The Press.
London, England, 1855-10-13 00:00:00

OPINIONS ON THE WAR.

We are in imminent danger, according to our
humble appreciation of the state of affairs, of being
incontinently led into a contest for ulterior purposes
with which we have no national sympathies. It is
time for us to begin to reflect seriously if the original
objects of the war are not well nigh attained. At all
events, let us be quite sure that to the complete
accomplishment of this we limit all our expectations.
If Russia is not yet convinced that Europe is both
resolved, and able, to prevent her further encroach-
ments upon her weaker neighbours, let the blow be
followed up until conviction takes the place of that
most refractory scepticism. But to the cry to us to
lead the van in an attack upon established principles,
and an attempt to assert the supremacy of the purely
democratic sentiment, let the country resolutely tarn
a deaf ear.—Bath and Cheltenham Gazette, Oct. 10.

SATURDAY,

To listen to some counsellors, every victory, in-
stead of bringing peace nearer, should be a new plea
for further bloodshed and carnage. There was talk
about " rendering the enemy's humiliation complete,"
as if that could ever be a just reason for war, and we
are told that "the resources of Russia, for mischief,
must be effectually destroyed." If it were possible
to reduce Russia, at present holding the larger half
of Europe, to a feeble, harmless power, there might
be reason in these admonitions. But those who
utter them know well that when we have done our
best and our worst, Russia, unless we are prepared
to settle as well as conquer it, will still be a great
empire, disposing of enormous resources in men and
wealth, and as such always capable of exercising,
and, therefore, of abusing power. Every sane man
knows that at the end of this war Russia will be a
great, if a wearied and exhausted, State. Putting
aside, then, the wanton demands of the violent, and
looking only at the permanent interests of all parties
concerned, let us ask, who will be a gainer by a
contest, all the original ends of which are already
obtained? The Danubian principalities are freed
from invasion. We may be moderately assured that
Russia will not touch that material guarantee for the
next thirty years. The Black Sea fleet, the subject
of so many stipulations, is gone. Turkey is to be
admitted to the European family, and its Christian
populations are to be admitted to the full privileges
of citizenship. The war has arrived, if not at its
natural termination, at least at the end of its first
period. Military honour is satisfied. The original
military aim, as well as the professed political aim,
of the Crimean expedition is fulfilled. We are not
pleading for a dishonourable or unsafe peace. Such
a peace would be scouted by the whole nation. But
we are at the moment of victory. We hove gained
our original objects, and, at least, it may be required
of the Government that it shall not needlessly com-
mit us to a new straggle.—Northampton Herald,
Oct. 6.

The fatal weakness of the Premier's case, and of
the case of the old war party, is, •.hat he will not say,
and they do not know, what the war is for, or rather
what it is to be for. As regards its originally avowed
object, that is attained, in a sense of fullness immea-
surably beyond what was at first contemplated by
the Cabinet of which Lord Palmerston was a leading
member, and whose policy he has always defended
and identified himself with subsequently. If any-
body had asked his lordship, or any of those who
then were members with nim of the Aberdeen Ad-
ministration, whether the attainment of the ends
enunciated in that most unlucky and unfortunate
speech of Lord John Russell, announcing the Cri-
mean expedition, would satisfy all the requirements
of the case, the response would be unhesitatingly in
the affirmative. There would be no reservation as
to the possible conduct of Russia in the matter. It
would have been deemed enough that the mind.
panties had been freed from the invader, and that
Sebastopol eras rendered no longer a "standing
menace to Turkey," which it never was, and never
was felt to be by the Turks themselves, notwithstand-
ing the eternal iteration of the fiction by.nearly'all men
and all parties in this country, from the First Minis-
ter to the humblest journalist. All, and much more
than all, that was then deemed sufficient has been at-
tained; and yet everyone feels and knows that we are
really but entering on the war after having reached
the stage that was to have ended it. Why is this ?
Liverpool Albion, Oct. Bth.

We are not to be understood as counselling or
desiring any pacifio advances on the part of the
allies. All overtures for peace must of course come
from Russia, and we must continue the punishment,
frightful as it is, until she does make such over-
tures. But still we must not persevere only to
humiliate her. . . . Of the stronghold of Russia
in the Black Sea we may now say, "Delenda est
Carthago." And not only is the stronghold itself
"blotted out," but the magnificent fleet which it
sheltered,—that fleet whioh earned for itself at Sinope
an infamous immortality of fame and which was the
terror of Turkey. In that part of her dominions
the power of Russia is crushed, and Turkey may
discard her fears. It is supposed that the Russian
troops will evacuate the Crimea with all convenient
despatch. But whether they march out with
drums beating and colours flying, or are beaten out,
will that end the war ? A month or two ago we were
all exclaiming against negotiating for peace until
Sebastopol was taken. Well, Sebastopol is taken,
and the glory of the allied arms is reburnished—
vindicated, if that were necessary. What next? Are
we to wait until we have seen the back of the last
retreating Russian on the Isthmus of Perekop ?
Perhaps we are. But this, one would think, is the
moment for mediation. At all events, it seems to be
high time that Parliament should be called together
to discuss the present posture of affairs, and delibe-
rate upon what is best to be done.—Manchester
Courier, Oct. oth.

OCTOBER 13, 1855.

THE WAR.

No telegraphic despatches from the allied camp have
been published either in Paris or London during the
week. Prince Gortschakoff continues to supply the
principal intelligence relating to the movements of
the allied forces. The two armies appear to retain
their old positions. The French have reconnoitred,
and found the Russian lines too strong to be forced,
and the English troops still remain in camp. The
anticipated active field operations appear likely to
be confined to simple reconnaissances, and no forward
movements of any importance have been, or appear
about to be, undertaken. The latest letters reach to
the 20th, and the despatches of General Simpson
reach also to the same date.

The telegraphs which have been received via
Hamburg or Vienna and St. Petersburg from Pi ince
Gortschakoff up to the 7th have related simply to the
movements of the French down the valley of the
Belbeck and back; but on the 7th he writes thatnine
ships, twenty-eight steamers, and many gun-boats
had left Kamiesch that morning. The fleet
anchored off Odessa on the Bth, and up to the even-
ing of the 9th had not commenced the bombardment.
A squadron was also anchored off Ockschakon, and
therefore we may look hourly for intelligence of
active opdrations in that quarter. It is not known
whether any large military force accompanied the
expedition.