The Press.
London, England, 1855-09-01 00:00:00

hope of independence is given up, differences
of character wear out and interests are identi-
fied ; that every great European Power has
been gradually consolidated by such influences
as would operate peacefully within the Austrian
empire, if it were freed from all fear of inter-
nal re volt or foreign interference; and that
from these considerations the inference is un-
avoidable, that no worse service can be ren •
dered to the inhabitants of the half-incorpo-
rated provinces of powerful kingdoms than to
encourage in them hopes of independence
which can never be realised, as their emanci
pation must be worked out by themselves
through the slow influences of industry and
intelligence, and not by insurrectionary efforts.

Lord PALDIE MON has never given in his
adhesion to either of these principles. He
has acted on the first till disaffection could
no longer be repressed, and on the second
when it burst forth in actual revolt. By his
sinister intrigues he has sacrificed the liberty
he affected a desire to promote, and has
strengthened the despotism he was supposed
willing to destroy. By fostering elements of
disturbance on the Continent—more, indeed,
by the language of his partisans than by any
expressions of his own—he has made willing
obedience on the one part, and generous sway
on the other, impracticable. He is at this
moment a striking example of the misfortune
of placing a small, unprincipled mind in a
great and responsible place.
The line he is now pursuing is in strict ac-
cordance with his past career. He is acting
against Austria not in the open and authorita-
tive manner which would become the Minister
of a great country, but with the underhand
machinations of a conspirator. He is irri•
tating without attacking her, and exciting
hopes in her Italian provinces which he has
not the slightest intention of ever assisting to
fulfil. The use he is making of the Foreign
Legion scheme is eminently characteristic of
his tortuous temper.
It was one strong argument against this
most ill-advised measure, that it must in its
operation be extremely offensive to those
countries which declared they would remain
neutral, and with which we were on terms of
amity. America and the German States could
not see with indifference attempts made to
enrol their subjects under a foreign banner,
and engage in a quarrel to which they were no
parties. We might have disputed their right
to remain neutral, but, recognising their neu
trality, we could not dispute their right to im-
pede the operation of our Foreign Enlistment
Act by every means in their power. The very
attempt to enlist in our service the subjects
of States whose neutrality we recognised was
a violation of plain principles of international
equity,—sure to raise the jealousy of the Go-
vernments of those States, as it incited the
people to break the laws and to act in oppo•
sition to their authority.
Armed with this dangerous weapon, Lord PAL-
weRsToN is unscrupulously directing it against
Austria. That Power is known to be most sus-
ceptible on the side ofher Italian provinces, and,
accordingly, Lord PALMERSTON authorises the
formation of an Italian Legion. Thoroughly
alarmed, Austria masses troops in her Italian
provinces, strengthens her fortresses, and pro-
jects new defences, to make her position in
Italy more secure. Her press responds to the
minatory tone of our Government organs,
and a new element is added to the difficulties
of the Eastern question, by Austria being

compelled, through the offensive action of our
Government, to look to the probability of a
close alliance with Russia. SL alliance
was, in the opinion of the great
danger which Europe had
it be formed, as he prophesied
with the object of partitioning
the other States of Europe.
closely allied, would, in his,
to prevent it. Let us suppoi
and still it is apparent that
of Austria thrown into the
Western Powers would immeasi
the difficulties of their posit
MERSTON'S Foreign Legion, and
reernitingataff at Novara, is
to that eventuality
We never were amongst
politicians who revelled in
Austrian alliance. Wo believed
DEEN to be totally mistaken
that Austria was the natural
try. Though her interests
to our side, her sentirnen'
from us. There was such _
her general policy and that of
from the similarity of their
government, as to convince
could be brought to take
weakening the great despoti..
Hence we conceived all those
were made to conciliate
judged. We never could __
more than that she would remai
it was the true policy of this
frain equally from bidding for
from causelessly provoking
We have done both. U
DEEN we have placed her in ,
Principalities, and under Lord
are threatening the security
territory. At the commencek.
she desired only to remain
would not allow her to do so.
to accept a bribe to incline
and we now throw down to '
defiance. An advocate of
observes acutely in a German
military occupation by Austria
palities must be viewed as
the influence gained by " the
" eagle" in Turkey, and will
" to speak an influential word
of peace are discussed.
" drama." it is said, " is perhaps
" less certain than is believed."

The tendency of Lord PAL,
is to revolutionise the Continent,
this war a war of political
doubt if his views extend f
once observed, if we recollect
Rota, that no man will go
does not know whither his
We believe that to be the
PALMERSTON at this moment
ing the way for an Austro-Russian
We appeal to men, not of Co,
principle merely, but of mature judgment
whatever party they may belong—do t
to see this country committed
war of desperate extremit
duration? Wars of opinion
all wars the most obstinate
War in Germany was a war ,
if we force Austria, by a line
insults her pride, while it
existence, to throw herself
Russia, what resource shall
that formidable combination

l 0 FA IIL/01,11411 %If
Such an alliance
great NAPOLEON, the
Ito dread. Should
iesied it would be,
ling Turkey, not all
le, though ever so
judgment, be able
Lose him mistaken,
t the military power
scale against the
neasurably increase
sition. Lord PAL-
and particularly his
is surely conducing
;at those sanguine
n the dream of an
lieved Lord ABER-
• when he declared
al ally of this coun-
-3 might attract her
at would repel her
an affinity between
t of Russia, arising
their principles of
e us that she never
3 an active part in.
tism of the North.
Lose attempts which
Austria to be ill-
I rationally expect
remain neutral, and
this country to re-
for her support, or
her hostility.
hider Lord ABER.
possession of the
ord PALMERSTON we
y of her Lombard
cement of the war
Lain neutral. We
io. We forced her
e her to our part,
her a challenge of
Austrian interests
ian journal that the
;trio of the Princi-
i counterpoise to
the trident and the
will entitle Austria
rd " when proposals
" The end of the
.haps less near and
red.
LLMERSTON'S conduct
tinent, and to make
;al sentiment. We
so far ; Lut it was
llect rightly, by DE
D so far as he who
5 policy is tending.
he ease with Lord
it. He is smooth-
Russian alliance.
of of Conservative
mature judgment to
long—do they desire
:ted to a continental
city and uncertain
L or sentiment aseo---i,
The Thirty Yeari-_,Y-
Lir of opinion. Yet,.:/,
line of policy which
threatens her very
f into the arms of
dl we hate against
nn but to. rail*