplish his objects practically
as well as nominally, and to control and govern the legis-
lation and internal economy of this great country. On
the other hand, to hold that highly responsible situation
dependent for support from day to day on precarious and
uncertain majorities, compelled to cut down this measure,
and to pare off that, and to consider with regard to each
measure not what was for the real welfare of the country,
but what would conciliate some half-dozen men here, or
some half-dozen there, to regard as a great triumph of
parliamentary skill and Ministerial strength to scramble
through the session of Parliament, and to boast of having
met with few and insignificant defeats—l say this is a
state of things which cannot be satisfactory to any Minister,
and which cannot be of advantage to the Crown, or to the
people of this country. But to enter on the duties of
office, not with a precarious majority, but with a sure
minority of the other House of Parliamenz—to be aware
that from day to day you were liable to defeats at any mo-
ment by the combination of parties, amounting to a sure
majority, and only waiting for the moment when it would

SATURDAY,

be most convenient to introduce motions for the attain•
ment of such an end; to be a Minister on sufference ; to
hold such a position without any security for enforcing
your own views ; with the fear of exposing your own
friends and the country—your friends to perpetual morti-
fication, and the country to constant disappointment—to
undertale the responsibilities and the duties of office in
such a state of things would be such an intolerable
and galling servitude as no man of honour or cha-
racter could expose himself to, and such as no man
voluntarily would submit to, except from motives of
the purest patriotism and from absolute necessity. I consi-
dered it then my duty deliberately to consider, before I as-
sumed the responsibility which 1 understood it to be the
wish of her Majesty I should discharge, in what position I
should be with regard to parliamentary support—how I
should stand in this and the other House of Parliament,
more especially in the other house. It is true, my lords.
that I could have filled several of the offices of the Govern-
ment in a manner that would have commanded the appro-
bation and the support of all parties. I had reason to be
assured that in one of the offices which, above all others,
is at present the object of pre-eminent importance, and UM
the proper settlement of which rests the greatest responsi•
bility, I should have had the support of a noble friend of
mine, not himself a military man, but possessed of a mind
eminently military—a noble lord of vast experience, prac
tically versed and conversant with the operations of war in
distant countries upon a large scale, and who has provt d
himself to be an able and successful Minister of War on
an extended scale—a noble earl whose energy, whose ability,
and whose eloquence, would have given ample assurance to
the country of the efficiency of the manner in which he
would have performed his duties, and who, if he has ens
chsractezistic that is more universally recognised than
another, it is that in him the country would have a guar-
antee that in no possible circumstances would they hear of
jobbery or corruption. It is true that in the other thane
of Parliament as well as in this house I might have had
recourse to a class whom when excluded from office it is
usual to characterise as a necessary infusion of new blood,
but when in office are called an enlistment of raw recruits.
And, when I speak of new blood, I am sure not one of my
friends in this or the other house will deem it invidious in
me to say that in office I should have received the
support and assistance, the unrivalled eloquence and
commanding talents, of Sir E. Itulwer Lytton.
Lord Derby then said that he bad to look not
merely to the capacity of those who might have un-
dertaken office, but to the vulgar consideration of the
numerical strength of his supporters. He had been
honoured by the confidence of the great Conservative
party. Of these, he could reckon on the support of
about 280 members of the other house. At the same
time, his Government would have been exposed to
the attacks of a combination of parties, such as had
happened before, and might happen again. It was
true that all parties, under present circumstances,
were prepared to merge their differences in the due
prosecution of the war, but he had great doubts that
he would have found in the House of Commons that
general acquiescence under the influence of which
there would have been an abstinence from opposition
He then referred to the general opinion respecting
Lord Palmerston—his popularity—the authority of
his former colleague, who bad sacrificed his own
position to his opinion of Lord Palmerston's abilities
—and, although it was not perhaps a parliamentary
ground, the favour and influence he was supposed to
possess in the councils of our noble ally. Under all
these circumstances, he felt that he required some
extraneous aid ; he could not feel any assurance of
forming what was of vast importance at the present
crisis—a strong Government. It was under these
impressions that he obeyed her Majesty's summons.
On that occasion

I laid before her Majesty without reserve my views with
regard to the state of parties. I did not conceal that there
might be circumstances under which the House of Com-
mons would give to such a Government as I was enabled
to form, even without extraneous aid, a generous assist-
ance ; but that there could be no prospect of the formation
of a Government commanding a majority as long as there
was a large party united in their opinions, some of whose
members were excluded from that Government, who, if
they were included in it, would bring the eight of their
counsel and assistance. I concluded with lie request that
I might be enabled to communicate with Viscount Pal-
merston, for the purpose of obtaining his concurrence and
assistance. I stated also that I could not expect to obtain
that concurrence unless he were permitted to bring with
him one or two of those with whom he had recently acted.
I felt that the abilities of some of those gentlemen might
have added materially to the power of debate in the House
of Commons, and that their concurrence might be de:
sirable, on account of their own individual merit. I state4s
without such assistance I did not feel myself in a condi-
tion to promise to her Majesty that strong Government.
which I thought at the present moment it was most de.
sirable, if possible, that her Majesty should have. I there-
fore submitted to her Majesty my humble advice that,
failing my endeavours to form a Government, ber Majesty
should carefully consider whether it was possible to nom
any other combination of public men. I concluded by
assuring her Majesty, strongly as I felt the ditticulties of
the position, if such a combination were found to be lms
practicable, then, at all hazards, her Majesty should not be
left without a Government; but I would answer for
myself and for those noble lords and hon. gentlemen with
whom I have the happiness of acting, that our humble ser.
vices should be placed unreservedly at her Majesty's coin.
.wand. I may take this opportunity of making astatement,
in consequence of rumours which have gone forth, that her
Majesty sought to fetter my discretion by some restriction.

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I

FEBRUARY 10, 1855.

I feel myself bound in duty to state that not only no
obstacle whatever was placed in my way, but that not the
slightest difficulty was made as to any one subject or
recommendation, either with regard to men or measures,
which I felt it my duty to submit to her Majesty.
The noble eat' then recounted the negotiations
with Lord Palmerston consequent on the Royal in-
terview :

I called upon the noble viscount (Palmerston), and T
found that it would have been impossible, without the con-
currence of some of his friends, to give me that assistance
which otherwise he did not express himself disinclined to
afford. I stated that I anticipated that feeling, and I
named to him the two among his colleagues with whom I
thought he would most readily consent and desire to act.
I found that, with regard t 3 any personal considerations,
he could have no objection to act in a Government with
which I was connected. We went so far as to discuss the
particular position in the Government in which the noble
viscount should be placed, and I stated to him that I did
not think it was possible for any Minister to combine with
the lead of the House of Commons the duties of a labo-
rious department, and he agreed that pith the lead of the
House of Commons the important duties of Minister for
War were wholly incompatible. I was enabled, by
an act of self-abnegatiou and forbearance, for which I
think my right hon. friend deserves the highest credit,
to state, upon the part of my right hon. friend Mr. Dis-
raeli, that, with regard to the lead in the House of Com-
mons, with which he had been honoured upon a former
occasion, in the presence of the noble viscount he would
waive all claim to that position, and would willingly act
under the direction of a statesman of the noble viscount's
ability and experience. Her Majesty, waiting the result of
my interview, made her return to Windsor, and I informed
the noble viscount that her Majesty would leave a messen-
ger in waiting to receive the result of the communication
which he undertook to make to Mr. Gladstone and Mr.
Sidney Herbert. I left the noble viscount shortly before
two o'clock, and at half past nine I received with con-
siderable surprise a note from the noble viscount. It cer-
t linty did surprise me to receive, after a delay of so long a
time, a note merely stating that he had come to the eon-
elusion that if he were to join my Government he couldnot
g;ve to it that support which I was good enough to think
his presence would insure,—that he has communicated
with Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Sidney Herbert, but that they
would write answers to me. At halfpast twelve that night
I received a note from Mr. Gladstone, and between seven
and eight the following morning I received one from Mr.
Sidney Herbert, both written in terms of which I certainly
could have no reason to complain; but I was struck with
this expression in Mr. Gladstone's note, after stating that
Lord Palmerston had communicated to him the wish I had
expressed that he should form part of the Administration,
—" I also learned from him (Lord Palmerston) that he is
not of opinion that he can himself render you useful ser-
vice in that Administration."

It was now, then, he continued, his only course to give
to her Majesty his advice that she should endeavour to
ascertain if she could find a more efficient Administra-
t on. He concluded by defending himself both from
t ie charge of unduly grasping at office, and from that of
shrinking from responsibility with too great timidity.
The last, he said, was not his failing. It was his
opinion that the great Conservative party should not
prematurely and rashly undertake the responsibility
of administering the affairs of the country at the
present portentous crisis.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that it was his
duty to explain his part in advising her Majesty as
to the best mode of putting an end to the crisis. It
was natural that the Queen should summon Lord
Derby in the first instance. Lord Derby failed, and
the Queen then sent to him to ask his advice on the
course she should pursue. As, after the party of
Lord Derby, the main instrument of the cr►s►s was
Lord John Russell, he advised that he should be next
applied to. Upon his failure, Lord Palmerston was
requested to undertake the task, and had been urged
by himself to persevere in the fo►mation of a Min•
istry, at a time when the great object was to save the
country from being without any Ministry at all. Had
the crisis lasted longer, it would have impaired the
confidence of Europe in the country, and it would
have been said, that, with an unexampled unanimity
among the people, the means were wanting for car•
Tying on the war. The Government would rely,
not only on their party, but on their opponents, and
still more on the great body of the country. He
entreated all, especially the representatives of that
noble institution the public. press—all, in fact., in
situations of influence, to say, do, and write nothing
that would injure in any way the great cause. The
Present was a contest between despotism and free
institutions, and it behoved them to take care that
the unquestionable advantage of a single command
did not prove itself too powerful for liberty.
The Earl of MALMESBURY congratulated the house
on the termination of the crisis. He entered at some
length into the discussion of our military system,
observing that any tendency in the alterations in that
system towards the system pursued by the navy would
meet with his decided opposition. He then defended
the army from the charge of being exclusively aris-
tocratic, and gave the number of the immediate
relations of peers in several regiments, showing how
few they really were.
byLord PANDLURE said that he had hesitated before
accepting his difficult office, but could not refuse
when told that his experience would be of service to