The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1886-10-09 00:00:00

LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL u. 1%
HOME AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

A great Conservative demonstration, which ha:l
been postponed to suit the convenience of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, was held at Oak field-park,
Dartforci, on Saturday, to celebrate the return of a
solid Unionist representation for the nineteen con-
stituencies of the county of Kent. There was an im-
mense concourse of people, variously estimated to
number from 12,000 to 16,000.

Lord Randolph Churchill was the chief speaker.
Having made several local allusions regarding the
previous Parliamentary representation of the county,
the noble lord proceeded to allude to the Opposition
in the House of Commons. A Parliamentary Oppo-
sition, he said, more hopelessly demoralised and dis-
integrated he had never seen or read of. (Cheers.)
They had no leader— they had no policy. Yet, per-
haps, he was wrong in saying that they had no leader.
They suffered from having too many leaders.
(Laughter.) The Opposition reminded him of what
used to be the conduct of the Dutch army. There
was a council of Dutch generals each day, and each
took it in turn to command. The consequence was
the Dutch army invariably suffered defeat. So with
the Opposition in the House of Commons. They had
one day Mr. Parnell leading, another day they had
Mr. Labouchere—tironical laughter)—another day
they had Mr. Conybeare, and another day they had
Sir William Harcourt—(groans)—and then occa-
sionally, as a great treat, Mr. Gladstone dropped in
from Bavaria. (Laughter.) Perhaps he was wrong
again in saying that the Opposition had no
policy. They had a policy, and it was to bring
into discredit and to put a stop to, and, if pos-
sible, to demolish and destroy all Parliamentary
Government. He did not know how long that policy
was to be pursued; but it was a policy doomed to
failure. The policy of the Government had been
called by their opponents a policy of Royal Commis-
sion. 'Don't prophesy unless you know" was a very
good proverb; but a much better one, and one for
which he would take out a patent, was, "Don't
legislate unless you know." (Cheers.) Now the
great feature of Mr. Gladstone's work was that he
legislated by intuition, whereas the Conservative
—or, he would rather say, the Unionist party—
were determined to legislate upon ascertained
facts. The Government had appointed two
Commissions for Ireland, one of which was
to examine into the operation of recent land
laws passed for that country, and the other to inves-
tigate the capacity of the country for the development
by public works of Irish resources. The latter was
a commission from which he hoped great things. The
Government had also appointed a commission to in-
quire to what extent the long periods of commercial
and agricultural depression had been influenced, or
caused, or affected by changes in the relative value
of precious metals. That was a subject most compli-
cated, most difficult, and mysterious and dark. It
was a subject on which sound scientific information
was absolutely essential. Another commission had
been appointed to investigate the cost of our system
of Government. They knew that the expenditure of
the country had been rapidly increasing; and the Go-
vernment wanted to be certain that we get our
money's worth for the taxes which were paid,
and whether it was not possible to make considerable
reductions and simplifications in the expenditure.
He anticipated much good from all these inquiries, in
that they would provide Parliament with sound
material for beneficial legislation. The main principle
—the guiding motive—of the future policy of the
Government would be to maintain intact, unimpaired,
the union of the Unionist party. (Cheers.) They
knew how much depended upon the maintenance of
the Unionist party. They knew that every institution
which they valued and all the liberties they prized
were bound up in the union of that party, and every-
thing the Government did, either in domestic or
foreign affairs, would be subordinated to that principle
of preserving the union of the Unionist party.
(Cheers.) He regretted that the Unionist
Liberals had not found it in their power
to give effective aid in the heavy labours of the
Government— that they had not found it in their
power to take share ir. Ministerial responsibilities;
but it was the business of the Government to in-
terpret their actions upon the best and highest
grounds. Now, as to the measures the Government
intended to propose next session. He held that their
first duty was to restore freedom to the House of
Commons. They were at the present moment in a
state of slavery. The House was absolutely enslaved
under a conspiracy of the Radical and Parnellite
sections. The Government of the day and the
majority of the House of Commons were
absolutely at the mercy of the Radicals and
the followers of Mr. Parnell so far as proceed-
ing with public business was concerned, and
if that were to continue they might be abso-
lutely certain that there would be no chance of any
legislation of any sort or kind being undertaken with
any prospect of success. The first and chief de-
sideratum in any reform of procedure was a simple
and effective power of closing debate. Public opinion
would not tolerate any arbitrary use of a closing
power against a minority, for England was fond of
minorities; but whatever evils and dangers might
attach to some simple and effective form of closing
debate, they were not to be weighed against the evils
and dangers of obstruction in the House of Com-
mons. At the present moment the executive Govern-
ment in relation to Parliament was not safe. It
might be necessary for the executive to propose steps
necessitating rapid consideration and decision; but the
Parnellites and the Radical party could at pleasure
detain the House of Commons for days and weeks,
aye, even for months, on questions wherein rapidity
of consideration and decision would be vital. There
were other questions which the Government ought to
take up honestly and with energy in the interests of
the country. He thought they were bound to give
chief place to the legislative requirements of England
and Scotland. (Cheers.) Ireland for the last 10
years had occupied a prominent position in politics,
and he thought it was now time that the requirements
of England and Scotland should receive consideration.
He thought it the business of the Government to in-
terpose at once to deal with these arrears. There was
one special point on which the Government would be
justified in asking the opinion of the House of Commons
with a view to legislation. With regard to this he might
say that it was the intention of the Government to in-
troduce into Parliament a measure which should
afford facilities, through the local authorities, for the
acquisition, by agricultural labourers, of freehold plots
or allotments of land. (Applause.) There was another
point which Lord Salisbury would take in hand. This
had relation to the sale of glebe lands. He hoped
it would receive consideration. With regard to
the question of tithes, there was a difficulty
in arriving at a decision on the subject.
It was a most difficult question, in view of
the rights conferred on the clergy by Act
of Parliament. It was aptly said, " Agree
with your adversary quickly while you are in the
way with him." (Laughter.) In the case of the pre-
sent agitation the rights of property were placed in
serious jeopardy, and the matter, in his opinion, de-
manded serious legislation. (Cheers.) No doubt Sir
Hardinge Giffard, the Lord Chancellor, would give
the subject—a very important one—his consideration.
Indeed, he thought they might look forward to an
important measure on the subject being brought for-
ward in the House of Lords next session. With regard
to the question of local government, this was not a
matter with which they proposed to tamper. They
intended to bring it prominently forward, and, in doing
so, to deal with two questions—first, that of the inci-
dence of local taxation; and next, how far this shall
affect the local Parliamentary position in regard
to the contributions of the local authority. Then
there came the licensing question; but, except with
enthusiasts and fanatics, he did not think that, as a
rule, the question was regarded as a burning one. He
would not disguise that the desire of the Government
was to effect a considerable reduction in the public
expenditure, and he should be very disappointed if
they did not accomplish this object. On the subject
of landlordism in Ireland he said there would pro-
bably be some changes from a popular point of view,
and his lordship then passed on to refer to the question
of popular elementary education. This was being con-
sidered by a Royal commission; and until their re-
port came up nothing could be done. (Hear, hear.)
Then, with regard to the prospects of the Govern-
ment, there were, without doubt, distinct signs of a
revival of trade and of commercial enterprise in this
country. It was felt, moreover, that this would re-
act upon the agricultural interests of the community.
And if this were so, the rural districts would be soon
participating in the welfare of the trading community.
It was not necessary to dwell upon the details. A
great many merchants were beginning to find the
improvement; and, as the result, they were going
into the market and replacing their socks, which
had hitherto remained dormant. Consequently,
there was a natural and healthy rise in prices, and he
instanced the cases of indiarubber, isinglass, tin,
pig lead, quicksilver, Brazilian and Ceylon coffees,
and Australia wool, the latter of which, he said, has
risen 50 per cent. in value since last year. But the
one thing that was necessary to a real revival of
trade was that the people must have confidence in the
Government. That was absolutely necessary to all
enterprise, commercial or otherwise. They might be
convinced that it was a Government that would pre-
serve law and order—(cheers)--a Government that
did not intend to be squeezed, and that did not. intend
to be frightened by any passing or transitory clamour
or by threats of factions. They must have a
Government which would respect the rights of
property, and which had some consideration for
the sanctity of contract. For years they had not
had such a Government, and the absence of such
a Government has aggravated commercial and
agricultural depression. (Hear, hear.) He sincerely
believed, however, they had such a Government now
—(cheers)—and if that belief of his should become
at all general, at all popular, they might depend
upon the revival of trade would progress speedily and
merrily. Reverting to the question of Ireland, the
noble lord said that agitators were bard at work
there determined to leave no rest to that country.
They had been led by Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Parnell,
and they might be certain they would stick at nothine
to make government impossible. They had de-
clared, in fact, that it was impossible for the British
Government or the British Parliament to rule Ire-
land; hut be believed that their unrighteous and
unscrupulous projects would fail. (Cheers.) Every
single year since 1880 there bad been bountiful bar.
'seats in Ireland; and he was informed that the prices
of butter and young stock had within the last few

weeks made a sensible increase. He did not belli ve
that the landlords of Ireland would be so foolish or
short-sighted as to play into the hands of Mr. Parnell
by harsh or unjust evictions. With regard to foreign
affairs, his lordship was not able to speak with so
much confidence. He feared that a more serious
Ft of things was presented to the Government in
thar, respect than by any oLher matter. One question
in respect to Bulgaria arose last year when Lord
Salisbury was in office—when there was every
reason to hope that the union of Bulgaria
with. Eastern Roumelia, under the sovereignity of
Prince Alexander, would develop into a prosperous
and independent nation, with growing strength, in
which they would ultimately find, if possible, a tree
solution of the Eastern Question. Their hopes for the
moment had been dashed. A brutal and cowardly,
conspiracy, consummated before this young com-
munity had time to consolidate itself, had deprived
Bulgaria of a tried, honoured, and trusted leader.
(Cheers.) At the present moment the freedom and
independence of Bulgaria, as well as Servia and
Roumania, would appear to be seriously compromised.
This great question was undoubtedly attracting much
Public attention in this country. There were some
persons of great party influence who asserted that in
the issues which were involved we had a
direct or close and material interest, but
that statement appeared to him to be far too loose
and general. The sympathy of England with
the freedom of communities and nationalities
was of ancient origin, and had become the
traditional director of our foreign policy.
To England Europe owed much of her modern and
popular freedom. The policy of Lord Beaconsfield
in 1878 had been much misrepresented and much
misunderstood, for its most conspicuous characteristic
was that it rescued the young liberties of the people
of the Balkans, who, preserved from the frying-pan of
Turkish misrule were in danger of falling into the fire
of Russian autocracy. (Hear, hear.) Whatever modi-
fications in the policy of the Berlin Treaty might be
necessary in consequence of altered laws, of one thing
they might be absolutely certain—that was, that there
would be no departure on the part of her Majesty's
Government from their great main principles of
foreign policy which had for three centuries marked
in strong and clear and unmistakable lines the
course of the British empire among the nations
of the world. (Cheers.) There were Powers in
Europe who were anxiously and earnestly desirous
to avoid war and to secure peace, and to concentrate
their energies upon commercial progress and domestic
development; but there were others who did not ap-
pear to be so fortunately situated and who
exhibited from time to time a regrettable
tendency towards contentious and even ag-
gressive action. It was, then, most undoubtedly
the duty of any British Government to exhaust its
efforts to maintain the most friendly relations with
all foreign States, and lose no opportunity of offering
friendly and conciliatory counsels in the way of
mitigating national rivalries and of bringing about a
peaceful solution of international difficulty. But
should circumstances arise of so grave and dangerous
a nature as to force the Government of the Queen
to make a choice then there could be no doubt for
one moment that the sympathy, aye, if necessary,
even the support of England, would be given
to those Powers which sought the peace of Europe
and the liberties of peoples, and in whose favour our
timely adhesion without the use of force would pro-
bably decide the issues. The foreign policy of the
Government, in these most anxious times would be
subjected to the cardinal principle of maintaining un-
impaired the union of the Unionist party, and to en-
deavour to pursue an even and steady course which
should avoid the danger of officious interference on
the one hand, and of a timid isolation on the other.
He trusted they might be successful in contributing
to the peace and security, which, however necessary
and advantageous it might be to other nations, were to
his mind, absolutely essential to the progress and pros-
perity of the British Empire. (Loud and long-con-
tinued cheering).