The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1886-06-12 00:00:00

BANKRUPTCY BILL.

In the Bankruptcy (Agricultural Labourers' Wages)
Bill, the Commons' amendments to the Lords' amend-
ments were considered and agreed to.
The House adjourned at a quarter-past five o'clock.
GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND BILL.-MINISTERIAL DEFEAT.

In the HOUSE OF OommoNs, the concluding night of
the Home 1-tule debate drew an unpreceeentedly large
audience. At prayer time every avaiiaale seat was
occupied, and when business began the House and the
galleries were crowded from floor to roof. Mr. Bright,
who took his seat for the first time during the debate,
was warmly cheered, as were also Mr. Gladstone and
Lord Hartington.

The adjourned debate was resumed by
Mr. 6: oschen, who began by regretting that the issue
had become confused by the events of the last fort-
night until scarcely any member knew precisely what
he was going to vote on. Whether the bill was to be re-
constructed or not nobody knew; and in reply to
several interruptions, among others one from Mr. Glad-
stone, he remarked that the confusion illustrated
the drawback of coming-to a vote on explanations, and
not on the bill itself. Many of the defects in the
bill had been attributed to hasty drafting, but
they werc due rather to the inherent difficulties of
the question, and the bill was, in fact, a bundle
of impossibilities. On many points still information
was necessary; for instance, were this bill and
the Land Bill still inseparably connected; was the 24th
Clause to be struck out altogether; and was there to
be any separate treatment for Ulster? At the root of
the matter lay the supremacy of Parliament, and he
contended that it was seriously impaired by the bill,
and dependent entirely on clauses and conditions in the
bill which, in all probability, the House of Commons
never would assent to. Another important point was
the position of the Roman Catholics towards the
minority, but he believed that the Irish laity
would be at a great disadvantage in being deprived
of the assistance of England in their struggle with
the clergy to get the control of education. The fiscal
arrangements of the bill were certain to lead to fric-
tion ; and, in fact, the legislative, commercial, and
executive friction certain to result from the bill must
lead to separation. As to Grattan's Parliament, he
pointed out that it was no precedent, inasmuch as the
executive then constituted the link of union between
the two countries; and, moreover, Grattan's Parlia-
ment was not given spontaneously, but extorted from
us at a period of great difficulty. Touching on
the influence which had beea brought to bear to
secure the passing of the bill, he protested warmly
against Mr. Glalstone's reckless language about
"classes and . their dependents," and precacted that he
had kindled a flame for the purpose of getting up the
steam to pass his bill, which might lead to serious con-
sequences. After some remarks on the financial part
of the question, he protested against the strained inter-
pretation put on the word" coercion ; " and concluded
with a vigorous appeal to the new democracy not to be
hustled into an irreparable breach of the foundations of
the Constitution.

Mr. Parnell, who began his speech by twitting Mr.
Goschen with having been the supporter of many lost
causes, joined with him in deprecating outrages,
whether they took place in Kerry or Ulster, and, while
attributing recent crime to the language lately used by
Lord R. Churchill and Mr. Chamberlain, read a state.
ment showing that the disturbance at Belfast last
week originated with a Protestant and not with a
Roman Catholic workman, as the English newspapers
had stated. Turning to the bill, he admitted that
he would at one time have preferred the restoration
of Grattan's Parliament, but he now saw advantages
in an Irish Legislature established for Home Govern-
ment only, being limited and subordinated to the
Imperial Parliament. He maintained that under the
bill the British Parliament would retain unimpaired
the same power and authority with respect to Ireland
that it possessed now, and, in answer to the objection
that the bill c:ntained no element of finality, he in-
sisted that the bill had been freely, cheerfully, and
gladly accepted by all the leaders of national feeling
both in Ireland and America. Dealing next with the
question of Ulster, he refused to assent to its separation
from the proposed scheme; and with regard to the re-
tention of the Irish members he preferred to keep his
mind open. Personally he had no objection to their re-
tention, but he believed that great difficulties would
ensue, and that ultimately it would be the English
members and not the Irish who would object to their
being retained. He said, in conclusion, that before the
general election the leaders of the Conservative Darcy
distinctly offered, in .the event of their obtaining a
majority, to submit not only a plan for the complete
autonomous governmeat of Ireland, but also a scheme
of land purchase on a much larger scale than that pro-
posed by Mr. Gladstone; and predicted that if the bill
were lost coercion of a more stringent nature than
hitherto adopted would have to be resorted to.
Mr. M. Howard argued that the commercial pro-
sperity of Ireland had materially increased since the
Union, and maintained that there was no evidence
that the industrial classes of that country desired
Home Rule.

Mr. Menzies and Mr. E. R. Russell snoke in support
of the till, and Mr. Muntz opposed it.
Mr. Cowen, speaking as a life-long supporter of
Home Rule, warmly advocated the bill, and declared
his firm conviction that it would not weaken the unity
of the Empire.
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, who rose shortly after ten
o'clock, said that, important as the bill was, its his-
tory was more important, for it did not embody the
policy of a party or of its leaders. It was the pro-
duction of one man, who had not been converted until
he saw that he could not get a majority in the new
House of Commons without the assistance of the
Irish members. Referring to Mr. Parnell's statement
that he had reason to expect from the late Conserva-
tive Government a statutory Parliament with power to
protect Irish industries, he said, amid loni cheers from
the Opposition, that for himself and his colleuues he
categorically denied that they had ever any such inten-
tion.

Here Mr. Parnell rose, and asked whether the right
hon. gentleman denied that that intention was corn-
mneicated to him by one of his colleagues, a Minister
of the Crown, to which Sir M. Hicks-Beach replied,
"Yes, I do deny it," and added that if any one had
made such a statement it was without authority. At
this there were loud cries of "Name," and Sir M.
Hicks-Beach went on to say that Mr. Parnell would do
the late Government a great pleasure if he would state
the name of the person who had made the statement.
Amid much cheering and counter-cheering Mr. Parnell
said that was a safe appeal, but he would be glad
to give the name of the right hon. gentleman's col-
league, when that colleague gave him permission.

Sir M. Hicks-Beach retorted that the Irish members
had established a singular code of honour, which always
made them stop when insinuation did nst suffice and
proof was required. Resuming the thread of his
speech, A went on to comment on the unusal
prolongation of the debate with the assent of the
Government, and the manner in which it had been
used to bring persuasion, influence, and intimida-
tion to bear on those Liberals who could not
change their minds as rapidly as the Government. For
all practical purposes he insisted that the bill did
away with the supremacy of the Imperial Parlia-
ment and handed it over to the Parliament in Dublin.
As to the presence of the Irish members, the pro-
posed alterations, while they would irreparably in-
sure the Imperial Parliament, would not remove the
main objections to the bill, the Protestants of the
North, he pointed out, were unanimously alarmed at
the bill, because they dreaded not so much legislation
as unfair administration. The question of Ulster was
the first difficulty, and the Conservative party would
decline to give to the Roman Catholic majority a power
over the Ulstermen which would be worse than any
Coercion Act which had ever been passed. The mea-
sure destroyed the advantages of the Union and did
not satisfy the national sentiment, and he prophesied
that the decisicn of the country would be decisive
against it.
Mr. Gladstone, who rose to reply at 11.25 amid much
cheering, prefaccd his remarks by eulogising the
moderation of the speeches of Mr. Parnell and Mr.
Cowen, and, touching upon the speech of Sir M. Hicks-
Beach, characterised his "simple facts" as utterly
devoid of foundation. Coming to the measure itseff,
the sole responsibility for which he indignantly dis-
claimed, he emphasised his previous statement that the
question involved was simply the principle of the bill
as e istinct from its particulars, all of which
he said members were entire free to oppose
hereafter. They could, if they thought fit, displace
the 24th or any other clause, and propose amendments
which he pledged the Government to carefully con-
sider. Discussing the action of the Unionists and their
fears, ho contended that it was the merest slang of
vulgar tongues to describe the measure as a Separation
Bill, and quoting numerous instances to show that
apart from the intervention of a third Power the
grant of local independence had never been followed
by severance, he insisted that the severance of
the government of Ireland for local purposes only
would be a mode of: union rather than disunion.
Referring to the alternative plans which had been pro-
posed, he spoke of the schemes of Mr. Chamberlain in
a sarcastic vein, and insisted that the policy of Lord
Salisbury implied coercion, which, he pointed out, the
Liberal Government last year advocated, but which
the Conservatives for election purposes distinctly dis-
avowed. He wound up with a peroration in which he
earnestly exhorted the House to do that justice to Ire-
land which had been so long deferred.
Mr. Gladstone sat down at five minutes past one
o'clock, having spoken about hour and a half to a full
and sympathetic House, and the division was then
taken in a scene of unexampled excitement. When
the Speaker
.put the question, there was a loud and
long drawn-opt " Aye " from the Radical and
Nationalist benches, and the response was an equally
loud "No "from the Opposition side.
Mr. Brand Jsnd Mr. Caine were made tellen for the
"Noes," and he name of the latter was received with
an ironical c eer and some laughter. The House was
. cleared, and the process of sounting began at 1.15. The
. first to emerge from the Ministerial lobby was Sir 0.
_Dike, and when Mr. Gladstone came out he was fol-
lowed to his seat by aloud cheer. The counting of the
" Ayes " was completed at 1.25; but some minutes
elapsed before the tellers of the "Noes" appeared.
When the Clerk at the table handed the papers eon.

ta.laing the numbers to Mr. Brand tre was a
tremendous cheer from the Opposition, which was re-
newed when the numbers were read out :

For the Second 'Reading
Against it 341
blajority against the Government —3O
. _

The cheering and counter-cheering were kept up for
more than a minute—the Irish members standing on
the benches and waving their hats defiantly. One
gentleman among them proposed a cheer for the
"Grand Old Man," which was given with great
vigour, and a groan for Mr. Chamberlain
followed. When silence was restored, Mr. Glad-
stone rose, and, reading from a paper, moved
first that the Hottse at its rising do adjourn until
Thursday next, and next that the House do now
adjourn. Mr. Healy, Mr. T. O'Connor, and several
Irish members attempted to address the House, but
the Speaker declined to hear them and both motions
were agreed to. The House accordingly adjourned at
two o'clock.

In the HOUSE OF LORDS, June 8, on the motion or
the Lord Chancellor, the Internatiosal and Colonial
Copyright Bill, which proposed to meke the law of
copyright uniform throughout the empire, was rEad a
second time.

The Contagions (Diseases (Animals) Bill and the Sea
Fishing Boats (Scotland) Bill were read a third time
and passed, and a number a other measures having
been advanced a staze, their lordships rose at half-past
five o'clock.