The Press.
London, England, 1855-10-20 00:00:00

SARDINIA AND TUSCANY.

The quarrel between these two Governments, which
it was hoped would have been speedily settled, is in
reality very far from any satisfactory arrangement at
present. As it promises to be a " very pretty quarrel"
between the two Governments, it may not be unlit.
Wresting to state in tztenso the facts of the case.
We borrow the details from the Times correspondent
at Turin. The pith and marrow of the story lies in
the appointrr ent by the Sardinian Government to the
Tuscan Court of an envoy who was not agreeable to
the Grand Duke. Aastria supports the Grand Duke
in bis dislike, and through her the affair threatens
to become of no little importance:—

Count Antonio Cassati, the gentleman whose appoint-
ment has given rise to this disagreement, is the son of
Count Gabrio Cassati, who was Podesta of Milan in 184/4,
and who subsequently became President of the Provisional
Government formed after the Revolution. So long ago as
July of last year the Sardinian Government seem to have
entertained an idea of naming him to the Florence Legs,
tion, and its representative in Tuscany, the Marquis
Sauli, having been instructed to ascertain the feelings of
the Grand Ducal Court, and having spoken with M. Bal-
dassaroni on the subject, appears to have been of opinion
that the Tuscan Government would receive him, although
the appointment was evidently not agreeable. The nomi-
nation was therefore not then insisted on, and it was not
until July of the present year that M. Seidl again men-
tioned the probable appointment of M. Cassati in a confi-
dential conversation with the Tuscan Prince, who made no
objection, but desired to know the reasons to be offered to
the Grand Duke for such appointment. The reason given
was that the brother of M. Cassati, who had been a
captain in the Staff Corps, had lost hie life by cholera in
the Crimea, and Count Gabrio Cassati had, consequently,
requested the Minister for Foreign Affairs to withdraw his
son, Count Antonio, from Constantinople, where he then
was, and attach him to a legation nearer home. The result
of this interview was that the Marquis Sauli reported to
his Government that M. Cassati's appointment would not
be objected to; but before the arrival of M. Caned further
inquiries were made of the Sardinian Minister on the part
of the Tuscan Government as to whether M. Cassati was
a refugee, and whether he had taken a prominent part in
the Milan revolution ; and his replies were considered sa-
tisfactory by M. Fornetti ( the Chief Secretary for Foreign
Affairs), who asked these questions on behalf of M. Bal-
dassaroni, and also by the Duke of Casigliano, Minister
for Foreign Affairs. Soon afterwards M. Cassati arrived
at Florence, and the day following the Marquis Ssuli noti-
fied it officially to M. Baldassaroni, distinctly stating at the
same time the post that M. Cassati held in the Sardinian
legation. To this communication M, lialdassvoni re-
turned the usual official acknowledgment, and within
two days after returned the official viait of M. Cassati,
who was subsequently officially presented to the
President of the Council of Ministers at the Foreign-
office, and was exceedingly well received. It was
some time in the month of August that qualms
seem to have first oppressed the Tuscan Prime Minister
for having assented to this appointment, and he then com-
plained to the Marquis Sauli of the great inconvenience
caused by ISt. Cassati's presence, and hinted at his not
being well received at Court, begging that measures
might be taken for his removal to another Court, as other-
wise all the blame would fall on his (M. 13aldassaroni'e)
shoulders. This request was duly communicated to M.
Cibrario, the Sardinian Minister for Foreign Affairs, who
replied on the 23rd of August that " another post should
be given to Cassati," and had M. 13aldassaroni bad the
patience to wait for that answer the affair might have been
settled without further difficulty ; but before it could arrive
he had written a violent and intemperate note to the Sar-
dinian Minister, which produced a hot reply, and led to an
irregular appeal M. Baldassaroni to M. Cibrario that
ended in a rupture of diplomatic relations. Now, it was
not unnatural that it should strike both the Sardinian
Government and its representative that there was stronger
influence at work than mere courtly prejudice in the
course of these transactions, and accordingly M. Sauli
asked M. Baldassaroni on one occasion if Austria had ex-
ercised any pressure in the affair of M. Cassati; to which
M. Bahlaiisaroni replied most emphatically that nothing
of the kind had occurred. In contradiction of this asser-
tion of the Tuscan Minister, in an interview between
Count Buol and the Sardinian Chargé d'Affaires at Vienna
within the last few days, the part taken by the Austrian
Government was not only not denied, but was spoken of as
quite as natural as if Tuscany were de jure as well as de
facto a dependency of Austria. Moreover the Austrian
Government looks on the affair as in some degree personal,
and it does not hesitate to threaten that if the dispute is
not arranged within a limited period it will regard it as a
personal quarrel, and adopt measures accordingly. Such is
the state of the affair at this moment. The Tuscan Go
vernment demands that the Sardinian Government should
apologise for having appointed an objectionable person to
its Legation at Florence. and withdraw the exceptionable
individual, while the Sardinian Government claims an
of consideration shown to its -

amende for the want -_ repre-
sentative ; and, notwithstanding the extreme divergence of
these pretensions, it is more than probable they would
have been amicably settled ere this if the Tuscan Govern-
ment had been really independent and the mediators
employed had been strictly impartial. The Grand Duke
of Tuscany may be too deeply steeped in humiliation to
feel the degradation imposed upon him by such conduct,
but there is little probability that the Zing of Sardinia or

his Government will allow themselves to be dictated to by
the arrogant pretensions of an intruding party that would
fain frighten them into receiving an insult by threats of
its own displeasure.
SPAIN.
The Cortes presented a loyal address to the Queen
on the 11th, to which her Majesty returned a rept*
expressing her confidence in the statements of the
address.

Dissensions prevail among the Carlist chiefs.
Cabrera, Borges, and Tristany are willing to accept a
sort of representative government, whilst Elio, Aro-
valo, Estartus, and Forcadell insist on the re-estab-
lishment of absolutism. The Government, relying q
the Emperor of the French, apprehends no invasion
along the northern frontier.
The total amount voluntarily subscribed to thl
loan of 230,000,000 rea's was 205,000,000, and the
remaining 25,000,000 reels was to be obtained by a
forced levy.
Changes were spoken of as probable in the
Spanish Cabinet. M. Olozaga, it was believed,
would undertake the Foreign Affairs, and M. Esco-
sura the Interior.

DENMARK.
The State prosecution of the members of the late
Danish Cabinet is proceeding at Copenhagen. In
the correspondence of the Debate it is denied that
any Congress is contemplated by Denmark to regu-
late the Sound dues. The Baltic States, Russia,
Prussia, Sweden, Mecklenburgh, and Lubeck, havh
been simply invited to a conference in order to con-
sider the repeal of the dues; but it is not intended
to appeal to an European congress.
UNITED STATES, MEXICO, AND WEST
IN DIES.
The Tyne arrived at Southampton on Thursday,
with dates from Chagre.s 23rd September, Jamaica
27th, and St. Thomas let inst.
From San Francisco we hear that Her Majesty's
frigate Amphitrite retmed op the 20th of August
from Ayan (Amoor River) and Sitka. She had
found Ayan deserted, and no signs of the Russian
fleet. A Russian steamer lying there was blown up.
No fortifications were discovered at the mouth of the
river, and the Russian fleet could not have ascended
the river in consequence of the bar at the entrance.
Their whereabouts warts unknown.
By the Baltic we have dates from New York to the
3rd, and Mexico tot the 30th ult. The news of the
fall of Sebastopol.. bad been received with great re-
joicings by the English and French inhabitants at
Mexico. General Carrera had reiigned, and disturb.
ances were very general. In the Banda Oriental also
there were disagreements among the several statev,
which it was expected would lead to war.

INDIA AND CHINA.
The Norma had arrived at Suer from Bombay on
the 30th ult., and the Oriental from Calcutta on the
Bth. Dates from Calcutta, Sept. Bth ; Bombay, 12th
and Madras, 14th.
Malia and Burmah were tranquil ; the Santal in-
surrection had been almost subdued, and, except in
the Nizam's dominions, there Lad been no dis-
turbances.
The Indian mails had arrived at Marseilles on
Wednesday morning.

THE GOVERNOR AND DEPUTY. GOVERNOR of the
Bank of England had an interview on Wednesday
with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at his official
residence in Downing street.
THE IIEOISTRAR•QESLMAIy in his weekly returns,
gives the deaths of 870 persons in London during
the week ending Oct. 13; 449 of the number died
under 20 years of age; 131 young men and women
died of the age of 20 40; 124 persons had lived to
the age of 40-00; and 124 more to the age of 60 80;
while only 22 bad passed 80 years, and approached
the natural limit of human life (100 years) : 228 of
the deaths were by zymotic diseases, including 16 by
small-pox, 50 by scarlatina, 44 by diarrlicua, 4 by
cholera, 45 by typhus and other fevers. Consump-
tion was the cause of 108 deaths, apoplexy of 2.1,
paralysis of 16, bronchitis and pneumonia of 02; 18
violent deaths were registered. The average deaths
in the corresponding week of the previous 10 yeaiii
TM 905, or, corrected for increase of population,
1,035. The deaths in the last week were 870, or
•225 below the corrected average deaths in London.
The births consisted of 793 boys and 771 girls, in aR
1,564 children, as registered in London. In the 10
corresponding weeks of the years 184544 the average
number was 1,313.
CARDINAL. WISEMAN held an ordination on Sunday
last, when he admitted two clergymen of the Chuck
of England into the priesthood of the Church o
Rome; namely, the Rev. William John Roberta,
M.A., of Merton College, Oxford, and the Rev. John
Hilary Dale, M.A., of Christ Church, Oxford, sod
lately &missionary of the Established Church in the
diocese of New Zealand. Mr. Dale has been ap.
pointed priest of. the new chapel of the " Angel
Guardians " at Holloway, in connection with tho
missionaiy kectotate of Hollows?.

6fturt anb lastion.

Queen and Prince, with the Prince of Wales,
incess Royal, Prince Alfred, and the Princesses
, Helena, and Louisa, attended by the Duchess
ellington, the Hon. Beatrice Byng, Colonel the
en. C. B. Phipps, and Major General the Hon.
jharles Grey, left Balmoral at half-past eight o'clock
on Tuesday morning, and arrived at Edinburgh at
a quarter past six o'clock. The royal party left
Edinburgh on Wednesday morning, and arrived at
Windsor Castle in the evening. The Prince Ai thur
aed Prince Leopold, attended by Lady Caroline
Barrington and Colonel the Hon. N. Hood, have
arrived from Osborne. The Hon. Caroline Caven-
dish and the Hon. Mary Bulteel have arrived as
Maids of honour in Waiting. Lord Byron and
Major-General Buckley have also arrived as the
Lord and Equerry in Waiting to her Majesty, and
Colonel Seymour as Equerry to Prince Albert.
The Duchess of Gloucester, attended by Lady
Caroline Murray and the Hon. Colonel Liddell,
quitted Brighton for town on Tuesday.
Amongst the passengers for Gibraltar in the mail
steamer Sultan, which left Southampton on Wednes-
day, were the Earl and Countess Talbot.
The Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch are at
Drumlanrig Castle, Dumfriesshire, where the Earl
of Dalkeith, M.P., and Lord Henry Scott, are also
staying. Lord Walter Scott has joined his regiment
at Exeter.
Sir James Graham, Bart., M.P., has arrived at
Haddo-house on a visit to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Lord John Russell paid Oxford a visit on Tuesday.
His lordship, who was the guest of the Rev. Dr.
Cradock, principal of Brasenose College, left Oxford
on Wednesday for London.
Sir G. Grey has arrived in town from Balmoral.

Irtttingo.

CRIMEAN BANQUET AT GLASGOW.

A SPLENDID banquet to celebrate the Crimean victo.
ries took place at Glasgow in the City-hall on the
12th instant. The company were numerous and dis-
tinguished. The Duke of Hamilton presided, and
Sir A. Alison officiated as croupier. One circumstance
deserves special notice. All the non-commissioned
officers and privates who bad shared in the Crimean
war, and were in Glasgow at the time, to the number
.1:;$f fifty, were invited as guests to the entertainment.
As was natural on such an occasion, the services
rendered by Scotland to the war formed the staple of
the eloquence. Mr. M'Gregor, as a financier, declared
" that Glasgow had exceeded all other places and
cities in its contributions to the Patriotic Fund.", ( ? )
He was heard, however, with great impatience, and
coughed down at last. Sir A. Alison roused the
enthusiasm of the company, by relating how the
Highland regiments stood firm when the enemy drove
the Turks before them on the morning of the Bala-
klava encounter, and how the Scots Greys had led
the charge ; while Mr. Baillie Cochrane dwelt on the
hundreds Scotland had sent to swell the crowd of
heroes who combated at Alma, Balaklava, Inkermann,
and the itedan.

The CHAIRMAN gave the usual loyal toasts in
graceful terms, and in proposing " Her Majesty's
Ministers," said all he could for the Premier :
I really think Lord Palmerston has conducted this war
with a degree of vigour, which at his period of Life is
almost unequalled, I believe, in history. I think all
Englishmen, of whatever party or shade of politics, should
be grateful to him for it.
To " The Houses of Parliament," Mr. HASTIE and
Mr. M'GREOOR responded. The former alluded
harshly to the course taken by the Peelite tri-
umvirate :

I may further just express the deepest regret, the
greatest mortification on account of the speeches made by
three ex Ministers of the Crown, which 1 consider most
unpatriotic, and as likely to render it more difficult for the
Administration they have left to carry on that war to a
happy conclusion. I felt mortified exceedingly to think
that any British subject, especially any who had been
parties to declaring war, should give utterance to such
expressions.
- -

In proposing " The Crimean Army," the CHAIRMAN
eulogised our allies, but thought also that we should
do justice to our foe :

While we congratulate ourselves, and thank Providence
for our success, we must not forget the fallen foe who have
gallantly struggled against us, who have gone to rest, who
have deserved well of their countrymen. Let us not
forget also, in celebrating this glorious victory, that we
raise ourselves in our own estimation by praising our foe.
I wish that feeling had been more carried out. I regret
expressions which have been made use of in regard to the
Russians, because, though none can be more gratified than
I for victories voinhsafed, we ought to be generous to a

THE PRESS.

guished himself like General Todtleben, and others high
in position in the Russian service.
Sir JAMES FERGUSSON acknowledged this toast, and
the Duke of AlusTuesE gave "The Emperor of the
French and our brave allies," alluding with emphasis
to the Duke de Coigny, who was present, "a noble
duke and a native of France connected with this
country by ties of family, but one who in former
times served in, the great army of the late Emperor

Napoleon."
The Duke MC COLONY returned thanks :

I beg the noble duke and this company to accept my
cordial expression of gratitude, and, on behalf of my
country, 1 must thank the noble duke most heartily for
what he said about our happy alliance—that alliance which,
I am proud to say, has beeu the constant dream of my life.
(Cheers.) Yes, gentlemen, I may boast that it Las been a
dream always present to me, even when I was fighting
against you. ( Renewed cheers.) After every battle I
could not help deploring that two great nations like yours
and mine could not come to a good understanding.
(Cheers.) I hoped, if it pleased God, that would not long
be the case. Now that we are iu possession of that formi-
dable alliance, let us hope that we shall remain friends for
ever.

M. MANBOUSEIN, Consul of France, also responded
to this toast, and then Sir. A. AmsoN proposed, in an
eloquent national speech, " Sir Colin Campbell, the
head of the Highland Division." He spoke of the
war as unprecedented in magnitude :

Two hundred and ten thousand French soldiers, 80,000
English, and 15,000 Piedmontese, with 1,200 guns, have
been sent from the remotest parts of Western Europe to
the theatre of conflict on the shores of the Crimea, and
they have been confronted by at least an equal number
of Russians. ( Hear, hear.) The annals of the world
will be sought in vain for the waging of such a war at such
a distance and with such means. In comparison with it
the army of Alexander, the legions of Rome, the hosts of
the Crusaders, sink into insignificance. Proportionally
great have been the successes achieved in the terrible striki
which ensued. Three victories in pitched battles in the
field—an arduous and unparalleled siege of ten months' du-
ration, terminating in a decisive triumph—the total de-
struction of a fleet of eighteen sail of the line and a hun-
dred vessels of war—the capture of a first-rate fortress,
with 6,000 pieces of cannon—and the bloody defeat of an
army of 150,000 men signalised the campaign before the
allied armies had been a year in the peninsula.
He characterised the war as a struggle of "European
freedom against Asiatic despotism," and with much
pomp of language dwelt on the war of Greece against
Persia, of Rome against Scythia, of the Crusades
against the Saracens. The Duke of Hamilton had
previously likened the officers and men who took
part in the Balaklava charge to Curtius leaping into
the gulf, and Sir A. Alison used the same image to
express the heroism of the British troops in the as-
sault of the Redan

Whatever we may think, rely upon it this will not be
deemed the least honourable page in British story. Leonidas
did the same at Thermopyhe—it was an army leaping like
Curtius into the gulf to save its country. (Loud cheering.)
And the event has proved at what a cost the glorious
sacrifice was made, and shows how the English officers led
on their men, for while in the assault on the Redan there
were 153 officers killed and wounded to 2,500 men, in the
French on the Malakoff there were only 260 officers killed
and wounded to 11,300 men; and on the Russian side only
360 officers to 7,400 private soldiers. Rely upon it, this
disinterested self•devotion will not be forgotten in history,
any more than the heroic valour of the 3,500 soldiers has
been who fell in the vain attempt to force the breaches of
Badajos, but thereby rendered the castle an easy conquest
to Picton's men, who got ►n by escalade.
He likened the Highland Brigade to the Tenth
Legion of Caesar and the Old Guard of Napoleon,
and said that, though not engaged in the assault of
the Bth of September, they paid the penalty of their
fame in being kept to defend the vital line of the
armies' communications.
Mr. A. B. COCHRANE spoke eloquently on the same
theme, in proposing "The City of Glasgow." A
private soldier named MAC DAVID acknowledged the
toast of "The Army," and pointed to the banquet
as a proof bow warmly the nobility and people of the
country sympathised with every soldier in the army.
" The Press " was given towards the close of the pro•
ceedings with a hope expressed by Sir A. ALISON
" that the press, if it had the power of a giant, would
not use it as a giant, and especially that it would
refrain from prematurely pronouncing severe judg-
ments upon men fighting the battles of their
country."

THE MARQUIS OF GRANBY ON THE WAR.
AT the annual dinner of the Waltham Agricultural
Association, on Wednesday, the Marquis of Granby,
who presided, took occasion to state his sentiments
on the general policy of the war. After stating his
belief that if his hearers were favorable to a con-
tinuance of the war, it was not because the prices of
agricultural produce were high and the farming in-
terest prosperous, but beca_use_ they believed the war to
• and •

SATURDAY,

We are told that we are to carry on this war in order to
resist the aggression of Russia. Now, from the first I
doubted the aggressive designs of Russia. But for the sake
of argument I will grant everything that way be asked ; she
shall he as aggressive as any Pole or anyone else may please
to make her. She shall have the ambition to conquer the
world. But I ask you this—With the experience we have
had of our own power, united with that of our allies, 1 ask
any reasonable man what real danger there is of the aggres.
sive power of Russia? Have you not beaten her wherever
you have met her—at Alma, and Inkermaun, behind the
stone walls at Sebastopol, or behind earthworks : have you
upon any one single occasion—be their numbers what they
might, be their position what it might, he the arm with
which you attacked them what it might, cavalry or infantry
—have you ever been beaten by the Russians ? But this
is not all. You must remember the different position of

-- - -
the Russians and ourselves in this war. Remember that

they are not only lighting for their sovereign and their
country—they are lighting for their healthy and for their
homes : not only for their Emperor, but for their religion
and their God. What I wish, then, to ask you, and through

you the country, is, if these men, fighting for such great
and holy objects as these, are not able to stand in any ac•
tion against the arms of England and France, what have
you to fear from Russia as an aggressive power? Do not ht
me be misunderstood; I don't deny the bravery of the
Russian soldiers : there is no soldier I believe fighting
before Sebsatopol that will not come forward and honour
the bravery of the Russian soldier. My belief is that as an
aggressive power he can do nothing, but if you intend to
enter the interior of Russia, 1 fear we have a war before us
which will last longer than the youngest of us will live to
see. (Hear.)

There has been a strange revolution in the public
mind. Four years ago all nations were to meet in
the Crystal Palace, and there was to be no more war.
Now a quarrel had arisen about the key of a Church
three thousand miles off:—

We rushed headlong into this war, and not only we, but
France also, and there seems every probability of its be.
coming a universal European war. We have had forty
years of peace, and the last war that we waged was to
prevent a foreign country from interfering in the affairs of
its neighbours. We are now, if one may judge from the
articles in the Times, waging this war for the sake of free•
dom—for the sake of civilisation, as opposed to barbarism,
and for the sake of freemen, as opposed to serfs. Let us
beware. It is a most dangerous thing for one country to
interfere in the concerns of another. Depend upon it,
that though there is nothing nobler, nothing more exalted,
nothing mom exciting, than to wage war for the sake of
freedom, that freedom, though a tree most beautiful in
itself, is one of slow growth, and one that must be huh.
genus in the soil, and must spring up under the pure air
and the sunshine of heaven. It is not a plant that you
can force in a hothouse, or cause to spring up when and as
you wish. Depend upon it, that to set free a large mass of
men when they are not themselves prepared fur freedom
is to doom them to the greatest possible misery, and is to
throw them back, instead of advancing them, for perhaps
some thousand years.
He thought that peace might have been, and should
have been, concluded last year at Vienna :

It was not France that objected to Austria's proposals;
it was some one in London that telegraphed to Vienna that
no peace was to be matte. And look at the difference upon
which you stood out—look at the difference between the
proposals made and those which you would have accepted.
You were willing to accept a limitation of the Russian
fleet; but a counterpoise you would not hear of. A limits•
Lion of the fleet—what a perfect humbug that would have
been I You may say a counterpoise would have been so
also. I tell you frankly I believe there is no treaty you
can make but the Emperor of Russia can drive an express
train through it to-morrow if it suits his purpose. You
may take his fleet, but the moment it is his interest to
make war with you, which I do not believe it ever will be,
do you suppose he would not build ships, and increase the
number over the limit before you knew anything about it?
Why now, you have not only limited the fleet but sunk it.
Some eighteen or twenty ships of the line are sunk at
Sebastopol, some burnt, and some destroyed. How far
are you advanced, then, with your limitation? I say it is
all stuff and nonsense your talking of limiting by treaty
the fleet of the Emperor of Russia. But if you could do
it, what is the use of the limitation to you? What is the
use of limiting the fleet in the Black Sea? That is not
the fleet that menaces the shores of England. The fleet
that menaces you is that in the Baltic. There are some
twenty-one ships of the line there, and you have entirely
overlooked them ; you thought nothing of having any
limitation to them. We insult Russia on the one hand,
and we allow her to increase her navy where she is really
formidable to us on the other. Can there be such absurd
folly as this ? What I say is this, supposing Russia to be
as aggressive as she is believed to be, the only real, sound,
material guarantee you can have against her aggression is
your own fortitude and bravery, joined by the whole of the
Western powers. That is the true barrier to Russian aggres-
sion, if it exists. It is not a piece of paper, that Russia will
take and tear the moment it suits her purpose ; it is the cor-
dial conjunction and union of England, France, Austria, and
Prussia. These are the four powers that, if you really
want to limit Russian aggression, must do it ; and with-
out it you may fight twenty battles, you may continue the
war for twenty years, you may gain twenty more victories
like Alma and Inkermann, and you will gain them, but
you will have done nothing equal to what you would have
done were you to agree with Austria as to the terms upon
which you should limit the aggression of Russia. I will
- possible-1 'hat terms
not what
. not know
accept; bat I

I.
k. 998
The (
the Prir
Alice,
of Well
Flinn_ II

expressions winen nave ri agcultural produce were high and the Terming' in- .•
Russians, because, though none can be more gratified than - - - done were you to agree with Austria as to the terms of
I for victories vouzhsafed, we ought to be generous to a terest prosperous, but because they believed the war to which you should limit the aggression of Russia. I
fallen foe. (Applause.) We must not forget that the be just and necessary ; and, after avowing his admira- not say that peace is now possible—l know not what ter
Russians have fought bravely, that they have fought tion of the courage and conduct of our army, he pro- that France may be willing to accept-1 know not
hand to hand with the best troops of Europe, and ceeded to say that Russia was not to be feared as an terms England may be willing to accept—l do not kr
that tills war has raised from its ranks one iyho has aggressive power even what terms Russia might by willing to wept; bi
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