The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1886-06-19 00:00:00

LORD SALISBURY ON THE SITUATION

A great demonstration of the Hertfordshire Con-
servative Associations and Primrose League Habita-
tions took -place on Saturday afternoon at Hatfield
House. At an open-air meeting in the evening, Lord
Salisbury said: This meeting was projected when we
little thought of the position in which we find our.
selves now. Several months ago we thought we would
meet here in order to congratulate ourselves and to
congratulate the county that by the action of the Con-
servative associations and the Primrose League (hear,
hear) we had carried the county solid. (Cheers.) I
have no doubt we shall do it again (loud cheers), but
we little thought that we should have to consider the
contingency so quickly, and least of all did we think
' that we should be called upon to do it for such a cause.
We were hardly recovering from the insinuations, from
the unjust and most indefensible accusations of our
opponents that we were in favour of Hcine Rule,
when we suddenly discovered that all the time the
people who had been flinging these aspersions at our
heads were themselves conspiring to that end.
(Cheers.) We suddenly discovered that Mr. Glad-
stone, in the secrecy of his study, while he was
deluding with amb'guous phrases friends and foes
alike, was maturing a scheme for the disintegration of
the British Empire and. for altering its political con-
dition to an extent which the wildest revolutionary
had not dreamed of up to this time. (Cheers.) Of
course it is necessary when you are called upon to fight
for the integrity of the Empire that you. should clearly
realise what it is that is at issue. It is not merely the
setting up of a legislature at Dublin, though I condemn
that project very strongly. (Cheers.) It is something
much more important than that. It is handing over
the executive government of Ireland to those who
now form the majority of the:constituencies'of Ireland,
and who wish separation from Groat Britian. (Hear,
hear.) Remember that for 700 years Ireland has
never had an executive government, except that which
was approved of and in harmony with the executive
government of Great Britain. She had a separate
legislature, but it was one under the control of Great
Britain, except for some 20 years. But this enormous
change, the handing over of the executive govern-
ment to a power which is independent, and which
may be hostile, is a new thing, has never existed
for 700 years, and is the most tremendous change
which it is in the power of everybody to bring
about in the Constitution of the British Empire.
You talk of the integrity of the Empire, and we
think of distant places, such as Canada, Australia,
or India. But here is a proposal to cut off from
the Executive Government of the Queen an island
within four hours' sail of our shores, and an island
containing vast numbers, more than a million, pro-
bably two millions, of men of our own ram, and in
deep sympathy with our own nationality, and cutting
it off so that it may become independent, and pos-
sibly the seat of hostile power at any time.
(Cheers.) That means, to make the executive
government independent. It means to give them ab-
solute determination whether the laze shall be carried
out or not. If the National League after this measure
passes, if ever it did paes—(no, no)—if the National
League should wish to set all law at defiance and
govern by Lynch law, to impose its decrees upon not
only the landlord and tenant, but merchant and
trader, banker and customer, all who bear part in the
industrial and commercial prosperity of the country
—it will be able to do so if it is in the Executive
Government, or men who are friendly to it,
and who are nominated by it. They will be able
to prevent the ordinary law from acting, and
to allow the Lynch law of the National League to
be supreme. (Hear, hear.) That is a terrible thing
enough for us when we consider how many there are
who claim our sympathy, and to whom we are pledged
by every consideration of honour, and who will be
placed under the feet of the National League. But
there is quite as serious a consideration from purely
an Imperial point of view. If the executive govern-
ment is in the hands of the National League, the
military power of the country must be in their hands
very soon. We may keep this or that post with our
troops; but they will be able to raise volunteers, as
they did a hundred years ago, and those troops so
raised will become in a military sense the masters of
the land. If you have any differences with foreign
Powers, they may, if they please, take the side of
those foreign Powers—(hear, bear)—and help them
against you. It is said you may prohibit the forma-
tion of volunteers; but your prohibitions will be
waste paper. You have no power to °airy them
out. When you have once given over to your enemies
the executive government of the country, every-
thing else will follow. No laws that you may pass,
or conditions you may lay down, or guaraatees
that you can frame, will prevent them, if they are
pleased to do it, from setting up an armed force in
the country which will make them its military
masters, and enable them, if you have any trouble, to
take sides with
,your enemiee. (Cheers.) I am told
that Great Britain is more powerful, that you can
fortify Bristol and Liverpool—(laughter)—and that,
if you please, you can reconquer the country. I have
no doubt we could, but why are we setting up a
country to reconquer? (Cheers.) We cannot re-
conquer the country without shedding much valuable
blood and wasting much treasure, and it may be if
our foreign affairs are in a condition of difficulty, we
shall not be able to reconquer it without incurring
much risk. That is the danger, the real danger,.
von are running, and don't allow 'yourselves
to be deluded by the idea that out of some
philanthropic and grand emotions—trusting to the
Irish people—that that will save you from a danger
of this kind. kCheers.) If it was Canada or
Australia—in fact, Canada and Australia have that
kind of independence which does not menace us—yet
they are a great many thousand miles off, and how-
ever deeply we should regret, however earnestly we
should deprecate any kind of misunderstanding with
them, the fact remains that they cannot strategically
have the position of these islands. (Cheers.) It is a
very different thing when you have an island that is
only four hours off your shores. And, again, we are
very good friends with Canada and Australia.
(Cheers.) Are we good friends with the majority of
the population of Ireland? (Cries of "No.") I deeply
regret that there should be any doubt upon that ques-
tion; but only three days ago I heard a Minister of the
Crown, the Minister who was leading the House of
Lords, say that the large proportion of the Irish people
hated us. (Hear, hear.) I deeply regret that such a
phrase could be used, and that it could be used with
truth. Whether it is the larger proportion of the
people I won't say. My impression about the Irish
people is that they are easily driven backwards and
forwards by any audacious, unscrupulous organisation
—(cheers)—and that the apparent predominpnce of
feeling that we see rather speaks of the activity and
power of the National League than of their own
sincere sentiments. (Renewed cheers.) But, be that
as it may, remember that the time when you are
asked to give the executive power into their hands,
which practically will place at their mercy all the
minority, all the loyalists, all the industrious, com-
mercial, and progressive part of the community—
at the time when you are asked to place in their bands
power which will make them military masters of
the island of Ireland, at that time a Minister of the
Crown can speak of a large proportion of the people
hating us. Is it not madness at such a moment to
give such a weapon into their hands? (Cheers.)
However much you may be willing to recognise their
good qualities however much you may desire
to improve their condition, still, when you know
that a large portion of them hate us when
you know that this is not a sentiment of to-day,
but that it has been rising up year after year and
generation after generation for a long time past—
when also you know that the measures, the so-called
remedial measures adopted by Mr. Gladstone—
(hisses)—have only exasperated and increased that
hatred—when you know all this, is it not madness to
assume that their feelings will turn in a day, that
they will forget in a moment all that they have
thought and felt in the past, and to give un-
reservedly in their hands the fate of your friends.
(Hear, hear.) It is really now for the people of this
island to decide whether they will make this terrible
experiment and run 'this enormous risk. (Cries of
"No, no.") I believe that their answer will be the
same as the answer of their representatives in the
House of Commons. (Cheers.) I believe that in the
country, as in the House of Commons', by the union
of men who. despite of parte, and rising above nartv,

have combined together to support interests far
superior to any of those over which party struggles—
that by that combination we shall be able to return a
good answer to the question that has been put to the
country; and that the union of all patriotic men will
preserve our United Empire. (Loud cheers, daring
which the noble marquis resumed his seat.)