The Press.
London, England, 1855-11-17 00:00:00

THE PRESS.

whisky punch, and a tide-waitership for the nephew,
as the summum bonum of earthly happiness. When
the Whigs are in office this party makes very little
noise. It is only at the elections, or when a Tory
Government is in, from whom the nephews as a
matter of course can expect nothing, that it shows
itself. It came out very strong at the last general
election. The smaller section of this party is com-
posed of a set of equally ignorant, but more stubborn
and fanatical priests. The first are Whigs, and send
such men as Messrs. Sadleir, Scully, and Ball to St.
Stephens; the second are somewhat republican, and,
though very bad, have a grain of honesty and send
such men as Mr. Duffy. This accounts for two sig-
nificant facts. The leading Whig journal of this
country is inclined to look upon Dr. Cullen's move-
ment as a more serious and disagreeable affair than
the Papal aggression ; and it has been received by the
Radical party with a howl of despair. Now, whatever
the Radicals and the Whigs concur in condemning
must have some merit. If Dr. Cullen was a Radical
they would not both attack him. If he was a Whig
they would not both attack him. If, then, he is
neither a Radical nor a Whig, what is he ?
It may be asked, what view do the Roman Catholic
Tories take of the Established Church, and what
position would they hold on such questions as the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and mixed education?
I answer for myself. I cannot presume to answer
definitely for any one else, although I believe that
what I say would meet the approval of the rest of the
party to which I belong. The High Church party
and the Roman Catholics differ very widely on some
points, but there are also some points on which they
agree. They agree on that great and fundamental
principle that the stability of a nation and the mo•
rality of a people can never be effectually secured
unless there is a firm union of Church and State. It
is not a union between one particular religion and
one particular government, but the broad principle—
union between the State and the religion, whatever
that may be, of every country. England is a Protes-
tant country—it is, therefore, the Protestant religion
which must be joined to the State. The Papal domi-
nions are essentially Roman Catholic—it is, therefore,
the Roman Catholic religion which must be joined to
the State. In both cases the object is precisely the
same, the preservation of order and morality ; and in
either case a Tory, no matter what his faith may be,
living under the protection of the State, should, from
purely political motives, be ready to maintain the
connection between that State and its established
church. I would, therefore, do all in my power to
uphold the English Church Establishment. It is a
guardian of virtue and champion of Christianity. It
preserves the monarchical spirit of our Constitution,
and teaches the people to respect the prerogatives of
the Crown. I would be just as ready to defend it
from the attacks of such men as the Protestant Dis-
senters of Crosby-hall as I would, were I living in
Italy, to defend the religious establishment there
from the attacks of such men as Mazzini.
On a proceeding like the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill
the course of a Roman Catholic Tory is equally clear.
I would vote in favour of that bill. As a Roman
Catholic, I believe that the Pope has no temporal
power whatsoever outside his own dominions—as a
Tory, I believe that the monarch of these realms has
alone the power of conferring titles on her subjects
and that any interference with that royal prerogative
should be resisted, and that any assumption of titles
other than a royal patent allows should be punished.
It is hardly necessary to say that we take the same
view of mixed education as the rest of the Tory
party. The principle is to some extent a dangerous
one—dangerous not to any one particular article of
faith, but to religion in general. But it unfortunately
happens in the yractice of political philosophy that
a sound principle must sometimes be laid aside for a
time to satisfy the expediency of the moment. Such
was the case with the system of mixed education in
Ireland : the provincial colleges were sanctioned by
the Tories because some years ago there appeared no
likelihood of the Roman Catholic party becoming a
party of order. Now, however, that the normal state
of things is about to be restored, I would certainly
give as vigorous a support to the Roman Catholic
University of Dr. Newman as the Conservatives have
very properly given to King's College, London.
In discussing the state of parties in Ireland, and
in tracing the source of its present happiness, no one
can give too much praise to Lord Eglinton. His
firm, but courteous and conciliatory, administration
taught the people an important lesson. He threw
aside the great maxim of Whig policy, and showed
that it was possible to reign in Dublin Castle without
ruling by faction. No one gave a greater blow to the
political reputation of the demagogues. They an-
nounced that he came to Ireland with two objects in
view—to blow into a flame the dying embers of
Orangism, and to insult and degrade the Roman
Catholics. But the people soon made two important
discoveries —they found that they could rely upon
the justice of the Government, and that they could
not rely upon the prophecies of their leaders. The
result was that no viceroy ever gained such gene*

10'

popularity, or ever left the country so universally
regretted by the gentry and the people.—l have the
honour to be, air, your most obedient servant,
A ROMAN CATHOLIC TORY.

SIO3 au Volta.

THE HYDE-PARK RIOTERS on Sunday last met with
a reception they did not anticipate, although a suspi-
cion that the authorities were at length about to
interfere was very general throughout the week.
Strong bodies of nieuuted police occupied the ground
early in the afternoon, while a reserve of upwards of
1,000 men was kept close at hand. Shortly after
three p.m. the "roughs" began to muster in con-
siderable numbers, but, surprised at the careful
preparations made to meet them, they attempted
little else than hooting the police upon every
favorable opportunity. A few hardy individuals,
determined to attempt a riot of some sort, were
quickly captured by the police, and brought before
Mr. Bingham, at Marlborough•street, on Monday.
John York, a boy of eighteen, was convicted of an
assault upon the police, and sentenced ►o two months'
imprisonment; William Kimbir was convicted of
attempting to incite the mob to a rescue, and sen-
tenced to one month in the House of Correction ;
and John Bradley, charged with distributing bills, of
no particular import except to bring the Govern-
ment into discredit, was convicted of a design to
create a disturbance, and fined 31., and Is., so as to
enable him to appeal, upon the particular request
of Mr. Parry.
THE CHARGE AGAINST DR. VAUGHAN for falsifying
the registers for his own personal benefit, has created
a considerable sensation in the town, and was
heard in part before Mr. Elliott at Lambeth on Mon-
day last, when the charge upon the death of Mr.
Raven was examined into. It was proved in evidence
that Dr. Vaughan had received double fees tor the
burial of Mr. Raven, and had entered single fees in
the registry book. After a long investigation, the
hearing of further charges was adjourned till Friday,
when those of Begbie and Webb, of a similar nature,
were proved in evidence, and the rev. gentleman
committed to take his trial on the three charges.
Bail was offered and accepted in two bonds of 500/.
each, and a personal security of 1,0001., when Dr.
Vaughan left the court.