The Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1860-03-01 00:00:00

porary, " the discussion of last night still more
fully shows the whole genius of the Peelite
policy—that of an attempt at cheapness to the
consumer, whether the producer feast or starve'
live or die,"—only a cheapness, be it remembered
which, while thus impairing the condition of the
producer, is not to be enjoyed by the consumer
without paying his INcomE-tax as the price of it.
The Standard of yesterday remarks strongly on
the circumstance that, " while Mr. Gladstone and
the Manchester politicians are congratulating
each other on their success there are already signs
in Europe of events which will prove the disas-
trous folly of the Ministerial policy." The Treaty
and the Budget, which the House of Commons
has been induced to sanction, are based, it is
pointed out, upon the supposition that nothing
will occur henceforth to disturb our pacific rela-
tions with continental powers,—" the responsible
advisers—officers of the Crown—living in a sort
of fool's paradise, led into a false security by the
adroit overtures and specious promises of the
most astute of modern Sovereigns,"—and all t his
while " there are questions enough to issue in the
Italian peninsula to give rise to a dozen European
wars!" In such critical circumstances as these it
would indeed most devoutly be wished that our
national helm was in steadier hands than those
of Lord Palmerston.

It is rarely that, in these degenerate days, we
hear of any practical illustration of the yet
familiar apothegm, Nolo episcopari. But one has
just occurred, it would seem, in the case of a
vacant see in the province of Canterbury. The
Times of yesterday says it " has authority to state
that, after some hesitation, Dr. Vaughan has
finally declined the bishopric of Rochester." The
reverend doctor thus declares, in deed and in truth,
Nolo episcopari—l am unwilling to be a bishop ;"
and he does what those who have hitherto made
such a declaration have not always done,—declined
a bishopric. It is, in other respects, a most
unusual occurrence.

The gale of Monday and Tuesday appears to
have raged all over the country, and even on the
Continent ; but everywhere, according to the
accounts, much more severely on the latter day,
—causing considerable damage both at sea and
on land. We find that the upsetting of telegraph
poles by the wind caused temporary interruption
of communication on several Continental as well
as English wires.

THE brief discussion that took place in the House
of Commons on Tuesday night, respecting the
French Emperor's contemplated annexation of
Savoy, ought to open the eyes of the people of
England to the dangerous position in which we
are being placed by the present Ministry's too
close alliance with that scheming potentate. There
appears now to be no doubt, that an agreement
was entered into by LOUIS NAPOLEON, before the
marriage of the Princess CLOTHILDE with his Im-
perial Majesty's near relative, in which the King
of SARDINIA, the Princess' father, agreed to
cede Nice to France in return for any Italian
possession which he might receive. This would
seem to have been part of the matrimonial bar_
gain. The poor young Princess was sacrificed to
a mere political arrangement, and one fraught
with mischief to the peace of Europe. The whole
affair would appear to have been anything but
creditable to VICTOR EMMANUEL and LOUIS
NAPOLEON. The King evidently bartered away
his daughter, a mere child—sold her for a consi-
deration, to be wife to one old enough to be her
father ; and the Emperor was the other principal
party to the bargain, engaging on his part, to
enable VICTOR EMMANUEL to acquire a large
slice of the territory of Austria, on the further
condition that he, the Emperor, should have
Savoy and Nice. That this bargain has not yet
been fully carried out, is apparently owing to
circumstances which were probably not at that
time foreseen ; but there is every reason to
believe, that although the plan was perhaps
abandoned, for the moment, under the Treaty of
Villafranca, it has since been revived, and will
no doubt be carried into effect as early as it may
be found convenient to the French Emperor to
do so.

• Under such circumstances as these, well might
an anxiety be evinced in the House of Commons,
the other night, that our INlinistry's recent very
intimate relations with the French Government
should not be allowed to fetter the free political
action of this country. Well might it be declared,
that the professions of the EMPEROR of the
FRENCH could not but be regarded with much
suspicion,—" since they were always the most
profuse when they concealed some ambitious
design." His Imperial Majesty's treaty with us,
it is only too probable, has much of that suspicious
character about it ; and when, therefore, the
House was warned, that this contemplated step
of annexing Savoy, was but the commencement of
a policy of aggrandisement, which must lead to
the most serious consequences, and that for this
reason it behoved both Parliament and the
Government to take the most vigorous measures
to resist any attempt which was repugnant to the
people of Savoy, dangerous to the indepen-
dence of Switzerland, and fatal to the peace
of Europe,—a feeling was awakened, we trust,
which will put Parliament, if not the Government
also, on their guard ere it be too late. It is not
necessary for this country to assume any hostile
position, even under such threatening, not to say
defiant circumstances. It is most important,
indeed, at such a conjuncture, that the Govern-
ment should act with conciliation, yet with firm-
ness. Only one cannot but think, that they are
circumstances which render such .a proceeding as
that of the Treaty very inopportune at such a
moment, and very likely to commit us to what
may turn out to be a political difficulty. Lord
JOHN RUSSELL, it will be seen, with regard to
the contemplated annexation, expressed himself
as "quite sure, after the prudence and sagacity
which had been shown by the EMPEROR of the
FRENCH, that he would hesitate before he adopted
a course which would give rise to apprehension
and distrust, which would be contrary to the
magnificent pro3lamation which he issued at the
commencement of the Italian war, and which
would not tend to the security of France." We
would fain hope that this may be the case. But
we must confess that we see no reason whatever
for being "quite sure of it ;" and that, therefore,
it were wise and prudent not too much to rely
upon it.

One's apprehension for the consequences of
almost any Treaty, and especially one in which
we make concessions without any adequate re-
turn, must arise principally, of course, from the
fact, that it is a Treaty not with the people of
France, or even the Government of France, as
acting in the name and on behalf of that people,
but but with the Emperor alone
one who h
it is
absolute, and who has not, in this matter,
evident, the sympathies of his
people in any
material degree, if in any decree at all. It
EMPEROR has con-
is true that the FRENCH
tri-red to secure a position, by the operation
of despotic
sway, which his royal predeces-
sor could not maintain by a milder and
more Constitutional system of governance. Well
does the Saturday Review observe, that "Louis
PHILIPPE might have been corrupt., as Louis NA-
POLEON is, and it would not have exposed him to the
hatred of his subjects. He might have been tyran-
nical, as Lolls NAPOLEON is, and it would have
gained him their profound respect. The cause of
his ruin was his love of peace at any price.' He
was too mean-spirited to amuse the vanity of
Paris by filling the world with misery and blood.
His attacks on freedom,. real or alleged, were not
the grievance—or, at least, the freedom he wa