The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1878-12-21 00:00:00

siii3ltDif, DEC. 21, ig7-817

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

DEATH OF PRINCESS ALICE.-ADDRESS OF CONDOLENCE
WITH HER MAJESTY.

In the HOUSE OF Co3DioNS, Dec. 16, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer rose and said,—Since we last met a great sorrow
bas fallen on the Queen and on the country, and I am sure I
express the universal sentiment of this House when I propose
that we should join in an address of condolence to Her Majesty
on the lamented death of the Grand Duchess of Hesse—our
Princess Alice. Sir. it has been and is the habit of this

gouge to sympathize and to express sympathy with Her
Majesty on all occasions of domestic joy or sorrow. There
are, I do not doubt, many here—l know there are some—
who can remember the address of congratulation on
the birth of Princess Alice and the address of congratula-
tion on her happy marriage. Now, alas, it falls to me to
itak for an address of condolence on her decease. I feel it
Would be superfluous, indeed presumptuous, on my part to
Speak of one so well known to us all, and so highly appre-
ciated for the nobleness, tenderness, end true womanliness
of her character. (Hear, hear.) At the same time, one
can hardly avoid lingering for a moment on the recollection
of one whose life has been cut short so early, and, looking
at human considerations, one would say so prematurely.
Apart altogether from her Royal birth and her exalted
station, Princess Alice had qualities to command love and
admiration—(loud cheers)—whether we think of her as a
daughter ministering at the dying bed of her father, as a
sister exerting herself as a careful affectionate, and skilful
nurse to her brother when he lay almost at the point of
death, as a tender mother who may be said to have
sacrificed her life in her affectionate care of her own
children—(hear, hear)--or whether we recall the time when
he came forward to alleviate the sufferings of the sick and
*bun& d of her adopted country. (Hear, hear.) We
remember how every English heart throbbed to know
that these noble deeds were done by a daughter of England.
Whatever may be the capacity in which we recognise that
combination of qualities—that combination of warmth
of heart, soundness of judgment, and practical energy
which go to Snake up the type of a perfect woman—we
Peel that she is to he lamented far the sake of those she
has left behind—(hear, hear)—especially in her own family,
where we see that strong instinct of domestic affection
which endears them so much to the people of this country.
Most of all do we lament her death because of the blow
that has fallen on the Queen. This is the first great
domestic sorrow that has come upon Her Majesty since 17
years ago, and on the same day, that one great blow of her
Life was given. Before such a sorrow it is almost impos-
sible to speak; and yet we know that words of sympathy
are most valuable, and that by no one is the power of sym-
pathy more valued than by her Majesty, for we have her
own example to show that no calamity falls upon any por-
tion of her people but she is the first by kindly words and
kindly messages to manife,t her own sympathy. (Hear, hear)
I feel convinced the House will unanimously agree to an
Address which will testify at once our personal affection
for the Sovereign, our deep sorrow for her loss, and our
earnest prayer that God may support her in her affliction.
rheers ) I beg to move,—" That an humble address be
presented to her Majesty to exnress the deep concern of
this House at the great loss which her Majesty his sus-
tained by the death of her Royal Highness the Grand
Duchess of Hes-e, Princess Alice of Great Britain and Ire-
land, second daughter of her Majesty the Queen, and to
condole with her Majesty on this melancholy occasion; to
assure her Majesty that this House will ever feel the
warmest interest in whatever concerns her Majesty's
domestic relations, and to declare the ardent wishes ef this
House for the happiness of her Majesty and of her family."
The Marquis of Hartington : I rise to second the Address
which has been proposed by the Chancellor of the Ex-
cheqner, and to say I feel that every man in this House
will agree with every word that has fallen from the right
hon. gentleman. (Hear, hear.) There is no need of
many words on such an occasion as this The English people,
I believe, feel deeply, but they are not prone to ex-
press their emotions loudly. There is something very
grand and touching when an emotion either of joy or
sorrow spreads itself over a whole people; when those deep
and tender feelings which are excited by the events of
human life, but which are generally and necessarily re-
stricted within a narrow circle, existed to the utmost limits
o a great empire. Her Majesty and her children may be
assured that when they rejoice or when they mourn the
people of this country rejoice and mourn with them.
Hear, hear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer has referred
to that time, 17 years ago, when the first great calamity
afflicted the Royal Family. Most of us can remember how
at that time every man felt that he had suffered not only a
public but a private sorrow. A few years later, as the
Chancellor of the Exchequer has also reminded us, the
whole nation watched as it were by the sick bed of the
Prince of Wales. The memory of her Royal Highness
Princess Alice will always be associated with the recollec-
tion of these periods of mourning and suspense, and the de-
votion she showed as a daughter and a sister will never be
forgotten by the people of this country. (Hear, hear) Sir,
we do not desire to intrude on the grief of Her Majesty and
the Royal Family, but if sympathy under such circumstances
as the present be any consolation, Her Majesty may rest
assured that the sentiments which are expressed in this ad-
dress are out the faithful reflection of the feelings which
exist throughout the country. (Hear.)
The address was then agreed to nern. con.
In answer to Mr. Newdegate, Mr. W. H. Smith said it was
Intended to propose the re-appointment of the Select Com-
mittee on Parliamentary Reporting after Christmas.

In moving that the Orders of the Day be postponed until
the Indian Resolution has been disposed of, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer announced that he did not intend to move
the grant for the relief of the Rhodope sufferers owing to
the indications which he had received that it would lead to
greater division of opinion than he had anticipated. At the
same time he mentioned that as soon as the debate on the
Indian Resolution was over, he proposed to move the ad-
journment of the House until the 13th of February.
The Marquis of Hartington, commenting in a sarcastic
Vein on the extraordinary course taken by the Government,
asked for some more definite information as to whether the
proposal was absolutely withdrawn or merely postponed.
Mr. Anderson, who had given notice to negative the
grant, condemned the proposal as preposterous. Sir G.
Campbell, while admitting Mr. Consul-General Fawcett's
trustwortbineas on matters of fact, said that as his opinions
were tainted by his notorious Turkophile partisanship. he
was not prepared to place confidence in them. Sir W. Har-
court drew from the sudden withdrawal of the proposol the
conclusion that the Turkophiles were ready to do anything
for Turkey but pay for her. Mr. Chamberlain, Mr.
Dillwyn, and Mr. Serjeant Simon also spoke, and Sir H. Peel
urged the House not to make too much of the matter, but to
go on with the other business. Mr. Gladstone enforced
Lord Hartington's request for further information as to the
future, pointing out that after the part which the Govern-
ment had taken in this enquiry to leave it without result
would be contrary to the interests of humanity and the credit
of the nation. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said at once
that the proposal was absolutely dropped, and this he main-
tained was much more judicious than to persevere with it in
the face of opposition and to carry it by a mere majority.
Whatever other course might be taken in regard to the Report
Would require very serious consideration.
Mr. Stanhope then moved the Resolution giving the
sanction of the House to the application of the Indian
Revenues to defray the expenses of the Afghan expedition.
After relating the history of the clause in the Act of 1858
which made this Resolution necessary, he proceeded to
argue that the war which has been undertaken was
for Indian purposes, and intended for the security
and protection of India. As to an apportionment of
the cost between the Indian and Imperial revenues,
he pointed out this Resolution would not prevent
this; being done at any future time. The war at present was
a mere frontier war; and if it should assume larger pro-
portions, it would have to be considered from a different
point of view, As to the cost, it was calculated that[fit
lasted until April it would cost something like £.1,200,000, of
which £960,000 would come within the financial year, and
this would be met by the surplus, which, originally
calculated at £2,150,000, was now reduced to £1,550,000.
Mr. Fawcett moved an amendment that it would be un-
just to apply Indian revenues to defray the extraordinary
expenses of the war, contending that, by the confession of
the Ministers themselves, it was a war which was waged for
Imperial and not Indian purposes. Be denied, too, that
the surplus alleged by the Under-Secretary had any real
existence, or, if it had, it had already been appro-
priated to famine purposes, and it was raised by some of
the most onerous taxes ever imposed on a people. The pre-
sent form of the Resolution, being unlimited in time gave
the Government an unlimited vote of credit on the Indian
Revenue, and it ought to be stated at once in what propor-
tion the charge was ultimately to be imposed on the Indian
and Imperial Exchequers.
Mr. Gladstone, in seconding the amendment, expressed a
doubt whether the surplus actually existed, and insisted
that the Ministry had broken the Government of India Act,
which required the previous consent of Parliament before
any money could be issued from the Indian Exchequer,
except in certain cases clearly defined. The inten-
tion of the Act was to give Parliament the power of
preventing mischievous wars, but the course taken by
the Government—backed up, he admitted, by the House of
Commons—had entirely defeated this object. The war he
held to be unreasonable and impolitic, not made by the
people of India, but by the people of England, who had
placed the present Government in office, and who ought,
therefore, to pay for it.
The Attorney-General, Sir G. Bowyer, Mr. Laing, Mr.
Smollett, Mr. 0. Morgan, Sir W. Barttelot, Sir G. Campbell,
and Mr. Hubbard also took part in the debate, which was
eventually brought to a close by Dr. Playf air moving its
adjournment; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer took
the opportunity of stating that it was not intended by passing
this resolution that the whole expenditure would be neces-
sarily thrown on India.
Some other business was disposed of, and the Howe ad-
journed at five minutes to one o'clock.

DEATH OF PRINCESS ALICE.—VOTE OF CONDOLENCE.
In the HoUSE OF LORDS, Dec 17, the Earl of Beaconsfield,
In moving an address of Condolence to the Queen on the
death of Princess Alice, said—My lords, when last I had the
honour of addressing your lordships it was in the warm con-
troversy of public life. I then had no idea that before we
dispersed I should have again to appeal to your lordehips.
The subject to which I have to refer on this occasion is
one on which there will be unanimity; but, alas it is the
unanimity of sorrow. My lords, you are too well aware
that a great calamity has fallen on the Royal family
of this realm. A Princess who loved us, though
she left us, and who always revisited her father-
land with delight—one of those women the brightness of
whose being adorned society and inspired the circle in
which she lived—has been removed from this world, to
the anguish of her family, her Mende, and her subjects.
Princess Alice—for I will venture to call her by that
name, though she wore a crown—afforded one of the most
striking contrasts that I can remember of richn, es of
culture and rare intelligence combined with the mnst pure
and refined domestic sentiments. (Hear, hear.) You, my
lords, who know her life well, can recall those agonizing
hours when she attended the dying bed of her illustrious
father, who had sketched out her studies and formed her
tastes. You can recall, too, the moment at which she
attended her Royal brother at a time when the hopes
of England seemed to depend on his life (hear, hear) ;
and nJw you can remember too well how, when the whole
of her own family were stricken by a malignant cresease,
she had been to them the angel of the house till at last her
own vital power was perhaps exhausted and she has fallen.
My lords, there is something wonderfully piteous in the
Immediate cause o her death The physicians who per-
mitted her to watch over her suffering family enjoined
her under no circumstances whet-ver to be tempted into
an embrace. Her admirable self-restraint guarded her
through the crisis of this terrible complaint in-safety. She
remembered and observed the injuntlions of her physicians.
But it became her lot to break to her son, quite a y.ou,h,
the death of his youngest sister, to whom he was devotedly
attached. The boy was so overcome with misery that the
agitated mother clasped him in her arms, and thus she
received the kiss of death. My lords, I hardly know an in-
cident more pathetic. Ills one by which poets might be in-
spired, and in which the professors of the fine arts, fromthe
highest to the lowest branches, whether in painting,
sculpture, or gems, might find a fitting subject of comme-
moration. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it is impossible to
depict at this moment the sufferings of the husband whom
she has left behind and of the children who were
so devoted to her: but our duty is to offer our con-
dolence to one whose happiness and whose sorrows
always excite and command the loyality and affectionate
respect of this House. Upon Her Majesty a great grief has
fallen which none but Her Majesty, none but the Queen, can
so completely and acutely feel. Seventeen years ago Her
Majesty experienced the crushing sorrow of her life, and
then she was particularly sustained by the daughter whom
she has now lost who assisted her by her labours,
and aided her by her presence and counsel. Her
Majesty now feels that the cup of sorrow was not then
exhatuied. I feel it impossible to use any language
which could express the consolation we wish to extend to
her in her sorrow. Her suffering is too fresh to altiw of
solace; but, however exalted her position, I feel that she
will be sustained by the consciousnesi that she possesses the
sympathy of the nation. (Hear, hear.) My lords, with these
feelings I beg to propose for your lordship's acceptance the
°Rowing motion :
'That an humble address be presented to Her Majesty ,
express the deep concern of this House at the great
loss which Her Majesty has sustahmkjoy ikieQ4llllofluer
.
Royal Highness the Grand Duchess IX Presie,7rfncess.Me
of Great Britain and Ireland, second daughter of Her
Majesty the Queen, and to condole with her on this melan-
choly occasion. To assure Her Majesty that this House
will ever feel the warmest interest in whatever concerns
Her Majesty's domestic relations, and to declare the ardent
wishes of this House for the happiness of her House and of
ber family." (Hear, hear.
Ehri ercwanue yfith your ordabips' permission I wish to

join in the declaration which the noble earl has made with
so much feeling of the heartfelt loyalty and deep sorrow with
which we all deaire to approach our gracious Sovereign on
the occasion of this address. The accidents of a political

career gave me some opportunity of observibg the
domestic life of the Royal family during the course
of eleven years. At the beginning of that period Prin-
cess Alice was a sin gularly attractive child of sevtn
years old. I doubt whether any childhood or youth was
ever more joyous and bright, or ever gave a livelier promise
of that which, ha i been so amply fulnlled. At the end of
that time I had the honour of proposing an address in this
House on Her Royal Highness's marriage, a marriage
founded upon all the best securities for wedded happiness.
The child had grown into womanhood with all those
personal, moral, and mental qualities which the noble
earl has no well described. The principal characteristics
of In r married life appear to have been—tirst, absolute
devotion to her husb-ind and children; next, a course
not merely of benevolence, but of unceasing thought-
ful beoeficence to all depending upon her; and, lastly, a
remarkable talent for acquiring the sympathy and attract-
ing the regard of some of the most gifted of the intellec-
tual country which she had adopted, and to whose interests
she was devoted without ever breaking a link in the chain
of memories and associations which bound her to the
country of her birth The noble earl has already alluded
to the singular coincidence of three dates which will never
pips from the pages of English history. My lords, I trust
that neither the writer nor your lordships will think it
indiscreet if, instead of trusting to my own language, to
impress your feelings as to the loss which has on this last
14th of December befallen the Royal families of England
and Darmstadt, I read to you a few words extracted from
a letter written on the day of the sad tragedy by a brother
p4ssionately devoted to his sister, and who left England
last night to pay the last sad tribute of affection and respect
to her beloved memory s--

"So good, so kind, so clever. We had gone through so
much together—my father's illness, then my own; and she
has succumbed to the pernicious malady which laid low her
husband and children, whom she nursed anti watched with
unceasing care and attention. . . The Queen bears up
bravely, but her grief is deep beyond words"

_
My lords, 1 will add nothing. I only ask to be allowed to
second the motion which has been made. (Hear, hear.)
The motion was at once agreed to nemine dissentiente.
On the motion of the Ea.rl of Beaconsfield, their lord-
ships, at half-past five o'clock, adjourned to Thursday,
February 13.

In the 110ITSE OF COMMONS, in answer to Mr. Hubbard,
who asked for some confirmation or correction of the report
that we are face to face with such a crisis of distresses as
this generation has never known,
- --

Mr. Cross said that though much distress unhappily pre
vatted among the labouring poor, the description of it in
the question was exaggerated, and there was nothing to
cause unnecessary alarm Reread telegrams from the head
of the Board of Supervision at Edinburgh, and from the
Mayors of Liverpool and Manchester, stating that th
ordinary means of relief were at present sufficient to meet
all necessities.
In answer to Mr. Hanbury Tracy, Mr. Sclater Booth said
he had not yet received any 'evidence to justify him in recom-
mending an alteration of the ordinary rules of Poor Relief.
In answer to Mr. H. B. Samuelson, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer said that a letter had been received that morning
from Sir IL lAyard, relating to a proposal made for a Turkish
loan, but the Cabinet had not yet had an opportunity of con-
sidering it. He repeated, hoWever, that no arrangement to
assist or guarantee a Turkish loan would be entered into
without the previous sanction of Parliament.
Before the Adjourned Debate on Mr. Stanhope's Resolu-
tion was resumed there was a preliminary discussion of some
length relating to the apportionment of the eost of the war
between India and Great Britain. In answer to a question
from Mr. Hubbard, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said the
Government could not consent that the war should be con-
ducted by the Indian Government at the expense of the
British Government, as it would tend to extravagance, and
would ultimately lead to the imposition of a larger burden
on India. But they thought the case was one which required
special consideration, and be promised later on in the even-
ing to indicate the principles on which an apportionment
might be made.

On the motion being made that the House at its rising
adjourn until the 13th of February, Mr. Rylands endeavoured
to state his reasons for objecting to an adjournment until
the Government had stated definitely what charge was to be
laid on the Imperial Exchequer, but was stopped by the
Speaker on the ground that it was out of order to refer to
a question which was coming on later for debate.
Lord Elcho digressed to the question of the Rhodope
Report, and contrasted, in an ironical vein, the sensitive
humanity of the Opposition in regard to the Bulgarian
atrocities with their indifference to the cruelties perpe-
trated by the Russian soldiery.—Mr. Herachell protested
against a premature introduction of this topic, and also
against the absolute acceptance of the Rt.port.—Mr. Ander-
son also spoke, and Mr. Chamberlain, repeating Mr.
Ryland's suggestion, moved the adjournment of the
deba,e in order that the House before adjourning for the
holidays, might have an opportunity of considering the
further information which the Government was to lay before
it.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out that he had
not promised any further information, but merely to state
the principles on which the distribution should be regulated.
—The Marquis of Hartington also saw no use in an adjourn-
ment of the debate if no further information was to be forth-
coming; and Mr. Chamberlain having withdrawn his amend-
ment, the motion to adjourn intil the 13th of February was
agreed to.
The Adjourned Debate on Mr. Stanhope's Resolution and
Mr. Fawcett's Amendment was resumed by
Dr. Playfair, who argued in favour of throwing the cost on
the British Exchequer. He said that to draw upon the
alleged surplus for the war would be to commit a breach of
faith with the native and to break down the Famine Assur-
ance Fund. No new taxes, he showed, could he imposed
withoutt oanger ; and as the war was to be conducted for
Imperisa purposes, and as the English people werw answer-
able for it by placing the present Government in office, the
English'people ought to pay for it.

- -
Lord G. Hamilton argued that it was expedient and politic
that India should hear the cost, and that the condition of
Indian finance would admit of its doing so.
Sir II! James denied the right of the Government to incur
these expenses without the previous consent of Parliament.
The debate was continued by several hon. members, and
at length summed up on the part of the Opposition by
Mr. Childers, who entered into a minute verbal criticism
of the language of the Ministerial Resolution, which he
maintained would give the Gc vernment an unlimited
vote of credit on the Indian Exchequer for the
whole expenses of the War, and was incompatible with a
mere temporary and partial charge. The Government had
had ample time to make up its mind as to the amount
which was to be charged on the British Exchequer,
and he urged the House to insist upon the information
being furnished to it. After some comments on the cavalier
treatment of the Council of India, Mr. Childers examined the
financial conaition of Inii, which, he argued, made it im-
possible for her to bear this charge and the permanent
charge which would ultimately be placed upon her by an
extension of her frontier. That this was an Eoglish, not an
Indian, quarrel he inferred from the long delay in taking
notice of the march of the Russian columns from Tashkend
towards India.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied to this that it
was not until August that the Government received any
authentic news of the Russian Mission being received at
Cahill which made it necessai yto move. In this case there
was a real emergency, because if there had been delay the
season would have been lost and the resittiame would have
been greater; and this was more than could be alleged
for the ;China War, in which the Indian troops had
seen used by a Liberal Government without Parlia-
ment knowing anything about it. The Resolution
was merely meant to make the Indian revenue appli-
cable to the expenses of the war, and not to conclude
the question as to the future. If India was to be a self
supporting country she ought to be able to pay for her own
self defence. She ought also to bear the expense of a war
with an immediate neighbour, but not with a distant enemy
who might attack her as a part of the British Empire. In
such a case her claim on the Imperial Exchequer must
be recognized At present it was too soon to decide
what would be the character of the present war. It might be
that it would soon be terminated and no necessity for
appealing to the British Exchequer would arise; but if It
should turn out to be a war calling for the whole strength
of the counlry to be put forth, then undoubtedly India
ought not to bear the whole cost. In the course of a mouth
or two we should know more clearly what course the war
was about to take, and the Government would be prepared
to make proposals to the House accordingly.
The Marquis of Hartingtoc, in the course of a brief speech,
remarked that the proposal of the Goverrment evidently
painted tp a system of subsidies which would destroy the
whole financial control of Parliament.

On a di'
a majorit
was then

'lon, Mr. Fawcett's amendment was negatived by
of 110-235 to 125—and the original Resolution
greed to.

The Ho
Thursday,

al-1-e adjourned at 20 minutes to one o'clock, until
February 13.