The Press.
London, England, 1853-11-19 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

Boys" of Shaftesbury, has been consistently
hostile to all the other Conservative elements
of our constitution. It has been the parent
of libels and seditious innumerable. Uphold-
ing WiLaEs in face of the Parliament, and
boastiNg at all events, though, in reality, with-
out foundation, of having bearded its Monarch
through the mouth of BEexFoan,—assailing
WElJamaroN with the same impatience with
which it ounce adopted KeilbUri,—it has run its
career of faction and turbulence to attain its
climacteric of sloth and • corruption. In its
last state, not worse than some states which
have preceded though its later delinquencies
have been more secret and sordid, it has been
brought up like a culprit at the bar of its own
Mansion-house ; and now, timid and chap-
fallen, and awaiting its condemnation, the
moral of its present predicament and of its
history is clear : to whatever new experiments
our countrymen may be indueed to expose the
Constitution, which all agree is working so
admirably, let them learn from this procedure
not to put their trust in civic Liberalism.

WHAT PEOPLE ARE SAYING ABOUT/
INDIA.

Tax aspect of India, if not alarming, is gloomy;
and few are so thoughtless as to watch without
anxiety the overclouding of the sky while an
incompetent pilot is at the helm. In Burmah
the work supposed done is all to do again. In
Afghanistan intrigues are forming of which we
seem likely to know nothing except their
result. Assassination has been resorted to ;
conspiracies exist, widely ramified, and having
for object the subversion of our rule ; and
European terrors and native sympathy magnify
Heating rumours. Mr. THOMASON, of Agra, the
first of Indian civil servants, just depatched in
utmost need to rescue Madras from impending
disorganisation and bankruptcy, dies on the
road ; Lord DALHOUSIE, of whose general
ability, though disapproving many acts of his
administration, we think highly, draws near to
the term of his labours; there must be a new
governor of the north-west provinces, a new
governor of Madras, a new viceroy. This
change of hands, though inevitable, seems
unluckily timed ; and the recent promotion of
Lord ELeanisvoNE to the vacant post of Bom-
bay inspires us with no especial confidence in
Sir CHARLES WOOD'S discriminating powers.
Personal criticism is always disagreeable ;
wherefore we will merely say that Lord EL-
PHINSTONE is not untried in the duty which he
is a second time called to discharge. As
Governor of Madras he is held to have failed,
rather from the absence of official merit than
from any positive fault that could be charged
against his conduct. Weak, though well-
meaning—conscientious, but not energetic—he
was found inadequate to the work, doubtless a
heavy one, of reforming an administration
almost hopelessly defective and perplexed.
The state of Bombay is not much better : both
presidencies require able governors ; but hoye
fails us for the future, when contemplating the
respectable mediocrity of both the Minister
and his nominee. Like master, like man.
The best we can expect is, that no new trou-
bles may he incurred ; not that anything will
be done to get out of those already existing.
It is not from the north-western frontier
that we anticipate external danger. Neither
Dost MAHOMMED, nor any of his probable suc-
cessors, is personally so secure as to venture
on foreign aggression. Were the old wanior
to move in the direction of the Khyber, he
would almost inevitably find that, while he
threatened Peshawar, some mutinous relative
had usurped his authority, and occupied the
citadel of Cabul. Persia, too, harbours designs
on more than Herat ; the people of Candahar
have no particular sympathy with those of the
north ; and altogether the disorganised state
of the Afghan kingdom is such as to render it
formidable only to an invader—harmless be-
yond its boundary. All, therefore, that can
reasonably he feared in this quarter is that the
disturbed state of the Trans-Indus. the sus-
pected conspiracies of Sikh chiefs, and the
underhand intriguing of the Dart, may prevent
the drafting off of any large proportion of the

SATURDAY,

70,000 men now employed in keeping order in
the Punjaub, and to that extent render• useless
one-fifth part of the Indian army.
To stories, again, of Russian expeditious
against Khiva and Bokhara we attach little
importance. It is as well established as any
fact not mathematically demonstrable can be,
that in neither of those barren and inhos-
pitable countries could an army find the
means of support, far less of pursuing an on-
ward march to the south. The memory of our
slaughtered' soldiers stands between us and
any attempt to renew the folly of an aggressive
war in Central Asia. British India is, in a
military point of view, impregnable. Its dan-
gers are of a different kind : they arise from
reckless wars, extravagant expenditure, ill-
treatment of the native population, and neg-
lect of remunerative public works ; from
India-house jobbery, Downing-street reckless-
ness, and Parliamentary indifference.
Taking the first of these only, it is note-
worthy how universal iu India was the appro-
bation with which Lord DALHOUSIE'S policy
was met, when, for reasons then presumed, and
now known, to have been wholly inadequate,
he thought tit to rush into the Burmese quar-
rel. The truth is—and it cannot be too often
repeated—every war is popular among Anglo-
Indians. The reasons are plain. In the first
place, they do not feel the cost of a campaign.
No part of it falls on them. The native is
taxed more heavily—the European official re-
ceives his salary as before. There is, there-
fore, no direct pecuniary interest in preserving
peace. Indeed we may doubt whether the
connection between conquest and public ex-
penditure has ever presented itself in a very
definite form to the vast majority of the na-
tives themselves. Those who see it do not
feel ; those who feel it do not see. Secondly,
war leads to annexation ; and annexation, be-
sides gratifying the national vanity, is to many
persons a direct source of profit and advan-
tage. The society of India is principally mili-
tary ; and military men love action, and do
not dislike prise-money. Next in importance
to the army is the civil service ; and every ex-
tension of the area of British territory in-
creases the patronage and accelerates the
promotion of civil servants. Lastly, there is
a strong missionary body, who, instead of de-
precating conquests, rather favour them—from
a belief that only by conquests can the opinions
which they teach be diffused over native
states. Commerce, the great modern pacifi-
cator, is undeveloped; European merchants
are few, except in Calcutta and Bombay ;
while, as to the opinions of natives, who cares
what " niggers" think ?
The war-cry, then, is always popular in Bri-
tish Asia. It is not discouraged at home ; for
Lord WILLIAM BENTINCK, the only peace-loving
Governor-General, died untitled, while Lord
AUCKLAND, for losing an army in Afghanistan,
was rewarded with an earldom. These facts
are not novel, yet are they well worthy of re-
membrance, especially at a moment when
some of our Indian contemporaries are cry-
ing out for the total overthrow, and conse-
quent annexation, of the Burmese empire.
Will they occupy China next ?

LORD MALMESBURY, AND MR.
HAMILTON AT NAPLES.
LAST week we commented on the case of M.
HAMILTON, as stated by himself, and supported
by the organ of Lord ABERDEEN. Taking it OD
his own showing, we proved, first, that, even if
Mr. HAMILTON had suffered wrong without ob-
taining redress, for that ladles Lord MAtmEs-
BURY was not responsible ; secondly, that Mr.
HAMILTON'S religion was not the cause of the
outrage of the Neapolitan police ; thirdly, that
the contents of Mr. HAMILTON'S pamphlet were
not of a nature to create respect for his wis-
dom, or to inspire confidence in his state-
ments. Mr. HAMILTON'S charge against Lord
MALMESBCRY was, that he had allowed the
violation of a treaty to pass without redress,
and that he had accepted " a present " of 1001.
from the King of NAPI.ES as cotnpensatiou for
the ruin of a British subject. Since then a

NOVEMBER 19, 1853.

letter from Lord MAINE:saI:HY has been pub-
lished, from which it will be seen that his
Lordship, when in office. obtained from the
" Neapolitan Government an admission 111111
British school. which had hitherto existed, as
" they alleged, by connivance and forlteamnee.
" should be hemafter publicly authorised and
" established under the proteeti .... Of the
" British Mission." At the same time Lord
MALMEsIII'ItY admits that the King of the Two
Sictur.s has indisputable power over the acts
and education of his own subjects. Therefore
the charge against the Foreign Minister of the
late Government resolves itself into this :
That the 100/. Mr. HAMILTON received was not
adequate compensation for the loss he had
sustained. Mr. HAMILTON first stated that his
profits were 2001. a year. His school was
closed on the lath of 1!432 ; the whole
affair was settled on the 16th of December fol-
lowing—i.e., in less than six months. During
that interval a monthly allowance watt, by I,ord
MALMEKBURY's orders, paid to him. The sum
obtained for him exceeded, according to his
first statement, the profits he would have
derived from his school in the same space of
time had it remained open. After the 10th of
December, and the admission extolled by Lord
Mst.ms:sarkv from the Despot of NAME)+, there
was nothing to prevent Mr. HAMlLTON—unless
his private personal attiiirs interposed obsta-
cles—recommeneing a course of " whistling "
whenever he pleased. He talks of debts
incurred, and losses sustained, in conse-
quence of the closing of the school. But
that act neither diminished the value of his
goods and chattels, nor increased the bill
of his butcher—no, nor even deprived
him of a present maintenance, for the con-
siderate kindness of Lord MALMESIIURY pro-
vided him with a temporary allowance pend-
ing the dispute. If the school was prosperous,
current receipts should have defrayed cur-
rent expenses; and, if Mr. HAMILTON was in
debt, it was because he exceeded his income,
and not because his school was closed. But
the profits, which he at first stated were 2001.,
are now, forsooth, 700/.!—" gross receipts" is
the ambiguous phrase he uses. I iross re-
ceipts slay, even in a losing business, be
large, and they do not nocessarily imply pro-
fits. Mr. Brom:rex nowhere tells us how
many pupils he had, nor what were his terms.
As whistling, indeed, was ineluded in the or-
dinary course of instruction, we may infer
that no charge was made for extras. The
presumption is, Mr. HAMILTON owes inure
titan he 11111 pay, and is endeavouring to eon-
Vert his grievance into a sonny Of profit.
We can have no objection to his making " a
good thing" of it, provided he keeps within
the limits of truth, and abstains from pre-
ferring false and reckless charges against a
statesman from whom, as Foreign Minister
of England, Mr. Ilsmii.voN received personal
kindness, instant attention to his complaints,
and, as we think, reasonable compensation
for his wrongs.

Our able contemporaries, the Examiner and
the Leveler, in commenting on this ease last
week, fell into some errors, and made some
remarks, to which we will now turn. The Ex-
aminer assumes dud Mr. Ilmfff.Tos was mo-
lested by the Neapolitan police because he
kept a Protestant school. But from his
pamphlet this inference cannot be drawn—
indeed, from the pamphlet it may fairly be
inferred that the school was a motley com-
pound of " Turks, Jews, Arabs, ophts,
" Greeks, Roman ('atholies, and Protestants."
The Leader, whilst it avoids the error of sup-
posing that the school was exclusively Eng-
lish and Protestant, says that " the English
" Government is concerned, in the fact that a
" great wrong has been perpetrated upon an
" English subject, who obtains no redress,"
though Mr. HAM usoN's charge " bears chiefly
" against Lord M ALM ESBURY : it then goes on
to ask—

Is thin Earl of Multneidniry the same statesman whom
the young Tory organ calls the Foreign Alinister par
rrr.•lJrace. the game of whom that journal lioaateil that hi-
w4oild have done more for MIS 4 Cutinitighaine than Lord
Clarendon. What hwa he dune for !lanailtosi? Itni. in-
deed, we must nut ask only what Lord Mahnesbuiy, we
may ask what any British Minister km dune?

To this questiou let Lord ....-MkI.IIESBURY Mtn-
self reply :

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