The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1870-04-30 00:00:00

3tourObge 04ser5er.

SATURDAY. APRIL 80, 1870.

THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH
AND HIS PEOPLE.

Among the Romans what was called a p/eMs.
cilum meaht a law or statute made by the joint
eeosent of the people without the Senate.
Napoleon the Third—whom seine of his extrav-
agabt admirers call the modern Creme—is about
to adapt the old Roman mode nf procedure.
The Emperor is appealing to the pee- !.s. On
the Bth of May—it is much to be regretted that
in France Sunday is a!way s chosen for great po-
litical anti popular movements—the French peo-
ple by universal suffrage (or nearly universal)
w:11 vot yes or no to the following proposition:
• 1 r.. p..op le ..;.; the Liberal reforms elec.
tea in the Constitution since 1360 by the Empe-
ror, with the co-operation of the great bodies of
the State, and ratifies the Senatus-Consultum
of April 20, 1870." Without entering on an
examination of the provisions of this Senatus
Consultum, it may be stated that the great prin-
ciples of this proposed political code are to les-
sen the personal prerogatives of the Emperor
himself in his political relations with the Legis-
lature and the people, to curtail the exclusive
prerogatives of the Senate as compared with the
Legislative body, to increase the comparative
power of the popular branch of the Legislature,
and thus to give the people more direct repre-
sentative power. Should the Senatus-Consul-
tum be adopted, the constitutional system of
France will in fact he largely assimilated to our
own; and, indeed, it is no secret that the Em-
peror has for some time past been endeavouring
to bring the French constitution into accordance
with the English constitutional role. The vot.
log on the question which the Emperor thus
places before the people will be, therefore, for
this and other reasons, of immense and permit-.
nent importance.

How ale voting will go cannot be a matter of
much doubt. The Emperor himself evidently
has no doubt on the matter. He boldly appeals
to the people in a proclamation to the French
nation which has just teen issued. He refers
to the Constitution of 1852 which re-established
the empire, and which has given to France 18
years of calm and prosperity, not unattended
with glory. But he thinks that this constitution
must now be altered, and he appeals directly to
the people for the power to do so. "Everything
done without you.- says the Emperor, "is ille-
gitimate ;- anti then, after showing the necessity
of the proposed change, he frankly asks the
people to vote for him, though he does not put
it so abruptly. "Give me.- he says, " another
proof of your confidence. By balloting affirma-
tively you will conjure down the threats of revo-
lution, you will seat order and liberty on a solid
basis, and you will render easier for the future
the transmission of the crown to my son." The
Emperor of the French has been often accused
of using vague language—of employing it on
the Machiavellian principle of coneealin, his
thoughts ; but really there is nothing of this
kind here. No language could be plainer than
that of the imperial manifesto. fakid in thus
speaking he acts with dienity and prudence. It
must be remember i il that the Plebiscitum will to
a great extent substitute ministerial responsi-
bility for the personal power of the Emperor.
and lie would he unwise were lie to abandon any
power unless he felt that he was heartily sup.
ported by the people. If there is an overwhel-
ming "yes" to the question to he voted upon,
the Emperor will feel perfectly safe in relying
on the nation ; should the preponderating answer
be " no- there will be nething left far him Imi
to retrograde, if lie can, and retain by power
what moral support will deny him. But of a
preponderating negative answer there is no prob-
ability. France has had enuir4i and more than
enough of revolutions, and a negative reply to
the imperial question would be nothing more
nor less than at declaration of popular antago-
nistu to the imperial system, or in other words,
throwing down the gauntlet for the Emperor to
pick up. The French people have in fact con-
stitutional and representative liberty before
them. The Senatus Consultutn offers them such
representative power over the governing bodies
as it would be the height of folly to reject. The
new code will not, it is true, produce a radical
and violent change all at once, but it will tend
towards a popularly elected Legislative Body
with increased powers and thorough freedom of
debate, and to the limitation of the functions of
the Senate or non representative body. Under
the new system the ministries will be virtually
responsible to the people alone, just as they are
in
,our own country. We cannot believe that
thc French people will deliberately reject such
an offer as this. The offer itself is of course to
a large extent the product of popular opinion,
and if accepted, as we doubt not it will be, will
in all probability lie subsequently modified and
moulded by the very same force of public opinion.
But all this is a matter of time, and meanwhile
the popular ratification of the imperial proposals
will be a guarantee for the peace and stability,
and, we trust, the prosperity of the French
I nation.