The Dorset County Express and Agricultural Gazette.
Dorchester, Dorset, England, 1866-10-02 00:00:00

lIIL BRIGHT AND REVOLUTION.

Ilse Standard mays that at last the violence of un-
governable passions—the fierce hatred of all superiority,
the bitter detestation of rank anl social power, which
are the ruling impalas of a true d, magogue'e nature—
has hurried Mr. Bright into a feebleness of which, in all
likelihood, he has already repented. In his last epoech
--a Mik,ell, too, addressed not to • noi,y iuultitude. but
to the healers, such as they are, of the party which he
has formed—returning thank, when him health was
drunk at a public banquet, Mr. Bright has eema ittod him-
self yet more deeply and whically, has yet more clearly
taken his steed apart from etateenten and constitutional
ikformers, however wide their views, howeve: popular
their opinions, and in the clams of revel utionar7 agitators
and seditious conspirators. The motive of his violence
may possibly ho sought in the list of the names of Lis
hosts. Aiuong tho persons present were none of the
leading Liberals of South lona/hire, none at the old
associates of Mr. Cobden In the Anti-Corn Law League,
or of the men who so lung returned Menses. Bright and
Gibson for Manchester. None of the "cotton lords" of
Manchester, or merchant princes of Liverpool were
there. The Reform League is composed of • v.y dif-
ferent class of non. One minister of relion dis-
honoured his profession by taking part ins meeting
where violence and rebellion were openly counselled and
loudly applauded ; but tie leading personages were men
whoa) :lama axe associated with movements partaking
more or less of a character hostile, not only to censtitn-
tional polity, but to social order—the agents of ter lea
unions and the orators of ohartism. With Mr. Hooson
and Mr. Ernest Jonas for his second; Mr. Blight could
not but feel himself thrown back on the support of men
whose appeal is to physical force because of moral in-
tinence they arc wholly devoid. Mr. Bright openly
declared that the meetings he bad called were demon-
stmtions "for the exhibition of force." He added that
when evds were left long unredeemed the most peace
loving of men could keep the pekoe no longer, and that
such exhibitions, if disregarded, may become exhibi-
tions of another kind of fore 3. Finally, he significantly
reminded his hearers that 'it is no more immoral fora
people to floe force in the hurt resort for the obtaining
and securing of freedom than it is (era Government by
force to suppress and deny that freedom." And this
significant sentence was received with enthusiutio
cheering. It is meteor to reason with Mr. Bright, it is
needless to warn him. As be sated when he urged the
Reform League to attack the Park, so will he ever act;
he wi'l never br:ng his own person within tee range of
the perils upon which be Impels his dupes. But to
those dopes we would address a few words of earnest
counsel. In the first place, what is the justification
they would plead for the great crime of disturbing the
whole FANS of society, and staining England with cixil
bloodshed? And what would be the chances of mama?
The its ante would not be between Libertis and Conser-
vatives. -The instant that an appeal to force was made
eve./ man who has property or trade to lose, every
sober and loyal citizen, the whola force of the middle
chasm, would be arrayed on the aide of the law.
Granting, then, that the wildest dreams of the most
ignorant and extravagant Clartista were realised, and
that Mr. Bright could muster for rebellion all the masses
he can assemble for a noisy holiday, the attempt would
be as mad as it would be wicked end wanton. What
wet of "exhibition of force" Mr. Bright may con-
t =plate—whether he dreams of revolution or plans •
riot—we cannot tell; but he must know what 11 the
tendency of his advise, and his guilt is none the lees
because his malice is nearly impotent. He has the will
to throw society into confusion, to let loose the criminal
dame on its wealth, and aim the ignorant against its
peace; and if be fails, as ho will fan, to do more than
may at any time be done by the leaders of a miners'
strike, or the instigators of an Irish heron fight, we
should not on that account forget or forgive the wishes
and the Intentions "shish, in an hour of unguarded
passion, he has at length openly avowed.

•
The /besting Hearld does not complain that Mr.
Bight dislike* the Coaserratives, and that their posses-
sion of °Moe is a fact which ho cannot view with
equanimity. He knows perfectly well that, In °Moe or
out of °Moe, they wit always present a solid and compact
phalanx of opposition to any of those revolutionary
measure, which alone can find favour from him. lie
is, therefore, entitled to oppose them by all constitutional
weapons at his command. But he utterly transcend.
these limits when he strives to Ca.. y his point by appeal-
lox to the Ignorance and the potations of time lower
orders, and exciste their animositios by shamelessly
calumniating his opponents and holding them up to
pub—ti ignominy as the natural enemies of the working
elutes. Au orator of fervid eloquence like Mr. Bright
wi ' always command an audience; but, if be were
less utterly lost to the position to which he has de-
manded, it might be worth while for him to consider
the moaning of the undoubted fact that men of his own
order shrink from him. They may sympathise in his
political views, but they abhor the s'eked reeklessness
of his tactics. Mr. Bright may weak to an audience of
thousands, but he winos get men of rank and character
sad standing to keep b' mu amnions ise Mid take their
places at his side.

The llerniwg Post remark. that We. Bright Metes
dekinnioed to leave nothing to chance. It should
be borne in mind, he says, " that however much
any of us may nbhor the thought that political
questions in any counts/ should ever be settled by force,
Yet there is something in the constitution of oar nature
that, when these evils are allowed to tun on beyond.
certain point unrodreseed, the most posocloving nf rnen
are unable to keep the Mead r which of mimeo there is,
and the eonntry,if rem It. point of view, may not only
endorse the statement, but be provoked to apply it to
the abatement of a pernicious minimum. It is not by
any means, a. Mr. Haight 'fleetingly put it, an
street principle Principle ;" and when be taunts the Conservative
opinion of the community with timidity, we must take
leave to tell him cloy plainly that he is treading upon
daingernam ground mid poking • banked fire. The ket is,
that those principles are not "abstract principles," and
cannot possibly be considered ao smell, in the presence
of the agitation which Mr. Bright is promoting. He
knows perfectly well that they are embo&ed in the " dee
monstratiorui" which are being made under his sanction
and authority. HUH, it doss not necessarily follow that
• dill conflict is contemplated; that might depend on
eiraumetancies which Mr. Bright may fancy be could con.
trel. The object of these "demonstrations" is, however,
to use his own word, none the lam imnioraL mectld
be madness as well as immorality to attempt to force
this country to any purpose It was averse from; but it
Is ninslly immoral. if not equally mad, to endeavour by
a display of force to intimidate the legi•lature. E..ree
would be met by force, and to submit to immoral
pnseure. which is masked force.iwouldlbe.bem sod cr.-
Itououtable.