The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1878-01-12 00:00:00

AMERICAN HUMOUR.

He fell from the stairway of the third storey, and
lit on a conservatory. "No-1 wasn't much hurt myself,"
he said, in relating the occurrence to us, "but I guess I
rather dented in that glass box."
Josh Billings says :—" Blindman's buff is supposed
to come nearer to genuine sympathy than any other amuse-
ment that is known to the children of men, because it is a
fellow feeling for a fellow creature."

_
A St. Louis journal tells of a disconsolate widower,
who, on seeing the body of his late wife lowered into the
grave, exclaimed, with tears in hi.; eyes, " Well, I've lost
gloves, lye lost umbrellas—yea, even cows and horses; but
I never—no, never—had anything to cut like this."

In one of the judge's courts in Washington, the
other day, a lawyer called the Judge's attention to the tact
that a certain case had been upon the docket for a decade.
"I know it," said the Judge, "but the case has not de-
cayed."
The professor wg addressing the audience on the
subject of mollusca. He said that an oyster laid 1,200,000
eggs. "When ? " asked a startled searcher after truth, on
a front seat. "About seventeen minutes past three p.m.,"
retorted the annoyed professor.
A newspaper says :—" We have received a notice of
marriage for insertion, to which was appended the original
announcement, Sweethearts at a distance please accept
this intimation.'"

• A Baltimoro tramp has attained great distinction in
his profession. Here is his story :—" At Perryville I went to
a house with a brick in my hand, and asked the lady if she
would please be so kind as to put some butter on it. The
request excited her curiosity, and she asked: Why do you
want te put butter on a brick?' I told her I was going to eat
it. Surely,' she said, you are not so hungry as to eat
a buttered brick? Come into the house and I will give you
some food.' I begged a square meal, for which I had set so
slick a trap. In the western section of the state I asked
for something to eat at a house and was refused. I then
begged for a looking-glass, which aroused curiosity to know
that I would do with the mirror. I replied, 'I want to see
myself starving to death.' They then gave me what J
wanted."

SHOCKING DEATH OF A STEEPLE JACK.—For some
weeks past three "Steeple Jacks," Me=srs. Good-
child, Moir, and Dunbar, belonging to Dundee, have
been engaged in repairing a number of the spires in
Inverness. On Monday morning the two last-named
ascended the Free High Church steeple, to remove
the gilt ball from off the vane-rod. The morning was
raw and excessively cold. The ball was successfully
removed, and Dunbar then came safely down the
ladders lashed to the outside of the spire, and reached
a projecting buttress, about sixty feet from the ground.
Here there is good foothold, but from whatever cause,
Dunbar 19st his b aance, and fell on to an iron rail-
ing which surrounds the church, upon which he was
impaled; but the spikes giving way he rolled on to
the street. He was terribly cut about the head and
face, while the iron spikes inflicted a number of ugly
wounds on other parts of his person. He only sur.
vived a few minutes. It is conjectured that the ex-
cessive cold haa benumbed the poor fellow, and had
caused sudden illness. He was twenty-six years of
age, and has only followed his dangerous avocation
for twelve months, having previously been a sailor,
—Scotsman,

had

MR. FORSTER ON THE EASTERN
QUESTION.

On Saturday evening the Right Hon. W. E. Forster ad-
dressed his constituents in St. George's-hall, Bradford, which
was filled frem floor to ceiling with an enthusiastic audience
of over 5,000 people. Mr. Forster said that he rejoiced at
the early call of Parliament, as it was right for the Govern-
ment to take the country into their confidence. Ile had
no faith in the alleged intention of the Ministry to involve
Great Britain in the war between Russia aad Turkey. In
alluding to the rumonred dissensions in the Cabinet, he
approved of the line taken by the Foreign and Colonial
Secretaries ; and, in discussing the present position of
affairs, expressed his conviction that it had not really changed
since the middle of last year. In referring to the
British interests alleged to be at stake, and which if
threatened he would earnestly defend, Mr. Forster said he
had come to the conclusion, even more now than he did
during the debate on Mr. Gladstone's resolutions, that not
only was there no reason why we should take p.irt in the
war, but he saw no possibility that any would ache. He
was satisfied with the way in which Lord Derby had treated
the question as to the opening of the Dardanelles; and, in
closing his observations upon the Eastern Question, the
right hon. gentleman said he did not believe that when
Parliament met any efforts would be made by the Adminis-
tration to plunge us into war.—The following are extracts
from Mr. Forster's speech.

Well, now, with regard to the war and the fear of
war. I know one must speak under a sense of very
great responsibility. Every man wile has taken any
part in public affairs is deeply responsible for what he
says on this matter. Even at the risk of wearying
you, I shall explain what my exact feelings are
Upon this critical question. I do not complain of the
sudden and unexpected summons of Parliament. I
am very glad Parliament has been summoned. I
think the Government has done right in taking Par-
liament and the country into their confidence. I will
go further and say that I do not believe the war panic
which undoubtedly has existed for the last three or four
weeks lest the Government has the intention of in-
volving us in war—l do not believe, notwithstanding
all, that some supporters o. the Government have said,
that that war panic would have existed had Parlia-
ment been sitting. (Cheers.) Questions would have
been put to the Government and the answers received
from the Treasury Bench would have dispelled the
panic. (Cheers.) The war panic has not been caused
by the summons to Parliament, but by the interpre-
tation that has been put on that summons by those
newspapers which support the Government and the
individuals who are supposed to be more or less in
their confidence. There is no doubt the country has
been alarmed—apprehensions were felt and misappre-
hensions have been excited in every capital on the
Continent. We have not seen or read any letter or
telegram from Constantinople since that summons
was issued which has not given us reason to believe
that the Porte has derived hope from it, and they
have been induced to believe that they could still
carry on the war with success. But I say I do not
complain of the summons of Parliament. Nor, so far
as I know it, do I complain of the recent action of the
Government. We must judge of the action of the
Government not by the rumours of newspaper corre-
spondents, but by their own official declarations. We
had an official declaration by the Foreign Secretary a
month ago which soothed and satisfied and reassured
the country (cheers) ; and we have just had another
such statement from Lord Carnarvon; the Colo-
nial Secretary. (Cheers.) It was time for Lord
Carnarvon to speak out on the matter. . . . Do not
suppose that I give credence to all the rumours
of division in the Cabinet. They are common
enough ; but there is this difference between
those rumours and the rumours we have pre-
viously had—that they come, as it were, from both
sides of the question—not merely from the supporters
of a war policy, but from the supporters of a peace
policy. It is not we, the Liberal Party, who set these
rumours afloat, but the members of the Conservative
Party, who may be said to have been most opposed
to Russia and most in favour of Turkey. (Cheers.)
I cannot believe that these divisions exist, but we
certainly have the fact that throughout the country,
and not merely -in every London Club, every Cabinet
Council is watched with an intense anxiety as it
it were the poll of a great contested election.
(Cheers.) All I can say about that is this—l have .
said that I approve the line taken by Lords Car-
narvon and Derby. I believe not only that the
Liberal Party approves it, but the country approves
it (cheers) ; and if any difference of opinion existsbetween the Premier and the members of his Cabinet,
let him only appeal to the country as against the
Foreign and Colonial Secretaries and I have no doubt
about the results. . • • Now, although I think We
must waitstill the meeting of Parliament before we can
blame the Government, and before we can form a
proper judgment of their conduct, I think the time has
come when a large meeting of English citizens like this
ought to tell the Government and the country what they
consider England's Position is in this matter. (Cheers.)
In the first Place, I do not consider that position really
changed from what it was in the middle of last year.
It is not really changed from the time when we had
the four nights' debate on Mr. Gladstone's resolutions.
(Cheers.) Kars, no doubt, has been taken, as it was
then expected to be ; Plevna has fallen, but it was
n-ut then ku own that such resistance wou'd occur.
Well, then. if the war-talk we have lately heard of
were carried by the Government into war-deeds, I be-
lieve it would not oily be against the interests of this
country, but it would be a breach of faith. (Cheers.)
Let me explain myself. All the European powers
came to the conclusion that Turkey must better
govern her Christian subjects. (Cheers.) They all
sent Ambassadors to meet in Constantinople. They
warned her, and, perhaps, more than any other, Lord
Salisbury told her if she did not follow on the recom-
mendations of the Conference she probably would
have a war with Russia. That war has come. Our
Government said to Russia, "We think you ought
not to have declared that war; we tnitik you
ought to have had hope in further negotiations."
But what do they say to Turkey? "We will
not negotiate in this matter unless our interests
are affected." But it is a.imitted (un all hands that
Russia has not in the smallest degree trespassed
on these interests. (Cheers.) For us, then, to send
troops to Gallipoli, or our Fleet to Constantinople
would be a breach of faith. (Cheers.) Well, but I
am aware that .some persons may say Lord Derby
wrote that despatch and Mr. Cross made that speech
when, it is true, certain events were expected, but
they had not occurred. Now, they have occurred,
and see what they mean. Lord Derby was not suffi-
ciently precise or earnest in defining the interests of
England. Well, I am not of that opinion. I am quite
of the contrary opinion. (Cheers.) But let us for a
moment assume the fact to be so, even if we had not
this despatch to bind us. I am not, as you know, a
peace-at-any-price man. (Cheers.) I believe in the
duty amid necessity of war on occasions. I was not
brought lie with that belief, and I have not arrived
at it without deep thought (cheers) ; but having
arrived at it, I hold it. (Cheers.) 1 am so much
determined to defend our Colonies and preserve our
Indian Empire as any man in this kingdom. (Cheers.)
There has been much discussion lately as to the liabili-
ties of our position in reference to our Colonies. I
accept those liabilities, and would defend the position.
I would fight for the road to India through the Suez
Canal, though not, as I said at Bristol, for the road
over the mountains of Armenia. But I do say this,
that of all the crimes a statesman can commit the
gravest in my opinion is to plunge this country into
unnecessary war. (Loud cheers.) There is no crime
'to my mind equal to sending his fellow snbjects to kill
or be killed unless he finite that he must do so to
' defend the legitimate interests of the country or fulfil
its duty. I may . be asked, "Why do you not add
"and to preserve itshonour Ir' I own I do not say
so, because, to my mind, honour is included in duty.
(Cheers.) " W on't you do it to preserve our prestige I"
Like Lord Carnarvon, I want to know the exact mean-
ing of that French word. (Cheers.) I prefer the old
English word 'duty," which I understand. (Cheers.)
To send my fellow-subjects to kill or be killed because
some other nation might call us a third-class Power if
we did not fight would, I think, be murder. (Cheers.)
But now let us look for a moment at this question,
solely from an English point of view. Let us throw
aside prejudices., prepossessions, and preferences—
either for or against the Turks, for or against Russia-
let us try and look at what are often represented as
English interests. Let us
.forget, if we can, the
bravery of the Turkish soldiers, the corruption and
cruelty of the Turkish rulers ; let us forget the past
crimes and present despotism of the Russian Govern-
ment—the sympathy_ and sacrifices of the Russian
people for then suffering csereligionists. Looking,
then, at the question only from an English point of
view, what ought England to do? I have come to
the conclusion even more now than during the debate
on Mr. Gladstone's resolutions, that not only is there
no reason that we should take part in the war, but
that there is no probability that such a reason will
arise. Let me enter here a little into detail. What
harm is likely to come to England if Russia should suc-
ceed as much as any one expects herto succeed? I will
not go into the alternative of Russia failing. England,
with the rest of Europe, would have a difficult task
to perform if Russia failed, with the claims of the
Christian subjects of Turkey brought before us. But
I suppose there is no expectation but that Russia will
ultimately succeed. What would happen? Roumania
may become independent—why not? What harm
would that do to us? (Cheers.) Bulgaria may be-
come self-governing—l hope she may. (Cheers.) What
harm can that do to us? Bosnia and Herzegoviva may
become self-governing or Austrian—l do not thiuk it
matters to English interests which. Montenegro may
become secure and enlarged—l hope she may. No
English interests interfere with the privileges of that
gallant band of heroes. (Cheers.) Servia may become
independent. Again, what harm can that do to Eng-
lish interests? I am not justifying the declaration of
war by Servia; but I should like those who inveigh
against Servia to a little remember Servian history. I
took up the history of Servia last night in one of our
principal Cyclopmdias. In the time of living men
there was an insurrection against Turkish rule, and
so bad was that rule that men would have been to
blame if they had not risen against it. There
was an insurrection, headed by an ancestor of the
present Prince. An amnesty was declared by the
Turks, and 36 of the leaders of that insurrection were
impaled before the Palace of Belgrade. (Hear, hear.)
Men do not forget such facts, and although Servia is to
be blamed in the circumstances for the declaration of
war, I am not surprised at it, and many of her critics
would perhaps have done the same. (Cheers.) But I
again ask, What harm would be done to England if
Servia became independent? Well, then there is
Greece ; if the war continues, Greece will probably
obtain Thessaly and Epirus. That would do no harm
to as. (Cheers.) It would rather, I believe, advance
the interests of England. And that brings us to Con-
stantinople. Well, it is admitted that if Turkey will
make peace now Constantinople is in no danger.
(Cheers.) But suppose Turkey chooses to fight on and
fulfil Lord Derby's prophecy to the Turkish Minister
in London, so that the Government could not re-
main in Constantinople? Lord Derby might in
that case have to reconsider his despatch a last
May, of which I generally approve, buit in which
he gave the impression that we should disapprove
Constantinople falling into the hands of any but its
present pessessors. In that case I earnestly desire
that it should fall into the hands of the Greeks.
(Cheers.) I do not believe he looked forward to that
alternative —what he meant was that it should not fall
-into the hands of Russia., Well, I consider there is no
danger of Russia obtaining possession of Constanti-
nople. Why do I say so? Not merely because Eng-
land, but Europe is opposed to that, (Cheers.) I go
firth, and say it is not espectally our business by

English troops or English money to keep .Russia out of
Constantinople. (Cheers.) It is quite as much Euro-
pean business, and still more Austrian business, and yet
more German business. The very existence of Austria
is at stake, and she knows it, and Germany knows that
she knows it. Prince Bismarck made a very good speech
lstely, when he said he did not see what any
Pomeranian ploughman should do in this war—a
very proper speech, for no doubt ne knew that Con-
stantinople was in no danger in the war. But if it
were in danger the Pomeranian ploughman would have
a greater interest in defending it than the Bradford
artisan or the Dorsetshire labourer in defending our
distant empire. In the Crimean war we relieved
Germany from the burden which pressed sorely upon
her, and she became the nucleus of a great united
Germany. But we are not going to fight her battles
again. Constantinople, in the present position of
European affairs, is in no danger of being taken pos-
session of by Russia. I am ready to maintain our
distant empire if threatened, but it is not. And this
kings us to Turkey in Asia. We are told that the
possession of Armenia by Russia is a threat to England,
I should be very loth to believe that English interests
there would compel us to go to war. English interests
have nothing to do with it. Lord Derby did not
mention that in his despatch; Mr. Cross in his speech
alluded to it with a sneer. He said, "Then there is
Batoum in Armenia; but I go on to speak of our
real interests—the Suez Canal." We are told of
the effect on our Empire in India of the con-
quests of Russia in Asia Minor. We are reminded
again of our prestige, and told that our prestige
in India will be gone if Turkey is beaten.
What I say is, let us do our duty to India, let us
learn the lessons of the Indian famine, and not be so
much alarmed at what Russia may do in Armenia.
(Cheers.) The Emperor of Russia told Lord Augustus
Loftus that it was absurd to attribute to him the
notion of conquering India; it was an impossibility.
But then we are told, not of conquest, but of intrigue.
The intrigues are over-rated. We were told by the
Pall Mall Gazette that the Russian Government tele-
graphed the news of the taking of Kars immediately
to the Afghanistan Court, and some of the other
Government papers said they did it so quickly that we
first heard of the taking of Kars from Afghanistan;
but what is the fact? There is no telegraph to
Cabul or Afghanistan. (" Hear," and a laugh.)
But even allowing that there are intrigues; how
do they arise? The Russians may be intriguing
against us in Asia because the think we are
intriguing against them in Europe. There may
be intrigues and counter-intrigues. But even if
our frontiers did march one with the other,
must we? It would be better, surely, to have a
h
Christian Power like Russia rather than alf-civilised
Moslem tribes for our neighbours. This brings me to
the least point—the opening of the Straits of the Bos-
phorus and the Dardanelles; and we are to go to war
to keep out Russian ships of war. Now, I do not
want to see Russian ships of war in the Straits any
more than anywhere else. I had rather there were no
necessity for ships of war there; and if there be, I
would rather they were English ships of war than
those of any other Power. (A laugh.) But English
ships of war have no right there. 'toe question is, not
whether we should encourage Russia to claim the right
of sending ships of war through those Straits into the
Mediterranean, but whether we alone of all the
Powers should make it a casus bell for her to insist
on that Claim, if she does insist on it. Now, Lord
Derby did not take that line. In his famous despatch
in May, Lord Derby made use of these words :

"The existing arrangements which regulate the navi-
gation of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles appear to Her
Majesty's Government wise and salutary, and there might
be serious objections to their alterations on a new prin-
ciple."

Undoubtedly there might be, and therefore it was
important in the interests of peace that this question
should be settled on an equitable and guaranteed basis.
When people want to drive us into a war with Russia,
because some Prince wrote a foolish letter in the Rus-
sian newspapers I must say I could produce a hundred
foolish letters written in English newspapers. But it
is disavowed by the despatch of Prince Gortchakoff.
All I state is this—it is foolish for us to take up the
ground and say that we alone of all the Powers
should insist that no fresh arrangement should be
made.about these Straits. But, no doubt, if any fresh
arrangement is to be made it must be by conference
with those whose interests would be affected. Suppose
we were to say, We do not care what other Powers
say on this matter; it is true France and Italy are
Mediterranean Powers, and they might appear to have
more interest in keeping other ships of war out of the
Mediterranean than we have, but we care nothing for
the opinion of the Powefs—in no circumstances shall
we allow Russian ships of war to come through those
Straits. Just consider the point for a moment.
There are these natural Straits—the Bosphorus and
the Dardanelles—between the Black Sea and the
Mediterranean, and there is the artificial Strait—the
Suez Canal—on our road from England to our distant
Empire. 'These natural Straits are the road from one
part of Russia to another part of Russia. Is it reason-
able that we should take up the ground and say—" In
all circumstances whatever our ships of war shall go
through the Straits of Suez, but in no circumstances
shall Russian ships of war pass through the Straits of
the Bosphorus." If we take that ground, we should
have no support from any Power in Europe.
(Cheers.) I have told you that I think our inte-
rests do not demand that we should be involved in the
war, and there is no reason that we ever should; but
what would be the consequences if we engaged in it?
I say nothing of the prosent depression of trade—l say
nothing of the commercial ruin that would follow on
commercial distress. I honestly say that I do not
think that would be a sufficient reason why we should
not go to war if necessity or duty compelled us, though
it is a very good reason why we should look well at
the grounds for going to wan (Cheers.) I do not
doubt England would tight if she ought to fight. but
what would be the consequence of her engaging in this
war? First, we should begin and be re,ponsible for
beginning, in all probability, a general European
war. (Cheers.) Next, in this European war we should
have no ally but Turkey; and Turkey is already ex-
hausted and beaten. We should have no other ally.
Some French paper offered us the moral support of
Fran ce. I doubt if we should have that moral support,
but it would not much assist us in this war. Although
with no ally but Turkey, we should have to fight Russia.
I do not say we should be beaten; I know well
English endurance and bravery, and English re-
sources, wealth, and power. It is possible that by
heavy war taxes, by an income-tax larger than we
have ever known, by a return to the old Excise and
Customs duties, we might keep that war going for
two or three campaigns, until by conscription, for
only conscription could do it, we had raised an army
large enough to compete with the Russian army—
taking one Englishman as worth any number of Rus-
sians. (Cheers and a laugh.) Then, after we had this
conscription—after we had raised our loans, and after
our young men had been sent to fight on the mountains
of Armenia and the Isthmus of G-allipoli—what should
we have done? We should have pledged ourselves to
support Turkey hereafter—to reorganize her govern-
ment; to maintain the Musslilman rule over the
Christians, at the cost of those lives and that money, at
the cost of that conscription, at the cost of mortgaging
the income of our successors, at the cost of taking
away the income of our hard-working capitalists and
labourers. What should we have done? We should
have made ourselves responsible before God and man
for the continuance of Turkish . rule and Turkish
tyranny. (Cheers.) I would go to war to fulfil Eng-
land's duty; is that England's duty? (Cheers.) Ido
not believe that the Government when Parliament
meets will try to plunge us into this war. (Cheers.)
I feel sure that Parliament would resist their efforts if
they tried to do so. (Cheers.) But speaking for
myself, and, I think, speaking for you, I sa7-there are
no efforts within the power of the Constitution that I
I will not take to preserve my country from this
' calamity and this crime. (Loud cheers.) . .
_ _

Parliamentary reform and Church disestablishment
formed the other principal topics of the speech of Mr.
Forster, who received a vote of confidence at the close
of the meeting.