The Press.
London, England, 1853-06-04 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

to the Established Church of Ireland were devoted to pur-
pose! of education, in which persons of all relii6oua
!animations might participate. (War.) 1 found, however,
in the course of ditocussitons in Parliatuent and the country,
that neither side were willing to consent to such a com-
promise, and that while one aide steadily and consistently
resisted the smallest encroachment on the property of the
Established Church, the other as loudly demanded the en-
tire and tend abolition of the revenue* of that Chun+. 1
have been obliged, therefore, to consider what course Parlia-
ment will take—how we eau remedy that which is alleged
to be a grievance, how better promote contentment among
the petmle of Ireland. And lam sorry to say, while I can-
not hold out the ',resent state things as a matter which
no, wider present arrangements, altogether satisfactory, I see
the greatest difficulties—lsee the greatest *redo ons—l see
more than that—l see no toundl peril in the, alteration that
last been proposed. (Hear.) It has been amid, Let us
have equality ; in whatever mode you shall please to give
that equality 1 shall be contented, provided it is equality.'
There are two modes in which ecclesiastic' equality may
be obtained. Otte is, total abolition of the revenues of the
Church of Ireland. Now, lam not prepared to take that
(slump. I have never been willing to consent to the total
abolition of the revenues of the Pmteetant Church. (Hrur,
hear.) Setting aside the great change it would make—the
innovation of established rights—the violation of long-
standing engagements, we cannot abolish the revenues of
the Established Church in Ireland without striking at the
root of ecclesiastical endowments, and violating the great
principle On which all ecclesiastical endowments are bated.
((leen.) The principle of ecclesiastical endowments may
be a wrong principle, but it is one in which 1 am in favour;
it is one which has hitherto been maintained by the Par-
liameut 4of this country; and 1 cannot believe that you can
alsolialt it in Ireland without leading the other parts
of the United Kingdom to a similar footing. (Hear, hear,
hear.)"
Proceeding to disprove the advisability of the second
course which had been proposed, namely, to redistri-
bute the Church revenues among Catholics as well
as Protestants, in the ratio of their numbers, Lord J.
Russell admitted that such a course had been adopted
auccessfully with regard to the Presbyterians in Scot-
land. But he contended that the eases were not
parallel, inasmuch as it was the inherent character
of Catholicism to be dominant and political :
" If the Rennin Catholic Church resembled the Presby-
terian Church, although it would mot be just that the Bonnet
Catholics al Id have as the Preslnieriane have iiland a national church entirely devoted its them, yet I can
imagine a large endowment could be given to the Rumor
Catholic subjects in Ireland; but, unfortunately, ecclesias-
tical equality cannot there be attained. ( Hear.) it has
been but too evident of late years that, looking at its pro-
ceedinge in foreign countries—booking at its proceedings
in this country—looking at that Church acting under the
direction of a head, himself a foreign sovereign—the Boman
Catholic Church has aimed at political power ; arid, having
aimed at political power, it appears to me to be at variance
with a due attliehment to the Crown of this eountry—
rheers )—with a due attachment to the general cause of
liberty—with a due attachment to the duties that a subject
of the State should perform towards that State. ( Load
Arent.) lam far from saying that the members of the
Roman Catholic persuasion in this country are not attached
to the liberties of the country. lint lam convinced that
if the Roman Catho4ie clergy of Ireland had increased
power given to them—that if they, as eeelesiasties. could
exercise greater control and a greater political influence
than they now exercise, that power and that influence
would not be exercised in aceonlance with the general
freedom which prevail,' in this country—f cheers I—but1—but that
neither in respect to political circumstances nor in respect
to political subjects would they favour that general freedom
ominf iscussion, that eney, and that activity of the human
d rg
d who belongs to the spirit of the constitution.
(Hew.) lam obliged to conclude. therefore--to conclude
unwillingly, but to cowhide decidedly—that the endow-
ment of the Boman Catholic religion in Ireland, in place
of the establishment of the Protestant Choral in that
country in 4.011111.4• MM with the State, is not an object whieh
the Parliament of this country ought to adopt or to sanc-
tion.(Cheers.) These opinions of mine may lead to COW
elnfliMal Unpalatable to MOW who belong to the Roman
Catholic Church—they may lead to persistence in a state
of things which I quite admit to be anomalous un4l un-
satisfactory. But I sin obliged, /14 a member of the Legis-
lature, to consider most seriously, in the present state of
the world, that which is hest adapted to maintain the free-
' dent and the permanence of our institutions. (Hear, hear.)"
Mr. Balmer listened with sorrow to a Tory speech
from a Liberal minister. It was an argument unjust,
baseless, and insulting to support the maintenance of
a grievance iu Ireland on the ground of apprehended
peril from its renewal to the Established Church of
England. That argument tended to make every
Irishman a Repealer, and covered with shame every
English Churchman who adopted it. For himself he
disliked all Establishments :
" He believed that no Churches were particularly favour-
able to civil liberty. The Church in this country no doubt
was to a large degree more tolerant than 'others, because
the people had gained more civil liberty here than elsewhere,
and had, by slow degrees and incessant conflict, to some
degree subjected the. Church and the clergy to the influence
of a more wholesome public opinion. And, if the Catholic
prelates and priests had too midi power over the people
of Ireland, he attributed it entirely to the fact that the course
of legislation which that house had so long pursued had
hound priest and people together in one loom', and had thus
done much to subject the people to the unwholesome influence
of the priests. It was impossible for any impartial traveller in
that country not to see that this question of the Church
Establishment was the pestilent and poisonous question