The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1886-06-26 00:00:00

SATURDAY, JUNE 26, 1886.

THE GENERAL ELECTION.

AS these line are read, the eleventh Parlia-
ment of Victoria will have finished its brief
life. Dissolved by the fiat of her Majesty
on the advice of Ministers, its duration,
if we date from the assembly in January.
has been less than six months. But short
as has been the time, it has not been un-
eventful, for therein two Ministries have
been defeated, and some of the most excit-
ing speeches ever heard at St. Stephen's
have fallen on the ears of members. The
preceding Parliament died in due course of
old age, and then, in November last, on an
immensely enlarged register, and with an
entirely re-organisation of constituencies,
the House of Commons now dissolved was
elected. The appeal to the country left the
strength of the parties as follows : 249 Con-
servatives, 335 Liberals, and 86 Parnellites
Before members had got well warmed to
their work the Irish Question, which had
, little prominence in the contest, threatened
to assume large and menacing proportions,
and it was soon seen that serious attention
would have to be given to the matter.
Lord Salisbury's Government grasped the
situation, and it was mainly because they
, manifested a disposition to treat disaffection
and disturbances in Ireland with a strong
hand, and to adopt, in short, a coercive
rather than a conciliatory policy that the
Ministry of the marquis fell. The defeat
happened upon the Labourer's Allotment
Bill, but theissnebetween the House and the
Government was really as to Irish matters.
Then came the third Ministry of Mr. Glad-
stone, and shortly the announcement of the
bold intention of a Government attempt to
grant what was practically Home Rule to
Ireland. The Whigs held aloof from Mr.
Gladstone's adherents. Such strong leaders
as Mr. Goschen, Lord Hartington, Sir Henry
James, and others would not throw in their
lot with their old chief in his new departure.
L Ater there was a revolt of Radicals—Mr.
Chamberlain, and Sir George Trevelyan
standing aside from the Premier's advance
movement. Then the verdict of the Com-
mons was challenged. In the largest divi-
sion ever recorded the Conservatives voted
solid against Government—many Whigs and
the followers of Mr. Chamberlain went ;with
them into the "Noes" lobby, and the Bill
for the Better Government of Ireland was
rejected by thirty votes. Mr. Parnell's
supporters were with the Gladstonian Lib-
erals in the fight, though at the General
Election of 1885 the Irish vote had gone
mainly to the assistance of the Conservative
party. This brings us to the moment, when
Conservative and the new political combina-
tion known as Unionist Liberals are set in
battle array against those who support the
Premier. He would be a bold man indeed
who would attempt to state what will be
the issue of the election. The new county
voters, who to the general surprise were
largely with the Liberal party, may be some-
what disappointed at the shelving of the
"three acres and a cow" policy, about which
was heard some months back. The only
thing certain about their voting is that it is
uncertain, for to the bulk of those county
burgesses who have but once exercised the
franchise the Irish problem is a matter of
indifference. In British constituencies in
which the Irish community is large and the
strength of Liberals and Tories nearly equal,
the Home Rule vote may make a material
difference in the constitution of the House,
because its transfer from Conservative to
Gladstonian candidates may in many eases
tarn the scale But the new element of
pronounced Unionism which is splittirp
Liberalism right and left will possibly upset
all calculations, and leave parties in a brelen
and disjointed condition. Hence the con.
test upon which we are now entering is a
most distracting one, and the excitement
will continue for three weeks to come, well
nigh to the extinction of interest in'every
other matter. We hold it to be a gre:t and
altogether unnecessary inconvenience that
an election should occupy so long a period.
Arrangements ought to be made whereby,
the law allowing, the polling may in future
be taken on two or three days at the most.
Sufficient time might be permitted for the
preliminaries between the receipt of the
writs and the ballotting, but that should be
fixed to take place as nearly as possible
simultaneously, in order to prevent the pro-
longed turmoil of heated public opinion in-
cident to a protracted general election, whieli
is hurtful in the extreme to commercial in-
terests, and excessively disquieting to the
national mind. We trust, too, the verdict
of the constituencies will be given on the
one question before them with no uncertain
sound, so that this incessant Irish business
may be settled once for all. The never-end-
ing strife and contention thereanent blocks
the progress of all Parliamentary work to an
extent that is truly alarming. If the im-
P-e
eiment be not removed we shall soon have •
Scotland, Wales, and England itself, crying
out for Home Rule, because Imperial Par-
liament is so absorbed in a perpetual Irish
debate as to have no time to devote to local
matters. The new election takes place on
the old register, and little instruction is
needed, therefore, as to the modus operandi
in the constituencies. A vigorous attempt
has been made to make the official expenses
of Parliamentary election chargeable on the
rates, in the manner of School Board and
municipal contests. The House of Corn
mons approved, but the Lords have refused.
to sanction the measure, so things remain
for the present in status quo. In spite of
all the safeguards which have been erected
aminst electoral corruption, perfect purity of
v tig has not vet been arrived at, as Mr.
.;csso Coliin4s and his short-time colleague
ea, Ips wice iattly discovered to their cost,
&lid as was found also by Maori. Bullard ;