The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1872-01-13 00:00:00

THE EARL OF DERBY AT LIVERPOOL.

On Tuesday evening the tumnal meeting of the
Liverpool Working Men's Conservative Association
was held at the Royal Amphitheatre, Liverpool, under
the presidency of the Right Hon. the Earl of Derby.
The attendance numbered between 3,000 and 4,000
persons. Mr. S. It. Graves, M.P., one of the members
for the lmrongh, Mr. C. Punier, M.P., Mr. R. A.
Cross, Ml'., Mr. E. Bates, M.P., and other influential
gentlemen of the neighbourhood, were present.

The report of the association stated that during the
four years of its existence twelve branches had
been successfully established in various din nets of the
town. It was the first society of the kind organised
in the kingdom, and similar societies in different parts
of the country, now in course of formation, had applied
to it for advice and information. The association
was in favour of a just and comprehensive measure
for regulating the liquor trade, and sympathised in
the movement for shortening the hours of labour, but
it was opposed to the Ballot, to any attempt to inter-
fere with the position of the Church in its connexion
with the State, and to any encroachment on the inde-
pendence of the House of Lords. At the same
time it was admitted that some moderate scheme
might be devised to extend the influence and use-
fulness of the House of Lords in legislative matters.
We make the following extracts from the speech
which the Earl of Derby made on the occasion, our
space precluding us fron giving the whole :--

I have often been asked to attend the annual meeting of
this association, and, though not very fond of discussing
purely political imentions iu the recess, I could not but feel
that you hail a claim on me, both ass neighbour and as a
moodier of a political party. Now, I am afraid I may dis-
appoint some of any friends if I say that I am not here to
make observations on the departmental failings or mistakes
of our present Government. . . Now have I come
here, gentlemen, like some sanguine persons who have been
of late before the public, with a patent plan in my pocket for
making everybody happy (laughter) for fixing the rate of
wages and the hours of work by Act of Parliament, and
turning all the artisans of great town Into the country die-
triets. I may have a word to say shout schemes of that kind
by and by ; but what, if we are to meet at all, seems to me
the use of our meeting is that we may be able to take stock
of our position, to see how we stand, what is the work
that we have got before auto do, and what are our means
and prospects of being able to do it, :Hear.) First of nil,
one word as to the position of the Conservative party,
There are friends of ours who are Inclined to grow slack and
indifferent about public affairs, because they say—. What
can you do when you are in a minority of 100?" I don't
take that view. Hear, hear,' and cheers.) Certainly, if
political life were what many people consider it,— a "soaped
pule," with 5.5,000 a year mot lota if patronage at the top
(laughter),—if the end and object of all party efforts were
the holding of office foes longer or Shorter Him, I might
agree with them. though even in that point of view the Con-
servative position is very different from what it was three
years ago. But, gentlemen, the holding of office is only a meanie
power is the end, power over the legislative And administra-
tive conduct of affairs ; mid a party which at the lowest
estimate includes two-fifths of the House of Commons may
exereise very great power when those wild sit opposite to it
are notoriously divided into sections which have hardly an
Idea in common. :Cheers.) Take, as an, Illustration, the
Education Bill of 1070. Do you suppom that measure—
a fair and honest attempt, as I hold it to lie, to keep the
balance even between conflicting interests —would ever
have passed if there hail not been is Conservative Opposi-
tion to back up the :Minister agaiost hie own followers
Anil, depend upon it, what was done then will have to be
done again.

110 w stools sympathy do you suppose there is between a
Whig duke or a liberal millionaire, on the one turd
a politician like Mr. Odger, or Mr. Atiheron Herbert. or
:sir chortles Dilte, on the other? When we are told that
the great Liberal party is all-powerful, let use fret know
what the great Liberal party Is. (Hear ) Is It in favour
of putting Irish education into l'ltmmontane hands, which
Is what Irish Liberals went, or of purely socular educa-
tion, which is what English Radicals want? jolt in favour
of Mr. Miall's scheme for ecclesiastical disestabilsliment and
illsendowment for England? Is it prepared to vote for
breaking down all large accumulations of property by gradu-
ated taxation, and of ednaseating the land under one pre-
text or another, which Is what the Republiean clubs want?
Is It la favour of colonist se:edation lit e the politicians of
Mr. Gold olin d:nitli's eel.. ?I, or of colonial ftrOiirtlitoivirjh
is the cry ef another pArt) ?
I don't put these gel:sans by way of taunt or reproach
to those Who/ sit opposite to us. What I contend fir is this:
that with the Ballot Bill, about which I shall have a word
to say presently, the old Liberal progra has disappeared ;
that new subjects of couti oversy in their turn are cropping
up ; curl that upon those row questions we have fair ground
to hope that the view taken by the present, and still more
by the next, !Imre of Commons will be a Conservative
rather than a Radleal cloy. (Hear, bear.) Only don't
let on spoil our own gnu, ; don't let us lose power in
running after place. (Cheers.) If we become the niajority
it is gair duty to accept the responsibilities of that position.
But far roper( I tell you frankly, thongh I should rejoice to
see a strong Conservative Government in power, I had
infinitely rather, ill the public interest and that of your
party, pee the Conservatives forming a strong arid compact
Opposition than have them, for, the fourth time in twenty
Yee., holding orliee without a tolerably Recurred majority.
(Hear, hear. That is my conviction, and I believe It is that
of most Conservatives who have hail any experience in affairs.
(Rear, hear.)
THE CROWN SAFF! !

Now, how do we stand as regards the great institutions
of the country The Crown is safe enough. We have had
evidence on that point within the last few weeks that is
worth any amount of argument, ('hem), As to the Douse
of Lords, lens very far from saying that it is perfect, or that
we could not do something to improve and strengthen it.
Undoubtedly, if we were framing the Constitution for the first
time, we should not select by a rather arbitrary process sonic
400 or 000 heads of families, and constitute them a separate
branch of the Legislature. This much only I wilPsay in defence
of the hereditary principle, that you cannot condemn it in the
peerage without condenming it far more strongly in the mon-
archy because among-MO well-mlucated such it is by the law of
chance a matter of absolute certainty that you will Mid a
certain number competent to take an active part hi public
effairs : whereas in the case of royalty, It is a pure question
whether the Sovereign for the time being be personally
competent or the reverse. But there are other considera-
tions to be borne in mind. Many people think-1 do for
one—that It would not be exactly safe to carry 401 affairs by
a single chamber without any cheek, even the check of a
temporary delay, on its impulses and passiops of the
moment. !,hear, hear. Despotic power is not good for
any of us and you have to take into account alto this
historical fact, that every attempt made in modern Dines
to create an effective second Chamber has been a failure.
If that Chamber 18 composes! of Crown 1101111118P11, they are
looked upon—perhaps in most cases not unjustly—MS mere
Government hacks or worn-out officials. If it 18 elective,
you have then two similarly constituted bullies, liable to
exactly the same impulses, and, therefore, unfit to control
11118 another. The American Senate is 811 institution by
Itself, because it represents separate and sovereign States,
each of whirls has its own Legislature for internal affairs.
That is a condition which we have not, and cannot have
here. lnt,ine word, what t would suggest to the gentlemen
who agitatad against the House of Lord., slid who lately sat
in judgment upon it at hirininghani—though somehow that
agitation went off in an unexpectedly quiet manner (a laugh)
--what 1 would say to them is, Don't content your-
selves sith finding fault with the Lords as they are, but
tell us whether you want a second Chamber at all,
and if you do, give ins your opinion how it should
he framed." (" Hear. h mr," and cheers.) If they
take the lint these alternatives, they will he In a
small minority, and if they adopt the second they will Mid
they have a tougher job on their hands than they expected.
(Laughter and cheers.) For my own part, while I should
object to an unlimited creation of peerages for life, and
especially to any renewal of the attempt 01 14 years ago to
create them by reviviug an oleolete prerogative, I ace no
harm and some advantage in a limited number of peer-
ages of that class. And I say so mainly for thhi reason—
under ail hereditary system pauper peerages are a mis-
fortune. (Hear, hear.) They create a temptation to jobbing
and place-hunting, but as niatters stand it will often happen
that au able man, with a family and without a fortune. either
refuses ti go into the House of LAdde, and so his services are
lost, or accepts a peerage, which is merely an encumbrance
and a disadvantage to Ms aucceasors, because it cuts them off
from many ways of molting their own fortune, while it places
them politically and socially In a false position. (Hear, hear.)

THE ATTACKS AGAINST Mr. ENGLISH CHURCH.
The nest great institution against which attacks are
directed is the Church, and it is perfecty natural that the
success of the party of disestablishment in Ireland should
have encouraged the supporters of a similar policy here.
Logically, I don't see much difference hstween the two cases.
'rho ground on which the Irish Church was abolished
was, that it is an insult and an injury to any TIMII that
religions persuasion whieh is not his should be en-
dowed and connected wilt the State. Well, if that is so,
I don't know that it makes much difference whether
the persons so insulted and injured are a majority
or a minority of the nation. I am not surprised
that Protestant Dissenters should argue that as much
consideration is due to their scruples as to those of the
Catholic hierarchy. As against Mr. Gladstone anti Ids
friends, I think they have the hest of the argument tent
legislation is not guided by logic, laughter aucl "bear,
hear" , and, practically, I believe the position of the Esta-
blishment to be unassailable, at any rate for es long a
period as we need look to, provided only that those who
bellies to it eau manage to keep the names aiming them-
selves. ("Hear, hear,- and cheers. I look 011 that 4111.1-
thin AI one which is entirely in their own hands. • Noncon-
formists and Secularists combined will not bring about
isextablishment, but the real linestii .11 is whether the con-
t., iing parties within the Chnrch itself can keep their
hands oil one another. If they cannot, If theretis any con-
siderable accession on one side or the other, I should begin
to think that the end was not far off.