The Press.
London, England, 1855-09-29 00:00:00

kingdoms or viceroyalties fur the conciliation
of municipal jealousies—the great stumbling-
block to all attempts at Italian independence.

The Imperial Court and Federal Parliament
was to migrate, at intervals of three years, frota
capital to capital of Italy, so that each in tun%
should enjoy a metropolitan position in addi,
tion to the advantages of the permanent locot
Court. That the party formed on this basis
still exists there can be no doubt. Although
discouraged, we believe, by the Imperial Court
of France, there are many persons in Italy at
the present moment who do not despair that
the position held out to the chief of an
Italian nation of 25,000,000 will procure for
them, scme time or another, a prince of the
desired race. Of this Bonapartist party there
are subsidiary sections, formed by those look -
ing to the restoration of the Murat dynasty in
the south of Italy, and by a talented political
sect in the Roman Legations, claiming as their
representative Count PEPOLI, of Bologna.
The Bonapartists form no inconsiderable
element of the Constitutionalist party of Italy.
Although amongst the latter many would be
content with their emancipation from foreign
domination, and the abolition of the Pope's
temporal power, the greater portion doubtless
have national views far more extended. These
views have probably never been reduced into
form : but, in any involution of existing affairs ,
we must look to the Constitutionalists as the
mainstay of order in Italy. Principally corn •
posed of men of birth and wealth, they would
be opposed to any system involving the
destruction of hereditary distinctions. In
fact, one great cause of their present dis-
content is their exclusion from that position
and influence in the councils of their country,
proudly exercised by their ancestors, and
considered an inalienable birthright. When
we look back on the glorious pages of Italian
history, wo cannot but sympathise with the
impatience felt, under present institutions, by
a Frescobaldi, an Albizzi, a Corsini, or a
Ginori. Friends of the Roman faith, but not
servile to the Roman Court, they are indignant
at the substitution of priestly for aristocratic
influence. Yet, whatever their feelings, they
would ever rally round monarchical institu-
tions against the unruly riots of republicans.
None despise more heartily than constitu-
tionalists the wiles of the demagogue. They
see as plainly and as thoroughly as any the
characters of republicans—idlers, looking to
some wild Utopia for money to gratify their
caprices, and striving for unnatural legislation
as the only chance for them to attain the level
of respectability.

We need only refer, in support of our
assertions, to the writings of the great cham-
pion of constitutionalism, GUALTERIO. While
firmly opposed to foreign rule, he denounces
the conduct of MAZZINI and his followers,
stigmatising them as the enemies of their
country, tho most powerful allies of Aus-
trian statesmen.

But there is oue principle that to a certain
extent animates the feelings of all Italians.
Their one wish is for the unity of Italy. They
would be considered as subjects of one State,
extending from the Alps to the southernmost
points of the peninsula. And although we
do not atpresentperceivc the feasibility of their
wishes, if we look to personal motives the
object is unmistakeable. Amongst Italians
we find men of talent, education, and great
ambition. For none of these is there any ade
quate career. An Italian may become a Prime
Minister, with salary and influence in Europe
smaller than that of an English railway direc-
tor; a judge with position equal to an income
four hundred a year; a diplomatist with no voice