The Press.
London, England, 1853-07-23 00:00:00

IMAGINARY CONVERSATIONS

OF EMINENT MEN.

No. n.—A CABINET COUNCIL.

Lord MIZEDEEN : My Lords and Gentlemen, I have called the
Cabinet again together on the subject of our last Council. It appeared
then to be the opinion of a majority of my colleagues, in which I
could not share, that prompt and decisive measures should be taken
to arrest the progress of the Russians ; in short, that we should go to
war. I thought it best that an interval should elapse before we ex-
pressed our final sentiments on such a topic. I have well considered
my own, and I shall now state them.
I think the time has gone by when England can go to war, except
in defence of her own coasts. It is useless to shut our eyes to facts.
England has become a mere commercial community. It worships
only two things—capital and credit. A great portion of its wealth is
invested in foreign countries, and its credit entirely depends upon
general tranquillity. Patriotism, and even nationality, have propor-
tionately decreased with the influence of our territorial constitution,
and, probably, they will all of them ultimately disappear together. So
long as we can manage not to be involved in foreign troubles, we may
continue to enjoy what we have acquired ; but I am convinced that
another great struggle will not at its termination find us a first-rate
power, and that we must eventually take our place in the same political
scale as the Scandinavian Monarchies.

So much for the general question of WAR. Irrespective of the se
opinions, I confess I am not disinclined to witness the tranquil ex-
pansion of Russia. In the first place, a colossal empire, with a mare
clan:rum, is an anomaly that cannot last. The settlement of the
Russians on the Mediterranean is an inevitable necessity. In the
second place, I have always looked, and still look, upon Russia as a
great conservative power, and ono of the most efficient barriers against
the eruptions of Jacobinism.
With these views, you will not be surprised to learn that I can be
no party to a policy which would attempt to arrest the progress, or
even influence the conduct, of Russia. 1 am against war generally,
and I inn against a war with Russia particularly. If, therefore, my
colleagues cannot agree with me in these views, I have only one alterua.
tive—which is, to resign my office into the hands of her Majesty.
thrill of hr►rror pervades the Council Chamber ; the followers
'if Sir ROBERT I'NEL looking particularly disturbed ; Mr.
IitAIO4TONR scowls, and bites his lips; Lord JOHN RUSSELL
whispers to T.ord PALMERSTON, trho, clearing his throat,
makes the following observations.;

LOP' PALM EnSTON : A country that can only go to war in defence
of her own coasts will not defend them very effectively. If the com-
merei►d system has brought us to such a pass that we are prepared to
abdicate empire, we must take measures to counteract the com-
mercial principle. But I don't believe a word of it. My opinion is,
that England is still a martial, proud, high-spirited country, and that,
with the exception of a few fanatics and political economists, the nation
was never better prepared for a great occasion than at the present mo-
ment. Let the existence of our power, or the interests of the Pro.
testant cause, for example, be at stake, and I have no doubt that the
country would rise to a man. Commerce has made us rich, but it does
not follow that commerce has made us cowards.
So much for the general question of war. As fin• the particular
question of war with Russia, I am of opinion that if, a month ago, we
had acted with common sense and common spirit, there would have
been as much chance of war with the Emperor of Russia as with the
Emperor of China, and about as much danger. But there are people
who will not understand that imbecility is not prudence, and that
there is no policy less safe than the policy of vacillation.
1 shall say nothing about the inevitable necessity of the expansion
of the Russian empire. I have so frequently, and so recently, shown
fo my colleagues the sheer insanity of permitting Russia to settle
herself on the Bosphorus, that. 1 will not condescend to say another
word ot► the subject. If such a constunmation 11111 only be prevented
by war, 1 am for war; but I express my opinion that, even now, with
energy, both may be avoided.
Mr. ClLAnsTost.: : I protest. against the introduction by Lord Pal-
merston, in a deliberation on the Eastern question, of allusions to the
Protestant cause. If "No Popery" is to be called out at every Cabinet
licit appears to be their le, I can no longer be responsible
‘duct of our finances. 1 wish my colleagues to consider
that element of our deliberations. lf, in addition to the
a bad harvest, we have the certainty of war, what will be
Exchequer Bills ? At present, it is only by constantly

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