The Press.
London, England, 1855-03-24 00:00:00

PRUSSIA.

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LordiANDHURST brought forward his long-promised
motion on the policy pursued by this power on Tues-
day. Two recent facts, he said, had cccurred,
bearing upon this important question—one, the dying
message of the late Czar to the King of Prussia;
the other, the manifesto of the new Czar, and the
declaration of his intention of following out the
policy of Peter, Alexander, and Catherine. He read
an extract from a despatch of Count Nesselrode,
issued immediately before the last war, and which
seemed to be almost prophetic of the present policy
of Prussia. Count Nesselrode said that—
If Russia should undertake alone to put in execution
these coercive means—( that is to say, coercive means
against Turkey )—there is every reason to believe that the
Court of Berlin would not in any manner oppose us. But,
on the contrary, her attitude, at once unfettered and
friendly, would operate as a powerful check to other States,
and bring them to submit to results suited to the dignity
and the interest of Russia.
The diplomatist added, that Prussia should be let
into the confidence of Russia, and would be con
vitived that the part assigned to her wait for her ad-
vantage. Lord Lyndhurst then detailed the history
of the Prussian negotiations. Prussia had, it was
true, joined in the protocols of January and April of
last year, but what else could she do? She could
not openly aide with Russia; she could not remain in

273

a state of isolation ; she bad no other alternative.
What was her subsequent conduct? Baron Man-
teuffel, her Prime Minister, declared that he did not

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conceive that Prus.sia was called upon to go any
further, or that German independence was involved
in the question; yet Prussia had already declared
that a great wrong bad been committed; she was
bound by treaties to redress that wrong ; and then
considers that she has nothing further to do than to
express her indignation at its commission. Lord
Lyndhurst then commented, in indignant language,
upon the supposition that German interests were not
involved in the question. Baron Idanteuffel himself

had admitted the contrary ; lie was dismissed, as was
the Chevalier Bunsen, because they could not concur
in a policy so hostile to the interests of their country.
Then came the second act of the drama. Austria

considered that Russia should be called upon to eva-
cuate the principalities. The document making the
demand was forwarded t,Berlin ; the King of Prussia
refused to sign it; the Russians evacuated the prin-
cipalities, and Prussia withdrew from all further
support of the confederation. More than this—she
used all her efforts to prevent the co-operation of the
smaller German States, and had unfortunately been,
to some extent, successful. The third act followed.
On the Bth of August last—after Austria had decided

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on the necessity of taking more urgent measures—a
meeting was fixed at, Vienna to consider the prelimi-
naries of the terms which should be offered to the
Emperor of Russia. Though invited to this con-
ference, Prussia declined to send any representative.
The four points were agreed upon by the conference
and rejected by Russia, whereupon Prussia instantly
published a document containing objections to the
four points. She continued her exertion. against
Austria throughout all the minor States of Germany.
The treaty of the 2nd of December was the next
point. Prussia refused to sign it, expressing simply
her willingness to subscribe a separate treaty with
England and France ; the allies replied that she
might do this, but she had never done it—she has
contented herself with a few propositions, and in
that state she stands at the present moment. Her
own Chambers had expressed their strong disappro-
bation of this conduct. Prussia had demanded to
be admitted to the pending conferences at Vienna,
but she had been most properly excluded. Lord
Lyndhurst then adverted to the policy of Prussia
since the time of Frederick I 1., denouncing its weak-
ness, treachery, and vacillation. He had no faith in
Prussia, and only hoped that the Ministers had
some papers in their possession which would show
her conduct to be somewhat less inexcusable.
The Earl of CutateNuoN, stating that from his
position he could not be expected to enter into all
the details of the question, said that he bad no such
papers. He could not view the Prussian alliance
with indifference, and hoped it might again be re-
established on the same footing as at the beginning
of the last year, when she signed the protocol with
the alliance, but appeared to be staggered by the
positive refusal of ltussia to abandon the principali-
ties. The noble earl characterised the correspon-
dence which followed as one in which Austria
steadily adheres to her engagements, while Pru.sia
gradually diverges from hers. After briefly going
through the events which preceded the present con-
ference, L trd Clarendon showed bow impossible it
was for Prussia to be admitted
To admit I'russia to claim the privileges without in-
curring any of the risk—to admit her to a conference
which might end in peace, but which might lead to war—
to a more extended war—without her telling us what her
intentions or policy were—without any engagement imme-
diate or perspective, and without knowing whether she
WAS neutral, foe, or friend, appeared to us utterly im-
possible.
He did not consider negotiations with Prussia at an
end. Her high military position, and the part she
had taken for a century in the great European ques-
tions, rendered her present situation really melan-
choly. He admitted that Prussia had more to tear
from war than any other nation; but she must not
carry her dread too far, knowing that a vigorous
prosecution of the war would be the most effective
means of procuring peace. He concluded by arguing
that Prussia could not openly side with Russia, that
she could not always remain isolated, and sad that
it was the anxious wish both of Fram.ce and England
to relieve her from her present painful position.
AUSTRIA, HUNGARY, AND POLAND.
Lord PALMERBTON, on Tuesday, made rather an
important reply to Lord W. Graham, who had asked
for an "explanation of the words used by a member
of the Administration," alluding to Sir R. Peel in
his recent election speech—" that no settlement of
the Eastern question would be satisfactory unless
Hungary end Poland were restored." To this the
Premier replied, after a eulogy on Sir Peel's
abilities and energy, that
The Austrian Government know now, and have all along
known, that the Government of Great Britain
becaody centre
would
re.B I der
con-
eider its great misfortune to Europe if Hungary were t
consiel.
rated trom the Austrian empi
the Austrian empire, as an aggregate in the

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