The Press.
London, England, 1853-07-02 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

the nerves become tense, in a direction consequent upon
some preconceived idea, but without any individual con-
sciousness,—thus stands implicitly established! The appa-
ratus contrived by Sir M. Faraday, and which may he seen
at Newman's philosophical instrument shop, in Regent-
street, not only tests the stealthy, involuntary action of the
muscles, but also annihilates it :

" The most valuable effect of this test apparatus is the col,
restive power it possesses over the mind of Ms mble.turnse.
As sots as the index is placed before the most earnest, and
they perceive—mi in my presence they have always done—that
it tells truly whether they are pressing dowusards only or
obliquely, then all effeets of table-turning cease, even though
the parties persevere, efirnemly desiring motion, till they become
weary and wont out. No prompting or checking of the hands is
power is pose; sod this istly because the parties
are made conseiotni of what they are really doing tueelumieslly,
and so are unable unwittingly to deceive them/mites."
Sir Michael concludes his paper with some timely re-
marks on the melancholy lack of knowledge and judgment
which the aftkir has shown to exist among a public calling
itself educated and enlightened. The few who have either
formed a right conclusion or used a certain reserve, ho
remarks, are as nothing compared with the mass of those
who, rather than acknowledge their incompetence to decide
the question, have adopted the wildest theories or taken
refuge in the belief of disbolietd agencies. " 1 think," he
observes, " that the system of education which could Irate
the mental conditi of the public body in the state in
which this subject has found it must have been grossly
deficient iu some very important principle."

MR. MACAULAY.
TH►: defects of Mr. Macaulay as a senator are becoming
more visible in every session. Retaining all that brilliancy
and grace of style which have 11111410 hint matchless
amongst essayists, he has not grown in power as a
politician, and he hag ceased to give hopes that he might
ever become a man of action. lie is an ornament rather
than a support of his pa►ty, and is more qualified to
record its annals than to indicate its future policy. Ile is
a lecturer on statesmanship, not a statesman himself ; and
in political life graduates only as a neu► of words. We
ne►ir hear hint speak on any subject without thinking of
Burke's sarcasm upon► ►non who are wise only on past
events—" Retrospective wisdom and historical sagacity
are very convenient things, a►d rem admirably to reconcile
the old quarrel between speculation and practice." Capa-
city for literature, and not for public affairs, is his master
faculty. He can shine, but he cannot suggest; he can
declaim, but he cannot create ; he can lecture, hut he can•
not rule. Always to please, and often to instruct his
hearers, is to him an easier task than to take pa►t in
governing his age.

These thoughts, or similar ones, are, we have rea►on to
think, the conclusions at which Mr. Macaulay's political
Mends have arrived. We know of ourselves that such a view
ofhi s parliamentary character was taken amongst members of
the House of Commons after his irrelevant and declaim.
tory speech on the India Bill. The question was, how a
hundred and fifty millions of men were to be best
governed, and Mr. Macaulay, after years of Indian resi-
dence, and familiarity with the subject, could do nothing
better than say !litho to such a legislator as Sir Charles
Wood! It seemed to be a foregone conclusion that the
Coalition Cabinet could produce nothing better than this
trumpery India Bill; and lo! Mr. Macaulay assumes the
office, not of ruler or stateliness), but of panegyrist to a
scheme that proves the existence of evils which it does
nothing to redress; while it creates mischiefs against
which it devises no safeguards. India wants a system,
and Mr. Macaulay gives it a speech ! The Ministry wants
ideas and large views, and Mr. Macaulay gives it his words.
The Indians crave for justice ;—how unreasonable is their
demand, when Mr. Macaulay can talk for hours absent it,
and leave their claims where he found them !
We make these remarks because the Coalition quotes
Mr. Macaulay as an authority upon India. I 7pon any
question coining within the range of his special aptitude as
a critic we will read or hear Mr. Macaulay with great
pleasure. But ups► actual things, as distinguished from
mere boeloo, we do not bold his judgment as important.
On the three great questions of past years, the Cern Laws,
Natiunal Education, and the Government of Ireland, Mr.
Macaulay, with great opportunities in his power, has note!;
absolutely NoTsuiNo. When we recollect that large hiatus
in his political life, and think over his hazy and literary
speech of last Friday. we aro dispounsl to concur in the
verdict passed on him by the late Sydney Smith, at the
dinner-table of a late distinguished bibliop►le. When the
question was diacussed why Mr. Macaulay had committed
WI great a blunder as to date his electioneering address;
from " Windsor Cantle." some attributed it to the
foppishness of a Liberal just placed in office ; others put
it down to the forgetfulness of social forms sometimes
seen in his literary character; but Sydney Smith, who
was present, on being appealed to for his opinions, uttered
one of the best of his many happy not,
" rbhaw airs Macaulay is a were Bova IN BM:01W

THE DOCKYARD INQUIRY AND THE LATE
BOARD OF ADMIRALTY.
Mr. Editor,—Notice having been given by Mr.
Keating of a motion to afford another opportunity for
" the Whig faction" to display their venom, it is
really requisite the public should know the real cause
of this persevering attempt to bring discredit upon
the late Board of Admiralty. When the ill-tempered
caprice, or sham resignation, of Lord John Russell
(for it is yet =certain which war the trite state of the
case) occurred, the greatest hope►► were entertained
that Lord Derby would either fail altogether to fora►
a ministry, or that it would be composed of parties
who would not carry much weight in public estima-
tion; but when it was found that his lordship had not
only succeeded in procuring the assistance of a body
of men of sterling character, but had also induced the
Duke of Northinnberland to accept office " First Lori
of the A dmiralty," the consternation and annoyance of
" the faction" knew no bounds. I have no hesitation in
stating my positive opinion, that the appointment of
the Duke of Nortlitunberlimd gave nu►re general
satisfaction to the nation at large, and especially to
the navy (of course with the ~option of "the clique" ),
than any public appointment for a long series of
years. Knowing this to b►e the fact, the moment his
grace set his foot in the Admiralty a regular system
was organised to endeavour to find something to com-
plain of, and unfortunately the noble and unsus-
picious character of the duke induced him to retain
in his service certain malignant " partisans," who
constantly watched for an opportunity to sting the
hand of their benefactor. It is perfectly clear fr►nt
the evidence that the Whigs, who profess such horror
of jobbery, had planted Sir Baldwin Walker, one of
their partisans, in such a position that, even in the
event of the Whigs being turned out, he woithi 're-
main to monopolise the patronage; and it has been
amply proved that Whigs, and Whigs only, had
a clime() of preferment.. Mr. Stafford very properly
objected to such a one .sided arrangement, and consi-
dered that Conservatives might to have some share in
naval promotions. Now mark the conduct of the
" redonlited" Sir Baldwin Walker. He feels sore to
think that he is not to rule with undivided sway, and
also sees a chance of making himself appear a martyr ;
but, high-spirited and magnanimous individual ! ho
cannot afford to lose his place, not knowing how long
it might be before his patrons returned to office ; ho
therefore quietly consents to withdraw his resignation,
and to remain perfectly silent s-s to these " terrible
missloings" until the change took place in the Govern-
ment., when, like a slog who fears to bark as long as
the whip can reach him, he Hies out of his kennel
and yells and barks most courageously. Verily, Sir
Baldwin Walker, you have favoured us with one in-
stance in which the Duke of Northumberland was
certainly remiss in his duty, and that Was, that he did
not " walk" you and your " fidus AchatA," Admiral
Berkeley, and clique, out. of the portals df the Admi-
ralty at the earliest opportunity.

It is notorious that the welfare of the navy, its ge-
neral efficiency and discipline, were never better (if
so well) attended to as under the late Government ;
and the tumble-down fmm the Puke of Northum-
berland to the turn-about politician, Sir James
Graham, " the dirty hey " of Peek Ministry, is sad
indeed. But the murder is out. The appointment
of the Duke of Northumberland was one of the
strongest points of Lord Derby's Government ; " the
faction" therefore determined, if possible, to render
his administration of the Admiralty unpopular; and
therefore, to spite Lent Derby, they endeavour to
injure the reputation of one of the best and kindest
noblemen that ever existed, and whom unsullied cha-
racter will remain untarnished by their coarse malig
nity. It is generally understood that the duke was
much indisposed to accept any official situation, but,
when informed by Lord Derby that his assistance
was needed, " the blood of the Percy" required no
further inducement to place him at the service
of his Country. Notwithstanding their base attacks,
Die faction" would find, if the nation were polled as
to the most proper person to direct the naval service
of England, that an immense majority would at once
deride in favour of the Duke of Northumberland as a
practical seaman and a nobleman of unblemished
4ntegnty.
June 2D, 103.

L. S. D•