The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1876-09-16 00:00:00

THE NATIONAL POSITION.

History shows, and experience proves that in
the progress of nations, as well as in the lives
of individuals, there are fluctuations in the
smiles of fortune—alterations of sunshine and
shower, ebbs and flows in the tide of prosperity
and adversity. This truth is illustrated in the
annals of most countries which have risen to a
position of power and influence after centuries
of effort in which they have gone through a
ohequered career. Take, for instance, the
coloured military Jelrupire of Germany as it is
presented to us to-uay. It is well known that
it was formerly divided into several independent
States. The Germans long withstood the
attempts of the Romans to subdue them ; and
although the bearers of the eagles conquered
some parts of the country, they were expelled
before the close of the third century. In the
fifth century, however, the Huns and other
tribes prevailed over a considerable portion of
the territory claimed by the Teutonic race,
and 300 years later Charlemagne subdued the
Saxons and other tribes, and was crowned
Emperor at Rome on a memorable Christmas
Day in the year 800. At the extinction of his
family the sovereignty of the empire because
elective ; but at length the thus came when
Germany was divided into " circles." The
Confederation of the Rhine was formed in
1805, the Germanic Confederation in 1816, and
the North German Confederation in 1866. The
last mentioned institution continued only four
years. until the great war with France in 1870,
when after the lapse of more than a thousand
years. an Empire of Germany was once more
constructed, and the sacred stream of the Rhine
was excluded from even the sight of Franca,
the hated foe of the Teuton.
These vicissitudes, affecting only one of the
nations of Europe, serve as an illustration of
the changes which more or less, have passed
over the peoples of the continent. The poli-
tical history of France during the past 00 years
is too familiar to need recapitulation. The
destruction of an ancient Monarchy, the setting
up of a Republic, its replacement first by a
consulate, and then by an Empire, the restora-
tion of a kingdom, the overthrow successively
of the Bourbons and the Orleanists, the second
Republic, the second Empire, and now the third
Republic—what a tale does this tell of the
throes and revolutions of less than a century,
There are those still living in our midst who
were amongst the children of men when Louis
XVI. was King of France, and a gay court
kept splendid festivals in the Palace of
Versailles. At length the wrongs of centuries
accumulated to such an extent that the barriers
which had been relied upon to secure the public
safety gave way with a crash ; the Bastille—the
embodiment in stone of the tyranny and oppres-
sion under which France had groaned for ages,
was swept away by a Parisian mob, the King
add Queen were brought to the guillotine, a
similar fate befell large numbers of the
aristocracy, anarchy and confusion reigned in
one of the fairest lands of Europe, and even the
Christian religion was abolished by the ruling
powers. Such scenes as those of the French
Revolution have seldom been parallelled in
lands; and the graphic desciptions which have
, been supplied will live as long as language lasts
or history endures.
After all, England has escaped such visita-
tions of calamity as have fallen upon her neigh-
bours. We have undergone no such experience
as that of the two combatants upon the battle
fields of 1870. We have neither been divided
into circles and confederations; we have not
seen our sovereigns driven from the throne;
our nobles beheaded in a sacrifice which can be
compared only to a hecatomb; we have had to
listen to no decrees stamping out the national
religion. No doubt we have had our troubles.
Few nations can pass a thousand years without
them. Civil wars have been waged. At one
time the White Rose had contended with the
Red Rose for the mastery; at another King and
Parliament have struggled for what they believed
to be their rights. But if we take the history
of our land from the time of the deposition of
the Stuarts we find that for nearly 200 years the
country has been free from any serious civil
strife leading to revolution. From the days
when William of Orange landed at Torbay to
the present time there has been nothing of any
moment to disturb the security of the Crown
or to place in jeopardy the liberties of a free
people. The risings led by the Pretenders in
1715 and 1745 were not calculated to excite
alarm. The Stuarts had had their opportunities,
and had failed to take advantage of them. They
had alienated from themselves the sympathies
of the people; so that both attempts at insurrec-
tion, unsupported as they were by the popular
voice, were easily, suppressed, the one by George
1., and the other by George 11. The rising of
1745 was really the last organized scheme of
rebellion against the constituted authorities of
the realm. There have been sedition and privy
conspiracy; but from armed insurrection the
country has been free. There have been mutter-
ings and discontent, but no endeavour.worthy of
the name has been made to upset the monarchy,
and to establish a Republic in its stead. We see
the results or this in the proud position which
Great Britain occupies to-day in Europe. It
has been well said that a house divided against
itself cannot stand; nor can a nation prosper
which is the prey of bitter factions. Something
is of course due to our insular position in
securing to us the power and influence which
we now possess, for the ever rolling sea has
kept away from our shores the vast armies of
the Continent. But our progress and our pre-
sent status amongst the nations is due in a
main _degree to the loyalty and contentment
which has characterised the people. In
calamity, misfortune, and depression they have
remained steadfast to recognised institutions,
and to the principles which have made us great,
and prosperous, and free.