The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1880-06-19 00:00:00

MR, FAWCETT' S ELECTION
EXPENSES.

In Bombay the sum of £250 was collected from natives
and remitted to London as a contribution in aid of Mr.
Fawcett's election expenses. The following letter from the
Postmaster-General, acknowledging this gift, has been pub-
lished in Bombay :

'London, April 16

"My dear Sirs,—l feel that I cannot sufficiently
thank you and the other subscribers to the fund
which has been raised by the native inhabitants of
Bombay towards the defraying the expenses of my
recent election at Hackney. Your thoughtfulness in
announcing the subscription by telegraph and authoriz-
ing its immediate payment enabled the money to be
received during the course of the election, and the
amount was, therefore, at once devoted to the pur-
pose for which it was raised. The value of your timely
and generous gift is greatly enhanced by the kind ex-
pressions of confidence by which it is accompanied.
I can only assure you that so long as I continue in•
Parliament I hope I shall never spare any effort to do
all in my power to promote the welfare of the people
of India. I have forwarded your letter to my com-
mittee, but I think they will not receive itrin time to
reply by this mail. Again most sincerely thanking
you and the other subscribers to the fund, 'believe me,
my dear Sirs, very truly yours, HENRY FAWCETT,"

A CENTENARIAN.—Mr. John Levy, secretary of the
Hand-in-Hand Asylum, writes to The Times from. 23,
Well-street, Hackney, June 14 :—"On Friday last
Henry Russell, an inmate of the above institution,
died at the advanced age of 104 years. The deceased
had been an inmate of the asylum for about twenty-
five years, and always enjoyed good health. He was
in full possession of all his faculties to within a few
days of Lis death,".

THE PROPOSED REDUCTION OF
EUROPEAN ARMAMENTS.

The Times of Wednesday had the following leader
on Mr. Richard's motion in the House of Commons
on Tuesday evening—" That an humble address be
presented to Her Majesty, praying that she will be
graciously pleased to instruct her Principal Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs to enter into communica-
tion with other• Powers with a view to bring about a
mutual and simultaneous reduction of European arma-
ments" :
MR. RICHARD addressed to the House of Commons his
perennial argument in deprecation of war and the instru-
ments of war. He moved that an address should be pre-
sented to HER MAJESTY, praying that the FOREIGN SECRE-
TARY should be instructed to enter into communication
with other rowersi:i with a view to bring about a mutual
and simultaneous-ft duction of European armaments," it is
unnecessary to OW him through the incontestable facts
which he adduce., He estimated that there are at any
moment about four millions of men actually under aims in
Europe. MR. GLADSTONE accepted his estimate that the
total cost of these armies is not less than five hundred
millions a year. These enormous figures are obtained by
adding together the actual amount raised by taxation for
warlike purposes, the loss occasioned by the withdrawal of
so many men from industrial pursuits, and the sum lost by
the non-productive employment of capital on the imple-
ments of war. The professed object of all this enormous
expenditure is the maintenance of peace; but in this pur-
pose it seems to have wholly failed. MR. RICHARD and MR.
GLADSTONE went back to the happy days of the last genera-
tion, when MR. COBDEN "had in view something of the
nature of general disarmament," and LORD PALMERSTON
made a speech "expressing his great admiration" of
such sentiments. In 1851 it was hoped that all
these aspirations were as good as realised in the opening of
the first great Exhibition of Art and Industry. Three
years afterwards they received a shock from which they
have not yet recovered. This country and France drifted
into a war with Russia under the guidance of the very
statesman who had so much admired MR. COBDEN'S
sentiments. Europe, and, indeed, the world, has been
living amid wars and rumours of wars ever since. The
Crimean war was immediately followed by the Indian
Mutiny. That was succeeded by the war between France and
Austria. The brief interval of peace which ensued in
Europe was occupied by a prolonged and severe struggle
in America. When that had subsided, the period of
the German wars commenced, and was only concluded in
1871 by an armed truce. Another interval of European peace
followed, which we occupied by various minor expeditions.
Meanwhile a storm was gathering in the East, and during
the last three years Ein'ope and Asia have been the scene of
cruel conflicts. MR. GLADSTONE concluded his speech by a
reference to MR. COBDEN'S course when he moved a similar
resolution to MR. RICHARD'S :—" MR. COBDEN expressed his
unfeigned satiafactionwitll the tone of the debate, and with
the declaration of the noble lord the FOREIGN SECRETARY, anti
Withdrew his motion without pressing it to a division." "I
venture," said MR. GLADSTONE, "to express my hope that
that course may be taken by my honosirable friend." Sub-
stantially the same course was taken, though a decent cover
for MR. RICHARD'S retreat was furnished by MR. COURTNEY,
and MR. RICHARD displayed not less satisfaction than was
formerly expressed by MR. Cum:am When we recall the
long period of wars which followed Ma. COBDEN'S satisfac-
tion, the omen cannot be regarded as encouraging.
There is another fact which is apparent from any such
review of the wars of the last thirty years which is not a
little disturbing to 3111. RICHARD'S arguments. MR. GLAD-
STONE could not avoid drawing attention to it, though he
shrank from boldly facing the conclusions to which it
pointed. That fact is that, on the whole, all the wars of the
present generation have produced beneficial results, and have
been the means of bringing rapidly to maturity movements
which had long been struggling to assert their just influence.
The war of 1854, which MR. GLADSTONE still defends,
averted a violent and premature attempt to settle the
Eastern Question by a policy of partition. The French
and Austrian war liberated Italy; and, as MR. GLAD-
STONE said, since force was enlisted on the side of
oppression, it was necessarily by force that the oppression
was overthrown. The American war, which inflicted
for the time incalculable miseries upon the South, neverthe-
less swept away slavery with. a completeness which would
otherwise have been impracticable. The great struggles in
Germany and between that country and France have recon-
structed the German Empire, and have thus produced, as
MR. GLADSTONE admitted, a:" great advance in the political
system of Europe." Even the late war in the East, whatever
may be said if its motives or of the miseries which it
entailed, has materially advanced the solution of the Eastern
Question, and has opened up new prospects and hopes to
large populations. Our own wars during the same period
have undoubtedly advanced the influence of civilization, and
have thus promoted incalculably the permanent benefit
of vast populations. Now, it ought surely to be con-
sidered whether a process, however apparently cruel,
which produces these results can be justly liable to the
general reprobation which is implied in MR. RICHARD'S
arguments, and in MR. GLADSTONE'S vague acquiescence in
their general tendency. Judging by experience, it would
seem that no great cause can be finally established, whether
within a nation itself or in the world at large, without war.
As long as only secondary matters are at stake, individuals
and nations may acquiesce in compromises. MR. GLAD-
STONE, for instance, refeiTed with satisfaction to the example
set by the country in referring the Alabama question to arbi-
tration. But the only reason why the result of that proceed-
ing can be viewed with satisfaction is that the matters at stake
were not worth so tremendous a struggle as a war would
have involved. The experience, however, of the 'United
States themselves has afforded the most conclusive proof
that, where really vital interests are believed to be at stake
nations cannot refuse to refer the issue to the arbitrament
of war. The 'United States were the peaceful model to which,
in the days of Which MR. GLADSTONE spoke, MR. COBDEN
and his friends were wont to point. They exhibited that
very spectacle of a rigid limitation of armaments which MR.
RICHARD now commends to our imitation. But what svas
the.consequence ? When an issue of vital import to the
nation arose, it was not in a position to assert its
just authority. A civil war was precipitated, and
the country had to improvise those very instru-
ments of warfare which had been denounced as
created solely by the folly of European kings and statesmen.
But if it be thus certain, from the experience alike of all
other times and oftour own, that war is the ultimate arbiter
of every really vital cause, of what avail is it to attempt to
persuade great nations to restrict their preparations for
appealing to it? Where it is practically certain, as in the
United States at this moment, that no such vital question
can arise, it is foolish to keep up great armaments. But if
one nation has side by side with it another by which its very
existence may at any moment be called in question, is it
conceivable that it can entertain the notion of limiting its
means of self-defence? It is of no avail to say that the pro-
pose..l4 s.one f,orsm 1404 i seism e It 1, perf c ,
that if a quarrel should arise, the whole force of each
nation must be called into play; and it would seem that,
with such a prospect, it is but common prudence to make
preparations before-handsfor calling that force into play in
the most effective manner. If there is no probability of the
whole force of the nation being needed, it is extravagant to
organize it; and for that reason our own country is, happily,
able to content itself with but moderate establishments.
But, unfortunately,. the great Continental nations know too
well that every atom of strength they possess might at any
time be needed to assert their position, and it is no wonder
if they take care to have it in readiness.
lite simple truth is that MR. RICHARD addresses nimself to
the symptom and thekeffect, instead of to the cause. As was
said Very truly in the debate, there will always be wars as
long as there is injustice between nations. As soon as dan-
ger of injustice and passion ceases the danger of war will
cease, but not before. Every one must share the regret, and
even dismay, with which he contemplates the huge arma-
ments of Europe. But it is to be feared they are indis-
pensable to our.present stage of progress, and are the necessary
means of working out that juster international system which
can be the only permanent security for peace. When stripped
of formalities, readiness for war on the part of a nation
means simply that every man in the nation is prepared to
die rather than.surrender its rights and vital interests. In
proportion as that spirit prevails in a napn or a society
does it possess real moral greatness, and is it capable of
great achievements. Consequently, before MR. RICHARD'S
proposal can have any practical value two questions must be
answered,— Is it certain that the nations of Europe are not
liable to have . their. v.ital interests threatened at any
moment ?—and, if so, is it prudent to leave the organization
of the whole strength of the nation to the moment of
danger?