The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1878-04-13 00:00:00

SATURDAY, APRIL 13, 1878.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

1
I.
THE EASTERN QUESTION.—THE QUEEN'S MESSAGE.
In the loran OF LORDS, April 8, Lord Beaconsfield moved
att Address of thanks to the Queen for her most gracious
Message communicating her intention to call out the Re-
aerve Forces. He said he thought it not unreasonable to
Snake a few remarks on the subject, and after describing
the circumstances which had occurred during many months
Past, and referring to the diplomatic correspondence which
.Stacl resulted therefrom, he added that meanwhile informa-
tion reached the Government that negotiations which were
poring on between Russia and the Porte were conducted with
one utmost secrecy and mystery, but England declared
that all the questions between Russia and Turkey should
- be matter of discussion in the Congress ; and that every
article of the Treaty of Peace should be submitted to the
' Congress. That Treaty entirely abolished the dominions
of the Ottoman Empire in Europe, and the case was not
different in Asia, for the Treaty would convert the Black
Bea into a Russian lake. When the hopes of the Govern.
Silent of the meeting of the eongress were disappointed they
had to consider inlet course it was the duty of the British
Doverninent to take. There was but one course to pursue.
When all the world was armed or arming, was England, he
Raked, to remain disarmed? In these circumstances, the
Government fele it their duty to advise her Majesty to send
a Message to Parliament notifying her intention to call out
the Reserve Forces.-Lord Beaconsfield thus concluded his
Peech :-'' It is the first time the Sovereign of this country
nat sent down such a message to Parliament, because this
Message is in virtue of an Act of Parliament which was
Passed only a few years ago. That Ac teas in consequence
great military reform which was inaugurated by the
Last Government, and particularly by the noble viscount
(Viscount Cardwell) opposite. My lords, that great mili-
rsarY, reform gave rise to much controversy and opposi-
tion in the country ; but, as has been the case in re-
!Peet of all great acts of our Legislature, when it
became law every man on both sides exerted himself to
nerrY it into effect. lam sure that during the experience
Of the present Government-and that has not been a short
one-there has been an unceasing effort to carry into effect
the measures and policy of the noble viscount opposite. I
met at liberty to speak on this point, because it is my lot to
ttiffer from many of my friends in this matter. The great
Drinciple which is the foundation of the Reserve system-the
Principle of short service- is one which I have had the honour
r'e Support. (Hear, hear.) Well, my lords, ills in consequence
of that reform in our military system, and the institution of
Mort service, that wears obliged to recommend Her Majesty to
call out our reserves. Under the new military system it was
hid down that a battalion in time of war or on active service
Mould cossist of not less than 1,000 men. A battalion in time
Of Peace consists of only 500 men, and therefore the
machinery of reserves, the arrangement introduced by the
noble lord opposite, that there should be with this alert
aervice a means by which when men passed through their
Short service and left their colours they might become,
Under another title, the soldiers of Her Majesty,•was the
2asly means by which you could convert our battalions of
wil Men, in case of emergency, into battalions of 1,000
Mesa, who should not be mere raw recruits. Now, unfortu-
PsaiY, the name for this force is not a very felicitous 0ne;1,.„." Is called the Reserve Force, and it is called the
•sultia Reserve Force, and the world associates with the
Word Reserves some resource that is left to the last, that is
s„ntili to be appealed te in great emergency, and is to be the
nitnate means by which you can effect your purpose. But
toss is exactly the reverse of what the Reserve Force insti-
Kited by the noble lord opposite is. It is not the last resource,
btit it lathe first resource under our system. At this moment
,ssoll really cannot put a corps d'armle into the field in a
&winner which would satisfy the country, unless her Majesty
Was advised that the circumstances justified such a Message
to the House from ti e Crown as I brought up the other day.
We 11... my lords, if it was necessary in this state of Europe
i_loat her Majesty should have a sufficient naval and milt-
'arY force we could take no step but that which we advised
the Crown to adopt. And what was the consequence of
`tux step? Her Majesty will be able in a very brief space
ef time to possess an army of 70,000 men fairly and even
M rapietely disciplined. Ills double the force of English-
Inert that Marlborough or Wellington ever commanded;
btit it is not a force -sufficient to carry on a great war. If
44.,._glatid is involved in a great war, our military resources
Much more considerable than those you may put in mo-
tion by this Statute; but this La the only way in which you
eft Place at the disposal of the Crown a considerable and.
eqUate force when the circumstances of the country in-
dicate an emergency. (Cheers.) The noble lord the leader
the Opposition the other night, in his lively and sails-
t.
.40
--19 answer to one of his own supporters, admitted and
approved the satisfactory state in which the country was
S.ilth regard to defence. He said:-" We happen to know
7eom. the Secretary of State that he has a corps d'armee
e,saclY, and that in a short time he can have another."
sues° make up the 70,000 men of whom I speak, and there-
'
;era the noble lord admitted it was not an unreason-
able amount of force we were calling upon Parliament to
grant. The question, therefore, between us and the
aoble lord is this-I will not say between the noble lord
"lid Us, but between us and any who differ from the policy
1,1 the Government in this respect-are the circumstances
..,.."oat exist in the East of Europe at this moment-do the
rlrciUnstences that prevail in the Mediterranean cousti-
late an emergency which justifies the demands that her
7saiesty shall not only have a powerful navy in these
eter; but shall command, if necessary, net a very eon-
mlderable, but an adequate and an efficient army (Cheers.)
'OW,„„ My lords, I would say that this is a question which
'agues home to every man's bosom. I cannot conceive my-
that in the position in which this country now Inds
as elf, when an immense revolution in an important portion
ss the world has occtirred-a revolution which involves the
censideration of some of the most important interests of this
rcutry, and, I may say, even the freedom of Europe-
sheere)-I say I cannot oenceive that any person who feels
tseiase of responsibility in the conduct of affairs could for a
s'aonaent pretend that, when all are armed, England alone
nuld be disarmed. (Cheers.) I am sure my noble
;fiend, whose loss I so much deplore, would never up-
that doctrine, or he would not have added the
ussetion of his authority to the meeting of Parliament
ro a the appeal we made to Parliament immediately
wr hinds adequate to the occasion of peril which
Nnelieved to exist. No, I do not think such things of
r ; and to the individual of whom I did I should say,
si!eiget ad Anticyram ; only I trust, for Heaven's sake, that
ir lunacy would not imperil the British Empire. I have
.:er considered that Her Majesty's Government, of what-
Esser Party formed are the trustees of that Empire. That
. es‘`,l.Dlre was formed by the enterprise and energy of your
SZaeators, my lords; and it is one of a very peculiar charac-
I know no example of it, either in ancient or modern
sCl'erY. No Caesar or Charlemagne ever presided over a
It Minion so peculiar. Its flag floats on many waters;
t,Llas provinces in every zone, they are inhabited by
Ssons of different races, different religion, different
e,"rs. manners, customs. Some of these are bound
to Us by the ties of liberty, fully conscious that without their
esnsrtexion with the metropolis they have no security for
Enic freedom and self-government; others are bound to us
iell'esh and blood and by material as well as moral con-
bsinrations. There are millions who are bound to us by our
tTSusts'saT sway, and they bow to that sway because they know
eo--"riey are indebted to it for order and justice. All these
tbOilliunities agree in recognizing the commanding spirit of
ste islands that has formed and fashioned in such ft manner
litsis"seat a portion of the globe.- My lords, that Empire is no
WM heritage ; built isnot a heritage that can only be enjoyed;
es,sronst be maintained (cheers) and it can only be Diane
b-Saeed by the same qualities that created it-by courage,
lir discipline, by patience, by determination, and by a
Werelice for public law and respect for national rights.
riz lords, in the East of Europe at this moment some secur-
etues of that Empire are perilled, I never can believe that
.
er,,,such a moment it is the Peers of England who will be
bejlting to uphold the cause of this country. I will not
Ds eve for a moment but that you will unanimously vote
kr! Address in answer to the Message which I now move."
-711,1 cheers.) The motion was as follows ;-
t);:.:rhat an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty
es7ussking Her Majesty for her most gracious Message com-
seticating to this House Her Majesty's intention to cause
14:5seserve Force and the Militia Reserve Force, or such
~, thereof as Her Majesty should think necessary, to be
4tllWith called out for permanent service."
tit!'os_rd Granville rose and prefaced his observations by the
ei;"•"rtient that he had no intention to offer opposition to
eses Motion, but he observed that though* the Opposition
abstained from bringing forward votes of censure, that
ens,„ lance constituted no proof that they approved the
tict of the Government. He believed that a great
esrottiatic failure had occurred in reference to the Congress.
,3,e thought it unfortunate that when the Berlin Memo-
tejtdaol was presented the British Government re-
-11,3'41 perfectly silent, and he conceived that Par-
tczent wasentitied to have some general information of
lee Peat principle on which the Government meant to act.
el-ss_uolaed and believed in peace, as it was the interest of
as,Z7 Power to maintain peace, though he admitted that the
10143, between Russia and Turkey was open to much ant-
%Version. And he esked why the Government did not
%%Stet% communicaticeas to Austria on the subject, for if the
thSartirnent had acted with real confidence in regard to
eS",al)De they wouldshave been pretty certain to have had the
-fDort of every moderate man in the country.
sae a
rs.
bul_ Derby commenced by observing, in order to correct a
slotaral misapprehension, that calling out the Reserves was
taadtbe sole reason of his difference with his late colleagues,
aekw, ben it wassail that England could not remain un-
kst, whea the whole of Europe was arming, it must not be
otten that England was in poseession of the British
as • The present state of affairs was described as one
t
tile s 2 emergency, but he should like to know what was
tbst"tergency and what had created it, for he did not admit
etas " was a fact that all diplomatic influence had been
cosiTtisted in reference to this matter. Be regarded a
elessgreas as a convenient instrument for recording de-
t t Sdas Which might be agreed to. But he thought
bebiest as easy to aseertain the opinions and pro-
gesss4 conduct of the Powers by negotiation outside the Con-
bol' and therefore he did not regret that that body was
aolie'elY to meet. He old not think that there was any
estt foundation for irritation against Russia, and even in
the es,MPlation of war there was no mason for haste on
' tes,b'snglish side. Discussing, in the event of war, what
tthe allies England would have on her side, he came
yue conclusion that though Austria might be a possible
Step be still much doubted whether it would be safe to
e,_llreatly on that quarter. In these circumstances, if
?lid Were to rush into war it was right to know clearly
' were the definite objects in view. Lord Derby thus
iewu Stied his speech-" What is to be the result of the war,
bot :Ong it to be successful? I know at
.least what it will
itt4"°)l.ll'4s Class, wllabiensitiirliestocoblenetqTa nci disappointed,
is rather
wa
hnaut:
eueet4o-saPPens. Those who profess admiration for Turkey,
s art lament the fa ld of the Turkish Empire, are out of
suet s You might have kept that Empire alive for a time,
sot IS' 4 cannot now restore it. My noble friend the Secretary
Wei Ail irs would be the last person to wish to do so.
Oa gn a
lid would not allow it and all Europe would be against
tt. yp 1
At e ‘,
then, you cannot restore the Turkish Empire, what
0.11 to do? Are you to go to war to cut off tome-
s', irons the pecuniary indemniW which Turkey has to ,
441,"° Russia, or to make various modifications in the de- I
balthOf the Treaty of San Stefano? Those are results I
aeggiti MeV be fairly attained by means of diplomatic
'fetch ations ; but the objects, it seems to me, are not of
tgbiat t,ranscendent magnitude as to justify the Govern-
. tteser 41 calling out at the present moment our mititary
L'ere lees. We know, however, that there is a good deal
,Kat tb'eoind than any modifications of the treaty. Con-
Public, ask the first man you meet, and he will
lalleSs" you nine times out of ten, 'Oh, we have lost
tt itsPce in Europe, and we must fight to regain it.'
LSilessie any satisfaction to us to know it, from one end of
'''ltte tO the other England's movements are watched
te Os
as setense anxiety. That is a satisfaction which we may
tail? at the present, whatever anybody may think of the
We I)','lta".lotis of the last two years. Whether they think
Otigh, Se done too much, or too little, or not done all we
'here is one thing certain-that, during these t‘Vo
tc.;)gland has not in any question been regarded
Lela e,"“'ed as a feeble Power. I own that indivieually
Zak sss,s not a satisfaction I care very much for;
es'ore s's'ch as It is, you have it. I would say
la ,s• ala that ; if it were true in any respect that Eng-
I; It..'",lUence in the East were diminished, J. should say
taistere dloainished by a course of action which we delioe-
, "sepal and of our own free choice adopted. We chose to
nes telionentral-conditionall neutral if you please, but the
' ifetp",on did not lessen the neutrality-we chose to stand
eb3:lo,W.hen we knew that Turkey must be defeated, and it
tit sheet we
now to say, ' Oh, that is quite true;
11Po/I 11'. you see, when the war began we did not count
. es Mafia obtaining such an accession of military pres-
' 4).1! You did not exp ect that' what did you expect?
Thetruthis, that those whom I was once
01efin'' task for calling our employers-the public-have
- ',lager 'sal the beginning of this business to the end known
;PI minds for six months together. (Laughter)
~,,,,, r. ago it would have been almost dangerous for
. viaiss tea to get up a* a public meeting and express in,
%rosy (plat
.ttt his doubt as to the disinterested philan-
ail I bei.esussia. Now the cry is all the other 7way ; ad
Zs_e4a tes -Arve I have been an object of criticism in
Icqt ii, ° agitations, I may speak with impartiality' and I
' ht lett., that the foolishness and the virulence of each does
irs a Ala °Much to chose between the two. If I could from
i?tsie hl
cc;e address the English people I would venture to ask
1, friesitsbeY can expect to have a foreign policy-I do not
: kontfiv,,erd, but even consistent and intelligent, if within
saLs tlast,:_i,ne great majority of them are found asking
tit ir directly contradictory. (Cheers.) When we
s_ lee ss_ ave saved Turkey if we had chosen not a
. i'leek)74.6 raised in favour of that course, and now when the
. tear d You chose to call her so, is still loaged at or
', t:ilitht t's4stantinople, nearly everybody is crying that we
a.r tise;:klirli him out. I venture 4,0 ask whether a war
fo"vs se: !Of influence would be a war worthy of us. We
KnR asssil the experiment tried on a great scale not so very
Zethi':'• That was the motive, you may say the avowed
' nes. Which led the late Emperor of the French to pick
-dietly Purposeless and senseless quarrel with Ger.

Atty
441 a

many. We know how that ended, and I do not think
the author of that war was much pitied. Grant that we
should he more fortunate, that we were successful, and
obliged Russia to give back nearly all she has taken. What
then? (Cheers.) You will not have gained the
_greater

part of your object. You will not have destroyed gus.sian
Influence or substituted English imfluence, because Russian
Influence in that country which is now to be called Bulgaria
rests only in a slight degree upon military success; it
rests on what you cannot take away—identity of race,
community of religion, similarity of religion, traditional
historic sympathies, and the common hatred which has
been felt against the common foe. These are reasons
which you cannot take away; they will continue while a
Russian soldier is left in Bulgaria; they would continue
even after Russian soldiers had left and other soldiers
taken their place. If, therefore, we were fortunate and
established English and Austrian authority over those large
populations in European Turkey, I say you are fighting for
a shadow, and even that shadow you will not obtain. I thought
this was a convenient time to offer these general remarks
on the policy which lies before us. I admit, of course, there
are circumstanees by which we may be forced into war;
but I think that prima facie there is a great objection to
undertaking to accomplish by war that which if you are to
gain your object in the most complete .and efficient manner
will have to be done again in twenty or twenty-five years.
We thought the work was done in 1851, and we know how
far that expectation was disappointed. I certainly shall
rejoite if my noble friends by peaceable and diplomatic
action obtain those results for which they hope. I shall
not be inclined to reproach them, if, still confining them-
selves to the use of peaceable means, they obtain
results considerably inferior to those put forward. I
must say I require somettling more than any of the
reasons and arguments I have heard, either in
this House or out of it, to show me that, in the cireumstances
which now seem likely to arise, there is a cans belli. Unless
such a war be absolutely forced upon us, I object to it,
because it will he a war undertaken without necessity, be-
cause it will be a war undertaken without a clear and defined
object before us, and because it will be undertaken with a
divided country, and, in all probability, without an ally."
(Cheers.)

The Lord Chancellor was sorry to have heard Lord Derby
state that he did not regret that the Congress was not likely
to meet, for if the representatives of the Powers of Europe
met in Congreas they might make successful efforts for the
maintenance of the peace; but all the great changes in
Europe proposed by the Treaty of Peace were put forward
without the consent of the populations concerned; and the
Government believed that the interests of England in this
respect were the interests of Europe. It was because the
Government thought that the Treaty would not accomplish
the ends of peace that the Government declined to enter
into the Congress without having the right of full discussion
on all the points.
Lord Selborne censured the conduct of the Government,
and expressed his belief that Russia would not have refused
a voice to Europe in the Congress, and he could not see that
.Russia had refused to go into the Congress on reasonable
terms. It was England which had departed fram the Con-
gress, and great military preparations and the clang of arms
would greatly reduce the facilities of coming to a satisfac-
tory conclusion.

Lord Carnarvon asked, if England should go to war, what
advantage would this country gain. It might be said that
Russia would be humilated, but it would be dangerous
policy to act upon that idea. He was satisfied of .the
great resources of this country, but he should regard with
undisguised dismay any act which would revive and per-.
petuate all those evils and animosities which were the result
of the last war with Russia. He thought that the Govern-
ment were treading on hollow ground, and that they had
taken on themselves the greatest responsibility.
Lord Houghton spoke in favour of the course taken by
the Government, who, he believed; were bound by treaties
to act as they had done.
The Duke of Argyll said it was impossible not to feel that
the issues of peace and war were trembling in the oalance,
and in that part of the speech o J Lord Beaconsfield
describing the Treaty of San Stefano there was a
distinct appeal to passion. His belief was that no British
interest would suffer it the Turkish Empire in Europe
were brought to a final end, and added that it must
be expected after the termination of war that terms
more severe would be imposed on Turkey. It was the con-
duct of the Government which had thrown the whole settle-
ment of affairs in European Turkey into the hands of Russia,
characterizing at the same time the demand for the cession
of Bessarabia as a shabby act, but adding that if the Go-
vernment were determined to tear up the Treaty of San
Stefano, after all the sacrifice of blood and treasure made by
Russia, then they would be obliged to go to war without an
ally in Europe. If it were determined (said the Duke of
Argyll in conclusion) to tear up the Treaty of San Stefano
altogether and to denounce it in the unmeasured lan-
guage which had been used to-night by the noble earl at
the head of the Government, this would be equivalent to
telling Russia that, after her immense sacrifice of blood
and treasure we considered every part of the treaty
to be objectionable. Then, he said, we should be ob-
liged to go to war, and we should go to war under circum-
states of -every conceivable difficulty. We should have no
ally in Europe, and one of the immediate results of our con-
duct would be that the Russians would take possession of
Constantinople. Before sitting down he wished to say that
the result ef every consideration he could give to this
question was that no settlement could be hoped which rested
upon maintaining in any degree the independence of the
Ottoman Porte. The sooner the Porte was dead and
buried as a European Power the better. He was not talk-
ing of the individual Turk. (Laughter.) Well, there was
a great difference between the government of the Pashas
and the Mahomedau population. He would not deprive
any Mahomedan of a single acre he possessed, but, on the
contrary; he would protect him from one of the worst
governments that ever existed. If we entered into a war
with Russia for any of the reasons adduced to-night, and
above all if we entered into a war out of mere spite
and hatred for the purpose of destroying her influence, all
he could say was— "The blood be on your heads and not on
ours." (Dear, hear.)

Lord Salisbury said that he had listened to the speech of
Lord Derby with great Surprise, because for all that passed
in the Cabinet every member previous to his resignation was
responsilde. With regard to the Treaty of San Stefano, he ob-
served that that document was one connected whole, so that the
Government could not considerits articles separately. He ob-
served that a misconception appeared to prevail that there was
something warlike in the steps which the Government had
taken, but he contended that the position of the Govern-
ment was not a warlike position, for they had simply taken
measures of precaution, being quite sure if the time should
ever come when the measures of precaution should be con-
verted into more active measures, the spirit of Englishmen
would supply all that would be required. The noble
Marquis concluded his speech by saying :—" I venture to
hope that there are things more important in the world than
the loss of books and pictures. I venture to hope that the
people of this country, in spite of their views of material
prosperity, still recognise national sentiments leading to
exertions and to self-sacrifices for the sake of which, if the
need should arise, they must renounce for a moment the
enjoyment of that prosperity itself. How far off that
occasion may be it is not for me to say. I earnestly
hope—nay, I may say I have ground f: hoping- it is not
within the ken of the present generation ; but if it he not,
depend upon it it will not be because Englishmen are not
stiff and determined in the assertion of their legi-
timate rights and the maintenance of their ancestral
honour. Englishmen are moderate, careful to avoid unne-
cessary offence, slow to come to a dangerous and violent
conclusion, and tenacious and resolute when the con-
clusion has once been arrived at, and such qualities
and spirit I hope you will find in the Government of
this country. We have undoubtedly inherited great
duties. We are bound.to foster the aspirations of the rising
races of the South-East of Europe ; we are bound to con-
solidate their nationalities (cheers); and In their patriotism,
in their love of their own traditional history and past glories,
to find a security for further stability and peace. (Cheers.)
But we have "lore important interests than all these. We
are trustees for the British Empire. We have received that
trust with all its strength, all its glory, all its traditions;
and the one thing we have to care for is that we pass them
untarnished to our successors. (Loud cheers)
After some remarks by Lord Kimberley, who expressed
his regret that the Government had by their conduct
broken up all chance of European concert; by Lord Strath.
nairn, and Lord Denman,
The Address wasagreed to, and their lordships adjourned
at ten minutes to one o'clock.

In the HOUSE OF COMMONS, in answer to Mr. Holms,
Colonel Loyd-Lindsay said that the Militia Reserve men
called out to enter upon Army service would be returned to
the 3.lilitia service as soon as the emergency was over. It is
intended to 1111 up their places in the Militia regiments
gradually,
In answer to Mr. Gorst, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
said that of the £28,000,000 figuring in his Budget as National
Debt Charge about £23,000,000 was devoted to the repayment
of intevest, and £5,000,000 to the reduction of Debt.
The Queen's Message announcing the calling out of the
Army Reserve Forces having been read by the Clerk at the
Table,
The Ckancellor of the Exchequer rose to move an Address
to her Majesty thanking her for her most gracious Message.
The step, he said, was rendered necessary by our present
short service system in order that the Army might be placed
in such a condition as to be available at any moment it
might be required. It was not intended to alarm the
country by stating that such an emergency had arisen
as existed, for instance, when Napoleon threatened
invasion from Boulogne, or when our Army was de-
spatched in haste to quell the Indian Mutiny; but
it was such an emergency as made it desirable that if the
Army were needed it should be ready without delay. It was
a measure similar to the Vote of Credit; it was in no sense a
measure of war, but simply of precaution. treat Britain
having strictly maintained an attitude of neutrality through-
out the war, no such step as this was needed ; but matters
had assumed a different aspect since the conclusion of the
war by the Treaty of San Stefano. The treaty of Paris
and the system on which it regulated South• Eastern
Europe had come to an end, and it was now proposed
by Russia to substitute the Treaty of San Stefano in its
place. But this country claimed to have its share in the
settlement of the Treaties which must take the place
of the Treaty of Paris, not only in its own interests, but the
general interest of Europe; hut this question could not
be settled without a free and unreserved Congress which
would be able to take a general view of the Treaty as a
whole. It was untrue that the British Government had
sought to interpose any obstacles to the meeting of the
Congress. It desired to have a true conference, but for this
purpose it was necessai y that tho power of the
Congress should be distinctly laid down before-hand,
that nothing should be slurred over or left to
mare understandings. Making every allowance for
Russia's title to consideration from the sacrifices
which she had made, it was impossible to admit the
pretaosions which she had put forward in this Treaty with-
out the most complete and searching examination. The
Treaty left Russia in complete command of Turkey, and of
all the resources she still possessed ; and the entire absence
of consideration for the Hellenic and Mussulman populations
made it certain to lead to future disturbances. The Govern-
ment, therefore, believed it to be the duty of this country to
endeavour to have the Treaty put on a footing more con-
sonant with the maistenance of the European system than it
premised to be. What this country required—that the
Treaty should be considered as a whole was no more
than Russia had undertaken to do when she began the
war. But it was idle to conceal that Russia had not been
willing to consent to that full discussion of the Treaty in re-
latson to other Treaties which was essential. Ile believed
that even yet Russia might on reflection come to the con-
clusion that our request was not unreasonable, for it was
absurd to say that the articles of the Treaty could be con-
sidered separately But the Government must continue to
press its demand, and if it was denied the advantage of
taking part in a general European settlement, it must be
prepared, trusting to its own right hand and its own
means, to see that the interests of the Empire received no
damage.

Mr. Gladstone stated at the-ontset that he did not intend
to move or to advise an amendment to the Address, and re-
marked, with regard to the Chancellor of the Exchequer's
speech that if it could be considered apart from Lord
Salisbury's despatch, it would be znost reassuring. He did
not admit that an emergency had arisen to justify the
military policy of the Government, and, so far from it being
identical with the Vote of Credit, he believed that it wse
put forward for a more advanced purpose. He was glad to
hear from the Government that it earnestly desired a Con-
gress, but he could not understand why it was not to be
held. The Government had never yet explained what it
understood Russia to mean by "accepting or not ac-
cepting discussion." Did she mean to limit the discussions
of the Congress or her own share in it—did she claim a veto,
or merely the right to withdraw, which belonged to every
Power? The only way in which this ambiguity could be
cleared up was to accept the Preliminary Conference. Re-
viewing the events of the Seaton, he contended that daring
the las:, four rsionths' we had been drifting towards war' and
complained that the Government had done nothing to re-
press the military sptrit of the comtry. Next, he criticised
with great severity what he styled the "Inflammatory
despatch '' of Lord Salisbury, the writer of which he accused
of unfairness, misstatements, iSrc. ; and in an elaborate
examination of the Treaty of San Stefano defended it
against the Indictment of the Foreign Secretary, except-
ing only the demand for Bessarabia—which he thought
Lord Salisbury had not condemned strongly enough—
and the size of the new Bulgaria, which he thought too
large. With regard to the indemnity, he maintained that
except when it took the form of cession of territory
it was not a matter of European concern. All the conditions
of the Treaty so sharply attacked by Lord Salisbury had been
communicated to the etovernment in Jane last, and not a
hint had been given to Russia that they- would be objeCted
to. Finally, Dlr. Gladstone pressed on the Government
again the necessity of going into Congress as the only means
by which the faults which they found with the Treaty could
be corrected, and concluded by saying—" The worse the

Treaty of San Stefano is, the greater is the need of be Con-
gross (cheers); but I wish my right hon. friend had pointed
out to the House that the San Stefano Treaty was far from
being a final instrument, but was put into our hands and
entitled a preliminary treaty. These are the reasons which
compel use to object to the proceedings of the Government
—though not uniformly, for those proceedings have not been
uniform. We are told of the great difficulty through which
the Gw.ernment is to guide the country, and God grant
that they may do so, and discover a policy, better than
their past policy, which may be based on a sufficient union
of interests and feelings to make a solution of the difficulty
practicable! Unfortunately, they have chosen to take us,
not along a plain open pate', but by the brink of a precipice,
and we are nearer to the brink than we were; but if they
would seek only the ends of justice and freedom, and
would humble themselves and be content to work with
Europe, it is my belief that they will receive the support of
a united people and earn the gratitude of a nation which
has escaped the guilt of a causeless war." (Loud cheers)
Sir W. Lawson moved an amendment expressing regret
that the Government has advised the calling out of the Re-
serves, and contending that no emergency has been shown to
exist, and that the step is neither prdtlent in the interests
of European peace nor warranted by the state of matters
abroad. In the course of his speech Sir W. Lawson said
that "he believed in the doctrine of nonintervention,
and could not understand how it was that when
a case arose advocates of non-intervention came to think
it was an exceptional case. Far from blaming Her Ma-
jesty's Government for what occurred in the early phases
of this matter, he admired Lord Derby's calmness and
courage. Many of the despatches of the noble lord were
worthy of the dignity of a great nation, and he should always
remember with pleasure that saying of his that the greatest
of all British interests was the interest of peace
Our policy towards Russia of late had not been a word and a
blow, but a word and a threat of a blow. The Vote of Credit;
was not that meant to be in the nature of a threat? Again,
the presenCe of the fleet in the Sea of Marmora was most
dangerous. Apart from the question whether its presence
there was or was not an infraction of a treaty, he thought
It could not be denied that the Government, in
ordering it to go through the Dardanelles, had
taken as rash, uncalled-for, and reckless a step 9.s
was ever taken by an English Government. . . . .
He saw nothing for which England should go to
wax. The phrase "British interests" was a very elastic
one, but he saw no interests which could be truly called
British that really required such protection as could justify
the Government in involving the country in a war. It was
urged that we should go to war in order to punish Russia
for the high-handed course she had taken, or was said to
have taken, in reference to Bessarabia; but he should like
to know who constituted England the judge of Russia's
conduct in that respect. If England. was to go about all
over the world redressing the wrongs of every little op-
pressed State, she would be continually at war, and he,
therefore, thought she had much better busy herself with
attending to the interests of her people at home, even
though she subjected herself to charges of cowardice and
isolation,- which last he thought far preferable to the de-
solation which must inevitably result from war Were we
going to fight because we could n ot make suitable arrangements
for holding the Conference? He confessed that he could not ex-
actly see what were the points we were to fight about. Some-
times he appeared on the point of grasping them, and then
they eluded him again. It was the duty of her Majesty's
Government to use every effort to bring about this Con-
ference and to settle its preliminaries amicably. Was it
reserved to the Government of this Christian nation in
1878 to go to war for the sake of mere phraseology
and to take steps which would lead to the deluging of
Europe with blood? It was said that there was no imme-
diate danger of war- but on this point he could only re-
echo the words of the right hon. member for Greenwich,
and say that all these steps—these steps of bluster, which
might be mere brag, were leading us daily nearer and
nearer to the precipice, and must at length plunge us into
war. (Hear, hear. This was a pitiable state of things'. We
had all read something about the paths of honour, but the
path we were treading was to offer to Russia a petty, paltry,
and pitiable provocation which was unworthy of the Bsitish
nation and of the Government which led us. We had called
out our Reserves, and we believed that last Sunday when the
people went to hear the words of peace and goodwill they
saw on the church-doors the summons calling them to blood
shed... .

Sir W. Barttelot believed that the best chance of peace
lay in our taking adequate measures of precaution, and
attributed the whole blame et the situation to Russia's re-
fusal to place the whole Treaty before the Congress. He
had no wish to see Turkey placed in her former position:
but he held it to be impossible for this country to acquiesce
in the Treaty of San Stefano, which he strongly condemned.
Mr. Grant Duff deprecated the introduction of Party
spirit at such a serious crisis, but the Government could
not claim the support of all parties unless they indicated the
general line of policy they meant to pursue. In an elaborate
retrospect of the events of the last two years he showed how
many opportunities had been lost of settling the Eastern
Question, and discussed the alternative policies which it
was now open to them to pursue. The advice he gave them
was contained in a single sentence,. Sine Germania nulla
salve: but he had little hope of it being followed now that
there was at the head of the Foreign Office a statesman who
had always been a bitter enemy of Germany.

Mr. Goldney maintained that the Government could not
acquiesce in the pretension put forward by Russia to veto
the discussion of any part of a Treaty, which be held to be
a contravention of the Treaty of 1866. The Treaty itself lie
held to be entirely inadmissible, an 4 showed how the4om-
mend she 'would get of Armenia and Asia Minor would be
injurious to our commerce.
Sir G. Campbell said he could not condemn the Govern-
ment for calling out the Reserves, but he warned them not
to be intoxicated with the idea that these Reserves-would con-
vert us into a Military Power, and also against the delusion
that we could draw any great amount of military strergth
from India. Ile regretted that the Government had not
accepted the preliminary Conference, and though for the
most part he believed the Treaty a good One, he strongly
condernued the condition with regard to Bessarabia.
Colonel Barne urged the Government, if war broke out,
to occupy Gallipoli, in order to prevent Russia cutting the
British Empire in two. •

- -
Sir H. D. Wolff, believed that the de,3patch of Lord Salis-
bury had done more to preserve peace than anything which
had happened during the last four months, and showed how
entirely unfounded were Mr. Gladstone's charges against it
of mis-representation.
Mr. J. Goldsmid supported the Address and also vindi-
cated the accuracy of Lord Salisbury's despatch. At the
same time he called on the Government to satisfy the House
that it had done all it could to get the Congress together,
It was the duty of the Government to obtain a real and true
Conference, and there to use all its influence to prevent
these provinces falling under the domination of Russia.

Mr. Hardy, replying to Mr. Goldsmid's appeal, said that
the Government had done, and would do, all it could to
bring about a Congress, but no greater obstacle to its
meeting could be imagined than such speeches as Mr.
Gladstone's. But fortunately, by the course he had taken,
Mr. Gladstone had lost all his influence on this sub-
ject, as was shown by the election out of doors, and by his
own unwillingness to back his speech by taking a divi-
sion. With regard to the Congress, the Government
had never denied to any Power the liberty of withdrawing
at any moment; but that was not Prince Gortchakoff's
meaning, and a Congress such as Mr. Gladstone imagined,
where questions could be settled behind the back of
the patty who had withdrawn, was absurd. As to
the Fleet, it would be uncandid to say ir was there
solely for the protection of British subjects. It was
there as a representative of the power of Great
Britain and her determination to have her share in the
settlement of the Eastern Question. In reply to
the charge of isolation Mr. Hardy replied, "Wait,"
and maintained that so far from " drifting " towards war we
were taking up a position which would make it clear what
we meant, and would thereby conduce to peace. Next, he
vindicated the accuracy of Lord Salisbury's despatch, pro-
testing warmly against the language of unmerited bitter-
ness which Mr. Gladstone had applied to it; and with
regard to his complaint that the Russian terms had
been communicated to this Government in June last, he
showed that that communication was never meant
to be official, and the terms themselves were not identical
with the Treaty of San Stefano. Nobody could doubt that
there is at this moment, assuming the Treaty of San
Stefano to stand, a great darkening and over-shadowing of
the South-East of Europe. No one can doubt that one
Power of Europe is supreme there at thia moment, and
that Turkey by that means is absolutely crushed.—Mr.
Hardy thus concluded his speech—" I feel deeply the
gravity of the situation. • I tract I have not said a
word to bring about a collision of feeling or which might
hinder the establishment of a secure peace. (Hear, hear.)
My strong desire has been otherwise. Is it possible
that an English Minister, having the interests of
England at heart, could possibly wish for war?
(Cheers.) It is simply impossible that with our interest
in commerce throughout the world, in trade at home,
our interest in the happiness of the people, in their
freedom from bloodshed, in the happiness of their homes
throughout the country—it is, I say, simply impossihle that
we could be desirous of war. Sir, it is so ridiculous an accu-
sation that I am almost ashamed to repel it. (Loud cheers.)
But, Sir, there are worse evils than war. Worse evils arise
froffi the degradation of a countty that A asserting its
position and claiming its rights—degradation from the
refusal to that country of the right to exercise its just
influence in the settlement of the administration of a State
in which it has held great interests. It is an insult to such
a country to be driven from the free discussion of those
points to which it had committed itself by its own
adhesion and its own signature in coajunction with other
Great Powers. It then becomes the duty of such a country
even at tre risk which I for one am most • anxious to
avoid of some bloodshed to maintain its position.
(Cheers.) It will only by deferring the time weaken
itself for future effort, when war will come down upon
it heavily and earnestly and against its will. It is better
to take time by the forelock, and, if the country is unjustly
'exluded from its rights, to place itself in such a position as
to show that it means to maintain them and not to allow
the Empire of England to be trodden down and dishonoured
even by the greatest Empire in the world." (Loud and long-
continued cheering.)

At the conclusion of Mr. Hardy's speech the debate was
adjourned, and, the other business having been disposed
of, the House adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock.

In the HOUSE OF LORDS, April 9, Earl Beauchamp moved
the second reading of the Factories and Workshops Bill,
which had already passed the Commons. Re said the mea-
sure would consolidate 35 years of work and experience ; and
its great object was to make clear to all persona engaged
In the industries to which it applied the requirements of the
law.

The Earl of Shaftesbury cordially thanked the Govern-
ment for the measure, which was then read a second time.

The Public Baths and Washhouses Bill and tke Thseshing
Machines Bill were read a third time and passed.

On the report cf amendments to the Bishoprics Bill being
brought up for consideration, the Earl of Itedesdale moved
an amendment to enable a bishop who had attained the age
of 74 to resign his seat in the louse, if he had held it for
twenty-five years.

- _
The proposal met with some opposition from tho Lord
Chancellor, who considered it was a large step to secure a
small benefit; but Earl Granville did not think the sugges-
tion an unreasonable one.
The amendment was eventually negatived without a divi-
sion, and, the Bill having been ordered for a third reading,
their lordships rose at a few minutes past seven o'clock.

In the BOUSE OF CO3IMONS, Mr. IL B. Sheridan put a'
series of questions to the Government respecting the steps
taken or intended to be taken to protect the interests of the
Turkish bondholders, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer
replied that the Government was fully alive to the import-
ance of the question, but at present he was not preparcd to
give any definite assurances.
In answer to Mr. Bates, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
said he still hoped to be able to adjourn on Tuesday for the
Easter holydays, but it would depend on the length of the
debate on the Queen's Message, as it was necessary that the
Budget measures should be advanced before Easter.
The motions and private Bills having been postponed, the
adjourned debate on the Queen's Message was resumed by
Mr. E. Jenkins, who contended that the Treaty of San
Stefano menaced neither the interests of this country nor
the freedom of Europe, and that no justification had been
made out for refusing the Congress.

Mr. Hanbury said no one could read the Treaty of San
Stefano without coming to the conclusion that, as concerns
the Christiana of Bulgaria, they would only experience a
change of masters, while the other stipulations were
pregnant with matter for future intrigue.

- --
Mr. Chamberlain supported the amendment, although he
did not agree with all the arguments by which it was sup-
ported, and while he thought the Treaty required alteration,
he did not believe any alteration to be pussib!e which was
worth going to war for. The policy he recommended was the
re.establishment of the Empire of Greece. The Greeks had
shown that they were able to fight for their independence. If
an opportunity were given to their legitrimate a9pirations, they
would show themselves worthy of their ancestors That
policy, he believed, it would be impossible for her Ma-
jesty's Government entirely to carry into effect by
reason of the pledges they had given to Turkey. There
were times when a country was bound to fight to de-
fend its territory and its interests, or to succour the op-
pressed _but there was no such justification for England
engaging in war at the present moment. We were patted
on the back by other Powers as the champion of European
order, but why not let those Powers themselves maintain
European order? They were much more nearly concerned
in the question than we. (Hear, hear.) He could not
unaeratand why a siugle English 'soldier 'should lose his: life
in pulling the chestnuts out of the fire for Austria, Germany,
or Italy, and believing that the policy of the Government
would lead to that result, he intended to vote for the
amendment. (Near.)

Mr. Bailie Cochrane protested against the proposed aboli-
tion of the Ottoman Empire, and maintained that England
was more interested than any other Power in stopping the
progress of Russia.
Mr. Jacob Bright reproached the Tory Party with being
the friends of war. and declared that Lord Derby was a safer
guide than Lord Beaconsfield; while Mr. Dillwyn supported
the amendment, but repudiated the imputation of being a
"peace-at-any-price" man.
Sir G. Bowyer refused to accept the Treaty of San Stefano
as a permanent settlement of the Eastern Question. It
satisfied Russian interests, but it would leave open many
points which would lead to future war.

Air. Richard supported the amendment on the general
ground of dislike of war, and attributed the warlike spirit
in the country to a blind hostility to Russia, whose doings,
he argued, were no worse than ours in many parts of the
world

Sir C. Dunce also supported the amendment because no
case of emergency under the Statute had been made out,
but he heartily approved Lord Salisbury's despatch as it
substituted European policy for the British interests to
which Lord Derby had confined himself. He agreed also
that Russia had departed from her 'engagement to lay her
whole case before Europe, but the conciliatory tone of
Prince Gortschakoff's answer just received showed that the
measure now recommended was premature.
Mr. Courtney hoped some neutral Power, like Germany,
would come between Russia and England, and get us oat
of the difficulty in which we had placed ourselves.
-

The Marquis of Hartington said that if he thought the
measure taken by the Government to be one decidedly of a
warlike character he should vote for the amendment. But
he regarded the motion before the House simply as an ac-
knowledgment of Her Maje4ty's Message, and he protested,
therefore, against the amendment, which placed him in the
necessity of taking one of three courses, neither of which he
approved: Either he would have to vote for an amendment
which was ill-timed and unnecessary, or to seem
to express full acquiescence in a measure for
which he did not think there was adequate neces-
sity, or else—what was extremely painful on such a
question—to abstain from voting. Although the utterances
of the Government had been divergent and ambiguous, in
his anxiety to discover a common ground on which all
parties could unite, he would assume from them that Lord
salisbury's dispatch was not intended as an ultimatum, but
as an argument, and what they desired was European con-
cert carried out by means of a Congress. With regard to
the Congress he expressed his regret that the Govern-
ment had taken the last despatch of Russia as conclusive
of the Congress: and even admitting their demand to
be reasonable, he thought they had not given suffi-
cient weight to the objections of Russia, and he hoped
that negotiations would be resumed and that the Congress
was only postponed. Although he was of opinion that the
Treaty of San Stefano was open to most of the criticisms of
Lord Salisbury's uespatch and could not be accepted
without careful consideration, it ought to be considered
in a spirit of moderation, more especially as we had
from time to time been informed by Russia of her
terms, and had never once protested against them. The
Government could not refuse to accept the treaty as a basis
of negotiation without convicting themselves of grossly neg-
lecting the interests of the country. Although he did not
object to the manifest change in the policy of the Government,
the House had a right to know whether it was for British
Interests or for European interests that warlike prepara-
tions were being made. But he contended that no special
British interest was now threatened any more than at any
time during the war, and that it was n)t the duty of this
country to wage war single-handed for the protection of
European interests. In conclusion, Lord Hartington ap-
pealed to Sir W. Lawson not to persevere with his unfortu-
nate and ill-timed amendment, pointing out the danger of
encouraging Russia to believe that she would be supported
by any party in this country in refusing demands, however
just, and also that his certain defeat weuld be represented
as a great victory for the War Party.

Lord Elcho asked whether the Circular of Prince Gorta-
chakoiT, published in the Third Edition of The Times, had
been received by the Government.

The Chancellor ot the Exchequer said that Lord Salisbury
had not yet received it, but there was nothing to complain
of in its publication, as, being a circular despatch, it would no
doubt be published in St. Petersburg, and forwarded here by
The Times Correspondent. Correcting the serious fallacies
which had been advanced in the course of the debate, he
repeated that the measure was intended and was likely
to conduce to peace, beeause the greatest danger of
" drifting" lay in inaction. He denied, too, that the Govern-
ment had opposed any obstacle to a Congress— all they ob-
jected to was a sham Congress which could lead to no agree-
ment. There was no reason why the Congress should not
yet meet, but the Government would hold to their point,
and would not go into Congress unless the whole Treaty was
to be considered. Replying to the argument that the
Government had known of the Russian conditions, he
pointed out that when communicated they were each
and all coupled with the qualification that they should be
settled by general consent, and that was the demand now
made by the Government. They did not complain of Russia
proposing such a treaty, but they maintained that if it
were carried out unaltered it would menace important
British interests and endanger European freedom. The
Government demanded that they should have a share in
determining the settlement which was to be made of the old
state of things, and if that was not conceded, precautions for
the protection of our intereste would be called for. He
hoped and believed that no war would be necessary, but if
it should, unhappily, be forced on us, the Government 'mew
their duty, and would be prepared to do it.
Sir W. Lawson declined to withdraw his amendment, and
on a division being called a large number of the Opposition
members left the House. The result was that the amend-
ment was negatived by 319 to 64, and the announcement
was received with loud cheering from the Ministerial benches.

Sir G. Campbell intinaated that he should not press his
amendment respecting the retrocession of Bessarabia, and
the address in answer to the Queen's Message was then
agreed to.
Some other business was disposed of, and the 'louse ad-
journed at ten minutes past one o'clock.

In the HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 10, Mr. Macdonald, in
moving the second reading of the Employers' Liat,ility
for liijuries Bill, said that consicering the constitu-
tion of the Select Committee which reported on the sub-
ject he was not surprised at their adverse decision ; but,
notwithstanding that, he had been advised by his friends
to reintroduce the Bill. Ills chief reason for doing so was
that as the law at present stood no one could understand.
it, and there ought to be a definite and unmistakeable pro-
vision for cases in which workmen were killed or injured by
means over which they had no control.

Mr. Tennant moved the following amendment :—" That
any alteration in the law of liability of employers for
injuries to those in their employ should be founded on the
report of the Select Committee of last Session on the
subject; and that, considering the importance of the ques-
tion, affecting, as it does, all classes of the community, any
measure on the subject should be introduced by Govern-
ment."

Mr. Brassey was of opinion that some amendment of the
law should be attempted, and he directed special attebtion
to the case- of railway servants, among whom there was a
yearly average of 740 deaths and 2,250 cases of injuries from
accidents.

After a discussion, in which Mr. Gregory, Mr. Shaw-
Lefevre, Sir C. Forster, Mr. Gorst, Mr. Lowe, and other hon.
members took part,

_
The Attorney-General admitting that the law of compen-
sation for accidents was not in a sound position, either in
regard to the general public or in regard to the particular
question now before the House, and said he would under-
take to bring in a Bill which would certainly modify and alter
the law, which he hoped would prove satisfactory.
Mr. Forster said as it was evident that the Government
measure could not be introduced this session, he was in
favour of the second reading of this Bill.

After some observations by Mr. Meldon, Mr. Bulwer talked
the Bill out.

The other orders were disposed of, and the House ad
jommed.