The Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1860-02-28 00:00:00

ALLOWANCES.

That, in consideration of the loss and hindrance
caused by Excise regulations in the distillation and
rectification of spirits in the United Kingdom, there
shall be paid to any distiller or proprietor of such
spirits in a duty-free warehouse, on the exportation
thereof, on or after the date of this resolution, an
Allowance of twopence per proof on•allon.
And to any licensed rectifier who, on or after the date
of this resolution, shall have deposited in a customs
warehouse for exportation spirits distgled in the United
Kingdom, the following allowances on the exportation
thereof (that is to say) : on spirits of the nature of British
compounds, an allowance of threepence per proof gallon ;
and on spirits of the nature of spirits of wine, an allow-
ance of twopence per proof gallon,

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1860.

THE DAY'S NEWS.

In the House of Lords, last night, some conversa-
tion was held as to the best measures for securing
an efficient naval reserve. The present naval
reserve, it was shown, amounts to about 12,000

In the House of Commons, last night, it was
stated that the proposed extension of the licensing
system will embrace the single article of wine
only. The Government. had declined an offer by
the French Government to modify the coal article
in the commercial treaty. In Committee on the
Customs Acts, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
explained and moved the first resolution relative
to the duties on wines, and moved the adoption of
part of it providing for the first deduction of
duty to 3s. a gallon till the Ist January, 1861,
with an allowance for drawbacks on wines im-
ported and on the hands of dealers who shall.
have complied with the Treasux y Minutes of 1843.
After some discussion, Mr. M. Milnes moved
an amendment to the effect that a drawback
should be allowed on all stocks of wine proved to
have been imported within the two years previous
Ito 1860, which was lost by 183 to 72 ; and the
resolution, so far as proposed, was agrees to. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer then proposed the
following part of the resolution, in providing for
the reduction of the duty, from the Ist of
January, 1861, to Is., ls. 6d., and 2s. a gallon,
according to strength, which was agreed to. The
lateness of the hour checked further progress
with the resolutions.

We gave the principal items of news by the
Asia from New York in our later editions of yes-
terday, and of course we repeat them in our
earlier edition to-day. There is nothing; how-
ever, of particular interest. Some anxiety had
been felt concerning the health of General
Cass, the Foreign Secretary .of. the United States,
but, as the attack of illness he had been suffering
under was promptly subdued, the uneasiness was
passing away. The loss of his services at this
moment would be seriously felt. The business of
Congress was proceeding without further inter-
ruption. More capital convictions have taken
place of participators in the late anti-slavery out-
break at Harper's Ferry ; and there will be more
executions, no doubt, in expiation of the offence.
The accounts from Mexico, and from South
America, are still disquieting.
One of our latest telegrams from Paris, it will
be seen, notices the despatch of M. Thouvenel to
the French Ambassador at Vienna to be 'commu-
nicated to the Austrian Ministers, in which he
appeals, it is said, to the "conciliatory spirit of
Austria in favour of the English proposals " for
the settlement of the Italian difficulties. We
are sorry to see England thus referred to; if
these English proposals are unacceptable to
Austria—as, it appear they are—the circum-
stance is not one that will improve her
relations with that Power ; or it may happen
3agth.-Pngs;ll—aisb,au it. ally anti • • ..bm.t.,‘.
the French Emperor having begun to make a
tool of England--for instance, through the
medium of those " English proposals ;" but in
the next instance it may be through a medium
which may involve England still more deeply in
the quarrel with Austria. It is quite possible,
we admit, to have such proposals submitted to
by England with safety ; but not, we fear, at the
hands of one " so eager for the fray " as Lord
Palmerston is known to be. _ _

Referring to the rumoured alliance that has
been concluded between Austria and Russia the
Morning Herald says, the new intimacy. " is the
answer to the boastful and defiant tone in which
the English Ministry has paraded its sympathy
with the objects of Imperial policy. It conveys,
in unmistakeable terms, the resolution of those
powers to oppose the principles which France and
England have endeavoured to impose upon
Europe ; and it reveals at once a consciousness of
danger and a determination to meet it. Hitherto
the Emperor of the French has succeeded in
isolating the objects of his attack. He has
humiliated Russia and Austria by fixing upon
each of them in turn a quarrel in which they
could not hope for the sympathy of their neigh-
bours ; and he has dexterously contrived to
give to each of those powers a grievance
against its traditional allies, England and
Prussia. But _he "has over-played his part.
Europe begins to understand that the policy of
the Second Empire. is very nearly identical .with
that of the FirSt, and that the only hope of
successfully encountering it lies in united action."
Now, if this be true, what is to be the position
of England under her alliance with the French
Emperor? A new coalition in Italy is at present
most imminent. The question is a serious one—
" When the next shot is fired, shall we be spec-
tators or actors in the bloody scene ?" And this
is just the question, as is but too truly observed,
" which is forced upon us by the rumour of the
alliance between Russia and Austria, and it is one
to which the English nation ought to make up its
mind quickly." Lord Palmerston would, doubtless,
delight in making the alliance he has formed with
Napoleon still closer than ,it is proposed to be
under the guise of a commercial treaty ; and there
is perhaps no public man, who could be at the
helm of affairs at such a moment more likely to
drift his country into a vortex.
There seems to be but one opinion, after the
large majority in the late division on the Budget,
as to its being carried through the House of Com-
mons ; but not, we think, without important
modifications of its details. The Morning Herald
observes that, although " the general principles of
the Budget are now accepted, for better or for
worse," yet " it is still in the power of the Eng-
lish party in the House of Commons to destroy
the most obnoxious features of both Treaty and
Budget; and we trust," says our contemporary,
" the opportunity will not be neglected." We
would fain hope so too. But after so many defec-
tions from the Conservative ranks already, on this.
question, there is no relying upon anything, we
apprehend, in that quarter.
There is only, it is to be feared,
f the
reason to conclude, as the morning orgytiel °of the
.Conservatives does, that " the servile vote
is a
House of Commons, on Saturdge
dnion of a
proof that we are fallen under
that thepredomcommercial democracy,"----an of Commons is the
but too much
nant power in the H 'Tree had ourselves already
inions. The worst of it is,
expressed a similar op
ere
appear to be such a
that not only does th
power of Manchester.

power predominant, but that there are Conserva-
tives in the House giving strength and influence
to it by their speeches and their votes.
We have noticed in another column the new
Number of Blackwood ; and we refer to it here,- to
reiterate our commendation of its two most
important political articles, " The Foreign Con-
nection of the House of Bull," and " The Anglo-
Gallican Budget." They are specimens of poli-
tical disquisition which would at any time well
repay an attentive perusal. But at the present
moment, they are so seasonable, and present the
two great public questions of this most critical
conjuncture in so intelligible a light, that every
one interested in them—as who, more or less, is
not ?—should make a point of being instructed by
the information they so forcibly convey.

IT may suit the purposes of a Coalition Ministry,
for the moment, to represent the Conservative
opposition to their political and financial schemes
as one of mere party. But the co entry, we are
persuaded, if not immediately, yet in no long
time, will come to a very different conclusion.
" Lord DERBY," observes the weekly organ of
Lord PAL4ERSTON, " was represented as having
said at the Liverpool Banquet, that he would not
offer any factious opposition to the present
Government—a resolution which he would have
done well to have carried out, more particularly
when his own Government had been deliberately
condemned by the present, no less than by the
late House of Commons." This, however, is a
very gross piece of misrepresentation, designed,
of course, to answer a special party purpose.
Nothing that Lord DERBY said at the Liverpool
Banquet could possibly be taken to prohibit him
from pursuing the course he has done, on this
occasion. It has been no " factious opposi-
tion," that he has made, to the present Government,
in resisting what, in his conscience, he believes to
be measures most pernicious to the true interests
of the country. Surely it must be admitted that
Lord DERBY has a perfect right to have a mind
of his own on this, and all other great questions
of the day. And. we may be well assured, from
the high character and undoubted patriotism of
the noble Lord, that, at such a time more parti-
cularly, he would be 'one of the last to give way
to anything factious in dealing with measures of
such intense public importance. He saw in those
measures principles, the practical effect of which
would be to give a preponderating influence to a
power already too great and overbearing, both in
the legislature and in the country. It is against
that power in its inordinate influences that Lord
DERBY has led the Conservative party ever since
he was recognised as its chief. He has, on many
occasionsi painted out the importance of striving
against being brought under the dominion of a
commercial democracy. And perceiving, as he
does, that the Treaty and the Budget of a
Ministry which has evidently formed an alliance
with one of the most dangerous democratic factions
of the day, had a direct tendency to place the
country in so undesirable a position, he but
yielded to a sense of duty in taking his stand,
and rallying his party around him, in opposition
to those measures. When, for instance, it can
be said of the Treaty, that it is not only one-
sided, but " has within it the elements of
suspicion and disunion between both countries,"
and that it is " thrust upon both to suit the views
of men who have an immediate interest in the
stipulation,"—while the Budget that is based
upon it is called partial and unjust, because it
"remits duties bearing only on class interests,
while it mulcts the masses, both in the middle
walks of life and the humbler orders, unmercifully,
to sustain this partial plan of taxation,"—that
it not only continues, but increases a tax
"oppressive and odious to the most respect-
able class in the kingdom—the class which
gives Englishmen their stamp and character,"—
and that it enforces " the retention of the duties
on coffee, tea, and sugar, and malt—necessaries to
the poor man—making this fiscal scheme thus
positively abhorrent to the humbler orders,''—
when all this can be said, and truly said, of the
measures which Lord DERBY has stood forward
to head his party in opposing, so far from having
departed in any wise from his assurances at the
Liverpool Banquet, he has but availed himself of
the opportunity of ratifying and giving practical
effect to them.

We have in the new Number of Black,wood's

Magazine—just come to hand—a concurrence in
the views which the Conservatives have expressed
in Parliament, on what is aptly called the Anglo-
Gallican Budget, which very remarkably shows
hoW utterly groundless is the idea that the
Conservative opposition to the Ministry, on
thig occasion, was in any wise preconcerted.
The writer of the article, to which we
refer, would send it to the press, we doubt
not, before he knew anything whatever of the
mind of either Lord DERBY or Mr. DISRAELI
respecting the measures of the Government; and he
does not hesitate to declare, that the present finan-
cial scheme, taken in connection with the French
commercial treaty (from which it is inseparable),
" is not only unwise and unfair, but in some re-
spects very injurious to the general interests of
the country." The case is, indeed, very forcibly
irts'snBwir,--`4 dittors 'one relnaraßie 'tegpec
from any other which has ever yet been brought
forward by a British Minister of finance," since
" it is based upon a Treaty of Commerce with
France—a power of whose pacific intentions we
have •so little certainty, that the great deficit appa-
rent on the estimated revenue of the approaching
financial year, as compared with the expenditure,
is owing to the necessity of increasing our arma-
ments for the simple purposes of " defence." And
this being undeniably the case, it is soundly and
forcibly argued that, " however sincere may be
the desire of the EMPEROR of the FRENCH in the
adoption of a new and important commercial
system within his own dominions, it is not for
the honour of this country to be entering into
treaties, or to be making concessions, at such a
time,"—since it is more than probable that " the
EMPEROR thinks, on the assurance of Mr. COBDEN,
that if he can but entangle us in a commercial
treaty, so framed that the Income-tax shall be

maintained at a war rate in time of peace," owing
to concessions of revenue made for his especial
advantage, the nation of shopkeepers' will consent
to his extension of the boundaries of France, to the
absorption, this year, of Savoy, with the possible
addition of a descent on Central Italy, and other
slight contingent spoliations of duchies, provinces,
and so forth, adjacent to his present eastern fron-
tier, about which there is no immediate hurry."
Now, against such a probable entanglement as
this,—against the mere risk of it, indeed,—surely
it were the duty of a great statesman, and the
loader of a great party, as Lord DERBY is, if
that were his view of it, as we believe it to be, to
take the part he has done in condemning and
resisting measures of such a tendency ; and had
he failed to do so, he would certainly have failed
in his duty to his country. With respect, more
particularly to the financial features of the
mea
sures denounced by the Conservativet' 0a Opposition,b o in
mischievous
they are many of them most ob
principle, and will be found most
the Times of
jec
We believe," says
in practice. cans desirable the
it is by no In
" that
yesterday, taxation should be
to indirect
proportion of direct
yet does
.the Budget
materially
incrq.nd that by the increase of a tax
actually do se,
d" tax too,
ressive and o ious,—a which
oaost opp
ought to be the resource of war, and not of
peace.
On the breaking out of war," it is fur-
ther observed, " taxes are imposed wherever
money can be got ; the expenditure is supposed
to be for a short time, and the readiest source is
the best." Such was wont to be the case with the
income-tax. But now such a tax • is augmented,
and made permanent, not as a resource
is war,

but as a means .of trying experiments on the re-.
venue of the country !
But the controlling influence of the Conserva-
tive Opposition may, after all, be sensibly felt
in the disposal of those measures. Even the
Times cautions the Ministry, and its supporturs,
"that they will still do wisely to remember tl ley
have before, them a vast number of Di vi-
sions, in many of which they can only hope to
succeed by a narrow majority, and in some of
which they may very probably not succeed at a 11."
And that, therefore, they " must not be misled
by the greatness of their present victory, for
never did a case demand more imperiously the
strictest party discipline and the readiest and moost
unflinching subordination of individual and laical
prejudices to the general interest." If this be, so,
there may yet be hope—hope, we mean, not for
party but for principles ; for the modification, at
least, if not the reversal of a policy which,
whether as respects our foreign relations or *ur
domestic interests, we quite agree with Lord
DERBY, bears a most threatening aspect for the
stability of our institutions, and the national
welfare.

THE LATEST NEWS.

IBY BRITISH AND IRISH MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH.I

FRANCE.

PARIS, Feb. 27.
The Constitutionnel publishes a despatch of M.
Thouvenel, dated 31st January last, which was
addressed to the French Ambassador at Vienna,
to be communicated to Count Rechberg. M.
Thouvenel.draws a historical outline of the use-
less endeavours of France to bring about a solu-
tion of the question of Central Italy. The inha-
bitants of these provinces having refused to re-
cognise their former sovereigns, M. Thouvenel
appeals to the conciliatory spirit of Austria in
favour of the English proposals. As regards the
Romagna, M. Thouvenel expresses his regret that
the Pope should have allowed the state of things
in that province to become so aggravated. France
would still, however, consent to a less radical
combination than one proposing the dismember-
ment of the States of the Church, on condition of
the principle of non-intervention being maintained.

FRENCH FUNDS.
PARIS, Feb. 27.

5 P.M.—Funds are very depressed ; RenWs
were first quoted 67f. 70c., and fell immediately
67f. 55e.

3 20 P.M.-A better tone was apparent at the
close of the market, and prices recovered ; Rentes
67f. 80c., or about the same as Saturday.

SPAIN.

MADRID, Feb. 26.
No news from Africa. The whole press, part
i-
ticularly the progressista section, violently attack
England. The Censor has prohibited the circu-
lation of the Novadades on that account.
The French Ambassador has presented to the
Queen an autograph letter of the Emperor Na-
poleon.