The Press.
London, England, 1855-12-08 00:00:00

•ilk•' .:•

No. 136.—V0L.

C4t Vrtss.

FRENCH is satisfied of their sincerity. Hence
we are disposed to augur favorably of the nego-
tiation, and to believe that with judicious
management it, may be brought to a successful
conclusion.
The failure of the last effort affords no
ground for discouragement. The time was
unseasonable and the circumstances adverse.
The persons principally concerned in originat
ing the negotiation were removed from its
conduct—the Emperor NICHOLAS by death,
and Lord ABERDEEN by the dissolution of his
Government. By the Emperor of the FRENCH
it could never have been regarded with favour,
as it would not have been possible for the
Allies to have withdrawn their forces from
before Sebastopol without grievous injury to
their military reputation. It is questionable
whether negotiation should have ever been
entered on while an enterprise undertaken
with so much pomp remained in suspense
The abrupt ending of the Vienna Conferences
may be attributed to other causes that' the
impossibility of solving the third point in a
satisfactory manner.
The great difficulty which then existed to
the establishment of Peace is now removed.
The negotiation will be opened on new ground,
and in all probability with a clear understand
ing between the Powers concerned of the
points which must be enforced on one side and
conceded on the other The Emperor of the
FRENCH will feel his honour concerned to
bring to a successful issue an arrangement
which ho has taken a llading part in originat-
ing ; and under his firm and skilful guidance,
we may reasonably hope that in the discussion
of the proposed terms whatever difficulties
occur they will be overcome.
To save Europe from a grave scandal, it is
above all things necessary that now, at the
very commencement of the negotiation, the
several Powers should declare their senti-
ments with perfect sincerity, and prevent, as
far as in them lies, all chance of future mis
understanding. We desire negotiation,—not
for the sake of negotiation, but for the sake of
Peace. It is not to be tolerated that any
Government should take part in it with the
view of creating obstacles, or of watching for
opportunities of dissension. Better, a thou-
sand times, that no pacific discussion should
take place, than that it should be conducted
with duplicity and marred by chicane. If, in
the opinion of the belligerent States, the time
for Peace has not yet come, and, in the present
state of affairs, it is impossible to arrange
their pretensions, of what avail will it be to
amuse their people with idle hopes of a cessa-
tion of hostilities ? Each failure of the kind
will tend to weaken public faith in tutu re
negotiation, and thus bring into disrepute
the only means which exist of terminating the
calamities of War.
The Allies on one side, and Russia on the
other, now thoroughly understand each other's
position, can compute their respective forces,
and know with tolerable precision what are
the objects in dispute. If the desire for Peace
be mutual, and the outlines of a settlement
be arranged, ordinary good faith with ordinary
prudence on the part of the negotiators can
scarcely fail of being attended with success.
They will play a perilous game for themselves
and their countries should they venture on
falsehood, for no punishment would be too
great, and no execration too loud for the diplo-
macy which sacrificed the peace of the world
to the attainment of its own sinister ends.

LONDON SATURDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1855. STAMPED . . ..SIXPENcE.
UNSTAMPE..FIVEPENCE.
_ _

THE PAST AND THE PRESENT.
THE support which this Journal has received
from the public, and the confidence with which
it has been honoured by the Conservative pint
of the community, render it necessary that
we should distinctly explain the principles
which have guided our course on the War
Question and that we should guard every step
we have taken from misrepresentation. It is
the more necessary that we should do so,
as, since we expressed opinions favorable to
the practicability of Peace, we have received
many strong remoostrances from persons
whose opinions are entitled to the highest
respect. It was impossible for us to answer
those communications in detail. We could
only trust that the character of this Journal
would sustain it through a period of doubt and
uncertainty, and hope that the course of
events would justify our foresight and policy.
Now, as heretofore, we appeal to the calm
good sense of our readers. The main are-
ment is of far too much importance for passion
or prejudice to mingle with it.
\lre have already stated, that when Lord
ABERDEEN'S Government hesitated whether it
should oppose the aggressive and warlike
action of the Court of St. Petersburg, we de-
cisively declared that the time was coins
for resisting encroachments —at one time
insidious, at another violent, but at all
times systematic and menacing and for
affording to Turkey not only moral but ma-
terial assistance, that the danger which
threatened Constantinople might once for
all be met; and that the Eastern Question
might be brought within the scope, and settle
by the principles, of European policy. W.
condemned the indecision of Lord ABERDEEN'S
Cabinet, and we blamed the miserably ineffi-
cient scale on which the War had been com-
menced ; but the War itself received our
earnest support It was necessary to our
safety, our interests, and our honour. Had
Russia succeeded in her objects, not only the
balance of power in Europe. but the veil'
principles which have guided the Courts of
Europe in their policy for the last two centu
ries at least, and have confined the most
powerful nations within definite limits, would
have been overthrown. The schemes of uni-
versal conquest imputed to Russia would have
received a kind of sanction and authority
from the pusillanimous action of other Powers,
and the continued dread of Muscovite aggres-
sion would have weighed like a nightmare on
civilised Europe. This was the danger to be
met. It was perceived by the Conservative
leaders, though not by Lord ABERDEEN. And
when the sword was once drawn, we urged
that it should never he sheathed until a firm,
settled, and effectual barrier had been raised
on the side of Turkey against Russian en-
croachment.
This was, in the view of statesmen, the real
object of the War ; and the only subsequent
consideration was, at wik-' of events
that object could be attar
It appeared to us that
and the entire destructil
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