The Dorset County Express and Agricultural Gazette.
Dorchester, Dorset, England, 1859-08-02 00:00:00

WELNIN)AY.

On the order for going into Committee upon the High
Sheriff.' Espen.e. Bill,
Mr. WIHK Kugge.ted various objections to the Bill,
and moved to defer the lonimittee for three months.
. _ . . .

Sir J. SHELLEY defended the Bill, which affected, he
said, only the javelin.men, substituting the county
police, and he should be glad to do away with a parcel
of useless men, not always of the soberest class.
Mr. Desams Raid the avowed object of the Bill was
to reduce the Sheriff's expenses ; but the police must be
paid, and if out of the police rate it would in seine
counties operate unfairly. He had no objection to an
inquiry into the subject.
Mr. HENLEY remarked that the Sheriff, who was
responsible for order, had now no control over the police.
He should vote for the amendment.
MY. PARKER opposed the Bill.
Sir G. Lewis observed that some objections had been
made to the Bill to which it was not justly liable. Its
object was not to diminish real authority, but a
pageantry, the reason for which had disappeared. No
additional police would be required in the absence of the
javelin-men, except, perhaps, in the smaller counties.
The real difficulty had been adverted to by Mr. Henley
—namely, the legsl anomalies arising from the rela-
tions between the High Sheriff and the Chief Constable
of Police.
Upon a division the amendment was carried by 115
to 112 ; so the Bill is lost.
On the order for going into a Committee of Supply,
Sir C. N ANKH renewed his motion for an address to

_

Iler Majesty to appoint a Commission to inquire into
the management of Greenwich HespitaL
Mr. WHITBREAD opposed the motion. If during the
autumn, alter the Ouvernmont had had an opportunity
of thoroughly investigating it, they tumid theineelves
unable to deal with the subject, then would be the
time, he said, to move for a Royal Cooniniseiou.
After a short discussion, the House divided, when Sir
C. Napier', ',intim' was negatived by 142 to C 2.
The Ileum then went into Committee of Supply upon
the runs • g Civil Service.. fellinatas mid Civil Con-
tingencies one item of which, the vote of E15,913/45 for
the NatiMuil Gallery, provoked a long and animated
discussion, embracing the whole management of the
Gallery, and the merits of Sir C. Eastlake, and of the
pictures purchased fur the Gallery. The Committee
divided upon • motion of Mr. Connigham to reduce the
vote by I:650, charged as travelling expenses, which
mot vas negatived by 171 to 40; and again upon •
motion of Mr. Spooner, to reduce the vote by I:10,000
for pubrnyhiating to upictures, this motion being likewise nega-
tived
Certain Bills were advanced a stage, and, the other
orders having been di:posed of, the House adjourned at
6 o'clock.
THURSDAY.
At • morning sitting the House went into a Com-
niittee of Supply upon the remaining Civil Service
Estimates and Civil 'untingencies, which were under
discussion during the sitting.
In the evening, on bringing up papers by commando'
Iler Majesty,
Lord.). It esseid. made his promises' statement respect-
ing the present condition of foreign affairs. He was glad
to find in the Mouiirecr of that day an announcement
that the Emperor of the French was about to place his
forces by sea and land upon a peace footing. After
adverting to the sudden and unexpected termination of
hostilities in Italy, and to the motives avowed by the
Sovereigns of France and Austria for the Treaty of
Villafranca, he deserved that, although the reasons
assigned by both had a certain validity, he believed that
there was • reason not assigned in any State paper
which had considerable weight with the two Emperors—
namely, the numbers that had fallen upon the field of
battle, and it was no disparagement to either to sup-
pose them influenced by such a terrible spectacle. The
Treaty of Villafranca consisted of two parts. By one
part peace was made between the Emperor of the French
and the Emperor of Austria, and Lombardy was ceded
to the former, to be delivered over to the King of Sar-
dinia. With regard to this matter, it was not for us,
who had taken no part in the war, or the other Powers
of Europe to interfere. But the other part of the treaty
was of a different nature. It proposed an organization
for the liberation of Italy. In 1816 Lord Clarendon,
being at the Conference at Paris met to deliberate upon
the peace concluded between Great Britain and France
on the one hand and Russia on the other, thought it
bit duty, in conjunction with the representative of
France, to bring before the Conference the state of
Italy, which, being a question affecting the peace of
Europe, was a fair matter for consideration. The
proposition made to us on the present occasion
on the part of France, Wa'. not that the Government
of Great Britain should cuter into a Congress to discuss
the Treaty of Villafranca, and be read en extract from a
despatch from Count Walewski, explaining the objects
of the meeting of the I'lenipotentiaries at Zurich—viz.,
to confer upon general questions, not the details of the
treaty of peace. Ifer Majesty's Governuient, he said,
had notthought it necessary to give any precise answer
to the proposition of the French Government; but they
had signified to our Ambassador at Paris that, if there
was to be any Conference or Congress, two things were
requisite—first, that the Treaty of Zurich should be seen;
secondly, that the Emperor of Austria must he • party
to any discussion on the state of Italy. The find ques-
tion raised would relate to • Confederation. The article
of tl.e treaty did not say that the Confederation was
formed or should be funned, but only that the two sove-
reigns would favour and further a Confederation. If
the several States could form • federal union Italy would,
in his .pinion, be strung enough for its own defence,
and there would be no necessity for the intervention of
foreign l'uwere. Ile thought, therefore, that such •
confederation would be wise, but be doubted whether
the time Lad yet come when it was practicable, and
whether a Confederation with the Pope as chief, and
the Emperor of Austria as one of its members, would be
desirable. How could such a Confederation lay down
rules of conduct, or be expected to assent to religious
toleration and liberty of conscience! Therefore, although
an Italian Confederation might in time be practicable,
the l'eace if Villafranca hardly fulfilled the conditions
required for forming such • federal union. Then arose
another question, as to the mode in which the treaty
was to be carried into effect, and it would be necessary
to have acomplete node:standing upon that point before
Her Majesty's Government should send any representa-
tive to a Congress or Conference. According to the
treaty, the Sovereigns of Tuscany and Modena were to
return to their States. But the Grand Duke of Tuscany
was in the position ef • sovereign who had violated, by
abdication, the fundaineutal law of his State. Although
he (Lord John) hail no official assurance upon the sub-
ject, he was convinced that the Emperor of the French
had no intention to employ French troops for the resto-
ration of the Grand Duke, and he believed that the
Emperor of Austria had as little intention to lend his !
troops for such a purpose. Tide threw at once • great ,1
difficulty in the way of carrying the treaty into effect,
and it was necessary, before going into conference, that
there should be • clear understanding upon this subject.
Another question was, perhaps, the umet difficult of all
—namely, the temporal government of the Pope. lk.log-
na had been kept in obedience for ten years by an Aus-
trian garrison, and as soon as the Austrian troops left
the Cardinal Legate immediately followed them. The
Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria had
reneumeieleil to the Pope indispensable reforms ; but
the Pepe declined to adopt the policy they advised.
Three were some of the difficulties attending this ques-
tion. As to the King of Naples, he was happy to Kay
that he had made a beginning el putting a stop to the
tyranical system which prevailed under the late King ;
and he believed, from the decided views of his Minister,
the Duke of hatriano, that it would cease altogether. As
far as be could learn, the Emperor of the French was
met anxious that Italy should enjoy the privelege of
self-government, and he was convinced that an inde-
pendent State in Italy would be for the weltered Europe
and afford a security for future peace. Ile was confi-
dent that it would not be wise for Her Majesty'. Minis-
ters, still less for the House, to mune to a peremptory
decision upon the subject of entering into a Conference,
and that it did not become us to say suddenly that we
would withdraw from the assembly of the different
Powers of Europe if it afforded a chance of confirming
peace and maintaining the independence of States.
Mr. ISisit.seLi said there was one part of the speech
of Lord J. Russell which was peculiarly obscure, in rela-
tion to the terms offered to the Emperor of Austria by
his natural allies, and which were, in the Emperor's
opinion, more severe than than those he obtained from !
his enemy. He wished to have clearer information
upon this point. Had Iler Majesty's Government
come into possession of such a scheme and was it, with
their bisection, placed before the Emperor of Austria?
It had reached him (Mr. Disraeli), though the statement
might be unfounded, that the scheme for the cessation
of hostilities which the Emperor of Austria deemed so
unfavourable compared with the terms offered by hi*
enemy, reached the Emperor through the agency of
Her Majesty's Government. It would be satisfactory to
the House, he said, if it could be assured that no such
communication was made; otherwise the Government
had committed the same fatal niistake as in 1848. He
trusted that Ministers would not feel it to be their
duty to recommend Her Majesty to send any representa-
tive to the projected Congress.
Mr. IiOWIER denounced the system of violation of
the law of nations upon which, lie said, the proceed-
lee% in Italy has been founded.
Lord PAL/MERTON, in reply to the inquiry of Mr.
Disraeli, said that the French Ambassador at our Court
had given to Lots( .1. Russell a paper of tenni which
lie asked the British Government to transmit to the
Austrian Court, to be made the basis of • treaty of
peace ; that Lord John thought, on the one hand, that
it would be unbecoming hie Cover 1111 l ent to refuse
altog,ther to be the channel of the communication,
and, on the other, he felt that, in the state of the
parties, it was not such a proposition as would justify
this Government in interfering ; mid this course was
taken, —they said they would communicate to the
Austrian Minister at this Court the paper contai g
the proposal, without any opinion of their owu, and it
was accordingly given to the Austiian Minister, but
not as our proposal. Before the Government decided
whether they would be parties to the Conference they
ought to know what were the arrangements between
France and Austria. Difficulties might arise, and ques-
tions that it would be necessary to discuss, and until
they saw their way it would be premature to decide.
If they did see their way he thought it would not
only be desirable, but it would be the duty of the
Government, to take part in the Conference.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in replying to
Mr. Whiteside, emu • ed with great minuteness a state.
went made by him that, in 1848, Austria had offered
to Lord Palmeniton, then Minister of Foreign Affairs,
if the British Government would intervene to restore
peace, that Lombardy should be mede independent
and Venetia should receive • free constitution—a pro-
posal which Sardinia had, he said accepted. He showed
that this statement was the result of a complete mis-
take on the part of Mr. Whiteside. In discussing the
question whether this country should take part in the
Conference, he urged the distinction between those
provisions of the treaty which lay beyond the bellige-
rents and those which were entirely beyond the sphere
of the war, and belonged to the future relations of Italy.
Under the circumstances, be thought it would be the
grossest imprudence to come to a hasty conclusion to
npudiate a Conference, and he had, he said, the
strongest hope and conviction that the House of COM-
111011R would not consent to interpose between the
executive Government and the exercise of its discretion
in the endeavour to give to the peace the form most
conducive to the tranquility of Europe.
Lord .1. Ressehh maintained the accuracy of Mr.
Glialstone's history of the transaction. He defended the
mission of Lord M into to Italy, and expressed his be-
lief that if the people of that country were left to them-
seises they would form sound political institutions.
The discussion ended by the papers being ordered to
lie on the table.
Various Bills were forwarded • stage, and the remain-
ing business having been disposed of, the House ad-
journed at a quarter past 2 o'clock.