The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1878-10-19 00:00:00

thC c)tottrbritrge Obsertur.

SATURDAY. OCTOBER 19, 1878,
BRITISH INTERESTS IN EGYPT.

Egyptian Bonds are held to a considerable
extent in this country, and the resources and
prospects of that remarkable land are objects
of interest with the intervening classes of the
community. The fact of there having been
"a good Nile" or a bad one, that is to say,
whether the river has duly overflowed its banks
so as to afford the prospect of a favourable
harvest, is noted apart from its bearing upon
the cause of geographical knowledge. During
the past few years the successful carrying out
of a great engineering task—the construction
of the Suez Canal—has very materially in-
creased the interest of England in the condition
of Egypt. It is admitted by all persons com-
petent to form an opinion on such a subject,
that to Great Britain, by virtue of her Indian
Empire, the command of the Canal and
Isthmus of Suez may at any moment become a
matter of vital importance. With this fact in
view the most obvious lesson suggested by the
present aspect of affairs alike in Eastern
Europe and in Central Asia, is the impolicy of
leaving difficult questions of an international
character unsettled for the sake of evading a
temporary difficulty. With this lesson so
strongly enforced by the course of recent
events, it is to be regretted that the arrange-
ments established by the Treaty of Berlin
omitted to deal with the permanent relations
between Great Britain and the land of the
Pharaohs.

It is a matter of history that when the
Eastern Question was under the consideration
of the diplomatists of assembled Europe, no
attempt was made to
.define the status of
Egypt, the precise relations between the Porte
and the Viceroy, or the exact character of the
conditions under which England is entitled to
make use of the Canal for warlike purposes.
Yet if over we should be involved in an
European conflict, and the outlook upon the
political horizon is anything but clear—the
whole of these points must indubitably give rise
to grave complications, From various reasons
all the great Continental Powers, with one
exception, were prepared to sanction English
intervention in the affairs of Egypt; but the
chief if not the sole reason why we abstained
from taking any action was a reluctance to em-
brace a policy which, we had reason to believe,
wouldigive grave offence to France. The fact of
, our, availing ourselves of the temporary weak-
ness of our neighbour to deprive her of the
ascendency she had hitherto exercised in Egypt
would, it was believed, create an ill-feeling to.
wards us in the minds of the French people.
That such considerations exercised a material
influence on the course pursued by our Govern-
ment, there can be no doubt whatever. Eng.
land thus showed the strongest proof of her
desire to study in this matter not only the
interests but the susceptibilities of France.
The main motive of our policy was the import-
ance attached to a cordial understanding with
our immediate neighbours across the Channel.
It was held that it was not worth while to
imperil the friendly relations between the two
counties, for the sake of strengthening our foot-
ing in Egypt, which was thus left in the same
position which she occupied previously to the
outbreak of last year's war. Thus Eg3pt re-
tained her virtual independence under the
nominal suzerainty of the Porte; indeed, owing
to the joint action of !the French and English
Governments the independence of Eygpt was
not only left intact, but confirmed in the
strengthr.which, owing to a combination of
peculiar circumstances it had previously en-
j.,yed.
While, however, the independence of the
kingdom of the Pharaohs was thus secured,
measures were taken to reform that system of
finance which, had been allowed to continue,
must have led to bankruptcy, and ultimately to
foreign intervention. A Commission of Inquiry
was sent out, supported alike by the Govern-
ments of London and Paris , and thanks to the
eaergy of the gentlemen constituting the Coin
MilLiiol3, there is a fair prospect of the country
recovering from its difficulties, and shaking of
the thraldom to which it has been exposed
throat h its pecuniary embarrassments. The
improvements cart ied out will make the fertile
land of Egypt once more prosperous and
wealthy. Three thousand years ago it was a
powerful factor in estimating the active forces
of the world. But the indolence which, to a
certain extent, characterises all Eastern nations,
gradually crept over the Egyptians, and caused
them to neglect the splendid advantages which
I they possessed in the shape of a delightful
climate and a fruitful soil. It is true that the
t fate of many another Eastern Empire was not
i that of the Egyptians. Their kingdom was not
divided, as was Babylon, and given to the
)i.ledes.and Persians; they were not obliterated
like Nuievoh, and blotted out like the great
1 cith•eitss
eovfe
niheb
t.'
hurees dhaens
which
Memphis. Like i
uLAi ksei
Asia, Egypt
of
I
fell
.under the sway of a foreign Power. After
Ibolding .to a cruel bondage the children of
, Israel, it came under the yoke of the Moslem,
1 under whose influence she languished and
• doolinad. But now, taken in hand by the wore
i

pushing nations of the western world, EgyP,t
promises again to be prosperous and powerful'
and to make her strong enough to hold her arm
amongst the States of the world is the avowed
ambition of the eminent statesman who has
just been installed in office at Cairo. This of
course opens up an important consideration,
If the experiment sought to be carried out by
Nnbar Pasha should prove successful, and the
independence of Egypt become a reality, it will
not be so easy for England to have any direct
intervention in the affairs of Egypt as it was
under the old regime. The aim of Nubar
Pasha's policy is the development of a state of
affairs which the goodwill of England must
gradually cease to be of the paramount import-
ance to Egypt which now attaches to it. But,
having given ample proof of our readiness to
forego our individual interests for the sake of
promoting the welfare of Egypt, we may well be
content, in a time of peace, with the prospect of
returning wealth to a land largely possessed of
English capital, and leave the question of
expediency in time of war to be settled when
that unwelcome contingency may arise.