The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-01-15 00:00:00

THE COUNCIL OF WAR AT PARIS.

A Council of War has assembled at the Tuileries, under
the presidency of the Emperor.
It is composed of the following members :—The Emperor,
the Prince Napoleon, the Duke of Cambridge, Prince Jerome
Napoleon, Lord Cowley, Sir Edmund Lyons, Admiral Dundas,
Sir Richard Airey, Sir Harry Jones, General della Marmora,
Marshal Valliant, Count Walewski, General Canrobert, Gene-
ral Bosquet, General Niel, General Trlartimprey, Admiral
Hamelin, Admiral de la Graviare, and Admiral Penaud.
The Moniteur publishes the following observations respect-
ing it :
The Council is not charged with drawing up the plan of the
new campaign, nor with deliberating upon the political con-
siderations which might make one plan preferable to another ;
its object is only to enlighten the allied governments on the
different military combinations which may be adopted, to an-
ticipate all eventualities, and to be prepared for them.
Formed chiefly of experienced Generals, who, nearly all of
them have taken a gloriouspart in the operations accomplished
in the East and in the Baltic, the Council of War can only
give advice founded on mature reflection, and propositions
eminently useful for the best employment of the land and sea
forces which are being prepared by the Western Powers.

AMERICA.

ARRIVAL OF THE ASIA.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

By the British and North American royal mail steamship
Asia, Captain Lott, which arrived yesterday morning, we have
intelligence from New York to the Ist, and from Boston to
the 2nd inst. The Asia brought 107 passengers, but no
specie.
The United States steamer Pacific, from this port, arrived
at New York on the 28th ultimo.
In the Senate, on the 31st ult., though no speaker had been
elected, or the House organised, Mr. Sydney Webster, the
private secretary of the President, appeared, and announced
the Message in writing.
The chief interest in the Message is that which refers to
foreign relations, which we subjoin, as far as concerns this
country.
With regard to Central America, the President says :
Whilst relations of amity continue to exist between the United
States and all foreign powers, with some of them grave clues:
tions are depending, which may require the consideration of
Congress.
Of such questions, the most important is that which has
arisen out of the negotiations with Great Britain, in reference
to Central America.

By the convention concluded between the two governments
on the 19th April, 1850, both parties covenanted that "neither
will ever occupy, or fortify, or colonise, or assume, or exercise,
any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast,
or any part of Central America."
It was the undoubted understanding of the United States,
in making this treaty, that all the present States of the former
republic of Central America, and the entire territory of each,
would thenceforth enjoy complete independence; and that
both contracting parties engaged equally, and to the same
extent, for the present and for the future, that if either then
had any claim of right in Central America, such claim, and
all occupation or authority under it, were unreservedly relin-
quished by the stipulations of the convention ; and that no
dominion was thereafter to be exercised or assumed in any
part of Central America, by Great Britain or the United
States.

This government consented to restrictions in regard to a
region of country,wherein we had specific and peculiarinterests,
only upon the conviction that the like restrictions were in the
same sanse obligatory on Great Britain. But for this under-
standing of the force and effect of the convention, it would
never have been concluded by us.
So clear was the understanding on the part of the United
States, that, in correspondence contemporaneous with the
ratification of the convention, it was distinctly expressed, that
the mutual covenants of non-occupation were not intended
to apply to the British establishment at the Balize. This qua-
lification is to be ascribed to the fact that, in virtue of suc-
cessive treaties with previous sovereigns of the country, Great
Britain had obtained a concession of the right to cut mahogany
or dyewoods at the Balize, but with positive exclusion of all
domain or sovereignty : and thus it confirms the natural con-
struction and understood import of the treaty as to all the
rest of the region to which the stipulations applied.
It, however, became apparent, at an early date after enter-
ing upon the discharge of my present functions, that Great
Britain still continued in the exercise or assertion of large
authority in all that part of Central America commonly called
the Mosquito coast, and covering the entire length of the
state of Nicaragua, and a part of Costa Rica ; that she regarded
the Balize as her absolute domain, and was gradually extend-
ing its limits at the expense of the state of Honduras ; and
that she had formally colonized a eonsiderable insular group,
known as the Bay Islands, and belonging, of right, to that
state.
All these acts or pretensions of Great Britain, being con-
trary to the rights of the States of central America and to the
manifest tenor of her stipulations with the United States, as
understood by this government, have been made the subject
of negotiation through the American minister in London. I
transmit here with the instructions to him on the subject, and
the correspondence between him and the British Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, by which you will perceive that the two go-
vernments differ widely and irreconcilably as to the construc-
tion of the convention, and its effect on their respective rela-
tions to Central America.
Great Britain so construes the convention as to maintain
unchanged all her previous pretensions over the Mosquito
coast, and in different parts of Central America. These pre-
tensions as to the Mosquito coast are founded on the
assumption of political relation between Great Britain and the
remnant of a tribe of Indians on that coast, entered into at a
time when the whole country was a colonial possession of
Spain. It cannot be successfully controverted that, by the
public law of Europe and America, no possible act of such
Indians or their predecessors could confer on Great Britain
any political rights.
Great Britain does not allege the assent of Spain as the ori
gin of her claims on the Mosquito coast. She has, on the con-
trary, by repeated and successive treaties, renounced and
relinquished all pretensions of her own, and recognised the
full and sovereign rights of Spain in the most unequivocal
terms. Yet those pretensions, so without solid foundation in

the beginning, and thus repeatedly abjured, were, at a recent
period, revived by Great Britain against the Central American
States, the legitimate successors to all the ancient jurisdiction
of Spain in that region. They were first applied only to a de-
fined part of the coast of Nicaragua, afterwards to the whole
of its Atlantic coast, and lastly to a part of the coast of Costa
Rica; and they are now re-asserted to this extent, notwith-
standing engagements to the United States.
On the eastern coast of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, the in-
terference of Great Britain, though exerted at one time in the
form of military occupation of the port of San Juan del Norte,
then in the peaceful possession of the appropriate authorities
of the Central American States, is now presented by her as
the rightful exercise of a protectorship over the Mosquito tribe
of Indians.

But the establishment at the Belize, now reaching far
beyond its treaty limits into the state of Honduras, and that
of the Bay Islands, appertaining of right to the same state,
are as distinctly colonial governments as those of Jamaica or
Canada, and, therefore, contrary to the very letter as well as
the spirit of the convention with the United States, as it was
at the time of ratification, and now is understood by the
government.

The interpretation which the British government, thus in
assertion and act, persists in ascribing to the conven-
tion, entirely changes its character. While it holds us
to our obligations, it in a great measure releases Great
Britain from those which constituted the consideration
of this government for entering into the convention. It is
impossible, in my judgment, for the United States to acquiesce
in such a construction of the respective relations of the two
governments of Central America.

- To a renewed call by this government upon Great Britain,
to abide by, and carry into effect, the stipulations of the con-
vention according to its obvious import, by withdrawing from
the possession or colonization of portions of the Central Ameri-
can States of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, the British
government has at length replied, affirming that the operation
of treaty is prospective only, and did not require Great Britain
to abandon or contract any possessions held by her in Central
America at the date of its conclusion.

This reply substitutes a partial issue, in the place of the
general one presented by the United States. The British
government passes over the question of the rights of Great
Britain, real or supposed, in Central America, and assumes that
she had such rights at the date of the treaty, and that those
rights comprehended the protectorship of the Mosquito Indians,
the extended jurisdiction and limits of the Belize, and th e colony
of the Bay Islands, and thereupon proceeds by implication to
infer that, if the stipulations of the treaty be merely future in
effect, Great Britain may still continue to hold the contested
portions of Cental America. The United States cannot admit
either the inference or the premises. We steadily deny that,
at the date of the treaty, Great Britain had any possessions
there, other than the limited and peculiar establishment at
the Belize, and maintained that, if she had any, they were
surrendered by the convention.
This government, recognizing the obligations of the treaty,
has of course desired to see it executed in good faith by both
parties, and in the discussion, therefore, has not looked to
rights, which we might assert, independently of the treaty, in
consideration of our geographical position and of other circum-
stances, which create for us relations to the Central American
States, different from those of any government of Europe.
The British government, in its last communication, although
well knowing the views of the United States, still declares that
it sees no reason why a conciliatory spirit may not enable the
two governments to overcome all obstacles to a satifactory
adjustment of the subject.
Assured of the correctness of the construction of the treaty
constantly adhered to by this government, and resolved to in-
sist on the rights of the United States, yet actuated also by
the same desire, which is avowed by the British Government,
to remove all causes of serious misunderstanding between two
nations associated by so many ties of interest and kindred, it
has appeared to me proper not to consider an amicable solu-
tion of the controversy hopeless.
There is, however, reason .to apprehend that, with Great
Britain in the actual occupation of the disputed territories,
and the treaty therefore practically null, so far as regards our
rights, this international difficulty cannot long remain un-
determined, without involving in serious danger the friendly
relations which it is the interest as well as the duty of both
countries to cherish and preserve. It will afford me sincere
gratification, if future efforts shall result in success, antici-
pated heretofore with more confidence than the aspect of the
case permits me now to entertain. _ _ _

As to the rest of the message, we give the following brief
summary of the contents from the New York Courier :
In regard to the difference with England arising out of her
violation of our Neutrality Laws, by the attempt to raise re-
cruits within our border, the president presents no definite
view of the case. He has demanded of the British govern-
ment not only a cessation of the wrong, but its reparation ;
yet nothing specific is disclosed concerning the character of
the reparation demanded, or the disposition of the English
government to make it. The subject is yet under discussion.
The importance of settling the disputed boundary line be-
tween the territory of Washington and the contiguous British
possessions is again urged. In reference to the Sound Dues
of Denmark, it is stated that the invitation to our govern-
ment to go into convention with representatives of European
states for the capitalization of the dues, has been declined,
though a willingness is expressed to compensate Denmark for
all her outlays in improving the navigation of the Sound or
Belts. Our difficulties with France. Spain, and Greece are all
pronounced settled or nearly settled.
In the House of Representatives, on the 31st ult., after a
fierce debate and much squabbling about parliamentary rules,
it was decided by a vote of 87 against 126 that the message
should not be read until the house was organized. The Black
Republicans were indignant at the conduct of the President,
declaring it to be the greatest blow ever struck at the inde-
pendence of Congress.

- Another collision had occurred at Kansas between the Pro
and Anti-slavery parties.
The Star of the West has arrived from the Isthmus, with
$632,000. The George Law, with two weeks' later news, had
also arrived, bringing $1,405,392 in gold. The invasion of
Kansas is at an end. At San Francisco the fall of Sebastopol
had been celebrated with great pomp and splendour. Agri-
culture in California is in a most prosperous and forward state.
There has been a steamboat explosion at San Francisco, by
which five persons were killed. The mining news is fa-
vourable.

Affairs were quiet in Nicaragua, and General Walker had
dispatched a battalion to Honduras to assist the President.
From Cuba we learn that sugar had declined.

Advices from Mexico report the resignation of Alvarez, and
the election of General Comonfort. The following is the new
Ministry :—Foreign relations, Rosa : Justice, Montes ' • Go-
vernment, Lafragua ; War, Selicio; Finance, Payne. Alvarez
had departed for the south.
At Venezuela business continued to revive, and the health
of the ports was good.
COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
NEW YORK, IST JAN.

There was a good demand for money, with a fair supply, at
previous rates. Foreign exchange was inactive. Bills on
England were quoted 108 to 1084, with retail sales at 108-1 ;
on Paris, 5,274 to 5,20.
COTTON.—The market has been less buoyant than during
most of last week, but prices remain about the same, and
there was more anxiety towards the close. The sales are
6,500 bales. There has been little or nothing doing in par-
cels in transitu.

The following is from the circular of Mr. Wm. P. Wright:—
"New York, January Ist, 1856. Receipts, Exports, &c.—For
the week, the receipts are 137,000 bales, which make the ex-
cess over last year 536,000 bales, and over same date in 1853,
32,000. Next week a further gain will be shown, as we com-
pare with but 59,000 bales last year, and notwithstanding the
large week, say 135,000 bales in 1853. The export table
shows a diminution in the excess to Great Britain ; it now
stands at 86,000 bales more than to same time last year, and
a decrease of 66,000 bales compared with 1853. To France
and other continental markets, the outgoings are still large
comparatively, and considerably in advance of any former
year. The quantity taken by our Eastern manufacturers is
also very much in advance of last year.

The following is a statement of the movement in cotton
since the Ist September last, as compared with the previous
three years :

1855. 1854. 1853. 1852.
Receipts at the Ports 1,390,000 854,000 872,000 1,358,000
Exports to Great Britain 450,000 364,000 243,000 516,000
France 168,000 92,000 57,000 81,000
„ other For. Ports 119,000 46,000 50,000 68,090
Total Exports
Stock on hand 584,000 364,000 468,000 562,000
From which it will be seen that the increase in receipts
now amounts to 536,000 bales. The increase in exports to
Great Britain, 86,000 ; to France, 76,000 ; to other foreign
ports, 73,000. Total increase in exports, 235,000 bales.
BREADSTUFFS.—Commou brands of state and western flour
were in good demand, chiefly for settling contracts, and with
but a moderate supply pressing for sale, prices have risen 61-c.
to 121 c., while fancies and extras are without quotable change,
and dull. Southern flour has been less active, but previous
prices are sustained. Wheat without noticeable variation :
demand moderate.

-------
PROVISIONS.--The market for pork was again decidedly
lower, and, with increased supplies at a moderate demand,
holders manifest a strong desire to realise at the reduction,
sales closing at $l7, 25 for mess, and $l5 for prime, an abate-
ment of $1 since our last. The market. for beef was very
heavy, and the demand was limited to the wants of the local
trade.

Inon—Scotch pig had improved during the week under
review, and we notice sales of 400 tons, at $32 to $33, six
months, the latter rate for Gartsherrie. Refined was dull
and nominal.

COAL.—Liverpool coal was in
_plentiful supply, and was
much depressed in price.
FREIGHTS.—The market was a shade easier to Great
Britain, but in other directions there is no material change.
Amongst the charters were two ships from London and two
from Liverpool, to Calcutta and back to London or Liverpool,
£6 ; ship Harriet Hoxie, 670 tons, hence to Glasgow and back,
$8,000; a British bark to London, turpentine and rosin, 4s.
NEW ORLEANS, DEC. 31. Cotton : Sales to-day, 5000 bales.
Lard is selling at 104 c. Freights : Cotton to Liverpool, Id.
SAVANNAH, DEC. 31.—Freights to Liverpool dull at id. :
to Boston, 7 16c.
(Later by Electric Telegraph.)
NEW YORE, JAN. 3.—There is no change in the cotton
market since the Asia's sailing. Breadstuffs are also un-
changed, but their tendency is upward. Money market to-
day was easier, exchange on London remaining quiet. Freights
are rather easier.

WASHINGTOIi, JAN. 3.—No speaker yet elected.

'JANUARY 15, 1856.