The Press.
London, England, 1853-10-08 00:00:00

A NEW CRY FROM IRELAND.

Munn the inevitable faction fights that
agitate the Tenant-League Conference in
Dublin—disputes which threaten. if they have
not accomplished. a permanent separation of
the Tenant-- Right " men of the North from
the Teuaut." League " of the South—there has
Wiled up 4 new sad *liquify demikad--aaother

SATURDAY,

form of the old cry of "help for Ireland." A
series of resolutions is to be proposed—that
din of war permitting—We framers of which
have discovered (though somewhat late in the
day) that the Government of Belgium has,
with a " wise forethought," recently taken
measures to relieve the misery of the Flemish
provinoes.

Those measures, it is stated, have ►•o-operated
with admirable local institutions to give sup-
port and guidance to industrial enterprise ;
and the resolutions call on the British Govern-
ment to adopt a similar system, and organise
similar local institutions, with a view to the
attainment in Ireland of similar results.

There is something a little malapropos in
the adoption of such suggestions by a body
like the Tenant-League. The measures so
much admired by the priestly agitators now
in conclave in Dublin were organised by a
Minietry in Belgium which was met by the
persevering and uncompromising hostility of
the Belgian clergy, and which at last fell before
their machinations. But, although those Bel-
gian priests were the bitter opponents of the
Government on general policy, it is only
justice to them to say, that, unlike their Irish
prototypes, they did not, by troubling the
waters at the crisis of Flemish misery, distract
the action of public benevolence.
The measures chiefly adopted by the Bel-
gian Government at the period in question
were strictly subject to the condition of non-
interference with private enterprise. Id.
Itoemt, the then Prune Minister of Belgium,
was himself a political economist, and rigidly
adhered to one of the primary doctrines of
the science he professed. After the first
pressure of famine and disease on the popula-
tion had been alleviated through the action of
the misses de bienfaisatay—tt humane substi•
tutu for the harsher poor-law of this country—
the attention of the administrative legislators
was concentrated on providing aid to the
people to help themselves. The machinery
was very simple. The impoverished rural
districts no longer afforded agricultural em-
ployment to even the decimated population,
and the object of the Government was to draw
them, by a natural process, into the towns.
This they chiefly did by the establishment of
institutions called ateliers damreatissaye, where
the younger peasantry were quickly taught all
kinds of handierait—more especially in con-
nection with machinery—and fitted for indus-
trial employment. The plan was found to
work well, the young pupils very speedily
attaining to great proficiency, and command-
ing preference employment and high wages.
Further, schools were established all through
the provinces, where female children were
taught lace-making and other appropriate
employments, the proceeds of their labour
being sold for the benefit of themselves and
their parents. Thus, it came to pass that
even infants of tender years, instead of being
a burden to their impoverished families, litc
rally contributed to their support. Straw•
plaiting was also extensively introduced. In
aid of agricultural pursuits the Belgian Govern-
ment established depiits of manure of various
kinds, and distributed valuable practical in-
formation, thus aiding the helpless without
interfering with the self-supporting. These. if
we remember rightly, were among the chid
means resorted to for the relief of the de
titution brought about in Flanders by famine
and pestilence.
But they were adopted at a crisis, such
as Ireland has already cleared. Similar in-
stitutions would work much good there--bat
is Government interference necessary to estab-
lish them? In Flanders their operation was
aided by a religious and benevolent resident
proprietary, who effected the better half of
the good. Can Ireland boast the same ? We
fear not. The gentry of Ireland—even the
Roman Catholic gentry—when not too apa-
thetic or selfish to exert themselves at all,
would shrink from contact anti cu-operatitn
with the clerical firebrands who are openly
engaged is & minds egainst their rights of

OCTOBER N, 1853.

hr operty. The very interference of tiovern-
meta would be a signal for either jobbing or
sedition. \u; the industrial regeneration of
Ireland must come from other than Govern •
went sources. The primary condition of sue-
cess is to extirpate that mendicant spirit
which ever looks to foreign aid for what
should be the result of native or individual
energy. The proceedings of this
ference." as reported in the Irish papers. do
not afford much temptation to the gentry of
Ireland, or even to the smaller manufacturers.
to train up an industrial population lifter the
Belgian model. 11 .ut of this we feel assured.
that were it possible to restrain the political
passions of the fomenters of discord in Ire-
land. there is iu the people so much intelli
:zenee, and in the country so great a demand,
that results might be prffiluced far tntuseend-
ing those achieved with the sluggish and
stupid Flemings, in the comparatively con
fined area allowed by the restricted markets of
Belgiutu.

THE " COSS7I"
IF• the Americana are really desirous to inter

meddle in European affairs, their first 'move-
ment hats not been at very suceessful one. The
affair Cossta " naturally attraeted the 'thew
thm of the diplomacy of Europe, and has pro-
voked IL demonstration, the almost necessary
COnsequenee of the pretensions advaneed
the United States. On the part of the Kin-
eipal Governments of Europe there appears to
be at perfect accordance of opinion that. the
American rule—that at partial or declaratory
citizenship by at stranger in the United States
is to entitle hint to the full rights enjoyed by
naturalised sulojeets muter other l iovermitei&:,
and to absolve him from previous alhogianee—
is inadmissible elsewhere. tht the other hand,
the Amerieans seem fully disposed to sustain.
by that form of democratie action called
" sympathy," the conduct of Captain koala-
Ham iu having violently yet:rued the Hun-
garian refugee front his Austrian pursuers.
Nor dot's it Appear that the popularity-hunt-
in Government of the United States has
shown itself' above the weakness of at least
eoquetting with the question. rather than
assume at firm attitude towards tile multitudi-
nous exiles, whether French, German, Italian.
Hungarian, 'lrish, Austrian, or Swiss, who
form NO noisy and trouldesonte a portion of
the floating population, staid who are so readily
sustained by democratic " sympathisers
among the citizens, itaixionsly wady to adopt
any 1.1..1 ext for social dlsturbane
The (attitude assumed lay the European
dipbomatists generally must have the i;overat-
inent of the U nited States into at more dignaified
or as more reckless course of conduct. It' the
elmimakittler Of ally A ineriean vessel•of-war, in
any part. of the world, is to hold himself on
powered, in open detianee or iu abstract 1•011-
WIIIIIt of intt rnatiouul law, to rrscur from 1110
constituted authorities of at State any person
wine!' he linty choose to cull tut AlllVrieltll
citizen, the officers of the United States' navy
may come to In' regarded as little better than
buccaneers. Perhaps, in the individual ease
in question, there may have loecit eircinaista, owes
spurring the manna instincts of men nursed
in ail atmosphere of political licence, and rt.-
coiling from the cowardice of permitting a
fillow.eteature to be consigned to the ven-
geance of a merciless tyranny. But this
" sentimentalism" is a haul guide where the
permanent relations of States all' ill question,
111111 the Americans will preloably discover the
necessity of squaring their pr.actiee with tin
general law, if they desire to (obtain at moral
influence in the affairs of Europa..
The Austrian view of the COSStit affair is not
confined to the question of qmsge•eitizematip.
The statesmen of Vienna are said to rest their
ease on the treaty of May, 15:11x. by which
American citizens offending against• the laws
of foreign States are to he tried by their own 'Mi-
nister or Consul—a treaty whielt the Austrians
still hold to be valid. Such at view of the
question reduces it to a mere point of form,
-Cossta • not having been claimed as a crl-