The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1880-03-06 00:00:00

THE STATE OF AFFAIRS IN RUSSIA.

The Times, in a leader, remarks :—" The Czar has
promptly taken stringent measures for dealing with
the conspirators by whom such atrocious attempts
have b: en made against his life. He has published
an ukase, by which he vests in the hands of a Supreme
Executive Commission almost unlimited power% for
the protection of the order of the State and of
society.' This Commission is established at St. Peters-
burg and consists of a Chief, and of members nomin-
ated by him with the Emperor's sanction. The person
pominated to this supreme office is Count Loris Melt-
koff, who distinguished himself greatly as the General
In command in Armenia during the late war with Tur-
key. For the purpose of dealing with political offences,
the whole civil and military power of the,State appears '
to be concentrated in his hands. He has, in the first
place, supreme authority in St. Petersburg and the
adjacent district. He is invested with the rights
of Commander-in-Chief, and has direct cognisance
and control in all matters which concern State
order and social tranquillity. But this is only the
starting point of his authority. He is to have a
similar jurisdiction throughout the empire. All the
local authorities, Governors, Governors General, and
Town Commandants, are placed under his autho-
rity, and all public servants, whether civil on
military, are thus required to render him entire
obedience and co-operation. He is at liberty to
adopt any measures he may think desizable for the
protection of order in the Empire. and whatever
directions he issues are to be unconditionally obeyed.
In a word, a complete Dictatorship is established for
the purposes of political and social police. General
Loris Melikoff has received a commission, like that
which was given in emergencies in ancient Rome, to
see that the empire suffers no damage.'
The Czar
supersedes for the purpose of all the ordinary functions
of government, and commits to one trusted General
the charge of his own safety and of the good order of
his realm.
"The Czar has thus distinctly recognised the despe-
rate character of the evil with which he has to deal, and
has resolved on encountering it without shrinking.
The effect of the measure is something like recognising
the existence of a state of war within the empire.
The conspirators have declared war against himself,
his family, and the institutions of the state, and he has
now declared war against them. He has appointed
a Commander-in-Chief to conduct the campaign, and
all Russia is practically in 01 state of siege. General
Melikoff is told there is a deadly enemy before
him, whom he must at all costs conquer and
extirpate There can be no doubt this is the real
state of the case, and it is well it should be faced.
Whatever the original causes of political discontent
in Russia, a certain portion of it has now taken a
form in which it is beyond the pale of civilization and
must by some means be crushed. As long as the
attempts on the Czar's life were occasional and
isolated, it might be considered that he was but ex-
posed to the peril.which most monarchs in these days
have had to encounter at the hands of wild fanatics.
But the repetition of such outrages and the elaborate
deliberation with which they are planned, can only be
explained by the existence of a desperate conspiracy
which will shrink from nothing, not even from out-
rages on unoffending persons, in order to achieve its
murderous and revolutionary purpose. Public and
social life cannot go on while thus threatened by a
secret and unscrupulous foe and. it is not merely the
Emperor, but the whole society of the empire, which
Is undermined and imperilled. This last oulrage
seems to have aroused the Russian people at large to
sense of the danger to which they are exp.:aed by such
a conspiracy." . . . .

Under the head of "Suggestions of t Abdin, the
Pall Mall Gazette remarks :—" A report reaches
ches' us
that certain members of the Russian Imperial family
have had under their conbideration a petition from
themselves to the Czar begging him to abdicate; his
personal safety and that of those about him being the
main grounds sf solicitation. This seems to us amore
likely story than that reported by the St. Petersburg
Correspondent of the Daily NCIVS, who says that after
the Te Daum 'in theo r
ex Palacepres
expressed
the e
theda ye followingzar ewi teh the
se
explosion, the Ernp
fixed determination to abdicate; that the Czare-
witch conjured his father not to cherish any such
intention, but left him without any indicated change
of purpose and that thereupon 'the Czarewitch
summoned some of the most experienced statesmen
of the Empire, and sought their counsel as to the best
means for averting the Emperor's intention.' Thus it
appears from independent testimony that the question
of abdication has been discussed by members of the
Imperial family; and if so, then looking to all the
circumstances of the case, we think it probable
that the purpose in view was not to persuade
the Czar to give up all thoughts of abdication,
but to press- its expediency upon him. The present
state of thiags is perilous to others besides the actual
occupant of the throne; and the country is so terribly
weighted with • measures of repression' that the
whole system of government is losing support every
day. If the step we hear of is really in contemplation,
and the Cear is aware of it, the dictatorship of General
Melikeff may be read either as an answer of refusal
or as preparation for retirement. In our own judg-
ment, a great deal may be held dependent upon the
life of the Empress."

Major-General Henry Erskine Hicks, retired full-
pay Royal (Madras) Artillery, died at Biarritz, on Wednes-
day in last week aged 66. The deceased general served with
the China expedition in 1842, and was present at the storm-
ing and capture of Ching-Keang•Foo in July that year, and
the operations before—and landing at Nankin in August.
General Hicks also served with the Bangor Field Division
during the Indian Mutiny, and assisted at the relief of
Kirwee,and at the action on the heights of Punwarree In
December, 1858. He had received a medal for his services
In China. For some time he was in command of the
artillery at Bingapore.

COUNT MOLTKE'S VIEWS ON THE
GERMAN ARMY BILL.

On Monday the debate on the Array Bill vow-
menced in the German Parliament. The Minister of
War (General von Kameke) in introducing the measure
said it was justified on the ground that the Federal
Governments could not leave to chance the question
of being outstripped in military organization by neigh-
bouring Powers.
When Count Moltke was announced to speak, at
the mention of his illustrious name the House with
one accord rose, and, crowding forward, formed a
dense ring round the venerated soldier. Tnose who..
to escape the dreariness of the previous orator, had
betaken themselves to the smoking or the luncheon
room at once reappeared in the House, and the great
strategist, amid complete silence, began in a firm and
impressive voice :
All Europe is weighed down by its military
burdens. It is mutual distrust which stirs up the
nations. If this suspicion is to be at all removed,
It will always be better done by an understanding
between Government and Government than by any
other means, such as the Babel -confusion of uni-
versal fraternization, international Parliaments, and
the like. Gentlemen, all nations are in equal want of
peace, and I might almost say that 'all Governments
will keep the peace as long as they are strong enough
to do so, Many regard the Government as a kind of
hostile power which can never be sufficiently limited
and confined, but here, I think, is a case where it
ought to be heartily supported. A weak Government Is
a misfortune for every country and a peril to its neigh-
bours, All of us can remember how wars have broken
out, not being occasioned by the head of the State and
the Government, but by those who have raised them-
selves to be party leaders, and drawn the easily im-
pressionable multitude after them. Hankerings after
revenge, discomfort on account of internal circum-
stances, ambition to win over kindred peoples who in
the course of time have come to live under other
political conditions—all this and much else can also in
the future cresteenew complications, so that we must
yet for a long time bear the heavy burdens imposed on
us by our geographical position and historical develop-
ment. Historically, of course, as an empire, we are
but a novice in the European political body, and are
regarded with suspicion as an upstart. Then as to our
geographical position. All our neighbours have, I
might almost say, more or less elbow-room (Riteken
Freiheit); they have Pyrenees or Alps, or semi-barbarous
populations which they do not need to fear. -But we are
planted right in the middle of the great powers. Our
neighbours on the west and east have only to show
front on one side, while we must do so on all. They
can locate, and have, indeed, already located, a consider.
able part of their military forces near our irontiers,
while our regiments stand equally distributed over the
whole Empire. In this we do not need to look for any
hostile intention, but we must nevertheless take account
of these circumstances ; and, besides, the're is the con- "
stant augmentation of these (foreign) hosts. Before the
Turkish war Russia had already begun to increase her
already powerful army, and since the conclusion of
peace had accomplished what she had commenced.
Formerly the French army was 336,000 men.
It was now 650,000. France had, therefore,
doubled her army; while Germany had kept to the
one per cent, of the population fixed by an antiquated
census, France has, at any rate, including the
gendarmerie, which, however, belongs to the army, a
force with the colours of 497,000 men, while Germany,
with a population larger by several millions, has only
401,000 men. The peace strength of Russia is twice
as much as ours of 800,000 men. The term of
service in France is twenty years, in Russia four.
teen. With us it is only twelve. At the same time,
we are invited to have the generosity to be the first to
disarm! Has the German Michael ever drawn the
sword except to protect his own skin? We cannot
give a negative vote, when the Government proposes
a moderate increase of our peace strength, in order
that we may not remain quite behind our neighbours.
We have been referred for an alternative to a two
years' period of service, from which we are promised
national economical advantages. If the present
capitation strength is adhered to, there is no possi-
bility of economy. On the contrary, there will be an
additional outlay for clothing, arming, and equipping
stronger reserves. The national economical advantage
likewise disappears, for it. is a matter of indifference
whether three able-bodied men are kept under arms and
withdrawn from their work for two years, or two able-
bodied men for three years. If you strike out one
year and reduce the strength of the battalion to two.
thirds you will sertainly effect an economy, but the
army, which would remain the same as far as
numbers are concerned, would suffer very severely
in the matter of quality. The degree In which our
army is behind the armies of our neighbours can
only be made up for by activity. A man who is
in the Ersatzreserve for twenty weeks is not made
an efficient soldier. A reserve thus constituted can
be incorporated with the permanent cadres, but it can
never form their nucleus. The training and strengthen-
ing of the moral qualities of soldiers cannot be accom-
plished in so short a time. Oar neighbours in the
West have not been able to bring themselves to decide
upon a reduction of the term of service, but consider
three years insufficient. In any case a more unfavour-
able moment for such a reduction could not be selected.
I can only sincerely deplore that iron necessity compels
us to impose fresh sacrifices on the German nation ; but
only through sacrifices and hard work we have
again become a nation. Daring the decadence
of the Imperial rule Germany Was the compensation
for which foreign Powers fought. The ruins on the
Neckar and the Rhine are memorials of our bygone
weakness. Who would forget that at the command
of a foreigner Germans marched against Germans I
We must preserve and-uphold peace, abroad even, as
far as our strength allows. We shall, perhaps, not
stand alone in that position. In this there is no
threat, but a guarantee for peace in cur part of the
world, provided that we are Eitrong and prepared, for
with weak forces, with armies anticipating discharge,
this end is not to be attained.
Count lloltke's speech, the longest he has made
for a very long time, was frequently interrupted by
lively expressions of applause.

The Times of Tue :day commented upon Count
von Moltke's speech on the derman Army Bill in the
following leader : -
The debate on the new German Army Bill commenced
yesterday in the Imperial Parliament ; and although it will
be a disappointment to the world that Prince Bismarck was
unable to be present, the occasion was made scarcely less
interesting by a speech from Count von Moltke. The pro-
found attention with which the Field-Marehal's observations
appear to have been received corresponds to the authority
which he wields over the public opinion of his countrymen.
In respect to political questions, alike external and
ternal, there are strong party feelings in Germany and
deep divergencies of opinion- but if there be one point on
which the nation is unanimous, it is in absolute submission
to the military judgment of the most distinguished of Euro-
pean strategists. Count von Moltke has not been a
; he has been content to be a soldier, and to do the
work of a soldier as thoroughly as possible. He has been
extraordinarily successful; and perhaps the most striking
feature in his success is the conviction he has produced
that his achievements have been due to calm foresight
and systematic calculation. He has applied German
science and German patience to the military art, and
has worked out not merely the campaigns of the
last fifteen years, but the whole military organization of his
country with the exactness of a mathematical or engineer-
ing problem. He laid down beforehand that If such and
such a work had to be done, such and such means must be
prepared for it; and he proved to be right. His countrymen
chafed against the burdensome system he devised, but when
the hour of trial came it proved that Moltke's work
had been done to perfection, and all his calculations
were verified. He was supported, indeed, by scarcely
less valuable colleagues, and the late Count von noon
in particular rendered immense services in the practical
organisation of the army. But Count von Moltke has
been the supreme organlaing genius in the military achieve-
silents of Prussia and Germany. The modestytof his character
enhances his claims to respect and deference, and he conse-
quently commands, on his own subject, unlimited confidence.
His advice is recognised as net less dispassfonate than
skilful; and upon a grave military question it cannot be
otherwise than decisive.
his speech, therefore, would of itself insure the adoption
of the new Bill, and there seems from the course ot the
idsenbaotsectoontbeennsowpirsahcteixcal preospapthogslautionautoshtohreismatievaesuropeinißunat
ohne
the question; he gives his reasons at a length unusual with
him; and we are thus enabled to,zealize what Is the point of
view from which the statesmen, or rather the soldiers, of
Germany contemplate the inilltary position of their
country. Count von Moltke is perfectly frank, without
saying anything which ought to offend the susceptibilities
of other countries. Be starts from the principle
that the oply practical security for peace lies in the
maintenance of a good understanding between existing
Governments, and not in any new schemes for international
fraternization. The latter, indeed, are agencies of a kind
with which a soldier does not know how to deal. They are
often powerfully at work in preparing the problems which
his sword must cut, and not unfrequently they provide the
Impetus which renders his stroke effective. But he has to put
them out of sight, and concern himself simply with the Instru-
ments he finds ready to his hand. These instruments are the
existing Governments; and Count von Moltke insists that
if they are to he effectnai for the purpose of keeping the
peace they must be strong. "A weak Government is a mis-
fortune to every country and a peril to its neighbours." He
proceeds to urge that Germany is subject to peculiar
difficulties In maintaining itself in due strength. In the
first place, the German Empire is a new creation, and as
such is regarded with suspicion; while he might have added
that it necessarily lacks the solidity of an older state. But
It is in the military position of Germany that its chief
difficulty lies. Count Von Moltke points out that it is
an entirely unique situation in this respect. All the
other great States have " more or less elbow-room." They
have on one side side of their frontier " Pyreenes or Alpe,
or semi-barbarous populations which they do not need to
fear." But Germany is planted right in the middle of the
great Powers. "Oar neighbour'," says the Count, on the
west and the east have only to show front on one side,
while we must do so on all." The truth of this repre-
sentation of the case is incontestable. Every other nation
can, as it were, in the last resort, fight with its back
to a wall; but it is conceivable that the German army
might have to assume a position like that of a square
on a field of battle, facing outwards on all sides ex-
cept ,a narrow strip of sea-coast. Russia on the one aide
and France on the other might conceivably become like two
milestones, between which the German Empire would be
ground. Add to this that the novel position which Germany
has to maintain is not merely that of a new internal organi-
zation, but that of hardly-won conquests, and,it is not
difficult to understand the anxiety with which a thoughtful
soldier prepares for the due defence of such a country.
Count von Moltke's speeoh In ,this respect is like an
echo of the saying attributed him at the time of
the war of 1870. It would take, he said, fifty years
to defend what had been won in six mouths. It must
be owned, moreover, that the statistics he quoted respecting
the relative strength of the neigbouring armies are, abund-
antly sufficient to justify some measures of precaution. The
Germany Army remains at this moment on the same footing
as seven years ago. But France since her disasters has
actually doubled her army, and at the first outbreak of war
could put twice as many men in the field as in 1870,
a fc
ae
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i en ntio twice
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Judging
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rnooft
estapannoi
to ntisamdt
by mere military streteth, "on which side," asks Count
von Moltke, "is there a menace, or a peril to peace r
The force of the appeal must from this point of view be ad-
mitted. If the force of the German Army was fixed by a
be
standard
doe
thepda
rs
since been created. Some. addition has to be made lilt Is to
lip
Pr
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Europehich theasCovinne
the the Count
fiantdaroteoltdd. Inhileithwoener
European Governments persist in the work of developing
to the utmost their military resources, Germany must
in common prudence follow their example. As it is, her
army will be less in comparison than that of her neigh-
bours, and must make up for the deficiency by in-
creased activity and skill. In all probability the burden
of this Military race weighs more heavily en Germany
than on either of her great neighbours. France is a
richer countrY; and Russia, as a more barbarous one,
feels severely the drainof military service. But the burden

Is unavoidable I and Germany chose deliberately, under
Count voti 31oltke's advice, to rely exclusively upon her own
strength, even at Mount of establishing a heavy grievance
against her in the minds of Frenchmen. There is thus no
way out of the difficulty, and Count von Moltke's speech
deduces the necessity of the Army Bill with the precision of
one of his plans of campaign. It is a melancholy prospect;
but it is better the matter should be thus coolly
considered than that political considerations should
be introduced into it. It is Evs well, perhaps, from this
point of view, that the Bill is not defended by
Prince Bismarck. There is no occasion, in order to Justify
it, to discuss the doubtful circumstances of the present
state of Europe ; and it is only to be regretted that they
were brought forward at all In this connexion. It is a mere
matter of business, as things stand, for the Germans to
maintain and to augment their army, and the more reserve
they exercise in doing so the more dignified will be their
position. France in this respect has set them a good
example. Count von Moltke has placed the Army Bill on
Its natural foundation, which is a perfectly secure and
harmless one, and there is no occasion for giving the measure
any direct political significance.