The Dorset County Express and Agricultural Gazette.
Dorchester, Dorset, England, 1867-02-05 00:00:00

NOTES OF THE WEEK.

I.—Now TEILT TuE 110111 50 rapidly
approaches which is to solve all oar recent
perplexities respecting the intended policy of
ministers, it may be noticed that our papers
have become comparatively silent on the
subject of Reform ; and also that in conver-
sation people have been loth to hazard
opinions which a few hours may falsify.
There is no fear in prophesying so long before
the event, that people mist netessarily forget
your prediction.; bdt it is more discreet to
look oracular, shake your head, and hold your
tongue, when the doubtful event is imminent.
Yet we can hear enough to know that a great
many people will not be disappointed if there '
be no Reform Bill; and that not a few would
cordially approve of the postponement of the
Reform question to another session. There
are so many subjects, say these latter,
requiring legislation just no*, that cannot
for the present afford to give up another
session to Reform. Let us, they say, reform
our Poor Law and our Bankruptcy Law;
let us re-organize our army and navy, let us
pass Acts for the better government of the
great metropolis, including its gas and water
supply and the equalisation of its poor rates
let us legislate for the wants of Irelanditienel
see if some legal restrictions cannot be pa
on the reckless financial system of oitr
railways; let us, in fact, cleat off some of the
many arrears ahich dot Only last session,
but the latter periocl of Lord Palmerston's
easpeing rule, has left on our hands, before
we think of devoting another legislative year
to Reform. This is as much as to say that
we should do the urgent work before us with
the tools we have, before we stop to make
new tools and waste time in getting them
into working order. But then, on the other
hand, there is a strong party who tell us we
can do nothing with our present tools, and
that we must immediately set about making
fresh ones, whatever important work is wait-
ing to be done; and we very much doubt
whether this party will consent to wait
another year for Reform. If such a course
is proposed to them, and that they should
apply themselves to practical legislation in
the interim, we must expect to hear them
come out strong in the debate on the
address.

IL—Tis FACT OF • POLITICAL RZTOLU-
TIM( in America may be considered
imminent. To those who know anything of
the great Trans-Atlantic republic, it must be
apparent that a great political revolution is
being attempted there—whether for the
better or for the worse we will not attempt
to say, since every nation must judge for
itself in such matters, and the power of a
majority must be looked upon as the goal
court of appeal, in spite of all legal theories.
We are too apt in this country to measure
the institutions of other nations by our own
and wherever we see legislative bodies co-
operating in the functions of government
with the Head of the State, we at once com-
pare them with our sovereign, Lords and
Commons, and judge of all their actions by
this standard. Accordingly, we view the
present political struggle in the United States
as equivalent to a contest between a monarch
or a prime minister and a parliament. At
one moment, therefore, some of us would be
likely to compare the position of President
Johnson to that of our own Charles I.; at
another, perhaps, we seek his parallel in
Count Bismarck as he stood related to the
Prussian Parliament before the recent war.
Hut nothing can be more misleading than thus
to compare American institutions with those '
of European monarchies. In the latter,
where anything like Constitutionalism exists
the great struggle generally is between royal

tive and the liberty of the subject.
i'Zcrrifaare two contendants for power—the
monarch and the representatives of the
people; and the simple question at issue is
how much influence each ought to have in
managing tha affairs of the entire country.
But the point of equipoise in American
politics has never been midway between the
Congress and President; it is not there that
the turning-point of the political scale must
be sought; and even at the present moment
the quarrel between Mr. Johnson and the
Congress is very far from being one respect-
ing their mutual powers and privileges.
Congress does not seek to infringe upon the
prerogatives of the presidential office; it only
wishes to sacrifice him personally because he
stands protector to their real object of attack.
It would be superfluous to add, perhaps, that
the President does not seek to limit the
powers of Congress, or interfere with the
constitutional exercise of them. What,
then, is the reql turning-point of this pnlitical
contest in the United States Y In seeking a
reply, we must remember, first of all, that the
very name—United States implies a fact, and
one which would perhaps better be expressed by
the term Federated States The great republic is
not one State, but a conglomeration of individual
States which existed as inch before their union
tinder obe government, and Were recognised by
lath other as independent sovereign communities.
In federating themselves for certain common
purposes of the government, the original States
of the anion toot care to retain the management
of the bulk of their own affairs. The central
Oovernment at Washington, Congress and all,
have a very restricted power compared with that
of our Sovereign and Parliament. the matters
coming under their cognisance by the terms of
the union being limited to such only as could
not be disposed of by the State governors and
legislators. Thca our readers will remember
that slavery could not be constitutionally
abolished by Congress but a constitutional
amendment for that purpose had to be accepted
by all the State legislatures The great struggle
of parties in America has always been upon the
opposing principles of Central and State Juria-
diction—the Republicans wishing to extend the
former, and the Democrats setting themselves to
defend the latter. Since the war, which had to
be carried on by a wide stretch of the Central
authority that was certainly unconstitutional, it
is natural that the Republicans, who then
seised upon the reins of power, should have
endeavoured, according to their own theory, to
extend the prerogatives of the Central power at
the expense of State rights; and it has been iu
opposing their efforts in this direction that Mr.
Johnson has brought himself into disfavour.
He has stood upon the letter of the constitution
as it defines the rights of the States against the
Central authority; and that his course has been
strictly legal no candid person can deny. Re
has simply vetoed Acta passed by the Central
L drislature concerning matters with which it
was beyond their province to meddle; and
when such Acts have afterwards been passed
above his veto by a two-thirds vote, he has
refused to execute them. In to doing, be has
been simply standing upon the Constitution, as
its appointed gdardian, and has sought to hold
an equable balance between the Central and the
State Legislatures. The Constitution recognises
the whole population of States, blacks or whites,
as counting in the distribution of Federal
representatives, but leaves to each individual
of State to fix its own franchise qualification.
What Congress would now do, is to tome the
South either to enfranchise the blacks, at to
exclude them from computation in a new appor-
tionment of representatives on the basis of
population. Whatever we may think of the
merits of the point in dispute, we cannot but i
perceive that f Congress has its way, and over-
comes the pensive resistance of the President, a
revolution will have been effected, the old State
rights will speedily disappear, and the Central
Legislature will usurp the whole political power
of the country—whether for good or for evil, as
we said before, we shall not preadme to decide.
" Ongoncr,s" missed a great
triumph on Saturday. There was an event
that Jul set COW eff, which made the head
tadpole's eyes start from their sockets with
Indignation at once more finding all his
prophecies confounded. It is diffiTult to
comprehend how the destruction of a neigh-
bour could do this man any good' for the
suppression of a Journal, Of *hich We can
honestly assert Out the policy of the last two
years has been TO AVOID CROSSING 111
pATU, would inevitably prdvide leas aord-
pulous and more fqrmidable opposition fof
him tO.morrovr. We have yet to learn
what monopoly of the press in Dorset
and Somerset belongs to him' or why
his tongue should be allowed to wag
against the very individual that gave his
supposed journals any prestige they ever
possessed. A most extraordinary thing
transpired on Saturday in reference to the
personal prowings adopted rig:ain't the
individual alluded to. On that day, a letter
was received from Mr. Richard Johnson, the
paper-maker, professing, after a lapse of four
weeks, entire ignorance of any such proceed-
ings having ever been adopted in his name,
and indicating his distinct and decided pur-
pose of directing his claims towards another
quarter altogether I It is rather late, for Mr.
Johnson, although he has retired from buil.,
nese, and writes front his country sort, to do
this I The worst that can come him hie
been donefor him. But, whoever has done this
great, this irreparable, and monstrous wrong,
in his name and without his knowledge, has
certainly something serious to answer for.
We shudder and dare not look back on the
five-and-twenty years of overthrown literary
toil, in which we had striven, and, as we
dreamed till but of late, successfully, to earn
a mune and a position in an honourable pro-
fesaion. But we itatti look around us to
rervey the havoc this illegal, and, As it slow
appears, unauthorised act, has produced. Vie
cannot shut our eyes to a desolated hearth,
to the dispersion of our " household gods,"
the slow and selected gatherings of many a
year, the shattered health, the ruined hopes
of all, the death of one, belonging
to us I— we cannot survey a scene so
sad, and, at the same time, trace it to the
malice, the backbiting, and the asperity of
others, without being. tempted to cite, though
more in sorrow than in anger, the lino a—

"Mime sever yet was inartal power
Could lose evade, if unforgiven,
Their= resolve and vigil strong
01 hint who trownres up a wrong."

This may perhaps appear unchristisn-like,
but, such wrongs as ours it is not only a duty
to ourselves, but a duty to society, to insist,
sooner or later, on seeing redressed. Cer-
tainly it would be unheard-of injustice in
enlightened times, if, merely because a man
is a stranger and unfriended, he were to be
remorselessly bounded down. Should we
even perish in tbe struggle, it will be renewed
in our stead; for we cannot conclude with-
out thanking:one:and all associated,with us
—to the last man and the last boy in our
office—for having so}iobly stuck by the sp
when apparently scuttled and sinking. It
may, Perhaps, be premature to tell them they
have weathered the storm; but we can say
at all events, "Courage 1 we see daylight,"
and shall not be the first to desert the flag.