The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1855-07-10 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

WE bare received several inquiries from subscribers as to whether
we intend to follow the example of some of our Radical con-
temporaries, and publish oftener than once a-week. We may
state that we have no such intention, unless, indeed, the disin-
terested patriotism of some of our wealthy readers would
guarantee us against the heavy loss which would inevitably
result from such a course, not only to ourselves, but to our sub-
scribers. It may sound very plausible to publish two unstamped
papers a-week at the price of one stamped, but the consequence
would be a mutual loss ; for while the Standard, with the stamp,
which we now sell at 4id., may be transmitted free through the
post any number of times for fifteen days, two unstamped
papers containing no more news than the one, and costing live-
pence, would require a penny additional for each paper every
time they were sent by post, 'making a weekly charge of seven-
pence to the country subscriber, with an extra charge if he
wishes to send his paper to a friend. Indeed, this pretended
boon to the public, in the removal of the penny stamp, will be
found, like some other legislative boons, to be in reality an
additional tax, as shown in the instance of the London Times,
which is now charged a halfpenny more for the stamed copy,
and then is liable to a postage, unless in folding the stamp be
exposed to view; while the unstamped charged at fonrpence is
liable to a postage of twopence.
A correspondent has remarked that, while there are TWENTY-SIX
RADICAL PUBLICATIONS issued each week in Liverpool, there
are Only THREE OF CONSERVATIVE POLITICS. That this is no
evidence of a corresponding preponderance of political feeling,
has been abundantly shown in several contested elections. It
is, however, the best proof that could be adduced of the advan-
tage of advertising in Conservative papers. We have already
given the public the full benefit, and something more, of the
change in the law by reducing the price of the Standard, and
publishing a gratuitous supplement in addition, and we are sure
that a weekly paper of these dimensions is far cheaper to sub-
scribers than more frequent publication, with the additional
expenses involved in the transmission. While our contempo-
raries are engaged in a competition of price, we are content to
make quality the test or cheapness, and we are satisfied that
our subscribers will have no difficulty in discovering that both
objects—quality and cheapness—are more effectually secured
by a weekly paper of the dimensions and at the price now
charged for the Standard than by more frequent issues, nomi-
nally cheaper, but in reality much dearer.

THE

Eibtrpoof )tanbarb,

TUESDAY, JULY 10, 1855.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.

THE business of legislation is now progressing with
railroad speed through the House of Commons, as
though the members had become wearied with their
own long and useless speeches, and were at length
desirous of bringing the session to a close. After
wasting about six months, in doing what may be
called literally nothing, but discussing abstract propo-
sitions and impracticable projects, they have at length
discovered, that it would be as well to have something
to show, as the result of their labours ; and accord-
ingly a number of Bills are being hurried through the
several stages required by the forms of Parliament,
without much regard to their consistency, or even
their grammatical construction. This is a vicious
system, which is year by year increasing, and for
which there appears no adequate remedy, until we
have a really strong Government with sufficient moral
courage to compel attention to important measures
at an earlier period of the session, and firmly resist
those repeated adjournments, by which so many Bills
are postponed, until deliberation is altogether out of
the question. It is, indeed, difficult to tell which
course is the most productive of mischievous results,
the purposeless discussions of the greater part of the
session, or the hasty and careless legislation by which
Bills are hurried to maturity at the close. The mem-
bers become wearied by long sittings, until at length
but few are left to take part in the business, and then
Bills which may have a serious influence on the com-
munity are passed, and sent up to the Lords, who
must either reject them or agree to them as they are,
from their utter inability to pay any attention to the
details. It is such a course of proceeding which renders
necessary so many acts to amend and explain former
acts, until the Statute Book becomes a mass of confu-
sion, and laws intended to effect one object are decided
by learned judges to enact the direct contrary.
There was a time, and that not many years since,
when Bills sent up from the House of Commons were
rendered most efficient, through the care which was
bestowed on their construction in the House of Lords :
and this was not to be wondered at, considering the
many able and experienced lawyers who transacted
most of the business of legislation there. All this,
however, has been rendered impracticable through the
majority of Bills being left to the very end of the
Session, so that barely time is afforded for the neces-
sary forms to be gone through, without a possibility
of deliberation.

THE SIEGE OF SEBASTOPOL.

THE most interesting topic of discussion lately has
been the cause of the failure of the attack on Sebas-
topol on the 18th of June. It appears, from all the
accounts which have been received---the official de-
spatches both of the English and French Generals,
and the letters of several correspondents---that, al-
though there was much blundering and confusion of
arrangements, no especial blame attached to any indi-
vidual in particular. There was evidently much
anxiety on the part of the Allied troops to comme-
morate the anniversary of the Battle of Waterloo by a
general rivalry to excel each other in feats of bravery,
and to mark the day by a crowning achievement
which would realize the long delayed expectations of
the capture of Sebastopol. It is not denied that judi-
cious arrangements had been made for the accomplish-
ment of this object ; but unfortunately the best designs
may be irretrievably damaged by an apparently trivial
accident. As the various divisions of the attacking
army were necessarily out of reach of receiving direct
instructions for their operations, it was concerted that
the party in advance should be guided by the signal
of a discharge of star-rockets ; but, while waiting for
this sign, the officer in command observed a shell with
a blazing fuse, and, mistaking it for a rocket, gave the
order to advance, though contrary to the advice of his
staff. There was, no doubt, an enthusiastic desire to
be the first ; but, unfortunately, the movement was
precipitate, the attacking party were not properly sup-
ported, from those intended to support them being too
far in the rear. This necessarily created confusion as
far as the arrangements of the French were concerned
for the assault onlthe Malakhoff Tower ; whilst the
English, unwilling that their part of the duty, which
was an attack on the Redan, should be unnecessarily
delayed, gallantly advanced before the French were in
actual possession of the Malakhoff. The result was
almost inevitable. The French failed owing to the
officer in command mistaking the signal, and thereby
anticipating the movement ; and the English failed
because the Redan, being commanded by the other
fort, their position, however, gallantly acquired, was
utterly untenable so long as the guns of the Malakhoff
were in possession of the enemy. It is said that the
subsequent plan decided upon is to proceed by sap, and
that the operations of General PELISSIER for this pur-
pose are progressing favourably.
Whilst, however, great credit is due to all the
parties engaged for the consummate bravery which
was displayed, the officers fearlessly leading on their
men, as shown by the great disproportion in the lists
of killed and wounded, it has been remarked that the
probabilities of success would have been enhanced had
the operations of the Allies been concentrated on the
Malakhoff, although it is also urged that the assault
on the Redan was so far useful inasmuch as it served
to divert the attention of the Russians. Supposing,
however, the Malakhoff to be gained, the conquest of
the Redan would be comparatively easy, as it is com-
pletely commanded by the guns of the former. In-
deed, it is now evident that the Malakhoff is the key
to the whole fortress ; and that, whether taken by as-
sault or by sap, its possession by the Allies would give
them complete command of the town and harbour of
Sebastopol.
But while the interest of the war is thus in mea-
sure centred on this renowned fortress, to the exclusion

of almost all other details, it is the opinion of many
that the numerous army which has now been collected
might be advantageously employed in meeting the
enemy in the open field, so as more effectually to com-
plete the investment of Sebastopol, and shut out the
possibility of further reinforcements or supplies.
Should this object be efficiently accomplished, a suc-
cessful termination to the long protracted siege cannot
be far distant ; and if Sebastopol were once fairly in
possession of the Allies, there would be no great diffi-
culty in clearing the Crimea of the Russians. It is,
of course, not easy to say to what extent Russian
obstinacy may proceed rather than give up its long-
cherished policy of universal dominion ; but, with the
mastery of the Black Sea, the Allies would be in a
position to dictate terms of peace even more stringent
than those which were rejected at Vienna.

THE GOVERNMENT AND THE BUILDING

SOCIETIES

HOWEVER ready the Government may be to suc-
cumb to popular agitation, when it is vigorously
pressed, they have not much delicacy- on the subject
when the interest to be assailed is weak in everything
but the justice of its claim. By an act passed in
the 6th and 7th of WILLIAM IV., which was specially
intended for the regulation of benefit building socie-
ties, they were exempted from stamp duties on trans-
fers, mortgages, and all other documents, the object
being to encourage the extension of such societies, by
way of promoting industrious and prudent habits
amongst the middle and humbler classes. Of the
wisdom of such a provision, there could hardly be a
second opinion ; for there is perhaps no stronger
security for the maintenance of loyal feelings and the
preservation of order than the possession of real pro-
perty, for which the operations of these societies
afforded great facilities. Experience had proved that
in the majority of instances they had been most suc-
cessfully carried out, and the number of them exist-
ing in Liverpool, Manchester, and other large towns
prove the favour with which they have been received.
It was, therefore, with great surprise, not unmixed
with feelings of indignation, that it was discovered
that an insidious attempt had been made by the
government to deprive Building Societies of the
advantage which they had so long enjoyed in their
freedom from stamp duties—an advantage, indeed,
which formed the main ground of their prosperity.
In the Friendly Societies Bill, a measure which has
no reference whatever to Building Societies, a clause
was introduced to deprive the latter societies of their
exemption from stamp duties, and, notwithstanding
the opposition of several members and the earnest
remonstrances of a deputation from the Building
Societies of this and other towns, the clause, with
some slight modification, was passed through the
House of Commons, and the bill was sent up to the
House of Lords. There the clause was objected to
by Lord RAVENSWORTH, who was met by the plea
that it was a breach of the privileges of the Lower
House to interfere with any money clause in a bill.
This, however, did not deter the Earl of DERBY from
opposing such a surreptitious mode of legislation, and
when the bill was in committee he moved that the
clause be struck out, so as to leave the Building
Societies in the same position as they were before, and
confine the bill to its ostensible object of dealing with
Friendly Societies. Upon a division, the motion was
successful, and the Building Societies, grateful to the
Earl of DERBY and the peers who voted with him,
considered themselves safe from the threatened assault,
at least for the present session.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER appears to be
unwilling, however, to lose any opportunity of re-
cruiting the national finances, when it can be done at
the expense of the weak. A demand had been made
for a reduction of the duty on stage carriages, because,
as it was alleged, the duty affected the breeding of
horses for the army. The proposed reduction would
sacrifice £50,000 of National Income. but as he had
given up tu g,razny a senseless cry about
taxes on knowledge, he could not refuse this small
boon to omnibus proprietors, particularly when it was
backed with the plea that more horses were wanted
for HER MAJESTY'S cavalry, though it would be
difficult to discover in what way an increase of stage
carriages could promote this object. But even this
sacrifice of revenue must not be made without some
show of obtaining compensation, and, accordingly, a
second attempt is made to impose stamp duties on
Building Societies, notwithstanding the positive re-

jection of the scheme by the House of Lords. In
Committee on the Stage-Carriage Duties, some other
resolutions relating to stamps were appended to it, and
amongst them the rejected clause, which was passed
without the members not in the secret being aware
of its object ; but on bringing up the report on Friday,
the ministers were taxed with the deception, when
Mr. WILSON stated that the resolution which limited
the exemption to sums not exceeding £240 had been
framed in order to carry out an arrangement that he
had entered into with a deputation who had conferred
with him upon the subject. This is only true in part,
for the deputation were opposed to the whole measure;

but, finding the Government unwilling to yield, those
members of it who represented societies the majority
of whose transactions were below £240 agreed to that
amount being the limit of exemption as being all their
interest in the question. The question has, however,
been once decided upon this session and rejected, and
if the Government should persist in a course which
can only be termed an act of tyranny and oppression,
it is to be hoped that the EARL of DERBY and those
who voted with him on the former occasion will justify
their character for consistency and again reject the
obnoxious measure. •