The Press.
London, England, 1855-03-03 00:00:00

198

permanent connection to form a ruling party.
Thus, any " Liberal " Cabinet must be weak,
uncertain, and ambiguous, halting between
opposite opinions, and incapable of a con-
trolling authority. The social conditions of
the so-called " Liberals'' arp entirely differen
from those of former times. In the las
century, and in later days, there was zip tha
vast gulf which now exists between the Whig
" families " and the rank and file of the popular
party as it exist In the large toying of the 1
manufacturing districts. The democracy of
the north of England is every day becoming
more unmanageable by those influences in
which the Whig oligarchy has such faith.
Lansdowne-house, " my brother the Duke of
" BEDFORD," great mansions with courtyards,
small orators with big phrases, have ceased to
work wonders amongst the Liberal body. The
Radicals know the efficacy of political leagues
With " ulterior designs," of platforms, of news-
papers, stipendiary agitators, of organisation,
and " a cry."
That the facts are as we state cannot be dis•
puted ; and in their existence we see the
necessity for the Conservatives being
thoroughly united. We profoundly believe
that the vast utility of the Conservative party
was never so apparent as now. In former
years our Conservatism rested in many cases
upon sentiment. Many of us had a fastidious
abersion to the grosser natures that floated to
the surface of the turbid stream of Radicalism.
Englishmen had a proud dislike to being
ruled by petty pretenders of the hour, bawling
themselves into notoriety, and then hiding
themselves in consulships. The educated
classes recoiled from being roughridden by
demagogues " made to order," and obscure
j untos of mercenary adventurers. These times
have passed away. The surge left in the wake
of the Reform-Bill agitation has ceased to
beat. Formidable dangers of another kind,
brought about by more complicated situations,
are now menacing the national power of
England, and in such times we see that a
Conservative party can alone save the country.
We cling to its banner in such times, not from
sentimeral recollections, but from a delibe-
rate conviction of its admirable utility at a
crisis like the present. The Conservatism of
England now has both opinion and sentiment
in its favour.
When we draw attention to these considera-
tions, we are convinced that we are giving
utterance to the feelings that, with more or
less distinctness, have passed through the
minds of all thinking Conservatives. Tho
prodigious gain to the country from a consis-
tent party swaying the national progress with
energetic power must be obvious to all men of
common sense. We firmly believe that no
connection but one based on a united Conser-
vative body can rescue England from an
anarchy of weak Cabinets. The extent of that
danger is proclaimed by the history of every
free country. The Italian Republics, the
Spanish Monarchy in its decline, the annals
of the " oppressed nationalities," all teach the
great truth that weakness in the rulers can
blast a country as potently as a successful in-
vasion, or a prolonged civil war. A State like
England, free, quoud liberties, and great, quoad
territory, can perish more rapidly from weak
government than from any other cause. Para-
lyse its public mind, and it will only drag on
a tottering existence, whose final consumma-
tion requires no science to foretel.
It th the recognition of these broad truths
that' We see grounds for hoping that the
day is at hand when every Conservative with
the heart of a patriot will see the necessity for
sinking all minor and personal differences.
Neutrality at such a crisis we hold to be im-
possible. If gentlemen with Conservative
sympathies hold aloof from the party at large,
they are mistaken in thinking that they are
playing the part of neutrals. Gentlemen may
be most conscientious in such conduct, but let
them not deceive themselves by thinking that
neutrality is practicable. Their influence and
votes must be given on one side or the other.
If they vote one way and think another, they
expose themselves to the charge of having no
real opinions ; and a party without convictions
can never have followers.
It is, therefore, with deep feelings of the
solemnity of the present occasion that we