The Press.
London, England, 1855-09-08 00:00:00

SEPT. 8, 1555.

lorcipt (Lorrtspottbtitzt.

FRANKFORT, September 1.
FRESH communications have taken place between
the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin relative to the
four points of the Vienna conferences, unattended by
any happier solution, inconclusive of any definite un-
derstanding. There is no novelty in the respective
positions of the two countries—as formerly, and as
ever will and must be, the obstacles that prevent an
honest relation are beyond their control. Each must
submit to the disturbing cause of European politics,
and that disturbing cause is public opinion. One
point of danger, however, is finally settled. The
hope of Russia to create jealous dissensions betwixt
England and France has vanished; the desire of
Austria to constitute a crusade betwixt the Latin and
Greek Churches, in which France and England
should be Catholically and Protestantly disunited, is
impossible of fulfilment; and the letter of the Empe-
ror Napoleon to General Pelissier has published
beyond a doubt that the two kingdoms are fighting
for a common object, are labouring together " part
passu " in the cause of general civilisation, and tho-
roughly understand that the conflict which is now
taking place is, in truthful parlance, "le commence-
ment du fin." The visit of the Queen of England to
the Emperor of the French, and the significant mode
by which the British sovereign was received by the
French people, has had a marked effect throughout
Germany. It has proved the worthlessness of che-
rishing ancient animosities by way of hereditary
politico-capital, inconvertible to a more beneficial
medium, and that the force of circumstance, other-
wise necessity, has produced results which the bright
and pure teaching of a benevolent morality hereto-
fore utterly failed to effect. The fear of punishment
14 ever more powerful than the hope of reward—there-
fore it is that the self-interest of the two great nations,
from apprehension of a common danger, has per-
fected an alliance which ought to have owed its origin
to a nobler and more righteous motive. But the
" entente cordiale " has been effected. " Esto per-
petua?".
. . .

This intimate union betwixt the two great nations,
now held by the most incredulous in Germany to be
a positive fact, has caused amongst the members of
the Diet a discussion upon the relative strength of
the Confederation, in case of the war becoming
general. The means of confederated assistance to a
danger from without does not appear to be satisfac-
tory. Prussia and Austria, who supply the major
part of the contingent, are as Germans diametrically
opposed to each other; Saxony, Wurtemburg, and
Davaria entertain views and interests by no means
identical, and the princes have each and every one
their lowest figure ticketed, and will close with the
highest bidder above regulation price. The troops
of the Confederation are at best only a national
police, and which was proved in 1840 to be insuti cient
for that purpose. If, in making face against the
danger of foreign invasion, the Confederation calls
upon the proper and particular nationality of Ger-
many, such a course would concede the principle of
general nationalities, and bring them into immediate
and active operation. Austria might supply her
atchducal contingent, but Hungary would claim her
independent rights, and the Austro Schlave popula•
tion would prefer the potent protection of a Schlave
Czar, rather than rely upon the false promises and
ready halters of an imperial impotent, seated upon a
tottering faldstool of many and uneven props. The
confederated army of Germany is as a broken bun-
dle of faggots, and there is no 'tithe, at present,
capable of binding them together.
The presumption of the Diet in refusing to accept
or to discuss the four points of the Vienna confe-
rences, upon the ground of non-interference, and of
taking up an independent and German position, is
ludicrously absurd. The Diet has no position. It
is not unanimous—not German exclusively—not a
representation of German opinion—and is swayed by
Russian precept, enunciated by men bought by Bus.
sian gold. The princes are united, truly, in political
corruption, against the old nobility and the German
people ; but the Diet, constituted by them ani their
creatures, the new noblesse, is a solemn farce, held
everywhere to be such, and treated by every one as
such. And as the governmental reality of the Diet
miserably perishes, so in relative proportion pro-
gresses the Germanic influence of Prussia. One
word as to this latter country.
Two political parties divide the kingdom into
what may be termed Prussia improper and Prussia
proper. The party "de la Croix" (Kreuz, Zeitung,
parthei)—" le parti petit mais pnissant "—is corn•
posed of the partisan 4 of Russia; and its opponent,
the liberal and patriotic party, comprises the states-
men and noblemen purely German. The old nobility
adhere to the latter faction, whilst the new creations
from the Saxon merchants rank themselves amongst
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