The Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1860-07-03 00:00:00

(E4e

aik Eimts.

TUESDAY, JULY 3, 1860.

THE DAY'S NEWS

In the; House of Lords, yesterday, Lord Wode-
house promised that papers referring to Italian
affairs should be laid on the table on Thursday
next. The Duke of Marlborough, in spite of
appeals from -Lords
,Derby, Granville, Shaftes-
bury, and other peers, who all urged him to
delay his motion, moved that the authoritative
exclusion of the Bible from the Government
colleges and schools in India ought to be removed,
which was negatived without a division, and
without discussion. Several bills were forwarded.
In the House of CoMmons, Lord J. Russell said
that her Majesty's Government had agreed to the
first of three Propositions contained in the de-
spatch of M. Thouvenel, viz., that for the assem-
bling of an guropean, Congress. The Russian
Government had likewise signified its assent. The
adjournecl. debate 9n the second reading of the
European Forces (India) Bill was resumed by Mr.
Rich, who urged that the whole weight of the
constitntect f4(144n 4vthorities were against the
amalgamation. fir. Torrens opposed, the bill.
Sir De Lacy Evans objected to proceeding fur-
ther with the bill, until the necessary 'mere
were before them. He, therefore, moved the

adjournment of the debate. Mr. M. Mile%
seponded the • motion. Colonel .Dunne con-
4egigq. injustice done by the bill to
the local army. Mr. 4yrton defended the bill.
Mr. Panby Seymour admitted ,that the local
Indian army-was A.;l #uuWalY.- Put the 49149'
empire was an anomaly Atiso; aycl if these tro
anomalies were separated, no one 944114 tell how
serious might be the consequences. Mr. °region
supported the bill. Sir F. Smith approved
generally of the principle of assimilation. Col.
Sykes slulogJe the existing military system of a

local army of 11144. Major Parker described
-some of the eminent services Fed'oplyd by the
Indian army. Colonel North supported the
f. Wood hoped that the time had arrived
vrheA ;the Josue would consent to come to ,a
definite vote
,upon.
,the pgpilipg stage of the bill.
After a few words from Mr. A. *iplesi on a
difjejen, the second reading was carried
.by 202'
to La; majority, 229. Several votes of supply
were then agreed to:; and Afa, }lons° adjourned .
:at ten winutes peg two o'clock ,this tutTuieg.
The latest wys from Naples states tiut the.
:city was quiet.

From Sicily we learn that the Jesnite hiwe
been expelled, and their lands confiscated to the
rotate.

We haveter news rrom America by the
Prince Albert, from New /fork, to the 25th ult.
the news continues to -be rather unimportant.
The danger menacing Italy seems to lie in the

. „
too probable desire of Louis Napoleon to interfere
in the affairs of Naples. That he is anxious for a
respectable excuse, to interfere we have but too
good reason to 'know. French statesmen have
for isorne time been inclined to think that the
Power of the Neapolitan mob is too dangerous
to the party of order in Italy to render it safe to
abandon the Neapolitan government to its fate.
Hitherto, this predisposition for intervention on
the part of France has been kept in check by
the attitude pf England and other. causes. Will
it be kept in check any longer now ? By the
machinations of the despotic party life has been
endangered, and the excuse so given for inter-
ference for which the Emperor has, been on the
watch. Other influences, we fear will co-operate.
France, it is feared, is about to assume once more
the guidance of Italian affairs with a view toFrench
interests. That the Baden Conference is likely to
check rather than stimulate for the present any
meddling with the German frontier seems now
generally admitted ; and if, therefore, the great
Napoleonic policy of French influence in Europe
is to be pursued with success, it must be pur-
sued on the Italian side. We have often pointed
out the motives which will sway France in this
direction. It is clear that a united and powerful
Italian kingdom on her southern frontier, allied
by constitutional sympathies with the united
and powerful British kingdom, on her north-
west frontier, would tend to diminish her present
ex2eptional influence in Europe. Besides, a
powerful Italian kingdom could not but divide
with France the command of the Mediterranean;
which could never then become a French lake."
In short, if the Napoleonic foreign policy for,
France is still the main idea in the Emperor'S,
mind, an united Italy will, present formidable
obstacles to its realisation. And an united Italy is,:
now no dream ; it is, if not prevented by foreign;`
intervention, all but a political certainty. The
highest authorities inNaples inform us that after the
first engagement in Calabria Garibaldi would have a
triumphant march to Naples, that the Govern-
ment is already crumbling away, and that no
power remains to offer the shadow of effective
resistance; and the army of Lamoriciere would
not, if we may trust all we hear, long survive the
army of Naples. The spirit of the Roman
people is roused-. almost as effectually as the
spirit of the Neapolitan people ; and when!
once Garibaldi reaches Naples, it will not
be long before Rome is added to the area.
of the reclaimed kingdom. Excepting Venetia,'
Italy and Sicily- may soon be free and com-
bined under one Ciown. The enthusiasm for
annexation to Piedmont is, we, believe, as deep
and universal in Naples as it is in Sicily. A year
ago no one would have thought of Italian unity
as anything but a dreamer's wildest dream. Now
it is a prospect that can only be marred by
foreign meddling.

There seems to be no reason to doubt that the
negotiations between Austria and Prussia are pro-
gressing so favourably that they, and with them
the other German States, are likely to come to an
understanding on a subject which concerns Eng-
land very nearly as -Much as- it does Germany.
The statement of the French papers that the
Baden Congress was without any' result does not
deserve credit, -it being- a patent fact that the
German Sovereigns;before the Emperor Napoleon
reached Baden, agreed to do all in their power
to maintain the integrity of the federal terri-
tory, The Emperor of the French, it is helieved,
profited nothing by his journey to Baden, and
must have returned to Paris with the conviction
that he should not be able to acquire any part of
the German territory on the left bank of the

Rhine without doing battle for it. The Bavarian
Ind Prussian writers for the press express their
satisfaction that there were no traitors in the
3rerman camp at Baden, and their delight that
:he Emperor of the French was so much vexed to
find that such was the case.

A French letter states that the Commercial
Reform Society has just held a meeting in Paris,
Count de Kergorlay, a member of the Legislative
Chamber, in the chair. The whole :of the
members present (with the exception of M. de
Kergorlay, and of two political economists,
editors of French journals) were manufacturers
or merchants of great respectability, belong-
ing both to Paris and the departments.
The meeting was held for the purpose of
examining whether it was better that the
duties to be levied on English products and
merchandise, in consequence Qf the Commercial
Treaty with France, should be established ad
valorem, or in a specific manner. After a long
and thorough discussion, in which the most com-
petent persons took part, the meeting resolved
unanimously that it was most desirable that the
duties should be ad valorem on all occasions when
such was possible. The minutes of the proceed-
ings containing this resolntion were drawn up
and transmitted to the Minister of Commerce.
There is a very prevalent impression that the
mode in which the House of Commons is likely to
deal with the privilege question may yet involve
the secession of Mr. Gladstone from the Cabinet ;
and though the Globe has denied the imminence
of such secession, we find that the anticipation of
it still holds its ground.

The Pope's Irish recruiting sergeants are still
beating up. A letter from the King's County
states that the cautionary notice of the Govern-
ment has been completely set at defiance in that
quarter, and that the Papal emissaries are still
actively engaged in picking up recruits for the
Pope's service. The writer adds :—".T4e agri-
cultural classes are holding aloof from the move-
ment, but every possible influence, lay and
clerical, is used to induce the members of The
Young Men's Catholic Associations,' which during
the last few years have considerably increased
throughout the kingdom, to enrol themselves as
soldiers for the Pope. It was at first supposed
that these societies were only .to comprise the

mercantile' and mechanical classes ; but since

Garibaldi's emiedition the lunnblest and, poorest
member?. or gie couinntnity are soight 4ftpy and
enrolled, and the death of each member, no mat-
ter how humble the ilidiyidual may be, is duly
FFP9r4e4 eonviinlientary terms in the minute-
bac* 9f th.? Ooeiety x9.SYilie he belonged, and
the expenses of a f fine walp 41)4 q good
funeral' are defrayed out of the funds, and
the body is conveyed by the •thembers, who
march, in military order, to the gritve-yard.
It is now understood, and a well-establiShed
fact, that each of these associations • has
tocontribyte, according to its numbers, a certain
•
contingent to the Eope's ermy. These !Tei:uits.
gyp 41 principally members of .the Notpw- Nen!s
Cathohe 48wciati9p in that town ; but, up
to the present, the military ardour of

' the man . milliners,' grocers' bops,'
seems not to be in the ascendant, al-
though the spiritual director's' - best exertions
are zealously employed to arouse their energies
for martin gl9py. The class of men who are
resigning from the police force 0;1)11094 Lhe
country, for the purpose of joining the Papal
brigade, and whose retirement is so much

lii4e4tedi should be immediately accepted, as
it is the opinion of all %yap disposed persons they
are only leaving the country for their eoulitreS
good,' before the opportunity, should it ever
arise, of 49igic much mischief." Meanwhile, as
'the position of the papacy is beeenliug more and
more critical, another hvrieatle of pastorals is
being blown by the B:omish hierarchy, the fjrst
gust proceeding from the see of Kildare and.
Leighlin. Bishop Walsh emphatically denies
that the Pope's own happy subjects have had any
hand in the rebellion against their Sovereign.
Indeed, the chief 'fomenters of the strife it is said

are to be found among the advisers of the Queen
of England.

Accounts from all parts of the country corres-
pond in describing the weather as being detri-
mental to the progress of the crops towards matu-
rity; but we are glad to find. that in some parts
of the country .the apprehensions created by the
continuance of rain are likely to be overcome. In
the northern po.rtions of this county the prospects
are gloomy enough, but in South Lancashire and
Yorkshire it is anticipated that the succession -of
" wintry days" will not be so disastrous to the
crops as was generally predicted. In the Mid-
land counties for the most part, there will be
comparatively a poor harvest, so far as present
appearances_ enable us to judge; while further
south matters wear a more encouraging aspect.
In the highlands of Scotland the crops look ex-
ceedingly well, but in Ayrshire and the Lothians
the weather seems to have had a very deleterious
influence.

Yesterday the proceedings in connection with the
contest for the prizes offered by the National Rifle
Association were most happily and auspiciously
inaugurated by her Majesty the Queen, some
account of which will be found elsewhere.

MR. BRIGHT v. THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

IT is already perfectly manifest that the desperate
attempt of Messrs. BRIGHT, GLADSTONE, RUSSELL,
and co. to get up an actual collision between the
two Houses of Parliament will be a dead failure.
Until the Report of the Committee on Precedents
appeared some people were inclined to fear that,
however reasonable the course followed by the
Peers, there might be found some formal flaw in
the order of their procedure. If this reservation
existed in the mind after the clear and conclusive
arguments .of the Lords themselves, it must have
rested on the
_consideration that from them we had
heard perhaps only one half of the question. How-
ever that might be, every person must have felt
assured that the whole truth would be expiscated
by such a carefully selected committee as that
whose report is now before the country. Few,
we venture to say, were altogether prepared for
such a complete justification of the right of the
House of Lords to reject the Paper Duty Repeal:
Bill. Nay, more, we cannot help thinking that
Mr. BRIGHT'S" Draft Report" will do that gentle-
man more harm, in the estimation of impartial'
and sensible men, than any blunder that he has,
yet committed. In this his latest effort to dis-
tinguish himself, he appears in the character of a
special pleader, determined to maintain his ground
after it must have been quite evident, even to
himself, that he had "no case." A professional
special pleader in a court of law may have no
other alternative; but in his case there can be not
misconception as to the character in which hel
appears, and the part he has to perform." The!
man who aspires to the position of an Eng-i
lish statesman, however, cannot adopt such
a course without thoroughly divesting himself of
all claim to the confidence or respect of the!
people. In him such conduct is not only a prosti-1
tution of intellect to serve a party purpose, but it
is an attempt to sacrifice high national interests
to gratify the most paltry personal feelings:
We would suggest to those who desire to get
speedily at the truth of the question, but Who
may not have had leisure to wade through the
long report of the committee, to read a few sen-
tences of Mr. BRIGHT'S "Draft RepOrt." By this
method we have reason to believe they will most
readily be convinced that the matter scarcely
admits of a doubt. Be it observed, however, in the
first place, that the question at issue is one merely
of fact. It is not to be confounded or mixed up with
considerations affecting the propriety or imprtr-
priety of the Lords possessing a certain right
We must restrict ourselves to the sole point,—have
the Lords been more or less frequently in the
practice of rejecting money bills ? It may or
may not be desirable to deprive them of that
power—with that we have at present nothing
whatever to do. Neither is the present discus-
sion to be determined by the consequences of
their exercising this right, if they really possess
it, either on a recent or on any former occasion.
Still less are we entitled to import into this case
our own views of the probable motives which
may at any time have induced their Lordships to
throw out or postpone a bill. We have nothing to
do with the amount of discretion the Peers may
have brought to bear upon the time and manner in
which they have exercised the right they claim.
The House of Lords has not yet been put upon
trial for its life. We merely desire to have a
categorical answer—yes or no—to the question—
Have the Peers enjoyed the constitutional right
to reject a bill affecting taxation ? It may serve
Mr. BRIGHT'S purpose to endeavour to mystify
the question. We dare say he would be only
too happy ; for everyone knows that he hates the
Ijouse of Lords, and would gladly level it and the
throne together to the dust. For those who
have any desire to arrive at the truth, however,
the real point at issue in all its simplicity cannot
be too steadily kept in view.
What, then, is the sum and substance of Mr.
BRIGHT'S " Draft Report." He starts with the
unavoidable admission that some two hundred
cases are on record in which the Lords have
interfered with money bills sent up to them from
the Commons. His first effort to' get over this
terrible mass of evidence is by dividing these into

four classes, viz.:-
1. Bills of supply and tax bills;
2. Bills for appropriating the supplies ;
3. Public bills, which are not strictly bills of
supply or tax bills, but which operate as a tax
or charge Qa the people ;
4. Bills for altering or repealing acts which relate
to supply, taxes, or charges ;
and he takes up the position that it is only within
Class 4 that any precedent can be found for the
case in hand. He is next obliged to admit that
the instances under Class 4 of interference by the
Lords are very " considerable in number." Now
,ono would naturally suppose that this adthission
741 lipff4cioq kiwi? the dispute. Hoy?. does
Mr. Brawn. attempt to set aside this evidence ?
Surely he must rest his objections upon some very
tangible and palpable grounds ! We shall let Mr.
BRIGHT speak.for himself 04 this `vits.l point. Vte
says,—" They axe afr?Pst IPinlPotitnt in
character ; the amendments !Tide by the. Lords,
where they did pot affect the taxorgrat, worefre_
quentty agreed to by the Commons ; in many uses
bills amended were laid aside, and a second bill sent
up and passed ; in some cases the bill was allowed
to drop from various causes and not a few, there I

's reason to believe, were not pressed in the Lords
by the (loyerument for the time being, owing to
sonle change of circumstances since the i.ntroduc-
On of the bill to the *(nanione, or to 4 pressure of
business, or to the near approach of a pro,
rogation of Parliament." There now. We
have printed in Italics certain significant words.
which deserve attention. We are afraid lest'
we should weaken the impression of such an
argument by adding any further comment. The
rest of Mr. IptT9q's long " Draft Report " his
reference j-o the other classes of bills Within
which, he set out by saying, rp precedent WaS to
be found. affecting the present question. In the
•above quotation, therefore, •we have the substance
of Mr. i4RIGHVS only evidence to prove his assertion
that there is no just precedent to be found for the
course taken by the Lords in the rejection of the
Who can Nil to see the )potiyes
Paper Duties Repeal W.
which have
induced Mr. BRIGHT to pursue such a
.policy ?
byries persistentlutionist to
How long will public opinion permit such an ill-
disguisedon h vo
occupy
the public &then;
ti
Constitution. He is attempts to destroy the
evidently, however, fast

approaching a crisis. He gets deeper and deeper
in the mire. Every step he takes is downward. It is
happily no longer in his power to disturb the peace
of the nation, or even to shake the confidence of
the people in the House of Lords, which, as now
constituted, has proved itself the strongest bul-
wark of the State against the inroads of that
democracy of which Mr. BRIGHT himself is the
unhappy prototype.

SPECIAL TELEGRAM.

GUANO ADULTERATION CASE.

CROWN v. CREAGHS.

This case was resumed at one o'clock yesterday. It
was ultimately sent for trial to Commission, and the
defendants were required to give security for their
'appearance—the bail to be perfected to-day (Tuesday).

LATEST NEWS.

(BY BRITISH AND IRISH MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH.)

FRANCE.

PARIS, July 2.
The Marquis d'Autmini, the Neapolitan Minis-
ter at the Court of the Tuileries, has sent his
resignation to Naples.
The Moniteur, of this morning, announces the
appointment of the Duke de Grammont, M.
Benedetti, and. M. de Talleyrand Perigard as
grand officers of the Legion of Honour.
A first warning has been given to the Gazette
de Lyoris for having contravened the organic law
on the Concordat which forbids the publication,
in France, of any •decree, bull, brief, or rescript
of the Pope without authorisation from the
Government.

A report is current in political circles that the
Emperor will confer• on Prince Napoleon all the
political prerogatives enjoyed by Prince Jerome,
particularly the post of President of the Privy
Council and of the Council of Ministers in the
absence of the Emperor.

THE FRENCH FUNDS.

PARTS, July 2.

3.55 P.M.—The Bourse has been very heavy,
the final quotation of Rentes was 68f. 45c., or 15c.
higher than on Saturday. To-morrow (in conse-
quence of the funeral of Prince Jerome) the
Bourse will be closed.