The Press.
London, England, 1855-03-10 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

Russia in the Black Sea which is spoken of
has any relation whatever to Sebastopol, or to
any part of the territory of Russia. It may
relate to the limitation of her naval power, but
the contest in the Crimea, take what turn it
may, can contribute nothing to the settlement
of that question. The assault of Sebastopol
at the present time would at best be a pur-
poseless waste of blood, and at worst might
indefinitely protract a European settlement.
We must not deceive ourselves. If we have
engaged in a contest for the material humilia-
tion of Russia, and the dismemberment of her
empire, we have chosen the wrong weapons
and the wrong field of battle. We must fight
her not with an Austrian alliance, but with
revolted Poland ; not in the Crimea, but in
the Baltic provinces. Jf we insist on terms
which Russia is resolvel not to grant, it is
not by wresting from her the Crimea that
she is to be subdued. Sebastopol can decide
nothing.
In one point of view the anxiety for the
assault of Sebastopol is intelligible. The
Ministry may desire to make a flourish of
some success as a setoff against the long list
of disasters chargeable against them. But it
is the old question. Will the play be worth
the candle ? Is a victory utterly barren of
success to be desired at the price of the life it
will cost ? We do not want military achieve-
ments, for we can proudly point to Alma and
Inkermann, but we want governmental suc-
cess. If peace could be secured by military
heroism, we should not be discussing its
probabilities now. We need more ability
at home, not more valour abroad. At
the present moment, if the Congress be not
the most wretched farce ever played by
statesmen, it is to Vienna, and not to Sebas-
topol, that we must look for a solution of the
question in debate. We regard with abhor-
rence that barbarous and deceitful policy
which would open pacific negotiation as a
cloak for the more active prosecution of hos-
tilities, or which would fence off peace till the
termination of war could be fitly marked by
some crowning carnage.

unknown to itself; it may be really waiting on
events, and may suspend its decision until the
views of the contending powers are distinctly
set forth. It has certainly afforded us no
reason to rely on its active support. This
very week we read that the Emperor of Aus-
rais, to, mark his grateful sense of " the noble
" disinterestedness of the Emperor Nicaoi.e.s
" in affording aid to the Austrian empire in a
" time of trial and great calamity," has issued
an order of the day declaring that the Austrian
Cuirassiers, known as the "Emperor Nicholas"
regiment, shall retain for ever that title in the
Austrian army. This act, however little
meaning may be attached to it, does not look
like the preliminary to a formal rupture with
the Russian Government. The accession of
ALEXANDER 11. will probably be warmly wel-
comed at Vienna, and the position and policy
of the two young Emperors, now that Austria
is freed from all fear of Russian aggression
on her Danubian frontier, may probably lead
them to contract a close alliance. We never
believed that Austria would really turn her
arms against Russia—the policy which has
raised the Court of Vienna to the position of
arbitrator in the great dispute, and has con-
stantly refused to recognise its duplicity, has
borne bitter fruits to England • and now we
venture to predict that should the Congress at
Vienna not come to a satisfactory qpnclusion,
we shall expect in vain that alliance which
we have made so many sacrifices to attain.
It appears incredible that this Congress
should be opened without some kind of under-
standing in the minds of those who will take
part in it on the terms to be mutually con-
ceded. Our Government—if only from the
choice of Lord Joux Realism. as its Plenipo
tentiary—evidently attaches great importance
to the negotiation, and expects a successful
result from it. Sir JAMES GRAHAM has marked
his sense of its gravity by declaring that when
he joined Lord PALMERSTONS Cabinet the only
condition he thought proper to make was, that
the negotiation should proceed in the same
manner as had been arranged by the previous
Ministry. The grand question is, whether
preliminary conditions have been so far ar-
ranged as to allow the discussions to open THE COLONY OF VICTORIA.
with a reasonable prospect of success ; and on
THE state of things in Victoria is serious.
this point we confess we entertain grave doubts
from the importance which is attached to the The immense wealth of its mineral districts
operations before Sebastopol, and from the has attracted a vast populati
son, of unsettled
assertions constantly made through Ministe- and lawless character. It i calculated
nal channels, that the fall of that place would
materially facilitate pacific neg.otiations. 100,000 diggers are scattered over the country,
Now, we have no hesitation in saying that if and more will follow, for not a week passes
the terms to be proposed are not already sub without bringing intelligence of fresh dis-
stantially settled—if they are made in any de- coveries. These men, hary, enising,
gree whatever contingent on the events of the
and rendered reckless by their occupation,
war in the
1. negotiation must ne-
cessarily fail. Russia would certainly not be may be excited to revolt by slight provoca-
th
more willing to accept peace after defeat than tion ; nor has such provocation been wanting.
while the contest is yet in suspense. We Under the present transportation system,
believe she would be less willing, and that the the Governor of Van Diemen s Land has the
fall of Sebastopol would rather complicate than right of granting to convicts " conditional
simplify the questions to be decided. pardons," which operate only to prevent the
What, in effect, would be gained by the return of the receivers to England, or their
fall of Sebastopol, or by a succession of continued residence in Van Diemen's Land,
bloody combats undertaken for the capture of leaving them free to choose their abode any-
its defences? What are those defences ? where else. The number of those expecting,
Mere earthworks, which if destroyed to-day and in due time certain, to receive such par-
might be thrown up again to-morrow. To dons is estimated at 12,000. As a matter of
—or, as course, each on his liberation repairs to the
capture them merely to abandon them
hich in diggings, whereby an enormous additional
respects the forts, to destroy works w
the course of a few months could be cora- expense is incurred for the maintenance of
pletely restored, would be the most bootless order—an expense roughly reckoned at a
triumph ever bought by blood. million sterling yearly.
Either the Congress is opened at a time Victoria thus incurs all the inconveniences
when, from t
on c
an of the war in the Crimea, of a penal settlement, without the correspond
the negotiation can have no pacific result—or ing benefits. She has a convict population,
it may have a pacific result independent of the without compulsory labour, and without
events of that war. In the former case, 'why adequate means of restraint. The evil was felt
does the Congress meet at all? In the latter, to be intolerable ; and the colonists accord-
what need of the continuance of hostilities ingly passed a bill called the Convicts Preven
while the negotiation is in progress' lion Act, whereby any ex-convict found within
If the object of the war were to restore the the limits of the colony was sentenced to ten
Crimea to Turkey, or to place it under the yeara' penal servitude. This strong measure
protection of the allies, we could understand was referred home for approval, and by the
the importance attached to the fall of Sebas- Duke of NEWCASTLE was disallowed. The ta t e
topol, though we should then say that it was Governor of Victoria, on receivin.g the offi.cial
absurd for the Congress to meet until the intelligence of its disallowance, with directions
point in dispute was decided bet
the sword. to make it public, declined so to do, fearing
We are far from saying that such au object the possible consequences. In time the bill,
would not be justifiable, but it certainly is not being provisional and temporary, expired ; the
entertained by our Government. Nor do we Legislature renewed it ; the Gov.ernor, in per-
imagine that that limitation of the power of plesity, sent it to England uningued, for the