The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1884-08-02 00:00:00

CONSERVATIVE GATHERINGS.

SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE AT WELBECK
On Saturday Sir Stafford Northcote was present at
a demonstration of the Conservatives of Derbyshire
and Nottingkamshire, held at Welbeck Abbey, near
Worksop, the seat of the Duke of Portland. From
8000 to 12,000 persons ware present. The meeting
took place in the spacious riding school.
The Duke of Portland, who presided, said he was
proud to see so many who had not bowed the knee to
Mr. Gladstone, who, with his Democratic axe, was
hewing down all our English institutions, and with
his mob demonstrations were trying to intimidate all
honest and independent Englishmen. He denied
that the landlords of the country were in any way the
enemies of the people, and maintained that their in-
terests were identical.
Sir Stafford Northcote, in the course of his address,
said: The House of Lords are represented at this
moment as if they were sitting themselves in opposi-
tion to the people and endeavouring to prevent the
extending of the franchise among the people. The
House of Lords are doing nothing of the sort.
In the first place, let me point out to you that
whatever the House of Lords are doing in this matter,
they are not doing for any special, or private, or
party interests of their own, it is not a question in
which the House of Lords have an interest on one
side and the people of this country on the other. It
is not the House of Lords—it is the Conservative
party throughout the country who are taking up this
position and who are making this demand. It is the
Conservative party in the House of Commons, in the
House of Lords, and amongst the constituencies. It
is because the House of Lords are boldly and coura-
geously doing their part in that which is the common
battle of the whole Conservative party that they, for-
sooth, are singled out for abolition. I think a very
little reflection will show you the Government know
that at the present they have an accidental advantage
in the House of Commons which they could not expect
to get again. They know that that great majority
which at the present moment supports them consists
to no small extent of men who disapprove of theiraction,
who don't approve of their policy, but who are afraid of
their own seats if they vote against them. They know
quite well that if that assembly were dissolved and the
verdict of the nation were taken again, the verdict of
the nation would be very different from that which it
was on a former occasion. Thly know this also, that
they have the power to keep Parliament sitting long
enough to accomplish as far as time goes their own
purpose, and they know if they can accomplish that
purpose they can obtain such a hold—an unfair, an
unjust, and an altogether intolerable hold—over the
constituencies for the next election that they will be
able to crush the Conservative party as much as they
please; and they know that it is the action of the
House of Lords which stands in the way of their
doing so. Therefore they come forward, an they
say, "It is you 200 gentlemen against the whole of
the rest of England." Well, we reply, if that is your
view, if you have not the confidence to explain to the
people of England what your policy in this matter is,
will you at least have the confidence to appeal to the
people and ask their opinion. "No,' they say,
"certainly not; how can you expect us to be such
fools. We have got a majority, which was given
to us upon quite a different issue four and a half
years ago, we know, and we could not get that
majority again; how can you think that we shall be
such fools as to part with that majority until we have
made the most use of it we can. Well, now, just look
at the way in which they are treating every question
that is not of a direct value to them. These gentle-
men in order to create a bad feeling against the House
of Lords—what is it that they are doing? At the
present moment they are breaking upand abondoning,
and throwing on one side all the legislation that they
r have been carrying on in the present session. They
told us—and I suppose there is no reason for doubt-
ing it—they told us at the beginning of the session
that they attached very great value to a large number
of measures which they intended to bring forward.
They brought those measures forward. They have
carried them to. a certain extent. Some of
them no doubt they might not be able. to
carry through; others they would be able to
carry through, but they come forward now, and
they say, "All these measures must go, and the
House of Lords it is that has destroyed them." It is
about the most audacious statement that I ever
heard. The House ef Lords has destroyed them!
Well, I suspect with regard to a good many of those
measures that they are uncommonly glad of any ex-
cuse to get themselves free of them, for they were
not going very well. They were galting into difficul-
lies with their London Government Bill, their Mer-
chant Shipping Bill, their Railway Bill—they were
getting into difficulties all round; and I dare say
that it was a very nice thing for them just to shuffle
out of the difficulties connected with these bills and
be able to kill two birds with one stone, and to say,
"All these excellent things we should have done, but
the wicked House of Lords stopped us."
LORD CARNARVON AND LORD G.
HAMILTON AT OSTEILLEY

On Saturday afternoon some thousands of Con-
servatives, accompanied by ladies and children, from
all quarters of the metropolis, paid a visit to the
Earl of Jersey's mansion and park at Osterley, near
Hounslow.

A meeting was held in the grounds, at which Lord
Carnarvon was one of the speakers. His lcrdship
said: I challenge contradiction when I assert that there
is no single case in which her Majesty's Government
are entitled to claim any success at all in their
administration. We have had four consecutive
years of folly, of failure, of faction, and I am afraid
must now say of false statements. The Government
have misgoverned Ireland until the Irish people hate
us; they have set India by the ears, and disturbed
and endangered our Indian Empire; they have done
their best to alienate the British colonies—the heri-
tage of the English people. Lastly, they have so
blundered in Egypt as to make us detested by the un-
fortunate Egyptians, and they have crowned their dis-
grace by abandoning that one gallant man (General
Gordon) whom they have sent out into the Soudan.
They began their career in England with unlimited
promises—there was to be a universal reform—but
their promises have been all pie crusts. Agriculture
has declined, trade has sunk low under their rule,
they have wasted the time of the House of Commons,
and they are now attempting to bully the House of
Lords. I will give her Majesty's Government this
choice—they are, either utterly incompetent or they
are extremely unlucky, and I will undertake to settle
the question by saying that they are both. The Govern-
ment are now trying to trail a red herring across the
people's path to distract their attention from
their failures by an attack on the House
Of Lords. When they attack the House
of Lords they are making under a very
flimsy veil an attack upon the Crown and every other
great venerable institution in the country, and their
object is to crush the whole of the Conservative party.
This is no question of the franchise, for both parties
are quite agreed to give the franchise, but the point
of difference between us is this—they want to give
the franchise in such a way as to enable them to
manipulate the constituencies and to destroy the Con-
servative party for at least a generation, while we
wish to give the franchise fairly and justly to all
parties alike. We appeal to the people to constitu-
tionally pronounce their opinion at the polling booths.
Lord George Hamilton, M.P., next addressed the
meeting, and in the course of his remarks asked why
was it that they were at the commencement of a very
serious constitutional struggle? Why was it that
their Radical friends were now organising the in-
timidation of the- House of Lords? And why was
it
.that they were trying to get up a s" reign
of terror" against part of the Constitution ? The
reason was that the Government would have, in
the ordinary course of things, and in a short
time, to appeal to the country, and they were
afraid of the unvarnished issue—whether they
had governed well or badly—being put before
the country. The present Government obtained
office by false pretences. What had become of their
promises? Was trade better? (Cries of no.) Was
the national expenditure lower or taxation less?
, (No.) Did'England stand higher in the estimation of the
nations of the world? (Loud cries of no, no.) The
Government had failed as financiers, as legislators, as
negotiators, and as rn en of business. That being so, they
were afraid that the country would send them about
their business, and so they wished to resuscitate them-
selves. For this purpose they had brought forward
the franchise question in the hope that in the dust
and noise their past failures wouhl be forgotten.