The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1886-06-26 00:00:00

LORD SALISBURY AT LEEDS.

Lord Salisbury, speaking at the Conservative De-
monstrati m at Leeds on Friday night, said the Irish
Bill, on which Mr. Gladstone's Government staked its
existence a week ago, had died, and before the death
it was abandoned. It was a measure which threatened
the Empire, in support of which the Conservative
party now appealed to the public. The Ministerialists
had misrepresented their opponents. Mr. Parnell had
stated, and Lord Spencer and Mr. Gladstone had
directly repeated the charge, that the late Govern-
ment were in favour of granting Home Rule, with
protection for Irish industries, and that they only
abandoned their proposals when elections turned
against them. It was a statement without any foun-
dation in fact. Leaving Lord Carnarvon's explana-
tion to speak for itself, the noble Marquis said his
views had never changed. With reference to the
expediency of granting a legislature to Ireland, he
always thought, and still thought the thing impractic-
able, and, if it were conceded, it would ultimately lead
to separation, to the severing of the last link, as Mr.
Parnell had said at Cincinatti, which bound Ireland
to England. Separation was the end to which the
Government measure pointed. There was not a united
demand for Irish legislature. He had never been in
favour of coercion except against murders, robberies,
mutilators of cattle, and those whose system of terror
made life bitter to many. A vote of confidence in the
Conservative leader was adopted.

MR. GLADSTONE'S MIDLOTHIAN CAMPAIGN.
On Friday night Mr. Gladstone inaugurated
another Midlothian campaign by addressing a crowded
and enthusiastic meeting in the Music Hall, Edin-
burgh. He said just as Inkerman was the soldiers' .
battle, so was this the people's election, and he be-
lieved the determination and strong sense of justice in
the people would make up for the disaffections in the
Liberal ranks. What he saw on Thursday convinced
him that the people were determined to carry this
measure:and he was sure Scotland would not be averse
to it. The controversy must be brought speedily to a
close, or public business would be interrupted and
social order in Ireland would not be restored. He
denied that the question could not be satisfactorily
dealt with; it could be if the country spoke out, and
when it was settled people would wonder why they
had opposed it, as they had wondered in the case of
other great measures which had become law. He
pointed out that of the Conservative party, 40 mem-
bers owed their seats to the Parnellite vote, and
had Liberals been returned, the question at
issue might have been decided by now. As
the matter stood, they did not ask . Parliament
to pledge itself to the details of the bill—indeed he
always said there was not a particular which Peri+
ment was not free to change, and he should readily
have welcomed any improvements which could have
been made. What they wanted to do was to establish
an effective local Legislative Body for Ireland, to
manage Irish affairs, which should be compatible with
the union of the Empire, based upon sound, economic
principles, and equitable adjustment of imperial
burdens, with reasonable safeguards for the minority.
That was a sound and rational solution of the que -
tion, and that was what the bill was intended to effec .
The bill was dead, but the principles survived, and he
was disappointed at the barrenness and servility of
their critics. He expressed his surprise at the
attitude Lord Carnarvon assumed in reference to Mr.
Parnell, and said he was sure Lord Salisbury must
have known of the interview which took place. He
reviewed the alternative policies of Lord Hartington
and Mr. Chamberlain, which were halting, shifting,
and visionary, having no finality; and claimed for the
Government policy that it would settle the question to
the satisfaction of Ireland and the credit of Englansi.
On Saturday Mr. Gladstone remained in the Roy 4I
Hotel, Edinburgh, until about 6 o'clock in the eve 4.
ing, when, accompanied by Mrs. Gladstone, Mr.
H. Gladstone, and. Mr. and Mrs. P. W. Campbell, l(
drove to Beeslack, about nine miles from Edinburg
the residence of Mr. John Cowan, chairman of t
Mid Lothian Liberal Association. The party le
Beeslack on the return journey to Edinburgh aboi
10 o'clock, and on arriving at Mayfield Toll, in ti
outskirts of the city, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. W. H. Gla(
stone, and Mr. Campbell left the carriage, intendi
to walk to the hotel, the evening being fine, while ai
Gladstone and Mrs. Campbell drove on. The party in
reached Newington about a quarter before 11 o'cloc
when Mr. Gladstone was recognised, and in a short tim
they were surrounded by a large and enthusiastic crowl
who pressed in upon the right hon. gentleman in sucl
a way as to render his position very uncomfortable, i
not somewhat dangerous. Superintendent Harding
of the County Police, Inspector Mackay, and Deted,
tive Campbell, of the City Police, observing th
position of affairs, came to the rescue, and with dim
culty Mr. Gladstone was got into a passing tramwai,
ear, no cab being at hand. The crowd increased is
dimensions until by the time the car reached tin
General Post Office several thousands of people haE
assembled. The car was bound for Leith, bui
instead of being sent on its journey it wal
turned west into Princes-street, and went direct
to the Royal Hotel. On arriving there great
difficulty was experienced in getting Mr. Glad-
stone removed from the car, the crowd being se
dense and so eager to close around him. At length,
through the aid of the police and others, the right
hon. gentleman was got safely into the hotel. He was
much excited, and so exhausted that he sat down for
a few minutes on the steps of the stair leading to his
apartments till he recovered himself. Meantime the
crowd continued cheering outside, and it was not till
close on midnight that it dispersed. On Sunday fore-
noon Mr. Gladstone attended Divine service in St.
John's Scottish Episcopal Church, and in the evening
he went to St. Mary's Cathedral. On each occasion
his arrival and departure were witnessed by large
crowds.
Mr. Gladstone addressed the second meeting of his
campaign at the Edinburgh Music-hall on Monday
afternoon. He denied the suggestion that he had
cheered Mr. Sexton when the latter had taunted Mr.
Chamberlain as having been Mayor of Birmingham,
and said that the position was exactly up to the level
of his ability. Mr. Gladstone had the highest admira-
tion of Mr. Chamberlain's career in connection with
Birmingham. Lord Salisbury had avoided answering
the questions Mr. Gladstone had put with regard to
the Carnarvon-Parnell conversation, and he now re-
peated them again, asserting that the country had a
right to a reply. He suggested that Mr. Goschen
might be more fittingly recommended to the suffrages
of a Tory than a Liberal constituency. Ireland was
a block to the progress of British legislation, and he
asked the electors to achieve another victory in the
interests of mankind. Mr. Gladstone received
several deputations in favour of Home Rule later in
the day.

Mrs

On Tuesday Mr. Gladstone travelled from Edin-
burgh to Glasgow, whole he met with an enthusiastic
reception from the populace. He addressed a large
meeting at Hengler s Circus, treating the Irish Home
Rule question from a Scotch point of view, and, re-
ferring to the National Radical Union, descrited its
objects as absurd, contending that the idea of for-
mtlating and obtaining simultaneous and satisfactory
measures of Home Rule for England, Scotland,
Wales, and Ireland was utterly impossible. Mr.
Gladstone left Glasgow shortly after, amid the cheer-
ing of a great gathering, for Hawarden. At various
places on the way crowds had assembled to cheer
him, and at some of the stations he spoke a few
words.

MR. CHAMBERLAIN AT BIRMINGHAM.
Mr. Chamberlain on Saturday night addressed a
meeting of the electors of the Western Division of
Birmingham in the Town Hall. He began, amid
mingled cheers and hisses, to refer to the abuse and
odium cast upon him in consequence of the course he
had taken in reference to the Irish question, and said
that he sometimes had been tempted to ask himself
whether the game was worth the candle, and whether
he was called upon to pursue to the end this bitter
struggle, which was foreign to all the objects with
which he entered public life—objects which were now
indefinitely postponed by the new controversy which
had been sprung upon us, but which at one time he
had hoped were almost within grasp. The answer to
the question he had asked of himself must come from
them. The other day in the House of Commons Mr.
Sexton had taunted him with having been Mayor of
Birmingham, and said that that position was exactly
up to the level of his abilities. He (Mr. Chamber-
lain) was surprised to see that Mr. Gladstone cheered
that statement. He was surprised that any statesman
who was seeking self-government for this country
should cast scorn and contempt upon the work of
local patriotism, which has done sn much for England
and for Scotland. t But-he was as proud of having
been Mayor of Birmingham as of any position that
1 he had subseauentiv been called unon to fill. or which

the future might have in store fur him. Mr. Chamber-
lain went on to vindicate at some length the con-
sistency of his attitude towards the question of Home
Rule in Ireland, and described the uegotiations
between Mr. Gladstone and himself with regard to his
entering the last Cabinet. Mr. Gladstone had offered
him the position of First Lord of the Admiralty. He,
however, thought that it was hardly congenial or con-
sistent with a Radical's position that be should
occupy the headship of one of the great spending and
fighting offices of the State; and he preferred to
accept a lower office in the Cabinet, because he
thought that, as President of the Local Government
Board, he might be enabled to do something to carry
out the policy which he had supported before.
I told Mr. Gladstone at the time I took office
exactly what my oniniotts were upon the Irish Ques-
tion. I told him that I did not believe it woula De
possible to establish a Parliament in Dublin and at
the same time to maintain the conditions which Mr.
Gladstone himself had laid down as necessary and
essential. Mr. Gladstone was good enoueh, in spite
of the frank and full expression of my opinions, to
invite me to join him in an inquiry into the subject,
and I readily accepted his offer. I have doubted
since whether I was right in so doing, and I will tell
you that if I had known what was to be the nature of
the inquiry, and how limited it would be, I doubt if
I should have thought it my duty to join the Govern-
ment.

_
Mr. Chamberlain referred to his addresses to his
constituents and his recent speeches as evidence of his
firm intention to consent to no plan that would not
sufficiently guarantee the continued supremacy of the
Crown in Ireland and the integrity of the Empire.
He stood on the same platform now, and had not
changed in any degree. As to the bills of the Govern-
ment, he did not know who was consulted in their
preparation, nor did he know who joined in the in-
quiry to which he was invited. When the measures
were explained to the Cabinet in March they appeared
to him at first sight to be more objectionable than
even he had supposed to be possible. He resigned
his seat in the Government when, if he had consulted
his personal ambition, every inducement, political and
private, would have led him to the other aide.
Nothing was wanting save two things. He should have
lost, and deservedly lost, the respect of every honest man
and the approval of his own conscience. Mr. Chamber-
lain then proceeded to examine the Government
policy. Mr. Gladstone, in opening his present cam-
paign, said the question simply was whether the Irish
were or were not to be allowed to manage their own
affairs. But this was not a simple question. If it
had been the Prime Minister would have reached its
solution long ago. The issue was complicated.
Neither Mr. Gladstone nor anyone else proposed to
give the Irish people an unrestricted right t 3 manage
their own affairs. Hence the Home Rule Bill bristled
with precautions and safeguards. None of the con-
ditions named by the Prime Minister had been ful-
filled in that measure, and that was the only ground
on which an appeal was made to the country; the
conditions being the unity of the three kingdoms, the
supremacy of the Imperial Parliament, and the pro-
tection of minorities. If the two bills were really
dead, Mr. Gladstone no longer held the field. Mr.
Chamberlain referred to the Land Bill, and
the enormous risk it entailed upon the British
taxpayer. The people of England were being
bamboozled about the Land Bill. It was
kept in the background because it was not convenient
to produce it. But if the Home Rule Bill passed,
the Land Bill would pass also. They and their chil-
dren, and their children's children, and the industries
of the country, and the national resources would be
loaded for all time with the intolerable burden of an
enormous addition to the National Debt. Mr. Cham-
berlain next referred to the question of Ulster. He
appealed to his hearers to say how they would like
in the name of liberty, in pursuance of the grand idea
that people ought to manage their own affairs, to be
handed over tied hand and foot to the domination of
an organisation controlled by men of whom Mr.
Yrladstone himself had said that "rapine was their
object," and "that crime had dogged their footsteps?"
The leaders of the National movement spoke with
bated breath and silken accents in the House
of Commons; but the foul machiner3 and
organisations of crime still remained in the
land. Even the leaders were not able alto-
gether to control the forces they had called into
being. With the real supremacy of Parliament
maintained, there would be no necessity for provi-
sions for the protection of the minority. In conclu-
sion, Mr. Chamberlain said that if the electors again
returned him he would bring an unprejudiced mind to
the consideration of any proposals which might be
made by the Government in October; but he would
not pledge himself blindly to accept and swallow
whatever might be offered to him. " Measures and
not men" was once one of the Birmingham great
Liberal doctrines, and he did not believe that they
were prepared to substitute for it the new doctrine of
political infallibility. A resolution approving of Mr.
Chamberlain's candidature, and pledging the meeting,,
in the event of a contest, to support him at the poll,
was carried with about a hundred dizsentients,

MR. BRIGHT AND THE ROCHDALE
CONSERVATIVES.
Mr. Bright recently received from the Wardle-
worth (Rochdale) Conservative Club a copy of a re-
solution passed by that body, thank'ng "all those
members who voted against the Government of Ire-
land Bill, and more especially their worthy towns-
man, Mr. John Bright, for his letters, believing that
they had great effect in defeating the Government."
Mr. Bright has since replied as follows:
Rochdale, June lb, ISS3.
Dear Sir,—l thank you for your vote, and I desire
to thank the members of your club for the resolution
they have passed on the subject of the course I have
taken in Parliament in connection with the Irish Bills
brought in by the Government. I am sorry there
should be any party in the country ready to accept
those bills.—Yours very truly,
JOHN BRIGHT.
Mr. C. Ashworth, Wardleworth Conservative
Club, Rochdale.

THE DISSOLUTF`N.
The dissolution of the present Parliament, which
assembled on January 12th, takes place on Saturday,
June 26th. The Queen wag to hold a Privy Council
on Friday to prorogue Parliament, and another one
on the following day, at which the Royal Proclama-
tion dissolving Parliament was to be signed. Upon
the signature of these documents, which will be posted
in conspicuous places the same evenin7, members of
the House of Commons cease to be representaives of
the people, and the 16 Scottish representative peers
must be re-elected by their peers at Holy rood.
The writs, it is understood, will be made returnable
within a period of five weeks. In that case, Par-
liament being dissolved on Saturday, could be
assembled on August 2nd, or even a few days earlier.
The following table indicates the earlie.tt and latest
days for nominations and polls:
ORDINARY BOROUGHS.

June B.—Receipt of and first day for
notice.
29.—Last possible day for notice.
July I.—First possible day for nomination.
„ 2.--Last possible day for nomination, and first
possible day for poll.
„ 7. Last possible day for poll.
COUNTIES AND DISTRICT BOROLTGUS.

June 28.—Receipt of writ and first possible day for
notice.
, 30.—Last possible day for notice.
July 2.—First possible day for nomination.
„ 6.—First possible day for poll.
8.7--Last possible day for nomination.
„ 16.—Last possible day for poll.