The Press.
London, England, 1855-03-10 00:00:00

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22

THE PRESS.

lip are utterly useless at such an hour. If
such men continue to be detached from our
party we must look themm as disaffected to
our cause. We toil that they are bound
by every sense of duty to stand closely toge-
her nude; their tried lea4ers, who alone ites
saved to the emergencies of the crisis. On
minor points of disagreement we are sure
that every reasonable tolerance will be given
to gentlemen who like to exercise themselvoe
on their fdurite hobbies, or amuse themselves
with harmless crotchets. Of course on funda-
mental principles there can be no abandon-
ment of that line of national policy with
which Lord DERBY boor g identified
his name. Directly, uor indirectly, the Con-
servative party, marshalled under Lord
DERBY, will never be led into a course of
conduct inconsistent with the long and sue •
tamed principles of its distinguished chiefs.
But the great aims of party are nation al, not
selfish, and it aspires to the possession of
political power, not for the elevation of a sect,
but for the ascendancy of a code of principles.
The statesman aims to widen the basis of his
party as far as he practically can, without hie
hazard of dissension in its ranks, that he may
enlarge its usefulns by increasing its power,
while the mere es
politician, on the contrary,
seeks to narrow that basis, that there may be
no interference with his particular views,
though by that very course he insures their
rejection, or exposes them to ridicule. In
political, as in all other forms of associion ation
of
,
the individual must sacrifice some port
his identity, that he may secure the advantages
of union.
We call, therefore, upon all isolated Con-
servatives throughout the country to join in
and close up the ranks without delay. We
tell them that the commercial classes of the
north of England are crying out for a firm
Government. Measuring political "right"
and "wrong " by the standard of utility, these
classes are beginning to think that a Con-
servative Cabinet would, as a matter of fact,
be the most useful for all English interests—
commercial, political, and social. Thus on the
strongest public grounds the basis of Con
servative force is widening every day. The
consolidation of its elements must now be the
object of every practical Conservative. In
order to attain a vast and patriotic utility, we
must sink our minor differences for the
there public
good. On the grand tentfundamtal possible, while
oints
must be no wavering; but i pos
preserving them, to be accommodating on
mere sectional differences.
Under Lord DERBY'S spotless banner we
shall march triumphantly to victory, and that
victory can be best secured by acting on the
'viciple of—Consolidation.

disparagement of those trusted chiefs under
whom we serve. But such is not the case.
On conversing with this description of politi-
cians, we have often heard them loudly praise
the splendid talents and extol the bold career
of the Earl of DERBY. The untiring energy
and brilliant eloquence of Mr. Disaeem are
also commended by them with that hearty
English love for ,whatever is signally suc-
cessful under great difficulties. Nor are
other leaders of the Conservative party
treated with less friendliness. The learn-
ing and unostentatious virtue of Lord ST.
LEONARDS are applauded by them, along
with the sound common sense of Lord
MALMESBURY in dealing with French and
Austrian affairs. They acknowledge, also, the
brilliant success of the accomplished Viceroy
(the Earl of Ecancros) whom Lord DERBY sent
and
to the sister country. The philanthropy
capacity for affairs of Sir JOHN PAKINOTON, and
the official abilities shown by Mr. HENLEY
and Mr. WALPOLE, receive from their lips the
well-merited meed of praise.
Such being the case, the question remains—
" How comes it that such gentlemen as are
" just described can remain in their isolated
" state—mere verbal Con servatives, satisfying
" themselves with lip-professions ?" Two
causes, we conceive, have mainly in
iluenced their motives iu their transient
retirement from the political scene. They
felt that they were once grievously deceived,
and they have become sceptical in political
affairs; they, also, have no practical acquain-
tance with the actual politics of the present
hour. They are living in the past, and
rs thare
eir
speculations in the present state of affai
as remote from reality as one of Mr. DICKENS'S
fairy characters from human nature.
On their first reason, that of former disap-
pointment in '46, we shall be brief. The theme
is too painful, and enough thereupon has been
said and e ritten. We can, however, sympathis
with the complaints made upon that point. But
when it is pretended that because
us there-
certain
parties once deceived or misguided
fore we are never to trust any one else, the
reasoning becomes too ridiculous. Because,
forsooth, we were once cast in a law-suit
ause, are a
we always to forego our rights? Bec
physician blundered in his treatment o
of our
illness, are we to cry " anthema" n all
medical eta ? The absurdities of such trans-
parent sophisms need not be exposed. When
nations have been ill-served by incompetent
generals or admirals, they do not, tent
generals the military or naval forces. Lord
NORTH lost America for England, and Mr. Fox
was weak enough to desert his principles and
party, and to join Lord NORTH. Did English-
men, therefore, cease to believe in politicians
or statesmanship ? They did the very reverse.
They placed confidence in a young and untried
Minister, then without great achievements,
and left it to him to avenge the national
disasters.
those inactive and faint-
hearted persons to whom we allude have no
real practical knowledge of politics. They
Without
deceive themselves with words.
hearty convictions, they use what on their lips
becomes little more th h
an te cant of party.
They talk platitudes, and think that they
utter principles. They dream sentimentally
of the past, shake their head at the present
with the true Lord Burleigh nod, and look
blank about the future. Yet these gentlemen
are not without intelligence in discerning the
truth when it is clearly set before them. By
experience we have found that what they most
want is to be roused out of their indolent and
lethargic conduct.
We must tell these inactive and weakly
spirits that forms of words are not principles,
and that Doctor JOHNSON was perfectly right
when he said " that a principle is utterly
" worthless unless it be capable of being
ati puve
t
" into practice." The great Consery
principle of the present time is the salvation
of England from irresolute and and intent
nfatuated
Ministers, forgetful of the empire,
only on their petty oligarchy. England is
drifting fast into internal anarchy,
stability i her counsels is the one thing
edful for her rescue. In such times connec-
'lf transcendent importance in binding
great party. Conservatives of the

SATURDAY,

disposition wholly -perverted under the in-
fluence of a monamomacal idea. It was un-
fortunate for the late Emperor that no legiti-
mate check existid to oodtrcl his authonty ;
his name might elpe have descended to poste-
rity as cue of the West of Enropean monarchs,
the
with fewer stains thaq4sually attach to
the uncontrolled exerlise or spotic power.
His death, by termiwitig that sentiment
Ofspereonaintroistility cntartsdned towards him
in this eau , has produced a feeling favor-
able to peso& Our enemy has been struck
down ;—the vexation produced by the failure
of his arms must have contributed to his fall.
He is beyond our resentment, and we arc
freed from that apprehension of his subtle in-
tellect and determined will which rendered it
probable that a satisfactory peace could never
be effected in his lifetime. With a new reign
our enmity ceases, and new prospects open

to us.
The manifesto of the Emperor ALEXAN-
DER U. is certainly not calculated to encou-
rage the hopes of those who placed great
reliance on his pacific nature, and his re-
ported opposition to the war policy of his
father. In this document he breathes a hope
that he may " maintain Russia on the highest
" footing of power and glory," and that in his
person may be accomplished " the incessant
" wishes and views of /PETER, of CATHERINE, of
" ALEXANDER, and of his father." Though this
language may be only formal, or designed
to disarm the hostility of that Russian
party supposed to be favorable to the more
energetic character of his brother CoNSTANTINE,
it tends to show that Russia is not prepared
to acknowledge a defeat ; and while it is
reasonably to be expected that the young
Emperor and his Government ,must desire
peace on the basis of the fur conditions
already agreed to, the language of
festo is some evidence that more will not be
conceded than may be legitimately deduced
from a fair construction of those terms. If
the negotiation now afont fails, all chance of
peace is at an end for y, trs to come. The
only kind of arrangement which the skill of
our sagest European diplomatists could devise
will have proved fruitless. The allied Powers
are not likely to demand less ; the Russian
Government, until its powers of resistance axe
reduced very far below what they are proved
to be at present, is not likely to yield more.
The very ground of the war will be changed,
and it will proceed, not from personal motives
which might disappear, or from disputed
terms which might be arranged, but from the
fundamental incompatibility of the preten-
sions put forward by the contending Powers,
that incompatibility being proved, recognised
notorious to all the world, and after solemn
discussion in European Congress declared to
be insurmountable.
THE VIENNA CONGRESS. That
our Government—with what view we
THE death of the Emperor NICHOLAS must go do not discuss here—has pursued peace to the
far to determine the question whether we en- point of positive criminality, by neglecting
gaged in war to resist the insatiable ambition necessary preparations for war after hostilities
of one man or the aggressive policy of an
had begun, we have constantly held ; and
the
evidence of General Eva/4s on this head must
empire. We have always held the opinion be regarded as decisive by those who have
that the war was due to the will of NIOHOLAs hitherto been incredulous. We have dwelt on
alone, and that, desired by neither the Ruff- this subject elsewhere, and we allude to it
sian Court nor people, it might have been here only to show that if the negotiation fails
now, the failure must be final. With the
avoided by a firmer policy on the part of our
cause of all our disasters before our eyes,
Government. There is strong probability in " the delusion of the Government" in " waiting
the view put forward by Dr. GRANVILLE that ~ for notes and protocols from Vienna," it is
the image which possessed the mind of the late impossible that the country can submit to a
Czar that Turkey was thomme malade—grave continuance of the diplomatic game should
mint malade—was due to a disordered condi- the present attempt end unfavorably. The
tion of his brain. It is hardly otherwise strife would become mortal, and the new
to be accounted for that there should be reign in Russia would be committed to a
such a remarkable contrast between the desperate contest for her existence as a first-
general moderation of his long and able reign rate Power.
and the violence of its closing period. Pre- There is another reason why the Congress
viously to 1853 we have seen him much more must be looked to with peculiar interest, and
intent on the internal improvement of his why it must exercise a decisive influence on
empire—as the construction of great public the affairs of Europe. It will no longer be
works, and the emancipation mightiestt serfs (an possible for Austria to maintain that tricksy
object worthy the care of the poten- neutrality which she has heretofore held.
tate on earth)—than on external war. By what She may join ono side or the other, or she
mysterious dispensation of Providence it is may assume a really independent attitude,
that intellect, of the loftiest kind, when par- but she will not be able to longer deceive the
tinily loosed from the control of reason, should allies by promises of support and assistance,
manifest a disposition to violence, we cannot always evaded when their fulfilment was
tell. But it is not uncommon to see what we claimed. The ultimate intentions of the
have been accustomed to consider as natural Austrian Court are, perhaps, at this moment

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