The Press.
London, England, 1855-05-12 00:00:00

MAY 12, 1855.

Corrtspontturt.

THE SCOTCH EDUCATION BILLS.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."
Sir,—l would be obliged by your allowing me to
make a few remarks on the Lord Advocate's Scotch
Education Bill.
It is evident that the English people and the
English members of Parliament are not aware of
the real nature of this scheme and of the vast injury
which it will effect in the whole tone and character
of education in Scotland. It is hardly fair that an
educational experiment, rashly and crudely con-
cocted to satisfy the jealousy and clamour of a
religious sect, should be made in Scotland, which
has an admirable system, which has stood the test of
the experience of three centuries, and is now in
excellent working order, and is thoroughly adapted
to the wants of every age; while England, which
had never had a national system, remains without
one. The English members are, no doubt, misled
by the majority of Scotch members in favour of the
bill into the belief that this is a fair representation of
the opinion of Scotland. Such is very far from
being the case, of which there is proof in the state
of petitions for and against the measure. Had this
been known before the second reading the result
might have been different. It is as follows up to
the 30th of April ;
Against the Lord Advocate's Bill (of which 90 were
signed officially or under seal), 306 petitions, with
21,418 signatures.
Alteration of the Bill (of which 36 were signed officially
or under seal), 291 petitions, with 16,119 signatures.
For (of which 10 were official), 33 petitions, with 1,411
signatures.
Against Mr. Stirling's Bill (of which 26 official), 52 peti•
tions, with 3,138 signatures.
Alteration (of which 10 official), 29 petitions, with 475
signatures.
For (of which 121 official). 332 petitions, with 19,176
signatures.
This bill of a Free-Church Lord Advocate is not
approved of, except by the Free Church, and only
heartily by a small section of that body ; and by
many of its most important members it is decidedly
opposed. It was, to use the mildest term, uncour-
teous in the Lord Advocate to refuse to delay the
second reading till after the county meeting ; but in
this he showed that he judged well for the success of
his bill, seeing the expression of opinion by these
meetings was almost unanimous in condemnation of
it. This is in itself a pretty good testi:if the mode
in which this measure is endeavoured to be pressed
on the people of Scotland. It is generally set forth
in educational proposals that the ratepayers shall be
consulted; whereas in this plan of the Lord Advo-
cate the opinion of these parties has been entirely
ignored, two thousand of them, representing the vast
majority of the present ratepayers, having last year
signed a declaration in favour of the existing system,
and deprecating interference.
The parochial schools of Scotland are truly
national, religious, and unsectarian. They are open
to all, and have, since their foundation, been ever
attended by the children of all denominations with-
out complaint; and, while they are so thoroughly
national and unsectarian, the religious element is
secured by the only means by which it can be
attained, by the connection of the schools with the
Established Church. In this lies the gist of the
controversy, the origo mali, the cause of the desire
of the Free Church to overturn the system. We
frankly acknowledge the difficulty of the settlement
of the religious question in a system of national
education. But here is the groat argument in favour
of the Scotch parochial system, because it has been
settled, and in the only satisfactory way. Between
this system and the purely secular there is no
middle scheme. Why, then, seek to disturb this
valuable institution, through which Scotland has
been raised to its high position? Rather aid and
supplement it. Aid it by such a measure as that
proposed by Mr. Stirling, and supplement it, if not
by extending its principle, by such a scheme as the
Lord Advocate's, or any other which can be devised.
In any case, leave alone the existing system.—l am,
sir, your very obedient servant, G. P.

NECESSITY FOR POLITICAL ENERGY.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."

Sir,—lt is observed by Lord Bacon that the human
mind is invariably more affected by positives than by
negatives ; and in nothing is the truth of this axiom
more apparent than in politics, for no party ever
flourishes unless it adopts a clear and distinct policy,
and proposes some definite ends to be attained. Mere
negative resistance, however necessary it may be at
to I es, is utterly unfit for the watchword of a party,
and when attempted with this view almost invariably
fails ; for when evils are allowed to exist the attempt
to remove them, however futile, is certain to command
the sympathy of the unreflecting, and consequently of
the majority, of mankind. To this cause is to be at.
ttibllted the weakness of Conservatism dtging 429

THE PRESS.

last few years; and though this policy may have been
necessary hitherto, I cannot but express my opinion
that the time has now arrived when the Conservative
party should assert its own dignity, and, by laying
down definite propositions for the conduct of the war
and the management of finance, demand the support
and encouragement of the nation at large. The
chord has been struck by Sir E. Balwer in his noble
definition of Conservatism, and your article on the
War Minister in THE PRESS of Saturday last was a
step in the right direction ; but we want bolder and
clearer plans than have yet been enunciated either in
Parliament or the press. The time for action has
now arrived. The middle classes are disgusted by the
inequality of the income tax, and the whole nation by
the mismanagement of the war. Why, then, do not
our leaders strike a decisive blow, and appeal to the
country in support of measures which will rescue us
from our disgrace and remove the injustice under
which the middle classes are crushed? Our adver-
saries know the value of a " good cry ": why should we
hesitate to imitate in part the tactics which led to
their unhappy success? " Fas est ab hoste doceri."
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Liverpool, May Bth, 1855. B.

A CONSCRIPTION NECESSARY.
TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS."
Sir,—The breaking up of the Vienna Congress,
consequent on the refusal of Russia to accept the
terms of England and France, is the most important
circumstance which has occurred since the com-
mencement of the war. It proves that Russia has
made up her mind to risk a war of the same length
as European wars have generally been—that is to
say, ten, twenty, or thirty years ; and, as her states-
men are remarkable for astuteness, we may take it
for granted that they have pretty solid grounds for
considering their country equal to the struggle. It
is not likely that they have either over-estimated
their own strength, or undervalued that of France
and England ; and it is probable they know better
than we do what is the course which Austria and
Prussia will take.
We, on our side, must make up our minds that we
are now regularly embarked as principals in a great
war, begun under more unfavorable auspices than
any war in our history.
The public in general admit this to be the true
state of the case, and even our pococurante Ministry
are beginning to see the momentous importance of
the present crisis.
But, as yet, nothing has been done at all commen-
surate to the exigencies involved in a position thus
generally admitted. We are still playing at war; still
attempting to carry on a great war as if it were a
little one
France has an army of upwards of half a million,
the Russian army probably now exceeds a million;
the British army does not number above one hundred
thousand effective men. Austria and Prussia, still
maintaining a threatening neutrality, have each six
or seven hundred thousand men ready to join that
side which may appear to promise them most
advantage.
But, while such is our poverty of troops, our wealth
is probably little short of that of France, Russia,
Austria, and Prussia together.
As principals in the great European war, we do
not therefore occupy the position we ought to occupy.
Instead of being the most powerful, our army is the
weakest. Can we expect our ally to send ungrudg-
ingly his two or three hundred thousand men, when
we send our twenty or thirty thousand? Can we
expect Russia to keep back her armed hordes in
magnanimous deference to our impotence? Can we
expect Austria and Prussia each to launch its army
of half a million as our auxiliaries in a war in which
we, the principals, can only bring one-tenth of the
number into the field?
We must alter our system if we are not to lose our
position in the world. If we wish to secure our in-
dependence, our army must be quadrupled. To fight
on equal terms with the peat powers, since fight we
must, we must have an equal number of disciplined
troops.
It will not do to rely on our navy—that, meantime,
may protect our coasts. But it is not a defensive
war we are engaged in. We attack Russia aggres-
siveiy, and any sane policy must aim at the reduction
of her power. Besides, we have our place to maintain
even with our allies. We must keep ourselves great
and powerful in order to be respected.
But we are a commercial nation, whereas the other
powers are military nations. We have been pos-
sessed with this unfortunate idea since Waterloo.
It inducsd us to reduce our peace establishment
until our troops were hardly numerous enough to
perform the duties of sentries over our wide do-
minions; and hence those disasters which Wellington
predicted, but which his contemporaries would not
avert, have occurred. But, commercial nation or not,
we are now at war, and we must, at least for the
nonce, become a military nation. We must read
bOeis our history, and arm, as of old, for one of

451

those great European struggles in which England,
whether she would or not, has ever played a principal
part.
But, if we must become a military nation, we must
adopt certain leading rules and principles which are
involved in such a polity, and without which a nation
could not be a military nation.
One of these principles—the only one on which
we will insist at present—is the Conscription. That
forms part and parcel of every military State on the
Continent, and is regarded by their statesmen as the
palladium of national independence. We shall not
be able to do without it. Already our recruiting is
nearly at a stand-still. With our large bounties we
have already exhausted the first draft of the " living
valour" of the nation. The one hundred thousand
behind them cannot be enlisted without double
bounties ; the Exchequer will break down ere it can
bribe five hundred thousand men to join the army,
to say nothing of an equal number of militia.
But, not only is a conscription recommended by
universal European example, and by the nature of
the present case, our own history points to the same
method as indispensable. In the late war we had a
modified conscription. The militia were chosen by
ballot; and a militiaman is merely a soldier of the
line in a state of transition. The " Army of Reserve "
was levied solely by conscription. Our navy was
manned by the press-gang. We cannot believe the
statesmen of the time—who were fully as great men
as our present Ministry—would have resorted to
these methods if they could have done otherwise.
But, unfortunately, we have not the same advan-
tages for recruiting as existed during the last war.
In Ireland, pestilence and emigration have antici-
pated the recruiting-sergeant, and swept away a
surplus population endowed with admirable instincts
for fighting ; while our Highland glens, which used
to swarm with a hardy population whose grand.
fathers or fathers had been reivers, are now sheep
walks and deer forests. The recruiting area is
narrowed to the towns. The sergeant must appeal
to classes naturally peaceful and accustomed to
steady industry, and, generally, in the receipt of
wages which it would break the heart of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to pay to the common
soldier. We may, indeed, secure the loose fish of the
town population ; but these are not numerous, and
by no means warlike.
But, in answer to these arguments, it will be said
—the conscription is contrary to the English Consti-
tution. We answer, nothing is contrary to any Con-
stitution which is necessary to the preservation of
the State. Nor is there any reason derived front any
theory of society why a conscription should not be
one of our institutions. It is the duty of the citizens
to protect the State. That duty is only limited by the
measure of the necessity. if the State calls for the
personal service of her citizens, she has as much
right to that as to their wealth. It is an cld, trite,
copy-book maxim, " Dulce et decorum es: pro patrii
mori." It is our duty to fight, nay, to die, for our
country, as well as to pay for it.
But the question is not one of principle, or even
of duty; it is one of logical necessity. We wish to
carry through the present war successfully, honour-
ably, safely. We cannot do so without a standing
army of at least four hundred thousand men ; but
cannot get this number by voluntary enlistment. We
must do so, therefore, by compulsory enrolment, and
the conscription is a perfectly equitable method of
c crying this into effect.—Your most obedient
servant, J. A. O.

FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE.
Tuesday, May 8.

BANKRUPTS.—HasaY JOSEPH PRATT, New Bond•atreet,
trunk maker—Tuommi PURDY, Great Yarmouth, Norfolk, wino
and spirit merchant—EßASMUS SYMONDS, Great Bell-alley, City,
merchant JOSEPH WHITELEY BIOADHSAU, Green °whirs,
Yorkshire, woollen manufacturer—Lavin Foorsa, Goole, York-
shire, ironmonger—Jou?' BitAusußY, Sheffield, joinery —HEN ay
FRED. NEWELL., Bradford, Yorkshire, lineudraper THOMAS
SPURRIER, Walsall, Dwdurdahiro, maltater—JOHN HOER/CM
Salford, Lancashire, grocer—Ttimus SOUTHWARD, Bolton-le-
T.kneashire. corn meroliant--T0011•11 THOMPSON, Sun.

derhuTd. bookseller.
SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. Rowitrr Lsciuz,nolo
shawl), Itenfrowshkre, wright.

Friday, May 11.

- - _
BAN BRIJ PTS.—PoraicH FINN, Camden-town, linendraper-
-010101 BELL, Holland-street, Brixton, tailor—JOHN OEOIOI
CLANS, Liverpool, merchant and shipowner—JAMES DALTON.
Newton-heoth, near Manchester, emery grinder—CHAN-LSO
CONDRON, Macclesfield, silk manufacturer--,JOHN LOrls,htrand,
printer and publisher—Thou/A Gator, Salisbury, clothier and
woollen draper—Moaostt EVANS, Aberdare, Glamorganshire,
grocer—Dxvln DAVIES, Jun., Neatb, Olantorganshlre, Hallway
contractor—Vitt-Lux Powsu., York, linendraper—Jout Au
SADT IiAOZITADT, Kinpten.upon-Hull, licensed victualler—
noncom THOMAS and J• 1118 DINZS, Manchester, dt7selters—
CHARLES Gasses, Charzington-street, St.. Potterer statiWILLI oner—
AM
EDWIN STANLEY Baoosss, Loughborough, hosier—
JACIESON, late of Dewsbury, Yorkshire, woollen cloth manufac.
turer—JoHN BITCHING, Clayton, Bradford, grocer—ALsxstmen
JOHN HEATH, Gloucester, boot and shoe maker—JOHN Baoows„
Weston-super-Mare, Somersetabire, wine and sprit merchant—
WILLIAM JEFFERSON and THOMAS DIXON, Jorrow , Durham
alkali manufacturers—Wu-Ws* Cocitsw., Battersea, licenete4
vict
SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION.—DoSALD MISS, justior4
Inverness, iroasonger.