The Press.
London, England, 1855-11-10 00:00:00

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No. 132.—V0L. 111.

gly "dress.

LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10,1855.

Statesmen of Europe have set to her progress,
what chance is there that Russia will be able
to do so when opposed by more stringent com-
pacts, and more powerful alliances ?
The mere limitation of the naval force
of Russia in the Euxine is a point of minor
importance compared with the general prin-
ciples which are to establish the indepen-
dence of that sea, and to admit Turkey into
the European system. The real security of
any settlement must depend, not on any pre
sumption of Russia's weakness, or on her
inability for aggressive movement by reason of
particular limitative stipulations, but on the
amount of force which can always be arrayed
against her should she ever meditate a re-
newal of the contest. Of all the achievements
of the War, the last defeat of the Russians be-
fore Kars is the most brilliant and satisfactory,
as it shows that there is enough of vitality in
the Turkish empire to make it, under-the
guardianship of the Western Powers, a sure and
solid barrier against Russian advance. It is not
true that Russia is too strong for the peace of
the world. In comparison with her extent,
she is singularly weak as an aggressive Power.
To continue the War now that we may provide
against the possibility of its renewal twenty
years hence, would show strange ignorance of
the practical duties of statesmanship. The
best ground that, in the nature of things, can
be taken for future security, is to make such
wise and moderate arrangements for present
tranquillity as present circumstances admit of.
Wars would be eternal, and States be for ever
arrayed against each other, if they overlooked
the practicability of present peace in appre-
hension of future quarrel.
We believe that Russia is, from the very
circumstances of her position, desirous of
Peace. But she has to contend with the
adverse incidents that the last negotiation was
abruptly broken off by our Government while
she was yet making conciliatory offers, and that
the tone of our Ministerial party, and gene-
rally of our press, has been bitterly hostile
and malignant, not only to her Government,
but to her army and her people. She has
acknowledged the desirableness of those
objects which must form the basis of a solid
accommodation of this great quarrel, and
whatever obstacles are now opposed to its
adjustment must spring rather from senti-
ment than policy—must be interposed by
pride, or passion, or prejudice, rather than by
any dictates of national or social interest, or
any promptings of true honour. Animosity in
the differences of nations is no more a substi
Lute for policy than revenge in the civil trans-
actions of men is a substitute for justice.
If the next campaign opens for the con-
quest of the Crimea, the whole aspect of the
question, and of the War, becomes changed.
Affairs of the greatest magnitude have com-
monly narrow issues, which plain sense is at
no loss to comprehend. Supposing that, after
a succession of bloody encounters, the Crimea
is won by the Allies, what then? It is so
essential a part of the mainland that it cannot,
without an enormous force, be maintained
independent of it. The conquest of the
Crimea would entail the absolute necessity of
conquering all the maritime provinces of
Southern Russia. Then how are these con-
quests to be occupied and defended? and, after
all, as regards the solidity and duration of
Peace, would they form a firmer and safer
barrier against Russia than we have it now in
our power to raise ?

STAMPED .... SIXPENCE.
UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE.

We have faith in the strength of England to
achieve the reduction of Russian power, should
she earnestly set herself to the work, on dis-
covering that no other alternative is left her.
But, before engaging in such a gigantic enter-
prise, are we not to count the cost, and dis-
tinctly apprehend the objects for which we are
to contend? if such a war is to be forced on
us, it must be entered on in a serious spirit,
and its guidance intrusted to men who, mea-
suring all the difficulties of the enterprise, and
capable of drawing forth and wielding all the
resources of our empire, are endowed with
spirit and courage to bring it to a decisive and
glorious issue. It is not by keeping a mere
contingent in the field that we can expect to
bear a principal part in breaking down the
might of our enemy. Our boasts are contemp-
tible in presence of the shifts and expedients
by which our Executive pitifully endeavours
to make amends for its want of administrative
capacity and vigour.
Let the present system continue, and what—
allowing all scope for the indomitable bravery
of our troops, and the brilliant valour of
our Allies—must be the inevitable result?
We look forward. A dozen or a score of
years of warfare have passed. Russia has
been driven from the sea-board of the Euxine,
some kind of frontier has been established to
the North—though geographical conditions
would render the establishment of such fron-
tier almost impossible—and there is a pause
in hostilities from the exhaustion of the belli-
gerents. What would then be our condition ?
Our debt would be increased to probably
nearly double its present amount, the expense
of our establishments would be enormously
augmented, and we might yet feel it necessary
to prepare for new cor quests, or to withdraw
from those we had made. Our resources are
enormous, but still they are limited. Our
burdens are no longer to be diminished by a
continually-increasing population. For the
last fifteen years our numbers have remained
stationary or declined, and whatever is the in-
crease of taxation must be a direct increase
on every head. May not the point at last be
reached which will so oppress industry as to
swell the tide of emigration, and empoverish
the land ?
These are considerations admitting of wide
argument. It is enough to glance at them.
They should not be without effect in inclining
us to moderate councils. Why should Russia
hazard the loss of her " Italy" of which she
is so proud, and why should we heavily
mortgage for ever our industry and our pro-
perty, that a ruthless contest may he main-
tained when the cause for it has disappeared?
Let us be as successful in it as we may, the
conclusion of every rational man must be,
that if long protracted, it will be nearly, if
not altogether, our last great war.

LORD STANLEY'S REFUSAL OF THE
COLON lAL SECRETARYSHIP.
THE circumstances connected with the offer of
the vacant Secretaryship of
STANLEY are peculiar. We pi
vindicate than comment on th

When Lord DERBY attempt
Administration early in the
Lord PALMEASTON that his
thwarted. From Lord DE BB'
express statement, it was

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Lord PALMERSTON'S conduct was marked by an
apparently strange deficiency of courtesy and
candour, for which no colourable explanation
has ever been offered. Lord DERBY left Lord
PALMERSTON'S presence under the impression
that the noble Viscount would join if hie
friends, Mr. GLADSTONE and Mr. S. iiEusEnt,
would join also. But before an *newer from
either of those two gentlemen was received,
Lord PALMERSTON wrote both to thew and to
Lord DEuov,stating that he could not cotleur Uri
the proposed arrangement, leaving no other
alternative to his two friends than to decline
also.

Let us suppose that among a certain order
of politicians this conduct should be applauded
as dexterous and clever—yet what are we to
think of the taste displayed, some months later,
in offering to the heir of Lord DERBY—that noble
Earl still being the leader of the Conservative
party, and Lord STANLEY a distinguished mem•
ber of it—one of the highest offices in the
Cabinet? This conduct, too, may be
lauded as dexterous and clever, but it sug-
gests, at the same time, that Lord PALMERSTON
has so long been accustomed to regard political
principle as a joke as at last to become fixed
in the belief that it can be nothing more.
Lord PALMERSTON'S sole title to power at the
present moment consists, according to the
admission of his own adherents, in his resolve
to carry out a war policy. Lord STANLEY'S
opinions on the war are not doubtful. On
the 25th of May last he expressed his senti
ments on the subject without reserve. He
declared himself opposed to a war of extremity
with Russia, and favorable to a pacific
arrangement. It is notorious that his opinions
have not been changed, but rather confirmed on
this point, by subsequent events. Had Lord
STANLEY entered the Cabinet, he would have
done so with sentiments totally opposed to
the prosecution of that " war of principles "
which we are told Lord PALMERSTON is bent on
urging forward. What will Lord PALMERSTON'S
adherents say to this? Does it support the
notion of an earnest resolve on his part to
carry on the war with vigour? Does it coun-
tenance the bluster of the Melbourne oration?
Shall we suppose that Lord PALMERSTON has
any policy, or that he has none? It would
really appear that he is solely anxious to
strengthen himself in his place, without the
slightest care what may be the opinions of his
Cabinet, or how they may quarrel round the
Council table. It makes one shudder to reflect
that at this crisis the fate of the nation is en•
trusted to his careless guidance.
It may be conceded, that among his own
party Lord PALMERSTON would not have found
a person so well fitted for the vacant post as
Lord STANLEY; yet is his party so utterly bank-
rupt of talent that he can nowhere in its ranks
find a successor for Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH?
Put the case as we may, Lord PALMERSTON'S
plight is a bad one. He sought to strengthen
his connection by gaining over a political oppo•
nent, and he found himself unable decently to
fill up the vacancy from among his own suppor-
ters. What must the Liberal party think of
this admission of its decrepitude ?
A few week's back a " canard " was mali-

eiously set flying to the effect that a Coalition
was in progress between Mr. DISRAELI, Mr.
GLADSTONE, and Mr. BRIGHT. AS boys make
" dummies " only to pelt them, or " guys " to
blow them up, this sham was mercilessly
cudgelled by its inventors. But why are
these indignant gentlemen so silent on the
actual Coalition which Lord PALMERSTON has
attempted to form, by requesting so distin
guished an advocate of pacific views as Lord
STANLEY to join him ? Has Lord STANLEY less
weight in the L egislature than Mr. GLAD
STONE or Mr. BRIGHT ?
The story cirsulated in the Ministerial
prints, that Lord STANLEY declined the offer at
the suggestion of Lord DERBY, is, of course, a
fable. The slightest acquaintance with the
independent character of the son, and the
father's respect for it, would suffice to negative
the supposition. Conjectures which inter-
fere with the privacy of domestic life have no
place in a newspaper. The course taken by
Lord STANLEY was, we make no doubt, dic-
tated by principle alone.
We congratulate the Conservative party on
'this proof of its stability and cohesion. Lord
• . .

THE PRESS.

STANLEY is known to be ambitious of serving
the Crown—the post offered him was precisely
the one for which by the laborious study of
many years ho his rendered himself fit—and
it augurs well Mt his &tura career that he has
had strength to resist so tempting a proposal.
Almost at the threshold of public life, he has
sacrificed his ambition to his convictions.
The influence of his example will not be lost.
It will tend to raise standard of publjp
morality among nO, and Mow that, after all,
place is not the highest object of a honest
statesman's cmbition. The Party to which
Lord STANLEY belongs is clear of all the
scandals and disasters of the last few years.
It has shown uo eagerness for power, no
factious rage in Opposition. But the eye
must be dull indeed which does not perceive,
after the repeated failures and disgraces of
the Whig faction, that it is to this Party the
country must look if it has really any desire
to escape from the perplexities which have
been gathering since the overthrow of Lord
DEBBY'S Administration, and which are still
thickening about it.