The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1879-11-29 00:00:00

entire century, there ought to be a dissolution. The rule
—and the wise rule—at our governors in other times has
been that although the law allowed a duration of seven
years be Parliament, yet it should not sit to transact more
than the business of six Sessions; and you will see the good
sense, I think, of such a rule. It appears to be founded
Upon this—that the operations of a seventh Session would be
likely to descend as to their moral level below the standard
of the earlier operations of a Parliament; that the interests
of the country would be more liable to be compromised by
personal inducements—and personal inducements not in
relation to the country at large, but in relation to par-
ticular groups and cliques of persons, in relation to what
are sometimes called harassed interests (a laugh) ; and
that matters of that kind would be likely to bring about
a bartering and trafficking in public interests for
personal ends if it were made absolutely certain
that in so many weeks or so many months Parlia-
ment must be dissolved. I am far from saying that this
rule is a rule mathematical or inflexible ; for some
national and public reasons it is perfectly justifiable
to depart from it. But what is the great national
or public reason for departing from it now? None
at aIL (Applause.) I defy the most ingenious man to
suggest to me any reason for departing from this rule
which has been in use through the whole of our lifethne,
arid I believe the whole lifetimes of our fathers and our
grandfathers. I do not believe the wit of man can point
out a reason for departing from it, except this—that it is
thought to be upon the whole for the interests of Her
Majesty's Government. (Laughter and cheers.) Now, that
I say at once is not a legitimate reason for departing
from the constitutional rule. They have no right to take
into view the interests of the Government in respect to the
question whether Parliament shall be prolonged beyond the
period fixed by long and unbroken usage. They are bound
to decide that question upon national and Imperial consider-
ations; and if no national Imperial considerations dictate
a departure from the rule, they are bound to adhere to the
rule. Well, now, we are told, gentlemen, that they mean to
break the rule. I cannot say that I should be surprised at
their breaking the rule of usage, for this Government—
which delights in the title of Conservative, or rather which
is net satisfied with the title of Conservative, but has always
fallen back on the title of Tory—this Tory Government,
from which we had a right to expect I might almost
say an extraordinary reverence for everything that is
fixed—reverence for it in many instances whether it is
good or bad this Tory Government has undoubtedly
created a greater number of innovations, has broken away
from a greater number of precedents, and has set a greater
number of new-tangled examples to mislead and bewilder
future generations than any Government that has existed in
my time. Therefore I am not at all surprised that they
should have broken away from a rule of this kind so far as
regards the respect due to an established and, on the whole,
a reasonable and useful custom. But at the same time
they would not break away from it without some reason—
an illegitimate reason, because one connected with their
interests; a strange reason, because one would have thought
that a Government whose proceedings, as will be admitted
on all hands, have been of so marked a character ought
to have <been anxious at the earliest period permitted
by usage to obtain the judgment of the country.
(Hear, hear.) And why are they not anxious to obtain the
judgment of the country? We are told they are anxious. If
they are, why not follow the rule and dissolve Parliament
Ills plain they are not anxious. Have we not been told all
along that they possess the confidence of the people? Have
they not boasted right and left that vast majorities of the
naticn are in the same sense with themselves I Oh, gentlemen,
these are idle pretexts I It is an instinct found lyieg far
deeper than those professions which teaches them that the
country is against them (loud cheers); and it is because they
know that the country is against them that they are unwilling
to appeal to the country. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) Now,
gentlemen, a dissolution, an appeal to the public judgment,
when there is a knowledge beforehand on the part of those who
make the appeal that the answer will be favourable, gives
an additional strength to their appeal. If it be true, as
they say, that the country is in their favour, I say that if
they were to receive favourable replies to their appeal
they would come back to Parliament far stronger than they
are at this moment for the purpose of giving effect to the
principles they hold so dear. No; they know as well as
you do that a favourable appeal would strengthen their
hands, and an unfavourable answer would put an end to
their Ministerial exPstence ; and it requires no great wit
on our part to judge therefore why, when they have reached
the usual, and I call it the Constitutional, period they do
not choose to make the appeal at all. There are some
reasons, gentlemen, why they ought to make that appeal
which bear upon their own party interests. They will not
have a very pleasant operation to perform when they pro-
duce their next Budget. (Laughter.) lam not going to enter
int that subject now. I must be excused if Ido not attempt
on this occasion to cover the whole of an enormously wide
field that is open before me. But I—especially as the
Chancellor of the Exchequer says it is most agreeable to
him that the question of finance should be discussed, and,
In fact, he chose the most extraordinary opportunity for
discussing it that I can recollect—namely, the Lord Mayor's
dinner, and he being so desirous that it should be discussed
—I, having every disposition to comply with his wishes as
far as I can--(laughter and cheers)—will certainly en-
deavour to enter into that matter and to set out the
main facts of the case as well as I am able. I do
not think that there is great anxiety to produce the
Budget, which of itself would recommend a dissolution.
1 may tell you what I think and what has led me to dwell
at length on the question of dissolution. It is this: we
are told by whippers-in and gentlemen who probably have
the inspiration that sometimes flows from the higher
quarters into those peculiar and favoured channels that they
think there will not be a dissolution of Parliament for
twelve months. Twelve months, gentlemen There is what
is called a "chapter of accidents." By postponing for
twelve months you get twelve months more of the exer-
cise of power. Now, I am not going to impute to this
Government or to any Government sordid motives. In my
opinion, insinuations of that kind, made upon me and the
Liberal party, are disgraceful only to those who make them.
(Hoar) I pass on from that. The love of power is something
much higher. His the love of doing what they think is good
by that power. Twelve months would be secured in that
sense. Something else would be secured—the chance of
striking some new theatrical smoke. (Cheers and laughter)
There would be a chance of sending up some new rockets
Into the sky, the chance of taking some new measure
which again would carry misgiving and dismay to the
hearts of the sober-minded portion- of the nation—
I beeeve at this time the great majority of the nation—
but which, appealing to pride and passion, would always
ia this, as in every other country, find some loud-voiced
minority ready to echo back its ill-omened sounds, and
again to disturb the world, to destroy confidence, to unsettle
business and the employments of life, to hold out false
promises of greatness, but really to alienate from this
country the sympathies of the civilised world and to pre-
pare for us the day of misfortune and of dishonour. Why,
gentlemen, I am not saying that which is peculiar to per-
sons of my political creed. It was only upon the 10th of
November that the Prime Minister gave to the world the
witimrsaucko Chat ha thaaahle r•woo aa1,,,64 aaala.alao3
thought the matter had been settled, 18 months ago, when
he came back from Berlin and said that he had got
"peace with honour ;" but now he says, "I think
peace may be maintained and I think it is much
more likely now than 12 months ago." More likely than it
was five or four months after he came back from Berlin
and announced "peace witn honour " That is what he
save; but on the very next morning I read in what I con-
sider by far the cleverest of all the journals in the metro-
polis that are given to support the foreign policy of the
Ministry—l mean the Pall Mall Gazette—this passage;
—" We have before us ample evidence in the tone of
the foreign Tress of the alarm felt on the Continent at
the supposed projects of the English Government."
Depend upon it, there are more of these projects in the air.
For the last two years the whole existence of the
Government has been a succession of these projects.
As long as Lord Derby and Lord Cernarvon were among
them there was an important obstacle placed in their way
in the carrying out of their policy. But since that time we
have had nothing but new projects, one more alarming
and more dangerous than another (Cheers.) They began
with sending their fleet to the Dardanelles without the con-
sent of the Sultan and in violation of the Treaty of Paris,
which gave them no right to do it. After that they went on
by bringing their Indian troops into Europe against the law
of the country. (Cheers.) After that they proceeded to
make their Anglo-Turkish Convention without the know-
ledge of Europe, when for six months they had been con-
tending, I may say at the point of the sword, that it
was Europe, and Europe alone, that had the right to
manage all the concerns of the Turkish Empire. (Loud
cheers.) It is difficult, gentlemen, for human memory
to bring up all these cases. I have now got as far as
the Anglo-Turkish Convention. What is next? (Laugh-
ter.) The next is Afghanistan, and to the surprise and
astonishment, and, I may say, the horror of this country,
there was made there a war, upon which I shall have occasion
to-day, or on another day, to enlarge more than I can do at
the present moment. lam only now illustrating to you the
manner in which the series of surprises, the series of
theatrical expedients calculated to excite, calculated to
alarm, calculated to stir pride and passion, and calculated
to divide the world, have been the daily aliment and sub-
sistence, the established dietary, of the present Govern-
ment. (Cheers.) Afghanistan is not h last. Having had
a diversion of the kind in Asia, the next turn was to be in
Africa ; but there a different course was adopted—the prac-
tice which in other circles is well known by the name
of " hedging " (laughter) was brought into play, and Sir
Bartle Frere was exported and instructed as to affairs
In Africa with infinite skill and in terms so artfully
constructed that it things turned cut well the honour
and the glory would redound to this patriotic Goyernmeut,
but if they turned out ill the responsibility anti the burden
would fall on the shoulders of Sir Bartle Frere. (Hear,
hear.) Well, these came one after another, and now
we have not done. We end where we began, and again it
Is toe question of sending too aleet to the Dardanelles.
(Laughter.) Whether it is there or where it is I do
not know at this moment. We know that the officers—at
least, that is our last account —are only allowed to be
within call of two hours. When that expedient is
adopted it is jest like a theatrical manager with his
stock pieces. When he has exhausted them all he must
just begin them again. (Loud laughter and cheers.) And so
we are again excited, and, I must say, alarmed, and I
believe Eutope will be disquieted and disturbed, by not
knowing what is to be the next quasi-military operations
of the Goeernment. These are not subjeets on which I will
dilate at tie present moment; but this I will say—in my
opinion, and in the opinion which I have derived from the
great statesmen of the period of my youth, without dis-
tinction of party, or if there were any distinction
of party I have learnt more from Conservative
statesmen than from Liberal statesmen, the great
duty of Government, especially in foreign affairs, is to
soothe and tranquilize the minds of tho people—not to
set up false phantoms of glory which are to delude them
into calamity, not to flatter their infirmities by lead-
ing them to believe that they are better than the rest
of the world, and so to encourage the baleful spirit of
domination, but to proceed upon the principle which recog•
niece the sisterhood and equality of nations—the absolute
Equality of public right among them (cheers); and, above
all, to endeavour to produce and maintain a temper so calm
and so deliberate in the public opinion of the country that
none shall be able to disturb it. The maxim of a govern-
ment ought to be that which was known in ancient
history as an appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober.
(Leughter and cheers.) But the conduct of the present
Government, in their resort, one after another, to those
endless, alarming, and too frequently most discreditable
measures has been exactly the reverse. Their business
has been to appeal to pride and to passion, and to stir up
these very feelings which every wise man ought to endea-
vour to allay ; and, in fact, constantly to appeal from
Philip sober to Philip drunk. (Lauehter and cheers)
Gentlemen,. I have come into this county to repeat', with
your permission, the indictment against Her Mojesty's
Government which I have to the beat of my ability endea-
voured to make many times elsewhere. It is a very
serious indictment. It is well In these things that
men should be held to the words they utter, should
be made tee feel that they are responsible for them;
and, therefore, perhaps you will allow me to read a
sentence which I embodied in the letter written in reply
to your most flattering and most obliging invitation.
My eentence was this,—" Tne management of the finance,
the scale of expenditure, the constantly growing arrears of
legislcion, serious as they are, only lead up to still greater
questions. I h ild before 3 on, as I have held in the House
of Commons, that the faith and honour of the ccuntry
have been gravely compromised by the foreign policy of the
Ministry; that by the diiturbance of c ntideuce, and
lately even of peace, which they have brought about they
have prolonged and aggravated the public distress; that
they have augmented the power and influence of the Rus-
sian Empire even while estranging the feelings of the popu-
lation; that they have embarked the Crown and people in
an unjust war (the Afghan war), full of mischief, it not of
positive danger, to India; and that by their use of the
treaty-making and twar-making powers of the Crown they
have abrieged the just rights of Parliament, and have pre-
sented prerogative to tee nation under an uncensti-
tutioual aspect, which tends to make it insecure." Not
from one phrase, not from one syllable of that indictment do
I recede. (Cheers and laughter)
After some further observations, Mr. Gladstone proceeded
to criticise the foreign policy of the Government regarding
Eastern affairs, and accused them of having by their policy
prevented the united action of Europe. The Government
bad all along contended that Turkey ought not to be coerced.
The Liberals favoured European coercion, which the Go-
vernment opposed. Yet no se the Government were
threatening to send the fhet into the Derdanelles.
This, therefore, was coercion, but that of a single
Power, and not united Europe. The right hon. gentleman
proceeded to point out the immense responsibilities which
rested on this country with regard to the government
, Of our colonies and the protection of our great commerce,