The Press.
London, England, 1855-11-24 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

THE epeech of the French Emperor has produced an undeniable
effect upon Europe in favour of peace. In England, as in every con-
tinental town, the great question of peace is now canvassed. There is
no denying the assertion ; in political circles, in social gatherings, and,
still more significant, upon the Stock Exchange, the possibilities of
peace at this juncture are freely discussed. Louis NAPOLEON, by
later communications to Lord PALMERSTON'S Government, has clearly
declared that he is satisfied' with the sincerity of the inclination now
shown by Russ& to conclude an honourable peace. This question is
the subject of debate in every Cabinet Council; but Lord PALMERSTON
is inimical to a peace. He has blustered so much and so often for a
war of extermination against Russia thathe is unwilling to allow that the
moment is propitious for peace. The French Emperor has expreased in
unmistakeable :terms his desire for a " prompt and durable peace."
The whole tone of his late speech at the Exposition was eminently
peaceable ; and, despite Lord PALMERSTON'S opposition, the time is
certainly at hand when the solution of the question upon which the
war originated may be pronounced.

As the period of the visit of the King of SARDINIA to this country
draws near, rumour and speculation is rife as to its object and
result. There is no doubt that nothing would be more suitable than
a closer alliance by marriage between the Royal Families of England
and Sardinia. It is well known that with the Government and people
of Sardinia the desire that the future Queen should be a Protestant
Princess is pre-eminent. The noble st and the King has made against
the aggressions of Rome, his excommunication, his close alliance with
England, and the position of a young, graceful, and accomplished
Princess of our Royal Family, have excited ardent hopes which may
possibly be fulfilled.

The din of Babel is nothing to the strife of tongues which arises
when the question is asked, " What are we fighting for?" Last week
we noticed that one authority expressly answered, " to weaken Russian
influence in Germany, and to rouse the Teuton States to struggle for
political liberty ;" a second replied, that " Sardinia might have the
Crimea, with a yearly subsidy from England to hold it ; " a third
asserted, "to raise the banner of Polish independence ;" and now up
starts a Member of the Government, Sir ROBERT PEEL, to furnish a new
solution of the question. We are fighting, says he, "to avenge the
crimes of the Empress CATHERINE." This is to reach the very climax of
absurdity. While we confine our views to raising a solid barrier against
Russian aggression on the side of Turkey, we can plead that we have
a practical object in view, and one in which British interests are
largely involved. But if we extend and prolong the war for any
purposes of continental change, we may be sure that we shall reap
a bitter harvest of disappointment. Are the people of this country
so silly as to be willing to spend their blood and treasure for purely
foreign purposes ? Are they so blind as to suppose that with all their
efforts they can to any perceptible 'extent change the condition of the
continental nations, or give liberty to people who are unable or un-
willing to fight for themselves? If they embark in so chimerical an
enterprise, they will only load themselves with debt—and end, in all
other respects, very much where they began. Our relations with the
Continent are in fact so tangled and confused, and in the policy of the
continental nations there is so much that must disgust every British
mind, that we are only safe while we keep from intermeddling with
their concerns, and confine our attention to the great work we have in
hand. The Austrian Concordat must do much to dispel the illusion
that we are fighting for " liberty all over the world." The " war-to-the-
knife" party were never in so much danger as at present of. cutting
their fingers with the implement they are so fond of. While their cry
is for foreign objects, ours is for British principles and interests. To
war for the regeneration of the Continent, would argue a degree of
folly which it is impossible to believe the people of this country would
ever sanction.

The state of our army in the East is yet far from satisfactory.
Floggings, extra drill, and every minor punishment which the ingenuity
of colonels can contrive, fail to check the increasing curse of drunk-
enness. The army threatens to become thoroughly demoralised. The
men are daily dying from the effects of this vice. Some blow out their
brains in fits of delirium tremens, some fall senseless and die stupified
from excess, while others become maddened, never recover their
reason, and die in a few days. The example is even affecting the
usually sober French soldiers, and drunkenness is now almost as rife
in the French camp as in ours. Can no regulations put some check
upon this lamentable state of affairs ? The ration of rum has
been reduced one-half in quantity, but it is not upon or from
their own rum that the men get drunk, stupified and die;
it is from the Greek canteens where adulterated and poisonous
alcoholic compounds are freely sold, without let or hindrance. The
only check we can see to this abominable practice is to establish at
Kamiesch and Balaklava some limit to the importation of ardent
spirits. Let stringent, restrictive regulations upon this point be
framed, and the sale of beer or spirits at the same time be placed
under the control of the authorities. The want of occupation, super-
fluity of means, and unrestricted access to drink, are the main causes
of the increase of this lamentable vice in the army. Let the authori-
ties bestir themselves in time. Flogging or other punishment only