The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1869-05-29 00:00:00

The RIGHT HON. W. E. FORSTER, M.P.
ON THE AMERICAN QUESTION.
The Right lion. W. K Forster, M. P., addressed
his constrtuents in St. George's Ilan, Bradford, last
week, when every part of the large room was crowded,
and the reception given to the right hon gentleman was
of the most entlinsiaetic character.
Mr. Forster, on rising, was received with loud and
prolonged cheering, the audience rising to their feet,
and welcoming his appearance again and again. The
applause having subsided, the right hon. gentleman
returned thanks for the cordial reception given to him,
and after commenting upn o certain measures at pre-
sent occupying the public attention, he adverted to the
relations of this country with the United States. On
this subject he said :
Let it be clearly understood that I an, speaking solely for
myself. I am not a Cabinet Minister: and with regard to
this questiou, I did not consult any of my colleagues, and so
one isresponsible for an) thing I shall say urain it except
myself. You know how desirous I was for friendship with
the United States. , Hear, hear. You know how I have
'trumped for it, and you know this because you have helped
me in those struggle. at the time when there was danger to
peace between England and America from what might have
been done in Migland. I shall ala ays be grateful for that
help—)"s helped me with power and with vigour, and with
*Amadeus, to do what in me lay to remove that danger, so
that England should not be responsible for any disagree-
ment with our Milani. ins America *ear.) And how, If
there lus
danger at all, It is danger in America. I do not
wish to Maggetate that dancer. I believe It is exaggerated
already. But if there be clatterr at all, it is there.
Bell, ills a curious wish—l almost desire that you were
all Amertcans. (Hear, hear ) I wish, Instead of talking to
wy Matiford constituents, I was talking to tpy American
friends—for I believe I have friends in America—l wish I
was talking to them, and perhaps some few words that I say
tonight may reach some of them—•,hear, hear,—and they
simy feel that I ass talking, not, as I say, as a member of the
British Government, bit as a man whose most earnest desire
sad effort, when he has taken part in politics, has been to
have a lasting and faithful friendship between this country
and the United States. (Cheers.) A chief reason why lat
all allude to this subject this evening is on account of a
speech which has excited a good deal of attention, made by
a personal friend of my own—Mr Sunnier. I need not say
anything to you in praise of Mr. Sumner. Bradford people
have studied American questions—they studied them before
the civil war, and during the war, and afterwards - and they
know about Mr. Sumner. (Hear, hear.) 'they know that
Sir Sumner was a man who suffered for the cause of right—
who suffered persecution. Injury, and outrage In the cause of
the slave— hear—who stood by his country in its great drag-
gle nun patriot should have stood by it. and whose words,
therefore, even if I was not related to him on terms of
personal friendship, I should look upon with respect and
with the greatest possible attention ; but Mr. Sumner has
done me the honour, in his speech to which I allude, to
to quote from past speeches of my own, and therefore I am
sure he won't complain if I make some allusion to what he
has said. Hear, hear.' lie has taken a ground which I
greatly deplore. We in England had persuaded our Govern-
ment to offer to submit to arbitration our dispute with
America, with regard to the injury inflicted by the Alabama
and other vessels. It was not very easy to persuade English-
men to do this, but we did persuade them. It was only
right that we should do it—it would have been most wry ng
If we had not done it ; we ought to have dime it long ago.
(Hear, hear.; Mr. Sumner, in his speech, appears to reject
this proposal of arbitration, and to demand instead of it an
apology, almost, I might say, an abject apology, and mime
untold 33111 of money besides. Why does he make this
demand? Chiefly upon two grounds, on both of which I
venture to thick he is mistaken. ,Hear, bear. Ile first says
he demands it because the proclamation of neutrality that
was issued in the Queen's name at the beginning of the civil
war was uncalled for, and premature, and hostile to the
United States: and because, secondly, having proclaimed
neutrality, England broke it, and, to use his own words,
threw her sword into the struggle. Well, now, lam not
here as an apologist for all that our Government or that Eng-
land has done. You know very well that! urn not, for I was
nog earnest in deprecating reach that was done. But Ido
say that in both there respects I venture to think that Mr.
Sumner is mktaken. (Hear.,
Now with regard to the proclamation, that appears to be
the great cause of offence against England in the mind of
Sir somber, and of many influential and most excellent
Americans at this time. I want you to look back—and bear
with nie ill go into rather a dull discussion, I. the question
Is very important. (Rear, hear.; Look back now to what
was the position of England when that war broke out. Sud-
denly Englishmen heard the news of the South having re-
belled against the North. It was a aura rise to Englishmen
generally It was little of a surprise to me, because I had
studied American affairs long ago; but it was • aurpriae to
Engliahmeti generally, and I believe it was a surprise to
Americium generally. But, however, that war broke out,
and the whole 41 the South was in the possualon of these
sews What was England to do? Why, it was her duty to
declare that, however much she might lament that war, she
would have nothing to do with aiding either side. It was the
proclamation of our determination to have nothing to do
with aiding either side that Mr. Sumner coniplaina against.
Be says it was precipitate, premature, uncalled for, and
hostile. Well, I believe it w. necessary. It may have been
Issued two or three days earlier than it should have been
issued. My excellent and my dear friend Mr. Adams hail
only jut arrived, anil perhaps it would have been better to
let him get thoroughly at home in the Embaasy•house in
Loudon before it was issued. But that to a mere matter
of etiquette, and I cannot suppose a matter of that
kind would really be thought to be a reason for disagreement
bet ern two meat nations. That It would have beta neces-
sary within a few days I am perfectly sure.
Just consider what was the state of things. There was this
great war raging between these two portions of one country.
The States on the South were in rebellion against the Union ;
there was a vast number of Americans—Southern Americans
—in the Southern states snit in England, trying all they could,
using every possible exertiou to, by some means or another,
drag us into that war. It was our business to prevent their
doing no if possible. How could that be lone? Simply and
solely by the Queen issuing her orders that we should take no
part in the struggle. It is said it was a hostile act. Well, I
don't think any one—l am quite sure Mr. Sunnier wont, and
I don't believe any American will charge ine with being hoe-
tile to the North. If there waa one thing that I longed for in
the course ef my life, it was that the North, representing the
principle of freedam, should conquer the South, which repre-
sented the principle of slavery. {(ames. I hope it is not an
unpatriotic tivng to say that I could hardly mem, Me of any
struggle in which my own country would be engaged in which
I Mutant feel more earnestly than I did feel in that struggie
in which our knisrnen—whom I look upon as almost our Owls
countrymen—were waging war for freedom against slavery.
(Hear, hear, and applause ) Well, having that leeling as
strongly as man could—l may have beta n nom, but I must,
any, having that feeling—being ninst anxious to save the in-
terests of the North, to save the Untin—l most earnestly de-
seed the proclamation, and did all I could to obtain it....
The first statement that there should be a procla-
mation issued was made, iii answer to a question
of mine, Icy Sir George C. Luis, the then Home Secretary.
Why was it I asked that quution ? Why woe I anxious I
for that proclamation? For this reason—that I knew
the leadersof the South had sent over to England letters of
marque, and I was afraid that, unless tLere were orders
issued preventing it, privateers with letters oi marque would
sail from our torte without delay. Rear, hear). Well,
but then," Mr. Sumner would say, "it was your businen to
have declared these men pirates, and to have taken them up
as pirates. ' That was my first feeling ; and I remember very
well—as well as if it had been yet tertlay—considering whether
I should not come forward in the !louse of Commons and a k
. that they should be treated as pirates. But I felt that Hi
would be a strong measure to take, and that I should be sure
of my ground before making the application ; arid I remem-
ber very well going to the best Admiralty authorities that I
could comult, and, not being contented with that, of search-
ing through the library of the House of Commons, and of
looking over the opinions of writers on international law one
after another, and especially of looking over the writings of
the great International lawyer, XS beanie. I saw clearly, ac•
cording to the principles of international law now acknow-
ledged by cinlised Governments, and especially advocated and
enunciated by the United States, that when there was a war or
insurrection between rebels and a government, any neutral
country was bound to consider that to be a state of
War, and could not look upon either party as pirates,
and that they could not treat their own subjects who
Might aid either party as pirates, although they were
bound to do all that they could to prevent those
selects from aiding them. • Hear, hear.; The reply that is
made by Mr. Sumner to that—sail I must state, if lie will al-
low me to say so, and I would say it to him if he were here,
that it was a reply that was not made at that time—. this,
"Oh, there was war by land." We do not deny it— .hear,
bear —and I think it would be difficult for them to deny it,
Minaiderieg the immense amount of courage, of resources, awl
of patriotism they have been obliged to show to conquer in that
War. "There was war by land," he said, "but there was no
war by sea, and you made that war by proclaiming neutrality
and recognising the Si uth as a belligerent power." Hear,
hear , Well, but really this is not the ease. It is true that
the South had her ports locked up, arid that very few vessels
got out ; although it is a fact that our American friends do
not seem to remember that the four first vessels that came
out with the flag of the South to prey upon Northern com-
merce came out at Sontheru porta anti that they came oat
for a year before any vessel was built in England. And I
believe that one of them—at any rate, a vessel—was adjudged
by the North not to be a pirate, nut to be a belligerent. , Hear,
hear ;
But, petting that out of consideration, there was war upon
water, ur else what was the meaning of blockade) Hear,
hear The blockade was an act of war—sealing the sea-
ports WAS an act of war. Mr. Sumner says "Do not con-
sider the word blockade; we might have closed the ports
iastead " Bat really this is playing with word.. What was
our rotation? We were carrying on • great trade with the
South—a trade which was the hie and bi sad of a large par-
. Hen of our population. That trade was auddeuly Mopped—
stopped by the tilockade of the North—by the act of the
North—the forcible act of the North; and I say it is vain
and foolish not to allow that that was the act of a bellige-
rent Power. Why, the first speech I made in the Home of
Commons was in the interest of the North against the South,
to prevent—not the recognition of what actually did mist,
the recognitton of a war, and the recognition of belligerency,
which waa a fact—but to prevent the recognition if what was
not a fact, atid has never become a fact, I am thankful to say
—the iedependence of the South. i Hear, hear I And what
was my greatest argument in speaking against that moan'.
lion Why, that this blockade, which was the act of a belli-
gerent power, was an effective blockade, and not a sham
blockade. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I will try to bring the question home to you. Imagine a
case if you can do so—it is almost impossible—hut imagine a
civil war between England soil Scotiand; imagine Scotland
In the hands of rebels, and the rebels in possession of the
whole of Scotland—the Southern rebels had got possession of
the whole of the south i—imagine, alto, that Englaial had
kept ponersion of the navy, and that she was able to blockade
the ports of Scotland, and that them was a great trade—as
was the case between Scotland and MIMICu and added to
that—what would not exist —that America depended almost
for her very existence upon sonie of the produce of Scotland.
Suppose that England Mops that produce going out, and de-
clares a blockade, what should we expect A tuerica to do?
Not to help Scotland—not to help us—but to he perfectly
neutral, amid to give orders that all the citizens of the United
States 'Mould be neutral. That is what we slmuld expect
Under these circumstances; that Is what we did in regard to
America, and Mr. Sumner has no right to complain against
that. (Applause.)
But theie is smother complaint that he makes—first, that
we pro burned neutrality; secondly, that we broke our pro-
clamation, and be puts this complaint in very strong
Imgwrge Its ends hie eloquent speech in these words t—
" The truth mnst he told, not in anger, but in &minus Eng-
land has done to the United States all injury most didault to
memere. Considming a hen it was done, and with what
complicity, it is Tllollt unaccouetable. At a great epoch of
hiatory—moat true that was, it was a great epoch—not leas
momentous than that of the French Revolution, or that of
the Reim mation, when civilisation was fighting a last battle
with slavery. England gave her name, her influence, her
material resources to the wicked cause, and flung a sword
Into the scale with slavery." Now I regret, no one regrets
more than I do, that we did not hail that struggle MI &nation,
ass Government, in the same way as you and I would have
hailed It; tool, as far as we could have done, without
imulting them with actual aid, which they would have
felt an insult, that we bad done our best to support them.
It is not true that we Ilium our sword into the scale with
slavery. ,/leer, hear.; 3 here niay have been individuals in
England who disgraced England by taking the side of the
slaveholders—thme were individuals in the House of Com-
mons—hut did those words ever fall without rebuke
(Applaune.) Never. I wish we could say the same of all the
words that are simken against us, against England, in the
House of Representatives, or in the Senate of the United
States. Sometiniea they do fall without rebuke ' • but I am
thankful to say that wordaderogatory to America have never
fallen without rebuke in either of our Houses of Parliament.
(Cheers.; We have had champions—l am not going to speak
of my own humble efforts—but there was Cobden 1010 has
gone; there was Bright who is living—(cheers)—who always
rebuked these swags—and America ought not to forget it.
Then, again, there have been newspapers that took the
side of the South. 8011, there were newspapers, arid very
powerful and very able newspapers—your own newspapers,
the tiewspapers of LEWIS, many newspapers in London, who
took the aide of the North. Alai I will say this---there is a
great newspaper in England. The and there is a meat
newspaper in America, the New Soli Herald. There was a
time iti which The limes seemed sail it would fan animosity
between England and the North. There was a thee, and
there m a thee, in which the Nem York Herald seems to do
the same. But we have thin advantage, at any rate, that
our great paper has teen the error of Its ways, and their
great paper has not. Hear, hear.)
Well,
but teens 11107 sag 'li travellers came to

England, they could not go into a., at rall-mall, they
could not go into a drawitig,.room at Belgravia, without
hearing mune reproach 141eintit Gott. conntry. (Hear, hear.)
Well, there were &AM ins-rooms in which that was not the
case? but, generally speaking, it Mar no. I grant it. But is
it coins, to this, that Republican Americans are to judge of
England by her fashionaole clubs and her drawing-rooms?
If they wanted to know what Englabd felt, they, the Repub-
licans, the mei: of the people, ought to have gone to the
workshops of the people —,elieers)—and the hearths of the
people. There they would have found in that workshop in
Lancashire, which was no longer • workshop because of their
war—by that hearthstone, which was cold and dreary, where
there was hardly a meal that could he cooked because of that
war—there they would have found their friends and it is
lint fair for Mr. Sumner, or for any American to forget those
friends, and merely to remember thee fashionable men—
(applause—who, after all, did not guide the destinies of
FMgland. (Cheers.)
I have talked about what Individuals have done, but I feel
that that is not what we really have to do with. But lam
reftrrin,7 to it becalm our American friends so constantly
talk about what individuals have done. But what they have
to do with is what the Government has done. , Hear, hear.)
Well, you and we--we by your help—kept the Governmeet
straight, and the Government did not ding its sword on the
able of slavery. It is true that Lord Ito-sell, or rattier the
men who were acting under Lord Runsell—because it was
not his eoing—allowed the Alabama to escape. There was,
at I believe, great neglect in allowing tier to escape ; I be-
lieve there was a great mistake in allowing her refuge ill
British porta You know that I ill my best to denounce
and expose that mistake but I feel that I have some little
right to complain against nip friend Mr. Sunnier, when, in
this great question aid this great crisis of a great question,
he quotes nip words as it were against my own country, with-
out remembering that those words were used to Tina country,
and used wi h success hear, hearl —for we did keep England,
as I say, from breaking the neutrality. There was that great
mistake upon the Alabama for which we are willing to sub-
mit to arbitration and to pay damages if the arbitrator—as
I dare say he woad—decided against us. But it must not be
forgotten that although Lord Russell or, rather, the men
who professed to serve Lord Russell, end served hint badly in
that matter of letting the A labama out—that Lord Russell
guided by experience, strained the law to keep the rams from
going out. t Hear, hear.)
But there in a far more important case than that. Mr.
Sumner eas we were guilty of half of that terrible war which
they had to undergo.
, Well, there was a time at which their fortunea looked as
though they were very dreary, at which I felt more fearful
than I could venture to acknowledge—at which those
patriotic Americans that I met felt more fearful than they
liked to acknowledge; aid at that time the ruler of France
came like a tempter, SIDI asked England, and tried to
persuade England to Join him in carrying out his plans of
ambition upon the American continent, and in declaring on
the side of the South. If England and France had done that
—well, I believe that the North would still have conquered—
such is the power of freedom and of freeineu—but her cost
would have been quadrupled, aye quintupled. It was front
that that the English Government saved her, acting accord-
ing to the wish and deterininatinn of Lord Rusasell—for
nothing would have induced Lord Russell to have aided the
slave power—supported by you, by those of us who were the
friends id America, and whom I complain of Mr Sunnier for
now forgetting. ;Hear, hear.) Ile says the truth must be
told. Well, the truth must he toll and I have told what I
believe to he the truth, and I do not believe that airy
American will complain against me for telling it. They have
trot a monopoly of patriotism in America, and we have as
much right to be proud of our country as they have of theirs.
(Loud corers.;

There is a time beyond which concession would boa crime,
because it would be a sacrifice of that position amongst
civilised nations which alone makes England able to do her
duty. But the truth may be told, and the truth will be heard,
I have no fear of the future in this matter. I have been
speaking more warmly than there was reason to do, mom
because I felt so much on the whole question that it grieves
me to hear and see those men for whom I have been strug-
gling, and for whom 1 wou'd h.tve sacrificed almo.t anything,
apparently misunderatanding my country and forgetting their
friends But I have no fear of the future The great aim of
my life has been and will be—it is an aim which may well
compensate for any political labour or political sacrifice—to
see a firm and lasting alliance am:regal] Englishapeaking peo-
ple. (Cheers.; Some persons will say that that im possitile—
look at Ireland discontented, &MI America Ins • state of
irritation. But Ido not despair of that time. 1 look for-
ward toll with the most confident h.pe. What have been
the obstacles against It? There have been three. There was
the oppression of Ireland by us; there has been slavery in
America—a principle opposed to us; there has been our
oligarchical government in England. All those three causes
are removed. (Loud cheers). We are no longer oppressing
Ireland; we are determined to treat her with Justice ;Loud
cheers). America has abolished slavery—;cheers;—and we in
England have a Government by the people for the people—
;renewed cheering —and depend upon it that mutual inter-
ests, mutual sympathies, common institutions, common lan-
guage, ties of blood, will maintain the alliance between our
countries. ' Hear, hear," and loud cheers.) We shall lie at
peace ; we shall go on prospering in peace, and our peace
will eventually be peace for the world. ," Hear, hear," and
loud cheers .
I do not believe that war will arise out of this question.
No; I believe there never will he war between KIICLIII.I and
the United States. (Cheers. And why do I say Cc? Because
I believe that by men both in England and America it will
be looked upon as a civil war; and I believe we have set II the
last civil •ar amongst Eliglish.speaking men—the war in
which the wen of the North, fighting for the Union, f.,ught
the battle of freedom sonnet slavery. (Cheers.) I irelirve
that conquest of freedom, of peace-giving, jiistic,giving, and
mercy .giving freedom, will bring peace to all men who speak
the oglish language. and, as f say, that peace will eventually
give peace to the world. (Loud and prolonged cheering.)

Commenting on the above, which it will be generally
admitted was "a word in season," The Times, in •
leader, has the following :
Mr. Forster has done good service at this juncture by his
observations at Bristlier,' on the speech of Mr Sumner. He
appears in this controversy in a somewhat different capa-
city from most of these who handle it, anti In • capacity which
gives his statements a peculiar value. We hove had, per-
haps, more than enough argument on the legal and political
bearings of the case. We have some reason to assume that,
in the judgment even of Americans, we have the best of the
dispute on these grounds, since Mr. Stunner practically
abandons them, and bases hisindictment on matters of feel-
ing. It is not for our acts, but ET our failure to sympathise
with him and his friends, that he demands of us what Mr.
orater calls "an ablect apolegy." It ishy this assumed un-
fit:wiliness that he interp•ets all our ac, Leis arid it is from
thia that the Neutrality Preclamation and the escape of the
AZabotan obtain their sting Mr. Smuner says, in effect,
that our excuse for the Proclamation derived from the
existence or the Blockade is a mere quibble. The Proclama-
tion, he maintaitis, really meant that we gave our In m-
pathy, and as much, support as was praetTable, to the
ode,: if the South. That was the spirit which inspired it,
and winch subsequently restrained us from treating the
Alabenex and her sister ships as pirates.
Such is the indictment, arid counsel on both aides have
beer fully heard, when Sir. Forster opportunely appears in
the character of witness. He can give evidence. as upon a
metter of tact, with respect to the spirit in which the now
famous Proclamation was issued. Mr. Sumner is not the
person to throw any suspicion upon such testimony, for he
well knows that Mr. FOrlter tins trier the very first adopted
the cause of the North with fanatic ardour. Even in the
menet epeech the flames of his former enthuetasm still
burn, :did lie declares, at the risk oi beiog charged with
want of pstriotism, that "lie can hardly conceive of any
struggle in which his own country wonld be engaged in
which he should feel more earnestly" than he did
feel in that etruggle, which he regarded a 3 one of
freedom against slavery. Here, then, is air ardent friend
of the North come to offer his evidence in court,
and he is asked what he haa to say with respect
to the Proclamation. He replies that he himself used his
utmost endeavours to procure its issue, and that he did so
be levies it was absolutely necessary to rho loterests of the
North itself. In fact, it was Mr. Fonder, noting in f rienti-
ship and close sympathy with Mr. Sumner, who elicited from
Sir George Lewis the first public engagement that the Pro-
clamation should he ignited. New, it appears to us that,
whatever may have been the practical result, such evidence
as this ins complete answer to Mr. Sumner's theory. Our
Government were urged to lasie the proclamation by his (ten
friends, with a view to the ebject he and they had most at
heart. The step may have been a mistake, anti sir. Forster
may have been in error In desiring it. That, however, is not
the point at issue, and even Mr. Sumner /would hardly go so
far as to demand "an abject apology and air untold rum of
motley" for a mere error in judgnient What is alleged
against us is that our course of action was conceived in
hostility, fuel that its hostile character is marked upon its
very face. The contrary is peeved by the evidence of Mr.
Forster. Mr. Sumner is prolmbly beyond conviction, but we
submit his testimony with confidence to the judgment of the
American people.
Mr. Forster recalls the facts of our position at the time
when our Govemment took the step In question. They are
facts painfully familiar to Englishmen, though Mr. Sumner
in ungerierousenough to put the most important of them out of
sight. The moat active and unscrupulous efforts were being
made by the partisans of the South to dreg our peop'e, with
or without the Government, into acts of opposition to the
North. It was known, Mr. Forster says, that letters of
marque had teen issued by Mr. Davis and had been sent over
here, and the friends of the North were expectiug in dairy
anxiety to hear that privateers had sailed from our
pone It is worth observing, by the way, that tnis
mischievous practice would never have been poesible
hut for the action of the United States themeelvel.
Had they adhered, as they were invited to do, to the
Declaration of Paris, privateeritig would neve been an act of
piracy, and all these complicatious would have been avoided.
But such was the position. Our Government was being urgent
by every conceivable influence to declare for the South, end
the appeal was enforced by the paralysis of our greatest in-
dustry, and the conserment distress of • large part of our
population. Under such circumstances it wanted very little
to entangle us in the conflict, and for these reason, the
friends ot the North pressed for a plain declaration on the
part of the Government that they would not interfere in the
contest. Mid that they forbad Individuate doing so at their
peril the truth is that whatever the Proclamation may
have really effected, it was issued with the express object of
averting the difficulties which have now arisen.
Of eourse, there were differences of opinion in this country.
There were differences of opinion In the North itself. But
the fact to which Mr. Forster gives the weight of his testi-
mony is, that the Mewls of the North in this country pre-
vailed, and that the principal acts of our Government were
pressed upon it by Northern sympathisers like himself, and
were by them applauded. Mr F. Teter, of coulee, cordd not
get the Government to go all his way with him and to act
exactly as he would have preferred ; but, after all, it was
with him, and not with the Lairds and the Itoehucke, that
the Eeglish Ministry acted.
So, again, with regard to our not treating the Alabama
and her consorts as pirates. Let the Americans observe that
this was exactly what Mr. Forster would have desired ; but
before making such a grave proposal in public, he thought it
necessary to inquire into the rules of international law. He
consulted authorities, past, and present, and the result was
to convince him, against his will, that the course he had in
view would be contrary to the law of nations. We may again,
we may have been in error, but it Is htle in the face of such
facts as these to charge our conduct with patent sad wilful

hostility.
We are glad to see that Mr. Forster has not hesitated to
compare tile tone adopted by Americans towards England
with that of which they complain in ourselves. A great
deal has been made of the cheers with which a speech of Mr.
Laird's was once received in the House of Commons. Mr.
Forster observes, with justice, that no words derogatory or
Injurious to America have ever passed in this country with-
out remonstrance. As much cannot be said of the manner in
which words derogatory to England have been received in
the United State.' Legislature. Mr. Forster thinks it rather
hard that "the very men for wh,,ln he has been struggling,
and for whom he would have sacrificed almost anything, should
misunderstand his country and forget their friends." The arti-
sans of Lancashire may similarly think it hard that the men
whom they dint actually 'uteri lice their prosperity, and for whom
they end..red severe privations, should now forget theni, sod
return their friendship with ill-will. We will add that the
English Government and the English nation have sit equal
right to think it hard that, alter having resistant many
temptations to • different course, after inflicting sufferings
on their own people and disobliging an ally, after having
decided, in fact, a most perplexed and painful question ini
favour of the North, they should be 'Misunderstood and
accused of hostility and 'selfishness, We have much more
reason to complain of such a speech as Mr. Sumner's than he
has to complain of any deeds or words of ours. But we
, observe that reflection has already begun to reduce his
. speech to its true dimensions, and we trat his unworthy
niisreureaentations will soon be forgotten.