The Dorset County Express and Agricultural Gazette.
Dorchester, Dorset, England, 1866-10-02 00:00:00

THE REFORM DEMONSTRATION AT
lIANCHEiTER.

Notwithstending unfavourable weather on Monday.
it is estimated that 100,000 persons from Manchester and
all parts of Lancashire assembled on Camp field to take
part in a Reform Demonstration. Six platforms were
erected, and these were occupied by the deputation
from the London Reform League and ;several prominent
Reformers from various towns in Lancashire. The
rrenlutions pawed were in favour of regietered manhood
suffrage and the ballot, declared confidence in the
League, and thanked Mr. Gladstone and his partizans
for their support of the late Reform Bill. In
the evening a meeting was held in the Free
Trade Hall, at which an address eulogistic of
Mr. Bright, and calling upon him as "the elected
tribute of • mighty people" with "a whole nation at
his beck" to be their standard, bearer in the approaching
contest for the "political rights of millions of their
fellow countrymen." In replying, Mr. Bright said
"I have never had any ambition for leadership. I
don't feel myself to have fitness for such an office. I
have worked hitherto wheresoever I chaneed to be,
whether in the ranks or in the front; and without
pledging myeell to undertake all that this address asks
me to undertake arid perform, I may, however, fairly
pledge myself to this—that wherever I find men willing
to work for human freedom and human happiness. I trust
I shall be ready to take my part with thein"--(eheere).
He felt that the question which had brought them
together was worthy of their great assembly and of
every effort they might make. They had not to do
battle with the Crown. The Queen was in favour of
freedom, and had strongly urged the extension of the
franchise, but earliament had rejected and denied her
wishes. The House of Lords "I sometimes fear is no
longer the temple of honour, the path to which lies
through the temple of virtue. It has become too mueh
a refuge for worn oat members of the House of
Counnons—(cheers and laughter). It becomes eviry
yea. more numerous without, I fear, becoming more
'1.4,0. If it cannot wske itself up to its great
duties, decay and darkness will mettle upon it."
But their purpose on that occasion was to make the
House of Conmons, the Howie which professes to
represent the people, • reality, and no longer a ;ham.
The facto of our repreeentation are simple. There are
seven millions of grown-up men, responsible to the laws
in the United Kingdom of Great Briiam and Ireland,
and of tlyise but one million and a quarter are on the
list of vot. rs ; exclusive of paupers and seclusive of
criminals, though I am sorry to nientiou those two claire
in the same eentence, silo:Naive of those to whom no
man proposes to give the franchise, there are five millions
of men in the United Kingdom who have no votea
—("Shame ;" "We will have have them.") Of the
million and a quarter who have votes, the re inties take
up about 750.000 and the boninglis 550,1)00" Now, I
ellen say that which some flies eill eontradict,
but which I venture to ese in true, when I declare
that for the most part the enmity treprsaentation
in this °smutty is not a popular reeresentetion iu any
honest mine of that tetm—(eheers). There are 150
borongba with over 20,000 ink bitants each, and they
return 215 members; there are 109 boroughs with over
20.000 popelatione and they return let) inembers. But
look at the difference in the numbor of votes the number
of the pee ulation. and the amount of the Satiation. It
Is something startling and enormous. The ',Houghs
under 20,000 have 79.000 electors. The boroughs over
2040 hove e1t5.000 electors. The boroughs under
20,000 have 1,350.000 of people. The boroughs over
20.000 have 9.305 000 people. The boroughs under
20,000 pay 1:367.000 of income tax. The beronslui over
20.000 pay £5,240,000; and yet the boroughs under
20,010 have 215 members as seainst 181 members for
the boroughs over 110,000—(mies of "14banie "). Now
I am sure you will agree with rue in tin., that • refire.
eentation which as regards the franchise Auto eut
5,000,000 of men, and which as regards (hi distribution
leeveit the state of Wags which I have now described,
ran only be fairly pictured when I call it • stupendous
fraud upon the people—(chetee). Auto the reminties,
we have Lord Derby's own authority for it, that the
*malice are politically the huniiug grounds bt the [Teat
landosinere. Lord Derby said if von tell hum the
polities of half • dose. principsl la,, iiertiele in a
couety, he would tell you the politics of the
°entity members. And the borouglis— whit ere
they? Manchester knows not bribery, nor Birmiug.
ham ; but of the boroughs of 70,000 population and
• under, the bulks are assertible to the induence of
any man who would come there with plenty of money
in his pocket, and no prineiplea or morals in his heads—
(loud cheers). In point of fact, without any exeireeres
tion, we may say that all the evils which are possible
to an electoral system are amply provided for by Vie
electoral system of• England—comprising bribery,
drunkenness, and lavish and disgrac fel expenditure.
all these not only exist, but are absolutely inevitable
under the state of the law which now prevail,. I
veneure to say, and I never laid anything in my life
which I would more eitadv und.rtake to prove, that
there is no remedy for this *tete of things, where
arnbitiose and unprincipled and rich mon tense
ludo 'outwit with small minibus of edges. There

is no remedy whatsoever but in larp eourtitassoise.
and the security of the ballot—flood elmerld.
But when the people ask for thy reform of any kind
they
have to make a desperate ght for j
they were wrestling it, not from countryman and
brothers, but from the representatives cd • croaqmiting
fiust as
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iga
in sway fasiory. is
every club hone, of awry trade there ought
garden wpm
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overyeelthrithado:theurooni.m=m;these,
siamiened Mr. lows
lotr:isse
hung up with these remarks, ar rather
bang the card up there that you may see in that
what you are and refer= yourselves—fathers). If the
charge be Übe, as I bold it to be, then read what it a
that is said of you by thom who are hostile to year
political rights. Then draw your ranks eireter togeth
and make a more resolute and dellermlnsd 6gh
,llOt
champ the state of thinp in this country—(
He bold that the doctrines of Mr. Low* ntter in that
speech were In the main the doctrines upon which the
Tory party bare acted for generations abeolutely.
I will smith the ignorance, I will NEMO the drunk.
corneas, and I will assume the degradation to be tree.
What then shall I say of the Government which has
permitted it ?—(cherrs). What is that Government?
What is that party that is supreme in this country f
It holds all the land, or nearly so. It holds he revenues
of the richest ehurch the woad has ever seen. It hes
both Houses of Parliament to do its bidding. It ha
two ancient and noble Universities. In fat it bee
everything of power in this country, and yet if sesording
to the showing of this writer the people are ipotesi,
and drunken and degraded, it must be to as extent for
more than that of almost any other cetintry ; booths*
in almost every other constitutional country the frig.
obis, is more widely extended than it Is in this, and
that without the slightest danger to dynasty or
to order—(cheers). Wby is it I Mk you
now that the Englishmen is, England as
not so well educated as the Englishmen is
New England? In the New England States of North
America there have been seven generations of DNS who
came originally from this country, who have beets
thoroughly and fully instructed, and now is every free
State, in every State that was free before the late war.
there is a wide suffrage. Schools am universal, and all
the people have the fullest opportunity of being
hly and fully instructed, end 000 in every hie
tills every State that was free before the late
war, there is a wide suffrage. Schools are uni
and all the people have am fullest opportunity
being thoroughly instructed for the purposes of life
--(cheers.) Why in this country what are we dela;
—(& Voice: "Game-keeping," and laughter)—No,
we are doing something besides that. The people who
have the matter in their bands, and who could mettle
it. are discussing questions of eateehisms—the Thirty-
nine Articles, and what they call conscience (damage—
(laughter.) They are all engaged in worrying some dry
bone of this kind' while the peat body of the p.ovie,
and espesially the poorest of the people, are left
wholly unprovided for—(eW.lm) I vesture to say it,
I would stake everything I have in the world upon
it, that if the platform of the National Reform Leans,
or any platform which gave an • substantial or real
representation of the whole people were embodied in in
Act of Parliament there would not pave over three
sessions of Parliament without • fall provision being
mole for the thorough instruction of every working
mans child in the kingdom—(obesrs). But there was
another argument that was very often used in tbs
House of Commons which is even more extraordinary,
coming from the quarter from which we beard it; and
it MY this: That the country is so prosperous—proviag
that it is so well governed that really there is not only
no occasion for anything more, but nobody has any
right to ask for anything more. It wadi one of ths
arguments, I believe, of tbe gentlemen from whom I
have quoted that we have a right, of arum, to be wall
governed, but that the right to govern us exists
and rests mach higher up—(laughter and cheers)
But may I ask von why it is that we sin prosperous?
You resollest, many of you that are here, twenty-five
years effo—le the year 1841—this country was subject
to destitution and to famine, and It is only shim 1844,
since the abolition of the coin lain, since the general
change to • fret trade policy, that there has been con.
Hominy growing up that prosperity which is now brought
against us. and used as an argument why there should
be no further Reform in Parliament. Who was it that
destroyed the curse of the corn law, and who was it
fought desperately to maintain that curse /—(cheers).
Why. surely you, know that, we who are accustomed
to assemble in the Free-trade Hall were largely instru-
mental iu destroying, and you know that no man
was more forward in its support than the man who
Is now Prime Minister of Ragland—(awn). U
Ibis be so, if we, the party that we represent
on this platform to night, if we did much
to promote this prosperity, are we not fairly entitled to
offer ourselves as advisers on the question of the
franchise '—(load cheers). What is called statemanship
is like no other profession. In Other prof...lops failure
is acknowledged, sad it shahs a man out from distine-
tion and supremacy • brit Lord Derby is at this moment
Prime Mioi.ter of England, whose failures we in the
annals of England for thirty years past—(chsers). In
1834 Lord Derby left Lord Grey's Government, beanse
be would not permit oven an enquiry into the excessive
revellers of the Irish Church; but the Irish Church is
doomed to destruction—(oliate). In 1818 be left Sir
Robert Peel, and became the leader of the Tory protect-
tionists—bwasse he would not consent to the abolition
of the Corn Laws; and ever shay he has been foremost
in opposition to all good things is Parlithwea Lord
Derby is not the leader of his party in a high sense.
He is not its educator. Hs is not its guide;
but he is its leader in all foolish contests
in which in its ignorance and all its selfish'
non it involves with the people--(great cheering).
The newspapers which write for his party tall us that
Lord Dar and his Government are not in the least
degree led or precluded from dealing with this
Reform question. I hops no reformer dreams of such
things. "U you like you may tenet your life to your
most bitter foe, but I will not do so if I know it. We
had free trade from free trader,; for when Sir Robert
Peel repealed the corn laws, he was as good and sincere
a free trader sa if be had spoken free trade for the
previoue five or six years from this platform on which
I now stand. Lad Derby is not a Reformer, nor
will he introduce a Reform Bill in the character of a
Reformer. If be does introduce one it will be as
before; it will be some juggle, sonic dishonest trick,
something base, like the means by which they overthrew
the bill of Lord Rowell'. Government. If that bill had
, moderate as it was, I undertake so say it would
passed,
recsived in every part of the United Kingdom
with the liveliest sandaction. It would have given to
the working men, and to numbers of them a partnership
in the state, and I believe that the nation would have
been happier and stronger from the passing of that Bill
(cheers.) But now discontent is growing everywhere,
arid will °mittens to gra • until that discontent becomes •
great peril in the country, unless • satisfactory measure
as introduced and passed through Parliament. I charge
Lord Derby End his friends with this. I say that
they have brought clam into conflict with claw.
I say that they have done much to separate Parliamilit
from the nation; that they have made the House of
Commons the reviler, and not the protector of the
people' and further, that they have frustrated the just
, and benevolent intentions of the Crown. In conclusion,
. . . .

I venture on something which may be deemed rub, an
foretelling what was ti 00440 : I say that the tuec who
are now in onion cannot govern Britain. The inidtle-
classes and the working•classes will alike condemn. T'iey
cannot govern Ireland. In that unhappy country their
policy ha. produced • +tate of chronic itiattrrection which
they 040 Dever Cure. They will be expelled Ito.ll
power,
and
their policy will be rejected by the peoole.
or it is on broad and just and liberal principles alone
that England can maudain her honest but now un-
challenged plane among tbe nations of the world
(enthusiastic cheers.)

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