The Press.
London, England, 1855-10-13 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1855. UN STAMPED . SIXPENCE-
STAMPED..FIVEPENCI.

this? If it means anything, it must mean
that we are to carry on the war to excite a ,
revolution in Russia. We ask rational men,
are they prepared to support the war for an
end so conjectural ? How, if the revolution—
supposing it accomplished—were to take the
shape of the great French Revolution, that the
old Muscovite element predominated, and that
the fanaticism of the empire exploded in a
burst of warlike ardour ? Should we then
gain by having aided to overthrow the power
of a regular and restraining Government?
All such probabilities are much too remote to
speculate on; and nothing but a conviction
that any bombastic form of words would do to
impose upon the people in their present
temper could have induced a respectable
journal to admit quch wild rhapsody into its
columns.
It is hinted in the same journal that " after
" the expulsion of the Russians from the
" Crimea " a blockade would be sufficient to
reduce Russia. War never has b3en, and
never can be, carried on in such a manner.
It languishes and dies out naturally, unless
fed by *tinned sacrifice and animosity.
While it is it keeps all the energies of the
belliiiirents in a state of the highest tension,
and demands the exercise of their -utmost
strength. Supposing the Crimea conquered,
how mßny troops would be required to gar-
rison it, and what troops should they be ?
Would the Russian armies remain inactive?
Should we not feel compelled to carry on the
war in Asia Minor, or whatever other point of
territory was threatened by the enemy ?
If the war must last, it will be sound policy
to prosecute it, not on a reduced, but on an
extended scale. England must have an army
of one hundred thousand men in the field
She maintained this force when she was much
less powerful than she is at present, and she
must do so again if she is to be a principal in
a continental war, and if she is to maintain
her influence in the East.
The vague statement we complain of, as to
the real purpose of the war, is noticeable in
the Government journals without exception,
and in the speeches' of the Ministers and
their supporters. Only yesterday the leading
journal writes :—" We fight for a principle,
" and not for the point of honour." Well, for
what principle ? Tell us what it is. Present
to us something tangible, and we shall know
how to reason on it, but do not hope to blind
us by phrases to which it is impossible to
attach a definite sense.
Independent members of the Liberal party
complain, as we do, of the studied obscurity
in which the purpose of the war is involved.
Mr. MURROIIOII, in addressing his constituents
at Bridport, has, we see, plainly declared that
"the war as at present carried on was an im-
" position on the people." This language is
becoming general; men turn with disgust from
the prospect of hostilities being continued
without limit as to time, and without aim as
to consequences.
When opinions are expressed as to the
objects to be pursued, nothing can be more
discordant than the sentiments avowed. One
looks only to payment for the expenses of the
war, as if money were more precious than
blood, or as if it were wise to continue spend-
ing thousands on the chance of getting back
units ; another would continue the war that
peace, when concluded, might be lasting ;
another, that Russia might be deprived of all
her acquisitions for the last century; another,

that the Crimea may be given to the Bard
nians, and so on ; while the Red Republican
triumvirate rejoice, and with reason, in the
prospect of lengthened hostilities, from feeling
sure that they must weaken the force of every
Government in Europe, excite discontent
among the people, and afford a field for their
barbarous designs.
The great mass of those who are zealous for
a continuance of the war, irrespective of its
original aims, act, we believe, from a vague
sentiment that it must in time deprive Russia
of all' influenoe in Europe, and lead to some
great political convulsion—of what kind they
neither know nor' care—which will raise new
kingdoms in existence, and overthrow estab-
lished Governments. If. the war is to be con-
tinued for this purpose, let us plainly under-
stand it, and let us take on it the decision of
the Legislature and the country. But do not
lbt.us be forced into a new war without the
slightest comprehension of its purpose.
We prefer to revert to the object for which
the Western alliance was formed, and for
which the sword was unsheathed. If the
integrity of the Turkish empire can ever be
assured, it can be a,wred now.
In distinct oppositi4o politicians of every
class who assert, on any kind of pretence, that
now is the time to reduce or to conquer
Russia, we !sty that now is the time to receive
proposals which shall fairly and fully fulfil the
objects contended for by all classes of politi-
cians when the war commenced. We en-
gaged in War for the independence of Turkey ;
what has occurred which should induce us to
change our original design?. No peace can be
safe which is not moderate—no peace can be

glorious which is not just.
If we succeed in expelling the Russians
from the Crimea, what then? Will peace be
more practicable than at present—will it not
rather be much less practicable? And what
designs are to succeed to the Crimean
conquest ?
We are earnest, because we see that the
war if continued must proceed on a new prin-
ciple. The independence of Turkey was an
object to which we could easily see our way ;
the reduction of Russia is an object which it
may not be possible for us to accomplish.
Will any one pretend to say that those objects
are not essentially distinct? Are we not to
pause and consider before the war passes from
one stage to another?
The moment is solemn—the fortunes of
every member of our community are interested
in the decision to be taken. Clearing our
minds from passion, rejecting the wild rhap-
sody day after day addressed to us, because it
is easier to declaim than to reason, let us
calmly consider the course which Duty points
us to pursue. We can afford to despise the
abuse so lavishly showered on this Journal
while conscious that we address ourselves to
the intelligence of our readers, and that we
speak from the purest conceptions we can form
of what is truly public
in the face of
be recorded in
should for the
wait with confidence
them by a future

13}/Can 11 ULU 1410 1...1V040 - --
of what is truly for the public good. We act
in the face of history. Our arguments will
be recorded in its page, and, even though they
should for the moment be overborne, we shall
wait with confidence the judgment pasimid-On
them by a future and a calmer time. >
THE PUGILIST PREMIER.
THE display of Lord PALMERSTON fit Romsey
the other day was intensely characteristic of
the man. The mixture of vast pretensions
• •