The Press.
London, England, 1855-03-31 00:00:00

THE SARDINIAN CONVENTION.

Both houses had agreed on Monday to take into
consideration her Majesty's message, and to vote the
address in reply to it. In the Lords the Earl of
CLARENDON, after adverting to the cheers with which
the first announcement of the Sardinian treaty was
received in the house, gave a brief history of its pro-
gress. At the breaking out of the war the Sardinian
Government abstained for the time from using the
permission given to foreign powers to join the allies,
hut now that the war has agitated the world, and
every one is convinced that the question is a Euro-
pean one, it hesitates no longer. No solicitation was
necessary, her adhesion was spontaneous, and she
has willingly joined in the pledge given by France
and England to derive no territorial advantage from
the contest. After a eulogy on the conduct and
constitutional position of Sardinia, Lord Clarendon
added that her finances required assistance for the
maintenance of the proposed contingent, and that
such assistance would be less expensive to this coun-
try than if she were to send forth the same number
of her own troops.
After the Earls of SRAFTESIWRY and HARDMI( KE
had added their meed of praise to the patriotic con-
stitutionalism of Sardinia, the address was agreed to.
The Commons were much less compliant, and the
ominous word " subsidy" was heard from more than
one quarter. Lord PALMERSTON, of course, proposed
the address. He said that this country, beginning a
great war on a peace establishment, had to consider
by what means they could obtain that rapid develop-
ment of forces necessary for the crisis. With that
view the treaty with Sardinia was formed. After ex-
plaining its terms, he eulogised the Sardinian army
and its commanders, and said that the transaction

297

would prelude one of the brightest pages in the Sar-
dinian annals. Sardinia had judged rightly in think-
ing that her national honour forbade her from
sliming aloof from the contest. He trusted that the
alliance would obliterate the feelings of animosity
which had existed between Sardinia and Austria,
and the example of the position of Sardinia, her
justice and her liberality, might lead to a more fortu-
nate state of things In the Italian peninsula. He
summed up as followe the ground on which he pro-
posed to the house to sanction the engagement :

That we want all the military assistance which we can
obtain for the purpose of the war—that, by this means we
shall be enabled to procure the co-operation of a most va-
luable and gallant body of men—that the alliance is one
honourable to all the parties concerned, and that there is
every rational hope for thinking that this alliance— coupled
with the good understanding now happily prevailing between
France and Austria, and which is a seenrity for the peace)
of the northern part of the continent of Europe—that this
union of cause, and this agreement of opinion between
Austria and Sardinia, will have the same beneficial influence
upon the southern part of that empire iu the peninsula of
Italy. I trust that, for these reasons, the house will concur
in the resolution.

Mr. DISRAELI, concurring in the praise given to
Sardinia, said that in the present address other cir-
cumstances were involved which ought not to be
pasted unnoticed. We were asked to grant a loan to
Sardinia. Ho could not see, from what ho heard,
that the loan was one which would be very soon re-
paid. He could not help feeling that this was a sub-
sidy in disguise; the house should pause before it
sanctioned such a step. If Sardinia, from higt prin.
ciples of policy, feels it her duty to embark in the
contest, she should not, prised fade, require foreign
aid to assist her in the fulfilment of her highest duty.
It was placing herself almost in the position of a
mercenary. No doubt there might he extreme cases
which would warrant the recurrence to the system of
subsidies, but such an extreme case certainly did not
exist now. If, embarking in a struggle with a great
military power, we found ourselves unprepared, it
was the fault of those who entered into the mix under
such circumstances and at such a disadvantage. He
blamed with great energy the negligence of the Go-
vernment with respect to the militia, of which we
were now reaping the bitter fruits. He would not
oppose the address, but felt sure that, if the war was
to be carried on, it must be by the spirit and the re-
sources of England.
Lord PALMERSTON replied by denying the identity
of subsidies with loans bearing interest, and carrying
with them a sinking fund. Even should Sardinia
not repay the loan, it should be remembered that it
cost the country on a peace establishment 20,0001.
for 1010 men. He defended the Government ftom
the charge of negligence. What would have been
said if they had placed all the establishment on a war
footing while negotiations were yet pending! The
militia bill had been first introduced by the Govern-
ment to which the nght hon. gentleman belonged,
but it was one which was utterly unfit for a war like
that in the Crimea, and could never have superseded
the necessity of the assistance of a regular army like
that of Sardinia. He defended the general policy of
his own Administration with regard to the militia.
' Mr. E. DENISON thought thtt it VIM in no way dis-
creditable to Sardinia to ask for a loan under the cir-
cumstances.

Mr. BRIONT said that the payment of loans of this
kind was generally shuffled off. He regretted that
Sardinia, amid her progress in civil and religions
liberty, should have thought it necessary to take part
in a war in which she had less interest even than
ourselves.

Mr. BOWYER had lately visited Sardinia, and knew
it to be a matter of notoriety that her finances were
in disorder, and that her annual deficit amounted to
several millions of francs.

Vv
Mr. GLADSTONE, after tracing a brilliant sketch of
the progress of Sardinia, said that she had never
broken a pecuniary engagement, and that, while other
Italian paper was at a discount in the market, hers
had always maintained its value. The Government
of Sardinia itself had repudiated the idea of a subsidy,
and the character of a loan was stamped upon the
whole transaction. It was asked why Sardinia did
not apply to the market in the regular form ? If she
had she must have given higher terms, and she natu-
rally wished to get it on the easiest terms she could.
We were told that in the first year of a war we were
granting a subsidy, but in the second year of the re-
volutionary war we granted a regular subsidy to this
same power. The transaction was bona fide, and of
its necessity there could be little doubt, when the
Crimea demanded reinforcements at so short a notice
and in the midst of such vital operations.
Mr. ADDERLET did not think that the mere lha-
racter of Sardinia justified the loan. The sum pro.
pooed would more than pay for 15,000 of our own
troops ; 1,000 Canadian riflemen would be of more
use than these 15,000 Sardinian troops.
Mr. KINNAIRD, speaking in favour of the motion,
said that the language of the Opposition had pre-
vented the enlistment of soldiers under the Foreign
Enlistment Act, and that this language would hare

298

the same effect in Sardinia—an assertion which
called up—
Mr. DISRAELI, who vehemently asserted the right
of members of the House of Commons to express
their opinions, and again asserted that the Govern-
ment had been shamefully remiss in their manage-
ment of the militia, as well as in other matters ne-
cessary to the success of the great struggle in which
we were engaged.
To this Lord PALMERSTON replied by taunting Mr.
Disraeli with the success of his efforts at marring
the Foreign Enlistment Act, and urged that if as-
sistance like that afforded by Sardinia was required
at any time it was at the outset of the contest, before
the country had fairly put in order its own resources.
He once more defended his conduct in respect of the
militia.

Mr. WALPOLE said that there were two points to
be considered—one whether the course adopted was
safe and judicious ; the other, whether circumstances
justified its adoption. As to the last there could be
no doubt. For the first., he was glad to hear assur-
ances so distinct that the sum to be advanced was a
loan and not a subsidy. Adverting to previous trans-
actions, he argued that the Government had had
sufficient warning to have been better prepared when
the crisis actually came. They had, in fact, been so
warned, in 1853, by Mr. Disraeli himself. He wished
that in the conduct and object of the war a more
clear and definite course should be adopted in future,
and that Parliament might know more exactly what
was intended.

Mr. J. BALL, admitting the financial embarrass-
ments of Sardinia, said that her progress and ad-
vancement, and the development of her resources,
of late years, justified the most favorable expec-
tations. _ _ .

Mr. COBDEN could not see why Sardinia was ac-
tively engaged in the war before Austria. The latter
power would gain relatively in force and influence
while Sardinia was at war and she herself neutral.
He thought that while negotiations were going on,
apparently in earnest, the Government should look a
little before it, and not vote a million of money when
a few hours might bring them precise information
of the state of affairs. It was not too late, for not a
soldier had yet sailed from Piedmont to the Crimea.
This vote might be quoted hereafter against the
Ministers as an instance of their extravagance.
Mr. M. Manes and Mr. Bowyer added a few words,
and Lord Palmerston explained some of the techni-
calities of the transaction.

The address was then agreed to.
ODESS k.

On Thursday Mr. Scorr, moving for copies of in
structions relative to the attack on Odessa, argued
that the occupation of that place last year would
have prevented many of the calamities which oc-
curred to our armies. To support this argument he
went minutely through the whole history of the war.
It was only fair to Admiral Dundas that the orders
under which he acted should be fully made known.
Sir C. WOOD said that the production of instruc-
tions to our admirals would disclose to an enemy our
own intentions. The disclosures of the newspapers
were bad enough ; the present motion went infinitely
further, and asked the Government itself to disclose
its own secrets.
After some further discussion, Mr. SCOTT withdrew
his motion.
Lord PALMERSTON thought it necessary to add
that it was never intended to cast the slightest cen-
sure on Admiral Dundas, whose character stood as
high as ever.

■

LORD LUCAN.

Mr. H. BERKELEY, on Thursday, moNed an address
to her Majesty, praying for a court-martial on Lord
Lucan on account of the charge at Balaklava. He
entered at, length into the case, and after a detail of
the circumstances of the charge he blamed the Go-
vernment for appointing Lord Lucan to such a post
over the heads of more distinguished men.
Lord ELcno seconded the motion, which was due,
he urged, not only to the gallant soldiers who had
perished, but to Lord Lucan himself, who was a
grossly wronged and injured man.
The JUDGE ADVOCATE (Mr. C. Villiers) opposed
the motion. It was, he said, an appeal to the house
from a decision of the Crown acting according to its
responsible advisers. He urged the legal objections
upon which the refusal of the court-martial was
grounded, and argued on the inconvenience of an
inquiry which must take place at a distance of some
thousand miles.
After some conversation, in which all the speakers
bore testimony to the gallant conduct of Lord Lucan,
while admitting that a court-martial was inez•
pedient,
Mr. DISRAELI said that though he deeply sympa-
thised with Lord Lucan, he could not consent to in-
terfere with the prerogative of the Crown. He
blamed the Ministry for their conduct in the matter.
They had in their possession the papers which led to
Lord Lucan's recal when they proposed a vote of
thanks to him. They were at the time of his recal in
distress and difficulty, and appear to have thought

THE PRESS.

that a victim was required to appease the public in-
dignation. In this way a meritorious and distin-
guished officer was subjected to a stain on his repu-
tation.

Lord PALMERSTON briefly recapitulated the oft-
repeated reason which made the granting of a court-
martial impossible. As to the vote of thanks, the
opinion of Lord Lucan's services and gallantry was
as high as ever. lie was recalled solely from the
differences between himself and the commander-in-
chief.

After some observations in defence of Lord Raglan
from Mr. G. Duncan, Sir H. Berkeley, appealed to
by Lord Bleb°, withdrew his motion.

NEWSPAPER STAMP DUTIES.

The second reading of this bill was on Monday
opposed by Mr. DEEDES, according to a notice he
had given to move to postpone the motion till after
the budget. He did this, he said, to give the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer an opportunity of recon-
sidering the matter, and that he might not force the
Government to resign by throwing out their mea-
sure—looking upon their resignation at the present
juncture as a national calamity. In accordance with
this view, his first observations were necessarily
directed to the financial part of the question.
He urged that the present was a most inopportune
time for incurring the loss consequent on the adop-
tion of the measure, and contended that, circum-
stances having changed, the Government were not
bound by the vote of last year. But, notwithstanding
that his amendment was thus directed, his main ob-
jections to the bill, he admitted, were based on higher
considerations than those of pounds, shillings, and
pence. He looked with apprehension on a measure
which would allow any person to excite the minds of
those who, being ignorant and uneducated, were not
able to distinguish between right and wrong. He
bad lately met with writings which were of a class he
would regret to see multiplied. He objected to the
taxation of papers on account of the size of such
papers, and because they, at great expense, supplied
their readers with the largest possible amount of' in-
formation. He connected the question with that of
education, said that there were already two education
bills before the house—and a third was to be added—
and he should like to have an opinion of a committee
of education as to the probable working of this bill.
Something, too, ought to be settled as to the question
of copyrights. He quoted Mr. Gladstone's observa-
tions on newspaper copyright to prove that the bill
ought not to pass without some protection to literary
property. The state of the public press had greatly
improved of late years. We were far from the times
when the Attorney-General had every week a news-
paper prosecution on his hands; and he should be
sorry to see that state of things revived. Reverting
to the financial objections, and then recapitulating
the others, the learned member concluded by saying
that the measure had not been long enough before
the house for its details to be generally under-
stood. _ _

Sir E. B. LirrTox supported a measure of which,
to some extent, he claimed for himself the paternity.
He had introduced the question when a very young
man, and saw no reason now for altering his opinion.
On the contrary, during the last twenty years there
had been a great increase of intelligence among the
people, and the danger to:be apprehended from cheap
publications was considerably less now than it was at
the commencement of that period. This was be-
cause within the last twenty years all kinds of cheap
publications had abounded, and the public had had
the wisdom to choose the best and to reject the worst.
He recollected hearing it said that the mass of the
common people if left to themselves would have re-
course only to licentious and immoral publications.
The fact was, that in proportion as good books had
been made cheap bad ones had retreated from circu-
lation. He fully admitted the justice of establishing
a law of copyright in newspaper literature, and be-
lieved that in providing for the circulation of news-
papers by post according to weight they should take
for their standard that paper which had the largest
circulation. It had been objected that we should
reduce the English press to the level of the Ameri-
can press ; but there was scarcely a statesman or
man of eminence in America who did not contribute
to the newspapers ; and it had been said by a high
authority there " that if our press is inferior to that
of England, it must be the fault of the country, for
we have all the talent of the country engaged upon
it." The hon. member then argued that it would be
well for the nation and for the Conservatives them-
selves if a smaller amount of capital were necessary
to the production of newspapers. When he looked
to the numbers and influence of Conservativism
through the country, he could not think that it was
represented in any due proportion by the press.
Conservative gentlemen and scholars would come for-
ward and would publish some cheap journals, con-
veying opinions stamped by the authenticity of their
avowed names. He believed that the principle of
anonymous writing had been carried too far. The
existing papers might object to the measure—what
corporate body ever admired measures which ad-

SATURDAY,

mitted competition and interfered with monopoly?
It was idle to contend that evil influences would be
set to work through the agency of an unstaroped
press. At all times it was through the aristocratic
circles that an evil press first spread its corruptions.
Highborn abbes had brought into fashion the revo.
lutionary doctrines of Voltaire and Rousseau. He
thought very lightly of the financial objections.
What was 200,0001. when interests so vital were at
stake. The economical reformers and her Majesty's
Ministers, the persons most concerned, were in favour
of the measure. Why sneer at a penny paper? The
Spectator was published at a penny—a stamp was
imposed—and that charming production was brought.
to a premature end. He believed that the robust
and healthy principles of Conservatism would have
everything to gain by free discussion and the general
diffusion of knowledge.

The ATTORNEY- GENERAL argued the question upon
legal grounds, upon existing anomalies, and the
outcry which would be raised if the present law was
strictly enforced. As for the loss to the revenue,
two successive Chancellors of the Exchequer had
told them that the revenue was able to bear it.
Cheap publications would not interfere with those
already established ; they would call into existence a
new order of readers. On principles of abstract
right, why should the rich man have the paper
suited to his tastes, while the tastes of the poor were
precluded from the gratification suited to them ? He,
for one, did not believe that the people had any taste
for immoral publications. He said that the law of
copyright was already strong, and that any audacious
attempt at piracy would be stifled at the outset by
the indignation of the people.
Sir F. T. BARING, unlike the preceding speakers,
took up the financial question in fair earnest.
Other members would have their small measures of
reduction to propose. The paper tax had been re-
duced, so had the stamp duty ; the advertisement
duty, too, had been abolished ; the consequence of all
which was that we had the income tax. He quoted.
some returns to show the great expense of the
transmission of newspapers through the press.
Mr. Mail., as one of the few members connected
with the press, expressed his amazement that the
proprietors of existing newspapers should have ven-
tured to find fault with the measure. What had.
these gentlemen already said about corn monopo-
lies ? He entered into detailed statistics to show the
small proportion of the population to whom news
was made accessible in any shape.
Mr. DRUMMOND said that a free press would have
been an advantage in the days of the Tudors or the
Stuarts ; but now, in its present state, it was one of
the curses of the country. After this general
censure, ha specified by name many of the iufluen—
tial members of the press who, because they called
themselves " we," were the most awful men alive.
The press was open to bribery, was insolent and
oppressive, and the hon. member, in illustration of
his assertion, gave one or two anecdotes, amusing
enough, but of which it was quite impossible to see
what they had to do with the subject.
After Mr. DUFFY had taken the trouble to deny all
this,

The CHANCELLOR of the ExcffEquEn said that
resolution of last year was passed in the face of the
war, and with the full knowledge of the financial
difficulties attending it. That resolution should be
interpreted according to the animus in which it was
made. It had been proposed to get rid of the legal
difficulty by more strictly defining the term news-
paper. He entered into some arguments to show
that this was impossible. He ridiculed the fears of
the established press that they would be ruined by
penny newspapers. In the proposal which he would
submit to the house after Easter regarding the•
finances of the year, full provision was made for
supplying the 200,0001. deficiency from other sources..
That loss had been estimated from Post-office data,.
without any reference to the increase in the paper
duty which might be expected from it.
Mr. DISRAELI found great fault with the Govern-
ment for their mode of dealing with the resolution of
last year. Such a resolution was not intended to be
acted upon without reference to times and circum-
stances. The repeal of the taxes on knowledge and
the advertisement duty was thus affirmed two years
ago, yet the Government took no immediate steps—
the repeal of the malt tax was affirmed, the Govern-
ment have declared their resolution to oppose all
attempts to rescind it—the repeal of the attorneys'
certificate duty was affirmed, and it was not repealed
at that moment. If the House of Commons was to
dictate the financial policy of the Government,
where was the use of a Chancellor of the Exchequer?
He should discuss the question on its merits at•
another time; at present he felt bound to vote for its.
postponement.
Lord PALMERSTON said that there was an essential
difference between a resolution carried with the con-
sent of the Government and one carried in spite of
it. The resolution of last year was carried with the
consent of the Government, and the Government
was, therefore, bound to carry it out. He had confi-

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