The Press.
London, England, 1855-09-08 00:00:00

THE WEEK.

IN the absence of any intelligence of moment from either the Crimea
or the Baltic, attention is directed to the change which seems steadily
creeping over our foreign policy. So far as we can judge by appear-
ances, it is not unlikely that we shall soon have to encounter the
hostility of Austria.

In the first place, it is distinctly intimated by the leading journal,
that Austria must be called on to evacuate the Principalities. "Is it
"not time," asks that journal, yesterday, "to relieve Austria from the
"burden of a prolonged occupation, and to invite her concurrence in
" some plan of government which is consistent with the integrity of
" the Sultan's empire and that First Point to which all the Powers
" have assented ?"

We need be in no doubt of what answer Austria will return to
such a request. Austrian advocates say plainly that she will continue
to occupy the Principalities, to counterbalance that influence which
the Allies have acquired by their occupation of parts t..f Turkey,
including its capital. Our Goverment took great pains to place an
Austrian army of occupation in the Principalities ; much greater pains
will be required to get that army out again. The request to Austria
to evacuate will, however politely made, be certain to create a new
phase of the Eastern question. The probabilities that Austria and
Russia will be drawn together, through the action of our Government,
daily increase.
On the side of Italy, the chance of disagreement with Austria is
still nearer. After some delay and change of plan, the head-quarters
of the recruiting-staff of our Foreign Italian Legion have been fixed
at Chiavasso, a town about an hours journey from Turin, on the Turin
and Novara Railway. That the original design of having Novara as
the head-quarters has been abandoned, is due, most probably, to the
urgent remonstrances of the Austrian Government; but it is to the
Lombard provinces that the recruiting-staff must still look for a
supply of men; and Austria regards the whole proceeding with undis-
guised dislike and jealousy. The boasts of some of our Government
organs that the Italian Legion is designed as an instrument for the
emancipation of Italy, will not be lost to the sensitive ears of the
Vienna Court. .

On the probability of a rising in Italy, statements are conflicting.
In the Paris correspondence of the Times this week we fiud it
stated :

Letters from various parts of Italy corcur in stating the probability of serious
events soon taking place there ; and accounts from Austria speak of a feeling of appro.
hension on the same subject, as also of the preparation of the Government for all emer•
gencies. Whether the war with Russia will continue limited to the theatre of its present
operations, or whether by the force of circumstances, independent of her will or of that
of the Allies, it will assume greater proportions and extend over Europe, no one can say ;
but it is on the latter eventuality that the hopes of the Italian, and, I doubt not, of the
Hungarian and Polish emigrants, are chiefly founded. The Italians at home and abroad
anticipate that the hour for the deliverance of their country is fast approaching. The
signs and presages are numerous; the appearances are, they think, too promising to be
again deceitful.
On the other hand, the Austrian Government is stated to feel so
secure on the side of Italy, that Count GYULAI, the Military Governor
of Milan, and Commander of the Fifth Army Corps, has received a
prolonged leave of absence, and some days ago passed through the
Tyrol on his way to Bohemia. It does not appear that our recruiting
for the Italian Legion has yet commenced. It is calculated to increase
the mistrust of Austria that the men on attestation will be engaged to
serve in any part of the world, without designating the particular
enemy they are to be employed against, so that possibly Austria may
have her own subjects arrayed against her in the field. There is
mischief a-foot, and in Vienna we find that a marked distinction is
drawn between the conduct of France and England. The policy of
our Ally is regarded as honest and dignified, while that of Lord PAL•
MERSTON is stigmatised as mischievous, intriguing, and mean. The
following extract from the Vienna letter in the Times of yesterday is
worth serious reflection :

VIENNA, Sept. 2.
It has for some time past been the fashion here, and that in high non-military
circles, to sneer at England, her institutions and Government. Up to the time the
propositions of the Imperial Cabinet were rejected by the Western Powers the Austrian
and British Governments managed to get on pretty well together; but such can hardly
be said to be the case at present ln order that you may fully understand
what is meant it is necessary to state, that the Austrian propositions would have been
accepted by the allied Governments, had it not been for the firmness of a part of the
British r.'abinet. To use the words of a representative of one of the first-rate Powers,
"M. Drouyn de Lhuys was sacrificed to the English alliance by his master." Since the
negotiations for peace have been interrupted, England has been almost as much
"besmirched" by a part of the Austrian press as she was two or three years ago, and
Lord Palmerston naturally comes in for his share of the abuse. Prudence forbids my
saying much about the Anglo•ltalian Legion and the state of things in Italy; but you
may be sure that the second leader in the Times of the 28th of August will be wormwood
and gall to people here.

Yes, the wormwood of Lord PALMERSTON'S policy, and of the
articles of his organs, is making a strong impression on the Austrian
Government. Our Premier has now got his full swing, and all the
faults which characterised his administration of Foreign Affairs in
times past are reappearing with aggravated force.
The probability of a Muratist movement in Naples is much dis
cussed, and the insult to Mr. FAOAN is opportunely put forward to ex-
cite the indignation of our public, and to justify interference on the
part of our Government. It is marvellous how frequent are such in-
sults when Lord PALMERSTON directs our foreign policy. Yet foreign
Courts, one would think, would scarcely care to heap gratuitous

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