The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1886-10-30 00:00:00

CONSERVATIVE PROGRAMME.
LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL AT BRAD-
FORD.

Universal interest and attention has during the
greater part of this week been centred upon Bradford,
where more than usual significance has been given
to the annual gathering of the National Conservative
Union by the addresses of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and other prominent members of the
Government. At a meeting on the afternoon of Tues-
day, Lord R. Churchill, speaking to a resolution
advocating a patriotic policy in Eastern affairs,
said great changes in the relation of Foreign
Powers towards each other had occurred since
Lord Beaconsfield was Prime Minister. Europe
was in a state of transition. The interests of
other countries, rather than those of this country,
were critically menaced, and we should abstain from
hastily committing ourselves to any positive line of
action. Should war between the Great Powers of
Europe ensue, it did not follow that British interests
were so vital that we should allow ourselves to be in-
volved in that war. A pacific policy might not only
be most conducive to our internal and domestic
welfare, but one which might in reality promote our
foreign interests.
In the evening of the same day a great mass meet-
ing was held in St. George's Hall, at which the fol-
lowing resolution was passed: "That this meeting of
Conservative delegates from all parts of the United
Kingdom offers its most cordial congratulations to
her Majesty's Ministers on the great Unionist victory
gained at the general election; that this meeting also
congratulates the Conservative Government, through
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on their accession
to office, and expresses its complete confidence that
the vital interests of the people at home and the
power and credit of the Empire abroad are safe in
the hands of the Marquis of Salisbury, Lord Ran-
dolph Churchill, and their colleagues."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer was received with
the utmost enthusiasm to respond. After congratu-
lating the country upon its freedom from agitation
during the autumn, and upon the revival of trade, he
adverted to Ireland, observing that the latest official
information as to the social condition of that country
and as to the prospects of the restoration of tran-
quillity was encouraging. In certain districts there
remained a large amount of disorder, terror, and
crime, and the country would soon know whether the
Government would feel justified in allowing the
winter to pass without having special recourse to Par-
liament for measures to assist the execution of the law.
The improved aspect of affairs in Ireland h 9 attri-
buted to the consideration shown by the landlords to
their tenantry, and to the fact that the Irish people
perceived that the movement for repeal had by the
late elections been settled for one or two generations.
Turning to general policy, the noble lord said: We
have placed before the country, and have lost no time
in doing so, a programme of policy both for domestic
and foreign affairs. As far as I can learn—and I
have many means of accurate information—the great
mass of opinion in the country is fairly well
satisfied with the programme and only desires one
thing more, which is that the programme should
become an accomplished reality. (Cheers.) I think
it is likely to become so, for all the opposition—the
effective opposition, the constitutional opposition—
we are likely to meet with from the Gladstonian
Separationists—all they can do, apparently, is to toss
and writhe on their bed of sickness and pain, and to
exclaim, with impotent rage, "How unfair, how
shameless, how unprincipled! You have stolen our
programme !" (Laughter.) Now, gennmen, that
ejaculation, which they are making every day, is, to
my mind, a most glaring proof their hopelessly
diseased mental condition. (Renewed laughter.)
Why their programme, I should like to know? Since
the year 1880 they had been in office with hardly any
exception, and they did not make an attempt to carry
out a single item of that programme, except on one
point. They did attempt to improve Parliamentary
procedure, and they made such a mess of it that the
whole work has got to be done over again. (Hear,
hear.) Why, I never knew, and never read of a
claim put forward by a political party which was at
once more audacious or more ridiculous. (Cheers.)
They tell us our programme, as it was sketched at
Dartford the other day, was a Radical programme,
and that the Tory party had turned their coats, aban-
doned their principles, and adopted those of the
Radical party—and quantities of sentences of that
kind and of equal stupidity. (Laughter.) All I
know about the programme of policy, foreign and
domestic, which I endeaVoured to sketch out at
Dartford three weeks ago, is this—that it was
a mere repetition of the programme which had been
sketched out by Lord Salisbury—(cheers)—in
November this time last year, in that great historical
speech which he made at Newport. (Cheers.) All
I know about my speech at Dartford, which I am
told is a total adoption of Radical principles and
Radical measures, is this, that it was a mere reitera-
tion and elaboration of the Queen's Speech of January
last, when Lord Salisbury's Government was in office.
It was an elaboration and reiteration of the speeches
of the Ministers who at that time supported the
policy which was contained in that speech. At that
time it was our intention, and if we had remained in
office we should have invited Parliament to consider
practically the question of the reform of Parliament-
ary procedure, and that we meant to ask Parliament
to do. At that time it was the intention of the Go-
vernment to have dealt with the interesting ques-
tion of providing facilities for the acquisition of
allotments by agricultural labourers. (Hear, hear.)
And the only difference between then and now is
this, that the Government at that time thought they
would do better to embody the question in the Local
Government Bill, and the Government now are of
opinion that they will do better to deal with it in sepa-
rate and special measures. That is the only differ-
ence. At that time it was the intention of the
Government to introduce a measure facilitating the
sale of glebe lands. In connection with the question
of the provision of allotments for agricultural la-
bourers, at that time my noble friend, the Lord
Chancellor had in preparation a measure providing
for the cheaper transfer of land—(hear, hear)—and
for the registration and simplification of titles to real
estate. At that time the Government had been for
long considering, and had made great preparation with,
a measure for the establishment of popular local
government in our rural districts, and that measure
would have been of a comprehensive character, and
would have included the question of local taxation
and the question of licensing, and, in addition to
that, my right hon. friend the present Colonial
Secretary, who was then the President of the Board
of Trade, had under his most careful consideration a
measure for the further regulation of railway rates.
(Hear, hear.) Therefore, nothing whatever has been
added to the programme which was put before the
country in November and January last. I never heard
a single soul say in November last, or in January,
last, that we had adopted the Radical pro-
gramme; but I was perhaps wrong in say-
ing nothing had been added. Two things have
been added. One question that has been added is
that we hope to be able to legislate with a view to
settle the difficulty which has arisen about the pay-
ment of tithes. (Hear, hear.) And the addition to
the programme has been this—that with regard to
procedure in the House of Commons we have come to
the conclusion that there must be some power adopted
by Parliament for closing debate. (Hear, hear.)
Except those two additions, our programme has been
the same since November last, and it has practically
been before the electors for six years. and because it
as been before the country for six years, because the
electors believe it is our programme, and that it
will be our programme, we are in office
now. (Cheers.) Last January we were prevented
from even making a beginning to carry out that pro-
gramme. Mr. Gladstone, by a manceuvre the most artful
that could have been adopted by any Minister, turned us
out of power. We had to resign, and we were prevented
from even making a beginning of that programme.
We are going to try again, and this time I think we
are going to try with every prospect of success—but
it is that we have every prospect of success which
makes our opponents very mad and malevolent—they
cannot prevent us now from making an earnest and
honest attempt to carry out that policy, no matter
how artful or unprincipled they may be. His lordship
proceeded to refer to calumnies which had been
launched at the Tory party, one of which, he continued,
was the assertion of the Radicals that the Tory party
has been converted, in the most unprincipled manner, to
the policy of "three acres and a cow." (Laughter.)
Well, of course, the accusation is perfectly false.
We, the members of the Tory party, as I believe—.
certainly I can speak for myself with great assurance
—we are as opposed as ever we were to the policy of
mortgaging the local rates, in order to
.provide every
agricultural labourer in the country with three acres
and a cow. (Cheers.) But this much is certain, that
what I may call the facilitating by legislation, so far
as legislation can, the facilitating of the multiplica-
tion of owners and occupiers of land has long been a
cardinal principle of Tory policy, not only in Ireland,
but over the whole of Great Britain. On that point
there can be no doubt whatever, and on that basis we
shall work, and of this I feel no doubt, that with
regard either to the allotment question, or with
regard to the much larger question of land transfer
and the simplification of title to real estate,
I have no doubt we shall produce to Parlia-
ment genuine measures which will be real improve-
ments, and needed improvements, on the existing
state of thinge—measures which, though they will
not go as far as Mr. Jesse Collings and those who
agree with him wish to go, yet measures much too
good and too valuable for Mr. Collings to oppose
violently or bitterly, or to risk the loss of by bitter or
violent opposition. Well, that is the position of
affairs with regard to three acres and a cow, and I
have endeavoured to be perfectly frank and candid
with you on that subject. (Hear, hear.) Well, now,
there is another form of calumny which I really must
deal with. We have put forward an authorised pro-
gramme, and our opponents not content with claiming
that as their own, not content with declaring that our
authorised programme means nothing, and that we
shall never try to carry it out, insist upon adding to
our authorised programme their own unauthorised
programme—(laughter)—and our opponents reiterate
on the platform and in the press ad nauseam that it
is the firm and decided intention of the present
Government to grant Home Rule to Ireland. That is
the thing you see stated every day. I am supposed
to be the prime mover in the itcheme. (Laughter.)
But no doubt my colleagues are considered to be

almost equally guilty and black. It is not the smallest
use one contradicting this assertion. It is not the
smallest use repeating over and over again that neither
this Government nor any other Unionist Government
will ever in any shape or form grant Home Rule to
Ireland. The injurious accusation is repeated persis-
tently by the Radical Separatists, I suppose in the
hope, which I believe is a totally vain hope, of de-
taching from the pre3ent Government the Liberal
Unionist support; but really I should not have noticed
this calumny if it had not been that the other day the
Daily _News published this peculiar accusation
in a very detailed and developed form. Well, the
editor of the London paper referred to—a most
respectable gentleman, who possesses many private
and some public virtues—his name is Lucy—
(laughter)—has one defect: he endeavours to com-
bine and carry on at the same time two occupations of
a diametrically opposite character. He is editor of
the Daily News, and the Daily News is a serious
paper—that is to say, if seriousness is synonymous
with dulness—(laughter)—certainly the Daily _News
has a fair and unimpeachable title to be called a
serious paper. (Renewed laughter.) Well, but
whilst Mr. Lucy conducts that serious paper, he is at
the same time a regular contributor to the
columns of Punch, which you know is a
comic paper; and this is what happened. By
mistake—(much laughterl—by accident, by pure
inadvertence he inserted as a leading article
in the Daily News a composition which he had
intended for the columns of the comic paper. (Re-
newed laughter.) Now, that is the whole explana-
tion —(laughter)—of that most startling event which
for more than 48 hours convulsed and alarmed the
public mind, and I think you will agree with me that
it is a very lucid explanation. (Laughter.) How-
ever, as I am on the subject of local government in
Ireland, I will permit myself to say this, that there
are things about that question absolutely certain, so
far as the present Government are concerned. In
the first place, the present Government do not
intend, .in any shape or form, to grant
Home Rule to Ireland, nor to become responsible
for any legislation which can by any reasonable
person be supposed to contain the germs of
Home Rule, (Cheers.) The second thing—which is
also absolutely certain—is that we do intend, if we
remain in office, to deal with the question of local
government in Ireland; and the third thing that is
absolutely certain is this—that we do not mean to be
hurried or hasty in dealing with it. (Hear, hear.)
We mean to be most extremely deliberate in our con-
sideration of what is a most difficult and complicated
subject. (Hear, hear.) But this much I may add,
that the proposals of the Government for dealing with
the local government of Ireland, when they are pro-
duced to Parliament, will be found to be based and to
be drawn upon the lines and similar to and analogous
to those upon which we hope to build up a system
of popular local government in Great Britain.
(Cheers.) Now, these three things are, I believe,
absolutely certain and immutable. The right hon.
gentleman went on to enlarge upon the question of
the reform of Parliamentary procedure, reiterating
that in his opinion the main feature was—to borrow a
very good phrase from Mr. Glads-tone—that what
he might call the " motor muscle" of any scLeme
of reform of Parliamentary procedure must con-
tain as its first article the adoption by the
House of Commons of a simple and effec-
tive form of closing a debate according to
the will of the majority. (Hear.) Without that
all the other reforms of your Parliamentary pro-
cedure would be absolutely useless and unprofitable.
With it there were many other wide reforms which
might be in the highest degree beneficial to the
transactions of public business; but what he said now
was that that "motor muscle," that power of closing
debate was the foundation not only of any reform of
procedure, but the foundation and the essential and
vital principle of any scheme of practical legislation
for the wants of the people of this country. (Hear.)
And it was more than that—it was the foundation of
the vital principle of any hope or prospect of good
executive and administrative government under Par-
liamentary institutions. His lordship continued:
Now, gentlemen, what I have to ask you is this,
you who have sustained that struggle victoriously
hitherto, upon you falls the guardianship
and the custody of every institution which Eng-
lishmen have been accustomed to hold dear. If
you fail, if you are beaten, if you are dissipated, then
those institutions will rapidly go. What I want to
know is this: Are you, who have fought the battle
of the union victoriously so far, are you going to
recoil from measures which are absolutely essential
if you would carry that battle to a successful issue,
and if you would reap, and would wish your posterity
to reap, the fruit of all your labour, and of your
endurance? (No. no.) Speaking broadly, my lords
and gentlemen, this is the issue which is before you.
There are the proverbial three courses. You can, in
the first place. encourage the House of Commons
to reform its procedure in such a manner
as shall give the House of Commons the power
of closing debate at the will of the majority; or there
is a second course. You can by your attitude
encourage the House of Commons to do no busi-
ness, to pass no legislation, to have constant dis-
orderly scenes in their midst, and to have repeated
conflicts with the Chamber and discreditable wrangles
of every sort and kind. There is a third course. You
can grant Home Rule and repeal the Union right
away. (Cries of "Never.") Ah, TOU say "Never,"
but what I would tell you is this, you are bound
under the present circumstances to look facts in the
face, if you would act patriotically and fairly by
your country you must not blind your eyes to glaring
facts simply because they are disagreeable, and be-
cause they involve measures which from some points
of view may be disagreeable. We must choose, and
you cannot help choosing, between those three courses
which I have pointed out to 'you; and remember this,
the second course, doing nothing, and allowing the
House of Commons to be degraded, will inevitably
lead to the third course—namely, the repeal of the
Union, and the granting of Home Rule. I say, with-
out fear of exciting your displeasure, because I must
say it, that if you and your representatives in Par-
went are not courageous enough to adopt this policy,
of reforming the procedure of the House of Com-
mons and putting down obstruction you are not
courageous enough to sustain a successful fight
against repeal, because, believe me, this is
true, that it is only by a simple and effec-
tive form of closing debate in the House of Com-
mons according to the will of the majority, it is
only in that way that Parliament can regain its lost
efficiency, it is only in that way that the
character of Parliament, so much fallen, can be re-
stored to the House of Commons. If you shrink
from the measures which are necessary, and I am not
surprised that there are some who do shrink, because
nianygrave and ingenious arguments may be advanced
against those proposals. If you are persuaded by
those arguments, remember that you have to deal
with enemies who will shrink from nothing, who are
absolutely unscrupulous, who are absolutely unprin-
cipled, and who hope and intend if they can by an
utter smash-up of all your Parliamentary arrange-
ments and regulations, to extort from a disheartened,
from a disappointed, from a wearied, and from a
sickened people—that Independent Irish Parliament
which is the summit of their ambition, and which,
owing to your action, they have, up to now, failed to
obtain. (Cheers.) We, the Government, will not bo
liable in this matter to any reproach or responsibility so
far as we are concerned. We have placed before the
country a practical, genuine, and honest programme
of policy both for domestic and foreign affairs,
and we have indicated to you clearly and
frankly and faithfully the preliminary measures
which we consider absolutely indispensable if the
programme is to be hopefully taken in hand or
successfully entered upon. There is nothing in
that programme which can alienate or even
alarm any reasonable or moderate mind. This is
my belief. I go further, and I say it is my un-
alterable conviction that if the supporters of the
present Government—not only those who support it
by the ties of party, but those who give an indepen-
dent support—if they are able to display the great
qualities of decision and courage and united purpose
—qualities without which this difficult crisis cannot
be safely traversed—then I say it is my conviction
that there are many long years in store for Ireland
and Great Britain of peace, progress, and prosperity.
(Loud and prolonged cheers, amid which the right
hon. gentleman resumed his seat, having spoken one
hour and 32 minutes.)