The Press.
London, England, 1855-12-15 00:00:00

side of justice. This is the verdict which
history will pronounce on her conduct. We
recognise her neutrality, but it would be sim-
ply ridiculous to suppose that the Allies were
bound to acknowledge her right of inter-
ference, or to shape their course by her dicta-
tam. They have very little to do with terms
which will be satisfactory to her. The con
test has advanced too far for that. It is with
Russia that their account must be settled ;
and it is only on the supposition that they
entertain a well-grounded belief that Russia
will subscribe to terms which they deem satis-
factory that we can explain the fact which
stares us in the face—the discussion at this
moment of terms of pacification.
The great man who sits on the Throne of
France has won his way to his lofty position
through every peril that can beset the path to
grandeur. It would be to detract too much
from his sagacity to suppose that he favored
this negotiation without some assurance that
it was essentially practical and sincere, and
without a tolerably clear perception that it
would attain its end. This much is certain—
if it fails it will be a great discouragement to
all future attempts of a like kind.
We leave it to our Ministry to reconcile as
they best can the difference between their
action as a Government and their language as
a party. Their inconsistency is nothing to us;
we are concerned with what they do, not with
what they say. They may bluster as they
please through their organs and dependants,
while they act discreetly in the Cabinet. Lord
PALMERSTON'S career is not one which we call
contemplate with pleasure. There is but one
word to describe it, and that is, " double-faced."
But, to do him justice, he has usually been
false to his friends the revolutionists, and his
supporters the mob. By entering on this ne-
gotiation he must lose ground with them ; and
that is an argument for his sincerity. There
are weightier grounds for supposing that he
must play his part in it fairly. He is at this
moment the head of her Majesty's Govern-
ment. He represents the prerogative of the
Crown, and the whole force of the Govern-
ment ; and he must be conscious that while
Parliament will support a Peace which shall
happily close the War by fulfilling its objects,
it will not tolerate a policy which throws
obstacles in the way of a pacific settlement,
and hazards our alliance with France.
To the mind of all the belligerent Powers
this weighty consideration must be present,
that if Peace be not practicable now, it is not
likely to be practicable for years to come.
What purpose is to be attained by a further
prosecution of hostilities ? The War next
year must take far more gigantic proportions
than it has yet assumed. It is not in th
Criinea alone that the arms of' the Allies and
of Russia will come into conflict. They must
meet in Asia Minor and in the Baltic as
nt well.
Be the obstacle to Peace at the prse time
on one side or the other—be it that the Allies
ask too much, or that Russia will yield too
little—the obstacle is not likely to be removed
by that " one more campaign," which some
thoughtless persons so eagerly desire. Fur
ther fruitless negotiation will confirm both
parties in the belief that their differences can
only be settled by the sword ; and who shall
pretend to foresee what time that settlement
will take to effect?
If we err in so far underrating the resolu-
tion and resources of our foe as to suppose
that our vigorous prosecution of the War will