The Press.
London, England, 1855-09-29 00:00:00

No. 126.—V0L. 111.

LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1855. STAMPED .
ST SIXPENCE.
UNAMPEI)..FIVEPENCE.

(1"b!),t rtss.

The effective troops of Russia in the Crimea
are believed to amount still to at least
150,000 men, and it will obviously require
great caution on the part of the allied Com-
manders to make any offensive movement
against so imposing a force

We said before, when that cloud of war
which now hangs over the political world so
heavily was but as a speck in the horizon, that
Russia has her place in the European system.
It is the reproach of English policy for the
last thirty years that Russia was not com-
pelled to keep within her proper limits. The
timid deference of Lord ABERDEEN, who never
knew the strength of England, or understood
the English character, allowed her to deal as
she chose with Turkey ; and for nearly a
quarter of a century afterwards the aimless
disquieting rule of Lord PALMERSTON gave
strength and consistence to her steadily pro-
gressive policy in every part of the world. The
balance of Europe was seriously disturbed
when Austria called a Russian army to her
assistance to suppress the insurrection in
Hungary she was unable to quell herself. From
that time the tranquillity of the East was
seriously threatened.

LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1855

THE present moment is critical. The aspect
of the war is changing. It is passing into a
new phase; and the country needs the guid-
ance of its natural leaders. The time has
come when our public men should declare
their sentiments on the political situation, and
fulfil the noblest duty of statesmanship by
directing the national sentiment to moderate,
just, and truly politic aims.
We can now say that every object for which
the war was originally undertaken has been
conceded by negotiation or won by arms.
Russia no longer claims those exclusive pri-
vileges which placed her in perpetual an-
tagonism with the Turkish Government. She
has resigned her claim to the guardianship of
the Greek subjects of the Porte, and to the
protectorate of the Principalities. She is
willing to admit Turkey into the European
system—a point in itself of vital importance
—and to guarantee, in accord with the other
contracting Powers, the independence of its
Government and the integrity of its territory.
She is also disposed to place the free naviga-
tion of the Danube under the superintendence
of collective Europe. One obstacle only re-
mained—the supremacy of Russia in the
Black Sea ; that supremacy is now destroyed.
The last Russian ship has been sunk or
burnt, and Sebastopol is in ruins. For what
object is the war now to be continued? To
gratify a futile sentiment of honour, or to in-
dulge those fierce passions which the war has
aroused ?

The danger exists no longer. The Court of
St. Petersburg has been taught that there are
limits which it will never be suffered to over-
pass. The dream of conquering Sebastopol
has been rudely dispelled ; and whenever peace
may be concluded, the boundary, not only of
Russian territory, but of Russian influence,
will be distinctly traced.

The task for which we took up arms is ac-
complished. The power which England has
exercised in the councils of Europe arises in
great measure from the confidence reposed in
her justice and moderation. The statesmen of
this country have never been favorable to
wars of extremity, or wars of aggrandisement.
Our policy from the first was not to overthrow,
but to maintain the balance {of European
power ; and we shall be false to our principles
and traditional policy if we continue a Con-
tinental contest from any sentiment of re-
venge, or any chimerical notion that we are
called on to war against forms of Government
or existing European relations. Whatever
difficulties may at present seem to beset terms
of pacification, we are persuaded there is a
moderate party in each of the nations con-
cerned sufficiently strong to overcome them, if
once persuaded that peace is practicable and
that conciliatory proposals have only to b 3
made to meet with cordial and sincere
response.

Great obstacles may exist to peace. We do
not disguise their magnitude. They may arise
from the stubborn pride of our foe, nourished
by defeat; from the popular elation of the
allied States, roused by victory ; from all the
subtle points of privilege and interest in-
separable from the anomalous position of the
Ottoman empire, and the peculiar state of
the Black Sea ; and, lastly, from the timidity
or jealousies of politicians. But if the war
is to continue for one or any of these reasons,
it will be a lasting disgrace to the statesman-
ship of Europe.
England and France have no longer an ob-
ject in maintaining the war. They entered on
it reluctantly, and for a specific purpose—the
defence of the Turkish empire. That purpose
has been attained. Circumstances may render
it absolutely necessary for them to continue
the contest ; they cannot force Russia to make
peace, but their policy must be, if they remain
true to their original cause and professions, to
prosecute war only till satisfactory terms of
peace can be obtained.
The reduction of the Russian empire was as-
suredly never contemplated when their alliance
was formed. If they pursue hostilities for that
end its whole character is changed, the
European system is overthrown, and it is im-
possible to foresee the calamities to which
.heir policy may lead, or the duration and in-
ensity of the struggle it may produce.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN ITALY.
DURING the present crisis of affairs in Italy it
will not he inopportune to make some remarks
on the state of parties in that peninsula—
parties but little known in England, but
doubtless destined to no small part in any
future struggle.
We have on more than one occasion brought
to the general knowledge
existence in Naples of a
party has existed ever since
JOACHIM ; but it is, in fact,
the Bonapartist party in
plan proposed after the
NAPOLEON, and interrupted
of the Hundred Days.
This scheme, first r
LITTA, of Milan, was for
empire of United Italy,
united under one head,

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