The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1881-05-28 00:00:00

A MARK OF HONOUR TO SCOTLAND.

The Queen has been pleased to confer the dignity
of a peerage on his Royal Highness Prince Leopold,
who will assume the title of the Duke of Albany.

The Times, in noticing this event, has a leader, from
which we make the following extract :
___ _

We make to-day an announcement which is of con-
siderable general interest, but which more particularly
concerns Scotland. The Queen has decided to revive
the ancient title of Duke of Albany, and to confer it
upon Prince Leopold. Her fourth son, as well as his
brothers, will thus bear a ducal title which has his-
torical significance. The Prince of Wales is Duke of
Cornwall and Rothsay ; Prince Alfred is Duke of
Edinburgh; in the person of the third son was revived
the ancient title of Duke of Connaught, once borne
by the royal O'Conors ; and the Queen's fourth
son will bear a name which is associated with many
passages in Scotch history. The title—an old name of
the Highlands, it is said—which is thus resuscitated is
very ancient. It was first conferred in 1398 on the
second surviving son of Robert 11. and brother of
Robert 111. while he was Begent of Scotland. The
family did not long keep the honour. One of the darkest
chapters in the story of blood and strife with which the
history of Scotland opens is the narrative of the swift,
tragical misfortunes of the House of Stuart. The
second Duke of Albany died on the castle hill of
Stirling, and the title was forfeited. It was sub-
sequently revived and conferred upon the second son
of James 11. ; but it soon became extinct a second
time. The title was next bestowed upon Darnley
shortly before he was married to Queen Mary; and it
was held successively by the second son of James VI.
and by the second son of Charles I. As a British title
it was borne by Prince Frederick, second son of
George 111. The name of Albany is also associated
with Prince Charles Stuart, who for a time assumed
the title of Count Albany; and, indeed, for some
four centuries it reappears in the most stirring
episodes of Scotch history. It will be only cavillers
who will complain that antiquarian proprieties have
not been observed in conferring upon the fourth son
of the sovereign a designation which has usually been
reserved to the second son. We ought to be accus-
tomed by this time to such solecisms. Nobody's his-
torical sense is much shocked by the fact that the
Dukedom of Edinburgh, which now belongs to the
second son of the Sovereign, was once a title of the
eldest son, and once of a brother of the Sovereign, or
that it was linked with the Dukedom of Gloucester,
from which it is now severed. Nobody will complain
that the title of Duke of Albany is disassociated from
that of York, with which it was formerly united ; and
there need be no alloy in the feeling of satisfaction
that one of those names which serve to keep alive
the sense J f historical continuity in the life of a
nation is to be preserved.
The step thus taken will no doubt be properly ap-
preciated as a mark of honour to Scotland. It is a
tribute to that nationality which Scotchmen, though
they may conceal their sentiment or talk little about
it, have not lost. It is a sign that they are not, as
they sometimes complain, neglected or forgotten in a
too complete union with their Southern neighbour.
We much fear, however, that they must be, for a
time at all events, content with such marks of honour
as that which has now been bestowed. And yet
they have at present grievances—real artd substan-
tial grievances—against the Legislature. They com-
plain, and with some reason, that Scotch business
is systematically neglected by the House of Commons;
and that Bills of great practical importance are brought
in, and then quietly thrust aside in order to make way
for matters of inferior moment or to allow the stream
of legislative garrulousness to flow on. A host of
measures affecting the well-being and deepest in-
terests of that country—measures relative to the
Court of Session, teinds, sheriff courts, manse and
church rates, local government, the law of entail, en-
dowed institutions—wait the attention of Parliament.
The Lord Advocate does his best, and being now in
the House of Commons, he is in a position to look
after Scotch Bills. He receives deputations and
writes letters marked by much zeal as a reformer. The
Government are ready to pledge themselves to do this
or that good work. But in spite of the debt of grati-
tude due by them to Scotland, which has been un-
wavering in its attachment to Liberalism, their per-
formances fall sadly short of what is desired and
reasonably expected. . . .
But who is to blame for this unsatisfactory state of
things, and how is it to be altered? That, after all, is
the matter of most importance, and it is just this ques-
tion upon which the patriots who recall with proper
pride the electoral achievements of Scotland throw
least light. Any day we may have a deputation from
that country prepared to tell a terrible tale and armed
with crushing statistics respecting the miserably few
hours alloted to Scotch business ; and neither Mr.
Gladstone nor any other Minister will be able to
refute the charges made by such a deputation or to
give a completely satisfactory answer to the natural
demand of an explanation. The utmost, that he
can say in excuse is that English legislation is
almost equally in arrears. Both countries are
suffering from a common cause. The Parliament
of the -United Kingdom has, in fact, no time to
spare for either English or Scotch affairs. It has
more urgent business in hand; and any topic not
of a distinctly Irish complexion seems almost an
intruder. Question time is devoted to the asking
and answering of minute queries as to the accommo-
dation furnished to Irish prisoners and evictions or
disturbances in this or that district. W hen the House
of Commons is not discussing the Irish Land Bill, it
is pretty sure to be engaged in considering some topic
which concerns Ireland more than England or Scot-
land; and the consequence is that after sitting nearly
five months the House of Commons is but at the begin-
ning of the ordinary business of the Session.

THE SPEAKER ON THE PROGRESS OF
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
In London on Saturday night, Sir James M'Garel
Hogg, chairman of the Metropolitan Board of Works,
entertained his colleagues and a distinguished com-
pany at dinner at Willis's Rooms. The guests in-
cluded His Royal Highness the Duke of Connaught,
K.G., the Netherlands Minister, the Earls of Dart-
mouth, Mount-Edgcumbe, Longford, Jersey, Gallo-
way, and Sondes; Lord Strathnairn, Lord Chelms-
ford, the Speaker of the House of Commons, Sir
Stafford Northcote, M.P., Lord John Manners,
M.P., Mr. G. Shaw-Lefevre, M.P., &c., &c. In
the course of the proceedings, the Speaker, who
was warmly cheered, in responding for the House
of Commons, said--I am happy to say that lam
able to report favourably of the bodily health of
that assembly, except in two particulars—namely,
that we suffer from late hours and from overwork.
Now, iit s satisfactory to know that the House of
Commons has the remedy for these two sufferings in
its own hands. (Hear, hear.) How to deal, satisfac-
torily and efficiently, with the overwork which bears
now so heavily on the House of Commons is a problem
of much difficulty. Some relief may be afforded by
calling in aid the principle of self-government, and
handing over to local authorities a portion of the work
which may be better discharged by local assemblies
than by an Imperial Parliament. (Cheers.) But while
touching on the question, I think I ought to say, in
the presence of this assembly, representing, as it does,
in a great degree this great metropolis, that I trust
whenever that subject is taken in hand further
powers of local self-government will be given to this
vast metropolis. (Hear, hear.) I have often thought
myself, when occupying the distinguished office which
I so unworthily fill in the House of Commons, that it
was passing strange that whenever this great commu-
nity wanted to have better water or brighter light, to
construct a bridge or to make a road, or to do any-
thing in the shape of carrying out those numerous
matters required by so vast a community, they
must come to Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Ido
think the principles of local self•government should be
carried out, so as to give to communities of this
magnitude, of this wealth, and of this intelligence
i
further powers n the management of their own affairs.
(Hear, hear.) And when I say that of London, I say
it also of all the large communities, not only in
Englap id, but n Ireland and Scotland. (Cheers.)
Some relief also must be given to the overworked House
of Commons, in my opinion, by calling in aid the prin
i -
ciple of the dvision of labour, so that the work falling
upon the House of Commplis might be better distri-
buted amongst its own members. (Hear, hear.) Since
I have had the honour of a seat in the House of Com-
mons, and lam bound to say I have now had ex-
perience of nine Parliaments, I have observed that
during the whole of those thirty years the work of the
House of Commons canaantly increasing,
I so no reason to think it at all likely to
diminish. (Hear, hear.) We find every year, as
years roll by, that more and more work is cast upon
the House of Commons. The truth is that our
governors—the constituencies—read more, think more,
and expect more of their members, and in this way
more work is cast upon the House Qf Commons. Again,
much mo:,-p wGlk i st upon the House of Commons
in 'another respect. In these days public interest is
much more directed to foreign affairs than it was for-
merly. If I had to give an illustration of that I
would point to the fact that, though we have before us a
Land Bill on the table, the House of Commons, as if
not satisfied with the amount of work which that is
likely to east upon ns, hqs had before it dnring the
present Session alone sundry " burning questions,"
such as that of Candahar, that about Tunis, that abont
the Transvaal, and that about the Treaty with France;
and I have go (built before) the Land Bill is safely
iii port we shall have other matters connected with
foreign affairs cropping up. I mention these things
to show to you the great amount of work which is now
cast upon the House of Commons. At the same time,
I feel satisfied of this, that, whatever th 3 az.-,ount of
that work may b?, ',/34 will 4iwaYa fi'nd the House of
equal to the occasion, and that, recruited as
it continually is by additions from the people, it will
always be found equal to the occasion (cheers).