The Press.
London, England, 1855-03-03 00:00:00

THANKS TO THE COLONIES.

The Earl of CARNIRYON, on Thursday, demanded
if the Government intended to propose a parlia-
mentary vote of thanks to the sympathy shown by
the colonies with the country in the present war.
Earl GRANVILLE said that the Government had
forwarded very strong acknowledgments, but that
they thought it premature to decide upon parlia-
mentary vote.
Earl GREY thought that they ought to decide that
a parliamentary vote was an innovation which would
lead to great inconvenience, as passing by the Crown,
and establishing the principle of direct communica-
tion between the colonies and Parliament.
The Earl of DERBY took the same view, saying
that the colonial Legislature never were in the same
position now as that of Ireland before the Union,
and that all direct communication between the Legis-
lature at home and those abroad would be fraught
with danger. He blamed the Government for having
received coldly the offer of men from the colonies—
we might have had two or three regiments, whose
intercourse with our own soldiers would strengthen
the bonds between ourselves and our colonies. As
for the vote of thanks, he thought that the Govern-
ment, in thanking the colonial Legislature, might
expect how warmly Parliament concurred in such
thanks, and for that reason he was glad the debate
had been opened.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE denied that the Go-
vernment had shewn any coldness toward the offer of
men from the colonies, for which object propositions
were now entertained. To the vote of thanks, the
Government had simply said that they thought it
premature to decide. He admitted the inconvenience
of the precedent, saying, that if we now interfere to
praise, we might hereafter have to interfere to blame.
It should be remembered that the war was undertaken
for the interest of the colonies as well as our own.
He admitted the inexpedience of the parliamentary
vote.
For the same subject in the Commons, Sir G.
GREY read a similar statement to that of Earl
Granville, that the Government thought it inexpe-
dient to come to a decision.

COMMAND OF THE TURKISH LEGION.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUCM on Tuesday raised a
discussion as to the merits of General Vivian, who
was to have the command of this legion. He had no
objection personally to the gallant officer—of whom
he knew nothing—but did notthink that his previous
position fitted him for the office. The commander
should have three qualifications—a high reputation,
a position which would give him personal acquaint
ance with the services of the officers, and experience
in the command of an irregular force. None of these
General Vivian appeared to possess : as an officer of
the Madras army he could have no opportunity of
much experience in active service, and had had no
distinctions conferred upon yin. He thought that
letters should have been written to the Governor-

General of India, requesting his advice as to the se-
lection of the fittest person for so important a post.
Lord PANMURE said that he could not affirm pre-
cisely that General Vivian was appointed, as he had
not yet received the reply of that gallant officer, but
he had himself quite made up his mind as to the
policy of that appointment. General Vivian had
tiled the responsible post of adjutant general of the
Madras ai my, throughout life he had given proofs of
courage and ability, and, since the rumour of his ap-
pointment, very numerous applications had been re-
ceived from Indian officers anxious to take service
under him. Referring to a question put by the noble
earl, Lord Panmure said that there was no intention
of sending an officer to the Crimea to see and report
—they would wait the result of the steps they had
lately taken with regard to the staff.
Lord VIvIAN read extracts from letters of persons
high iu office in India, giving the highest character
to General Vivian, who had not solicited the appoint.
went, nor was aware of it till it came before the public.

MR. KENNEDY.

Almost the entire sitting of the Commons on Tues-
day was occupied by a discussion respecting this
gentleman, for an inquiry into the circumstances of
whose dismissal a select committee was moved for
by Sir J. Susm.ex. The facts of the case have been
often before the public, and may be briefly restated
from Sir J. Shelley's own words. Subsequently to
the appointment of Lord Duncan's committee upon
the management of Woods and Forests in 1848, Lord
J. Russell had felt the conduct of that department to
have been so much damaged in public estimation,
that it was desirable to procure for its improvement,
and in order to purge it of jobbery, the services of
some able public servant. Mr. Kennedy bad filled a
Government office in Ireland, the duties of which he
bad discharged for ten years with the utmost credit
to himself. Mr. Kennedy, after his appointment to
the Woods and Forests, had thought it his duty to
endeavour to introduce considerable improvements
in its management ; and theflrst subject of complaint
which had struck him was that the gentlemen who
bad tosct'under him knew nothing for the most part of
rural affairs. That such a complaint should be well-
founded could not appear improbable to any one who
knew how appointments were made in our public
offices, without reference to the qualifications or the
previous pursuits of the holders. The first case into
which Mr. Kennedy had felt it his duty to inquire was
the state of Chogwell Forest, in the county of Dur-
ham, and he had sent Mr. Browne,a gentleman fully
qualified for the task, to make a report to him upon
that subject. At that early stage of his labours his
differences with the Treasury had commenced ; for
they had thought proper to disapprove of the ap-
pointment of Mr. Browne without their consent.
Other differences arose from the interference of Mr.
Browne with those already in the management of the
forests; disputes arose, which ultimately led to Mr.
Kennedy's dismissal. Mr. Kennedy protested against
the treatment to which he had been subjected ; a
lengthened correspondence ensued, much of which
VMS read by the hon. member ; and Mr Kennedy now
demanded a fair and impartial empanel of members
of the house. He had been dismissed, not for the
reasons assigned, but because he had displayed too
much zeal for the public service, and had become a
nuisance to persons in office.
Mr. GLADSTONE met the charge, first by assuming
all the responsibility, part of which had been at-
tempted to be cast upon Mr. Secretary Wilson, and
secondly by asking if Sir J. Shelley would reduce to
writing the charges against him, make them tangible
and intelligible, and if he proved them he, Mr. Glad-
stone, would at once consent to the committee. As
Sir J. Shelley declined this, Mr. Gladstone charged
him with deserting his own statements. Mr. Kennedy's
management of the Forests had appeared injudicious,
not merely to him, but by three gentlemen specially
appointed by the Treasury to inquire into the facts.
He had dismissed Mr. Kennedy ; that gentleman had
appealed to Lord Aberdeen, and Lord Aberdeen had
concurred in the dismissal. It was absurd to sup-
pose that the whole Cabinet had entered into the
details. He denied that there was any irregularity
in the case, and protested against the assumption
that Mr. Kennedy was dismissed because he
V 711.4 over-zealous. The Ministers of the Crown
were responsible for the acts of their subordi-
nates, and they could not submit to have their con-
duct towards them controlled by the House of Com-
mons without a cornpletedisorganisation of the public
service. He summed up the reasons which had in-
duced him to dismiss Mr. Kennedy thus—first, be-
cause he, as a Minister of the Crown, after his
experience of Mr. Kennedy's views of public duty,
would not be responsible for that gentleman's pro-
ceedings; secondly, because circumstances -had
occurred in Mr. Kennedy's department necessarily
destructive of his authonty ; and, thirdly, because,
in his opinion, the inferior servants of the public
under Mr. Kennedy had a rightto be dealt with upon
principles of justice. He referred to several prece-
a dents, and said thatthe Ministers were constantly con-

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strained to dismissal, of which no one heard anything,
but this happened to be the case of a privy councillor,
and one in hig'n connection with the political clubs.
The charge had no specific shape, and, if it asserted
anything, asserted that men in office were unable to
choose the instruments by which they must work.
Lord STANLEY said that the charge was not against
any public man, but against a public department.
Mr. Gladstone had turned round, and perplexed the
question by making it a personal one. He denied
that any appeal lay from his decision in the case of
an error in judgment—that meant that the means
and character of a public servant might be taken
away without any chance of redress being allowed
him. In the army or navy no such dismissal could
take place without a formal inquiry. The Govern-
ment had themselves nominated the jury by which
Mr. Kennedy was tried, and if that tribunal or that
of Mr. Kennedy judged other public services, we were
under an Administration more despotic than that of
Russia. There was no course left to Mr. Kennedy
except an appeal to the house.
Mr. DRUMMOND said that all government would be
impossible if the heads of the departments were not
responsible for the conduct of those under them. He
questioned for many reasons the fitness of Mr. Ken-
nedy for his office.
Mr. MATINS thought that Mr. Gladstone had acted
in a manner the most hasty and inconsiderate towards
a long-tried public servant.
Lord SEYMOUR argued that if each of the 1,600
servants of the Crown made the house a court of ap-
peal, it would have nothing to do but to listen to
them. Mr. Kennedy had been zealous, but not dis-
creet. Mr. Gladstone had withdrawn any charge that
might he supposed to be implied against that gen-
tleman's honour : his character was now unimpeached,
and he trusted the motion might be withdrawn.
Mr. STRUTT denied that a civil servant unjustly
dismissed had a right to ask redress from the house.
The Treasury had offered no reparation to their im-
putations against Mr. Kennedy's honour. The house
should not interfere in such cases on trivial grounds,
but the grounds here were not trivial.
Mr. Wilson then entered into some details of the
actual transactions of the case, and, after a few words
from Mr. WHITESIDE, in favour of inquiry,
Lord PALMERSTON proposed to compromise the
matter by a definite admission of the honour and in-
tegrity of Mr. Kennedy, observing that by granting a
precedent of this kind there would be an end to all
discipline in the service of the State.
Ultimately, on the understanding that a Treasury
minute should be placed on record, in lieu of one
previously existing, stating that Mr. Kennedy's honour,
integrity, and veracity were perfectly unimpeached,
Sir J. SHELLEY withdrew his motion.

CAPITULAR ESTATES.
The Marquis of BLANDFORD moved the second
reading of his bill on this subject, which was similar
to that introduced last year. The object is to take
the management of the estates of the bishops, dean,
and chapters, from those persons, and vest it in the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners. The plea was the
mismanagement of their estates, and the smallness
of the sum paid out of them fur general Church
purposes. The noble mover did not deny the pri-
vate liberality of the dean and chapters, but con-
tended that none could be less liberal in their cor-
porate capacity. He adverted at some length to the
increased spiritual wants of the people, and said that
his measure was framed for the express benefit of
that noble institution the Church of England.
Mr. LIDDELL opposed the bill, which he said would
read to the utter subversion of the actual cathedral
statutes. He believed that it would prejudice the
interest of the lessee of the property, and denied
that cathedral funds could be applied to general
Church purposes.
A discuss►on followed, in which the bill was op-
posed on other grounds by several members of dis-
senting and low church opinions, as tending to
bolster up the present ecclesiastical system.
Sir B. HALL, who represented the Government in
the house on the occasion, said that the Church
estates were sadly mismanaged, and that it was the
wish of Lord Palmerston that the bill should be read
a second time, and the committee deferred till the
Cathedral Commissioners bad presented another

report.
This course was adopted, and the bill read a second
time.

ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS.
The Soracrros-GENETut stated on Tuesday that
his attention had been directed to a measure for the
total abolition of these courts, but that he had not
then leisure for so weighty a matter. He was, how.
ever, prepared with a bill for the abolition of testa-
mentary jurisdiction, and the transference of that
jurisdiction to another tribunal. That bill would
shortly be introduced, and one of its provisions would
be that probate obtained in any pact of the kingdom
should operate throughout the whole of the kingdom.
He could not extend this to the colonies, owing to
in testamentary law.

the difference
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