The Dorset County Express and Agricultural Gazette.
Dorchester, Dorset, England, 1868-08-11 00:00:00

BRIDPOBT COL STY COURT, FILIDAY.
(or. T. E. P. Luxor, Esq.)

There were a large amber of plaints at this court.
hot the majority of them were disposed of by the
Registrar.
Banning r. Bullen.—The plaintiff Is a miller, Ac.,
, residing as Mangerton, and he claimed 15s. from the
I defendant, who is the landlord of the King of Present
Bridport, for the cartage and a marquee front
Stoke Abbot to Mangerton, for the defendant's use at
the regatta held there last year, and for the privilexe of
a " standing" there.—Defendant pleaded a sat-of! of
12s. for refreshment. supplied to the committee, bat he
I paid 3s. 64. Into court. It seemed that a publican who
had arranged for the supplying of refreehmenta at the
isgatto • few days before the event changed his u.ind.
Bonen was applied to on the subject and readily under.
Mk to do it, laying he would pay ih for the privilege.
Belle, hired a marquee for his nee' and the plaintiff,
at his request, got it carted to Mangerton. The regatta
was held, there were about 2,000 people there, to one
but defendant was allowed to mil anything in the shape
of drinkable. on the ground, and plaintiff described that
he did in oossequence • " rearing trade." All this
having happened, plaintiff expected that defendant
would pay hie the £1 be undertook to do toward. the I
general *spume, and also what the cartage of the ,
marquee hadeest. Hut defendant made nosily°, and at
length the lassent action was brought. Of the stun
claimed there wee about 6.. for the "standing." The
defendant sail that plaintiff encased the man to wry
' the marrireer,eaying ' will you do it for me?" and
therefore, he trod, plaintiff was liable, although the
tent WM for hit sole use and benefit He further said
that Its lost mote, by the venture, a statement respect-
ing which the pldatiff was wholly Incredulous, Defend-
ant, on proesedirge being taken, pleaded a Net-off of 12a,
for rsfieshmente supplied to the oommittee, hot plaintiff
denied that he bad given him any authority to supply
any person at he ex penes —His Honour said he believed
plaintiff's claim WY ma& out, and that there was no
ground for tin eel-off. Judgment forthwith for
plaintiff.
Pullman v. Hint —nig was • claim of £Bl 7.. 7.1.
Mr. Manley for plaintiff, and Mr. F. W, Gawky for
defendant. Defendant paid £l5 IN. 74. into court
land pleaded a setoff mono:leg to the remainder. The
I plaintiff took off the brewery business of Messrs. Hine, •
at Netherbery, which included the tenancy of various
peblic-honses, and in respect to which they contracted
to perform certain things, which were set forth in an
agreemeat dated January 4. 1867. One clause muss
follows: The said Hooey P. Palma will take to
sod bemire. tenant of the mend publiohouses and Inns
motioned for the resides of the term fee which they
may be held, and thesaidJasnesP. Hine and Beery Hine
will pay all rents, rake, taxes, and other cheroot and
perform all repairiog and other agree:nests in respect
'of the raid publishes..s and inns up to the 25th
Deeember, 1866. The only item disputed in plaintiff'.
claim was orae of ES fis. 7d. for the repair at the " Lamb
sad Flag," South-street, &lapses Thoth zutelfs. _We,"
done in April, 1867. It mac shows that Mr. J. Hine
; went over this premises with the Mintiff, and
directed the tenant (Mr. IL Gala) to get an estimae• and
' send it to him at Netherbury. Tide was done and it
amounted to between 211 end £l2. Mr. Elise objected
to so mush being I.ld out at his 008 i, sad be postponed
levier( any orders in the matter from time to time HU
nt length Mr. Putman ordered the repairs to be does by
Mr. Bridle. The bill wee KS 5.. 74. and it was shown
that no more was duos than was absolutely required,
and ditheidations which had existed prior to January,
1867. In answer to this, Mr. J. Bina `ma 044 and
said that under his 'entreat with Mr. Williams, land.
lord of the Lanth and Ma& be was naa hound to "Pair
,it and had not repaired it—Cross-examinsd He went
; over the house with Mr Planisli, at his regime, to see
I what repairs were required. Didn't know be had much
to do with it. Did tell Gale to get estimate for
the repairs. The judge said he thought Mr.
Othdry bad better withdraw oppoeitios to
this Items it was quite Mar what interpretation
Mr. Hies put on the agreement —ln defeodant's set-off
I "Haw were Ivo items, ammatieg to 218 ter thereat
of the Bed Lith ino,Bridport. disputed, plaintiff denying
possession. By the agreement Mr. Putman was to have
an theiganseirt of the hotith prepared at his extreme,
for Mr. Hine to sign. He did not do this, however, to
avoid the expense, or, as Mr. Gundrr said, "to °Dana
the lawyers." Mr. Hine made no objection, but Mr.
Ouodey urged that any difithlty which had arisen wee
through Ms. Paltnea's owe default, and that therefore be
was not en titled tithe hime64 of it. —Mr. liaalay said there
wee nothing to mitts. Oundry said there waa an I
agreement for the life of the owner.—Mr. Manley said
that was not stamped, eels mc,so good.—Mr. Gandry
said that nailer any eirethastances the landloed yee a
yearly tenant, sad OM mild be amigos& it
I the landlord refused to eeksowledp Mr. Pmslnisn s.
Ilaedlord, and ultimately flitted whams paying /h.
rent, when • lodger's goods were Weed by order 01 Mr.
Yulman and 2.4 smovend, which Mr. Rime Was credited
with.—His amour held that Mr. Palmas had a aerthia
pommies, sod Mahe bath bad full pmession if he had
clime to take ea siedgemeat. So be gave judgment
ia tamer of bed' parties. The spinal mall yes Pik-
meet is. mid web.

BILIDPORT ELSCTION.

ADDRESS OP YR. T. A. MITCHELL, MP.
- .

Mr. T. A. Mitchell, H.P. who has bed the borer al
being one of the representative, of Bridled, ureter
-
meted'', for the long period of 27 years, weird la the
town on Wednesday night. and be wu welosened is the
old wiry, by ringing the church bells. Oa Monday
and Friday he we Thine( amongst bis restiturnee,
and in tbe evening of the latter day be public," Ws on
arrant of his stewardship daring the pad session.
The bon. member spoke frogs a window at the Bull
hotel, to • large assembly. He was arsoompanied In
the room by Mr. F. W. Gram Mr. H. H. Leggin,
(Mr. R. Cox), Mr. G.
B.
.fiwjens,°"dMrt' ib. May
.Y J. P. Stephens, Mr. W. Smith,
Captein W. Swain, Mr. J. M. P. Montagu. Mr. B. P.
Oundry, Mr. J. Williams, Mr. W. Colo:, the
Rev. J. Ropes. the Rev. J. Stevens, the Rev. Mr.
Stevens, the Rev. H. Calloway, Mr. H. Howell, Mr.
.7. Jefford, Mr. H. M. Btembridge, Mr. J. T. Stephens,
Mr. W. R. Turner, Mr. G. Haman, Mr. J. Bartlett.
, Mr. W. Toby. Mr. T. E. Biddlecombe, Mr. W. T.
1 Stephens Mr. J. P. fiuttill, Mr. G. Rood, Mr. W. H.
Chick, dr. W. L Stephens, Mr. T. H. Edmund; ke.
Mr. Mitchell, on . appearing at the window,
said : I have to thank you, gentlemen, for the
gay kind reception I have met with on my return
to the town. Even late as it was In the evening when I
arrived, I found a great many anxious to shake bands
with me, and I feel sensibly the very kind reception
that I have hitherto experienced In the borough.
Perhaps I should not have troubled you even to this
extent quite too early as I have done, but that I have
an opponent in the field ; therefore, although the
election cannot by law take place till the beginning of
November, I have felt it my duty to show myself here
now to give you a full explanation of the coons I have
taken, or shall take if you again do me the honour of
retorting me YO Parliament. But I shall not attempt
to couple this apparatus of mine arnonpt you
with a
_general visit to •Il my constituent.,
. because I fully expect that I shall have the
pleasare of doing that nearer the time of the election,
via, daring the month of October. I have to
thank you, not only for the kind rseeption I have
arrived on my retort here, but for many previous
token of the confidence you have placed in me. I
believe I may up that there are not half-s-dosen
members of the existing House of Commies, who can
say, as I can, that I have been for 27 years uniu-
, terroptedly returned for an English borough that is '
: only free from aristocratic influences of any kind—
I applause). There are some few towns such as one not
: r from ree—Mariborongb —Um members for which ,
raef
I have sot represented the inhabitants of Marlborough, '
I but the Marquis of Allsebury, who, I believe, have bra
IlonPw. they
are arddutt'rep P alitY X:7 havted ws,ithbuti:e ot: looking
through the list of the House of Commons, I don't
believe there are three members who can say as I do, I
return you my sincere thanks for the confidence you :
have placed in me uninterruptedly for 27'0.n—(reers). :
I hope that during that
have
I have deserved your con-
fidence—hipplouse . AU I can say is, if I failed to :
deserve It. it Ilea from no fault of mine, for from .
the moment I entered Parliament up to the present I
time, I have had but oae object in life as • member of
Parliament, and that has been to do my duty not merely
to you —although I have endeavoured to do that—but to
the whole of Great Britain, the interests of whirr lass
bound to consider. The last throe year., sire we met
hers, have been very nentfal—they have been marked
by sae of the greatest changes that have occurred in oar
modern history—probably, as great • chugs as occurred
In the year 1832, before I was used to political life. The
Reform Bill, the regale of which we are now inaugurat-
ing, has been a more difficult measure than that of '32,
bears it has been proposed, deliberated upon, and
carried under very trying circumstances. I can only
say that my judgement—humble as it is—has been more
tried during the lest three years upon the Reform Bill
recently passed, than urn any question which has
come before Fairmont in my time. I must is bask
a little ia expiration of the 00112911 I have taken
during the past three yearn. It began with the
Government of Lord Russell and Mr. Gladstone
bringing forward a Reform BiU. I consider that was a
very safe and mederets measure, and, as such. it had
my warm support. Unfortunately, while the Reform
Bill in its original shape, confined to • reduotioo of the
franchise, was pending, Mr. Gladstone was prevailed
upon by so-ealled friends, but who were real enemies,
to bring forward at the same time • redistribution
scheme. Some of those who were his warmest supporters
then and now—fa instance, Mr. .7. Bright—strongly
advised him not to follow the op-called friendly reeono
mendetion made to him, but to clear off first the
franchise question. and then to follow with • redistribu.
tion sobers. Unfortunately, in 1866 the Fannies B II
was proceeded with, coupled with • roonsichreble redis.
tribation scheme. I mention this because till then no
: plan for the redistribution lied been brought forward.
I considered it was proposed to treat this town very 1
. unjustly, and I feltit my duty to come down here to .
explain my views to you. Those trier were
improved and supported with regard to the redistribto ,
lion stheme, by, I believe, • considerable msjoiity of
the inhabitants of this town. At the serum time, I I
stated that although I objected to the manner in which I
the redistribution scheme was brourt forward, and
more especially to the proposed linking of one town
with another—and this in respect to your town in ,
particular, which has returned members to Parliament
ever since the House of Commons was ealled into ,
existence in the reign of Edward I. I considered it was '
alien, and contrary to the (colas" at any rate of the
English portion of the kingdom, to link one town with
another when their itinerate are differeot
(applause). At the same time I stated to you
that would not alter the opinion I had formed in I
regard toithe franchise part of the Bill. From beginning
to end, I supported Lord Rumen and Mr. Gladstone on
that part of the measure. In the last division, which
had the effect of turning them out of office, I supported
them, no that I am in no way responsible for their
having unfortunately to leave office in consequence.
By the next year. • very strong—and I believe to many
people. an unexpectedly strong feeling—had developed
itself all over the country, and more especially in the
great centres of the population, such as London,
Birmingham, and the large towns of Laneashire, where
large meetings were held attended by tens of
thousand.. It had become by that time quite clear that
a Reform Bill must be caned, and a very extensive
measure. The present Government then brought
forward • Bill. I felt that in the interests of the whole
country the utmost should be done to pass so extensive
and settling me.sure. I have not altered that opinion
from that hour to this. I also knew that if the Govern.
mental that time lost their Bill, and • liberal ministry
again same in, we might have had the whole country
unsettled for two or three years before any measure
could be passed. briar after all, you have to deal not
only with the House of Commons, but with the House
of Lord.; and i KM crane confident, if in the year 1167
the pagan Government had been turned out of office
on their Reform Bill, and another Government been
brought in, a Reform Bill would not have been pawed
by the House of Lords till 1870, and there would have
been In the meantime widespread diseatiraetion in the
' country—(applause). The present Government —for it
I was the same Government as brought the matta
' forward in 1667—ba4 at the headed it • gentleman who
! had "educated" his party—Mr. Disraeli—a gentleman
' for whose talents I have immense respect, but as to Lis
principles I know nothing at all about them—(hete,
I hear, and laughter)—and I don't think any rely large
section of the right hon. gentleman's own party know
, what his real principles en—(laughter and applause).
I We, however, bad to deal with the hill brought forward.
knowing perfectly well that if Mr. Disraeli should bring
his party to adopt the merino in the House of
Commons, his principal—Lord Derby—could persuade
the (basset Lords to pass it, and that thus tbe question
would he settled, and a wide and extensive measure be
rued. In the souree of • short time the Government
brought forward a re-distribution scheme, which in its
original shape, was I think, even worse than the
old system, because there were many new
proposals in it which would have given • rush
larger preponderant)e to the wealth and aristocracy
of the country than they porered under the old
system. But, as I have said, Mr. Disraeli "educated"
his party, and he found that be could persaade them to
pass almost anything, provided they did so as • party.
Then the queetion same before the House in an altered
shape, through the pressure of a considerable section of
the Liberal party; Mending the most extreme liberals
In the House, such as dr. Mo'Laren, M.P. for Edin-
burgh, and Mr. Bright's own brotherin.law. Under
nth pressure Mr Disreeli was gredually led to reduce
the franchise to household suffrage. I never hid •
doubt in my own rod that you cannot be pawing a
Reform Bill every year, or every five years even ; and
I feel that anything approaching a 'settlement must be
• measure which would last for a moderate space of
time, and I hoped for our time; and I have been per.
needed for some years—and I have expressed this
belief to same of your fellow•townomen—that to house-
hold suffrage as • final settlement we must come; you
cannot draw the line at • £7 or a £6 rental, for that is
no fixed basis, but must go on to whet might he consi-
dered an approach to • settlement of the question. Mr.
Disraeli was willing to weer that approach to • settle-
ment, and be sampled with it the principle of rater
paying. In so doing be bas only prolonged
what was the basis of the Bill of '32. and I thought
then. as I think now, that as a settlement of the quest-
lion, if it be left unaltered from bow it now stands,
household suffrage, even with a ratepaying quelilloation,
lea far batter and broader settlement of the question for
the good of the country, than • franchises baud on
rental which may vary from yesr to year. I have not
altered that opinion. I believe there were some in this
borough who at that time thought I bad taken a wrong
erne on the subject My present reopened colleague
—Mr. K. D. Hodgeon—took a different view, and the
whole party generally re divided on the subject.
I used the beet of siy judgment on the questioa.
mid I believe I now have to congratulate you upon what
Is an the whole • very large and oonstitutional settle.
meat of the franchise. But in saying eto I by no means
Asap myself to ne alteration la it. I have found in
Loadoe—wlaere, as you know, I ass residing—and I
have aesertained here by inquiring, that the landlords to
• coasiderable exert have taken advantage of the rate-
paying claire of the new Bill, and the oonseqaent
abolition of the system of °owl:weeding which had grown
up since the Reform Bill of '32, and have fried their
tenants to pay the fell ruse independent of their rent—
(hear, bre, arid applause). I am by no mars pledged
to a sootinures of that state of things —(applause), In
the shod address I mint to you three or four weeks ago,
I stated that if I found the abolition of the compounding
eyeless of ratepaying because a real grievance, and more
severally to the working dares of my constituency,
end to the general body of oonstituenoies, I should be
quite papered in the new Parliament—which will be
of • different eharacter from the last, and whose
decision will probably be final—to support a change
I. the ratepayiog qualilication.—(applarre). I have
said so before, and I adhere to it now. Since I have
been down here I have made &point of inquiring of than
best informed whether the abolition of the oomporuiding
system has been found to press severely on the poorer
able of householders, and I find it does. Therefore I
have no hesitation in saying that whenever • propc:sal
Is made to do away with the ratepaying qualification—
which will no doubt he in the very first assembly of the
new Parliament—l shall be perfectly prepared to support
it.—(applause). Some of the heads of the liberal party
have got • decided feeling that we have not gone far
rough yet in the redistribution of seats—that the
north at Ragland having increased in population
in • fax . greater ratio than the *oath, that
the on of representative* must be further
✓osti sal y tithing sore from the booth and giving them
to the north. I do tat *die wYsolf to any whom of

that earl whielt esey'bebroaght forward. I think • vel7
eonsiderablis *hangs bad now been made, and that. to •
ferther treader of electoral powir from the south to the
north that may fairly be left for souse years to more—
-1 (hem, bear). At any rate I have one sathiaetion in this
matter, that whenever • change is proposed, the
boroughs ha England will not be tied to one another
when they don't want to be so united--they will either
be left free, as you are now, or be left oat altmether.
As regards this town I have oats consolation. Harju'
duly gone through the lilt of boroughs and the returns
of population by the census of 11361. I and there are 39
tones whisks mast be samideed before Bridport—(ap-
plause)—camesquently, I think I may gay that in my
Matins you will have the power and the duty of re-
turning • member to Parliament —(•pplans-). There is
another question, totally independent of the franchise,
which will come on for eonsideratioo in the new
Parliament—l mean the ballot. From the fret moment
that I Game into Parliament I have voted I think in-
variably in favour of the ballot. The ballot, in its
original 'nape, has not beets brought forward now for
the lust four or five years—at least I think not, but I
am speaking from memory. It appeared in • modified
form, to be applied exclusively to Ireland, before the
Home at two o'clock in the morning on one measion ;
copies' that I did not expect It would be brought
forward at that time, so I wss not there, but my opinion
is not altered, and will not change in the future. The
question in another shape has nom come before Parlia-
ment in connection with the Corrupt Practices Bill re-
cently passed. That Bill involves serious disqualifications
and penalties, but as it now stands it applies exclusively
to the giving of money. Ur. Mill propmed a deur*
making corrupt practice' "abject to the same penalties
and disqualifications as actual bribery, and corrupt
practices were defined to include intimidation. I
voted for that clauee, and I am very sorry it did not
gain the support of • great many Liberals, and conse-
quently it was not pared. I do not wish to introduce
any local matter in respect to it, but I hope that
the conduct of the party opposed to me in this town
will not give me additional reason for regretting that
corrupt practice' and intimidation have not been made
penal the saute as bribery—(cheers and laughter). In
this matter I am supported by a great many gentlemen
in the town, and I can speak with the utmmt oonli-
deuce, and it is my firm conviction, that no attempt of
that kind will occur upon my side in this contest—
(lonian's and laughter). I have now clearly explained
nsy views with regard to the question of Reform and the
franchise as they stand. I will refer next to the great
cardinal ouestioa of the day—the Irish Church. For
two years and • half now we have had suspended in
Ireland the Habeas Corpus Act. I have no doubt you
all know what that means. Its consequence is that if
It were extended to England any one of you walking
dowel the street might betoken into custody by • police-
man, and put into prison, without it being neeemary to
being you before • magistrate or before. jory of your
countrymen, and you might be kept in prison without
trial of any kind jest at the pleasure of the authorities
for the time being, as long as that bill for the suspension
of the Habeas Corpus Act lasted. I do not think that
is a state of things which would be long tolerated In
England, or In your town. Such suspension has now
existed in Ireland for two years and • half. To
me this proves that the system of Government
In that country has been a thoroughly unsound
qstem, and upon full Inquiry that is my conviction.
It was even admitted by the Conservative party, as
represented by the present Ministry, that that system
could not last. Au Irish member—Mr. Maguire
brought forward at the beginning of last radon a
general motion for inquiry into the state of Ireland. The
motion led to no actual result at the time, but at that
juncture Lord Derby retired in consequence of ill. ,
health from the Premiership and Mr. Disraeli suesseeded
him, and It was stated in both Houses of Parliament
that, on Mr. Maguire's motion, the Government could
state their remedies and intentions with regard to the
removal of the very distressing state of things in
Ireland. I heard the statement made in the HORN of
Commons, and I cannot believe my own ems arid sense
If I do not understand what the remedies they proposed I
were, although the meaning of them has been strangely
Interpreted and altered since. The Government
proposals were first clearly stated by Lord Mayo, the
ilegretery for Ireland, and booked up at the last moment
by Mr.. Disraeli hinseelf upon the final night of the eon-
sideration of Mr. Maguire's motion. The remedies were
distinctly two First, to establish a fresh sectarian
university in Ireland, to be placed entirely in the hands
' of the Roman Catholics, There were to be Roman
Catholic professors, with Catholics as the ruling
power, and students confined exclusively to the
Catholice—tkey were not to be brought up in
ship of their countrymen of other erred., but in • new
university solsly in the hoods of the clergy of the
Church of Rome. The other remedy was—and he
repeated the words used by the Ministers—they
would not take the Protestant Church in Ireland
down, bet they world remedy the grievances existing
by a system of "levelling up," whilst& memt, if words
meant anything, that we shoeld pey so much • year for
the support of the Catholic Meru. There cannot he any
misteke about it, if there is any meaning in the English
language—(applause). Thom were the remedies pro-
posed by the Government. Upon that the Liberal
party, and Mr. Gladstone as its heel, had to consider
what course they would take; and I sy distinctly, that
even if it be thought that the moment was inoppor.
tune for bringing forward the proposal Mr. Gladstone
did, action was forced upon him by the Government, in
order to show the country that the Liberal party could
not leave Ireland in the state it was in, and that they
could not approee the proposal of the Government to
endow a Catholic university and the Catholic clergy—
(applause). Thus Mr. Gladstone introduced his Sus-
pensory Bill, distinctly to alter the state of the Pro-
testant Church in Ireland. I will state afterwards to
what extent the alteration is proposed by Mr. Gladstone,
for it ie far more limited than has been made oat., an I
find, smong many of you. But, in the first pleas, let
us look at the position of the Protestant Church in
Ireland. It Is not a new view of mine, and I have
been reminded since I have been in the town
that I was asked two years ago—long before
there was any talk about the Irish church am
• party question--to come 'down here to support •
meeting in favour of Mr. Gladstone's Reform Bill before
the redistribution scheme was brought forwert I
replied to one of my isonstituenta, who only reminded
me of it yesterday, that I could not leave London to
attend the meeting because a question of equal ior.
ports/me was to be broueht forward is the House. and
that was a motion respecting lb. Irish Chursh. I have
DO hesitation about the state of the Irish Chum*,
and I wish to put it to you. The Irish Episcopal
Church reprewents nearly aa possible one-eighth of
the whole popol•tion of Ireland, ant the Protestant',
imitating the Presbyterians, comprise about one-fifth,
The Evisoopelians get in round figures E 600,000 • year,
and the Catholics, who are four-fifths of tlie population
end the poorest part, are left to pay for their own
clergy. Now I just put it to you, as Enelishmeoe
became the ease has occurred in this country, supposing
we had • Catholic Sovereign, and he or she wanted
to make you pay for Catholic clergy representiny one.
eighth of the population, leaving you, who are seven-
eighths of the populationao support your own ministers,
whether you would submit to it for any length of time?
—(applauee, and" no. no.") lain quite sure you would
not. You roust be very much altered from what your
forefathers we-e if you would submit to it —(applaum).
A hundred and eighty years ago, in the
reign of James H., mush an attempt was
made in this country. Jsmee ehanpd his religion
from Protestant to Catholic, aod he wanted to force
Catholicism down the throats of seven-eighths of the
population. A rebellion ensued, when the Doke of
Monmouth came over to this country, and I con-
gratulate you that the first battle fought in favour of
Protestantism was fought and won near to this town in
1683—(applause). Within three years James 11. was
turned out of this country by the almost general
consent of the people—(applaum). And so it would
occur agaio—(clisere)—and, therefore, we ought to
remove so enormous a grievanee from our fellow
subjects in another part of the kingdom—(applaws.).
Anybody, knows who has travelled on the Continent,
that the continuance of the intablished Church in
Ireland Is thrown in the teeth of Englishmen If they
"peak of the oppression of other countries—(hear,
hear). If an Englishmen refers to the oppression of
the Poles by the Russians, or formerly of the Italians
by the Austrians, bets answered, "You do worse et
home, you force on alien religion upon a whole nation."
I never could support such an injustice. I have had
but one opinion on the subject ever since I have been in
Parliament. Of course it maned be expezted that a
ministry or the leader of a party will bring forward •
measure at any time without reference to the chance,
of carrying it through. But this Irish Church
question has been forced on us now, first by
the unhappy state of Ireland, and second, by
the proposals of the present Government Mr.
Gladstone was forced to tabs action in the matter, and
I am very glad that he adopted the course Inc has done
—(bear, bear). But I find that Mr. Gladetone's scheme
has been greatly exaggerated here. Mr. Gladstone, who
Is an Englishman and • strong Churchman, has not
brought forward any wild scheme for absilishing the state
church, but he has dealt most tenderly with existing
Interests in Ireland. I had the opportunity of going Into
ostentatious' on the subject, and I have heard the results
stated in the House of Commons and not contradicted;
the proposal as it now stands will leave for • time the
Ephoopaliso clergy in possession of two-thirds of the
Incomes they now derive. No doubt, so the present in-
cumbent, die out, that proportion will be altered, but I
believe that under the scheme as it now stands, when
all those have died out, the Epiampalians will be left
with onahelf of the present revenues—(hear, hear, and
a voice, "No, not one tenth."). By Mr. GLadstone's
proposal every private subeeription or gift is left for
ever perfectly untouched. For instance, the late Mr.
Guinness, the peat porter brewer, spent k 70,000 in
restoring and embellishing St Patrick'scathedral,Dublin,
end many others have given large sums of money to the
church. Everything so left will remain in per-
petuity to the church. No interference of that
kind is proposed by the measure now under
consideration. Further, all advowsons held by trivete
iudividisals will be left perfectly untouched. The
proportion of &drowse's' held by private persons is not
nearly so large in Ireland as In England, but to the
full extent thee will remain intact. So that if a clergy-
man of the Episcopalian church in Ireland dies, and the
advowsoo is held by a private individual, and not by
the state, the owner of the advowson will have the same
eight as he has now to present another clergyman to the
living. Besides that, a churches belonging to the
Episcopalian religion are left; all the ederrymen's
houses are left, ouches exist, but the fact is that in the
south of Ireland a great number of the clergy draw •
eartain amount from their parishes, i.e., from the
Catholics, but have no Protestants to preach to—
(laughter)--so they have neither house, nor chureh,
nor anything, and only draw the tithes. In short, the ,
only thing Proposed by the present measured is, that
If any livings belonging to the state fall into hand, the
state shall no longer have the power of presenting clergy-
men M teem. Sines the House of Lords threw out
Mr. Gladstone'. Suspensory Bill, the Deanery of
Limerick, which is worth 0,000 • year, and contains
hardly any Protestant', has fallen into hood. No doubt
the enercrnment will pressed some clergyman to
that living, but it would have been done
away with if Mr. Gladstone's Bill had passed
Al to any Interference with private property,
or anything which could be construed as such, there is
DO such Ming dreamt of or proposed. With regard to
tithes, I must remind you that the lad Prime Minister
—Lord Derby himself —thirty Tears ago eonfitisated
oae-third of the tithes of the Ina Chureir—reduaing
them from 100 to 67j per Gent, and he gave the whole
benefit of the reduction' to the landlords of Ireland.
Now it is proposed to deal with the remainder, bat not

to give them to any other religious body, kat to leave I ,
all the relieions an I eland—Catholie, Presbyterian, I
and Epiecopalx,e,on an equality—(applanse). But it I
Is said that if the Irish Church, which rePreent• only
one-eighth of the population, is disestablished, the
de traction of the English Church will follow. The
Church of England. however, of which I am a humble
and attached member, is in a different position, for, at
this moment it is the church of. goodly majnrity of the
PanPle of this marry, and, what is more, • great mercy
of the Nonconformists—many I know in this t see—
have no wish to alter the state of the Church of
&gland. I don't believe that the position of the
, English Church will be altered one iota by this meastire ;
hut, on the contrary. I believe that so far as the
Protestant religion is concerned, it will gain, because
the Episcopal sc,t ddishment now in Ireland is • kind of
garrison against the whole population, yet it has net
gained • eon vert or increased toe number of Episcopal ie
and if the whole of the sects were allowed to have full
play for their exertions, it is my own conviction that ,
Episooralisn, or, at any rate, Protestant principles
would gain ground Instead of losing it as now, when
Catholics feel they are treated unjustly. I should
oppose sny measure which would injure the Church
of England, ant I think it mast be reduced to
a far different position from what it now occupies
before it will give the smelled chancre or create the
least wish of any large section of the population to make
any change in it—(applause). Certainly if any
ehange is to be made in the English Church it will be
produced by measures caused by the practices and
doctrines of a section of the clergy of the church—
(applause). Unfortunately, in this diocese, you have a
Bishop, who, though in private life he is, I believe, a
most amiable, well-conducted, and kind hearted man,
had better, holding the views and doctrines he does,
have gone over to the Church of Rome at ones
—(epplause, and "no, no"). How does the matter
now stand? A certain section of the clergy—not • very
considerable, but a very noisy section--a section of
601118 ability, and one which takes care to make itself
heard—has adopted a large number of practises which
are really nothing less than identical with those
of the Church of Rome—there is no practical
difference between them. But leaving the rites
and ceremonies, although they may perhaps stiike your
eyes more than what is the most esentiel thing, what is
at the bottom of all these ritualistic practices and
MUMIZIOA011? Simply that the clergy who adopt them.
although they talk of the Pope as • person they do not
recognise, want to become Popes every one of them in
their own parishes—(applause, and laughter)—that they
may do what the Pope has endeavoured to do in
Catholic countries, se., dictate the course of life,
moral and religious and everything else, of every one
under their influence. That is the real meret of .11th.
rite, and ceremonies practised by the rib:tellers in the
ehuroh- they simply want to establish the power of the
priesthood ever yea all—(applause). But that Is • very
difficult question to deal with. Lord Derby himself
proposed • commission composed of all parties to inquire
Into the subject, and they have made two reports,
reelommending the probibitionof certain of these ritesand
ceremonies. Measure fer carrying out the views of the
majority of the Commission will have my most hearty
sepport—(applonse). As I have indicated before, I
fear the design of the peaty in the church
is a good deal deeper than mere ceremonial,
but, as we cannot alter men's mind., all we
can do is to show them by the abolition of those cere-
monies what the general feeling of the people of England
1.. I hope the eke., concerned will take a lesson from
it, and al,er their ways; if they do not, I think they
will do more to bring the Church of goateed into dislike
than anything which may be done in rotted —(app I num).
I am happy to find the Reform Bill will a good deal ,
more than double this oonetituency. You will have •
Parliament more capable of dealing with general quits-
time than the last, although I by no means admit that
the Parliaments between 1832 and 1888 have not done
an immense deal of good for the country—(hear, hear).
Still, a great many questions will come before the new
Parli•ment, and one of the first will be the question of
education. As -I have supported a wide extension of
the (ranches, I hope that I shall always support a wide
extenrion of our 'system of education. But, it is a question
upon which I have a good deal more to hear and to
learn both here and elsewhere. I believe an immense
deal of good has been already done and a wide extension
of education produced under the present system—(hear).
The House of Commons votes£O,OoO a year for educa-
tion, that is supplemented by at least as mush more in
contributions by private individuals, and a further sum
le obtained from the parent" of the children educated.
But now it is proposed to carry the system further. The
whole population for this purpose nice be divided into
three clauses. As to the hipheet glass, I have always
supported •cod still shall support the motion now in the
hands of Mr. Coleridge for making our universities
really Dalional institutions—(applanse)—that the prise
of the univer.ities, always excepting the theological
prise., should be given t a whoever deserves them boat.
not restricting them to the one Haas prepared to
subscribe to the Thilty.nine Artielea.—(epplause). Better
proof of the injustice of the present system could not
114 found than in the feet that the two last Senior
Wranglers have been Dissenters, and consequently
they h•ve been unable to obtain the reward of their
learning and merit by the prises of the universities. If
we look at the middle•sehools we And that many of
them which were establided 300 years ago have been
turned into jobs, and require considerable alteration and
improvement. As regards the lower class schools,
it is proposed to extend the system of education
hy making it compulsory—that not only should
there he rating for education in every town or village,
but that parents should be compelled to send their
children to 'oboe'. I do not think that is &system for
which we are yet prepared. Snell • system is adopted
in Prussia, where they have (conscription for the army
as well, and in the United States of America, where
there is an immense tract of virgin land beyond, so
that anybody dissatisfied can remove out of its opera-
tion. But Ido not think that system at present
would work in the eountry—(uproar and cheering from
a posse of boys). That noise is emanating from very
juvenile throats. I hope that is not part of the tactics
going to be pursued by those opposed to me—(hear,
hear). There are many other important questioos to
opine before the new Parliament. I will not go into
them now, though I have considered them all fully
and am prepared to state my views upon any question
about which I may be asked. I have iodiested to you
my sentiments on the chief questions of the day,
and I feel no doubt that they are sentiments
responded to by a very large majority of
this constituency (armlet's) —as I have bad
the honour of representing their entiments for
upwards of twenty years pint—(hear, hear). Ido not
eiah to make one remark that may lead to any bitter-
ness in this contest, if contest there is to be. You may
depend on it that after being your representative for
twenty-seven years I am not going to run away—
(cheers). With regard to my opponent, Ido not wish
a to introduce any personalities; he has celled in. and
my excellent oollegue "silent members ;" well, if all
the members of the House of Commons were talkative
the bushier of the country would not be done at all.
At any rate I may say this, that if I am a
"silent member" I am not a brimless barrister—
(applause and laughter). That is all I wish to lay.
I thank you, rentlemen, for the reception I received on
aiming into Bridport, and for the reception I have
received from the great majority of you to-night. I am
quite content with my lot. I am greatly attacked to
the town—though I need not tell you that—and I am
most interested in it, which you all know. In con-
clusion, I will again say that I am prepared to answer
any qoestion which may be put to me. I thank you all
for your attention—(applause).
The bon. gentleman then withdrew. Cheering fol-
lowed, and Mr. Mitchell bowed his acknowledgements.
The hon. member could not be heard at any great
distance, and daring the latter part of his speech • knot
of boys and one or two men amused themselves by
hurrahing, giving " Three cheers for Goldsmid," calling
"Church and State for ever," and no on, bat it was all
done very good humouredly, and nobody was any the
worse for it.