The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1881-10-15 00:00:00

not eradicated the bitterness. of Mr. Gladstone when in
Opposition against the foreign policy of the late Govern-
ment. Nevertheless, part of Mr. Gladstone's congratu-
latory retrospect consisted unavoidably in a review of
some benefits at least which have been realized as a result
of Lord Beaconsfield's policy. The enlargement of the
boundaries of Montenegro and Greece was, of course, prac-
tically enforced by the steady pressure brought to bear upon
Turkey by the present Cabinet; but we must not deny the
credit due to the Government which had so large a share in
the Berlin settlement. For some time, it may be hoped, the
questions arising out of the Berlin Treaty will cease to be
more than the playthings of diplomatists. Not only our
policy in Eastern Europe is fixed, but its results have an
appearance of finality. In and on the borders of Afghanistan
our policy, for-good or for ill, is equally settled, though we
have yet to judge it by its fruits. Every one will agree with
Mr. Gladstone that it would have been well if Afghanistan
could have been brought over by affection rather than by
arms. But, if this old controversy is to be revived, it is
I only fair to recall the circumstances of the time, the repulse
of our advances by Shere All, the Russian intrigues at
Cabul, of which Lord Beaconsfield's Government became
aware, and the general beliet of the British Parliament—a
belief by no means confined to the political party then domi-
nant there--that we could not stand quietly by and allow Rus-
sia to establish, as then seemed probable, a paramount in-
fluence in Afghanistan. The policy of the late Ministry in that
" country has been judged, not very justly, by events, as here-
after that of Mr. Gladstone may be. But, leaving the dead
past to bury its dead, the present policy of Mr. Glpdstone has
received the approval of the majority of the nation, who,
with the Russian hand removed from Cabul, are well content
to leave Afghan factions to fight or to unite; while the pre-
ferences of the Afghans, now probably as ever, lean towards
the Powers whom at the moment they fear the least. As to
Egypt, Mr. Gladstone was reserved, and he could not well
be otherwise. lie tells us that the Government will
endeavour to act in strict concert with the allied and
friendly Government of France; and will aim at pre-
venting the growth of any difficulties between Egypt and
the Sultan; and will not, except "under some unforeseen
necessity, seek to extend the limits of our interference."
As a responsible statesman, Mr Gladstone could not be ex-
pected to declare beforehand how the Government will act
•in the event of certain contingencies. But these very con-
tingencies are now being canvassed by the diplomatic world
and if they come to pass the " necessity " they bring in
their train must not be described as "unforeseen." It
may be that the Egyptian army, after experiencing
its own power will acquiesce in retirement ; it is
quite as probable that the army will again march upon Cairo
and demand the abolition of the Anglo-French Control. The
visit of the Turkish Commissioners does not seem to be the
forerunner of an attempt of the Porte to assert a dominant
authority over the Khedive and his Council. A snore
natural interpretation would ascribe the mission to a harm-
less resolve on the part of the Sultan, as suzerain of Egypt,
not to be ignored in the Egyptian crisis. We trust that the
expression "unforeseen necessity" does not mean that
the Government has not already decided upon a clear line
of action in the event of any attempt by the Egyptian army,
under instigation from any quarter, to sweep away the joint
control which has done so much to promote the well-being
of Egypt. Such an emergesry would arise suddenly; but,
after the reports which have from time to time reached u
from Cairo, it cannot be said that it would come upon us
without warning.

Mr. Gladstone then proceeded to remark upon the
policy of the past and present Government in South
Africa,—and said :
But I must now pass to the affairs of South Africa (cheers),
and there, gentlemen when we acceded to power, what did
we find? We found that a bloody war with the Zulu nation
was just concluded, with heavy charge and with great
effusion of blood to ourselves, with the painful recollec-
tion, I am sorry to say, as far as our convictions are con-
cerned, that that war was a causeless war, and, being a
causeless war, left upon us, as is left upon all who
make causeless wars, the trace and the stain of blood-
guiltiness. (Cheers.) We found another war proceeding be-
tween a native race—the Basutos—and the Government of the
Cape. We found a greater difficulty still—for that Basuto
war has, happily, happily, been brought to a close—we found a
greater difficulty still in the condition of things that had
been established by the late Government in the territory
known as the Transvaal. A free population, of a race not less
tenacious than our own, of abundant courage rand resolu-
tion, united in a form of republican government, had by
this gratuitous interference of the British Government
been annexed, as it was called, to the British Empire.
This, gentlemen, was to us a source of great difficulty.
The assurances sent to us from every official quartered in
South Africa were that since the annexation had taken.
place the Dutch population were rapidly becoming reconciled
to it, and that when they knew it would be maintained
and that they would be fairly treated under it all
difficulties would disappear. It was impossible for us,
gentlemen, to ascertain in a day the real state of things.
it was our duty to avoid, whenever we could avoid it, the
disturbance of the great acts of policy performed by our
predecessors; but, as you know' the Dutch population
almost unanimously rose in arms to vindicate its freedom
and its independence, and when that had taken place vs.e
said we were willing to proceed with them in peaceful
modes, but that we could not allow the affairs of that or
any country for which we had become responsible to be
settled by the action of mere force. (Hear, hear.)
The leaders of the Dutch replied that they were willing—so
confident were they of the goodness of their cause—that a
Commission should be appointed by the Crown to inqure
into the facts, and they expressed the utmost confidence
that the Boers, as they are called, ovould abide by the
result of the deliberations of that Commission. We
thought that a reasonable offer. (Cheers.) In the mean-
time, unfortunately, military operations had been at-
tenpted with insufficient means, and blood had been shed
without the attainment of success. There were those who
said that we ought to have avenged what was the con-
sequence of our own miscalculatic ns upon the Boers before
proceeding to negotiate with them. (Cries of "Shame.")
Such was not our conviction. (Loud cheers.) We thought
that to uct upon such a course would be to act under
the principles of a shame both false and cowardly.
(Loud and prolonged cheering.) We had provided ample
military means for vindicating the authority of the
Crown, and having provided that sufficient force we
determined at once to enter, on the invitation of the
Boers, on friendly relations. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen,
you are aware that very able men—able commanders
and alsle negotiators—on the part of the Boers concurred
with our Commissioners in confirming a convention.
Under that convention we felt it our duty to take the best
securities for the welfare of those native tribes, counted
by hundreds of thousands, who inhabit the Transvaal, and
towards whom we could not forget the responsibilities we
had assumed. (Cheers.) We provided that power should
be retained for that purpose. We provided that the Crown
should retain prerogatives, under the name of suzerainty,
for the purpose of preventing the introduction of foreign
embarrassments into South Africa; and we consented
freely that, subject to certain minor conditions in
relation to money with which I need not trouble you,
the Boers of the Transvaal shou.d in all other respects
enjoy perfect self-government and practical freedom and
independence. (Loud cheers.) Well, gentlemen, we had
the assurance of those who had led the Boers to military
success, of those who were the trusted agents or the
guardianship of their civil interests that the representa-
tive assembly which is called the interests,
would agree
to those conditions. The Volksraad has met. f t has
debated the conditions. Objections have been raised,
though no motion adverse to the convention has been
made ; but down to the present moment its ratification
has not taken place, and requests have been made to us to
re-open the consideration of subjects which we believed had
been closed. Gentlemen, I must now !speak to you in few,
but, I trust, clear words. There fray, in that convention,
be points capable of amendment. There may be matters of
detail and of trifling importance, and of those I do not
speak. It may, when we can gain the light of
experience, be found that in one point or another
amended provisions may be made. But it is only from
experience that such lights can be obtained. We have
great duties to perform. We made large concessions.
You know we have been censured and vituperated for
those concessions. You know, or can perhaps understand,
with how little cause it was that we have been assailed in
Parliament on account of the liberal terms which we
granted to the Boers. You may now, perhaps, better
understand that what we attempted was to do equal
justice, and in attempting to grant that justice to the
Dutch population which we thought our predecessors had
withheld, we never for a moment forgot what was
due to other considerations, to the rights of the
native tribes, and to the general peace of South Africa.
And those men are mistaken, if such there be, who
judge that our liberal concessions were the effect of
weakness or timidity, and who think, because we granted
much it was only to encourage them to ask for morse.
(Hear, hear.) I know not what is to happen. I hope the
convention may shortly be ratified. But this I can tell you,
that as we have not been afraid of reproach at home, as we
have not been afraid of calumny in the colonies, on account
of the over-indulgence which, as was said, we extended to
the Boers of the Transvaal, so in what may yet remain to be
done, we shall recollect, and faithfully maintain, the in-
terests of the numerous and extended native populations,
and we shall be not less faithful to the dignity of this great
Empire in the conduct of all our proceedings.

After some reference to colonial and home policy,
Mr. Gladstone concluded by saying—
And so I say that, while we are opposed to Imperialism,
we are devoted to the Empire (cheers), and we who are
now in government as your agents will do the best and
utmost and latest of our power—while studying peace
with all the world, while endeavouring to persuade men
into the observance of the laws of justice and equality—
never forget what is due to the dignity of the throne of
Queen Victoria, and neither in east nor west, neither in
north nor south, :hall it be said truly of us that the conces,
sions which we make are concessions wrung from fear, or
shall there be a doubt of our determination to the best of
our ability to maintain the laws at home and the dignity of
the Empire throughout the world. (Lo“cl cheering.)

,
A special train was provided for the conveyance of
Mr. Gladstone and his party by the Midland ItailwaY,
and was drawn up at the Leeds Station about half.
past eight on Saturday evening. A large crowd had
assembled in the station to bid farewell to the Prime
Minister, who arrived a few minutes past nine o'clock,
and was greeted with loud cheers. If any expecta-
tions of a speech had been formed they were disap-
pointed; for the Prime Minister, on taking his place
in the carriage, simply said, " Good-bye ; God bless
you." Mr. Gladstone spent Saturday night and Sun-
day at Hoar Cross, near Burtcn,on-Trent, the set of
Mrs. Meynell Ingram.