The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1887-10-08 00:00:00

ear fonbrat torrespodott.

[We deem it right to state that we do not at all times identify
ourselves with ourCorrespondent'a opinions.]

Among the congresses which this autumn has
seen—and euturnu is pre-eminently the season
for such—that of the writers of shorthand just
held in London has not been the least note-
worthy,: Readers efenewspapers,.of all people in
the world, ought-to feel an. especial sympathy
with such a gathering, for they owe to the short
hand-writer much of the intelligence with which
they are daily regalei. It is uy the rapid migra-
tion of the spoken word to the reporter'snote-book
that the world of politics is in these days moved:
and if readers only paused to consider the diffi-
culties involved in the process, they would not
accept it in the matter-of-course fashion which is
now their wont. But not only is it as the fore-
most engine by which reporting can be accom-
plished that shorthand deserves the honour
which has just been done it. For commercial
purposes it is becoming exceedingly useful.
The shorthand clerk is now almost a
necessity to every large building establishment
and what our merchants, manufacturers, and
lawyers would do without him it is difficult to
guess. it is not so certain that the shorthand
amanuensis is as useful to literature as he is to
trade. There are some present-day authors of
whom it is told that. they dictate their works to
a swift writer, and thus are saved what may be
called the manual labour of production. But the
desire to keep the amanuensis employed not
seldom leads to a slipshod style, which is
especially to be abhorred in literary efforts. The
great books of the world, one may be well assured,
could never have been dictated to a shorthand
writer.
Country friends who are nervous of visiting
London just now because of the prevalence of
scarlet fever, are not likely to be reassured by
the latest official statements concerning the
epidemic. Some days, it is true, there is a lull
in the continually increasing number rf cases
under treatment: but on the whole the out-
break threatens to run the course which ex-
perts prophesied from the outset. It had
been foretold that, judging from experience,.
the disease would continue to spread until the
first week in October; arid here we are in the
first week in October, and the prophesy has held
good. The next forecast is rather more en-
couraging, for we are promised that there will
be no great increase betweennow and Christmas;
though it is discouraging to be informed that
there is likely to be no great diminution. And,
most discouraging of all, some authorities on the
subject declare that next summer will see a
renewal of the visitation upon an even larger
scale. All that Londoners can do, therefore, is
to set out our individual houses in order. Much
may he effected by careful attention to drainage,
disinfection, and ventilation, and those who
value the health of themselves and their house-
hold will see to it that these points are rigidly
looked after. But it is curioes to note that at
the very height of the outbreak the death-rate in
London was lower than it had been for at least
two years—a rate which was not not half as high
as in some of the other great cities of the
world. There was thus something to be thankful
for, after all.
Remedies for agricultural depression are con-
tinually being put forward, but, unhappily for
the British farmer, such of them as might be
applicable would. not be adequate, and such as
might be adequate would not be applicable. Out
of so many suggestions that are being made there
ought, however, to be some which would be of
use; and it is when studying the table of imports
that one is forced te the conclusion that there can
surely be no necessity for England to have to buy
from the foreigner so many articles of food. It may
be necessary to purchase vast quantities of corn
and a large number of cattle, but it seems strange
indeed that we should have to buy so much
butter and so many eggs. Take this latter item
alone, and it Will be seen what a great amount of
money is annually paid to the foreigner for an
article we ought to be able to produce for our-
selves. It is calculated that, during the present
year, the enormous total of eleven hundred
million eggs will be imported into the United
Kingdom, and that the value of these will be
more than two millions and a quarter
sterling. Now what reason is there for
our continuing to hand over such a vast sum
to the foreigner for so simple and much-used a
commodity. It is argued by some that port] cry-
farming on a large scale does not pay in this
country. But if it pays elsewhere, why should
it not pa`y. here ? The time has evidently arrived
when the Eiiglish farmer will have to turn his
attention to other sources of profit than cattle
or corn, and to butter and eggs his attention
might well be more closely directed.
In other Rays, the farmer is likely to be re-
commended to strike out a fresh line. When a
leading statesman a few years ago suggested
that the manufacture of jam was worth con-
sideration by agriculturists, there was a
deal of laughter: and he was recom-
mended in various quarters to confine
himself to topics which he more thoroughly.
uederstood. But the whirligig of time has
worked its revenges, and, if the advice were re-
newed to-day, it would not be received so con-
temptuously. For the farmers of Kent are
seriously devoting themselves to the very manu-
facture which a short time since was ridiculed,
and they believe that with the present price of
sugar they will be able to make it pay. The
preparation of pickles also is engaging their at-
tention,and although the old-style farmer would
look with contempt upon any such devices for
increasing the balance at the bank, it is evident
that every means must now be taken
to diminish the pressure which is bear-
ing our agriculturists down to the ground,
and that no honest method must be left untried.
It is easier to ridicule the latest movements in
the farming world than to suggest better fashions
for staving the downward course; and it is the
duty of every good citizen to aid by encourage-
ment the new efforts rather than to throw cold
water upon them.

England,. it is evident, will have to build
author yacht if the "America Cup" is to be
wrested from the yachtsmen of the United
Staten. The recent races between the Volunteer
and the Thistle,- in which the former had very
decidedly the Mt of it, caused more general
interest on this side of the water than any
similar intematinnal encounter within memory.
Those in which the Puritan and the Genesta,
the Mayflower and the Galatea took part
respectiVely, though sailed under similar con-
ditions for the same prize, did not excite
anything like the interest in Great Britain as
W5B evoked by the most recent contesf For it
was generally believed on this side of title Atlantic,
and it was somewhat generally feared on the
other, that in the Thistle, which had been-
specially designed and built on the Clyde for the
occasion, the American yachtsmen would meet
more than their match. She was so far ahead of
any English yachts with which she had competed
that the sanguine hope was entertained,
especially by Scotchmen, that she would
bring back the America cup to these
shores ; but the wish was father to
the thought. It vats curious to note the
interest which attached to the result in London.
Crowds of persons gathered outside the news-
paper offices in Fleet-street, anxiously awaiting
the
_despatches from Sandy Hook as they were
posted in the windows; and when the announce-
ment was posted concerning each of the two
first races (and those were the contests in which
tho public naturally felt the keenest concern)
that the Thistle was hopelessly beaten, almost
a groan arose from the assembled people. It
may safely be said that never before was such
nt est le ani coated in London concerning a yacht
race ; and yachting, though a luxury for the rich,
is at on,e 4o manly and Invigorating a pastime
that it is an interest which would not be depre-
cated even by the sturdiest opponent of what is
COMMODIy known as "sport."
After such a terrible disaster as that at the
Exeter Theatre, where a hundred and fifty lives
were lost beca.use,of a real outbreak of fire, it
might have been hoped that a lesson had beer
taught to all frequenters of places of amusement
not to create false alarms. These latter have
sometimes proved just as dangerous as if they
had been well-founded, for they. have caused
panic-stricken rush of the audience towards
the doors, in which loss of life and limb were the
conseqm•nce. But it seems that the lessor.
has not been learned, for more than once
since the Exeter _ fire has it been the
duty of the newspapers to record false alarm:.
with varying results. It is a pity that the foolish
or wicked person who raises such an alarm cannot
be promptly seized and well punished. Lighting
a .match in a powder magazine is not a more
dangerous operation than crying "Fire !" in pi
crowded theatre; and if a sound whipping wer.
the fate of any who played such pranks, no on.
would be found to sympathis3 with the recipient
But, as long as the world revolves so long wil
there be fools found; and the only thing to b*
done is to caution those who do not corni
within that category not to be tempted into
panic by the stupidity of others who deserve to
be caned A. F. R.

POLITICS OF THE RECESS.

MR. JOHN MORLEY REPLIES TO MR.

CHAMBERLAIN.

A Liberal demonstration was held on Saturday
aft.3rnoon a Temple.2ombe. The Parliamentary divi-
sions of South and East Somersst, North, South, East,
and West Dorset, South Wilts, and Christchurch
were reprem nted.
_ _ _

Lord Wolverton occupied the chair, and amorg
others on the platform were Mr. John Morley, M.P.,
the Hon. Bernard Coleridge, M.P.,. the Hon. E. B.
'Portman, M.P., Mr. Fuller, M.P., Mr. L. V. Har-
court,&c.
fbe chairman baying briefly opened the pro-
ceedings,.

Mr.-John Morley, who was received with prolonged
cheering, said he was afraid he should have to ask for
their indulgence in this immense concourse of people.
That was by far the largest and most impressive
demonstration that he had neen in any portion of
Great Britain. If they could hold such demonstra-
tions in the west and the north, he was quite sure it
would be sufficient to carry their cause through, and
to sound the death-knell of the present Government.
(Cheers.) Such a vast assemblage could not have
been brought together if they had not all felt that the
crisis was a grave one, and of no ordinary character.
The battle, as Lord Wolverton said, would have
to be won by the masses of the people,
for many of their old friends in the higher
classes were standing aloof. However, all the signs
were encouraging, for while they saw plenty of
Unionists returning to Liberal ranks, they never
heard of a Gladstonian crossing over to the other side.
Nor were they likely to, for it was not probable that
there should be desertions to the sinking ships.
(Cheers.) The history of Ireland was a melancholy
one. Her people had been hurried and driven, and
they had suffered in many ways, but not from the ill-
will of the English people. Even English Govern-
ments had meant well, but now the English people
at last might make their voice heard, and he was
there to ask those of the West to join voices to those
pf the rest of England, and depend upon it if they
did, before many months they would see Ireland
pacified, and they would see the Parliament of
England left free to discuss those legislative measures
of which the people of England and Scotland
stand so much in need. (Cheers.) Now the other
day Mr. Chamberlain (hisses) complained
that Sir William Harcourt and himself (Mr. Morley)
were silent last week in speaking about Home Rule,
and did not produce any arguments in its favour.
For himself be would say it would be but childish
for him to use any arguments at Newcastle in favour
of Home Rule, for they had already been convinced
there. But more than that, the Gladstonian position
was perfectly clear. They stood with their feet
upon a rock. (Cheers.) Mr. Gladstone bad pro-
duced his plan, and be had further made known that
he was prepared to assent to certain modifications
in the plan. To those modifications, all those who
were coneerned in preparing the bill, everyone
of his colleagues, he believed, most cordially
assented. Well, then, they had got their plan,
and they protested, on the other hand, against
the present plan of the present Government.
What more did anybody want to know from
them as to their policy or scheme of Home Rule? He
was rather amazed and disappointed that Mr.
Chamberlain bad not produced his own plan. (Cheers,
and a voice, "He hasn't one.") He did not quite
understand Mr. Chamberlain's view when he said
that two-fifths of the population of Ireland were
seainst Home Rule. Whether that was so or not,
he wanted to know whether Mr. Chamberlain himself
was against Home Rule altogether or not, because it
was not much more than a year ago since Mr.
Chamberlain declared, in a letter to Mr. Labouchere,
that "we are ready to accept as a principle the
expediency of establishing some kind of legislative
authority in Ireland, subject to the conditions which
Mr. Gladstone had laid down." In another letter he
said that the bill of the late Government contained
principles of autonomy, and "upon the principle
of autonomy I am able to give a hearty a-sent."
Well, what they wanted to know was not whether
two-fifths of the population of Ireland were
against Home Rule altogether, but whether Mr.
Chamberlain was or was not. (Cheers.) If he bad
changed his mind, and it would be no reproach to
him, what was the point of asking Mr. Gladstone to
produce a scheme in order that he (Mr. Chamberlain)
might be in wait to overthrow and destroy it?
(Cheers.) The fact was, the controversy of the
moment did not turn upon the scheme of Home Rule.
It turned upon the present state of, and the present
policy in, Ireland. The question of the moment was
the administration of coercion by the present Govern-
ment, and he was amazed that a speaker oceupying
the position of Mr. Chamberlain should have made
such a speech of great weight and importance to his
constituents two nights ago, without saying one single
word in effect upon the great question of the hour.
They wanted to know whether he disapproved of what
was going on at Mitchelstown, Ennis, and other places.
( ar, _hear.) He could not escape the responsibility
of those doings, for he had no small share in putting
the present Government into power, and givine them
the means of carrting their present policy. (Cheers.)
They wanted Mr. Chamberlain, therefore, to tell them '
what he thought of those doings at. Mitchelstown,
Ennis, and elsewhere. Mr. Chamberlain took up a
third line, and said, How intolerable it is that these
questions. which many of us have spent all the best
years of our lives in preparing the public mind for—it
is very hard that these questions should be put upon
the shelf because of the Home Rule question, which
watt sprung upon us." But the question of Home
Rule had not been sprung upon them. It came
upon them by reason of circumstances, events,
and conjectures which no statesman could have
averted, and that had been plain to every.
body who had closely watched politics since 1880,
Mr. Chamberlain, was the last man to make such a
complaint, for in June, 1885, he said that this ques-
tion of Ireland could not brook delay, and that it
would be the first question which the new parliament
would be called upon to settle. (Hear, hear.) Now
about these reforms which Mr. Chamberlain spoke
of, there was nothing he would like better than te -
see them settled. But the position reminded him of
a story of the battle-field. One man called out, "I
have got a prisoner." And his friend said, "Bring
him along." "He won't come," was the reply.
"Come along without, then." " Ah ! but be won't let
me go." (Laughter and cheers.) That was the story
of the present position of Great Britain and Ireland.
The position of Ireland would not let us deal with
our own affairs. The ship of State was in a storm,
with the tumultuous waves around her. There
was only one way of making port. and that was
to summon hack the old pilot. (Loud and prolonged
cheers.) They were told, and truly told, that the
question of religious equality had been argued in
every village, town, and city, and that they had a
ri,ht to ask for the imrnedi ste decision of Parliament
upon the subject. Very well; but be had beard a
great deal about the waste of Parliamentary time,
and he asked them to consider what waste of 'Parlia-
mentary time could be so great as to seek for a
decision upon the Disestabliehment of the Church
from a Parliament the majority of whica was com-
posed, first of all, of Tories, and secondly of Unionists,
who, rather than let Mr. Gladstone back to
power again, would establish and endow almost
anything, mortal or immortal. Disestablishment
and liquor reform and free schools were all to be put
before the Irish question. No one could be more
favourable to the settlement of those questions than
himself; hut was it expected that Disestablishment
and liquor reform were going to be forwarded be
Lord Salisbury and the Tory party. (Cries of
" Never.") He used to learn from Mr. Chamberlain
himself that the two great pillars of the Tory party
were the parson and the publican. (Laughter.) Well,
he did not know that either the r arson or the
publican was likely to turn to disestablishtnent and
liquor reform. No, they would not get those reforms
from the Tory party till they could gather grapes
from thistles and figs from thorns. (Cheers.) There-
fore they need not trouble themselves further with
the proposals to drop Ireland and go in for these
their social questions. They would settle the Irish
question, and then they would be free, with clean
hands and clear consciences, to set about the great t a
which the condition of our people so urgently re-
quired. (Cheers.) Mr. Chamberlain acknowledged
that they could not sink the Irish question by pro-
posing that the half of next session should be
devoted to a great lush Land Bill. He said that the
Irish land question must. be taken in hand at once,
and that in settling it there must be no resort to, and no
reliance upon, British credit. But there was another
friend of the Government who occasionally wave them
a little candid advice, and that was Lord Randolph—
(laughter)—who said, first, that they were to delay
the Land Bill and not to bring it in at once; and,
second, that they would not be able to do without
British credit. So the Government would be in a
considerable fix when they came to deal with the land
question, and he did not expect to see that Land Bill;
for if Ireland was quiet, the Government would say,
"You bad better let sleeping doge lie;" and if Ireland
was d i-turbed, which was only too likely,they would say,
" This le a very unfavourable moment for trying reme-
dial legislation." The people of this country were
looking at the present policy of the Government with
keenly interested and steadfast gaze. They wanted
to see whether Mr. Gladstone's policy, or the policy
with which it was confronted—the policy of force—
which of these two policies was going to settle and
pacify Ireland. (Cries of " Gladstone's.") He be-
lieved sufficient had already happened to assure them
that the policy of force was a failure. Government
had had plenty of time, but all their promises of re-
form had vanished, and nothing was left but the
haggard and grizzly phantom of coercion. (Cheers.)
Nothing could have been more ridiculous than
the spectacle afforded last Sunday of suppressed
branches of the National League playing at
hare and hounds with the police in defiance of the
law. Was that the way to make the people of
rreland respect law and order? (Cries of "No.")
Then as to the prosecution of Mr. O'Brien, he did not
deny the right of the Government, but was it prudent
or politic? All considerations of policy, of common
sense, and of judgment ought to have urged the
Government to overlook Mr. O'Brien's speech as they
had overlooked scores of others. (Cheers). And now
where were they? The Government were taking
proceedings against newspapers. They had suppressed
meetings. They had imprisoned, and were going to
imprison, members of Parliament. They were
going to lock up the clergy. They were pro-
ceeding agalnst the freedom of the 'press. Free-
I dora of meeting was gone. Freedom of the press was

ng. Freedom of representation was already a farce.
(Cheers.) He did not believe that the policy of
force, even if it succeeded, would be swallowt•cl or
assented to by the justice-loving and the law-loving
people of this island. (Cheers.) There was no chance
of its success. It had never succeeded in the plst, and
it could less than ever succeed now that the people of
England were resolved that the people of Ireland
should have the same liberty they had themselves—
(cheers)—and that the constitutional rights and
guarantees which had made England what she was
should also be extended to unhappy Ireland. (Re.
newed cheers.) Blind, indiscriminate, blundering
force were the only words to describe the policy, to
which the Government was committed. The inciting
to a foreign war was far less criminal and far
less to be condemned than a policy which
sowed the seeds of war in • our own kingdom,
and that was what the present policy of the
Government was doing, The country saw it. it
was because of that he was persuaded it would not be
long before the country punished the Government, as
it would punish any other Ministers who plunged the
country needlessly, stupidly, blunderingly into civil
war. (Cheers.) He had done his best to waken up
and rouse in those present a sense of the wrongs done
in their name, and of the distress which those whom
they had sent to Parliament were preparing for them-
selves and for their children who were to come after
them. (Prolonged cheers.)
On the motion of Mr. Coleridge' seconded by Mr.
Portman, a resolution of thanks to Mr. Morley for his
address was enthusiastically carried.
The Secretary anrounced the receipt of a letter
from Lord Granville expressing regret at not being
able to attend, and wishing success to the gathering.
A vote of thanks to the Chairman brought the pro-
ceedings to a close.