The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1868-04-11 00:00:00

El gs,toarribie (lstriler.

SATURDAY, APRIL 11, 1868.

THE CONDITION OF THE AGRI-
CULTURAL LABOURER.
A numerous and important meeting of noble-
men and gentlemen has been held in London to
take into consideration this difficult question.
The gathering was not of a party character.
Men of all shades of political opinion took part
in it. There were noble lords and distinguished
clergymen, eminent professors and well known
supporters of the rights of labour; and the only
remarkable omission was that the agricultural
himself was conspicuons by his absence.
The points which were brought under consid-
eration were these: the causes of the unsatisfac-
tory condition of the agricultural labourer; the
means best calculated to improve that condition ;
and on what plan should any socity, with this ob-
ject, be formed.
Mr. Gladstone, regretting his compulsory ala-
sense, expressed his conviction that no subject
could better deserve a searching examination
than that which was to be considered, and Pro-
fessor Rogers, who occupied the chair, viewed
the matter from the same stand-point, and took
the first proposition —the unsatisfactory condi-
tion of the agricultural labourer—for granted.
Vie latter gentleman, having quoted the opinion
of Arthur Young, the great political economist
of a century ago. maintained that the condition
of the agricultural labourer had not improved
since that time. We think this position is fairly
open to attack, and that it might easily be
proved that in many ways—in the improvement
of labourers' cottages, in tke increased facilities
for education, in the more kindly relations of
employer and employed, and in other modes—
the conditim of the labourer has improved and
is improving; but admitting the undeniable fact
that this condition is " unsatisfactory," the
question arises, how shall it be bettered? Can-
on Girdlestone proposes the formation of agri-
cultural laboulers' protection societies, or in
other words, trades unions. It is true that this
gentleman, whose opinions are entitled to all res-
pect, proposes that " these societies shall be in
principle and operation strictly defensive, and
carefully guarded against all possibility of ag-
gression, either on employers or folio w.work-
men." But we submit that this proviso is a
mere sentimental utterance, and that practically
it will be found impossible for these organisations
to ha " strictly defensive," without being at
times aggressive. The societies, or unions—
and on Lord Northbrook,s suggestion the latter
word has been boldly substituted for the former
—will be formed to secure a fair day's wages for
a fair day's work. For what else are ordinary
trades Unions formed? The points always to be
decided, however, are what is a fair day's wages,
and what is a fair day's work. On these points
employers and employed, under the trades-union
system, are constantly splitting, and we have no
right to believe that a different result will ensue
among the agricultural community to what is
constantly occurring among manufacturers and
their workmen.
We cannot but regard the introduction of
trades-unionism among the agricultural labour-
ers with great misgiving. The revelations that
we have had with respect to trades-union out-
rages in the North have considerably damaged
these unions in the estimation of the public, and
deservedly so. But, without insisting on thia
abuse of the principle of combination, it is very
doubtful whether agricultural labourers in their
" present depressed condition" are fit for organ-
isation against their employers, for that is infal-
libly what thee° societies, let us give them their
adopted mune, unions—will come to. There is
no use in mincing matters. The agricultural
labourer is disgracefully ignorant; his educa-
tional condition is disgraceful to those who
should have taught him or given him the means
of education. They may be favourably com-
pared in this respect with their grandfathers,
but they are shamefully ignorant nevertheless.
Now, supposing them organised into oolong in
their several districts, here is at once so WWI
marhinery formed which clever and uneerupu-
loos agitators can set in motion, witn a very se-
rious effeot, not only on landlords and employers
but on society generally; and most probably on
that of the agricultural labourers themselves.
One effect will certainly be produced—all antag-
onism between landlords and farmers on the one
haud, and labourers on the other. Of all possible
results this is just that one which is 1:110811 to be
deprecated. Of late years a kindly feeling be-
tween employers and employed in the agricultu-
ral districts has been promoted in a variety of
ways, and though some of these may have been
open to ridicule, still, on the whole, a good feel-
ing has been produced and fostered; arid the
object aimed at should be to increase this, not to
diminish it.
The chief source of discontent among agricul-
tural labourers of the present day is inadequacy
of pay. This, we admit, is all-important. Fair
pay for fair work is in economy the one thing
needful, and if this be secured minor evils soon
right themselves. That the field and farm
labourer has much to complain of in this respect
may readily be allowed; and we adroit it as
readily and regret it as much as any of the gen-
tlemen who spoke at the London conference.
But we assert, while we no less regret it, that
the absolute want of the commonest education
on the part of the labourer has much to do with
this. Professor Fawcett, we think, hit the weak
point of the labourers' case when he pointed out
this. " There is ao hope," he said, "of raising
the agricultural labourer from his present de-
pressed condition till the light of education has
been brought to bear upon him and his children."
Where ignorance is bliss it is folly to be wise,
bet where !peewee Is poverty. with all its at.
tendant evils, it is worse than idly to be igeor•
ant. In many oases this ignoranoe is the fault
of the labourer, but in inure cues it is his ml 5.
fortune; and those who would prove themselves
his best friends who would labour zealously to
place him within reach of the means of raising
himself educationally, and therefore, pecani.

with

THE IRISH CHURCH AND THE
POLITICAL SITUATION.
The importance of the issues depending on
the great battle which is now being waged by
the two political parties in the country cannot
well be over-rated. That the stake is great was
clearly shown by the large muster of members
on both sides of the House of Commons at the
close of last week: The two questions on which
the House voted, arising out of the great sub-
ject of debate, the Irish Church, were distinctly
of a party character. They were so put as to
clearly define the boundaries between party ter-
ritory, and to indicate at once Ministerial and
Opposition policy. This being so. the several
majorities of 60 and 56 against Ministers are
specially significant, and clearly announce a
Conservative defeat and a Liberal victory.
But wa tnnst not too hastily conclude that the
House of Commons has by these votes pledged
itself to the disestablishment or disendowrnent
of the Irish Church. True, this nolicy has been
unmistakeably defined by Mr. Gladstone, and
the vast majority of those who voted in these
two divisions could not fail to recognise the fact
that this issue was Ultimately involved; but the
main quesf'Sm was not plainly put on either oc-
casion. The House of Commons merely de-
clared its willingness to go into committee on
the question of the Irish Church. But, on the
other hand, it must not be lost sight of that the
Liberals as a body had declared their policy,
that the Irish Church, as an establishment, must
cease to exist; that Ministers bad opposed this
policy; and that, therefore, whatever may have
been the nominal questions on which the votes
were taken, behind these was the avowed inten-
tion to disendow or disestablish the Irish
Church.
Here, then, has a great victory been gained
by the friends of Ireland, the supporters of the
principle of religious equality, and the advocates
of a thoroughly Liberal praicy. Conservative
organs may try to shut their eves against the
significance Of these divisions, but they are as
clearly indicative of the future triumphs of civil
and religious liberty, as they are episodes of
victory in the Liberal cause. The present
House of Commons, it is true, has not formally
committed itself to the whole policy set forth
by the Liberal leader, hut it has committed itself
to enter on the discussion of the whole question
of the Irish Church, knowing that those who
have already been victorious will attempt te
push their victory farther, in moving the reso-
lutions of which Mr. Gladstone has given notice.
The importance of the issues involved, as we
have said, cannot well be overrated. The fate
of the Ministry is but part of that which hangs
on these resolutions. The main question is
whether justice shall be (line to Ireland in a
matter which has, generation after generation,
been a grievance to her and an anomaly in Bri-
tith rule. The hopeful view of affairs which is
now taken by the whole Liberal press of Ireland
shows that if Mr. Gladstone's policy, or anything
• approaching to it, can be fairly carried out, a
brighter day will soon dawn on that distracted
country. It is for this that we rejoice that the
• Liberal leader has gained a victory which may
be taken as an earnest of victory to come.
• Min's rice are overthrown one after the other;
• " a breath can make them, as a breath luta.
made ;" but the principles of right and justice
never alter. 'These principles are viollated in
the forcible maintenance of a chm•ch of the lei-
' nority at the expense of violence to the feelings
I and the interests of the majority. The canoe
of true religion, of nioral justice, and of politi-
- right is injured by this great national grievance,
- and we trust that: the time is now not far distant
When error shall decay and truth grow strong
When right shall conquer might and vanquish wrong.

THE ROYAL VISIT TO IRELAND.
In a few days the Prince and Princess of
Wales will have landed on the shores of the
Emerald Isle. The preparations for receiving
their Royal Highnesses are being carried out on
an extensive scale, showing how heartily the
authorities and the people enter into them, and
how hearty will be the welcome accorded to the
heir-apparent and the Princess. We are not of
those who anticipate extravagant results from
this visit, but we do not wish to underrate its
value. It may he but a small thing in itself, but
much is meant by it, and the Irish people evi-
dently regard it in that light. The Prince of
Wales is It representative man. Under existing
circumstances, without hating one jot of loyalty
to our Queen and respect for the Crown, he may
be said to represent the throne. By his exalted
social position he also represents the aristocracy,
of which he is a member, as evidenced by his
seat in the House of Peers; and in this double
representative character he goes to grasp the
hand of Hibernia and to reciprocate feelings of
the warmest friendship. The visit will be made
at an opportune season. Ireland is hopeful and
more calm than she hits been for years. Fenian-
istn, put down by the strong right hand of the
Law, is dying of inanition : theanaricultural and
industrial prospects of the Sister Isle are bright-
ening; and she is looking forward to an act of
ecclesiastical justice which, if it be effected,
cannot hut have the best results. The royal
visit will at once raise her hopes and increase
her happiness; it will tend to remove distrast
and coolness, and promote that feeling of friend-
ship without whieh any more legislative union
between two countries becomes rather a galling
chain than a bond of alliance.