The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1885-07-11 00:00:00

STATE ENTRY OF THE LORD
LIEUTENANT INTO DUBLIN.

On Tuesday evening, at six o'clock, the Earl of
Carnarvon made his state entry into Dublin as Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland. His Excellency arrived at
Kingstown by the mail steamer Leinster at half-past
five. Before disembarking he was met by the Countess
of Carnarvon (who has been staying in Dublin for
some days), Sir Robert Hamilton (Under Secretary),
Sir William Kaye (Assistant Under Secretary), and a
distinguished party. The Kingstown Township Com-
missioners also boarded the steamer, and their chair-
man, Mr. N. D. Murphy, on behalf of that body, pre-
sented his Excellency with an address, congratulating
him on his appointment to the office of Viceroy of
Ireland, and expressing the hope that his rule would
be characterised by a generous and benignant policy.
His Excellency, in reply, briefly thanked them for
their kindly welcome, and assured them of the satis-
faction he felt at their goodwill towards him and of
their loyalty to the Sovereign. Directly his Excellency
appeared on board a Royal salute was fired from the
Belleisle and the coastguard station, and the National
Anthem was played by the military band accompany-
ing the guard of honour. His Excellency, after dis-
embarking, was loudly cheered by a large assemblage of
persons on the pier. A special train was in waiting
to convey his Excellency to Westland-row Station,
where a large crowd-awaited his arrival. In front of
the station the 16th Lancers were drawn up to form
a guard of honour, and the band of that regiment and
the band of the 18th Hussars also occupied a position
in Westland-row. The route to the Castle was lined
on either side with soldiers and police. At Westland-
row terminus his Excellency was received and con-
gratulated by a number of the leading citizens of
Dublin. His Excellency passed through a private
entrance, and immediately afterwards appeared in
the street, riding a white pony, accompanied by
General Sir Thomas Steele, Commander of the Forces
in Ireland, and the members of his staff. His Excel-
lency was received with great enthusiasm, thousands
thronging the streets and cheering heartily. His
Excellency and the countess, who drove up after him
in an open carriage, acknowledged the greeting by
bowing to the multitude repeatedly. On arriving at
-thee.-askl.hi ETeellency remained only about five
minutes, and drove- thenee, with the countess, to the
Viceregal Lodge in Phoenix-nark, amid renewed
cheering.

MR. BRIGHT ON AMERICAN
INDEPENDENCE.
Mr. John Bright, M,P., was a guest at the Anse/lean
Independence Day banquet in London on Satireelay
evening, and in response to the toast of his heallb,
said • To-day is what I steepose might be considere,
a day that might be termed historic. (Hear, hear.?
A century ago it was a day of grief and humiliation
to multitudes in this country. On the other hand, it
i was a day of exultation an joy with multi-
tudes on the other side of the Atlantic. Now
we meet together, and without using language
that is not accurate, we may say that we
rejoice that, notwithstanding the events of
that period, the greatness and the grandeur of
, England has not been diminished, and at the same
time we must acknowledge that the now nation that
has sprune, into existence stands in its vastness and
power, and offers itself to a wondering world,
, (Cheers.) Amongst eminent citizens of the
United States that I have known—and in some
cases with some intimacy—was the great statesman
-1 from Masachussetts Charles Sumner. (Hear,
; hear.) When he was in England he visited mer and
his last night in England he spent in my house.
He published a little book called "Prophetic
Voices," which was a collection of prophecies to the
robable future of America. He was revising the
title peg() of that volume in the very last sitting her
, ever attended in the Senate of his country. He goes.
; back far beyond the time—many centuries of the-
, time—of the discovery of the American continent..
1 He goes back and quotes a remarkable passage of old'
Rome—a passage left in the pages of Seneca. He
comes down centuries, and quotes from an Italian
poet—if I remember rightly, named Pulei—who
wrote some century before the time of Columbus.
Then he comes down to later periods, and quotes the
opinions of many eminent writers and speakers, but
he curiously- -I cannot understand why he omitted it
—has no reference to a singular opinion and prophecy
of David Hume. When Gibbon sat down to write
his great history of "The Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire," he proposed to write it in French.
David Hume, a great friend of his, on hearing this
wrote a letter of remonstrance, and he said amorgst
other things that he wished him to write in English
because our establishments in America premiss)
superior stability and strength to English his-
tory. (Cheers.) We owe it to David Hume that
that great work was published in our own language
and not that of a neighbouring nation. But you see
how these men saw the future of the American conti-
nent in vision. We see it in fact, and we see the
prophecies fulfilled. At this moment England,
Canada, Australia, and the Cape of Good Hope show
a population of about 45 millions of persons. At
this very time, as you are all aware, the new nation
of which I speak, and which startsd as a nation 100
years ago, numbers now not far short of 60 millions,
and is rapidly increasing. I don't know but what
at the end of this century, or soon after, it may
amount to 100 millions. (Cheers.) Now at the pre- I
sent there are more than 100 millions 6f what I call 1
the English-speaking people—that is, the United
Kingdom, its other connected colonies, and the anci, nt
colonies of the British Crown which are now the
United States of North America; and those English-
speaking nations in my opinion—it may be presump-
tion, it may be egotism, but I hold the opinion that
they are the foremost in all the liberties which are the
most valued by the most intelligent people living in
civilised countries. (Loud cheers.) But although in
population—l am speaking to Ame-ican gentlemen—
you have overpassed us so much that in time to come
it is possible we may have to ask the protection of
your vast country against the enemies that may
assault us, yet I am not disposed at any rate to
resign the leadership which I think we have. In our
political freedom' I think, we are about as free as
you are.. At the same time I must say there is
another description of freedom in which I think we
have surpassed yourselves. Many gentlemen here
will know to what I refer. I believe the time will
come—l don't expect to live to see it myself, although
I may see some advances towards it; but I believe
my children and grandchildren will as certainly see
it as anything before the eye now I believe the time
will come when the American nation, having by vast
sacrifices of blood and treasure accomplished the free-
dom of men, the labour of the men will be as free as
the bodies of the men. (Loud cheers.) The Duke
of Argyll said the great men of nations help to form
the greatness of nations. Well, I should say that
these great nations—the one on this side of the At-
lantic and the one that promises to be much greater
on the other side of the Atlantic—these two nations
will to a great extent guide the future policy of the
, world. (Hear, hear.) It often strikes me as a very
curious thing that in America the Massachusetts man
; has not the slightest objection to deal commercially
with somebody in California, or in the extreme south,
in Louisiana, or Texas, but he has the greatest objec-
tion—no one can tell why except that it is a supersti-
tion—to trade with people in Canada, or in Great
Britain and Ireland. But why? If we were all
shoved into the United States, if we were one country
with only one object, nobody would deny that any-
thing would be more natural than that the
manufacturers of the two countries should inter-
mingle, and everybody would agree that it was not
only the best, but also the most profitable thing for
the population of the two countries. (Hear, hear.)
My point is that the great question of military pre-
parations, establishments, and wars will receive in all
probability a completer solution by the free commer-
cial intercourse of nations than from any other
teaching; that if you will allow the people of other
countries frankly and openly to trade with each other,
they will learn the lessons of peace from the pages
of their ledgers. (Cheers.) These vast armies in
Europe—you ought to thank heaven every day that
you are not Europe—(laughter and cheers)—these
vast armies in Europe are kept up under the pre-
tence, and with the use of the argument that the
people will bear the cost of them. They are kept up,
it is said, to safeguard the peace of the nations to
which they belong. There is nothing under heaven
so adverse to peace as the establishment and main-
tenance of these great armies. (Cheers.) lam satis-
fied that if it were possible for England and France
and Germany and 'Austria and Russia and Italy to
abolish the tariffs and let commerce flow freely, it
would be beyond the possibility of King or Queen or
Czar or Kaiser, or statesman of any rank to bring those
nations to war. (Cheers.) Then I need not say here, for
everybody knows who has made the least observation
of the course I have taken in past years—that my
sympathy with the United States is as warm at the
present moment as it was when we received week by
week accounts of the proceedings of your great
struggle. I believe that at that time the interest felt
in this country was as great as in yours, only as an
, American lady, a near relative of mine—l never saw
her till yesterday, she was born in the States, and her
grandfather was my mother's brother—to whom I
was speaking on this very point, said: " Yes, you had
, the news every week; we had all that excitement
every day," which was very true. Here it was on
Sunday that the news generally arrived in London, and
to sensitive persons like myself in the West-end of
London, it was sometimes disturbing to hear the
newspaper vendors calling out in the streets, "Grand
Confederate Victory." Well, grand Confederate vio-
tories caused us great distrust, but they never caused
'me distrust. I knew many Americans in this country,
and talked with them on these occasions, and consoled
them. There was one man in Manchester who was
killed by his sorrow over that conflict, and I think if
I could have seen him once a week he would have
been living now. There were many Americans in
this country whose hearts failed them in that
time, and there were men in connection with the
Embassy whose hearts failed them also. I remember
Mr. Denison, then the Speaker of the House of
' Zlommons, said to me one night when standing by the
Speaker's chair, "I went up yesterday to speak to
Mr. Adams. He said that at a critical time like this
it would be a pleasure to him to see any man who
could sympathise with the troubles of his country."
No American can form any idea of the interest with
which your struggle was watched. Those who sym-
pathise with the slave trade are very difficult to be
found. Most of them wish they had never held
those views, and had never given expression to them,
but now there are no men in this country who will
not honestly say that the war ended as it ought to
have ended, and who will not say that it was to the
advantage, not only of your own country but to the whole
world, that that great and odious curse was not set
before m ankind—that a State should be established ens
, basis of human slavery. (Loud cheers.) I have nothing
more to say, but notwithstanding I am in the presence
of two eminent Americans from the State of Vermont,
and though I have heard that taking that State not
more than one in ten is in favour of that kind of
freedom to which I have referred, yet I hope the time
will come when there will be another Independence
Day in the United States—not to free bodies of white
and black men, but to free permanently and as freely
as I believe we have done in this country the labour
,of the whole population. (Loud cheers.) I thank
you heartily that you have received me with so much
kindness. I only wish I could have made my obser-
vations more compressed or interesting, but I find
when I come to the question of America that there is
no question on which I speak about, that I think
about, with so much interest. I want the two nations
to be one people. (Cheers.) I want them to be fore-
most in political and religious freedom. I want also,
and hope the time will come, when there will be that
other freedom which the States may be as proud of as
the great bulk of Englishmen are of the freedom we
have achieved. (Loud and prolonged cheering.)

Musical genius is not so high as poetic, for the
Thomas cat sits on the fence and warbles forth his
nierry madrigals, while the poet sits up in a small
room in the attic and burns the midnight kerosene.
The cat, however, harvests the most bootjacks.
A correspondent asks, "Has the inconsistency in
Shakespeare's Hamlet 'been noted, where the hero,
after having talked to the ghost, mutters about the
country from whose bourne no traveller returns?" i
If it is an inconsistency it must be confessed that it s
immaterial.
1
ta

A Milpitas obituary notice referred to a deceased
citizen as having " gone to a happier home." The
widow is about bringing a libel suit. These Milpii
women are too sensitive for anything.
It is said that 1,250,000 eats are annually killed
their skins. They must kill the cats in some other
part of the country than here.- We havn't missed a
single one in the last two years.

for-I