The Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1860-09-14 00:00:00

THE ITALIAN CRISIS.

THE greatness and importance of the historical
events transacted in our own day are apt to be
underestimated from the fact of their proximity
to ourselves, or even to pass almost unnoticed
from their multiplicity, or from the swiftness
with which they are enacted. Around the stories of
victories and revolutions recorded in the annals of
times anterior to our own we learned at school and
college to throw a fine halo of romantic interest,
and even in after life their recollection ever com-
mands feelings and sentiments answering to the
high estimate we were taught to set upon them
in our youthful days. The living who know of
Waterloo only by what they have read of it, or
heard about it from venerable lips, may not, per-
haps, overestimate the effects of that decisive
battle—because it would be difficult to do so--but
are they not apt to fall into a vague and dreamy
idea that no military contest of equal magnitude
has been, can be, or ever need be, transacted
again,—or, at all events, in our own day.
To the student of history the early French
Revolution presents itself with a degree of start-
ling interest, which he supposes never capable
of being attached to any merely contemporaneous
political changes. Far back in the retrospect of
European times, the downfall of the great Roman
Empire is pointed to as a marvel, the like of
which is never to be looked for again among
modern historical parallels. " Distance lends
well as space. .l
e.
to the view," with reference to time as
%
Our campaigns in the Crimea, in
India,• and in China ; the French expedition in
Italy, and that now threatened in the East ; the
Russian contests in Asia; the Spanish war in
Morocco ; and the revolution in Central and
Southern Italy ;—although each and all involving,
peril
ling. the highest interests of
millionsalee' ancient
o 't
ot the
and modern
securing
dynasties and of tens of
human race—characterised by -
great and, in many respects, unprecedented
developments and displays of military organisa-
tion—marked by innumerable instances of self-
devotion and individual courage and, prowess
Imequalled in the pages of romance—and followed
by varied results of immeasurable magnitude—are

of too recent occurrence, and have followed too I
closely upon each other perhaps, to have permitted
us, as we may say spectators, to form a justly pro-
portioned estimate of the several positions in history
to which they are entitled ; and the common ten-
dency seems to be to dwarf rather than to exaggerate
their comparative and permanent influence. It is
not the less our duty, however, amid. the bewil-
dering effect of these dazzling transactions, to
endeavour calmly to clear our vision, to adjust
our notions, and behold them in their true colours
and proportions, such as our children may be
taught to view them in, when the everyday
occurrences of our time shall fill up an ordinary
portion of the quiet pages of impartial history.
It is difficult to awaken to a full realisation of
the fact that we live in the same times with a
hero of such wondrous sagacity, courage, and
successful enterprise as GALIBAT DI-a name
which will ever stand out in the annals of the
world as one of the brightest that has ever exer-
cised an influence over the fate of nations. What
terms shall describe the humiliating signifi-
cance of those hurried, but quiet and stealthy,
steps with which FRANCIS the Second, of
Naples, the last of his dynasty, may be
supposed to have crossed the threshold of his
palace, never again to return to or even behold
it. What a sight it would have been to have seen
him taking his last lingering look of that throne
and sceptre which he inherited from a long line
of kings, whose sway dates earlier than the
Norman invasion of England. Proud, even to
infatuation, we at last behold the youthful
monarch deserted by all men, and only tolerated
to steal away from his own dominions into the
wide world, an outcast from enlightened civilisa-
tion, and the object of reprobation to every honest
free man. But, behold! the hoary representative
of a still longer line of sovereign predecessors
totters on his throne and crouches shrinkingly,
but obstinately, within a gradually diminishing
corner of territory, fearing lest the triple crown
should soon be rudely torn from his trembling
grasp. The inheritor of the most ancient and
subtle power in the world, whose thunders have
shaken every throne by turns, and caused kings
and princes to lick the dust before it, putting
down one and setting up another at will and by
a word, that power to which all Christendom
once did homage and paid humble tribute, now
crumbles to pieces, and is threatened momentarily
with extinction. To be witnesses of a drama, in
which such momentous issues are being deter-
mined, is surely to be charged with some high
responsibilities, as well as to be wrapped in emo-
tions of the deepest interest.
_

While, in the meantime, we are admittedly
bound to act on strictly non-intervention prin-
ciples, it is clearly our privilege and duty to
exercise the most constant watchfulness over the
progress of events. We have repeatedly pointed
out the elements of danger to the general peace
of Europe in the case of any excess on the part of
the victorious Italians, whereby they might come
into conflict with the arms of Austria or of
France, in a manner that would render it diffi-
cult, if not impossible, for the other Powers to
maintain their present neutrality. As matters
presently stand, however, there seems a fair pro-
spect of firmness and discretion being combined
with ardour and success. But there is one
powerful and mysterious hand that operates,
unseen, in the progress of the Italian revo-
lution, of whose ultimate aims we may well
beware. We know what followed the annexa-
tion of Lombardy and the duchies. We know
not what new French claim may succeed the
annexation of Southern Italy to the centre and
north. The rumours that have been afloat as to
a secret treaty between VICTOR EMMANUEL and
Louis NAPOLEON for the cession of additional
territory to the latter in the event of the former
becoming King of a united Italy, although
officially contradicted and pooh-poohed, remind
us of exactly parallel rumours and contradic-
ions in the matter of Savoy and Nice. But thet
latter-mentioned rumours proved a prophecy, and
so may the former. A proper regard tour own
interests in the Mediter.ranean—our great high-
way to the East—forbids that we should ever
permit that sea to become little better than a
French lake. On high principle, moreover,
we are bound to see to it that this secret
system of pre-concerted arrangement for the
aggrandisement of France and the unneces-
sary extension of her frontiers, at the
risk of destroying the balance of power in
Europe be no longer successful. Let us be pre-
pared for the time—and it may arise at any
moment,—when' action on our part may be as
imperative as non-intervention is now. Our fleet
and fortifications, our little standing army, and
our great Volunteer force, must be perfected and
kept in constant fitness for duty. Prevention is
easier and better than cure ; and, as has often
been reiterated of late, to be thoroughly prepared
for war, may prove again the best security for
peace. Until Louts NAPOLEON is assured beyond
doubt that we are determinedly in earnest, and as
powerful to strike as we are ready to remonstrate,
he will continue to tell us of his pacific inten-
tions, of the inexorable necessity of circum-
stances, of his military role being ended, or, per-
haps, rudely snap his fingers in our face, and
then follow his own wickedly ambitious counsel.
It is painful to think that the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs remains in such incompetent
hands at so critical a juncture of affairs. Lord
JOHN RUSSELL confesses to having been deceived
by France already; and we have no confidence
in the improvement or greater vigilance of one
who has failed to profit by so many signal failures.
Let the English people take the matter into their
own hands, and insist, by every legitimate means
in their power, upon proper steps being taken to
prevent impending mischief. At this great crisis
all nations look on, and expect that every Eng_
lishman shall manfully and fearlessly "do his
duty"—to England, to Europe, and to the
world.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

FRANCE.
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
PARIS, Thursday, Sept. 13, 1860.
The inhabitants of Paris, and of a large portion
of Europe, have by this time heard of the entrance
of the Sardinian troops into the States of the
Church, where most people will probably think
their presence has been much required for some
time past. The telegraph has, no doubt, ere this,
acquainted you with the terms of the proclamation
which has been addressed by Victor Emmanuel to
his soldiers, explanatory of the principal reasons
which have induced him to take so decided a step,
and I need not, therefore, trouble you with any
remarks upon that manifesto. Besides, it would
be rather premature to do so, until one has had an
opportunity of perusing the circular note which
the Sardinian Government is no doubt preparing
to send to the other Powers of Europe in justifica-
tion of this very grave measure, to which it has had
recourse for its extrication from a state of embar-
rassment, to which it has been exposed from the
first moment that the undertaking entered upon
by Garibaldi assumed a hopeful appearance
of success. If reliance is to be placed on
a despatch received from Bologna, it would
seem that the troops did not wait for this
proclamation before crossing the frontier, but that
General Cialdini, who doubtless had conditional
instructions in his possession, started at once, at
the head of his division, for Fossombrone, to the
aid of the unfortunate inhabitants of that town,
who were being massacred by the mercenaries of
Lamoriciere. However that may be, the forces
of Sardinia are now swarming in all parts of the
legations, and in less than a week, General
Lamoriciere will have to take refuge in Ancona,
with the remains of his military brigands. But
the question always comes up, will Austria and
France continue to hold aloof, and allow Larmori-

ciere to take his chance ? In yesterday evening's
Patrie there is a contradiction of the statement
that the Emperor did not disapprove of the inter-
vention. It states that from the moment that Pied-
mont departed from the project of an Italian con-
federation, which was recognised by the treaty
of Viliafranca, and entered upon the annexation
system, from that moment its policy ceased to
have the approval of France. This journal adds
that Piedmont acted in entire opposition to the
counsel of France, when it annexed Tuscany and
the Romagnas to its territory, and that its present
invasion of the Pontifical States, is not only con-
trary to the advice given by France, but in
defiance of its protestations, and the semi-
authoritative article thus concludes—" This in-
vasion, justly considered in France and in Europe
as a violation of the laws of nations, rests entirely
on the responsibility of the State which permits it
to be done. The Government of the Emperor,
after having vainly endeavoured to prevent it,
expresses its disapproval of the step, and the
arms of France will continue to protect at _Rome
the person and authority of the Sovereign Pontiff."
It will be observed that there is not a word here
which indicates any intention on the part of the
Emperor to arrest Sardinia in its course ; but
merely a reiteration of a declaration formerly
made, that France would only interfere if His
Holiness were attacked in his person or patrimony.
It is more than probable, therefore, that
the Government of the Emperor has authorised
this and such like disclaimers to be made, for the
purpose of indicating a proper respect for the
Treaty of Villafranca, in case it should afterwards
be taunted with infringing or recognising it, and
of its preference for that method of organising the
constituent portions of Italy which was fixed, or,
at all events, contemplated, by the parties to that
treaty. France, therefore, it seems clearly made
out, will retain the attitude of non-intervention I
have explained, so long as Austria will do the
same.

But what is Austria about' What is the
meaning of those enornous military preparations
which that Power is making and developing in
Italy, and with the details of which the German
papers are now filled ? No less than sixteen regi-
ments, I am told, are to be sent in the course of
this week ! part to Trieste, and part to Fiume;
and large bodies or troops continue daily to be
forwarded by the Western Railway for the Tyrol.
Great military movements are also taking place
in Venetia, where agitation is increasing, notwith-
standing the vigilance of.the police. But are we
to conclude from all this that Austria is about to
take the offensive ? or may all these preparations
not be undertaken merely to resist an attack'
For my part, I am perfectly satisfied that
measures of defence and prevention only are in
contemplation, and I entirely subscribe to the
opinion which is expressed by the Austrian jour-
nal Boersenhalle, " that not an Austrian soldier
will pass the Po, so long as the first shots are not
exchanged on the Venetian territory." As to
the rumours which are spoken of relative to Aus-
trian interference at Ancona, I verily believe that
the sole reason for so much attention being paid
to that fortified post, arises from the dread of an
attack in that quarter by Garibaldians, a'gainst
whose movements, it must be kept in mind; pro-,
vision have to be made, as well as against these of
the Government of Sardinia.

With respect to the alleged coalition of Fug_
land, Austria, and Prussia, against France, I
advise you not to believe a word of it. The
canard, no doubt, is based on the consummation of
a friendly and most natural understanding between
England and Prussia, with which latter Power
Austria now holds so many views in common. I
have not for a length of time past entertained
such a hopeful persuasion as I do at present, of
the affairs of Europe being speedily delivered
from complications. I believe the time to have
gone by for coalitions of this kind, and if they are
to be renewed, it will be by the people of different
countries themselves, who, when they combine,
will do so for their own interests.

The Imperial flotilla accompanying the Impe-
rial yacht Aigle, with the Imperial party on
board, arrived at Toulon on Tuesday. The Em-
peror, on his landing, received the keys of the
town from the Mayor ; and after a stay of some
hours, re-embarked for Nice, to be present at the
ball given there the same evening.
In consequence of the daily increasing exten-
sion of the relations of France with China, the
Government is about to adopt immediate measures
for the teaching of that language, and it is much
to be desired that the English Government should
forthwith act upon the same idea. It is said that
a commission will be immediately appointed for
the purpose, under the direction of M. Stanislaus
Julien, of the Institute, who has the reputation
of being among the first of European philologists,
and that its first task will be, to compose a
dictionary of the language, much more complete
than any which has heretofore been published.
Although the transactions at the Bourse, yes-
terday, were notamtmerous, they presented some
little animation. The entrance of the Pied-
montese troops into the Papal States had a
depressing effect, and the market accordingly,
though with reluctance, submitted to a slight
decline. Rentes left off at 68 fr.

ITALY.
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
MILAN, Sept. 10.
Garibaldi is at Naples! Francis 11. has fled to
Gaeta, his last station and momentary resting
place before retiring into exile, and with his
departure, thank heaven, we see the last of the
Bourbons in Italy. In this style commences a
long and bitter article of the Perseveranza, which
is only an echo of almost every journal in Italy,
and brings to my mind the lines of the Italian
poet :--

" Con quel furore e con quella tempesta
Ch'escono i cani adosso al poverello."
What a terrible and wholesome lesson does the
end of Francis 11. offer to the despotic and abso-
lute rulers of Europe, who blindly imagine that
the only mode of governing a people 4, by such a
brutal and tyrannical system of government as
that which distinguished the worst ages of semi-
barbarism. The light of civilisation has spread its
influence too widely over Europe for this system
of Government to have a much longer reign, and
which must, sooner or late, have a similar end. to
that which we now behold in the late King of
of Naples. Perhaps no monarch ever ascended a
throne with a more brilliant future before him
than Francis 11., if he had but the good sense
and energy to combat and destroy the pernicious
counsels by which he was beset on every side,
and by none more than his own family, and those
generals who in the hour of his troubles were the
first to conspire against and abandon him, and
among the blackest, that renegade General
Nu nziante. Francis 11., young and inex-
perienced as he certainly was at the time of his
father's death, could not but hear the loud and
bitter execrations that followed the departing soul
of Ferdinand, and see the gleam of hope which
dawned upon the Neapolitans, who thought that
with the death of that cruel king would end all
their sufferings, and that the young monarch
would inaugurate his reign by such a change of
government as to inspire love and esteem among
the people. Alas ! these hopes were never
realised ; and now we see the fatal consequences to
this foolish young Prince. In a certain point of
view we must not be too severe against this
young man—educated by priests—surrounded by
Jesuits of every colour, and flatterers that encou-
raged all his caprices, and shut out from his
knowledge the real state of the country—influ-
enced by the poisonous counsels of the Qaeen
dowager, who strenously supported the Austrian
policy— his uncles secretly conspiring against
their nephew—one batch advising one system of
government, another advising another, and a
third holding before his weak mind the horrors of
eternal damnation, if he dared to introduce into
his states any other form of government than
that which would be approved by the Holy
Father and his cardinals. What was this young
man's experience of the world, to be able to form
the slightest judgment of those crafty and false
men, who only represented that state of things
most conducive to their own ambition and inter-
ests ? Where are now those men who, when
Francis 11. ascended the throne, stoutly advised
him to uphold the despotic government of his,
father ? Where are now those ministers, gene-
rals, and priests, upon whom the father of the
fallen monarch conferred honours, riches, and
raised to the highest rank in the state ? Are
they still by the side of their unfortunate king►
ready to share his exile and reversed fortune ?
No, these unprincipled and base men (not to use
a harsher phrase) were the first to change their
colours, and suddenly become liberal and patriotic
Italians, while others, at the first sound of