The Dorset County Express and Agricultural Gazette.
Dorchester, Dorset, England, 1863-02-10 00:00:00

DORSET COUNTY EXPRESS
InRC lIEST ER, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 10,1863.

THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
The topics of the Queen's Speech are ousel,
what might have been expected—the marriage
of the Prince of Wales; the offer of the Crown
of Greece to Prince Alfred ; the cession, on
certain uncertain conditions, of the lonian Isles,
the desolating warfare of America, and refusal
of Her Majesty in a hopelessly premature at-
tempt to mediate; the distress in the cotton
districts and expectation of its abatement ; the
prosperity of trade notwithstanding the stoppage
I of its greatest manufacture • and last, but not
I least, a promised reduction of expenditure. It
is true the speech is of a negative, rather than of
a positive character; but the subjects touched
upon are couched in somewhat more appropriate
terms of expression than is usual in these State
Addresses, In the Upper House the debate
was opened by Lord Derby, in a speech, one
half of which was excellent, as the other half was
carping awl uncandid. On America, all that he
said will be read with interest and profound
respect. "My conviction," said his lordship,
"which has been strengthened by everything
which has occurred from the first outbreak of the
civil war, is that the restoration of the Union as
it formerly existed is the one conclusion which
is absolutely impossible. (Hear.) I believe that
at first the feelings of this country were strongly
in favour of the North, and that it was not
generally supposed that the North would have
any great difficulty in overrunning and subduing
the South. But even at that early period it was
perceived that, if the North were to succeed in
subjugating the South. its difficulties would only
commence, because it was out of the question
I that where such mutual animosity existed, and
such injuries had been inflicted on one side and
on the other, any cordial reconciliation could take
place between them. If it was so a year or two
years ago, bow much stronger must this convic-
tion have grown when day by day the struggle
becomes more desperate, when it is more apparent
that neither party can obtain a signal and deci-
sive advantage over the other, the one on the
defensive being always the one which has prac-
tically the best of it; end when it is obvious
that the continuance of the war is the continu-
ance of the most dreadful slaughter and the most
harrowing carnage, accompanied by increasing
bitterness of feeling, and, if we may believe re-
ports, by aggravating atrocities on both aides,
which add unusual horrors to those by which war,
and especially a civil war is attended I (Hear,
hear.) Under these circumstances I declare my
firm conviction that there is no possibility of re-
establishing the Union between the North and
the South. At the same time recollect the
struggle is still going on. The whole sea-board
of the South is in the possession of the North,
and large Federal armies are in Southern terri-
tory, where they obtain occasional advantages.
That being the case we have no right to recog-
nise the South, unless we mean to do--what I
do not believe the advocates of recognition are
prepared for—interfere by force of arms, and in-
sist on laying down the terms on which a separa-
tion is to take place. Therefore, I own I approve,
on the whole, of the course pursued by the Go:
verntuent, and of that entire neutrality which I
believe they have practically carried out to the
utmost extent in their power. (Hear, hear.)
No man with ordinary sentiments of humanity
can fail earnestly to desire that the desolating
warfare in America should be brought to a close,
and I am quite certain that the present Govern-
ment, or any other which might be in power in
this country, would eagerly embrace the first
opportunity that had a fair prospect of success
of tendering such good offices as might lead to •
cessation of hostilities. At the present moment
I do not see any prospect of such a result, and
fear that the war must go on until both of the
combatants simultaneously see the necessity of
coming to some settlement."
Mr. Disraeli, in the Lower House, took much
the same view, but was studiously disagreeable.
He was evidently sitting on the seat of discon-
tent, and longed for the sweets of office. In-
dulging in a prophetic vision, he saw, upon the
subsiding of the waters, a different America rising
up from that which has hitherto been known to
us—an America, after the deluge of strife, with
no dove with its olive branch; an America of
armies; an America of diplomacy; an America
of rival States and manoeuvring cabinets; an
America of frequent turbulence and frequent
wan.
Returning again to the Upper House, we find
Lord Derby complaining that the Foreign Secre-
tary had interfered with the affairs of the Pope.
It seems that the Pope sent for Mr. Odo Rummell,
the English Ambassador at Rome, and bluntly
put the question to him, whether, in rime he
should be compelled to luit Rome, he would be ,
received and protected in England I Mr. Odo
Russell's reply was just such as 5 diooreot
ciaboolador ought to have given, la tit• kit

place he said be had "no instructions," but that
it was the Alston' to receive all who might, from
any circumstances, take up their abode in Eng-
land." Subsequently Lord Human instructed
the ambassador to state that if the Pope was
compelled to leave Rome, and had made up his
mind not to take refuge in France or Spain, he
would be received at Malta, and treated with all
the respect due to his rank and position. It
was undoubtedly a handsome proposal on the
part of our iForeign Secretary, regardless of
asPause, or indeed of any other consideration,
to convey the Pontiff, carriage paid, "taken in
I and done for," all gratis ! and, as it now turns
out to have been a "joke" on the part of the
Pope, the affair is undeniably susceptible of
ridicule. But who could have suspected the
"Holy Father" of being such a wag I The
I thing seems to have been planned to take, what
in slang phrase is salsa, rise," out of Kr. Odo
1 Russell, who, in his simplictity did what,
I probably, no other mortal man would ever think
of doing—take the Pope at his word. And yet
the thing was feasible enough, for who could
tell but that Pius might be coming to his senses,
preferring peace, competency, and independence,
rather than being always in hotwater, held in
pawn, and requiring a foreign army to protect
him. It was, no doubt, • fine thing for the
' cardinals to chuckle over, to think what "gull."
those Protestants were and we know it has
nforded • good topic for Punch to poke fun it;
but it is proof of the scant matter for opposition
I that the affair filled so much of the party-portion
I of Lord Derby's speech.
I With regard to Denmark and the lonian Isles,
the policy of Government was denounced by
the Opposition in both Houses, on various
I grounds. Corfu, it was said, was an important
position when taken in connection with our
trade in India, and our power in the Mediter-
ranean. Then, it was alleged, if we gave up the
seven islands of lonia, we shall be called upon
I to relinquish Malta, Gibraltar, and Jersey; and
the tone the Opposition speakers took shoes
pretty plainly that this will be made a question
for • great party fight on &future day. Whether
or not the Derby-Diaraelites will come off "second
best" in the House remains to be seen; but out
of doors, unless we greatly mistake, the dis-
cussion will add to the strength of the Minis-
terialists. The more fully the public become
acquainted with the relatMnohip sutnisting be-
tween the lianas essii this country, the more
desirous will they become of getting rid of the
charge 60 long placed under their guardianship.
From first to last, the lonian Isles have been a
source of embarrassment and expense. Their
cost to this country is set doen in he official
documents at little more than a quarter of a
million ; but it is well known that half-a-million
sterling annually is nearer the mark. "And
what, "justly asks a contemporary, "do we get
in exchange for this large expenditure?' No-
thing but the reproaches of continental Europe,
and expressions of dimatiabation from the
loniens themselves. As to our power in the
Mediterranean being weakened by giving up
Corfu, it is certain that the very contrary of
this would be the result. We haves most im-
portant station at Malta, and in cam of war this
depot and fortress would have to be weakened
in order to Ant up a garrison at Corfu. It is
one of the defects of our military systein that
our army is scattered in small detachments all
over the globe. The great distance between our
various possessions makes this to some extent in-
evitable, but it is a wise and salutary plan to
concentrate these small forces wherever it is
possible to do so without leaving our possessions
unprotected. At Corfu we can guard nothing
that cannot be much better guarded at Malta.
In a military sense we have nothing to regret
in giving up the islands ;—politically, we have
nothing to lose, for the islands have never been
reckoned as British territory ;—pecuniarily, we
have much to gain." The friends of Govern-
ment will, therefore, not be sorry that ministers
are to be called upon to defend their policy in
seeking to relinquish • charge which has been to
this country a source of great embarrassment
and expense, without bringing a single corres-
ponding advantage. On this, as on the other
important questions of the day, Lord Palmer-
sinus cabinet is undoubtedly in unison with the
vast majority of the British pi:bile, and we fail
to find, in the course the Opposition took on
the opening of the Session, any point on which
they could appeal to the country, in the event of
a dissolution, with any chance of success. We
live in times, however, when the safest rule is
to expect the unexpected.