The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1878-02-09 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

11l
1. the HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 4, in reply to Lord Granville,
▪ ard Beaconsfield enumerated some of the measures, and
aniong them the Cattle Diseases Bill, to which the attention
OX the House of Lords would be invited.
The Earl of Derby, replying to Lord Granville, said he had
:thing /lore to communicate to their lordships as to the
naistice and the bases of peace, except that the official
Intelligence confirmed the statements contained in the
ordhiarY sources of information—namely, that the bases of
peace and the armistice had been signed, and orders
nad been sent to the commanders on both sides to
80sPend hostilities. Ile was not in a position to communi-
Cate the text of the bases of peace, but he did not think they
would be found to differ in any material respect from those
___.ady in their lordships' possession.• With regard to the
y
.L.Tii.tare stateY bases of the armistice, he was not yet in a position
them.
_ Earl De La Warr called attention to the recent corre-
!Dendence relating to Turkey, with special reference to the
rte of Count Schouvaloff of the 6th May last, and hoped the
t 'h)leigo Secretary would be able to reassure the country
t under no circumstances would a Russian occupation of
vellstsuatinople be permitted.
amThe Earl of Derby replied that the Government had never
to red from the position they had taken up with regard
0 Permanent occupation of Constantinople in their de-
-▪ Duch of the Bth of May, wherein they had stated that such
w
1.8. n act might induce Great Britain to recede from her posi-
on of conditional neutrality.
-1%14, Hammond asked his lordship if there would be any
jection to lay on the table the map of Bulgaria, as laid
.Vwn at the preliminary Conference; and Lord Derby hay-
'Kt promised the paper referred to, the subject dropped.
Stratheden and Campbell observed that with regard
r4the terms of peace nothing had been explained inconsis-
with the statement of Mr. Layard, that they amounted
he absolute destruction of the Ottoman Empire,
Their Lordships than adjourned.
neeTile MUSE OF COMMONS was more crowded than it has
.
chLring the progress of the debate. The Peers'
eIY was quite full, and over the clock sat Prince
timid, Prince Christian, and the Crown Prince of Austria.
0 ,the time the questions had been disposed of every part
t,„stne }louse to which strangers are admitted was crowded,
•b'etsBPieuoll2 among those present in the diplomatic gallery
Lord Chief Justice of England, Sir It. Collier, and
lauddleston. The Princess of Wales and Mrs. Glad-
'were among the occupants of the ladies' gallery. The
ipnee of Wales,
wok theiraccompanied by Duke Teck, entered the
at the commencement of Mr. Gladstone's speech, and
seats on the front benches.
„All reply to Mr. Mellor. Mr. Sclater-Booth said he could
Fooliodertake to introduce a Bill to modify the clause in the
r LaW Amendment Act relating to the receipt of relief
be_raembers of friendly societies, but in the next Poor Law
brought forward a section to modify that clause should
y
,u 72 'inserted, or he would facilitate the progress of any Bill
he subject, should Mr. Mellor introduce one.
The
by 14 chancellor of the Exchequer, replying to a question
Edmund Fitzmaurice, said the Government were in
lied of no definite information as to the demand re-
to have been made by Russia upon Roumania for the
Bessarabia
Klee a.t.
fro -.-arqUis of Harlington having inquired as to the
aelh ef the telegram reporting the signing of an armistice
ii'.,„l,ltbaaes of peace, the Leader of the House replied sub-
Di—emui7 in the same terms as those used by the Earl of
ruY in reply to Lord Granville.
The
•by adJourned debate on the Vote of Credit was resumed
- Gladstone, who commenced by promising that, as
tie.tahle eLthe Debate from the eonclusion of the Armis-
become entirely prospective, he would refrain from
by ing the past policy of the Government, and, allowing
Bones to be bygones, would confine himself first to show-
11,__0w the Vote could not possibly give the Government
ainlijet'rength of an undivided nation, and secondly to
—•us. „if how in-
that union might be accomplished. Noticing
• 41dr 7l Robert Peel's attack on his Oxford speech, he de-
inl that he regretted deeply having been compelled to play
hey.„agronlinent extra Parliamentary part, and that he had,
tb
koll• oca first to last impugned anybody's motives, al-
gss not a single speech had been made in which the worst
lor,,,ivea were not attributed to him. Passing, then, the ob-
wil,taa to the Vote, he insisted that it had no connexion
our' the Queen's Speech, as it was not intended to vindicate
haa neutrality—the conditions of which, by the way, nobody
ated but ourselves. He denied that it would
Cengthell the hands of the Government or that it was
jNed for any endangered distinct British interests, and,
o:1_1re 4 ordinary Military Estimates of £26,000,000, we surely
:l
on a footing of equality with otber Powers,
ote was unreal, inasmuch as it could not possibly be
before the end of the financial year; and while
or,e anY
with this point Mr. Gladstone mentioned that
be; Crimean War had been going on for three months
of the extraordinary Votes came into expenditure.
rj.°oJected also to the mode in which it was proposed to
tic•„,e_the ruoney,and said if the Government really desired to
taz"-Laae an impression on Europe it should have laid on a few
bete,a. and not merely added a few millions to the National
t. It was entirely unprecedented also for, as he showed,
,;10 ote of 1870 was unlike it in every particular; and it was
ell-o°,,,nlialete violation of the constitutional rule that no burden
kord., he placed on the people without its necessity being
the',,e,u• Finally, he urged that to usher in a Conference with
• n ash of arms would destroy its peaceful character; and
-.7"`"4. lained that, so far from giving strength to the Go-
it could have no other effect but to divide the
,ge ". Nevertheless, Mr. Gladstone was anxious above all
'
that the Government should go into the Conference
eee' ihe strength of a united nation at its back, and he pro-
dwell on the various points to be discussed in
r,ollference on which the Opposition would gladly support
Governiaaent. For instance, if Russia put in any
ir_iyabanub which would interfere with the perfect freedom of
e by demanding a cession of Roumanian territory,
to Tight to be resisted. The claims of the subject races
and reedoni and good government should be supported;
eta he was of opinion that it would be no hard-
impose a considerable tribute on Bulgaria, which
lib Veen content to rely on the efforts of others for her
erLY- The hon. gentleman said-
-111'44 Lana not one of those who think that it would be a
e„on suiP upon the people of Bulgaria to be made to pay a
siderable tribute, If men liberate themselves—and that
;net they ought to do—at all events they ought to strain
nerve to bring about their own liberation, they
Z.,yit to fight as Montenegro has done, refusing to ask aid
anybody, but relying upon the strong arms and
irelute hearts of their own children—we might not expect
Zuern to comply with such a condition, but if people
ire not virtue and manhood enough in them to liberate
b,,enlselves, they must be content to take the enormous
it7ll of liberty subject to some alloy and to pay for
to I believe it is kindness to Turkey in your arrangements
tart,„.ndigaria and the other provinces to get rid of points of
eob"e friction between the suzerain power and the people
• lect to that suzerainty. If it be said that they would not
r4,the tribute, I reply that in that case it would be per-
p--ZY JUst that the European Powers if they thought the
I:•l3'w.ent of a tribute a fair and reasonable condition to im-
pt e, should tell the people of Bulgaria and of the other
t.Pes similarly circumstanced that unless they paid that
tWbUte and kept in good faith the arrangement made for
teem in good faith they must in future be content to fight
144. Own battles for themselves."
Gladstone then proceeded to the question of the
tzi_uts. and said—., There is another question that will have
.of 14! discussed, that of the Straits. All I can say in respect
b. 'me Straits is that I hope Her Majesty's Government will
Pe xs4olitent to act on this point in concert with the rest of
Here, again, I think that we have some common
ctliaind With the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the
at equer• If I remember right he spoke of that question
abda former period in connexion with Constantinople,
but .li.ho said, 'No doubt this is a British interest,
ot V' Is also the interest of others quite as much as
.-agland." Then, if such be the case, do not
48 OtheO their work. (Cheers.) He spoke the
peatnight of the distinguished foreigner. There are a
, nianY distinguished foreigners who are extremely
01111 that England should do the work which they ought
tivuo themselves. (Cheers and laughter.) They know the
041Velniceptibilities of this people, and they practise upon
Vetai"uPlieitY by taunting us with having retired from inter-
eert.,.,oll in Europe. But what they mean is that there are
things which they wish to have done, but they do not
wu Make the costly sacrifice of doing them for themselves
(eij'ewould And it very convenient for us to do it for them.
the 78 and laughter.) Therefore I say let the Chancellor of
Zuropxec!!equer take his ground beside the other Powers of

Vsbilitn"aking of the condition of the Hellenic Provinces,
*tons would have to come before the Conference, Mr. Glad-
In considering this question we must dis-
Pr t'sissi betvreen the Kingdom of Greece and the Hellenic
hazinaces. I don't say that the Kingdom of Greece can
or ii,,soY Positive substantive claim for itself upon c.
Ileii.r, any of the other Powers, but I think that the
t,e eine Provinces have a very considerable claimm.
Greece n
pow,. And even with regard to the Kingdom of
the
.
Go
Vass "go as far as to say that I don't think that e
the-assent of Greece can be very severely blamed for what
to ve now doing. Indeed I am rather astonished that
eri -"AI and so small a Government has been enabled to
us,_rcise so lengthened a forbearance and so great a pressure
o'n the national spirit of its own people. But with regard
Wit:he ilellenic Provinces the question is most important. Tt
theres°44le to be slowly understood in this country that while
two; 48 a Very strong sympathy at the present moment be-
littl b Ittisaia and the Slav subjects of Turkey, there is very
Vin443'9,9a,thy indeed between Russia and the Hellenic Pro-
tassi'SsB. lilear, hear.) On the contrary, it might almost be said
theynso certain circumstances there is an antipathy between
Dlar,, Ido not think that Turkey has any reason to corn-
Of the conduct of her Hellenic Provinces during this
esiseei.lnain astonished at the patience they have displayed,
1101071 since the catastrophe which has reduced Turkey
lio - • could not have believed that their patience would
SSO e endured so
v long' I do not want to preach any extreme
iictrine
upon this subject, but I cannot conceive why
tostst „reasonable limits the Government of this country,
syrnp,Sta„ vrhich the Greeks have the strongest feeling of
sines "n 9 and from which they would rather receive assist-
Worisa", Countenance than from any other quarter in the
nosini,:l,cannot conceive why the Government of this
in in'e'sY mould not assume its natural and beneficial attitude
Pro, conference in befriending the cause of the. Hellenic
ansal.i?e. The Slays have a powerful champion in Russia,
and most natural and most becoming, it is most politic
knur,cost expedient, if we want to check the advance of
ass -la in the South, that within reasonable limits we should
in °.Ziate ourselves with the cause of the Hellenic Provinces
the:" oculneils of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I am sure that
-e la a deep policy in this.,
lir n
It tii.'n'Asdatone proceeded to remark that he should lament
a i dsTirvernment went in conference as the representative of
conenS:sed nation, and, with the view of restoring unity and
tinsW"'', he suggested that the vote should be postponed fora
Mai with liberty to renew it if the Government think fit, and
bois an address should be presented to Her Majesty from
(10css.If0u5e5 expressing their readiness to support Her
Conrarnent in bringing about a permanent peace at the
had „erence recognizing the promise which the Government
111::::11ei'llbet';tyobatnadin good terms for Turkey, but expressing a
obtain tt the influence of the country would be used to
good government for the Christian sub-
whit' of the Porte. By adopting this intermediate term,
itiatiecethe country would discharge its duty to the cause of
Fuld tssa,nd liberty, domestic differences would be healed
, "° naiads of the Government strengthened.
gettisn4r93? commenced by avigorous and loudly applauded
Doll, elation, of the misrepresentation of the Ministerial
Of Xalid commented sarcastically on the inconsisteucy
' tos, i
s, Yladstone, who a few days ago at Oxford declared t
, Pose, 'lla Mission to counteract the Prime Minister's pur-
-1 • chara' at'd
ss was now ready to vote confidence in him. He
the sn'"eri2ed the amendment as a deliberate attempt to stop
a n0,,13P1i es asked for by the Ministers on their responsibility,
elarise'issile never taken before by an Opposition which was
talse,redlY not prepared to take office. The Vote was
for
• tdreint and s as a preliminary and precautionary mea-
o
. thugh it was impossible to say that it would not
1
!. Pf Be the preliminary negotiations, it was for the defence
"
ra,nt s i interests ; for, over and over again, the overn-
• ton, 'ad declared that as long as Turkish in terests alone were
t rant il,led, nothing woulct induce them to intervene. It might
• th. 4,!Pent, but it was important to be in readiness, and
,
Mnst bear in mind that in these times wars
resieteT° and sharp. Replying to Mr. Gladstone he
es,4 st out that before the Csonitantinople Conference Russia
. the ernobilized her forces; and as to the expenditure on
s lansierisnajeau War he remarked that when our troops were
s `-'otnrni in the Crimean War they were destitute of a
wit, media and everything which binds an Army together.
tilQut following Mr. Gladstone into a discussion of the
1
tent 41)na to be settled at the Conference which at the pre-
he thought imprudent, he claimed for the
la liesniVne4t the credit of having always been anxious to
lis l'orte good government for the Christian subjects of the
s Peas,„). and they believed that to be necessary for a permanent
,
b Vieb,. lit it was impossible to predict what might be the
,
different Powers on these points, or what might
'ne wishes of peoples. In conclusion, the right hon.
ag)titiadiall /said—
" liovs b
!ailed ~ sY some persens the proposal before the House is
~thsro tt atossni and by othera a war vote. Allow me to tell
' 44 Doasiba- it ii neither one nor the other. (Hear, hear.) It
that we may not spend it all; but 1 may, I think,
'VvelVle to say k
fore us one great object—the object which we
that we shall spend some of it. (Cheers.)
s "Javan be
We n""u In view from the very beginning of these transactions.
' the,sayebeen thinking of British interests. (Cheers.) To us
Ilona, are no interests Lice them, and we have
isaa :_n, to obtain in South-Eastern Europe a per-
solid peace —a peace that will last. (Cheers.)
many persons I know who would care but little
ttrkish Empire broken up. (Hear, hear.) Every
a lilt to his own opinions-on this sv.bjecti, but th'e
is Whether a great uprooting (A that character
L.._


may not interfere with other empires. (Cheers.) It may
weaken the strength of the greatest nations It may work
mischief to the Austrian Empire, to the Italian Kingdom,
or even to the French Republic. (Hear, hear.) You may
wish that the Turkish Empire should crumble into dust, but
you must not lose sight of the consequences which may
follow its fall. You have before you a task so infinitely
difficult that any impediments thrown in the way, by
thwarting and baffling in the smallest degree those who
are responsible for the conduct of its affairs, snight produce
results which would be felt throughout the country for
centuries. (Cheers.) I hope I may without being deemed
selfish, and with a view to the interests of the world,
believe that the British Empire has a commission far
beyond the conflicts of party, and that the maintenance of
Its power and independence is a subject of so serious a
character that no man, be his politics what they may, can
be otherwise than appalled at the gravity of the issues
before us. (Hear, hear.) For my own part, I think it is
better that we should look difficulties In the face at once
than try to put them off. (Hear, hear.) It may be that you
grudge giving us these £6,000,000 now; but if you refuse
them to us, perhaps you would have to spend £600,000,000
hereafter. (Hear, hear.) Therefore it is that with a view
to European concert, with a view to a settlement on
a sound footing of these bases of peace, which, as
they at present stand, are so vague and uncertain, we
ask you to give us your confidence. That is surely no
great demand to make upon you at such a moment.
(Cheers.) We have a right, I contend, after what has
passed to ask you to have confidence in our future policy.
(Hear, hear.) Our conduct has been impunged and mis-
represented in spite of all the documents which were be-
fore those from whom the misrepresentations have come,
and who have, I presume, believed in those underground
currents and those rumours of some mysterious communi-
cations between this country mid Constantinople, of which
the Government knew nothing. (Hear.) Thus to impugn
the character of a British Government is to weaken its force
and power, and you have no right to do so. (Cheers.) To
do so is unjust. (Cheers.) You have a right to meet us in
the fair field of debate and argument, but not to indulge in
those surmises which are contrary, I will say, not only to
the honour of the Government as a Government, but to
those upon whose action they are foimded. . . . We ask you
then, to treat UB as an English Government. (Cheers.) We
have asked on our own responsibilty for tnis money. We ask
to have it speedily ; we ask for it because we want it ; yet you
say you will not give it to us. You tell us that you are pre-
pared to pass au empty vote, but the right hon. gentleman
who says so must think we are but children in the school of
politicians (cheers) when h casks us to accept this paper
vote without anything to represent it at our backs.
(Cheers.) We ask you for this confidence because you have
a guarantee that we cannot fail you. That guarantee is the
Parliament we have called together at the earliest
moment because we are not afraid to acts in the light of
day. (Cheers.) We ask you for your confidence, be-
cause if you are not prepared to give it to us it is time
that we should give place to some one else. We do
not wish to be crippled. We do not wish it to be thought
that while guiding the destinies of this country we are not
fit to be trusted with a sum of money like this with the defi-
nite object of being applied to our Army and Navy. We have
no desire—who could desire ?—to enter into a war. (Hear.)
Is there a man in this House—nay, a man in the civilised
world almost—who could be insensible to the gravity of such
a course? We have hitherto preserved peace we mean to
keep peace, and we believe we are going the right way
to keep it when we ask you to assist amid the confusion
which we see around us. The nations of Europe are armed
to the teeth. A single spark May kindle Europe into flame
which may Involve every interest we hold dear to an extent
of which we have no idea at this moment. (Cheers.) It is
because we feel all this and that we are deeply anxious in
the face of Parliament and the country, not only to protect
British interests, but to do our part lathe European concert
for the benefit of subject nations, that we ask you, in spite
of all the attempts at delay, to give us this vote." (Loud
cheers.)

Mr. Pease, in opposing the Vote, protested against the
strength of Great Britain being used to abridge the liberties
of the Christian races, and dilated on the evils of large arma-
ments, extravagant expenditure, and the horrors of war.

Mr. Forsyth expressed his readiness to support the Vote,
since it was asked for as a mark of confidence but urged the
Government to accept the compromise suggested by Mr.
Gladstone.

Mr. Monk also advised the withdrawal of the Vote, and
urged the impossibility of settling the Eastern Question
without satisfying the claims of Greece.
Sir H Wolff discussed the bases of peace, which he showed
required much elucidation before they could be accepted,
and made a pungent attack on the conduct of Mr. Glad-
stone, who, he showed, had been the apologist of Russia
ever since 1854. He advised the Government to stand firm
and trust in their majority, which represented the predomi-
nant feeling of the country. _ .

Mr. Chamberlain did not regret that Mr. Gladstone's
compromise had not been accepted, because he should have
felt some difficulty in voting confidence in a Government of
whose policy, though it had been changed so often, he had
throughout disapproved.

Mr. Chaplin believed that the occupation of Constanti-
nople by Russia, even if it was limited to a short time, would
not only be a daring infringement of England's neutrality,
but would be a menace and a blow to this country. He
criticised adversely the course taken in the question by Mr.
Gladstone, and hoped the House would be able to present a
united front at the Congress.
Mr. Childers regretted the expressions used by Mr. Cross
during the debate, and, amid cheers and counter-cheers,
said such incautious language ought not to have come from
the colleague of those Ministers who, before Lord Carnarvon's
speech denied the existence of any dissension in the Cabinet.
The right hon. gentleman proceeded to argue that there was
no precedent for a vote of money being taken during nego-
tiations for peace.

The debate was adjourned on the motion of Mr. Stanley
and the other orders on the paper having been run through,
the House rose at ten minutes to one o'clock.

In the HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 5, the Duke of Argyll laid
upon the table a Bill making alterations in the present law
of entail in Scotland, especially in reference to facilities for
improvemeuts.

The Duke of Bedford presented a petition from the Mayor
and Aldermen of the Borough of Luton in favour of
marriage with a deceased wife's sister.
The Duke of Richmond and Gordon gave notice that on
Tuesday next, he will call attention to the report of the Select
Committee on Cattle Plague, and the Importation of Live
Stock, and bring in a Bill to amend the Contagious
Diseases (Animals) Act of 1875.
Lord Airlie referred to the correspondence respecting the
overtures for peace and the affairs of Turkey, observing
that in objecting to even the temporary occupation of Con-
stantinople he hoped the British Government had acted in
concert with the other Powers. He asked for the explana-
tion of the delay on the part of the Government in corn-
mun eating to the Porte the willingness of the Russian
Government to treat with Turkey; and in noticing the con-
dition of Thessaly, Epirus and Crete, he expressed a hope
that in the settlement of the terms of peace the voice of
England would be heard in favour of the claircs of all the
Christian subject populations of Turkey.

Lord Derby replied that with regard to the occupation of
Constantinople, the despatch of May last stated the grounds
of English neutrality, and mentioned as one of those acts
which would cause us to depart from our neutrality the
possession of Constantinople—that we could not with in-
difference see it pass into other hands. In the memoran-
dum of December there was no question of the permanent
occupation of Constantinople, but there was a question of
the temporary military occupation of Constantinople
In the one case we we] e dealing with the results
of the war; in the other we were dealing with that
which might be an operation of the war. Consequently, we
treated them in a different manner. We have always
said that we should consider the permanent acquisi-
tion of Constantinople as a watts bell; but as to its
temporary military occupation we have only warned
Russia—no doubt in a very earnest manner that such
a step was one calculated to produce unfriendly rela-
tions and likely to bring about complications and difficulties
of various kinds. Wit's respect to the noble lord's (Airlie)
warning against England taking upon herself in an isolated
manner a duty whieh devolves on the whole of Europe and
the performance of which should be shared by all the Powers,
he (Lord Derby) said in that warning he entirely agreed, and
whether we are isolated is a matter which the course of the
Conference will show. For his part, he was tolerably con-
fident that in the Conference we shall not occupy an isolated
position. Lord Derby then briefly explained the reason of
the delay in communicating to the Porte the willingness of
Russia to treat with Turkey, adding that no practical incon-
venience had arisen from the delay.
In reply to Lord Colchester, the Earl of Derby said he
had received no information to the effect that the Cretan
Assembly had passed a vote annexing the island to Greece,
and he did not think anything of the kind had taken place.
He believed that what had really happened was that such a
resolution had been passed by a revolutionary committee in
the island. He thought that no valid transfer of the island
of Crete to Greece would take place without the sanction of
the guaranteeing Powers on the one hand, and of the pro-
tecting Powers on the other.

The subject then dropped, and their lordships rose shortly
after six o'clock.

In the Houn OF CommoNS, among the notices Mr.
Beresford-HoPe stated that four weeks hence he will call
attention to the present condition of the National Portrait
Gallery; and Mr. McArthur intimated that he will bring
under notice the administration of native affairs in the
colony of Natal, and move a resolution.
Sir G. Campbell asked the Under-Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs whether Her Majesty's Government and Her
Majesty's Ambassador and Consuls having jurisdiction in
Turkey took any steps to compel British subjects to observe
the laws of neutrality, and whether British subjects would
be allowed to carry war into Greece or into Crete.
Mr. Bourke said no report had been received at the
Foreign Office with regard to any such proceedings as were
referred to in the question having been taken by our
Consuls in Turkey. The same rules, he might add, which
applied elsewhere were applicable in the cases of Greece
and Crete.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated in answer to an
inquiry by Mr. Holt, that his attention had been called to
the statement that certain churches in Bulgaria had been
persecuted by the autnorities of the Greek Church, and her
Majesty's Government would not fail when the proper time
arrived, to use all their endeavours to secure to all the
inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire such guarantees for
freedom as might be considered necessary.

In reply to Sir C. Dilke, Mr. Bourke stated that the
Government would feel it their duty to use their influence
to prevent ships leaving Black Sea ports for England from
being stopped at the Bosphorus during the armistice.
Mr. Travelyan, as a question of privilege, objected to the
Imputations thrown upon him by Mr. Hardy on the previous
evening. His (Mr. Trevelyau's) charges against the Prime
Minister of having a war-like policy were based upon the re-
peated statements of Lord Beaconsfield.
Mr. Hardy said as the hon. member had not repeated in
the House his remarks at Selkirk he had nothing to with-
draw [from the statement that if Mr. Trevelyan did not
prove his charge against the Premier he must go into a
category which it was not Parliamentary to name.]
An excited debate followed, the motion to adjourn the
House having been made ; and ultimately, Mr. Trevelyan
having said he merely deduced from Lord Beaconsfield's
speeches that he was in favour of a warlike policy, Mr.
hardy accepted this as a statement of an argument and not
as a statement of fact, and the incident closed amid cheers
and laughter.

The adjourned debate was then continued by Colonel
Stanley, who commenced by canvassing the precedents cited
by Mr. Childers, which he showed did not bear out his as-
sertion that a Vote of Ciedit of this kind had never been
asked except for war purposes, and explained the technical
and departmental reasons for putting the Vote in its present
form, quoting the authority of Mr. Gladstone and Mr.
Sidney Herbert and others for the course which had been
pursued by the Government. Replying to the assertion that
the Vote was unreal and a sham, he was loudly cheered in
maintaining that the mode of providing for the Crimean
War was a precedent to be honoured in the breach
rather than the observance, and asserted that the
Vote of 1870, which proposed to defend Belgium
with a supplementary estimate of £2,000,000, was
much more of a sham than this vote. He denied that it was
a menace, though he did not disguise that it was intended
for preparation, and, from his experience at the War Office,
he impressed on the House the extreme inexpediency of
being obliged to act in a hurry. The Government desire
that the settlement should be of such a kind as not to leave
materials for further disturbances, and he condemned em-
phatically any sympathy with Turkish misrule or any desire
to thwart the aspirations of the Christian races. At pre-
sent it was impossible to pronounce any opinion on the
vague basis of peace, and the Government, being assured
that its policy was supported by the country, could not con-
sent to depart from it merely to save the susceptibilities of
the Opposition.

Lor-d-B. Fiizmaurice, deprecating the spectacle of discord
offered by the deba.to and the threatened division, earnestly
urged the leaders on both sides to devise a via media which,
while it would give the British Government the strength of
an 'united nation, would spare the Opposition the_humilia-
tion of passing under the Caudine Forks merely to give the
other side a party triumph.

Mr. Goldney supported the Vote, and from the result of
recent personal inquiries asserted that the misgovernment
of the Eastern Christians had been exaggerated.

Mr. Norwood, speaking from the -Opposition benches,
declared that though he regretted the demand for the Vote,
yet as the Government had asked for it on their responsi-
bility he could not, dared not refuse it. The amendment
could serve no 'purpose except to discredit the Goverment
at a moment of great difficulty, for it was admitted that the

Liheral Party could not take office. He appealed therefore
to Lord Hartington, who might some day be placed in a
similar position, not to allow the amendment to be pressed
to a division.

Mr. Birley rejoiced to find that the two sides were gradu-
ally approaching to a practical agreement, and that both
were equally desirous to maintain peace and to uphold
British interests. Without expressing distrust of Russia, he
reminded the House, in the interests of commerce, that she
was a highly protective Power.
Sir C. Dilke strongly supported the Amendment, and
declared that what the Opposition feared was that the Go-
vernment, having obtained this Vote, would be tempted into
a policy which would be rather Austrian than British. He
defended the Opposition from the charge of want of patriot-
ism, maintaining that though they differed as to the means
they equally desired to maintain the honour and interests of
the country.
Mr. Hall commented on the obscure and involved terms
of peace, and agked what would become of British trade in
the Black Sea if Russia got possession of the mouths of the
Danube. At such a time it was the duty of all parties to
strengthen the hands of the Government, but the Opposition,
Instead of following the example of its predecessors in 1850,
had never given the Ministry fair play, but had endeavoured
to thwart them at every turn. Mr. Hall concluded with a
spirited denunciation of Russian duplicity, to which

Sir W. Harcourt, who followed, replied by calling on the
Government to disavow sentiments, which, if acted upon,
must lead to instant war. After some humorous comments
on the heated language of the Treasury Bench and the in-
consistencies of the last few weeks, he vindicated the Oppo-
sition from the charge of thwarting the Ministerial policy,
and contended that the utmost they had done was to
counteract the pressure of those who would have driven
the Government into war. Dismissing past differ-
ences and proclaiming an amnesty for all bygones, he
proceeded to discuss the policy of the future, and called
upon the Government—as a condition of confidence—to
Intimate the general direction of the views with which it
would go into Conference. No perm9nent peace, he main-
tained, could be hoped for unless it were recognised as a
basis of negotiations that the integrity and independence of
the Ottoman Empire had ceased to exist. No satisfactory
settlement could be arrived at if it was sought to patch up
its shattered remains, bu t if the- Government would go
into Conference as the champion of all the struggling
races, it might still compete with Russia for their gratitude
Above all things, he deprecated any attempt to secure the
alliance of Austria by joining her in paring down the
autonomy which was to be givan to the Christian Provinces,
"What had made Austria so weak? It was because by
the very conditions of her existence she was the enemy
of the principle of nationality and autonomy. What had
made Russia so weak? Her treatment of Poland. What
had made her so strong? Because she was the vindicator
of oppressed races. (" Oh I") Was she not strong? Was
she not the vindicator of oppressed • races? After
all the Slays were a great nationality, and they
had rights and aspirations which ought to be respected. If
we acted upon the old policy, doubtless we should have good
reason to fear Russia It would not be her armies, or her
fortresses, or her extent of territory which would make her
formidable; it would be the gratitude of the people that
she had emancipated which would be her strength. (Hear,
hear.) It was not yet too late for Her Majesty's Govern-
ment to equal, and even more than rival, Russia
if they went into the Conference with a changed
policy. England might surpass Russia in that Con-
ference in being the champion, not of one, but of
many races. And here let him say a word as to the Aus-
trian alliance. The history of Austria had not been a for-
tunate one in that of modern Europe, and why? Because
from her position she had been opposed to the principles
of nationality, and her empire had consequently broken
away. The result had been that she had not only a dual
Government, but she had also a dual policy. He should be
glad if England could secure the Austrian alliance for
legitimate purposes—for the protection of Constantinople,
for the preservation of the freedom of the navigation of the
Straits and of the Danube. But if we were going to purchase
the alliance of Austria by aiding her in paring down the
autonomy of the Christian provinces of Turkey, he
should say that such a policy was not worthy of the
English nation. (sear.) He hoped that we should
adopt the policy indicated by the right hon. member
for Greenwich, and should appear at the Confer-
ence as the champions of those who had no powerful
defenders—he meant the Greek nationalities. (Hear.")
If the Government would go into the negotiations deter-
mined to carry on ia policy worthy of a free people, they
would be backed not only by an united nation, but by the
unanimous vote of the House of Commons.

The Solicitor-General, in winding up the debate for the
night, severely ceneured the Opposition for refusing the sup-
port to which every Government was entitled under such
circumstances; and maintained that if Ministers could not
be trusted to go into Conference the House should not
signify its want of confidence by refusing the Vote but by
replacing them by others.
On the motion of Mr. Rylands, the debate was adjourned
until Thursday, and the House adjourned at twenty-five
minutes past twelve o'clock.

In the Horn OF COMMONS, February 6, the Glebe Lands
(Ireland) Bill, the object of which is to extend the operation
of the present law for two years longer, instead of its ceasing
this year, was read a second time without discussion.
Mr. M'Carthy Downing moved the second reading of the
Land Tenure (Ireland) Bill, which, after a debate in which
Sir J. Leslie, Lord F. Conyngham, Mr. Kavanagh, The
O'Connor Don, andseveral other hon. members took part,
was opposed by the Attorney-General for Ireland (Mr.
Gibson), who remarked that the Land Act of 1870 must now
be accepted as a measure which had been fairly and
honestly worked. He opposed the Bill as much in the in-
terests of the tenants as of the landowners.—After a brief
reply from Mr. Downing, the House divided—For the second
reading, 86; against, 286; majority, 200.
The other business was disposed of, and the House ad-
journed.

RIGHTS OR WRONGS ?
(The Diary of a Female of the Future.)

Monday.—Just as I had settled my household work
for the day I was called away to serve on a Jury, and
had to remain in the Law Courts until the evening.
Tuesdau.—Some riots having taken place in our
neighbourhood, was forced to act as a Special Con-
stable. Paraded the streets all day long in a state of
constant alarm.

Wednesday.—Received a letter from my friend Susie
who has heard that the Militia are to be called out.
Visited her, and discovered that women, as citizens,
are now liable to military service.
Thursday.—Had to attend an inquest as a Coroner's
Juryman. A very unpleasant duty indeed, as it was
held upon a person who had committed a most horrible
suicide.

Friday.—Having failed to obey the orders of a
County Court Judge, was locked up in prison for con-
tempt. I owe this scrape to the extravagance of my
husband—a man who will buy hats and coats, and who
will not work for our living.
Saturday.—ln deep tribulation. The Governor of
the gaol is a female, and, as a matter of course,
favours the male prisoners. Asked for a book, and
was furnished with a work upon Roman Law. Cried
myself to sleep over a passage which told me that no
one could obtain the privileges of a citizen without
accepting a citizen's duties and responsibilities. Oh,
why did I give up the privileges of a real woman for
the miseries of a mock man !—Punch.