The Stourbridge Observer, Cradley Heath, Halesowen & District Chronicle.
Stourbridge, West Midlands, England, 1878-08-03 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMN_T.

the Roust ov Lehr* July 20, Lord Stratheden made
iTie remarks upon the Treaty of Berths, aid was followed
,Lkarl Graeville, who oommented upon the Premier's re-
at the banquet on Seturday. He charged Lord
,7econsfield with having boasted of his Parliamentary
71414, and with having used offensive personalities.
ethe Earl of Beaconsfield justified his speech as a reply to
744 charge of having c,nctuded an hisaue Convention. Be
it led that the Eastern policy of Ministers had undergone
change, and teat he had ever stated there ti ad been no
~werenoe of opinion in the Cabinet. Elia complaint was
74 the Opposition had raised leng debates, which produced
"oltseful results.
toto.,_red Napier gave a general, approval to the Anglo-Turkish
Ler ntiou, and en coucluded. defewita the secrecy with which it had
, elhe Marquis of Ripon argued that Ministers were not
, ;allied in oinding future Governments by the Convention
. tthoet first ce'esulting Parliament.
let„, , P.,quis of Salisbury said the policy of the Govern-
r. sad been to prevent Russia obtaining possession of
14"ollotamia, and this policy was in accord with the feel-
Of the country. Our responsibilities had been diminished
if the course that had been taken, which had given a
recter of frankness to English diplomacy.
ia
V
oettnt Cardwell vindicated the Opposition, and Lord
brook contended that some definite charge should have
made which the Government could meet. After a few
th,_4ll from Lords Aberdare and Hammond, the subject
-'oPed.
~.Ifter the transaction of some other business their ‘Lord-
adjourned.
Like the 1101:1311 OF COMMONS, in answer to Mr. Laing, who
i Fleed whether the Turkish indemnity was postponed to other
ta which had no special hypothecation, the Chancellor of the
tteepier referred him to the lli.b Protocol, in which
Oat hchouvaloff, in answer to Count Corti, stated that
1171, 1a would respect every anterior hypothecation and
• ,Dice Gortchakoff added that the war indemnity would
'c't affect the other creditors o the Porte.
lb answer to Mr. Otway, Mr. Bourke said that the French
..rtion of the Treaty was correct which declared that the
!sttlement of the organic law ef Bulgaria was to be settled
?ittore the election of a Prince, the exact contrary of which
~Itated in the English version, and he took the opportunity
eltpologising for the numerous errors of translation which
been caused by the great haste with which the papers
been prepared.
e.11,11e Duke of Connaught's Establishment Bill having been
u a second time, the other Orders of the day were post-
boned, and
jhe Marquis of Hartington rose to move his Resolutions,
;latch, after rejoicing at the conclusion of peace, &c., go on
; eXpress the regret of the House at the unsatisfactory
:tuner in which the claims of Greece have been met, and to
;,.ademn the unnecessary extension by the Anglo-Turkish
L'onvention of the military liabilities of the country, and the
Rldetined engagements entered into by her Majesty's Go-
, _Tlrninent in respect of the better administration of the re-
territories of the Porte. Pointing out at the outset
g; these Resolutions did hot attack the Treaty of Berlin,
theld that, to obtain a complete view of the settlement
ri It accompliehed, it must be compared, not with the
Leaty of San Stefano, but with the Treaty of Paris, and
nroceeded then to show what serious inroads the
Westy of Berlin made on the integrity and independence of
:44 Turkish Empire. With regard to Greece, no doubt the
j„e"Oonsibility was shared by all the Powers at the Congress,
i;:st the British Government had undertaken a special
.. POlasibility by the advice it gave to the Greek Govern-
tulitit, and by the promises it had made which he insisted,
never been fulfilled. In the Congress Russia and France
pDeared as the friends of Greece, and, contrasting what had
nen gained by the Slays and the Greeks, it was not likely
seSt Greece, in the time of Turkey's next trouble
_woald follow our advice. Although the Treaty of Berle;
Eas not a complete settlement, it was a long step
._"1 the direction of establishing the freedom arid inde-
evadence of the subject races, the policy which had all
h.41°4 been supported by the Liberal Party, and therefore its
Les main they approved it. But the Miniaterialists, by
0 Porting Mr. Plunket's Amendment, which approved of
‘ll that had been done at Berlin, would approve of the war
I(Thich brought it about, and would justify all that the
Pnesition had done to prevent them thwarting the results
ill that war. Passing neXt to the Convention he asked how
e occupation of Cyprus could be made to appear
consistent with our international obligations to Europe;
th_oltgli it it had been accomplished legally and if
1' necessity could be shown for another naval
"la, tion in that part of the world, he would make no
°„.eiection to it. But what necessity, he asked, was there for
L'4o Convention, and what was the nature of the British
Loterests involved in Asia Minor? He denied that the pro-
._ .lick.rate of Asia Minor would be any protection of India
Wunst a Russian advance unless it were extended to
;Yid& If any necessity existed the Government had done
r 1 thing to evert it and had only very recently discovered
1' Xxamuiing the reasons given for the Convention by
rd Beaconsfield on Saturday, he denied that it would
;;,! any way tend to make our action on the next occasion
'ere firm or relieve Russia of any doubt as to what
;:,1111 our policy, and declared that it was impossible to
told future generations by engagements of this kind.
4 rom a military point of view it was most embarrassing. It
allowed Russia to choose her own opportunity; it deprived
,I;;' of the advantages of our insular position and of our In-
;Lan frontier ; it advanced the time of the conflict by A
..lindred years, and the scene of it at least 1,000 miles, en-
rrelY to our disadvantage, if such a policy was not
' insane," he was at a loss to know what epithet
._tottlet be applied to it. At this there was much cheering
01 the Opposition; and the Marquis went on, amid
Veers and counter-cheers, mixed with laughter from the
eeloisterial aide, to refer to Lord Beaconsfield's personal
!ttack on Mr. Gladstone, which, he said, was an insult
'0 the Sovereign, whose Chief Minister he had been;
the Privy Council, of which he was a member; to
.oee House of Comomons; and to the people, whose eon-
',lexica he had possessed. From this he proceeded to dwell
et aome length on the embarrassing consequences of the
frnearantee which would land us ultimately in the necessity
3,4 undertaking the whole administration of Asia Minor.
Mut a party point of view, no doubt, it would have been
'Veer if the Opposition had bowed its bead to the passing
i_reexe of popularity; but, foreseeing that it would only be
.TooPorary and would be followed by disappointment, he
'Knight it more patriotic to take a oourse which might
*table the country to retire from this unfortunate position
With honour.
, Mr. Plunket moved as an amendment an Address to the
town, expressing satisfaction at the termination of the war
!aid an earnest hope that the arrangements made and sane-
ioned by the Government will preserve peace, ameliorate
"le condition of large populations, and maintain the in-
terests of this-Empire. His object, he said, was not simply
to ratify what was past, but to express approval and to
lUPport the Government in carrying.eut in the future the
bold and wise policy commenced in the 'Anglo-Turkish Con-
vention. Though his motion amounted to a vote of confl-
uence in the Government, be regarded it as of still greater
consequence in an international sense. Referring to the,
Dersoual question between Lord Beaconsfield and Mr. Glad-
Iltone, he said the words were not uttered in such a serious
vein as Lord Hartington supposed, and asked whether the
Irrline Minister had received no provocation in the calumnies
and insults which had been showered upon him. Replying
.t• Lord Hartington, he maintained that the Liberal Party
~aei been in favour of the independence and Integrity of
ptrkey up to 1876; and as to Greece, our Plenipotentiaries
'lad done all they had promised, and had relieved the
Greek Provinces from Russian influence which was esta-
blished by the Treaty of San Stefano. As to the Convention,
if it was a wise policy, as he contended it was, to defend
!We Minor against Russia, it was surely expedient to de-
;me our position at once and to leave Russia in no doubt as
10 what we should do; and a Convention of this kind would
be of more value for the purpose than such an instrument
as the Tripartite Treaty. He regarded it as necessary to
haute a fair trial for the policy of continuing to intrust to
Abe Sultan the possession of Constantinople; and, among
ether advantages, it would be of immense commercial
kivantage to us and to Europe at large.
Sir C. Dilke predicted that the clandestine character of
the Convention and its non-communication to Parliament
Would shorten its history. He agreed in the opinion that it
*as an insane policy, though he hardly knew whether it
wieant anything or nothing. Comparing the Treaty of
Berlin with the demandswhich Russia communicated to the
Government last June, he believed that *very small amount
Of pressure would have compelled Turkey then to make
Deice. He condemned altogether the conduct of our Pleni-
Dotentiaries towards Greece, and insisted that the Cretan
question ought not tonave been left open.
, Mr. B. Cochrane approved the Treaty, which, he thought,
amid put Russia in a much weaker position for prosecuting
her designs, and asserted that if Mr. Gladstone had been in
Office the Russians would have been in Constantinople, and
tills country would have been compelled to go to war.
Mr. Ashley, in supporting the Resolutions, reviewed the
transactions of the last two years to justify the conduct of
the Opposition, and condemned the policy of the Govern-
bent as nurea - - . _

Mr. Plunkett thought the Government had acted wisely
In advising Greece to keep quiet, and with regard to the
Convention, though he admitted the responsibilities it
brought with it, he regarded it as the only means of secur-
mg good government for Asiatic Turkey.
Mr. Grant-Duff criticized the provisions of the Treaty
ralnutely, characterizing it as the Treaty of San Stefano in
disguise, inasmuch as it broke up Turkey without settling the
question of Constantinople. Discussing the Covention, it it
taunt anything at all, it was well nigh an impossibility, and
bever had any nation taken on its shoulders such a burden
With its eyes open. It would be necessary to go on to Persia,
tnd in course of time we should have to take charge of the
Whole of Western Asia.
Mr. Bourke defended the Berlin Treaty at some length,
kaintaining, as regarded Greece, that it was doubtful
Whether she would have been heard at all before the Cou-
Cress if it had not been for Lord Salisbury. As to Batoum, a
.very great danger had been averted by its being made a
occe port instead of an arsenal for Russia It was
true in one sense, but incorrect in another, to say that in
d.sia Minor we were a thousand miles further away
from our resources but it was a mistake to say
that Russia was nearer her resources there one
Of the principal grounds for the Convention being
t• keep her out of such a valuable recruiting
ground. The Sultan had the Inducement of our protecto-
rate to carry out reforms, knowing that he would
be left to himself, and that England would be obliged to re-
consider her position in regard to Asia Minor, if he failed to
carry them out.
Mr. II Vivian maintained that the policy of Mr. Glad-
stone, and not that of Lord Beaconsfield, had come out
triumphant, and that if the late Government had been
.111 power the peace of Europe would never have been
Urcken.

On the motion of Lord Bandon the debate was adjourned
Until Tnesda) and. the other business having been disposed
04 the House adjourned.

In the HOUSE op LOLDB, July 30, the Lord Chancellor with.
the Charitable Trust Bill, on the ground tlut the
elliallion was so far advanoed that there was no time for the
Oensideration of the amendments of whieh notice had been

The Debtors Act Amendment Bill was passed through
Committee. The Naval Discipline Amendment Bill, and the
l'arliamentary Electors (Retiring Officer's Expenies) (Scot-
land) Bill were read a second time. The Marriage Preli-
Xinaries (Scotland) Rill and the Freshwater Fish Protection
till were read a third time and their lordships adjourned.

In the HOUSE oF COMMONS, after the Doke of Connaught's
Xstablishment Bill had been passed through Committee, the
acliburned debate on Eastern Affairs was resumed by

• -- --
Lord Sandon, who said that the Government had seen only
t‘2o closely the prospect of a terrible war to come before the
nous() claiming a triumph. They approached the question
rattier in a spirit of thankfulness that this great calamity
had been averted, and if there had been any triumph, it was
the triumph of good sense and humanity. The Government
admitted that there must be a new departure in dealing
With Turkey; but the Opposition, if it did not approve
tho Policy proposed by the government, was bound to
fAtgest an alternative But the mild Resolution did not
er any alternative, and the only siegeStion made
therto In the speeches of the Opposition was that
_Attalla should take Asia Minor and that a Christian
crince should be placed on the throne. But Ulla could
aQt be made seriously; and to discover what the real
prilicy of the Opposition was, he examined the action of the
Last Liberal government towards Turkey, showing that
those who had been recently loudest in demanding freedom
fer the subject populations of Turkey had not taken a single
ig_tej) to secure that end when they were in power. The
volley, therefore, of the Opposition, he concluded, would be
to reverse the policy of the Government, to let things drift
als before, which meant renewed anarchy and war The
Policy of the Government was the old policy of Lord
?aluterston and the Liberal Ministers of his time, with the ad-
dition that the Sultan was guaranteed a period ol peace, and
"me obtained an individual right to interfere foi securing good
government. Answering next the criticisms on the Treaty,
rie Maintained that the only one with any point was that the
sum results might have been obtained without war ; but
he insisted that neither by joinit.g in the Berlin Memo-
randum nor by the policy of coercion could we have pre-
Vented war. With regard to Greece, he contended that
!re had secured great advantages for her, and he belt3ved
ghat Turkey would consent to the ?certification of frontier
which had been proposed. As to the secret agreement, he
pointed out that without it Russia could not have been got
into the Congress, and when it was ascertained that the
Other Powers would not interfere to compel Russia to give
nP her Asiatic conquests, it was the only alternative between
_War and leaving things as they were. To the charge that it
OK boon made wallibti tblagAtodto ot rarliameht, 120

replied by quoting precedents such as the guarantees of
Norway and Sweden under certain circumstances, the
cession of the lonian Isles, and the Declaration of Paris,
which had all ben effected without the consent of Pcirlla-
meht; anti concluded by appealing to the House to sanc-
tion an enterprise which would bring prosperity to those
favoured regions.

Jr. Gladstone, who commeneed by payiug a compliment
to Lord Sruadou's first appearance ad a Cabinet Minister,
vt rtitit to the person tl question between himself and the
Prime Minister, read the following letter which he had ad-
dressed to land Beaconstield

"July 30, 1573

" Dear Lord Beaconsfield,—l find you are repotted in
Ilia Times of to-d4y to have made last night a reference
to a speech delivered by me at Oxford, and in which you
stated that I described you as a dangerous and even a
devilish character. I shall be obliged by your informing
me on what words of mine you found this statement.
You are likewise reported to have said that during
the controversy on the Eastern Question I have in-
dulged in criticisms reflecting with the most offensive
epithets upon your conduct and in descriptions.of your
character. Vv ill you have the goodness to supply me with a
list or selection of these offensive epithets, applied not
merely to your measures, but to your personal character, and
with a note of the times and places at which they were
used? if you have been inaccurately reported, I ask your
pardon for having troubled you with this letter, which is, I
deed hardly add, of a public nature."

If the complaints could be substantiated (said Mr. Glad-
stone) he admitted that it was his plain duty to apolgise
for them; but with regard to the particular phrase of
which Mr. Plunket had complained —th e.t the Prime
Minister had dishonoured the country—he maintained
that, as applied to his policy, it was perfectly legiti-
mate and was not a just provocation. With regard to
the Treaty of Berlin, he was thankful for the peace which it
secured, though he believed that for many months past there
had been no danger to peace except from the warlike prepa-
rations of Great Britain. While pointing out various short-
comings in the details, he admitted that it had achieved
great results in the diminution of human misery and towards
the establishment of human prosperity. But it was idle to
say that it was not a partition of European Turkey,
or that it did not secure great advantages to Russia ;
and while the Slays who rallied to Russia had becomes
practically free, the Hellenes, who drew towards Eng-
land, saw their interests neglected. Passing from
this to examine in detail the particular attitude of the
British Plenipotentiaries, he complained that they had in-
variably taken the side of servitude, and that the voice of
England had been made to speak in the tone of Bletternich
rather than of Canning. Of this he mentioned several in-
stances, but dwelt at great length on the case of Greece, who
he contended had been misled by the Government, and owed
more to France than England. Commenting on the Schouvaloff-
Salisbury Agreement, he declared it to be incompatible with
the contention of the Government that the Treaty of San
Stefano should be submitted to the Congress in its
entirety, and inconsistent with international good
faith. Passing, lastly, to the Anglo-Turkish Con-
vention, he condemned it as a complete novelty
both as to the matter and as to the manner in which
it had been accomplished. Expatiating in alternate tones of
ridicule and indignation on the enormous difficulties of the
task to which the Government had committed the country,
he pronounced it to be a mad undertaking, which every
British statesman with whom he had sat in Cabinet would
have refused to look at, as outside the limits of rational
politics. The reasons and arguments which had been
offered, as he showed, were entirely insufficient; and,
replsing to Lord Sandon's challenge to produce an
alternative policy, he pointed out that the Congress
had furnished it by the stipulation which gave all
the Powers a right to interest themselves in the
good government of Asia Minor The Sultan had been
made to sign two engagements, one with Great Britain and
another with all Europe; but which of these was to pre-
dominate, and what security was there that the two would
not clash? We should not have allowed Russia to do
this thing, and why should the Government insist on esta-
blishing one law for themselves and a different one for the rest
of the world? But, further than this, he denied the title of
the British Government to conclude such a treaty, which,
he maintained, was a modification of the Treaty of
Paris, and, therefore, according to the terms of the Protocols
of 1871, not within the power of any one Power to make.
Among other objections to it he dwelt on the resentment
which it would provoke in France and Italy; but the argu-
ment on which he laid most stress was the abuse of this treaty-
making power. This prerogative was an anomaly only to be
endured as long as it was used with moderation and with re-
gard to precedent and the feelings of the country. When
not so used it, Mr. Gladstone said emphatically, amid
much cheering from the Liberal benches, was Intolerable;
and in this case it had been used to make in secret a
Treaty entirely novel and beyond the line of our ancient
policy. Undoubtedly, the line pursued by the present
Government would bring the prerogative into question, and
he feared a constant recurrence of these novelties unless
the) were checked by the voice of the people. Mr. Glad-
stone thus concluded his speech :

"I think we have lost greatly by the conclusion of this
Convention. I think we have lost very greatly indeed the
sympathy and the respect of the nations of Europe. (Hear,
hear.) I do not expect that we shall fall into that sort of
contempt which follows weakness I believe it to be one of
the most threadbare of all weapons of party warfare when we
hear, on the accession of a new Government, that before its
accession the Government of England was despised all over
the world, and that now, on the contrary, she has risen in
the world's estimation. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) Eng-
land is not so poor and so week a thing as to depend on the
reputation of this or that Administration, and the world
has known pretty well of what England is made. lam not
quite sure, however, that the world has quite the same
conviction as to the standard of our moral action as it has
with !respect to the standard of our material interest.
(Hear, hear.) Now, I am desirous that tke standard of
our material strength shall be highly estimated by the
other nations of Christendom ; but I believe it is of still
more vital consequence that we should stand high In their
esteem as the lovers of truth, of honour, and of open-
ness in all our proceedings, as those who know how to
cast aside the motives of a narrow selfishness, and give
scope to considerations of broad and lotty principle.
(Cheers.) I value our insular position, but I dread the day
when we shall be reduced to a moraiiinsularity. I desire
that sympathy should be cherished with every country,
be its name what it may; and I fear that the concaision of
this Convention, mixed up as the proceeding have been all
along with a profession of British interests which, although
I believe them to be perfectly fictitious and imaginary, have
yet been pursued with as much zeal and eagerness as if they
had been the most vital realities in the world, has greatly
diminished, net, :,s I have said, the regard for our metesial
strength, but the estimation of our moral action in
the world. (Hear, hear) If that be so, Sir, with re-
spect to foreign countries, with respect to Parliament I
believe the case to be still graver. I do not wish to
trespass on the patience of the House, but the "pinions
which I have now declared about the exercise of the
treaty-making power I had not long ago an opportunity of ex-
pressing in the face of important members of Parliameht,
and I had the satisfaction of hearing c.aurnendatian given
by those members to the account t have given of the manner
In which the treaty-making power ought to he exercised—
viz., with a regard to the actual state of the knowledge
and the convictions of the people, and not merely
according to the idea which might be formed, how-
ever sincerely, by the Government of the day of their
interest. I am afraid now, Sir, that we have reacl•red
a state of things in which Her Majesty's Government
have done a great amount of harm to the rights arid pre-
rogatives of Parliament. I do not even hesitate to say
that although I believe the treaty-making power has
stood on firm foundations in this country down to the
present year, and it is most deplorable that anything
should be done to bring it into question, yet such proceed-
ings as those of Her Majesty's Government have a direct
tendency to produce that effect, and if persevered in will
undoubtedly end in bringing that power into question.
(Hear, hear.) I will not fail, so Jar as my powers carry
me, in the duty of protesting against that course. I
grieve over that which has been done. lam obliged to recall
words which I used nearly 18 months ago in this
House with regard to a contingency which was about to
arise. I said that if the work of liberation was done,
but was not done with the approval and the co-
operation of Parliament, as a man I should rejoice, but as an
Englishman I should grieve. That is the case as we stand
now. Even at the last moment, and in the Congress of Berlin,
the action of the English G-overement has not been directed
to the extension of the work of liberation, but to its
contraction. I had myself begun to cherish the expectation
that these keen debates—for keen they must be—on the
great Eastern Question were about to reach their close.
But we were startled with a novelty greater than auy that
had gone before, and which we have, I fear, not the least
reason to suppose will be the last. (Hear.) On the contrary,
we are perplexed with the apprehension that as long as
these things continue to be sustained by a majority in this
House, and the voice of the country is not taken upon
them, they will be repeated and renewed from time to time,
and more and more damage will be done both to the great
name of this country and to the prerogatives of Parliament.
First we have the setting up of imaginary and fictitious
interests ; then we have the prosecution of those interests
by means of strange and unheard-of schemes, such as never
occurred to the imagination of the statesmen of other
days ; then we have these strange and unheard-of schemes
prosecuted in a manner which appears, as I conceive,
to indicate a very deficient regard to the authority of the
law of Europe and to that just respect which is due to
foreign Powers; then we have associated with that a dis-
regard, a neglect, it may perhaps eveu be said a contempt,
for the rights of Parliament; and, lastly, along with all this
we create a belief—a belief rather strengthened than weak-
ened by the evident absence of any eagerness on the part of
Her Majesty's Government to give us financial information
—that the result of these operations of the Government—l
will not give them a less respectful name—is likely to be
an increase of responsibility, no addition, but rather a
diminution of strength, the loss of respect abroad, with a
shock to Constitutional instincts at home, and also, an
augmentation of the burdens which are laid on the back of
a too-confidiug people."
[lt was a quarter past eight when Mr. Gladstone concluded
a speech which had extended over two hours and e hail, and
listened to from beginning to end with undisturbed atten-
tion. When the right hon. gentleman resumed his seat
he was greeted by continued cheering.]
- -

The debate was continued by Mr. Sidebottom, Mr.
O'Morgan, Mr. Birley, Mr. Evans, Mr. Goldney, and Mr.
Stansfeld.
Mr. Cross replied by contrasting Lord Hartington's speech
with his Resolution and with the speech of Mx. Gladstone,
each of which differed in tone and intent from the others.
Replying to the broad features of the criticisms, he ex-
plained that the Government had not pressed on Turkey the
terms offered by Russia before the war began, because they
knew that Turkey would not listen to them, and any attempt
to enforce them would have landed us in war. The Treaty
of Berlin was not destructive of the Treaty of Paris, because
the real question being who was to reign at Constantinople,
the Congress had secured to the Sultan a real power over
European Turkey, although his territories had been greatly
diminished. If it had not been possible to alter the Treaty of
San Stefano in this respect, it would have been necessary
to discover some new way of dealing with the Constan-
tinople difficulty. Defending the conduct of the Plenipo-
tentiaries, he maintained that their voice had always been
raised in favour of the weak against the strong and of reli-
gions liberty, and denied emphatically that Greece had been
misled She had been distinctly told not to look for
any territorial aggrandizement; and by persuading her
not to go to war we had done a greater service
to her than to Turkey. After the misapprehensions
which had been created both in Russia and Turkey by
speeches in this country, he warned the Opposition not
to encourage in Greece a delusion that any party in this
country would sympathize with her if she attacked
Turkey. As to the Schouvaleff-Salisbury Agreement,
he pointed out that it was absolutely necessary to come
to some understanding if the work of the Congress
was to be successful. The Anglo-Turkish Convention.
he ma!ntained, would stop future wars, by making a col-
lision between ourselves and Russia less probable, and
would increase our power and influence, not only in Asia
Minor, but in India. The danger said to be created by this
Convention existed already, but we had only undertaken
to defend Turkey on the express condition that she re-
formed herself. He denied that the Convention would
in any way clash with the Treaty of Berlin, or that there
was anything in the Treaty of Paris which forbade us to
enter into such a Convention. As to the secrecy of the
transaction, the Tripartite Treaty, he pointed out, was con-
eluded and ratified before it was published to Parliament.
In conclusion, he expressed his conviction that the country
was not only thankful for the peace, but satisfied with the
means by which it had been obtained.
- • •

On the motion of Mr. Lowe, the debate was adjourned
until Thursday.

-
The Cattle Diseases Bill was again considered in Committee,
and some other business having been disposed of, the House
adjourned at half-past two o'clock.

In the Horn or Comxons, July 81, Mr. Xayter gave
notice that on going into committee on the supplementary
army estimate, he would move—" rhat the additional ex-
penditure for army services, amounting to £1,541,600, in-
curred, or about to be incurred, by her Majesty's Govern-
ment, in consequence of the war between Russia and Turkey,
Is extravagant and burdensome to the taxpayers of this
country, and ought not to be sanctioned by this Mouse:"

-
On the order for the third reading of the Duke of Con.
naught (Establishment) Bill, Mr. Plimsoll moved that the
Bill be read a second time that day three months.
-

Mr. Burt seconded the amendment, and a debabe ensued,
in wkach Mr. Newelegate,coloibibTogbh, 3ir 14 W.
LawitVa,irlunt,thb Chtuittllbir tW) Eitt's, air C.

Mike, and several other hon. members took part. Bven-
tually the Honse oivided, when the numbers were—For the
third readily, 161; against, 13; majority for, 138 ; the Bill
was accordinly read a third time.
-

The House went again into committee on the Contagious
Diseases (Animals) Bill, resuming the consideration of the
schedules, and after a short debate, the Bill was ordered to
be reported, and the Howse resumed.
- • -

011 the motion for going into committee on the Bishoprics
Bill, Mr. Cowen moved an amendment, "That it is unde-
sirable, so long as the Episcopal Church continues to be
bstai)liihed by law, to increase the number of bishops."

Mr. Crow; sail there was a general demand for more
bishops, and referred to the number of letters and resolu-
tions which had been received on the r-dinject.
Mr. E. Jenkins, Sir G. Campbell, Mr. Sullivan, Mr. M.
Henry, and Mr. Richards having spoken, Sir A. Lusk pro-
ceeded io speak in opposition to toe Bill, and coutioned his
remarks until a quarter to six o'clock, when it tame a
dropped order, and the Hoit,ie shortly afterwards adjourned.