The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1885-11-28 00:00:00

LORD SALISBURY ON DISESTAB-
LISFIMENT.

The following letter has been written by the Mar"
quis of Salisbury, K.G., to Mr. T. G. Murray, of
Edinburgh, in answer to a communication calling hie
lordship's attention to the resolutions passed at the
recent meeting of the -Commission .of the Church of
Scotland, and asking him to state, in writing, his
views upon the Church question for the guidance o'f
those who place the interests of the Church above
other and purely political considerations:
The Marquis of Salisbury to Mr. T. G. Murray.
Hatfield, Nov. 19, 1885.
Dear Mr. Murray,—l have to thank you for your
letter of the 18th. I am very glad to receive the plain
and outspoken resolutions of the Commission of the
General Assembly.
You ask me my views on the present state of the
Church question. Like most Churchmen in this coun-
try I have followed with deep anxiety Mr. Gladstone's
utterances on the question of the Disestablishment of
the two Churches. It has been advocated by several
members of the late Cabinet, and, as we know, at least
480 Liberal candidates are pledged to it, and therefore
it became a matter of supreme importance to Church-
men to know whether Mr. Gladstone was for it or
against it. He has spoken much upon this subject,
and yet he has avoided answering this question. To
have done so is no mean oratorical success; yet it
leads to the inevitable inference, either that he has
no convictions upon the question, or that he holds his
convictions cheaper than the favour of some section
of his party whom he is anxious not to offend.
In respect to the English Church, he passes by his
own personal intentions altogether, and contents him-
self with the prophecy that the question of its Dis-
establishment belongs to the "dim and distant course
of the future." When confronted with the fact that
he used almost the same language to Dr. Hannah
with respect to the Irish Church in 1865, and never-
theless moved the resolution for its overthrow less
than three years afterwards, he defends hirnsalf by
pleading that there were circumstances at the time
which caused him to guess wrong, such as the peculiar
state of public opinion at that period. But, if he was
so egregiously deceived once on this matter, it is fair
to assume that he may possibly be deceived again.
There may be other causes at work now to delude him
as little suspected by him as those of 1865. A mere
prophecy is a poor guarantee. If, indeed, he gave us
any promise it would have a certain value, because it
would be binding, whether he is now making a mistake
or not. But as, instead of telling us what he and
his party will do, he only speculates like a bye-
stander on what they are likely to do, the experi.
ence of his past predictions does not give us much
encouragement.
In speaking of the Scottish Church he Joes indi-
cate something of his own personal intentions. But
this is only as to the time and mannei of discussing
the question; not as to the question itself. He will
oppose Dr. Cameron's resolution on Disestablishment,
not because he objects to Disestablishment, but
because he objects to abstract resolutions. He exhorts
the Liberationists, the "backbone of the party," to
hold their hands, not because their enterprise is per-
nicious, but becatve the time for it has not come. He
does not resist the treatment of Disestablishment in
the next session because he dislikes it, but because he
has not time for it. It will hinder the discussion of
such momentous questions as local government, regi-
stration, Parliamentary procedure, and so forth. If
he spares the Church now it is not for love of it, but
because it takes a long time to cut down. He more
than once uses the metaphor that Disestablishment is
not yet "ripe.' The phrase implies that in due time
it will become ripe, and that when it is ripe the fruit
will be plucked. The glimpses of Mr. Gladstone's
meaning whilia his language allows us to catch are
few and dim ; but, so tar as they go, they distinctly
show that he will certainly do nothing and risk
nothing in order to uphold the Established Church.
. _

But 'there is one opinion which he undoubtedly
expresses with great distinctness—namely, that Die-
establishment should not be made a test question at
this election. As the mass of Liberal candidates in
Scotland-78 I believe one of 100—are pledged to
the principle of Disestablishment, this doctrine prac-
tically means that Liberal electors who are for'the
Church shall, nevertheless, vote for Liberal candi-
dates who are against the Church. What will the
result cf this principle be if a large Lib?ral majority
should be returned? It is certain that a resolution
in favour of Disestablishment will be moved. Mr.
Gladstone tells us that he will vote against it. Mr.
Chamberlain has proclaimed his hope that it will be
carried; and, to judge by their avowed opinions, Mr.
Trevelyan, Mr. Campbell-Bannerman, and the two
late law officers must vote for it also. The mass of
Liberal candidates in this island are pledged to the
principle. Will Mr. Gladstone's authority be suffi-
cient to induce them to vote against it? It is matter
of great doubt. Bois not always able ta command the
obedience of his supporters when he lags behind them.
There was a remarkable instance last year, in which
Mr. Gladstone voted faithfully in favour of a promise
be had given to the Opposition. But his party, led by
Mr. Goschen, went the other way; the spirit of revolt
was so general that even the sons and brothers of
Cabinet Ministers joined it; and Mr. Gladstone,
though assisted by the Conservatives was defeated
by his own Liberals supporters. Such things may
happen again; and it is by no means certain that Mr.
Gladstone's individual engagement, even if he is
present to support it, will be endorsed by his party.
But there is another contingency with which we must
reckon. Mr. Gladstone's pledge, such as it is, binds
himself alone. We know what are the wishes of his
most influential colleagues, and of the mass of the
candidates on his side. A security which depends on
the continuance of any one man in active political life
is necessarily frail. But in Mr. Gladstone's case it
has a special element of weakness. He lsas again and
again intimated the probability of his early retire-
ment from the position of political lender; indeed,
for several years he was supposed definitively to have
done so. But if he does retire, whatever security any
of us may derive from his promise to oppose Dr.
Cameron's motion will have utterly disappeared.
It would be a grievous mistake to irea.,9ine, because
such a resolution as Dr. Cameron's would not con-
clude the matter, that therefore it would do no berm.
It would be an almost fatal blow. It would be the
recorded judgment of the House of Commons; and
if a majority of Scotch members voted for it, it
would be called the judgment of Scotland in spite of
Disestablishment not having been a test question at
this election. Numbers of men would be persuaded
that the battle was already lost. The "waiters on
Providence" would find their convictions fixed by it
at once; and many of those who do not deserve that
title would hesitate and waver. Every political army
contains men who are shaken and disheartened by
any victory of their opponents; and the fatalism on
this particular subject, which undoubtedly exists,
and to which Mr. Gladstone appeals in his manifesto,
would set in heavily against the Church. She would
come to the final issue, which is now set down for the
Parliament after next, weighted with the anticipation
of defeat; while her enemies would be strengthened
and united by the inspiriting belief that their victory
was already half won.
My answer, therefore, to any friend of the Church
who asks me my view of the present crisis, is neces-
sarily the exact reverse of Mr. Gladstone's. Make
support of the Church a test question above all
others. Those who rate the Established Church at
the same value as local government, or registration,
or Parliamentary procedure, or even as the union of
the Liberal party, will naturally not make it a test
question; but I. am convinced that there are many
among the Liberal party who will not apply this
measurement to the "national testimony to the
Christian religion," of which the commission speaks.
Let us not be lulled to sleep by these assurances that
the conflict is postponed to another Parliament;
they are merely devices to persuade us to give more
time to the enemy to organise his force and under-
mine our position. The battle for the Churches will
be hardly fought; we are not justified in throwing a
single chance away. Their adversaries, we may be
certain, will spare no effort and neglect no Parlia-
mentary weapon to strike a heavy blow at them
during the coming Parliament ; and their friends
should not allow themselves to be persuaded by any
lower consideration to give a vote to any candidate
who will not promise to defend them when they are
attacked.---Believe me, &c.,
_