The Press.
London, England, 1855-05-05 00:00:00

421

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Pants, Wednesday.
ALTISOUGH the chance of peace is small, yet it is
equally certain that a chance still exists. It is im-
possible to describe the consternation produced by
the late attempted assassination of the Emperor.
You may rely on the following narrative. His Ma-
jesty was riding up the Champs Elysees on Saturday
afternoon, accompanied by M. De Valabrecque and
Edgar Ney: he had just passed the Rue de l'Oratoire,
and Was immediately in front of the Chateau des
Fleurs, when a young man, apparently about thirty
years of age, stepped hastily forward towards the
Emperor, as if about to present a petition, and when
within four paces deliberately fired, and, grdcs d Dieu,
missed the Emperor, whose horse, alarmed at the
explosion, started on one side, and thus left Edgar
Ney to face the second shot, which followed happily
with no better success than the first. The day being
fine the Champs Elysies were filled with people, who
instantly crowded to the spot in a state of leartul
anxiety. The coolness and sangfroid displayed by
the Emperor is testified by all, and cannot be too
highly praised. As soon as the second shot. leas
fired, and while the police were with difficulty se-
straining the crown from indicting summary ven-
geance on the offender, the Emperor's first care was
to turn to E. Ney and desire him to hasten to the
Bois de Boulogne, in order to prevent the report of
what had happened reaching the Empress's ears in
an abrupt manner. His Majesty then turned to the
crowd that thronged,stronnd him, and said, "
" mss enfants, je ne suis pas blesse." Subsequently,
he remarhed to M. De Valabrecque, "Mon Dieu!
" comme ces Bens ne recuisseront jamais de cette
" Cason; it m'a sembli que l'homme n'etait pas teal
" vitu." The Emperor then continued his ride to
the Bois, where he met the Empress, and, alter con-
versing on other subjects, told what bad happened.
An eye-witness of this interesting scene assures me
that her Majesty became deadly pale, "bland mat,"
and burst into tears. Their Imperial Majesties then
returned to the Champs Elyse**, where an entlivai-
astic welcome awaited them. The rumour of the
atteistat had been rapidly spread, and crowds had
collected to testify, by waving of hats, and cries of
" Vole rlitupereur," "Five mi eratrice," their ho. ror
of the crime meditated and their gratitude that the
assassin's purpose bad been thwarted. Their blejes-
ties seemed profoundly moved by the manner in
which they were received, and the tears which coursed
one another down the Empress's eheete produced a
deep impression upon those who witnessed them.
On reaching the Tuileries her Majesty was again
completely overcome, and the scene is represented
as most touching by all who witnessed it.
The following day the Emperor again appeared on
horeeback, and went the whole length of the Champs
Elysies at a foot-pace, followed by the Empress in
her carriage and four. The crowd was ten times
greater than on the previous day, and the reception
of their Majesties most enthusiastic. On is aching
the Place de la Concorde, the etroits of the police to
clear the way succumbed to the eagerness of the
crowd, and the Imeerial cortege came to a stand-still,
blocked up by masses of the people—the cries " Vivo
l'Empereur," " Vivo l'lmperatrice," being mingled
with " Dieu vows benisee !" " Dieu vous garde!" Al-
together it was an ovation and a sight not easily to
be forgotten. Every day since the Champs Ely sees
have been lull of those eager to catch a sight of their
Majesties, and to testify their respect for the Imperial
pair. The abandonment of the Emperor's projected
visit to the Crimea is attributed to the influence of
the Emperor of Austria, who, while he might be
willing to assist the allies, would not willingly remove
any securities against the break out of a revolution
in France.

A numerous meeting of English residents here has
been held, to congratulate the Emperor on his escape.

FIANLFORT, May 2.
and M. de Bismarck have now

to settle the dispute betwixt the Emperor of Austria
and the King of Prussia upon the nature and rights
of the Germanic Confederation, and until that is
regulated Austria will not deem herself in a position
entitling her to independence of action. Austria has
no basis of strength within herself —she would cling
to Prussia from fear of the future—she would chal-
lenge Prussia, aux mains, did she dare, in the very
heart of the Diet--she distrusts Lombardy and Pied-
mont, and sulks against her old ally of England for
having brought her into the present dilemma. Aus-
tria depends—diplomatically—on the form of adhe-
sion trim without, from lack of possessing that pro-
perty from within. Hers is a desperate game, and

422

the stake is for national existence ; but in either of
the many positions that an egotistical policy may
place her the peril is equally imminent—frash dangers
are in store.

A re-establishment of the kingdom of Poland by
the Emperor Alexander 11. will not strengthen
claim to the Crown of thist kingdom, should he
decide on such attempted reconstruction, as it was
constitutionally elective, and Catherine usurped and
spoliated it by force. In reality, one of the last and
binding acts of the Polish Diet was to make the
royal title hereditary in the house of Saxony. Under
the Piast and Jagellon kings the election belonged
to the Diet; in 1574 the fatal Reform Bill placed it
in the hands of the indigent and corrupt by universal

suffrage; and the CzartOryski party, in 1791, before
the second partition, in full Diet, with the plenary
consent of the nobles, vested the Crown hereditarily

in a Saxon prince. It so remains "de jure," no
imperial ukase having the right or power of annul-

mint.

The nominal restoration of the kingdom of Poland
by the Czar would be calculated to keep in check
both Prussia and Austria, and is planned with that
intent. If Prussia were then to vacillate in Musco
vita allegiance, a King of Poland, even in usurpation,
with an army of half a million, might insist on the
reintegration of Polish Prussia with the old king-
dom, and would assert a pretension, ostensibly proper,
t,) wrest Cracow from Austria, against the annexa-
tion of which portion of Poland to the empire,
England, France, Sweden, and Turkey protested in
1846. Besides, a revival of the nationalities will
raise the question of the kingdoms of Bohemia and
Hungary—the archduchy of Austria and the duchy
of Milan. The mere naming of these subjects
would formerly have subjected a person to the for-
tress of Spielberg, whereas at the present time their
discussion may be heard in every café. The danger
to Austria and Prussia is pressing, and the effect
at the Diet has been to convince the minor princes
that their independence approaches a reality in pro-
portion to the dependence of Austria and Prussia
upon the good will of the Czar. M. de Bismarck,
an irritable and imprudent emissary, was flatly told
by the envoy of a German prince that his master
would transact business directly with M. de Benken-
dorf, the bribery and Russian Plenipo at Berlin,
without the intervention of the King of Prussia.
This feeling is gaining ground amongst them, and
the intimate persuasion that France and England
are nationally and firmly allied—of which entente
cordiale M. de Bismarck hitherto denied the sincerity—
has embodied on their part a resolution to act singly,
and this conduct has considerably surprised and
alarmed Prussia. Bavaria and Wirtemberg, in com-
bined action, and supported by the principalities,
may bid defiance to the litigious potentates. Certain
it is, that in the beginning of the year the rapid
increase of Prussian influence was strongly marked,
and progressed steadily until the time of the Vienna
Conferences and the announcement of the Imperial
visit to England. The failure of the conferences,
and the exulting reception given to the Emperor
Napoleon by the people of England, have belied the
plausible inventions of M. de Bismarck, and given a
perfect'y new turn to the state of affairs. The
gradual estrangement of Bavaria from Austria begins
to be understood. Central Germany, that is to say,
the Germany of the middle ages, would desire to
concentrate and alienate herself from the incubus
bearing upon her in the north and south. This is
not difficult if the determination exists; but then she
must rely upon foreign assistance to counteract the
combination of her Prussian and Austrian enemies,
which would be immediate. The loss of the ultra-
Rhinelands to Prussia would, in that case, be most
palatable to Germany, from the consciousness that
it would be for the interest of the principalities that
Prussia should be deprived of her power of dictation.
In a noticeable degree the effects of that Paulkirche
National Assembly, once protected by the v.rtual
Hohenzollern, are made evident, and a substantial
one has been to give a more resolute tone to the
princes; thus reacting against the very power that
caused its birth. The assured identity of the policy
and military agency of England and France, and the
rupture of the Vienna Conferences, have induced
some of the minor principalities to discuss the pro-
priety of having separate and distinct relations with
the allies, independent of the Diet, should a pro-
longed war bring an army on the frontier. There is
a precedent for this step; and Prussia herself has
afforded one by entering into a provisional alliance
with some of the duchies, against which Austria
protested in 1849. It is sad to perceive that the
press of Germany, without an exception, has an
ultra-Russian tone, and that the Government jour-
nals of Prussia fulsomely applaud Austria for the
fixed resolve to maintain a posture of neutrality.
When a people of ancient renown once abandon the
sell-respect that national worth cherishes, and accept
willingly and overtly the heritage of the bonds-
woman, their career to infamy is precipitate ; their
lrror must b. tisitod oil a aims to mankind, and

THE PRESS.

for their trespass they must be lashed with the
thongs of their own handiwork.
The intelligence has arrived of the attempt to
assassinate the Emperor Napoleon—a Red Re-
publican as a matter of course. It will remain to be
seen whether he has any connection with the
Brussels gang, of which the Princess Lieven had
ample cognisance, and with which M. de Creptowitch
has such relations as testify his Mongol and barbaric
origin. J. E. L.