The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1855-11-27 00:00:00

THE WAR WITH RUSSIA.

As active operations, both by land and sea, are now
almost brought to a close for the present season, the
interval before the commencement of another cam-
paign will, no doubt, be made use of in endeavouring
to patch up terms of peace. Already there are ru-
mours of attempts at the renewal of negotiations
through the intervention of the doubtfully-neutral
States of Prussia and Austria; and even in this coun-
try strenuous exertions are made to get up a party-
cry for peace, as though we had been the defeated in
the encounter, and were anxious to obtain by diplo-
macy that which we were unable to achieve by force
of arms. This is one of the great dangers arising
from the present anomalous position of political parties,
and the little confidence which can be placed in the
ability or discretion of the PALMERSTON Administra-
tion. The war necessarily involves great additional
expense, and, unequal to the emergency, the financial
measures of the present Government are likely to
enhance the difficulty, and lead to monetary embar-
rassments which, under abler management, might be
avoided. Such a course will strengthen the Peace-
party, and render more imminent the concession of
conditions which will neither prove for the advantage
of the country nor the future tranquillity of Europe.
To consent to terms which would place Russia in the
same relative position which she occupied at the com-
mencement of the war, would be a reckless sacrifice of

all the vast expenditure in human lives and treasure
which has already been made, throw up all the advan-
tage which was hoped to have been gained from the
alliance with France, and virtually to submit to the
humiliating taunt of having undertaken a duty which
we had not the courage to perform.
There has been too much of this craven spirit evi-
dent from the commencement. When the forts of
Odessa were bombarded, the work was left half done,
as though we feared to provoke too much the anger of

Russia ; and throughout the first campaign there was
more show than reality of hostility, as though we were

waiting for propositions of peace, and refrained from
embittering the quarrel. Our rulers were slow to
believe that Russia had an object which was to be
gained at any hazard, and that it was our duty as well
as interest to render its achievement impossible. It
cannot be too prominently kept in view, that while the
war should have a definite object, the attainment of
which, whether gained by negotiations or hard blows,
should be accomplished, no idea of peace should be
entertained until that object be arrived at, and for this
purpose every exertion should be used. No doubt can
remain as to the intentions of the late CZAR, after the
publication of the conferences with Sir HAMILTON
SEYMOUR ; and though his immediate intentions, as
then divulged, had reference only to the Empire of
Turkey, the whole tenor of Russian policy shows the
ultimate aim to be universal dominion, which it is not
only the interest of England but of every state in
Europe to prevent by every possible means. The war
was, therefore, undertaken in order to impose an effec-
tual restraint on Russian ambition, and, unless this
end be attained, it is idle to talk about peace, because
we may feel the pressure in higher prices and in-
creased taxation.
Too much stress has been laid upon the vast
resources of Russia, as though the means of con-
quest were to be judged by the extent of terri-
tory. We have heard so much of the hordes of
Cossacks, and the enormous northern armies which
proved so formidable when Poland was subdued, that
it is true we took a more sober view of the dangers to
be encountered. NAPOLEON, notwithstanding his
great military resources, and the prestige of his name,
found himself worsted in an encounter with Russia,
but the circumstances are widely different. He
ventured his vast army over the enormous deserts
which have been the great feature of Russian strength,
and was defeated more by the elements than by
military strength or strategy. But, fortunately for
us, by selecting the Crimea as the theatre of combat,
we have compelled the enemy to undergo all the
losses and hardships involved in the movement of
troops and munitions of war over sterile wastes, and,
with all our disasters, have had considerably the ad-
vantage. The protracted siege of Sebastopol has
proved a far more deadly blow to Russian ambition
than could have been effected by any other means,
and we have but to follow up the advantage until the
defeated party shall sue for peace. The defence of
the Crimea must have been a tremendous drain upon
the resources of Russia, not only in the material of
war, but also in men. We have abundant proof of
this in the repeated levies which have been made to
recruit her armies ; and it is now said that the last
proposition of the EMPEROR is to make a levy of the
whole population, as though he were determined to
sacrifice the last man in order to carry out the frantic
scheme which is called Russian policy. But there is
a limit even to the despotism of a Russian autocrat,
and rumours are already rife of counter-agitations, in
order to save what remains from annihilation. The
nobles are bitter sufferers from the depopulation of their
estates ; the land has been drained of the means of
rendering it productive ; the losses in the Crimea must
have made most fearful havoc amongst the people
capable of bearing arms ; so that another campaign
must humble autocratic pride, from sheer inability to
find soldiers to maintain it. The Allies are still in
the plenitude of their strength, with nothing to dread
but the want of determination to persevere ; and even
the possession of the Crimea, with that footing in
Asia which OMAR PASHA. seems determined to win
for himself, will give them an immense advantage,
which ought to have its full weight in any decision as
to terms of arrangement.
The peace party in this country make a great point
of the expense which is being incurred, and even dare
to insinuate that our commerce is suffering from a
prolongation of the contest. The first position may
be true, but not to the extent they wish to make it
appear. The resources of England are amply sufficient
to meet all that has been expended, and even to double
it, without any serious inconvenience ; but if the
pressure were even greater than it is, the check to
Russian ambition, which it is hoped will be made
effectual, is worth all the sacrifice. But the allegation
of injury to commerce is positively untrue. If we
have lost our export trade to Russia, which never was
of any great importance, we 'have gained flu' more in