The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1875-11-13 00:00:00

SATURDAY, NOV. 13, 1875.

. ....
°RD' MAYOR'S- DAY 1N LONDON..
b2l°,llllll24yor's Day in London was observed in the
iii-,1.6144nner on Tuesday. A vast mettituofdetghastheeirevido
14:_e streets to vritness the progress
st-Mt from Guildhall to Westminster, where the
tli •L'hief Alagistrate was presented to the Barons
01 ,Te axchequer. In passing through the Ward r,
ilkitettreet, which is represented in the Court of pi., erten by the new Lord Mayor, his lordship toZl,lted with an address, in which the inhabitants
NI s'e °Puortunity of offering him their most hearty
,fteilatulations on his entering upon this responsible
in
bli„q,e,eling confident that his pi.vst experience
itil d;- tue and his commercial position would
_addanksto,
o ,itY. The Lord Mayor, in returning thanks,
tio °'44'Llated the inhabitants upon the pleasing decora-
te! ef
is the streets in the ward.
ikt GA12.8 evening, the usual banquet took place
tifirzlrthsall. and amongst the speakers were Mr.
P.M 3"' tris bilks of Richmond, the Lord Chancellor,
actr• wari;d Hunt.
tiai:. bierae.. in responding to the toast ofwas
"Her
tis watiP Ministers " remarked that the occasion _ the tell induced 'him to reflPct on the condition of
factoc4ll4t7, and that he thought was not unsati
s-
-1
that 44 1151'e.„,,, War with China' which seemed imminent, -- everted, and we might now fairly count
on
Ii rT'
forbeeklaraity not occurring. He praised the "wise
ertatee'ee
~4f the Great Powers in reference to the
,uifficulty, and believed that that for-
"111d continue to be exercised, while means
• teaslt N.: 1-aleettained " which would bring about a
tatisfa,ol`etett with the maintenance
of peace and
vlritifet q-th`Ya 1%0
.the public opinion of Europe. The
with mice of Wales to India he regarded as
144 Eno.e°,4seqnences of importance both to India
Voll,n• Our colonial empire should not occasion
wis ev,„_""ng but Pride and congratulation, and there
of Prospect
rst,;:. l'ud to the another confederation which
Power of our Empire and diffuse im-
y44. Wa7;age to the world in general.
n.Qlllsetv Runt, in referring to the loss of the
thult.),Prefetrecl to dwell upon the light than upon
A
7c10.w, ;hie oftthe disaster, pointing out that neither
et') ens had occasion to mourn the sinkingdelleilithip,vi and intimated that the policy of the
at
tile ticrtlld be defended in the House of Commons
14°Per time.
71,. -

~ the iLino, in a les.der, noticing Mr. Dm' raeli's speech
41
~"t icOnet, remarks' :
Iliarf,,aeli Performed his task very satisfactorily t
t 5,741 s '"siptcs were well-chosen, and his
statements
were
ea sr
000 it:;., Ile let fall nothing that the most sensitive of
tar reatgt.,roen could interpret as a reflectionoinrrhttiamtisueglf,
tte-44wara:"„7.• Re makes no boasts that maybe
4. zoo in,s'ersDarisons that may be odious.o
hAnuoetthleereyeeeatr.
simite, 4 tacle his style more grave, though
has
passed
1110445 t kid tuieertain tensk .in European politics
calmer tone of
4P
--t
talt-
change
disposes
biremier'spee speech to
affected the vague
th,Nll4lo...Year the Premier's
e
rld his audience
tfs',lte DraLu that prevailed.
Lod' el te,1.711q He that there was no causefor
4,110 f 114;7 04 the Continent would tarnireewtyttih any
In the
spare no efforts to re
e
b
ti't%tetlett ient %eh, and he declaredte to
that Her f
e
kltl-"satlitableuld preserve
of this
110,4 dipini,,,e blessings of peace 0 ror E Majesty'
ti re e ip s
4r....411144"R even svhen accompanied with the
tmituoset, Ibtir'q, th Dations, there Is no need this year
to
tiltty;
satties I: ae init. The ~ unhappy but unfountidedeirrrtilet;
kaki. Nits . g r openly betrays itself one of oefetneet
4141, 'whils`la‘g,!tged in the absorbin task
ttett':. sytti,...,ae other is divided iptution-
Itit et 1 domination and the social or commercial
ween its struggles
ko'NeLlOtteillell, are the Nemesis of too sudden Prosf,rsl'ls
able to contemplate Foreign Aft 1
kliatel
the most distant
Nio by Y aßsociated with British_
einterest, and he
Chts.tt of as•rrYing his hearers to the ',114 b la• lie
avoided by the energy a congratulates them that a war with
koe,Yasen,seea
and by the
must suppose, the prudencecountry,
of the
'Zeal% t Is, We
and resource of
ein,,'• ago -ornent. If it had been his duty to speak a
l'e,;''' blitins_'e /tight have had to announce a ar with
l
vlntetY asti7t danger is at an end. This declaration w
44 ieldstiectory to the
Ntsill'sDortas,lraost unk
public. Our concerns e weitthmethree
titt,„u,ce to the British
nown Empire of China
kti,";,s.oVeP:,'es about Empire
than Conti-
a Province
or a river. Our
ager curiosity Chinese coast: our
klq l'‘4. ta h:11 every point of the
into
the interior,
theccer with e
is possessed by
tOttiret-Avicti; accinainted with those regions
, llf not the
, ~ a that there the next generation,
Lalstity:44,.„Wittess one of the greatest revolutions of
itet"ktekohrlhat is to be our policy
In
presence of an
tartipredietieb" ~Ical nuass concerning which the pipt discord-
s
k that its
!clay s are hazarded,
reg
144 ,• Pet, e Welded together by an n
14 P. 44, NIP' formidable to all Asia, another
Rule
holding
IP Cii,4 tAirll,l.,,il inevitable ? The Prevallirnag opinion
at work
it 't sheni.'„is that, whatever forces!
Permitted to have their
"'ill h.- kid ha ra as, since we are really
.g _ Now, war
ktfal -.4e4 „,, 7,0 no capacity to direct tnei
ielrnoarpalanyt of their
I'llnr4Dtioli Wl's; raeati the acquisition of territorya
tt 1,,,er *44'4., Qataeditite political power. The experiencectian
blea,,‘4lllna„,',.ad their results show that the mere infliction
ndtheet
it --,oop -44 win .
with them.
nVy -.Akre i 'nines() and in our relations
LaY , of tit. ~..,- Make no essential change in the
.wdee-
tta teatrib..°rtretses, We may sack a Palace
444 ',Loon 44,210115, we may exact a
'n hedge them-
withdraw the Chinese will
we may
indemnity;
4,, " rho., almost the 'same exclusiveness,
They
do
etnurent
s„.',..Zikany ili'l.ttlterval to the old provocations.
4Letaia.,,Tbey paner proof of the superiority of Euireopueeawnsthine le,Vt fes„`cognize it, and the recognition
I,,ttr in.ed tta-Olsence on their policy. A new war weodutold,
-"ttlte-tteer- tr ,as futile if at the close we
tliit brats --.lMts, and took no guarantees for the
epon, °ll4l is'leness of Government and people.
t be dwelt
Itlittl,,lVe te in the end need no What
e in the
wOrld '4 tilt, ;',,,i nave, with or without allies, to take upon
tile '' It iTs .atelage of the most populous
lirait4t.e Oi t, better, therefore to avoid as long
'',11.1 tea tee' Which Would lead to the assamPtj I
I:aoirsupoes.situible.
liestPcinsPirisibilitY, and to hope that peaceful ihnefleueetnecuers
tim,RllWititYthtserceve the difficulties which now
kiketieg itt,, &otiose race.
kost te the eu. ,Plis agreeable intimation, Mr.
minds
faeeli
l'ro,, ot Lb, :aulect wilioh was uppermost in the
IletTleell of f„..l4l,leuce. The insurrection in the. Northern
etth or 1.4 at,s''.eY, and the financial collapse IVP
1 events
eAllar. fitielPaniment, form the chief political
but every
'4 11,101 thar et,coosequences are for the future, which was its
!tilt; the ~," ine Eastern Question is opened once mo_ree.
accin:',4oSt portentous manner. Mr. Disraeli d L"ilt:s tiit. tant`e,..l7, en ugh the incidents as they appear
'llr:er• The Insurrection beeronn. some
i The
Itlitel, o,,thea?'„,llcl diplomacy was at once a
t•ass`li'lle ,;,19 of the Great Powers—a
which
Npe,'„be to,-;leir ;men his sincere testimony, and
n,.._t so
in
to '
Zrici,`4,,at oIY appreciated—produced an eu"'
ti,..' hitilqiblatota b-ziecraeraent we had a right to believe that this Dratas,ie WoUld cease But the
tess, event,
_,_%. Droved to be unavailing.
the financial
wise
~Au suitor-
our
stvoptia
owaicia I wm not dwell upon—
expiring
,„ettstit't Rave 'a ene of allies-revived the AP
asttetarices :I_4 fears which did not before e •
,7klicit '44 a ilew aspect to all the circumstainecte,,s,
The
"lil bee. totmer IP critical, but the Premier hastxhcoentfiredeenencee
14, est,..,eund ,terbearance will not cease, d
l'e iseilee, eo "baui,?ring about a satisfactory result. .
cilill,
course
need ,411%,;nlbeci b"'g trona so high an authority, must 1
to
%IV/441;041: t ihett(iLlveoidUld need a good deal of simplicity
4 nnezDeof Tarkjah
seonicyeenoef twheaslnfesrutrurietcetuiz
orwitt
tits4illiceitteledlY revived byYthat event. The approach
5;
hhatathi.te
lio 14,WIlotonl not to be overcome w
a s foreseen
their workn
ltiers4oerlisstaaltd the rebellion, and they e
be Pro-
thtkte4 a In the
,crists. The same policy ntoiw.mtledaedeus them to
s ;hraggle, in the hope that if i
tjble of t, Dr n.
be forced,
us ,of next year the Powers may .
baate tect .. -.Lungs of some of them to hasten the long.
j'll "411 seititten." Th
two Asiatic Empires gave
I,l2iirs for , e
."114,,,,"1,,th a °lir own possession
r• Dfurnished
remarks on Foreign
of India
ditizhe'snt, c„,.Er, nice'. ow; he ii
Visit is a remarkable and grati-
'h ef t „:"s alto satisfactory to be told that the con-
!lttii M _.
1144;,..aioe,e'intrY which he visits is highly prosperous ano!
' /4 GT, ance since the thine when Mr. Disraeli last
;4edia,_lo dire„,..icillall audience. Public attention huurb.e_en..
Atiti,7l liet,),"Z•Ki to the East that on this occasion o iDnan
-4elit, 4."ottra, the W stern States of the Europe
' palsied over inesilence.
tilOrt ipti _ ---------........_.___-
uet,
Nt',..torcrdx4l3" e'reuing during the Guildhall banct .
thi.T4 the7r,7°l' (Mr: Alder Cotton, M.P.) ad'
',.."i110e 0-61?Willg telegram to his Royal
Ito me 4 ,1 ales, at Bombay :
hit ts, l'd kilt-,
guests wish your
. fl —441144 iur and his distinguished
.. Highness
tclibWetan
....:21anY haPpy returns of the day.
- 'Sotillee-tAri. 4.)P,,n10 or_ ning his
_lordship received from
tett`,„ eii, ItoZ.i°Ll Wing reply :
84414anks fo'quaY. 10th Noy., 11 40 a.m.—Accept my very
th -
Naked gnaat
ecrliorationir Yntir kind wishes and those of your
e o i fmy birthday, and I wish
e eeevaen o
:rypossible
kt, by prosperity."

--..........1••.............,..

Miles.

pendent nation when it has become powerful, enough to pro-
tect itself, we may at once try to reconcile ourselves to the
inevitable; give up the hope of continuing to girdle the
world with our possessions; strive to convince ourselves
that this hope is a foolish dream, that this boasted rule is
but a vain show—a sacrifice of the reality of power to the
pretence of prestvie, and concentrate all our endeavours in
the attempt to propitiate the new nations, ani to obtain
from them friendly consideration' as one by one they assert
their independence, or, as it were, take up their nationality.
But suppose that, in place of this idea, there comes to
prevail another and a very different idea—namely, this:
that our Colonies, when strong enough to be independent,
will yet he stronger, more rich, more intellisent, able to be
better, if still in union with ourselves; that their inhabitants
will have greater opportunities, a wider scope, a possibility
of a higher career, if continuing our fellow-countrymen ;
that in order to fulfil all the duties of free and civilized
and self-governing men they need not eease to be British
citizens; that they may have all the advantages of a nation-
ality without disowning their allegiance, and that as they
increase in strength and power so also shall we. If this, I
say, become the prevalent idea, then this will be the idea
that will realize itself, and our Colonial Empire may and will
last. This, then, is the real question before us—which of
these two ideas will prevail? and, to my mind, that means,
in which of these two ideas is there the most truth? After
all, then, we are driven to weigh the arguments of the sepa-
rationists. If they be right—if there is reason to believe
that separation will ultimately be better for the parent and
the children, or for one or the other, we must then admit
that the separation idea is the true one. .

Let us, however, first try to picture to ourselves what our
Colonial Empire is new and what it will soon be. I will not
weary you with statistics: not that I undervalue them in
this question, or, indeed, in any question, but be oause to be fair
they must be exhaustive, and for an exhaustive statistical state-
ment we have not time. I doubt not many of you have
made yourselves acquainted with the extent and population
and trade of our colonies—with their resources and pros-
pects ' • and to those who have not done so, may I venture to
say that without some attention to these matters no one of
us can be said to have fully qualified himself to perform
his political duties. But, without entering into details,
there are one or two broad facts whieli it may be well to keep
before us. Taking our Colonies in their strictest definition,
Including only those which are or can be peopled and settled
by white men—excluding not only India and Ceylon and
our possessions in West Africa, but also, on account of
their tropical situation, Mauritius and the West Indies—l
find the total area, as given in the latest statistical abstract
presented to Parliament, to be in round numbers not lesis
than 4,000,000 square miles, or about 3,100,000 in Aus-
tralia, including New Zealand, 225,000 in South Africa,
and about 600,000 in North America, not including
the vast North-West territory in British America, the
area of which is given in the last circular issued
by the Emigration Commissioners at 2,750,000 square
miles. If we add the area of British India and our tropical
dependencies, and that of the United Kingdom, small
though it be, we find that the whole British territory is about
eight million square mile, or more than one-eighth of the
land surface of the globe. But for our purposes this evening
we must disregard both our territory in the tropics and that
north of the line of cultivation, inasmuch as we are now
dealing only with British possessions which are or may be
colonized. . . . The home not only of Britons, but of all white
races, lies in the temperate regions. In the tropics we and
they may rule and work with our brains, as in India but we
cannot work hard with our hands; and our children must
be sent home or they dwindle away. But this home is
getting over-full. No one can say to what extent the popu-
lation of the United Kingdom or of Europe may be increased
as the conditions of its society become improved; but, as
It is, swarms of industrious men and women must leave, not
only our islands, but other European countries—notably
Germany, Switzerland, and Scandinavia; and where can
they go? Our races came from the wilds of Central Asia,
and to them they have no wish to return. The circum-
stances of Siberia and Tartary do not attract emigrants,
China is more overstocked than Europe itself, and that part
of North Africa which is not desert is already occupied.
There remains th,o new world, or rather the new worlds,
of America, Australia, and South Africa. But of the
temperate regions of these new worlds 80 per cent. be-
longs to us and our kinsmen in the United States; 44
per cent, belongs to us. . . . The result is this :—Let the
emigrant from old Europe who seeks a home for himself or
his children go where he will—except to Spanish or Por-
tuguese America, or to the Dutch Republics in the interior
of South Africa, which have left us, perhaps, only for a time
—he will hear our language spoken, he will find •our instittne
tions pervading society. If he chooses to study the character
of the men and women around him, he will find that,it can
only be understood by a knowledge of English history; that
it has, in fact, been formed by the character of our fathers.
And if he goes to Africa, or to the great islands of the West,
or to America north of the St. Lawrence, or of the latitude of
49 deg., he will find himself a subject of our Queen.
But now take another fact. Why are those temperate
regions of Asia, the wilds of Tartary and Siberia, so scantily
peopled? Not altogether by reason of the severity of the
climate, but on account of the difficulty of access. It is hard
to may what railways will not do in the future, but hitherto
the progress of counties has very much depended on their
coast line, and a long coast line will never cease to be an ad-
vantage. For instance, Europe has more than 1-12th of the
coastline, while it has not 1-17th of the land surfaee of the
earth. What, then, is the coast line of the English-peopled
countries? Again, excluding India and West Africa, in-
cluding only that portion of British territory which is within
the temperate regions—excluding, therefore, almost all the
North coast of America—we have a coast line of more than
21,000 miles. The coast line of all the temperate regions
of the earth is about 70,000 miles. We, therefore, have
more than two-sevenths of the whole. The coast line of the
United States, with so much of Alaska as is below the grain
line, is more than 8,000 miles, so that English-speaking men
have about three-sevenths of the coast line of all the tem-
perate regions of the two hemispheres It we take the
coast line of the temperate regions of North and South
America, Australia, and South Africa. we find that we have
more than one-half. We and the United States together
have about four-fifths, or the same proportion as of the area.
So much for area, and now a word on population, 'The Par-
liamentary return estimates the population in 1871 of British
North America as about 3,750,000; Australia, including
New Zealand, about 2,000,000; the Cape and Natal, about
850,000; or, in round numbers, a total of 6,600,000. The
same return shows the numbers in 1850 to be less than
3,500,000, being for British North America about 2,1500,000;
Australia and New Zealand, about 550,000; the Cape and
Natal, about 400,000. This shows a total increase in the 21
years of more than 88 per cent. What will be the future
increase, who can tell? No reliable answer can be given
except that it will be very great. Suppose an increase
for the remainder of this century proportionate to that
since 1860; these Colonies would then start in the twentieth
century with a population of at least fifteen millions.
Many of you will live to know whether this esti-
mate is too sanguine. I believe it will be found
to be under the mark There is reason to expect that
future emigration will be conducted on a greater scale
than at present; and, indeed, we are only now beginning
to open out the fertile portions of the north-west territory
of the Dominion. By the last Census the population of the
United Kingdom was about 31,500,000, and the Registrar'
General informs us in his preliminary report that, at the rate
of increase for the last ten years, this population would
double itself in 81 years—that is, it would be about
6:3,000,000 in 1955. It may well be doubted whether our
two small islands could support so dense a population; but
every one admits that there is room in the Colonies; and,
supposing their increase to be at the rate of the 21 years
from 1850 to 1871, their numbers at the end of the 84 years
would become more than 82,000,000. Their proportion to the
United Kingdom, instead of 66 to 315 would be 82 to 63.
You may or may not accept these calculations, or rather
these guesses; but I think we shall all accept almost as cer-
tainties these three probabilities—first, that by the end of
this century our Colonies within the temperate zones will be
strong enough to assert their independence it they please—
will, in short, be sole to shift for themselves ;secondly, that,
whether they do or do not assert their independence, they
will be too mighty to be treated any longer as dependencies:
and, lastly, that before the middle of next century their
population will outnumber ours and still have room for in-
definite increase. And if I had time I could show that there
is every reason to expect that their progress in wealth and in
culture, and in all the conditions of power will at least keep
pace with their population. . .
After quoting statistics from the "Return of the Cost qt
the several Colonies of the British Empire at the Expense of
the British Exchequer," the hon. gentleman continued :—lf
all our Colonies were to leave us to-morrow, we still must
have men-of-war to protect our commerce, unless, indeed,
that went also; and the want of their ports, in which we now
coal and refit, would, I suspect, soon be seen in our Estimates.
And if we come to indirect effects we must consider whether
there might not be a diminution in our trade and therefore
in our revenue. There is no Colonial question more debated
than this effect on our commerce. If I were to consider
nothing else this evening, I could not enter fully into the
arguments on both sides. I must ask you to look into the facts
for yourselves; and if you do so, I think you will incline to
believe that the balance of evidence shows that the trade
does follow the flag. Remember all that is required to jus-
tify this opinion Its to have ground to believe that we have
more trade with the colonists than we should if they were
Loreigners. Take, then, these figures. We find by the Perlis-
mantary returns that our exports last year were in value—to
Australia, including New Zealand, more than £20,000,000;
France, less than £30,000,000; British North America, more
than £lO,OOO 000 • the United States, less than £33,000,000;
the Cape and Distal, about £4,700,000: China, less than
£5,000,000. Taking in each case the last recorded census,
this return shows that our fellow, countrymen at
the Antipodes took each of them last year an average
of £lO worth of our goods; while our nearest neighbours
the French took less than Vs. per head The average
to the States was rather more than to France, but less than
17s. Oct. per head while to our Nerth American Possessions
It was more than 53e. I need not compare the averages of
South Africa and China. Again, the imports from the North
semerican, Australian, and South African C ilonies for the
five yours ending 1874 were, in round numbers, about
£14e,000,0C,0, and the exports to them about £142000000.
Our imports from all foreign pogntries for the same period
were about £1,350,000,000, and our exports to them about
£1,125,000,000. These seven millions of colonista cannot,
then, be considered bad customers. Our import from them
Is about 11 per cent. and our export to them about 14 per
cent. of our import and export to and from all foreign
countries... .
It is nct eesy to bring ourseves to consider this question
as simply (nee of pecnniary profit or loss. But if we do so,
we find that the aetual progee of the partnership are very
lar„ee, that the expenses of the managemeat are eery small,
and that the probability is that no one of the partners
would carry on so large a business by himself. I then,
for ene, am not inclined to think that it would be a busi-
ness-like act to give a notice of dissolution. But this
partnership, we are told, though profitable in peace, may
he nnpoofiteble in war, or may lead to wars which might
swallow tip in year the gains of decades of peace. Let us
consider this part of the question carefully, for in it lies
much of the gist of the matter. There are two daugerg
feared. Our colonies, ills said, may involve us In vier, or
their possession may place us in a worse position when we
are at war. Well, as regards South Africa or Australia, I con-
fess I cannot see in what way they could drag us into war with
Shy civilized nation or endanger us if at war. I think that
Wit may wait till a probable cause of conflict is pointed out;
and, certatoin, 14 Po one of our recent wars have we been
weakened by their poeaeson. now, then, about America?
Can we protect the long frontier of the Dominion with its
copulation as yet scanty and scattered against its neigh-
bours, with their wealth and resources and energy, with
their millions of men who have shown how quickly they
can learn to be so.diers ? But what right have we to ex-
peet that these neighbours will attack Canada? I firmly
believe Cose.t both good sense and good feeling prevail
SOO much in the great Republic to make such an attack
possible. But if this most it'iprobable crime were com-
mitted, who can fortell the result of the wettest that
weuld follow? There would be great suffering in Canada,
for a tipe, perhaps, a successful invasion, but in the end
I belieye thet the iour millions of free men ' would net
be conquered. isut the contest, it might he said, it it
came at all, wotild not come hop an unprovoked act of
American ambition, Met as the final issue of national nets-
anderstatalings aod recrinelnetiOns of faults on both sides
which might be aggravated by the fact that She colony knew
she had the Mother Country at her back. Is it not, then,
better to warn Canada without delay that she must prepare to
take care of hereelf, or, If phe finds that she cannot stand
alone, to make up her mind to join the Union? Well, this
;yarning I would not give,and for three reasons. I do not believe
ltbat it is necessary. Ido believe that it would te dangerous.
!I am sure it would be cowardly. After all, what are the facts?
e'hey are very different from what they were 16 years ago.
When the slaveowners prevailed at Washington there was
1.1314 Alanger of war between England and the etires, because
the pr,teeipipp of the two Governments were becoming as
antagonistic gpi troth and falsehood. But now that freedom
rules in both countriec, common descent, similar Insti-
tutions, mutual interest, and irelividoal kinsmanship will
keep the peace. That this a reasonable trust is confirmed by
the settlement of recent misunderstandings. It would, be
hard, indeed, for any alarmist to conjure Canadian causes of
disagreement mere rankling or more dangerous than the
'which
which arose out of the American Civil war, and
which were urged, not unnaturally, with not a little of
the fierce bitterness of that terrible conflict. There is
friendship now betweeu the gaglish-speaking Kingdom and
the Euglieh-speaking Republic Canada prefers to be part
of the kingdom It is reasonable to suppose that this pre-
ference will interrupt the friendship? If the time should
come when she has no longer this preference; if she should
clearly show us that she has changed her mind, we should
not attempt to , control her. I, at least, should grieve
to lose my Canadian fellow-couutrymen, but I should
wish them well as citizens of the States; but,
so long as they desire to continue our fellow subjects, I be-
lieve that to cast them off or to desert them would be one of
those acts of cowardice which of all political acts is the most
dangerous, because they tempt, attack, and provoke wrong
and insult by both causing and confessing an abatement of
that high and noble spirit, without which, how strong soever