The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1880-03-27 00:00:00

DEPRESSED STATE OF TRADE AND
AGRICULTURE.

In the House of Lords on Monday evening , the Duke of
Rutland called the attention of the House to the depressed
state of trade and agriculture, and inquired how far it was
owing to our present system of free importation, Observing
that he did so because he was under the apprehension that
in the hurry and turmoil of a general election the subject of
trade and agricultural distress would be altogether over-
looked. He quite admitted that of late there had been a
considerable increase in the trade with America, and in 1879
the Americian exports showed an increase of 0,250,000
in valitei' but on examination he found that the
increase was mainly due to an increased demand
for iron to enable the people- of America to make
railways to bring down their corn to the outports, and he
thought that when those railways were made the demand
would greatly slacken. But the most remarkable effect of
our one-sided Free Trade policy was seen in France, where
they had raised the imports from £72,000,000 in 1848 to
£.284,000,000 in 1879. In 1876 the export of English goods into
France amounted to 26,000,000; but the value of the French
goods imported into England was 41,000,000, and the noble
duke pointed out that, so long ago as 1863, the late lamented
Prince Consort wrote that one result of a commercial treaty
with France would be that while we should give that
countiy coal and iron, which in the event of a rupture
, might be used against us, we should lose upwards of
£2,000,000 annually in the reduction of the wine duties.
He next called the attention of the House to the reply
of Mr. Bourke to a recent Manchester deputation, in
which he quite admitted that they were always trying
to obtain reciprocity, but had hitherto failed, and they
might depend upon it that so long as France got all the
advantage out of it they would never give us anything
like reciprocity. He quoted the letter of Mr. Bright
to Mr. Grey, the secretary of the Agricultural Board of
Kansas, complaining of the want of reciprocity, in
which he showed the beneficial effect of Free Trade
but the answer to that was that America would not
have Free Trade, and other countries could not have
it. He firmly believed that a persistent continuance
in this system of Free Trade would lead to throwing
more land out of cultivation every year. lie com-
plained of the heavy rates and charges upon land; and
although such acts as the Elementary Education Act and the
Sanitary Acts were very good ones, yet they imposed a very
heavy charge on the farmers, and the burden would even-
tually be too great to-bear lie confessed that he felt very
little hope that the condition of agriculture would be im-
proved even by a return of good seasons, so long as they were
So heavily burdened as they were at present. In regard to
Ireland, he considered that its condition was nearly hopeless
without a return to some restrictive system, and he concluded
by observing that if trade became paralysed and agriculture
should be ruined, he would at least have warned his country-
men before the general election, and he hoped to see men
returned to the new Parliament who would do their utmost
to study the true interest of the country.

The Marquis of Hertford fully supported the view of his
noble friend, and could speak from his experience of the lament-
able condition of the farmers in the Midland Counties, and
called the attention of the House to the number of outgoing
tenants as a proof of the difficulties they had to contend
with.

The Earl of Beaconsfield, in reply, said,—My noble friend
the noble duke, when he last brought this subject before
your lordshlOs' consideration, had to dilate upon the com-
mercial depression which then prevailed. On the part of her
Majesty's Government I expressed our opinion that that
commercial depression would not last long, and we saw
signs which, though they might be deceptive, still in our
opinion indicated a great revival in our commerce. The
noble duke this evening has shown that there is a consider-
able improvement in our commerce. It is very true that
my noble friend based his consolation upon the increased
relations between this country and the United States, and
though it is impossible for any one to deny that there has
been a very great improvement in our trade with America,
and although it is impossible to deny that our commercial
relations amount at present to several millions more than
they did twelve months ago, still the noble duke wished to
impress upon your lordships that it was a sudden demand for
one particular article which occasioned this improvement.
Now, there I differ from my noble friend. The demand of
the United States for iron has been very great, but I would
venture to say that it is an error to suppose that there is
not a general improvement. It is an error to suppose that
our commerce as regards iron is confined to the United
States. There are other States with whom we are now
carrying on an active commerce in iron. Well, then, the
noble duke having acknowledged the improvement in our
trade, and having rested his illustration of our present
position in that respect mainly upon one very important
article of commerce—namely, iron—the noble duke warned
us that we could not depend upon the continuance of our
commerce in that respect, and intimated those views which
he has always most consistently upheld and expressed.
Upon that subject, the noble duke, wishing to show the
fallacy of what he regarded as the principle on which our
commercial system is now established, took the case of
France, and endeavoured to show that our commercial
treaty with France had been one of immense benefit to
France, but very slightly beneficial to this country.
But that, I venture to say, is an error of my noble friend.
(Hear.) I have no doubt that the commercial treaty with
France has been of vast advantage to this country. ' (Hear.)
If it has not been of equal advantage to both countries, I
maintain that it has been of vast advantage to this country.
But I must stop for a moment to remark that if my
noble friend wishes to advocate a commercial system based
upon protection of native industry he ought to a certaip !
degree to be a supporter of the commercial treaty with
France, because it is a treaty entirely of reciprocity, and
there is no doubt that if that prniciple had not been
adopted in the negotiations which led to the treaty, the
commercial relations between France and this country
would have remained probably much in the same state and
being
gave carried
alm.y simpressed
of the same amount as they were before that treaty
was entered into. The question of reciprocity and the ques-
tion of protection are utterly different questions. (Hear.)
a into effect.
If the whole nation chose to adopt a protective policy,
nothing could
But, with ga
upon those who brought it forward as a remedial measure
rerre,listto s that policy bel
that it was practically impossible ; that we had altered our
tariff to such an extent that it was by a chance that the
British Government were able to carry the French treaty into
effect ; and thatin fact, if the French treaty were continued,
as I believed was the wish of many who are good judges of
what is good for this country, there would be no materials by
which we could adopt this principle of reciprocity on which my
noble friend so much dilated, and which, it appears from
some cheers, would be very popular in this House. Popular
or not, it is impossible. You could not obtain it without the
lapse of a considerable time, even if you swept away the
whole of your present tariff. There are thirty or forty com-
mercial treaties every clause in which would demand your
attention, and considerable time would elapse during the
negotiations. Now, the noble duke, after having admitted
that commercial depression has disappeared, brought before
your lordships the state of agriculture. No one can deny
that there is great distress and depression in our agri-
cultural condition. That is admitted by all classes. The
T
question is—is it in our power to relieve that distress?hat is a question from which we ought not to shrink. My
noble friend who spoke just before me said the remedy was
that there shonld be a further diminution of local taxation.
Well if it can be shown that there is still local taxation which
Is unjustly imposed upon real property and not equally on all
kinds of property, nobody who has confidence in the wisdom
of Parliament and in its sense of duty can doubt that, if a
fair case be made out, Parliament will give relief in that
respect. Parliament has already shown that it sympathizes
with that class of property in this country which was subject
to taxation from whom all other classes of property were
exempt. And if it can be fairly demonstrated that there
are still taxes levied, not on agriculture only, but on real
property which may exist in towns, I have no doubt that
General Election or not, the sense of duty which influences
members of Parliament will induce them to do what is
right in that matter. But I must say that I do not think
any further remission of local taxation, though it may be
just, could be afforded as a remedy at all adequate to the
distress from which the agricultural world is now suffering.
(Hear, hear.) Now it appears to me that there are many
things which may be done, which require consideration, no
doubt, but which appear to use to be accepted by the gene-
ral opinion of the country as the result of discussion,
debate, and public writing, which may very much facilitate
the improvement of the soil, and by facilitating the im-
provement of the soil, may benefit the occupiers of the soil.
Whether we consider the question of removing the restric-
tions on its cultivation or that most important point as to
Nviiich I introduced in the other House of Parliament a
remedy—namely, the securing for a tenant a complete pro-
tection for the capital which he has invested on the farm
which he occupies—l think myself that before we can bene-
ficially act to relieve and improve the agriculture of this
country, the agriculture of this country must be in a
normA condition, and that it would be most unwise in a
moment of distress to hurry a measure when we are not
dealing with the land of England in its usual state. I
think it must be acknowledged by all that it is not so
much competition, it is not so much local taxation, but
what is infinitely more injurious and more power-
ful—namely, an almost unprecedented series of dis-
astrous seasons—which has brought about the present
unfortunate state of agriculture in England. That condi-
tion of the cultivators of the soil, however, is not a perma-
nent one, and, as as far I can see, matters are tending to-
wards improvement. (Cheers.) All the evidences of nature
that can guide us rather make us hope that we are about to
enjoy a season of prosperity and abundance—(loud cheers)—
and should this promise be fulfilled, the agricultural mind
will be relieved from a great deal of the despondency and
distress which at this moment paralyze to a great degree the
energies of the farmer. (Cheers.) Then will be the time to
consider whether we cannot alter many things in. the rela-
tions of the farmer with the landowner, and deal with other
matters which do not now beneficially act upon his condition.
Among the measures which might then be introduced are
those which will place the local taxation of the country
upon a just basis, should it be found unequal, and secure
to the tenant complete protection for the capital which he
has invested— a direction in which the Agricultural Hold-
ings Bill, which from all one hears appears to have re-
ceived but Very scant justice at the hands of those who
opposed it, proposed, at all events, to commence to advance.
When the normal character of English agriculture has been
restored, we shall be able to form some more correct esti-
mate of the degree of competition which it has to encounter
from the importation of the produce of foreign countries.
I must confess that, although I have read much concerning
the estimates which have been put forward with regard
to the prospective productions of the American Continent,
I have not arrived at those definite conclusions on
the subject which some of my friends have adopted. (Cheers.)
We require more data, more opportunities for examination,
and more experience before we can come to any decided
opinion as to the effect of the importation of foreign-grown
corn upon our home produce. When the English farmer has
been blessed with a harvest worthy of his industry, and
when we have gained greater experience of the effect
of the produce of other countries upon our own, then
will be the time for us to consider a variety of measures
which undoubtedly may not appear very important in
themselves, hut which will in the aggregate place 'him
In a more advantageous and improved position than he now
occupies. (Cheers.) By adopting that course we shall be
able to look back with satisfaction, when these times of
depression are passed, to the fact that we were guided by
the dictates of prudence and did not rush into hasty legis-
lation. I know that it may be said that it is very easy to
preach patience to those who are suffering. Nobody can
esteem more than I do the character and endurance of the
British farmer. I think that the patience and the high
spirit with which lie has borne up against a series of disas-
trous seasons, the few complaints lie has made, notwith-
standing the great suffering he has experienced, exhibit his
conduct in a light which it is impossible to view it without a
feeling of admiration. (Cheers.) Whatever may happen, the
cultivator of the soil still forms the largest class of the indus-
trial world, and is the greatest employer of labour: and your
lordships and the country are bound to him by those ties
which the traditions and the pleasantness of his occupation
and his conduct and loyalty have rendered so strong.
(Cheers.) Aristotle says that the agricultural class is the
least given to sedition. That we have found in England, and
we have at the same time found among that class some of the
best exemplars not only of moral life, but of that
duty to the Sovereign and that strict performance of
public duty which have given such a very high character
to this country. (Cheers.) My lords, when we meet again
I hope we shall do so with a less gloomy feeling with re-
gard to the fortunes of our agricultural friends. (Cheers.)
I do not think that I could recommend any change in our
law affecting the agricultural interest that might be
brought about by hasty legislation. Her Majesty has
appointed a Royal Commission, which is now engaged in
examining into this subject, and from the labours of that
body I augur considerable results. (Cheers.) I think that
from them we shall obtain much information as to the pro-
ductive powers of the American Continent Which may guide
us in our decision with great advantage, and that they will
also lay before us the opinions of sonic of the most ex-
perienced and practical men in England as to the conditions
under which the cultivation of the soil can be most bene-
ficially carried on. My lords, I shall be deeply disappointed
if one result of the labours of that Commission is not to afford
the farmer the most complete and absolute security for the
capital which he has invested in the cultivation of the land,
(Loud cheers.)