The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1871-07-15 00:00:00

HINC ILL/E LACHRYM/E!
(Fertioce logititttr.)
Test of my saws unit sayings—note my iii tins:
Gunge of my is I..er MIA progress—count fly ruins:
Fruit lof Tiny faiths and follies—mark my fears:
Seal of my :ant sorrows—take my THlEltS.—PT,otch

MR. RUPERT KETTLE ON "MASTERS

AND MEN."
On Saturday afternoon. Mr Rupert Kettle, Judge of the
Worcestershire tonnty ourt, u hose name is well known in
eonnect di with al] al.itb.cs and disputes. delivered a
tilnomi llmot mm..:il\ len." in :lido( the (annum sn Working
Meu's Club and I list it ute I nions, at the Ilieatre of the Royal
hool of NI Ines, Jelio clime!, London, Mr. A. Herbert,
1.., presided.

tI r. ettlesaid : "Whenever of late years I have been
called upon to consider the relations of masters and men,
my duty haslleen to tranquilise some local agitation, or
to restore amity between employers anti workmen in s. ale
particular industry. Having the satisfaction this after-
noon of addressing a th,interested and impartial
audience, unfettered by any intention to bring about
a pre-desired result, I shall feel myself at liberty to
express my own opinions upon the whole subject before
us fully and candidly, without arousing the jealousies
of conflicting interests, or incurring the dangers of in-
creasing discord where I intended to promote harmony.
The subject is seldom discussed with competent know-
ledge and in a thoroughly impartial spirit, for the
obvious reason that those who are not engaged in the
business of production know little about the subject
practically, whilst those who are so engaged are too
deeply interested to he in all things purely impartial.
Let no not be surprised, then, when we find that in dim-
cu.ssions upon the relative rights and duties of capital
and labour words are often used without precision, and
arguments are often based on mere sentiment. A dis-
crimination in the use of the generic word " men " is
absolutely necessary because the economic laws which
determine the condition of the unskilled lalsnwer are
different from those which govern the market for the
handicraftsman's skill ; the former are almost entirely
dependent upon the natural laws relating to population
and food, whilst the latter are mostly influenced by
conventional laws of commercial and monetary CCI,

"1 should have been glad if I could have refrained
from referring to the horrors of the last few months--
horrors which have so intensifies! public interest in my
subj... 4. I sin afraid, however, that this interest is not
in all us-es dissociated with an impression that how-
e' er vol may be the condition of unskilled labourers,
particularly in our rural districts, the town popu-
lation f England is in the main well off, and that
our artisans have grossly committed the error I
haw referred to. They have ciimbined socialism
with business, and when they strike they are influ-
enceil by a sphit of insubordination, and not by a desire
to secure a better trade bargain- that, as in fact our
urban population is fairly well off, the men would be
contented if they were not excited by agitators --and
that much of the pecuniary suffering comes from causes
Istrsonal to the men themselves, and with which the
masters, as employers, have nothing to do. Sonic of
the most prevalent and pernicious of these personal
causes it is the object of the Working Men's Club and
Institute Union to remove.
"I believe that, economically, morally, and politi-
cally, the uncertain demand for skilled labour is one of the
most important questions we have at this day to deal
with. I know from personal observation it gives
the threatening proportimm to our county-court
returns, and I believe it is the source of much of the
social dimiontent which takes the form of political
agitation.
" Attention has been directed too much to the laws
which govern production, and too little to those which
relate to the distribution of wealth. It would be un-
fair for me to allow you to depart without at least in-
dicating the nature 4 the remedies I would suggest
for the state of things described. The remedy is not
to be found in a change of political govennnent.
An empire, a monarchy, a republic must each sub-
mit to the multiplication table, and live under the
indomitable rule of three. If you were to succeed on a
matter of form in mixing politics with economica and
establish what I understand by a commune, you would
have a short saturnalia, to be followed by the natural
avenger of waste—famine. A negative of a widely
different character M (Mr friend Philanthropy. MN
motto is "Live and let live," and so long as he does not
approach socialism by asking for a law to enforce the
"let," we will work cordially with him, and assist him
to do that limited amount of good which is within the
compass of his compassionate efforts.
" The extent and the urgency of your neighbour's
distress have called for efforts which have proved
to demonstrate that we have reached the limits
of our public charity fund. The only remedy which
can be sufficient and permanent, in a national sense,
is one which rests upon the sound basis of economic
law. Our remedial policy must be constructive,
and not destructive. Simultaneously with our deal-
ing practically with the present, we must gradually
but resolutely lay the foundation for a better future.
Our first duty is to provide some means by which
the modern organization of productive industry can
be made to work between maters and men without
causing tho..e wasteful and irritating strikes mid lock-
outs which we alleomnehdeplore. The preventivemeans
Mr. Mundella and myself have suggested must be so
broiliar that I will not weary you by going over the
subject of boards of conciliation and arbitration. I
have never put that system forward as the means of
permanently arranging the relations of capital with
labour. All I have claimed for it is that it is the best
plan yet devised for adjusting the relative rights of
masters and men under the present constitution and action
of their joint productive power. A second expedient I
would suggest is that, to reduce the risk of waste from
ididleda both in wastta capital and mac labour, tficy

should, whenever it is possible, and even at some
sacrifice if it must be, make bargains to endure for a
fixed period, so that both parties may know a reason-
able tune beforehand the terms upon which they may
depend. Thirdly. I recommend wiakmen to carry out
'mire systematically the principle of assurance against
loss by want of employment. At present their trade
societies ably guarantee a minimumto members out of
work. I believe that, with proper checks against fraud
and confined to the legitimate business of insurance,
the action of their associatim in this direction
might be usefully extended. I belkve the iner-
msnent remedy is purely economical, and thas it
will cure by ts.ctifying the economic mistake
under which the capital ot the employer encroaches
upon the functions of the skilled worknna. %%lint
the individual workman has not the means to obtain
may be obtained by combining One means of many
Workmen together. Why, then, when steam
machinery as first invented, did not workmen join
together to buy the new potter and the new tools
which were to supersede Ins dexterity? The answer
is as sad as it is simple—the law prevented them.
Political economy end the steam engine came to-
gether -- one was accepted and the other was re-
jected. The statute of labourers was expressiy in-
tended, as appears upon the face sf it, to cheek the
working of the " laws if supply anal demand" in favour
of workmen, and we have gone on from that day to this.
lain sorry to say, hampering men by disqualifying and
penal enactments ; in fact, men- were prevented from
joiningtheir resources. ThetiGeo. IV., cap. 91i, repealed
no fewer than 341. laws r aNsed for regulating the conduct
and controlling the liberty of various branches of
basalt'. Eyes now the laws of association are very
little understood amongst us; the words " unions,"
" combinations," " aasomations," " companies," "part-
nerships," low used even by our statesmen in the
loosest peisible way. The tirst step towards amelio-
rating the condition of our wealth-priclucing popu-
lation is the same principle as that which has
brought such wonderful prosperity to the middle
class— it is to break off the trade shackles by
which they are Inound. Give them perfect and
absolute freedom of contract, then they will have
a fair opportunity of adopting that form of asso-
elation which is suited to the time, to the locality,
anal to the trade. For one purpose, an industrial part-
nership ; for another, a partnership in comandite ; for a
third, co-operation pure and simple; or it may be
they will turn their trades' unions into great joint-
stock labour insurance companies. A little self-denial,
a little economy of consumption, would soon, enable
the great body of our artisans, by combining their re-
sources, to share with tine middle classes the wealth
which they now enjoy."