The Press.
London, England, 1855-09-22 00:00:00

Out

No. 125.—V0L. 111.

g't V rtss.

LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1855.

SINCE the fall of Sebastopol, the adherents of
the Ministry exult in the failure of the Vienna
Conferences last spring, and point to the
success we have achieved as due to the policy
of our Cabinet at that time. This exultation
is indecent. The failure of a pacific negotia-
tion can never be legitimate matter for exulta-
tion, whatever victories may be subsequently
achieved, unless the grounds on which it pro-
ceeded were insufficient or dishonourable.

If the Government had declined to engage
in the negotiation from a belief that the time
for peace had not arrived, or had it insisted
on the destruction of Sebastopol as a prelimi-
nary condition, we could understand how the
fail of the town might be ascribed to the firm-
ness and foresight of its policy. But through-
out the Conferences it was assumed that
Sebastopol would remain in the bands of
Russia intact. The arguments of the Peace
party proceeded on the assumption that there
was in reality little difference between that
principle of limitation agreed to by our Go-
vernment and that principle of counterpoise,
proposed by Russia, which was subsequently
found to have been sanctioned by the Pleni-
potentiaries of France and England. The
negotiation turned in no way on Sebastopol,
but on a very insignificant point of difference,
which Russia yet thought concerned her
honour. Had she conceded that point, Sebas-
topol would have been saved, and the Allies,
according to the arguments now used, would
have been disgraced. So far as Sebastopol was
concerned, the Government and the Peace
party stood on the same ground ; and it would
be quite as just to charge the Ministry with
having attempted by its policy to avert the
triumph of our arms, as to bring such an in-
dictment against Sir .TAMES GRAHAM and Mr.
GLADSTONE.

The state of affairs before Sebastopol was
no doubt unfavorable to peace, and formed an
adverse element in the negotiation, though
never mentioned at the Conferences. The
Allies could scarcely have withdrawn from the
siege without some loss of reputation. That
difficulty should have been foreseen when the
expedition was projected. It pursues us still,
though in an altered form. We are. perhaps,
even more unable to withdraw from the
Crimea after victory than while the issue was
in suspense. The fall of- Sebastopol, which,
by a natural delusion in the public mind, was
Supposed likely to terminate the war, will, it
is now beginning to be perceived, only tend to
give it a more determined character.
The believers in an irresistible destiny
overruling the will and reason of men may
find support for their opinion in every step
that has marked the origin and progress of
this Eastern quarrel. The Crimean expedi-
tion was decided on without thought of the
consequences, and those amongst our states-
men most strongly opposed to a war of ex-
tremity with Russia committed themselves to
an act which rendered it well-nigh impossible
for either party to withdraw from the contest
until the resources on one side or on both
Were exhausted. The constitution of the last

LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 22,1855.

Government was so unfortunate that it had no
power of controlling popular sentiment when
control was most necessary. Lord ABERDEEN
lost the confidence of the nation through
timidity, and attempted to regain it by rash-
ness. He fell at the moment when the
Conferences he had arranged with so much
care were about to be opened, and the Minis
ter who had mainly contributed to his defeat
was in turn overthrown in endeavouring to
carry out his pacific policy. There is no
parallel in history w such a succession of
blunders.

The Emperor ALEXANDER 18 reported to have
declared that he would never treat for peace on
a basis of defeat. Whether this report be
literally correct or no, it exactly indicates the
policy which it is tolerably certain Russia will
pursue. The growth of the Roman power
was likened by HORACE to that of an oak which
flourishes from the strokes of the axe that lops
its branches, and gathers strength from
slaughter and loss. Something of this in•
domitable spirit has animated the Russian
Government in its wars. We must reduce
the empire to the verge of ruin before we can
hope to impose on it humiliating terms.
Have we counted the efforts and sacrifices
which will be necessary for such an enterprise ?
The Crimea is not yet won. Perhaps a succes-
sion of desperate conflicts will still be required
to wrest the whole peninsula from the enemy.
We shall then have to garrison it with an
enormous force, and afterwards have to turn
our attention to enterprises more difficult even
than the capture of Sebastopol. If peace be
not practicable now, it will not be practicable
till the Allies are in possession of St. Peters-
burg, or till they have pursued the last army
Russia can raise to the gates of Moscow.

This war must end in such a defeat of
Russia as will deprive her of all power to rank
as a first-rate Power in Europe, or must result
in terms of pacification which will leave her
strong enough to attempt at some future time
the realisation' of those ambitious schemes
which have been freely imputed to her. In
the latter case we never can have any security
against her aggressive policy, save that which
arises from dread of the opposition it will be
certain to provoke from other States, and
especially from the Governments of the West,
and from the knowledge that her movements
must always be viewed with jealousy. But on
the supposition that in the course of this con-
test the strength of Russia is destroyed—as, if
the war be waged to extremity it probably
will be for all practical purposes for a genera.
tion to come—there will remain but two first-
rate Powers in the world—France and Eng-
land.

Some politicians may regard this contin-
gency with satisfaction. We are not of them.
The political world requires a balance of
forces for its freedom and safety. It is most
secure when its equilibrium is preserved by
the counter but harmonious action of
numerous independent States. Triumvirates
have often had a long reign, as there is a
shifting weight which can be thrown into one
scale or the other. But when one of the
governing powers is lost, the contest between
the remaining two is seldom long delayed ;
and that regulated system of independent
States which it has required centuries to build
up, and that balance of political power which
it has uniformly been the object of great
statesmen to uphold, are in danger of being
totally overthrown.

STAMPED .... SIXPENCE.
UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE.

If hostilities are to continue, it is perfectly
plain that henceforth we shall prosecute them,
not for Turkey, but against Russia ; and we
must not shut our eyes to the fact that what-
ever successes we may gain, short of the total
prostration of Russian power, will only tend
to make terms of peace more difficult or im-
practicable.

LORD PALMERSTON AND THE
"TIMES."

THE present age may certainly be considered

as one of " extiaordivary events." Both

branches of the BOURBONS have been swept
away, and the distinguished chief of the House
of Bonaparte rules potentially over France.
For two years Ministerial changes have
occurred in Downing-street far surpassing
in variety the dissolving-views at the Poly-
technic. Speculative Republicans have been
turned into Cabinet Ministers, and " Gents "
from Australia who began with " five shil-
lings " have become Privy Councillors. Other
events, not less strange, have occurred.
Drury-lane Theatre has been crow4ed to hear
an English Opera Company ; Mr. FEAROUS
O'Connell has received a public funeral ; and
we have heard of an enterprising author whose
" book " has been more sucees9ful at Tatter-
sall's than at " the Row."

But far more surprising than any of these
marvels is the astonishing event that on
Thursday, the 20th of September, a panegyric
was actually fired off from the Times at Lord
PALMERSTON !

Well, that is a wonderful event 1 For
twenty years, as all the journalists of England
and as all their various readers must recollect,
there were two English statesmen especially
hateful to the Times. It abused them through
all the moods and tenses of its vituperation.
One was HENRY LORD BROUGHAM AND VAUX,
and the other was HENRY JOHN TEMPLE
VISCOUNT PALMERSTON. At all times, and on
all occasions, both these individuals were
singled out as men to be vilified and scorned.
We shall say nothing of the disgraceful means
resorted to in depreciating Lord BROUGHAM;
but we challenge any one to produce a single
column of the Times recognising those graceful
qualities in Lord PALMERSTON readily acknow-
ledged both by his personal enemies (out of
Printing-house-square) and his political oppo-
nents.

During the days of the Melbourne Cabinet,
from 1835 to 1841, the Times abused Lord
PALMERSTON. In Sir ROBERT PEEL'S time,
from 1841 to 1846, it never gave him a good
Ovoid. When Lord JOHN RUSSELL was Pre-
mier (1846 to 1851) the Times was always
snarling and carping at the Foreign-office. It
used all its power against him in the Don
Pacifico debate, as in former days it had always
assailed his Spanish policy. It vilified him
grossly on occasion -
Emperor NAPOLb.O7
branded him as
" ally in Europe.
Viscount PALMS;
reption to the

Times.
There were
this continuous
reasons. It used

thentio " Foreign

'1""""" rs'••••-., • -
asion of the coup ditat of the
POLLON, and subsequently it
as " having left us without ejk
)e." From first to last 4,busio a
HOLSTON was the systematic mi.; 4 iG
a rule of inconsistink.of the tT
--1
many to be found Pa, ~.. . • u
us disparagement W :77'1 1-t
ised to be insinuated.`
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live intelligence Ritmo...lt itii • ....-
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894

into the columns of other journals, much to
the annoyance of the Times. Certain it was,
however, that the present Premier was abused
without intermission in its columns. At the for-
mation of the Aberdeep, cabinet, c4iso, pretty
strong hints, and even merutces, were given $*
the Noble Viscount oA tima Slanged of attempt-
ing to be " factious."
But no sooner does the sky seem to clear
over Downing-street thaii.the anteriliitmber is
visited by the quondam satirist, all at once
turned into the courtly panegyrist. Aspersion
ceases, and admiration begins. The Jesuits'
rule for calumny and compliments is followed
—" Give them fortiter ; aliquid ad licrebit.9
We are to hear nothing more about " the
" Brummagem Alcibiades." The Viscount is
now to be lauded as a "magnanimous Minister."
Ho is to be congratulated on " the triumphant
"result of a quarter of a century's diplomatic
" contest with Russia " ! There is amusing
audacity in such praise from such a quarter,
when we remember by whom the Viscount
was abused during that "quarter of a century."
He is also to be praised for " the consolidation
" of the French alliance," and not one word, of
course, is to be said about the vigorous and
successful exertions of Lord MALMESBURY in
furthering that great object.
Well, such a panegyric from the Times, after
all that it said for years about Lord PALMERS
TON, is the drollest of all the jokes associated
with the Premier's career. Atter each super-
lative the face of the reader with a memory
relaxes into a grin. It is so purely comic to
see the rouge and pearl-powder put on by the
same fingers which painted the Viscount to an
" Uncle Toni" degree of blackness. For the
" quarter of a century" more than enough of
virginia and vitriol was squirted over " the
"juvenile Whig ; but now that he is become
powerful a posset of honey, on bended knees,
is to be presented to him. At last the fa-
vorite of Mayfair has come into fashion near
Blackfriars. The gay Viscount's laudations
commenced fifty winters ago with the fair
leaders of the ton, and they are now to end
amongst the (mid-)leaders of the town.
His faults were always looked on through a
magnifying glass by the Times, and it perpe-
tually used a microscope in counting the ble-
mishes on his escutcheon. But now that
process is exactly to be reversed.
Yet, after all, the thing is not so wonderful.
In the art of rapidly and adroitly wheeling,
the Viscount and the Times were rivals for
twice " a quarter of a century." It was the
jealousy of the big weathercock of the City
news brewery against the ever-revolving vane
of Downing-street, changing at each Ministe-
rial zephyr. "Which was the greater weather-
cock ?" would puzzle the gentleman who keeps
the register for the Gentleman's Magazine. But
the Times seems disposed to confess itself
beaten. It succumbs before the West-end
weathercock, with its superior facility in going
round. Official oil has wonderful virtue in
promoting lubricity.
And so the Times is again beaten. After
battering at him for " a quarter of a century,"
it finds that it has not written down the Vis-
count any more than the British Association.
Even within the last few days its own columns
have borne testimony to the flourishing state
of that Society, whom it vehemently vitupe-
rated in invectives rendered innocuous by
their vulgarity. PAM has now humbled his
old enemy into being his trumpeter. The
Premier and the British Association are con-
spicuous instances that a literary dictator is
not obeyed in England.
Grave conclusions might be drawn from
these facts, but it is impossible for any one to
be serious after the absurdity of the Times
committing itself to a panegyric on the Pre-
mier. It is plain that Lord PetrazasTorr has
regularly " done" the Times ; and as to the
panegyric, recollecting his practical jokes,
some people raise the question, " Whether
" the incorrigible old wag did not ' do' it him-
self."

A
THE " LACHES " OF LIBERALISM.
To those who are conversant with the history
and have watched the career, of Lord PALMERS-
TON'S Ministry, it will have long since been a