The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1880-06-26 00:00:00

THE STOTJRBRIDGE OBSERVER:

defender of what I believe to be the principles of our Con-
stitution, of the freedom of constituencies to elect, and of
the freedom of the elected to sit in Parliament. That free-
dom which has been so hardly won I do not believe the
House of Commons will endeavour to wrest from our con-
stituencies, knowing by what slow steps we have reached
the point we have now attained, and I do not believe that
on the recommendation of the hon. member for Portsmouth
they will turn back and deny the principles which have
been so dear to them." (Loud cheers.)
Mr. E Stanhope replied to Mr. Bright with much spirit,
and was loudly cheered from his own side on asking where
was his justice, his generosity, or his Christian charity.
The right hon. gentleman, he insisted, had entirely mis-
represented the action of Mr. Bradlaugh. at the
,table, and
nothing could be clearer than that he had declared the
oath to be not binding. If there was no precedent for
interrupting him when he was about to take the oath,
neither was there any precedent for his conduct. He ob.
jected altogether to Mr. Bradlaugh's introduction by a side
wind, and predicted that the course proposed would lead to
greater difficulties.
After some observations from Sir P. O'Brien against the
motion, the debate was adjourned until Tuesday on the
motion of Mr. Newdegate.
Some other business was disposed of, and the House ad-
journed at twenty-five minutes to two o'clock.

In the HOUSE OF LORDS, June 22, the Government agreed
to a motion by Lord Limerick for a return of the number of
robberies and attempted robberies of arms reported by the
Royal Irish Constabulary within the past year.
Lord Annesley inquired whether the Government would
procure a return of the number of evictions for non-payment
of rent in the distressed districts of Ireland during the years
1878 and 1879. He did so because of the charges made against
the Irish landlords on the score of alleged evictions, and
because of the Bill relating to evictions brought in by Her
Majesty's Government in the other House, and the like of
which had never been heard of before. He expressed his
belief, from personal experience, that evictions on the large
Irish estates were very rare.
After some confirmatory observations from Lord Leitrim,
Lord Spencer, for the Government, consented to the request
of Lord Annesley ; and, on the suggestion of Lord Limerick,
further agreed that the return should extend to the whole of
Ireland.
- • -

_
Their Lordships adjourned at twenty-five minutes to six
o'clock.

In the HousE OF Commoss, among the notices was an inti-
mation by Sir H. Wolff that on an early day he will move a
resolution in reference to the financial state of the Ottoman
Empire.
In answer to Colonel Makins, Mr. W. E. Forster admitted
that the districts scheduled in the Compensation for Dis-
turbance Bill were those where agrarian outrages had been
most rife; but he warmly repudiated the suggestion in a
question put by Lord It. Churchill, that some districts had
been scheduled with a view to this Bill. In answer to a
question from Mr. D. Plunket, he declined to support the
Irish Church Act Amendment Bill, and explained at length
the reasons of the Government for not accepting the principle
of the Bill,
Mr. Shaw-Lefevre, replying to Mr. Norwood, said it was
considered at the Admiralty to be quite impossible that the
raft seen by the Scotia Queen on April 22 could have been in
any way connected with the Atalanta.
The adjourned debate on Mr. Labouchere's motion, that
Mr. Bradlaugh be admitted to make an affirmation or decla-
ration instead of the oath of allegiance required by law, was
resumed by Mr. Newdegate, who, in supporting the Amend-
ment of Sir Hardinge Giffard, maintained that the House
had pursued an unprecedented course in having appointed the
two Committees which had sat and reported on the case, and
would act inconsistently if it set aside the decisions of the
Committees as it was now asked to do. Mr. Bradlaugh, he
reminded the House, had given ample warning that he would
act on his opinions, and he earnestly warned the House of
the consequences of admitting an atheist into Parliament.
But if the change was to be made, it should be by an Act of
Parliament.
•

- -----
Mr. Gladstone replied that the reason of the Government
for not taking this course was their full belief that the pro- j
sent law was quite sufficient to deal with Mr. Bradlaugh's
case, and they therefore declined to embark on a new
controversy. The Government, he insisted, had no other
duty but to offer its advice to the House, and, amid some
expressions of dissent, he repudiated all responsibility for
Mr. Bradlaugh's appearance at the table, and for any
of his actions in the matter. e denied that the ques-
tion was whether an atheist should sit in Parliament, and
he protested against the disposition manifested on the
other side to import Mr. Bradlaugh's religious and
political views into the discussion. Premising that he would
argue the question dryly, he laid it down that there had
never existed a jurisdiction to make any examination farther
than to see that the external and formal act of swearing was
performed. It had never been exercised before, and it would
be most impolitic to exercise it now The more he examined
the matter the more he doubted, with Mr. Whitbread, the
right to refuse the oath; and by refusing it, he pointed out,
the Ilouse would involve itself in a conflict with the Courts
of Law and the constituency of Northampton. Enlarging on
this last objection, he went at length, by way of example,
into the history of Wilkes's case, which ended in signal
humiliation for the House. Dealing with the religious pre-
judices, which he asserted to be the strength of the opposi-
tion, he reminded the other side that they had been driven
successively to abandon the Church, the Protestant, and the
Christian character of the House, and predicted that the
attempt to rally on the "narrow and slippery" Theistic
ground would be equally unprofitable. Commenting on Mr.
Stanhope's speech, he protested, amid some tonical cheers,
against an appeal to out-of-doors feeling; and-,
on the point
of precedents, he rernindedthe House that notoriousJaeobites
had been permitted to take the oath of allegiance to the
House of Hanover without question, and that Bolingbroke and
other Freethinkers had Bever been prevented from taking the
oath. Ilk an exhaustive analysis of the language of the
statute he maintained that the House had no authority to
prevent the oath being administered; that its duty was
merely ministerial; and that every precedent had referred
solely to the external act of taking the oath, and not to the
conscience of the person who was taking it. Finally, he
denied that the Government had encouraged, or sanctioned,
or invited Mr..Bradlaugh's proceedings; all they had done
was to decline responsibility and the assumption of an
authority which they did not believe the House to possess.
Mr. Gibson congratulated the House on the contrast
between Mr. Gladstone's speech and that of Mr. Bright,
which lie declared was characterized by an utter absence of
toleration and charity. Replying to Mr. Gladstone's bug-
bears. Wilkes and the Courts of Law, he asserted there was
no analogy between what the House was now asked to do
end the expulsion of Wilkes, and showed that it was by pass-
ing the amendment, and not the motion, that the II ouse
would keep clear of the Courts of Law. Mr. Gladstone's argu.
ment that Mr. Bradlaugh was competent to take the oath
was entirely inconsistent with his previous course in recom-
mending a committee, and it virtually threw over the
opinions of his two law officers. It amounted to this, that
the House had no authority, that it was a mere machine,
and that the Speaker was a mere lay figure. That such hu-
miliating advice should be the only guidance offered to the
House under such circumstances was unprecedented. But the
Parliamentary Oaths Bill, he asserted, distinctly made the
House the guardian of the oath, and the House was bound to
see that it was taken under solemn and public conditions;
whereas Mr. Gladstone, if his contention went for arything,
was willing to sit by and allow it to be taken by a man who
had declared that it had no binding operation on his con-
science. The Prime Minister, he remarked, had never
attempted to deal with the question of affirmation raised
by the motion • but the law on this point was clear beyond
argument, and Mr. Bradiaugh, he asserted, could by no pos-
sibility bring himself within the Evidence Acts, which alone
applied to a person in his position. As to remitting the
case to a Court of Law, he pointed out the insurmount-
able difficulties in the way, and challenged contradiction to
Isis assertion that as the avoidance of the seat was part of
the penalty, a new writ for Northampton might be moved
every night on a question of privilege. If the House did not
prevent, it sanctioned, and it could not evade its responsi-
bility in the mode sanctioned by Mr. Gladstone. All former
difficulties had been dealt with by legislation, and he ex-
horted the House to deal with this in a bold and straight-
forward manner.

Mr. W. Fowler said his first impression had been that Mr.
Bradlaugh could neither take the oath nor the affirmation,
but on the whole, though it went much against the grain, he
thought the best way out of the difficulty was to accept the
motion.
The discussion was continued by Sir H. Tyler. Mr. Mellor,
Mr. Rodwell, Mr. C. Forester, Mr. A. Moore, Mr. Ifeneage,
Mr. Sullivan, Mr. Synan, Mr. Cohen, Sir If. Wolff, and
Mr. Childers, who analyzed the proceedings of the
committees at some length, with a view of showing that it
was the doings of the Opposition members if the last had
gone beyond its instructions, and that the majorities of both
committees were in favour of Mr. Bradlaugh taking his seat,
though they could not agree whether it should be by oath or
affirmation.

After some observations from Mr. Daly, Sirs. Northcote, I
after vindicating the right of speakers who felt deeply on the
matter to travel beyond the mere legal question, maintained
that the motion under discussion came too late, and that
throughout these discussions there had been a desire
to contrive the admission of Mr. Bradlaugh, not
directly, but by an evasion of the difficulty. The
motion was weakened, too, by the speech of the
Prime Minister, which was more in favour of allowing
Mr. Bradlaugh to take the oath tban the affirmation, and it
would not be accepted unless the House admitted, with the
Prime Minister, that it was a mere machine, and had no
jurisdiction. To turn the question over to a Court of Law
would lower the dignity of Parliament, and there could be
no danger so great as to create an impression that it was
afraid to deal with the question itself.
Mr. Rogers 'endeavoured for some time to address the
House, but was unable to make himself heard above the
stormy cries for a division and other manifestations of im-
patience.
The division was then taken in a scene of unexampled
excitement. When the paper was delivered to the Opposi-
tion teller ringing cheers were raised on the Opposition
side, which for several minutes prevented the numbers
being announced. Some members jumped on the seats and
waved their hats, and when silence was restored the teller
read out the numbers as follows :—For the motion, 275 ;
against it, 230; majority against the motion, 45. The cheer-
ing was renewed again and again.
Sir H. Giffard's amendment, which declares that Mr. Brad-
laugh is neither entitled to affirm nor take the oath, was
then agreed to without a division being challenged.

Some other business was disposed of, and the House ad-
journed at ten minutes to one o clock.

It being known that Mr. Bradlaugh would present himself
at the table of the House of Commons, on Wednesday, June
23, there was a crowded attendance of members, and in
order to enable those serving on committees to be present
in the House the committees were temporarily adjourned.
The Speaker did not take the Chair until half-past twelve,
when the reporters' and strangers' galleries were opened.
All parts of the House were closely filled, and great excitement
prevailed.
Immediately on the House being made, Mr. Bradlaugh
walked np to the table of the House, and made a private
communication to the clerk at the table.
The Clerk then communicated to the Speaker that Mr.
Bradlaugh applied to take the oath as the member for
Northampton.
The speaker said he had to inform the hon. gentleman
that the House had last night come to the following resolu-
tion :—" That, having regard to the reports and proceedings
appointed by the House, Mr.
of two select Committees
Bradlaugh be not permitted to take the oath, or make the
affirmation mentioned in the Statute 29 Vic., c. 19, and the
31 and 32 Vic., c. 72." As the hon. gentleman had now
made a special application, lie must call upon him to
withdraw. •
Mr. Bradlaugh (addressing the speak) said : Sir, beforeer,
I withdraw (cries of " Withdraw " and " Order ")—Sir, I ask
before I withdraw (renewed interruption)—I say, Sir, I ask
before I withdraw, that this House shall lie faithful to its
old traditions, and will hear one before acting, upon the re-
solution read, for which there was no precedent (order,
order).
The Speaker: I must inform the hon. member that as
this is a question affecting the House itself, I must again
call upon the hon. member to withdraw, in order that the
House may consider the application which he has now made.
Mr. Bradlaugh: Sir, I shall, in obedience to you, withdraw
w hilst the House considers my present application.

The hon. member having withdrawn.
Mr. Labouehere moved that Mr. Bradlaugh, the hon.
member for Northampton, be now heard.

Mr. A. Dilke seconded the motion.
Mr. Walpole objected to the motion, on the ground of its
ambiguity. He moved, as an amendment, that Mr.
Bradlaugh be heard at the bar of the House. (Cheers.)
Mr. Labouchere accepted the amendment, and altered his
motion accordingly.

The Speaker, having put the motion as amended, i was
agreed to by the expression of general assent.

Sir It. Cross thought that the Government ought to give
some advice to the House on this question.
Mr. Bradlaugh then ,appeared at the Bar, and addressed
the House whilst standing there. He commenced by asking
the indulgence of the House whilst he proceeded to show
cause why the resolution of last night should not be en-
forced. Fie first pointed out that upon this question the
House was really acting against itself, and that there was
not upon the records of its proceedings any precedent to
i
justify it. They had acted n opposition to the ruling of
the learned judges, and were seeking to take away from
a member of that "reuse duly and legally elected his
constitutional right to take the oath and his seat in it.
There had been cases of members elected against whom
there was absolutely a regal disqualification. Yie flub-

mitted there was no legal disqualification against him-
self. But even if there were, he contended that before the
House had taken a decision against him, he was first en-
titled to take his seat. He asked the House as regards him-
self not to be less just than to any of the members to whom
he referred. It was said that he was unfit to sit amongst
them. The more, then, was there reason that they should
show some generosity akin to that which the learned judges
of the land show even to criminals. He stood there as no
culprit. He stood there as the chosen representative of a
large and respectable constituency of this country, insisting
upon his right to discharge his duties as a member of that
House as the Constitution authorises. He stood there with
feelings of the most perfect respect for that House, of which he
hoped and meant to form a part, to demand his rights as a
member constitutionally elected, against which election
there had not been a shadow of reproach. No petition had
been presented against his return, nor had there been any
impeachment against his mode of election. He was ready
to fulfil every form which the Route required and the law of
the country made it incumbent on him to go through. He
stood there to protest against the principle acted on in his
case, to condemn a man in his absence, and without allow-
ing him is hearing. He charged the majority who voted
in favour of the resolution of last night with a want of
chivalry and of justice in the course they had taken against
him. He taunted them with introducing other matters into
the debate on his case, which nothing could justify. He ap-
pealed from the bar of that House for justice, and in the
name of those who sent him there. There was no legal dis-
qualification against him prior to his election. If there
had been it would, no doubt, have occasioned the presenta-
tion of a petition against him. Some hon. members
seemed to think that he had no honour nor conscience. If
so, what could have induced him to place himself in that
position when he could so readily have taken the oath as a
member without the slightest explanation? He had heard
the cry of Atheist raised against him in that House, but
there was no word of his before that House, or in Com-
mittee of that House, or in any document published or
written by him, that justified such a cry. He had, however,
never shrank from the declarations of his opinions, theo-
logical or otherwise, and was no more ashamed of his
opinions than was any other member of that House ashamed
of his. However highly he esteemed the honour of being
a member of that House, he would not hesitate to re-
linquish it rather than by any hypocrisy to endeavour
to make himself appear that which he was not. The
House, he admitted, had power to declare his seat
vacant, to expel him, or to commit him to prison ; but
they must first admit him to his Constitutional right to
take the oath and his seat as one of its members legally
elected. The House, in its mighty strength, must not
violate the sacred principles of the Constitution, which it
would not dare to do had he 10,000 men at his back-
-(loud cries of "Order," and great excitement)—let the
House not misunderstand him. He had always believed in
the supremacy of Parliament. The law gave him the right
to subscribe the Roll of Parliament, and to take his seat as
a member of the assembly, and he insisted upon that right.
If the House would not hear him, he would appeal to a
similar higher tribunal, namely, to the court of public
opinion, against the iniquity of a decision which overrides
all law and justice. He begged pardon, if the warmth of
expressing his opinions, he would seem to be wanting in
respect to the House and its dignity—(cheers and cries of
"Order.")
The Speaker said he must ask the House to express its
opinion upon this matter.
Sir S. Northcote understood the speaker to ask the Huse
to express its pleasure upon the proceedings which had just
occurred. He was not aware whether any hon. member
proposed to submit a resolution; if not, he could not under-
stand apon what point it would be necessary or possible to
express an opinion. It did not seem necessary to come to
any conclusion on the point; and he thought that the matter
must be left where it stood last night (cheers). Mr. Brad-
laugh had given the House an intimation that if the resolu-
tion of last night was not rescinded he would take another
course to enforce his claim, and to challenge the authority
of that House. If so, it would be for the Speaker to act in
the matter.
Mr. Gladstone felt that he was not called upon to offer
any special advice to the House, considering that it rather
became those who supported the resolution of last night to
take that course. As, however, Mr. Bradlaugh had had the
opportunity of making himself heard in support of his
claim, the case of that gentleman assumed a different phase.
He confessed that he ligreed with the suggestion just made
by the right hon. gentleman the leader of the Opposition.
It did not appear to him that any new question had arisen
forming a reason for the House to act. It was MB duty to
sustain the authority of the Chair, and to resist any measure
proposed to frustrate the obligation or application of the
resolution of the House. Concurring, then, with the right
hon. gentleman opposite, he saw no reason calling for the
interposition of the House.
Mr. Bradlaugh having previously retired from the bar of
the House.
The speaker asked whether it was the pleasure of the
House that Mr. Bradlaugh should be called on—(loud cries
of "Yes, yes," and "No, no.")
Mr. Labouchere inquired what was the pleasure of those
(cries of "Order, order"). The hon. gentleman was proceed-
ing to make some observations, when
Sir J. Mowbray rose to order, and asked whether it was
competent for an hon. member to raise a debate after the
Speaker had put the question.
Mr. Courteney supported the right of Mr. Labouchere to
be heard.
Mr. Labouchere continued his observations, and con-
cluded by moving a resolution to rescind the resolution of
last night.
Mr. Macdonald, seconding the motion, said that the course
taken by the House last night was one in effect to trample on
the rights of a large and independent constituency. (Order,
order.)
Sir S. Northcote submitted that notice of the motion of
the hon. member (Mr. Labouchere) ought to be given.
The Speaker intimated that under the peculiar circum-
stances of the case, he thought the motion was in order.
Mr. Gorst moved the adjournment of the debate, as he
said it was quite obvious that a vote taken at the small
hours of the morning ought not to be rescinded without
ample notice being first given.
After an observation from Mr. Newdegate,
Mr. Gladstone submitted that the House could not rescind
the resolution without loss of dignity and consistency. He
hoped, under the circumstances, that the senior member for
Northampton would refrain from pressing his resolution.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. Labouchere said that after the appeal of the Prime
Minister, who had already so nobly promoted the cause of
civil and religious liberty—(cheers)—he would withdraw his
motion.
Mr. Bradlaugh having been called in, walked up the floor
of the House to the table.
- -

The 'Speaker, addressing him, briefly described the pro-
ceedings of the House that day as regarded him, and said
that the House having heard him at the bar, as he wished,
he had no further order to communicate to him beyond
that which he had already made, namely, that he should now
withdraw.
Mr. Bradlaugh, remaining standing in the same position,
said: I respectfully insist upon my right to take the oath
and my seat in this House as a member duly elected by the
constituency of Northampton, and I respectfully refuse to
withdraw. (Tremendous excitement, noise, and confusion.)
The Speaker: I must remind you again of the order of
the House to withdraw.
Mr. Bradlaugh : I respectfully refuse to obey the order of
the House, which is against the law.

The Speaker: Mr. Bradlaugh, I am bound to maintain the
authority of the chair, and to compel the execution of the
order of the House.

Mr. Bradlaugh observed that the right hon. gentleman
had no authority, without the order of the House, to exer-
cise force against any member. (Hear.)
The Speaker said that it was now for the House to give
him instructions.

--- -
Sir S. Northcote admitted the position of the Prime
Minister to be one.of great delicacy, and sympathising w,th
the force of his objections as to the course which the House
ought to adopt, he would take it on himself to move that the
Sergeant-at-Arms should take the necessary steps for re-
quiring and enforcing the withdrawal of the hon. member
for Northampton, pursuant to the order of the House.
The Speaker having put the question "That Mr. Brad-
laugh do now withdraw," a division ensiled, when there
appeared—
For Sir S. Northcote's motion . • 326
Against

Majority for

The Speaker repeated the figures, and added the customary
formula, "The ayes have it." The right hon. gentleman then
said: Mr. Bradlaugh, I have now to inform you that it is
the order of the House that you do now withdraw, and I
once more call upon you to withdraw.
-

- -
Mr. Bradlaugh : With submission to you, Sir, I decline
to withdraw, the order of the House being subversive to the
law.

The Serjeant-at-Arms having then been summoned, the
respected functionary walked up to Mr. Bradlaugh, and
placed his hand upon his shoulder.
Mr. Bradlaugh then withdrew, accompanied by the Ser-
jeant-at Arms, but shortly afterwards re-entered the House,
and said in a loud voice, '• I claim my rights to enter the
House, which I admit has the power of expelling me or
imprisoning me, but not until I have taken the oath and
my seat."
say
yhwe pehaStcaokurersebsehtoauklednnionwrelsepaeveet ittot3oltrhße
rHaodulasuegtho,
said
s o uhe
de
who still refused to withdraw, and claimed to take his seat
in the House.
Sir S. Northcote said he apprehended the question now
before them was one of a different character from what it was
before. The question now was not whether a member had or
had not the right to take the oath or to make affirmation,
but a question involving the authority of the chair.
(Cheers.) Not only the authority of the chair, but the
authority of the House; that authority must be sup-
ported. Avoiding any personal remarks upon the hon.
member's conduct, he must take upon himself a function
which more properly belonged to the leader of the louse.
He should, therefore, move "That Mr. Bradlaugh having
disobeyed the ruling of the Chair and resisted the order and
authority of the House, he, for the said offence, be taken
into custody by the Sergeant-at-Arms, attending this House."
(Great sensation and excitement.)
The Speaker having put the question,
Mr. Gladstone confessed it appeared that no other course
could be taken by those who were responsible for the divi-
sion of last night than that just proposed by the right hon.
gentleman the leader of the Opposition.
Mr. Labouchere did not mean to oppose the resolution,
but only to remark that a citizen of this country was now
about to be sent to prison for doing what eminent legal
gentlemen on bOth sides of the House said he had a perfect
right to do. (Cries of "No, no.")
Mr. Bradlaugh here attempted once more to address the
House, but
The Speaker interposed, saying that he could not be heard
without the leave of the House.
• Mr. Courteney submitted that, before the last course was
taken, he thought the legality of the proceedings ought to
be explained to the hon. member.
Mr. Sullivan reminded hon. members that Mr. Bradlaugh
was not to be committed to prison for refusing to take the
oath, but for refusing to withdraw in obedience to, the orders
of the House and the authority of the Chair.
Mr. L. Stanley moved the adjournment of the debate, on
the ground that there should be some record on the face of
the document under which he was committed to prison, to
enable him to appeal to the law courts.
Mr. Macdonald, having seconded this last resolution, ap-
pealed to the Chair whether it was in order that a gentleman
should be allowed to take a shert-hand note of the pr oceed-
ings in the House.
The Speaker said that the shorthand writer to whom re-
ference was made was in his place under the authority
of the House, engaged in taking down notes of the pro-
ceedings in reference to this particular matter.
The Attorney General said that no court of law could
take any step in reference to the internal proceedings
of the House in the regulation of its own exclusive affairs.
Mr. L. Stanley subsequently withdrew his motion of ad-
journment.
-

The Speaker then put the resolution moved by Sir S.
Northcote.

Mr. Finigan moved the adjournment of the debate, as he
for one would never consent to the imprisonment of a
gentleman who had been legally elected, and sought to
comply with the forms of the House as a member of it.
Mr. Biggar seconded the motion for adjournment.
After a few words from Mr. Newdegate,
The House divided, when the numbers were
For the adjournment of the debate 5
Against .. • • • •
• • • .. 342
Majority .. —337
Mr. Parnell, Mr. A. Moore, and The O'Donoghue having
spoken, the original motion that Mr. Bradlaugh be taken
into custodY saB put by the Speaker, and the House
divided—
Ayes • • •
Noes • • •
Majority . • • • • • • • • • —267
Mr. dlaugh was not in the House when the decision
immediately
tothteheSeorrjdeinanatr-yatb-uAsrimnesssl.eft.
Thewata- As u
onsuo
sreentpci eoierdrt, andeeudP
thereupon proceeded
to the House that, in pursuance of the
At half-past four, at the call of the Speaker, the Serjeant-
order of the House and Mr. Speaker's warrant, he had taken
Mr. Bradlaugh, the member for Northampton, into custody
The remaining orders were disposed of and the House ad.
jdurnea.

.. 274

A SKETCH OF GENERAL GARFIELD'S

CAREER.
The New York Correspondent of the Daily News gives an
account of the career of General Garfield, who, our readers
will remember, was recently nominated by the Chicago
Republican Convention for the office 0.4 President of the
United States. We give the following extract from the
letter :
Mr. Garfield is not only a man of remarkable force
of character and liberal culture, but in the ordinary
sense of the word he is not a politician at all. He has
been many years in Congress, re-elected over and over
again by such heavy votes that he is commonly known
in his native State as "Great Majority Garfield," but he
has always been chosen without any particula! effort on
his part to obtain that honour; be knows very little about
the " machinery " of caucuses and conventions, and
has never interested himself in those arts of mapage-
ment which are undoubtedly necessary to political
campaigns ; though it pleases many of us to associate
them with doubtful practices. A well-known Demo-
cratic Congressman, who commands the profound re-
spect alike of his own party and of his party foes, said
to a friend of mine (before anybody thought of Garfield
as a probable candidate) : "If we have to be beaten this
year I would rather be beaten by Garfield than by any-
body else. He is such a gentleman !" His early
career was that of hundreds of young men who hay.e
risen to respectable positions in society and public
life, especially in the Western States ; but lads who
earn an education by manual labour do not often as:-
quire the finer tastes which grace the manhood of this
noble type of the self-made American. To get money
for his schooling he drove a canal boat, and learned
the trade of a carpenter. As soon as he had
saved a few dollars he entered a village academy,
working at the bench mornings and evenings,
I and teaching a district school for a part of
I every year. A loan from a friend (whom he
I repaid soon afterwards) helped him through college.
He was a prodigious student, a leader in all athletic
exercises, and an universal favourite. On graduating
he took the highest honours in metaphysics, and a very
high rank in Greek and Latin. He became professor
of those languages in a small Ohio Academy. When
the war broke out he was president of the insti-
tution. He promptly enlisted as !a volunteer, and
without a particle of military experience was made
a colonel. Officers were manufactured in haste
and out of all sorts of material in those days,
and in the course of a few months Colonel Gar-
field found himself in temporary command of a
brigade, charged with an independent movement
against a force twice as great as his own. He won a
brilliant and very important victory over an ex-
perienced Confederate commander, and was rewarded
with a commission as brigadier-general. Afterwards
he was chief of staff to General Rosecrans, com-
manding the army of the Cumberland. It was
while he was in the field that he was first elected to
Congress.
In Washington he continued the habit of severe
study which he had maintained ever since boyhood.
He used to carry Horace in his pocket on the march,
and read him over the camp fire. He has never lost
his fondness for the classics, and when he first entered
the House of Representatives some people thought he
was too " bookish " for practical work. They little
knew him. He proved to be one of the highest
authorities on all practical questions of economy
and finance. He had the sagacity to perceive
that these would soon be the chief issues in American
politics, and he devoted himself to the study of them
with extraordinary industry. Thus it happened that
the carpenter, can xl-boatman, soldier, and country
schoolmaster became one of the soundest of American
financiers. He was one of the most formidable
and uncompromising of all the adversaries of in-
flation, greenbackism, the debasement of the
silver dollar; at a time when public opinion in
Ins own State respecting the currency was com-
pletely demoralised he never wavered, and the
great progress which hard-money principles have
i made n the United States in the past few years is
attributable to him as much as to any two other men.
When Mr. Blaine was transferred to the Senate, Mr.
Garfield became the leader of the Republican party
in the House of Representatives. The only objection
ever made to him in that capacity was that the temper
of his mind was too judicial—certainly not a bad
quality for a President.
The nomination is received with unbounded ap-
plause. I can recall no candidate in my time whose
name has called out so many evidences of genuine
popular enthusiasm. There seems to be no use for
the customary arts by which the fervour of the voters
is stimulated. They are all cheering of their own ac-
cord. There is something in the history of the man
that fascinates the public imagination, something in
his character, demeanour, and appearance, his en-
gaging manner, his simple and attractive private life
that delights all who know him. He married a
farmer's daughter, who had been his companion at
school, and has shared his studies in after life, husband
and wife growing in intellectual stature together. I
do not think—no, I do not think—that General Gar-
field is a common specimen of the second-rate poli-
tician. Neither was he nominated in the common
way. He had no faction in the Convention; nobody
there managed things for him; he himself was zea-
lously working for Secretary Sherman. But he
made friends hour by hour in that excited body
by showing himself in trying circumstances a man of
clear head, strong mind, good temper, and common
sense; and when it became plain that the Grant and
Blaine factions were at a dead-lock the anti-Grant
delegates suddenly combined on Garfield by a clearly
spontaneous impulse, and the nomination was made in
a burst of enthusiasm. Thus a remarkable conven-
tion had a dramatic ending. •