The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1880-11-13 00:00:00

it we should not shrink from acting on tfilf obligation it
would entail. (Loud cheers.) My Lord Mayor, our cares
have not been domestic cares only. You stated that for
nearly half a century it had been my privilege to serve
myr Sovereign and country in public life. (Cheers.) On
five previous occasions I have been called upon to join
different Administrations as a confidential adviser of the
Crown, but'-never on any one of those previous occasions
was the burden of anxiety so diversfled and so diffused
as when in April last it pleased Her Majesty to
lay on me the burden and confer on me the power of con-
sidering the formation of a Government. We had to !
cast our eyes abroad in more than one direction. In South
Africa, though the war there in which we were engaged
had happily been ended, yet there had begun a struggle
which I am sorry to say has not yet reached its termination
—a struggle carried on by the means of the colonists, and
growing out of a policy which has bon the result of
their counsels in the exercise of their own independence ;
yet still a struggle which we cannot but watch with a close
and deep anxiety. If we turned to the great Indian
Empire of the Queen—that large, important, indis-
pensable part of the obligations of the Imperial
Government—we found when we came into office an
Anglo-Indian force little short of 70,000 were engaged in
sustaining the military operations that had been carried on
in Afghanistan We addressed ourselves to that subject
with the desire I have already described in authentic
language—" to secure the independenc3 of the people of
that country and to restore their friendly relations with
the Indian Empire." We have not yet been able to ac-
complish all we could wish; yet something has been dune.
Some portion of that country has been-restored to a more
hopeful condition; and if we have been compelled to learn
that we inest be content in this world with gradual and
regulated progress, yet we have been able to diminish by
between 20,000 and 30,000 the enormous force which
had been engaged in military operations in that country.
Then there was what is called the Eastern Question, which
it was quite impossible to overlook. We had, indeed, here
a peculiar felicity; for although, as has been truly said,
the differences of political opinion have been sharp in this
country of late years, yet we found ourselves able to adopt
the declarations, and work for a purpose which had been
identically declared on the part of the Government which
we had succeeded. It was, I believe, standing nearly
where I now stand, that the late Prime Minister, no
longer than two years ago, declared, and justly declared,
that the Treaty of Berlin, which had been recently con-
cluded, was a treaty that, if fully executed, promised to
confer great benefits upon Europe. He stated, with
truth and justice, that England, at least, would not be the
Powe that would shrink from any of the obligations con-
nected with execution of that treaty (cheers), and he
expressed a sanguine expectation that within a very short
period its several provisions would take effect. It is no
wonder, my Lord Mayor, if some portion of these anticipa-
tions were over-sanguine; but undoubtedly when we
came into office, we found that many of the most impor-
tant portions of that treaty still remained unfulfilled, and
we at once declared our intention to address ourselves to
the purpose of endeavouring to secure the execution
of au instrument which was due to the policy of
our predecessors. We found our duty lay in that direction,
and we were not in the least degree less disposed to pursue
that duty because we thought there was some promise of
harmony of opinion in the country when we addressed our-
selves to a work which others had begun and to the execu-
tion of which they were bound. (Cheers.) It has been sup-
posed that we did this in the spirit of enemies to the Govern-
ment of Turkey. Well, we have never admitted that we
were enemies to the Government of Turkey. We believe,
on the contrary, that we are its friends, because we
endeavour to bring it to a policy by which alone we are
convinced that it has a promiSe of continued existence.
There were other friends of Turkey. Ido not speak of per-
sons in this country who recommended it to enter into the
recent war which ended in reducing its territory in Europe
by about one-half. We do not wish to be identified with
friendship of that kind, but we believe that for the continued
existence of the Turkish power, to give a chance to that
existence and to justify that existence, two things are neces-
sary—the one the fulfilment of international engagements,
and the other that the condition of the people over whom
the Ottoman power is reigning shall be rendered tolerable
by good and equal laws. (Cheers.) We believe these things
to be necessary—we believe them to be reasonable. (Cheers.)
There are at this moment, though little known, portions of
the Turkish Empire where, under the more lax system of
former years, considerable local Liberties have been left to
the subjects of that Empire. Wherever that is the case
you will find the people comparatively well affected; and
where, on the other hand, you find continual difficulty and
disturbance, it is 'precisely because no local control over
their affairs of a practical kind hallowed to the races that
inhabit the Empire, but they are governed from Con-
stantinople by those who, even if well disposed for the
purpose, are not qualified to carry on the work. Do not let
it be supposed that because these races who inhabit the
Turkish Empire are not Englishmen, and many of them not
Christians, they, therefore, are unfit to enjoy the benefits of
civil government. Rely upon it that these races have in
them much promise for the future--not the Christian races
alone—and I have never spoken, and never will speak, one
word of disrespect to them. What we desire is the im-
provement of their condition by those means which justice
and reason dictate, and wills an amount of change the very
smallest that is necessary for the attainment of the object. The
Treaty of Berlin contemplated an adjustment of territory on
the Turkish frontier, and that has not yet taken place. It
contemplated some changes with regard to Greece in which
no progress has yet been made. It contemplated the grant
of local privileges and the correction of most gross local
abuses in Armenia and in other parts of Turkey, with re-
spect to which not one practical or effective step has yet
been taken. I do not mean that there has been no step
taken at any point in Turkey, because there have been steps
taken ; but in regard to very large portions of the treaty
there has been no progress whatever. With these hopes
and expectations we have laboured for the fulfilment
! of the Treaty of Berlin, and we have laboured
for it by those means which are now known by a
phrase which has grdwn familiar among us—the con-
cert of Europe. We have not desired to establish separate
action, for we did not think it was the duty of this country
to take upon herself alone obligations that belong to Europe.
(Hear.) All that we can do is to assist, to recommend, and to
promote by amicable and respectful means the formation of
that European 'concert and the application of it to bene-
ficial purposes. It has this recommendation—it is the
most powerful of all instruments where it can be brought
to act. I will not say it is the instrument which it is the
easiest to command, for the freedom of opinion and perfect
independence which must prevail among the Powers must
render it arduous work to make *ogress by means of its
employment. Yet we must not despair of at least effecting
something by means of the concert of Europe. Within the
last twelve hours we have received telegrams which were
sent from Turkey by special order of the Sultan. The
last of them informs us that there is good hope of bearing
either to-day or to-morrow intelligence from Dulcigno
which, he says, will be highly satisfactory. (Cheers.) And
in a prior twjegram he lifts given a more marked defini-
tion of the nature of this intelligence by stating that
according to Isis sanguine hopes it would consist of the an-
' nonncement of the surrender of Dulcigno. (Renewed cheers.)
The Sultan was pleased to pay to ourselves a compliment
of which I am the honoured vehicle, for he expressed
a desire that at your lordship's hospitable board this an-
nouncement should be made. (Cheers.) The old rule that
we should not dwell in too sanguine a manner on
anticipations until they are actually realised has found
its way into many good and homely proverbs. It is a rule
which the experience of this life leads us to value highly.
At the same time I hope we are very glad we have been
cheered with such a message, proceeding from a soarce so

high, and directed to the gratification of a company so
worthy to receive it. The right hon. gentleman concluded
by proposing "The health of the Lord Mayor."
Amongst the toasts which followed was that of "The
House of Lords," to which Lord Granville responded in a
felicitous speech. The Marquis of Hartington replied in
appropriate terms for the "House of Commons."

In remarking upon the speeches of the Prime
Minister and the Lord Chancellor, The Times, in a
leader, remarks :

"As might have been expected, Ireland was the subject
which was in all men's minds last night at the Guildhall,
and every reference to Ireland—sorAetimes a passage that
!.s not intended by the speaker to refer to Ireland —was
seized upon and underlined by an appreciative audience.
Mr. Gladstone had somethinc, to say about the East. He con-
veyed a message to the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs, and their
guests, from the Sultan, expressing something like a
confident expectation that Duleigno would soon be
surrendered. He referred to Greece also, and even
to Armenia. There were doubtless some that listened.
There was no one that gave any sign of emotion, whether of
approbation or of reprobation. But when Ireland was
touched upon the audience was attentive. Before the
Prime Minister spoke, the Lord Chancellor had to reply to
the toast of. his health, in virtue of the exalted office he
holds. Lord Selborne may well have been astonished at
the effect lie produced. He insisted upon the necessity of the
interpenetrating action of law and liberty. Without the
spirit of liberty, law would become an assemblage of
arbitrary and possibly tyrannous rules. This maxim was
received with respect, but scarcely with enthusiasm. Without
the restraining influence of a sense of legal obligation the
pursuit of liberty might degenerate into licence and dis-
order—nay, might result in a dissolution of society. If
protests against the law must always receive the attention
of the wise statesman, the authority of the law must always
be first maintained. At this there was a demonstration of
approval that ran through the whole gathering. It must be
doubtful whether any Lord Chancellor had ever before
received such a passion of assent. It is certain that Lord
Selborne, in the course of his most stainless and honourable
career, had never had the same success in evoking the
sympathy of a popular audienpe." .