The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1875-01-23 00:00:00

ST

ought to be. That free trade was good for us would
not convince them; and the only way to satisfy them
that free trade was a good thing was to show our
goods and let them know the price at which we could
sell them. That would have more effect upon the
American mind than any amount of argument, and
it was one advantage thist the Exhibition should 'be
-held at Philadelphia thiit that city was the centre'ge
protectional district and interest. The referenceV
free trade in the report reminded him of Ole
treaty between Canada and the-Ignited States. He
did not know the position exactly in which that
treaty stood at the present moment, as they had
seen it stated in the papers that it had come
to an end. He imagined that what bad hap-
pened was that the Comniittee of the Senate had re-
ported against it. He should be glad that any
arrangement which was wished for by Canada -ter
the increase of trade should be carried into effect, but
he did not think that either we or Canada deed
greatly lament this result. The high duties which
had been levied on Canadian produce had eIL
Canadians very little harm. They had done less
harm in Canada than in the States. He did not think
Canada would suffer by the treaty coming to an end,
and he strongly suspected that what they all wished to
see—the spread of free trade between the two countries,
and between the two countries and England—was
the more likely in the case of the withdrawal of
the treaty. He thought they had a right to
urge on the Government never to give assent to
any differential duties levied by Canada in favour
of the States as against English produce.
(Hear, hear.) And he fully expected the answer
which had been given by Lord Derby to the depu-
tation which waited upon him some time ago. In
Canada he found a strong feeling that nothing of the
kind could happen, and that such a thing could hardly
be possible. This led him to say that he had noticed
with great pleasure that the feeling in Canada with
regard to the connection with this country was thet
that connection should continue. (Cheers.) As to the old
subject of a Minister of Commerce, he thought that
the President of the Board of Trade or whoever repre-
sented commerce ought to have a seat in the Cabinet.
For their comfort, however, he might mention that
they were not alone in this matter, for Ireland was not
at present represented in the Cabinet. There could be
no doubt that the Minister of Commerce ought to be
a powerful member of the Government, and able to
make his views felt and the interests he represented
attended to; yet they would gain nothing by
having a Minister of Commerce to whom to apply
in order to get things done which were to be done
in other departments. Many years ago he had
moved for a Committee, and during its deli-
berations he found that there was a disadvantage in
attempting to deal with two departments when one
department manifestly had the work to do. The
Foreign Minister, for instance, must be the man who
negotiated with foreign Governments, and consequently
he must negotiate commercial questions. It was the
Foreign Minister's business to find out himself what
ought to be done and to be responsible for doing it
well. Anything else was circumlocution, and would
end in shifting responsibility on the Board of Trade.
He mentioned this to show that in aiming at a Minister
of Commerce he thought they must aim at having a
man in a powerful position to do the work which the
Department of Commerce ought really to undertake
and not have the confusion of having to expect
two or three different Ministers to do work uncon-
nected with their respective departments. The
right hon. gentleman then went on to say—l
have only one other remark to make. It is
impossible to treat upon any questions just now with-
out some allusion to an important political fact which
has occurred within the last day or two—(hear,
hear)—and that is the retirement from the head of
one of the great parties in the State by a man who
has had the respect, and I may say who has had the
affectionate respect, of so many of us for so long.
(Loud applause.) Nothing could be more unfit than
for me to make any allusion at a meeting like this
to any political consequences which may result
from this fact. I do not know that this is the
place in which to make any personal allusions,
but it is difficult for me to meet any of my con-
stituents without just saying this much, that
although all of you and almost every man who
takes part in politics knows what Mr. Gladstone's
career has been, and knows what he is as regards
power and eloquence, yet it is only those who have
been brought into close personal contact with him
who know what an example he has set in the
absolute sincerity, the absolute want of selfishness
or self-seeking in the principles and the manner
in which he has conducted political life. (Loud
cheers.) It is difficult for any one who has not
been brought into close contact with him, and seen
him under occasions of difficulty such as those in
which a colleague has seen him—occasions, I must
say, not only of difficulty, but even of temptation—it
is difficult for anyone who has not been in that
position thoroughly to realize what an example of
purity, of self-sacrifice, and of disinterestedness he
has set to politicians throughout the country, and to
what an extent he, as far as he has acted has raised.,
the tone of political life. (Cheers.) I think we
should find, however much we may differ from
him, and however much we may have expressed
that difference—l think we should find that every
one according to his power of knowledge recognised
that fact. I have only one word to add, and I think
it is not unfitting to mention even in this business
assembly, that although he has thought proper from
motives personal to himself, which are sufficient for
himself and affecting his own personal life' to with-
draw from the active leadership of one of the great
parties in the State, yet I do not for one agree that
that implies that he will withdraw from party or
political life. (Hear, hoar.) I am sure that, as
men of business—as members of a chamber of
commerce—we should be the last persons to desire that.
(Cheers.) He has many claims upon the gratitude of
his fellow-countrymen for the services he has done
them, and although perhaps not one of the greatest of
those claims, yet a very great claim, is what he has
done for commerce and men of business by his advocacy
of the true principles of trade, and by his introduction
of principles of finance which have had the effect of
making the taxes less onerous upon tradesmen and upon
individuals than they ever had been before. (Cheers.)
It certainly is not for me to view with anything but
fear and alarm the thought that he could withdraw
his talents and his power entirely from political or
Parliamentary life. (Hear, hear.) lam sure you will
join me in the hope and trust that this will not be
the case. (Hear, hear.) I have already spoken longer
than I intended, and I have only now to add that I
have great pleasure in moving the adoption of the
report. (The right hon. gentleman resumed his seat
amid loud cheers.)
Lord Frederick Cavendish, M.P., in referring to
the retirement of Mr. Gladstone, said that on any oc-
casion when Mr. Gladstone saw his way to be of ser-
vice to his country, no selfish consideration would stand
in his way for a moment. No man was able to dispute
his (Mr. Gladstone's) judgment that in the present in-
stance he would be of more use, alike to his party and
to the country, by relinquishing the active leader-
ship of his party. The noble lord seconded the reso-
lution, which was unanimously adapted.
Addresses were subsequently delivered by Mr. Rip-
ley, M.P., Mr. Whitwell, M.P., Mr. Behrens, and
Dr. Forbes Watson.

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