The Press.
London, England, 1855-03-03 00:00:00

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in . V IlUer wlv LC Min ocitcussy,• ...... - -- - •
tAI St we that it would be absolutely necessary for them to stud that nearly twenty thousand tons of the enemy's shot
take steps to send out forage for the horses from England. lie in all directions in the rear of our trenches, but only THE Vacascr IS TIM HOI`gE or !Aims, caused by
Whim is the result of our mode of doing business ?No their thirty-twos and sixty-eight pounders tit our ordnance. the death of the late Viscount Lorton, has been filled
lisy is in harbour • the horses are subjected to heavy work, The sailors have been supplied with shot-ganges, and re• up by the election of the Earl of Portarlington to he
without proper food ; and, at a recent board, the veterinary ceive (3d. each for all the shot of this size which they bring the new representative peer for Ireland.

206

Sort* Correspulnutt.

FRANKFORT, Feb. 28.
of tho recal of Lord John
Russell from his Vienna mission, and the secession
of Sir James Graham, Mr. Gladstone, and Mr. Sid-
ney Herbert, from the Ministry of Lord Palmerston,
have created a sensation throughout Germany sub-
versive of all reliance on the English Government
as at present constituted. This state of uncertainty
is most injurious to the constitutional cause, and de.
structive of the real weight which England asserts as
a right in the council of nations.
The manner in which many of the leading English
journals descant on continental affairs evinces little
acquaintance with those secret springs of policy
which work, as it were, in direct opposition to the
open declarations of accredited statesmen. These
journals would believe—or rather they would desire
to inculcate the belief—that the Ministers of the ve-
nous nations are candid " Publicists " that the
spirit and substance of their manifestoes convey the
real sentiments of their respective Sovereigns—that
the envoys for a conference on dispute d points meet
together with the most cordial frankness to discuss
and to set in order the affairs of Europe.
It may be so; yet this will not prevent the asser-
tion that the corruption, the deception, and the
political profligacy of the entire mass of Germany
at the present moment is without a parallel in his-
tory, except in some of the darker passages of
Spanish chronicles. The cold insincerity of Lord
Aberdeen in concert with this German depravity has
placed Europe in a position surcharged with evil;
and, moreover, has rendered the future course of the
Czar easy and plain. The corrupter•general of Ger-
many has been and is M. de Benckendorf, the
nephew of the Princess Lieveng—resident at Berlin
as military plenipotentiary of the Emperor Nicholas.
t is his province to disseminate throughout the
Germanic States those peculiar and cogent reasons
which induce the princes to regard as patriotism
that which in other countries would bear a less
euphonious designation. Louis Philippe corrupted
the " bourgeosie " of France, and the fruits thereof
were speedy. The Czar applies a similar pressure
upon the princes of Germany, and he awaits with
patience and confidence the effect of his craft. The
decisions of the Diet vary from hour to hour, and,
like the web of Penelope, the work of the day is
nullified by the messenger of the ensuing night.
The Minister of Prussia is not always in the confi-
dence of his King, and the vacillation of the latter is
frequently derived from the by-play which is forced
upon by him by his more intimate communications
with Russia. Hence the duplicity that has caused
the ready and public application of an unkingly
epithet. M. Niebuhr, the son of the eminent his-
torian, and the bitter foe of England, has failed in
his mission to subdue the integrity of Holland. M.
de Wedell and M. Von Usedom profess to have
been more successful in their negotiations with
France and England. True it is that, apparently,
the terms of proposal have not been refused, viz.,
an armed intervention, if Russia should invade
the principalities ; or, secondly, the territory of Aus-
tria; and, thirdly, in the event of Russia departing
from the four points of Vienna, which, be it observed,
that Government has not unreservedly accepted.
But under Russian dictation Prussia refuses to be
bound by the majority of the Conference—that is to
say, that whenever Prussia may absolutely differ from
the other powers, she will assume the right to return
to her original position of armed neutrality, or open
hostility, as she may deem fit. This is precisely
what has been said in a former letter, that the
admission of Prussia to the Vienna Conference on
her own terms would place a Russian spy at the
council-board of the allies. It is now proved by the act
and demand of Prussia herself. This Prussian scheme
was not unknown to high parties at Vienna, who
hoped to use that country in such manner at the
Conference against England and France by the
menace of disunion, as to enable Austria to mollify
the asperity of the Czar against herself.
Never was there a moment when England more
required a firm and unflinching band at home and
an acute diplomatist at Vienna. Has she either the
one or the other? The friends of England are in
dismay—M. De Bismarck and the Russian party
make merry with the innocent peculiarities of Lord
Westmoreland, and state freely that Lord Palmerston
has become Sachsenised, and fear him no longer.
The Sachsens generally consider the retire-
ment of the Peelites in a body to be significant of
strength, and of their future return to power without
extraneous aid, at a time not far distant, and they
count upon their being supported by the disaffection
of England, civil, ecclesiastical, and political. In the
meantime let it be plainly stated, without doubt and
circumlocution, that Sachsen(' and Prussian Germany
on one hand, and Austria on the other, regard Lord

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