1918-03-19

Hon. C. C. BALLANTYNE:: I produce copies of certain Orders in Council pertaining to the Naval Service of Canada; also copies of the Annual Report of the Naval Service in English and French; also-the English edition of the Annual Report of the Fisheries Branch.


Rt. Hon. Sir GEORGE FOSTER:: I submit copies of Orders in Council establishing the office of Fuel Controller and regulations made in connection therewith; also, similar Orders in Council with reference to the establishment of an Editorial Board; also copies of Orders in Council establishing the War Trade Board.



SELECT STANDING COMMITTEES.

[Stage Direction]
Sir ROBERT BORDEN moved, seconded-by Sir George Foster:
That a Special Committee be appointed to prepare and report with all convenient speed lists of Members to compose the Select Standing Committees of this House under Rule 10 ; said Committee to be composed of Sir Robert Borden, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Messrs. Reid, Grenville, Carvell, Robb -and1 MeCotg, and that that portion of Rule 10 limiting the number of members of the said committee be suspended in relation thereto.
Motion agreed to.


[Stage Direction]
The House proceeded to' tlhe consideration, [DOT]of the speech of His Excellency the Governor General at the opening of .the session.
Right Hon.   S@: 
Some hon. MEMBERS:: Hear, hear.


Sir WILFRID LAURIER:: And so long as there is no Change in the Premiership it is a continuation of the same administration.


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Hear, hear.


Wilfrid Laurier: There is the same control, the same principles .and the same everything in connection therewith. I emphasize that there is the same control and the same principles. There is a change, I must admit, in the complexion of the Government, and if I may say so it is not only a change but an improvement.


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Hear, hear.


Wilfrid Laurier: As we look at the Government from this side of the House we cannot fail to notice that it is characterized by a healthier complexion
than it wore last 'session. There is not about it the same pallor that existed then. Although not a follower of the Government, I am glad to say that the present Administration displays a rosy red colour which is at all events pleasing to the eye. Last summer the friends of the Government were much concerned as to its condition. Many of them, perhaps I should say all of them, believed that unless there was a copious draft of rich red blood injected into its system, things might go hard with them. This condition necessitated a surgical operation. Such operations have been very much resorted to of late, especially since the w-ar began. Many have 'been the instances where healthy, strong men came forward and presented their bare arms to the surgeon in order to have .a vein opened in the last desperate attempt to save a moribund life.
Some ihon. MEMBERS: Hear, hear.


Wilfrid Laurier: The records do not always show that the operation was successful. Indeed it so happens that in many instances the patient was so far ' gone that he could not be saved except by the sacrifice of another's blood, and sometimes the sacrifice was fatal even to the saviour who offered his blood for transfusion.
Lett me say at once that to these Liberal members who joined the Administration, I do not wish such a fate. With most of them it was my privilege for many years to be closely associated in intimate friendship. I know them too well not to realize that in what they did they were guided by wholly conscientious motives- Indeed wehave the declaration of some of them that it was a .sacrifice; indeed there is the written statement of others that they for a long time hesitated and resisted all advances. Conscience is the supreme arbiter, and into the sanctity of conscience I will not enter. I respect the convictions of everybody, even of those with whom for the time being I may differ; but I may be pardoned if I say that so far a.s I am concerned I never could .appreciate those many subtle disquisitions made in the effort to convince us that war necessitates and creates new standards of duty. There is no such thing as new standards of duty in war. Duty is only the concrete expression of eternal truth which never can vary: which remain the same in war as in peace. But war undoubtedly intensifies all duties and lifts' them up to an

altitude which of course is unknown in peace times.
As I look at the history of this war it seems to me that nothing has occurred to show that the principles of the British [DOT]system of constitutional Government should be discarded in war time, and put in cold storage, to he taken hack after the restoration of peace. None of the many attempts which have been made in England to join discordant elements under the name of Union on the ground that the winning of the war would thus be facilitated, have succeeded in creating a Government which could do better or more than its predecessor. If the principles of the British system of Government are sound land efficient In peace, they are equally .sound and efficient in war. If there is a feature of the British system of Government which makes for superiority, it is that the system is not complete unless there is in the face of the Government a strongly organized Opposition-an Opposition organized not for the purpose, .as is too often supposed, of always opposing, tout to supervise, to criticise, to support, as the public welfare may require criticism or support. Eternal vigilance .is the price of liberty, and the universal testimony of history is that unless there is eternal vigii-anoe on the part of a strong and resolute Opposition, encroachments upon freedom and abuses in office will creep in, just as surely and just as certainly as weeds and tares will invade and choke the crops of the husbandman if he is not constantly on the watch. Nay, .more; I think I can invoke also the testimony of the history of British institutions to show that if at any time there is on the part of some section of the Opposition a relaxation irrvigil-ance, weeds and tares at once appear in luxurious growth. Already we have evidence of this, and the evidence is that today this Parliament of Canada meets in violation of what is left of the electoral law of Canada.
Sir, last session those who sat in the House were divided on the question of conscription. There were members of the Liberal party who favoured conscription; others opposed it. Upon this point I as the recognized leader o.f the Opposition, did -not interfere with the conscience of any man. Strong reasons were brought forward in support of each view, hut there was no divergence of opinion on this side with regard to the outrageous measure; known as the War-time Elections Act, or, 
to call it toy (its popular name-or unpopular name,	rather-the	FranchiseAct.	Among members of the Opposition	there was no	divergence of
opinion; they were unanimously opposed to it. Every' feature of that law was an outrage, an odious violation of the very foundation of our system of democratic government. The creating of a special electorate in view of an impending election; the granting of the franchise to some and the withholding of it from others; the opening wide of the door to fraud which enabled the Government or its officers to ostracize some classes of His Majesty's subjects .and to include others whom they did not dare ignore -all these were features of the Act which could not be accepted by any m.an who desired to uphold the principles of Liberalism. The measure was accepted by Liberal members who entered the Government under the argument of war necessity. Nothing, .Sir, is more certain than that one illegality will *lead to another; that, as .a logical consequence, wrong will be followed by wrong. I repeat that this Parliament is .assembled in direct violation of what is left of the electoral law after the passing of the War-time Elections Act.
Last year we passed legislation to take the votes of the soldiers who were in the trenches. We had .a civilian vote as well as a military vote to record. So far as the civilian vote was concerned, there was not much alteration in the Act. The only alteration of which I was aware was that section 211, which prescribed the duties of .the returning officer under the old Act, was somewhat interfered with. I need not refer Icon, gentlemen to the fact that under our system all elections are carried out under the writ of the King, which is issued to officers specially selected in every riding to take the vote of the people and to report it to an officer known as the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery. Section 211 provides that after the votes have been counted the returning officer will transmit to the Clerk of tiie Crown in Chancery his return that the candidate having the largest number o-f votes has been duly elected. It is the duty, therefore, of the returning officer to count the votes .and then to make his return that the man having the .majority of votes is the elected representative. That portion of the Act was amended to this extent:	The return to be .made is not a direct return; a certificate is to be issued by the special returning officer to an officer krown as the general returning officer, stating the number of votes received on each side. The Act

which was passed last session for the taking of the soldiers' vote provided that the vote should be taken in a certain manner-I need not direct attention to the method at the present time-'and, the special officers appointed to count them were required to report their proceedings to the Secretary of the High Commissioner's office in London and to the Comnniiisisiaire General in Prance, who were required to send at once a telegraphic report to the general returning officer, and to forward the poll books and all records connected with the taking of the vote. Two duties, therefore, were imposed upon the Commisisaire in France and the Secretary of the High Commissioner's office in London: to send a communication by telegraph to the general returning officer, and to forward at the same time the poll books and the records.
The duties of the general returning officer in this connection are defined in section 14 of the War-Time Elections Act:
Upon receipt of my telegram from the Secretary of the High Commisioner's Office, or the Commissaire General du Canada in France stating the number of votes given for the several candidates in any electoral district, the General Returning Officer shall cause the information therein contained to he made available to any person applying therefor.
That is all the effect which is given to this communication by telegraph. The information may be given to any person who asks for it- It has no more effect than thait. It is not official. It is simply to Satisfy the curiosity of anybody who may inquire.
Then when he has received the poll books and records and all the documents relating to the counting of the votes taken in Europe these are his duties.
Upon receipt from the Secretary of the High Commissioner's Office the Commissaire Gfe&ral du Canada in France and the special Returning Officers in Canada of the statements referred to in Section 12 subsection four of this part.
That is to say, the poll books and other records.
The General Returning Officer shall add the number of votes given for or applicable to the respective candidates in each electoral district, as disclosed by such statements, to the votes given for the candidates as shown by the certificate of the Returning Officer made pursuant to section 13 of this Part, and shall openly proclaim and shall return pursuant to the provisions of section 211 of Part III, as being duly elected a member or members to represent such electoral district
That is what completes the report upon the King's writ. The General Returning Officer was bound to count the votes in public, and to make his report accordingly.
and then the election was complete. Have these formalities been complied with by the General Returning Officer? They have not been complied with, and the reason why they have not been complied with is simply this-and my asssertion cannot be successfully controverted-that at this moment the General Returning Officer has not received from Europe the records of the votes given by the soldiers in Europe. I will come presently to the reason why these formalities have not been complied with. But I may be told before I go further: This is a simple formiality; it does not matter much whether the candidates for membership in this House- are reported upon by telegraphic communication or whether they are solemnly reported upon when the records are received; the certification is simply a formality. If it is simply a formality, why do we have it in the Statute? Personally, I am not very particular as to non-compliance with the strict letter of the law when such non-compliance does not defeat the purpose of the men who arc- responsible for the law; but it is a good principle of law, common sense, fairness, that no man shall be permitted to disregard the law in orfler to shield or to conceal or to get rid of his own laches. This, however, is exactly what has been done to-day by the Government. Why is it tfaat there 'are laches on the part of the Government? If the writs had been Issued immediately after dissolution, the records would have been received before now; but Parliament prorogued on the 20th of September last and Parliament was not dissolved and the writs of election were not issued until the first days of November. Some five weeks passed before the writs were issued and before the people were summoned to the election. Why was not Parliament immediately dissolved? Could any reason of public welfare he invoked? Could any reason he given for it? I speak with knowledge, and no one will contradict me- the reason why Parliament was not dissolved immediately after prorogation was because the Government were not ready and they had not time to organize the working of the War-time Elections Act. On account of the Government having waited until the month of November to issue the writs, to-day, the 19th of March, the records of the voting that took place in Europe have not been received. How is it, then, that we have in the Votes and Proceedings a list of the members elected? If we have this list of members elected, it is not in accordance with the law. How then is it we have it? How is it that the returning



to win the election? Here is a fact which has not yet been explained, but which will require some explanation. It seems to me it will be exceedingly difficult to . explain how it is possible that the number of soldiers should have increased in less than one month from 35,000 to 54,000. Now, what of the soldiers in Europe. I will refer to these soldiers in Europe, dealing with what has come to our notice in the press. I have in my hand a picture which w.as published in all the ministerial papers in the month of December, 1917. It is a photograph of a polling booth for soldiers in London. The copy which I have was taken from the Toronto Star of the 19th December, and under this cartoon I find the following :
The picture shows Canadians at a London polling station on December 2nd, and is from the first pictures to reach Toronto since the voting began on December 1st.
There is the recording officer. There is the voting soldier. There .are the clerks; there are soldiers coming also to offer their votes, and on the wall is this placard "A vote against the Government is a vote for the Hun."
We have seen that in Canada, Sir but not in the polls.	We have.
seen it placarded in the streets of the city of Ottawa, that a vote against the Government is -a vote for the Hun, We have seen more in the city of Ottawa. We have seen the statement made that a vote for Union is a vote for Christ. Tf the law can be thus openly, and even boastfully, violated, in the polls in England1, then we can have an idea of the opportunity which was left to the soldier to cast his vote untrammelled. In the face of all these circumstances, is it not evident to all classes of the community, to all impartial men-* whether they are on the side of the Government or on the side of the Opposition, or whether they form part of that larger body, which associates with no party, and which is, perhaps, in the last resort, the grandeur of the nation -that the verdict .recorded on the 17th December for the Government is not a victory for democracy, but rather that it is a blow to the very foundation of the system of free institutions under which we live. If democracy is to produce all that we hope and expect for it and from it, it must be apparent to everybody, it must 'be in the * breast of every unan that every consultation with the people ought to be carried out in such ian open manner that every man must be satisfied that the vote recorded is >an ex-
pression of the 'majority of .the people. Not, Sir, that the .majority of the people is always right. Majorities are wrong .sometimes, and so are minorities. But, after all, under our constitutional system, whether we sit on one .side of 'the House or on the other, what we want is that the Government of the country .should be carried on by representatives of the majority of the people, .according to the opinion of the people as it exists in this country.
Here are some of m,y friends on the side of the minority. It matters not whether we are on the right side or on the left side of your chair, Sir, what we want is that the voice of the people should be heard, and, even though we are in a minority, at all events that the .people .should rule. But, Sir, in regard to. the verdict which was recorded on the 17th December, .and which I .see represented before me to-day, boweveT respectable the representation may ibe, no amount of sophistry, no loud clanking o.f sonorous numbers can give it the character of certainty and respectability, which ought to 'be the concomitant and the result of right done. It is the misfortune of the Government and the misfortune of the country, but it is still .more the misfortune of the Government that, 'by their own conduct, they have failed to obtain moral support with their majority; .they have failed to win an honest victory, and failed to obtain that ' support which is the one support a government should have, if the battle bad been fought by fair and honest methods.
. As to the members on this side of the House, we Liberals sitting here-what is left of us .after these vicious practices-what is to be our attitude? Sir, so far as I am concerned, and so far -as my friends about me are concerned, the answer is easy. Liberals, -democrats, 1-aw-abi-d-ing citizens, w-e went into this fight. Liberals, democrats and law-abiding citizens we come back from the figh-t. We come back depleted in number. In number we are not -as .strong as we were, but we are stronger before the people, because we fought an honest fight according to our own views.
What shall be our attitude? Sir, I have only this to say, that the laches of the Government will in no way affect our conception of the duty which we owe to our country. We have our views upon the questions which are now before -the Canadian people. We stood behind the Government in all of their war measures except one, -and we will parry on the same policy; we will be behind them- in all their war measures, with the same reservation.

1&
Sif, when the policy of conscription was introduced last session, it seemed to me that, if the object of the Government was Teally to assist in winning the war, they were singularly blind as to the condition of the country whose affairs it was their duty to administer. We divided, as I have said, upon this question. I challenge no man's conscience; I respect everybody's views upon, this question. But now, Sir, that the fight has been fought, now that the smoke of battle has cleared away, now that the 'Government are in the saddle -no matter by what methods-in the face of what has taken place, in the face of what is taking place every day, I ask the Government if they will not question their own methods, and if they still /believe that the 'policy that was adopted by them is the surest way of helping to win the war. I think the views of the 'Government changed on that question when they passed in December last an Order in Council to which it is now the duty to call the attention of the House. On the third of December last the following Order in Council was passed:
His Excellency the Governor General in Council, on the recommendation of the Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Laird Borden, the Prime Minister, and under and in virtue of the provisions of The Military Service Act, is pleased to order and it is hereby ordered that in any case where a person engaged in agriculture has applied' for exemption and' such exemption has been refused'-
M'ark those words " and such exemption has been refused "
-the Minister of Militia and Defence, if he is of the opinion that the services of such person are essential for promoting agricultural production .may, by order under his hand, dis-. charge such person from military service.
'In the Act passed last session it was provided that conscription was to he universal, that the Government should not interfere, that judges should be appointed for the purpose of determining who, and who alone, should be exempted. Yet here is an Order in Council, whereby a minister of the Crown is empowered to discharge .any farmer or any one engaged in agriculture if, in the minister's opinion, it is believed that his services would be better upon the farm than in the ranks. Well, Sir, if such be the case, why was this Order made, I want to know? Why was it made during the election?
Some hon.. MEMBERS:	Hear, hear.


Wilfrid Laurier: Why was it
m/ade during the election.? It was because there were so many complaints coming
from all parts of the country that
4 p.m. if the Act was to be applied it would disorganize the country for agricultural production, and this demand was so insistent that this order was passed, an order which the Government have no power to pass.


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Hear, hear.


Wilfrid Laurier: Where, in the Military Service Act, iis power given to the Government to exempt anybody? Judges can grant exemptions; but I am not aware that, under the Act, there is -any member of the Government authorized to take such liberties with the enactments of Parliament. In this connection, .a very important correspondence has taken place (which I hold in my hands), giving the opinion of the law experts of the Government upon their own action. My right hon. friend the Prime Minister received in last month the following letter:
Uxbridge, Ont., Feb. 18, 1918. The Honourable Sir Robert Borden,
Ottawa.
Dear Sir,
On the 28 th of November last, while delivering your speech to a full house at Uxbridge, you said that if any farmer's sons that always worked' on the farm and always intended to do so, if they thought that they did not receive justice at the appeal courts, if. they wrote to you, you would1 give them their exemption.


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Hear, hear.


Wilfrid Laurier: Some .lion. MEMBERS:	Hear, hear.


Sdir WILFRID LAURIER:: (Reading):
-established under the Act for this purpose.
Should1 your son already have received an order to report for duty with a Depot Battalion, he may through his Commanding Officer make application to have his case submitted to the Leave of Absence Board for consideration.
Yours truly,
Sgd. Deputy Minister of Justice.
Sir, this is a very significant commentary upon the legislation which was passed last session. I leave it to the comments of the Government and their followers. I do not want to make the matter worse than it is ; but in. the face of all this I ask if the Government and -their followers are satisfied that in introducing that legislation they chose the host means of helping to win the war?
We are now', Sir, in the fourth year of the war. The military .situation is serious, more serious, perhaps, than at any .time since the early days of September, 1914, when the cable every day brought us news that the German, armies were .advancing towards Paris and bad almost reached the gates of that city. Luckily, we were all relieved when a few days afterwards the news came that the German advance had been stopped and their .armies1 thrown, back from, the gates of Paris, from (tlhe river Marne to the river Aisne. Four years have elapsed since then. No great advances have been made either way. The Germans have not made any headway towards Paris, and the Allied armies have in no- .sense made .a great advance towards the Rhine, .and it w'ould be a -bold man who would, say that the campaign of 1918 will result in an advance towards the Rhine such as>
we .contemplated in 1915, in; 1916 and again in 1917.
What is not beyondi doubt-, what is only too certain., is that day in. .and day out it is becoming more evident that the food problem may become perhaps the most important factor in the final decision towards victory. Upon this I offer no comment; the Government know the situation better than we ,do. I asik them for no more information than, they can give us; I do not know what their attitude will be upon this question.
But, Sir, I have only to repeat once more that we, on this side of the House, stand exactly as we have at all times stood since the war began by this declaration: It is our fervent .and solemn conviction that the issue which is now trembling in the balance of destiny is that of Freedom and Liberty itself. It is a sad thing that upon such an 
issue as this, when we are battling for the sacred cause of Liberty apd Freedom, that I should have to arraign the Government for having itself .sapped the foundations of the free institutions under which we live, a deed which has already produced its evil effects. Men there are to-day who declare by voice and pen that all the militant powers are governed by the same selfish spirit. Against such an unfounded assertion I protest with all the force at my command and With all the energy I can put into my words. To say that there is no difference between the belligerent-to put Germany on the same plane as France, as the United States, as Belgium and as England, is simply to flout history. The rulers of Germany have shown that they will respect no law, neither of God, nor of nations, nor of men.


Sir ROBERT BORDEN:: Hear, hear.


Wilfrid Laurier: Germany has shown she holds the view that there is one law for herself and .another for the nations against whom she is warring, and she is seeking to realize her schemes of aggrandisement- and ambition regardless of the consequences to others. Sir, if there is one reason more than another which makes me proud of the cause for which we are fighting, it is that in this contest the best nations of the earth-Great Britain, France, Belgium and the United States, are united in the cause of battling to the end for Freedom. Unfortunately the people of Germany do not seem to be yet sufficiently advanced in the doctrine of self-government, or in the principles of freedom, to assert the sovereign right of the people to check their rulers where those rulers go wrong. On the other band the Allied Nations are all united in proclaiming their devotion to the cause of freedom; and if any government among them should depart from that ideal, an ideal that still lives in the minds, in the hearts, and in the souls of the people, sooner or later when the greater danger which overshadows. us lias been conquered and overcome, the recusants will be called to severe account. But our first duty is to overcome the greater danger which threatens, and to that imperative duty we on this side of the House will give, with all our might, whatever i.t may be, and with our whole heart, we shall give it our undivided support.


Robert Laird Borden: Mr- Speaker, I am very happy to join in the appreciation which has been expressed by my right hon. friend (Sir Wilfrid Laur-
I

ier) of ' the speeches delivered by the mover and seconder of the address. The mover (Mr. Mowiat) bears a distinguished name. Before his entrance into, this House he had taken no inconsiderable part in public affairs, and his speech yesterday was delivered with earnestness and was characterized by qualities * which I am sure will give him a high place in the deliberations of the House. The:	seconder of
the address has been in Parliament for many years. His devotion to public affairs, his intelligent grasp of all public questions, more than that his courage, are well known to 'all those who have been associated with him in the past. He happily sustained the excellent record which he has borne among us at all times since he first entered the House.
Now I come to some observations of my right hon. friend. With the exception of the latter part of his speech, his remarks were of an exceedingly critical nature- I danriot slay that all his observations were characterized by a keen sense of logic, because he contended in'the first place that this is precisely the same Government as in the past, while at the same time he stated there wiae a marked improvement in its personnel. I cannot quite reconcile these two ideas, and) the right hon. gentleman *would find it hard to- explain, how the Government shows that marked improvement in personnel if it is precisely the same Administration as in the past. The right hon. gentleman found a good deal of fault with tlie Government which preceded the present one, and if one may judge from his observations to-day he is likely to be as intensely critical of the Government which -was formed on 12th October last,. I quite agree with him that there is a political colour of >a - pronounced red type, if you like, in some of the gentlemen who are members of the Government. That was precisely the intention when this Administration was formed. We desired to form, and we did form, a Government based upon equal representation of both the great political parties of this country. Practically that has been accomplished, and insofar as it "has not 'been carried out to the letter it will be fulfilled to the letter at the earliest opportunity. I agree with my right hon. friend that the gentlemen who were formerly associated with him on the other side of the House were inspired by a keen and unfaltering sense of duty when they agreed to join this Government. That has been publicly emphasized by me on several occasions. In that observation
of my right hon. friend, all sides in this House will heartily concur. The present Government was formed for the purpose of giving a just representation to all those elements of the population who are animated by a sincere desire to throw the full efforts of Canada into this war. It was formed, further, with the idea of giving a just representation to the great industry of agriculture and to the labour organizations of the country. That purpose, I think, lias been immeasurably well carried out; and with all respect to hon. gentlemen opposite, I venture to .believe, that the great Liberal party of Canada is well represented on the Treasury benches of Canada to-day.
My right hon. friend denounced what he was pleased to consider, a violation of the electoral laws of Canada, when he alluded to the Order in Council passed on the 12th of March last, under which a preliminary return of the members of this House has been made. I was under the impression that this Order had been laid upon the Table yesterday, but I find that such is not the case. In order that there may he no doubt as to its purport, I shall read the Order in Council as it was passed, after .which I shall make a few observations with regard to it.
At the Government House at Ottawa.
Tuesday the 12th day of March, 191S.
Present:
His Excellency
The Governor General in Council.
Whereas owing to conditions arising out of the war there has been unforeseen and unavoidable delay in the receipt by the General P.eturning Officer of the official statements required by Subsections 4 and 9 of Section 12 of the Military Voters Act, 1917, to be recorded, signed and sent by registered post to the General Returning Officer, and it is by reason of such delay impossible that the proclaiming and return of the members of the House of Commons, as contemplated ,by Section 11 of the said1 Act can he made before 18th March, 1918, for which date Parliament is summoned to meet for the despatch of business;
And whereas confusion and great inconvenience in connection with the business of the session, and especially with regard to war measures, will ensue if the assembling of Parliament be postponed until after the fiscal year which will expire with the present month, and, it is therefore deemed1 expedient to authorize the proclamation and return of the members in anticipation of the said official statements upon the telegraphic information received of the facts which the official statements contain:
Therefore His Excellency the Governor General in Council, on the recommendation of the Minister of Justice and under the powers conferred by the War Measures Act, 1914, and by Section 19 of the Military Voters Act,, is


Robert Laird Borden: That Act was debated last session and passed by the late Parliament. I do not know whether he regards it as an outrage-apparently he does-that we gave t-o the female relatives of the gallant men who are holding our battle line the right to vote at the last election. According to my right hon. friend's statement, it was an outrage-he nods his acquiescence.


Wilfrid Laurier: Oh, no.


Robert Laird Borden: He does not?


Wilfrid Laurier: The outrage was in giving the franchise to some and taking it away from others.


Robert Laird Borden: We did not take it from any of the women of Canada; on the. contrary, we gave it to many thousands of them. Moreover, we shall proceed at this session to give the franchise to all the women of Canada.
M-r. BUREAU: The election is over -now.


Robert Laird Borden: The election is over, and perhaps if we had given all

women the right to vote, my hon. friend would not be here.


Mr. BUREAU:: The women-prevented the opposition of the friends of my right hon. friend.


Robert Laird Borden: My right hon. friend, I believe, is distressed by other features of tlhait enactment-imore concerned by them than he ever was by any desire that the men overseas should vote. But I do not intend to enter into any discussion of what took place at the last session; we shall have enough to occupy ourselves with at the present session. So, let that past attend to itself. Let us go ahead -and do our duty in this Parliament as it lies before us.
My right hon. friend ventures to say to me that partisan returning officers and enumerators were appointed. I have been in this House for nearly twenty-two years, I have passed through six general elections, and I never passed through an election the methods of which were not discussed and criticised, -at the first session of the following Parliament, toy the party which lost. But I have never heard -any hon. gentleman go so far as my right hon. friend has gone to-day. I want to tell him that I issued a statement, which was circulated through the press of Canada near and far, asking that the returning officers should select enumerators of both political parties, -and that equal representation should be given to all interests in the country; in that selection, and in the selection of returning officers themselves, I -endeavoured so far as I was ahl-e, to- have th-at principle carried out. That is the first time such a course was ever pursued in Canada. The leader of the Opposition would never have dreamed of d-oin-g it. Men within the -sound of my voice have co-me to u* more than once and complained that by reason of the appointment of returning officers and enumerators opposed to the Government they had lost -hundreds of votes -and their election to this House had been endangered. I venture to say that since the history of this Confederation there never was an election in Canada conducted more fairly and decently than the recent one.


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Oh, o-h.


Robert Laird Borden: Possibly the
subject which excites the mirth o-f my hon. friends is the denial of free s-peech in some partis -of the country. My right hon. friend has referred to -a supposed conspiracy to defeat Mr. Oliver. By wh-om does he allege th-at that conspiracy was made or carried on ? He -lias said either too little or too much.
If he ih-as any charge to bring against the Gove-m-man-t, or against any member of the Government, or -against any official of the Government, let him go further and make his charge and we shall ih-ave it investigated. That is the way to -deal with -such -matters, if my right -hon. -friend has -anything to complain of. He regards the defeat of Mr. Oliver as due -to -a conspiracy, because in three polling divisions, I think, out of about 150, some -alleged irregularities may b-av-e taken pl-ace. I have just -been informed that ballots enough for all the voters upon the list were placed at the polls to which my right hon. friend has alluded, and th-a-t those who came -and demanded ballots- were, in- many instances at least, persons who were mot upon the list. I knew nothing of this matter and heard nothing about it until my right hon. friend allud-ed to it. As I have said, if my right hon. friend wants -any investigation into the matter, the -courts a-re open to him, or the procedure of this House is- open to him-.
My right -hon. friend sees fit -to -suggest th-at there -has -been -siom-e plot or conspiracy in connection with the voting of soldiers in Cau-ada, -and he even insinmiates

and I hope -he will permit me to say th-at I think the insinuation) was unworthy o-f 'him-that men were put in khaki in order that elections might be won. As I understand the matter, the statement of the Minister of Militia an-d Defence to- which my right hon. friend -alluded, did- no-t include the men in hospitals, the returned soldiers-, the soldiers home on leave; -it included only those who had -been raised -and recruited in Canada in order (that they might proceed- o-ver

s-eas, and therefore the supposed anomaly (to which my right hon. friend alluded might easily have -been -cleared up if he h-ad seen fit to make a little further inquiry.
I do no-t know as- to the cries which he s-ayis we-re used :in so-me -parts o-f -th-e country. There may h-av-e been cries here and there that were unworthy. There wa-s no such cry put forward on behalf of the Government, so far as I know, either here or overseas. I do not th-inik my right hon. friend, will find it -in hi-s heart to say -that the overseas men voted in favour of the Government and against 'him by reason of any compulsion or pressure, put upon-'them. Tih-ey are men who would keenly irese-nt any attempt to place compulsion upon -them. I believe that they voted -against my right hon. friend because -they -attributed to him some such spiri-t as that which I found -running through his -speech, a spirit which at-


Some hon. MEMBERS:: 
Sir SAM HUGHES:: I presume all the money required for our own shipbuilding will come through the ordinary channel, but may I ask, who furnishes the money for the Munitions Board? I understand it is guaranteed or paid by the Canadian Government on the security of Great Britain, hut who controls it?


Robert Laird Borden: The British
Government are paying for the ships; and they control their construction.


Samuel Hughes: Yes, 1 know that.


Robert Laird Borden: The contracts have been placed by the Imperial Munitions Board and the British Government will make the payment. Provision for the money in the meantime will have to be made, as best it may, by efforts very largely on this side of the Atlantic.


Samuel Hughes: By Canada?

.30


Robert Laird Borden: By Canada, with possibly some assistance through the credits obtained in the United States.


Samuel Hughes: ;i2
sponds in its fumctio-ne very .largely with the War Trade Board which has been established. in ithe United States.. It is under the chairmanship of Sir George Foster and Mr. F. P. Jones is vice-chairman. It is to see that materials are not wasted in nonessential industries and to make recommendations with regard to the regulation erf imports o.r exports. It i* to see, in cooperation with the War Trade Board of the United States that the resources of the tw.o countries which should be used for essential war .purposes shall be so used and not devoted to less important purposes. It has other important powers and duties which are set forth in. the Order in Council. The gentlemen wiho- .compose it are men of great ability and experience; they are devoting their full time and energy without remuneration to. the work, and I am confident that they will render excellent service to the country.
In addition, we have given our attention to abolishing patronage absolutely in respect o.f all purchases. Hon., gentlemen who were members of this House in the last Parliament will recollect that in. the' spring of 1915 the War Purchasing Commission was established for the purpose of controlling the purchase of all .articles required by the Government for the purposes of w.ar. It has done good work .and given, excellent service; the gentlemen who compose it have given their services freely and voluntarily as a patriotic duty. We .have passed an Order in. Council that not only war purchases but purchases1 of .all articles., commodities or materials- required by the Government shall be made through the War Purchasing Commission, and by tender and contract.


Wilfrid Laurier: Who are the
members of the commission?


Robert Laird Borden: Hon. H. Laporte, -of .Montreal, chairman; Mr. Gault, of Winnipeg, and !Mr. Gundy, of Toronto. On the retirement of Sir Edward Kemp from the board when he went overseas, (Mr. Laporte was appointed chairman, and Mr. Gundy became the third member of the hoard.
We have had under our consideration necessary relief in -connection with the appalling disaster at Halifax. I shall speak more fully as to this at a later date. A commission was appointed of three very capable men, Mr. T. IS. Rogers, Judge Wallace and Mr. Fo.w-ke, wiho are devoting their whole dime to the work. Recently they -made a report, which has .been laid on the table of the House, and later in the session, the [DOT]Government will have certain proposals to present" with respect to relief. The princi-

pie which has been adopted is to make restitution to small householders whose claims are not more than $5,000, and in respect of claims .above $5,000 to proceed upon the principle of just and reasonable relief, not upon the principle of restitution.
The Minister of Railways and Canals has hhd under very serious consideration the provision o.f rolling stock and equipment for railways. We are confronted with the immediate acquisition of some ten thousand miles of railway, -which will bring the total state railway mileage of this country up to about fifteen thousand. 'It is useless for us to have that railway unless it is properly equipped. 'The great crops that we hope for during the present year and next year, which are so essential for war purposes, must be transported

and, more than that, expeditiously. Full details of what we propose will he given at a later date.
I should also mention that the Soldier Settlement Board has been established -under the Act passed last session. The Minister of the Interior is devoting a large part of his time to the administration of the Act. The members of the board are, I -believe, -presently -proceeding to the western provinces in order that they may have under their immediate supervision the arrangements by which soldiers.can be placed on the land during the present year.
Negotiations have been entered into with the United States in regard to certain matters of difference respecting the fisheries. It is too late for .me to .speak of this as 1 intended to do. The Order in Council embodying the results have been placed on the table of the House. I believe that the results are in the interests of both countries, especially as they assist in the production of a greater quantity of food than would otherwise he possible.
With respect to fuel control, we have had very important and difficult questions to deal with, and we found it necessary in this country to place ourselves upon an equality of inconvenience with the United States of America in respect to certain restrictions. I do not think the Canadian people complained of that. As a matter of fact, they would have no reasons to complain of it. In so far as the provision of fuel is concerned, the United States Government treated Canada precisely in the same way as it treated all the States of the Union, and we should have the most grateful appreciation of the attitude of the United States in that regard. So when, in the judgment of the Government of the United -States, it became necessary

to impose certain restrictions in that country, we could do no less than impose corresponding restrictions here. We have done that; and subsequently we have had conferences with the provincial governments with regard to the intensely vital question of fuel supply for the present year. The House may anticipate that at no distant date new regulations of a very comprehensive character will be placed before it by the Minister of Trade and Commerce.
There has also been effected with the United States a Military Service Convention, the text of which will be laid on the Table of the House as soon as it is ratified. The services of Mr. Newcombe, Deputy Minister of Justice, and of Col. Maclnnes of the Department of Militia and Defence were requested by the Government and these gentlemen proceeded to Washington. There had been a great deal of delay previously in reaching a conclusion, but after a visit of a week or ten days they were able to arrive at an understanding which, I think, is in the interest of both countries, and which the governments of both countries regard as fair and reasonable.
In addition to all that I have mentioned, we have had a great many conferences first and last, during the past three or four months. We have had two formal conferences with the Labour organizations and a great many informal conferences. We have had the conference, to which I have alluded, with the provincial governments. There has been a conference with the Women's organizations. We have had conferences with the returned soldiers' organizations. At every one of these conferences interesting and important questions were taken up and, on the whole, I believe that satisfactory results were reached.


Jacques Bureau: It has been stated that there has been an agreement between the United States Government and the Canadian Government in regard to enrolment for military service. Very often Americans who are working on this side of the line ask whether under this agreement they can enlist with the Canadian forces or whether they must go to the United States in order to enlist. Can the Prime Minister answer that question before the text of the convention is laid on the Table?


Robert Laird Borden: I think my horn, friend will find there are satisfactory dispositions with regard to that in the convention. Without having the actual text of the convention before me, I should not care to give a definite answer to my hon. friend, but I shall be glad to see that a 3
copy of the convention is sent to him personally as he is interested in the subject.
I have imposed myself to some extent upon the patience of the House in giving these details as to what our work has been during a period of somewhat less than four months. It seems to me important tjiat the House and the country should know us precisely as po.ssdible what has been done. I have only enumerated these matters; I have not elaborated them, at all. Fuller and more detailed information will be given later in the session. This is intended only as a brief resume, but I think it will convince hon. gentlemen and the people of the country as well that during their period of office the Government has not been idle. And I have not by any means spoken of every problem that has engaged the attention of the Government during that time. There has been the question of railway rates and railway taxation. There is the question of railway nationalization. There are many other questions.
With respect to the financial and commercial stability of the country, the House may be interested to know that the importations for. eleven months ending 28th February amounted to $875,266,149; that the exports during the same period were $1,482,450,816; that the total foreign trade of the country during those eleven months was therefore $2,357,716,965, and that there was a favourable trade balance of $607,184,667. The exportation of our foods this year will depend upon the crops. I have spoken of the difficulty connected with the provision of finance, and hon. gentlemen will realize that in a moment. Suppose, as seems likely, that we 'shall have' this year an exportation to Great Britain of $800,000,000 in excess of our importations from that country. Provision must be made for payment. Those supplies are vitally necessary for the use of Great Britain and the Allied nations.


Mr. MURPHY:: Thiat would be 'an excels?


Robert Laird Borden: Yes. That is
supposed to ;be a reasonable estimate, although it is only .an estimate, as my hon. friend will understand. It is based upon the experience of the past two years. It is equally important to our people that provision should be made to pay for their productions. I hope hon. gentlemen will realize that the financial problems thus presented for the consideration of the Government are of no .mean order.
I have already alluded to the fact that the Government proposes to introduce a Bill at the present session for the purpose of extending the franchise to women. A



notice of that Bill is already on the Order Paper, and we intend to proceed with it as soon as possible.
With respect to our part in this war,
I again repeat that the Canadian Force in the battle line to-day is numerically as strong as ever it has been. The military .authorities inform me that I ought not to disclose even to this House the actual number of men who are to-day fighting in the Canadian ranks. We have not only the fighting unit at the front which, since the close of the last session, has notably distinguished itself at Basschen-daele, where it accomplished precisely what it undertook, and where, in the face of enormous difficulties which required the most thorough preparation and organization to overcome them, it exhibited the greatest resourcefulness and heroism-we have not only that fighting unit at the front which has brought honour and renown to this country from first to last; but we have other almost equally important corps, the railway construction corps, the forestry corps, and the men in the flying service. We have paid a great price for what has been accomplished, and it is with a very sorrowful pride, I confess, that one can reflect upon what the Canadians have achieved in this war and upon the price which they have paid. The casualties are as followws:
Killed	 25,744
Died of wounds	 8,612
Died of disease	 1,901
Total	-	[DOT][DOT]	..	36,257
Wounded	 [DOT][DOT] [DOT][DOT] 105,250
Prisoners of war	 2,757
Presumed dead	 3,845
Missing	 937
Total casualties	 149,046
Sir SAM HUGHEfy If that statement goes out without giving the number of returned men .people will get the idea that we have lost that number, whereas a great many of these men have returned to duty, I believe.


Robert Laird Borden: My bon. friend is quite right. A great many of those who were wounded have returned to the front. I was not speaking in the sense, which, as he fears, might 'be attributed 'to the figures, but I was giving an enumeration of the total nunfber of wounded, and I aim grateful to my hon. friend for his suggestion.
I have 'spoken of the force at the front as being numerically not less strong than ever it was before. I know that it is quite as efficient, as determined and as confident as ever it was, -and that is saying a good deal. The temporary breakdown in the _ eastern 
theatre of war has not 'discouraged our men one whit. We toad- great expectations as to wlhat might have (been 'accomplished in the eastern theatre during the past year. Those expectations have been diisappointed, but, on (the other hand, we have had thrown into the scale the enormous power and resources and the wonderful spirit and invincible determination of the United States of America, our nearest neighbour and Ally. That, I am confident, will much more than compensate. Besides that., let no one absolutely despair of what Russia imay do in the future.
Some hon. MCEMBERS: Hear, hear.


Robert Laird Borden: One might liken Russia to a giant, manacled for a long time, Whose manacles have been, suddenly stricken off; he has not yet gained control of his laimibs, and endeavours to struggle to his feet. He bruises himself, and, perhaps, overturns those who would like to help him, but eventually he does gain his feet. I am confident that Russia will eventually gain her feet and again take her part as a great nation in. the 'affairs of the world. Let us remember that these people have been denied liberty for centuries, and so they may be pardoned for not knowing, in the first instance, what they should do with their new found freedom. During the past three or four years I have met on various occasions a very intelligent young man from Russia. He oaime (before he knew how to speak English to the United States of America, where he is now employed. I have talked to him of Russia from time to time. He is, perhaps, .from thirty to .thirty-five years of age. He told me that his father and mother were serfs in their youth, that his fathef had had his clothing stripped from hie back, and the knout applied until the .blood ran, for some trivial offence. There Was no remedy or redress in the law for that man because he was a serf, and in very truth .a slave. When new-found liberty comes to suich a people, can you be surprised if for the moment they do not Know what to do with it? I venture to believe and earnestly to hope that Russia will find herself in the early future, and will never become permanently .subject to the economic or other domination of Germany or of the Central Powers.
Now I have nearly done, and I must apologize to hon. gentlemen for trespassing so long on their patience. Our own course in this war is entirely clear. Germany's war aims have been absolutely unmasked, since the successes which have come to her in the Eastern theatre oif war. When

war was first declared, we heard her ruthless statement as to why she had undertaken it. It was openly confessed that it was a war of aggression, that it was undertaken as a national and profitable business enterprise, and that Germany would achieve her ends. Later on, the tune was somewhat changed, but in these later days the old tone of domination has been resumed, and we know that Germany does indeed seek to dominate the world. We are far removed from the theatre of war, and perhaps we do not quite adequately realize what the issue of this war means to us. I said to some gentlemen who came to speak to me a few days ago about some fiscal question, " Production of food in Canada is more vital to you than any other matter that is of concern to you at the present time. Upon the production of food in this country may depend the issue of this war, and upon the issue of this war depends the question whether you shall not come under such an economic domination .as would render your industries of little value to you, if not absolutely valueless and worthless." Perhaps we in Canada, far removed as we are from the scene of active operations, do not quite comprehend at all times how closely the issue of this war does concern us. Notwithstanding 'any disappointments that have met us in the Eastern theatre, I am as profoundly convinced as ever that the Allied cause must triumph, for in it is involved the future of the whole world, the future of civilization, of liberty and democracy. There is much talk of peace in these days.


Samuel Hughes: Too much.


Robert Laird Borden: But I should consider all our sacrifice in vain if we did not achieve such a peace as would assure the world against intolerable and ruthless aggression in the future. May I not quote once more the well-known words of the great American, President Lincoln. '' Wo accepted this war for an object, a worthy object, and the war will end when that object is attained. Under God, I hope it never will end until that time." That I believe to be the feeling of the people of Canada from Atlantic to Pacific-
So in the face of disappointments, however severe, let there be no faint hearts amiong us>. Among our men at, the front *there is absolutely no doubt as to the issue. Among them one encounters a spirit of determination and confidence 3}
which may well serve as an example to us. Like them, let us look ahead and not behind us. Let us confront the issue with steady resolve. Let us undertake our duty and carry on our work in the same spirit and with the same unselfish devotion as our heroic countrymen who hold Canada s battle-line beyond the Atlantic.
At six o'clock, the House took recess.
After Recess.
The House resumed at eight o'clock.


Charles Murphy: Mr. Speaker, in the last Parliament it was my privilege to congratulate you, Sir, when you were first chosen to fill the position of Speaker of this House. To-night it is again my privilege to offer you my felicitations on having been selected for a second time to preside over the deliberations of this assembly, and in doing so I feel that I may avail myself of the opportunity to say that you can at all times count upon the hearty co-operation of my fellow-members on both sides of this House to assist you in the discharge of the important duties attaching to you high office.
By way of expediting the business of the House, and in order to facilitate the work of the Government in pressing forward Canada's part in the war, I have a suggestion to make, whieh, if adopted, will, 1 am convinced, attain both those ends. My suggestion is that the hour for the meeting of Parliament should be changed, and that! instead of assembling at three o'clock in the afternoon, this House should meet at one o'clock, and sit continuously until six o'clock, or later, if necessary, and that night sessions should become the exception rather than the rule.
I have given this suggestion a good deal of thought, and I have discussed it with others who have had fairly extended experience in the work of Parliament. Their belief coincides with my own, that if the suggested change were made the members of Parliament would bring to the consideration of public business a capacity, both mental and physical, for sustained work that, under our present procedure, grows increasingly less as the session advances and night sittings multiply. The public business itself would be more expeditiously and more satisfactorily disposed of, the members of the Government would have more time to devote to the work of their respective departments, and those who, either in an official capacity, or as members of the press gallery, are obliged to report the daily proceedings of


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Hear, hear.


Charles Murphy: Now, Sir, so that there may be no doubt as to my position, let me say at once that I have no quarrel with those who in the late election supported the Government in the honest belief that conscription wias the only way to secure reinforcements for the troops at the front; in the honest belief that conscription would be promptly, uniformly, and honestly enforced if the Government were returned to power, and that 100,000 men to relieve the men in the trenches would be sent to the front as soon as the Government was installed in office. To induce such beliefs the most lavish promises were made on behalf of the Unionist candidates, and as I have said, with those who believed in such promises and who supported the Govern-
-MARCH 19, 1918
ment on account of them, I have no quarrel. But the number of such persons is very small when compared with the total number who supported the Government for other and very different reasons.
Now, let me mention in general terms what those other reasons were- Briefly they were that Union Government would isolate Quebec and prevent the French and the Catholics from ruling Ontario and the rest of Canada; that the Pope and the Catholics generally were not in favour of the Allies in the present war; and, finally, that the issue was one between Protestantism and Catholicism, and that all who did not support the Government, as representing Protestantism, were slackers, traitors, and pro-Germans.
The campaign leading up to the open attack on Quebec and the French, as well as upon the Pope and the Catholics, with all of whom Sir Wilfrid Laurier and the Liberal party were'constantly bracketed, was widespread, thoroughly organized and lavishly financed. Within the compass of a speech, it is not possible to deal with all the ramifications of the conspiracy, and I must therefore confine myself to a few only of its many outcroppings.
Those who were members of the last Parliament know to what an extent the ranks of the Liberal party were honeycombed by Tace and religious appeals and I need not dwell on that aspect of the conspiracy against the Liberal party and its leader. While that conspiracy was in progress wtthiin this House, there appeared in the Parliamentary press gallery a new correspondent, evidently a stranger. In reply to inquiries I was informed that the stranger was the representative of the Christian Science Monitor of Boston. Upon expressing surprise that a religious paper like the Christian Science Monitor would go to the trouble and expense of sending a representative to Ottawa to report parliamentary proceedings I was further informed that the intention was to launch an anti-Catholic campaign that would fit in with the Government's preparation for the approaching general election. Of the correctness of that statement, proof was soon furnished by the appearance in the Christian Science Monitor of anti-Catholic, anti-French, and anti-Laiurier articles, which later were reproduced by the Ottawa Citizen, the Toronto dailies, and other newspapers that were all smitten about the same time with a severe attack of a disease which, for lack of a generic term, and with apologies to medical nomenclature, I may describe as
" Papalphobia." Following uiis outbreak, certain gentlemen closely identified with the Christian Science Monitor visited Ottawa and after a council of war with their Ottawa friends, were introduced, I am informed, to the right hon. the Prime Minister. What took place at that interview is immaterial, but what followed the interview is of very decided public importance. Early in October, 1917, a written memorandum issued from the office of the Prime Minister to the other members of the Cabinet, urging them to subscribe fox the Christian Science Monitor for their respective departments. The reason given for exercising this particular kind of war econo my^


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Oh, oh.


Charles Murphy: -was that "the
Christian Science Monitor frequently has very useful and interesting articles respecting Canadian affaire," and that it was " being subscribed for in the Privy Council office." The only articles on Canada that the Monitor was publishing at the time were anti-Catholic tirades, and these the Prime Minister, in the words of his office memorandum, found " very useful and interesting." There is, therefore, no room for doubt as to where the Prime Minister stood in. the matter.
No v, Sir, I have heard of people being bribed with their own money but this is the first and only time I have heard of people furnishing money to finance attacks upon themselves, as the Catholics of Canada undoubtedly did when the Prime Minister had the Christian Science Monitor placed on the subscription list of the several depa-tments to he paid for out of public funds-funds contributed by Catholics equally with members of all other denominations.
But it must not for a moment be thought that the Christian Science Monitor en'oyed any monopoly in its chosen field. Quite the contrary. The English press of Canada, with a few honourable exceptions, joined in the hue and cry, and the Pope, Quebec, the Catholics and Laurier were the texts of their daily assaults. Nor was the campaign confined to the Tory press; it extended also to their Unionist confreres. The Toronto Globe was as mendacious as the Toronto Mail and Empire. The Toronto Star was quite as shameless as the Toronto News. And while the madness was at its height I am told that casual visitors to the Globe office, who were regarded as receptive to the new propaganda, were taken into the business manager's room, and there with

doors closed and a nervous watch on the windows, and in bated breath, Mr. J. F. Mackay would expatiate on the machinations of the Pope and the necessity of defeating them by defeating Laurier If the visitor did not appear to be sufficiently impressed, he was passed on to Mr. J. E. Atkinson of the Star, who would then exercise his slimy arts to complete what the less adroit Mr. Mackay had begun. And so the game was played throughout the land.
All this, Sir, was bad enough, but the turning of the churches into political cockpits was the crowning infamy of the whole campaign. Their pulpits were thrown open to laymen as well to clergymen; and in some cases were occupied by individuals more competent to expound the doctrines of the Sodomites than to preach the gospel of the Prince of Peace. And why was all this done? Merely to arouse the rest of the country against Quebec and the Catholics for the sake of winning the election. Mr. Speaker, was there ever such a defilement of the House of God in any other land under the sun? I know of none, and for the sake of Christianity itself I hope there has been none.
Lest the women voters were not as highly inflamed as their male relatives, special appeals to their fears and passions and prejudices -were made on the eve of the election. Perhaps the most inflammatory of these appeals, as it certainly wa.s the most grotesquely false, was published by the Canadian ' Home Journal in its December issue. After moralizing on the tragic importance of the issue to be decided on December 17, it proceeded thus:
Germany's reptile diplomacy uses many agencies in many lands, and the most important agency that it is to-day using on Canadian soil is the Roman Catholic Church.
No proof of this outrageous statement is offered, or attempted to be offered, but it is followed by these equally brilliant gems:
Lamentable as the fact is it is nevertheless a fact to be faced. As a consequence we find Roman Catholic Churches in Canada head centres of activity to place in power those whose policies aim at the withdrawal of Canada from the war, the desertion of our soldiers at the front and the betrayal of Great Britain.
And listen to this Mr. Speaker:
By what promises and devices the Kaiser's Government has secured the support of the Roman Catholic Church is not wholly clear.
Not then and not now.
He has promised to restore the Temporal home of the Pope in Europe and if victorious to' extend his influence to South America.

It is altogether probable that he has promised his aid in extending the powers the Church now enjoys in the province of Quebec to all Canada.
The women of Canada are religious by nature. They are the backbone of our Churches. Let them remember what is at stake.
Sir Wilfrid Laurier and his candidates exalt the traitor and contemn the soldier. It is for the womenfolk of the soldier to give them their answer at the polls.
Canada is menaced by open foes in Europe and insidious foes at home. To vote for Union Government is the woman's paramount duty,- the duty of the hour.
Mr. Speaker, could anything be more dastardly or criminal than the article from which I have just quoted?


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Hear, hear.


Charles Murphy: And yet the writer of
that article not only goes unpunished but I have no doubt he enjoys many a chuckle over his contribution to the devil's brew with which the Union Governmen filled, and maddened and misled a too-credulous public.
So that no doubt may remain in the mind of any honest man or woman as to the issue upon [DOT]which the Union Government sought and obtained office, let me quote from a full front page article which appeared in the Orange Sentinel of December 20th, 1917, under the caption, ''Sound the Loud Timbrel":
A crushing defeat for the Roman Catholic Hierarchy of Quebec and their allies in the other provinces is the result of the polling on Monday.
The whole election campaign was fought upon the lines of the programme of the Orange Association. For the first time in the life of the dominion a union Protestantism followed the lead of the Orangemen of Canada to a magnificent victory over reactionary forces whose triumph would have disgraced the country. The great Order which the Sentinel represents has reason for gratification in having at last won that recognition from the Loyalists of the country which it has long deserved.
There you have a declaration after the event written by a gentleman who was endorsed by the Prime Minister as his candidate in West Toronto, and who now represents that constituency in this House. The Prime Minister has not in any way challenged or repudiated that declaration. As he endorsed the candidature of the man who wrote it, he' will be held to have endorsed the declaration as well, and the pulblic will judge him accordingly.
In view of the facts that I have presented, what becomes of the hollow pretense that the Government's election appeal was solely for the purpose of obtaining re-inforcements for the boys at the

front, and to maintain Canada's part in the war? The article in the Orange Sentinel, with the Prime Minister's endorsement, supplies t'he answer to that question.
I have illustrated the attitude of the Unionist party towards the Catholics of Canada for daring to oppose them. Let me now show you that a Catholic who supported them met with no better or different treatment. Reading again from the article in the Orange Sentinel of December 20th, 1917. I quote the following:
It is unfortunate that throughout the Englishspeaking province, the one element which stood solidly behind the Laurier party is composed of men who belong to the Roman Catholic Church. That was the backbone of the Laurier organization in Ontario. Apart from Bishop Fallon none of the higher Clergy of this province gave any indication of friendship for the Unionist Government.
There is every reason to believe, however, that his motive in supporting Union Government was largely a desire to punish those who have pursued him for twenty-five years.
Therefore his action cannot be taken as an indication of the sentiment either of his brother Bishops or of the faithful among their flock.
It would be 'a thousand pities, Mr. Speaker, to spoil by any .superfluous comment such warm-hearted appreciation by a leader of Unionism o>f the (help proffered by His Lordship of London to the Unionist party. I will .therefore merely repeat my previous observation that the article w-as written by the Prime Minister's personally endorsed candidate, and the Prime Minister's approving silence for three months shows that he also endorses the article itself.
As it is my desire to place on. record foir the information not only of Canadians [DOT] of to-day, but of Canadians of tlhe future as well, all the data requisite for an understanding of the Union Government and the character of its election campaign., I realize that my task would Ibe only half done, so far as Ontario was concerned, if I did not give the bon. member for Dunham (Mr. Rowell) full credit for his share in the attacks made on the leader of the Liberal party and on the Catholics of .this country. To fully appreciate that bon. gentleman's contribution it will be necessary to go back a few years to get the proper setting for .a correct view of hie .more recent performances.
Let me premise, Sir, by -staying that there was a time when, through lack oif .information, I regarded 'tlhe horn, member for Durham as an unselfish servant of 'the public. To-day, in the light o,f information supplied from a hundred sources, I desire to make reparation to .those whom I laboured to convert to my mistaken opinion by exposing,
as briefly as .possible, the facts relating to the hon. gentleman'-s public career as I now know them. Desiring .at the same time to be fair to the hon. gentleman, I propose to take as the standard of judgment that ought to be applied in his ease a standard that has been supplied by himself. Let me explain where that standard is to be found.
Speaking at North Bay on the 6th December last, the hon. gentleman arraigned the leader of the Liberal party and the people of Quebec for their alleged .attitude towards the war, and for the moment I do not intend to make any further use of his speech than to cite the basis on which he laid his charge. I will return to the speech later on. The basis of his charge on the occasion to which I Tefer was the lack of 'sacrifice on the part of the people of Quebec. A man who will make such ia change as that .should stand on very firm ground with regard to has own record in the matter of sacrifice, and if he does not so stand then it were better 'for him to have remained silent. Now let us see whiat the hon. gentleman's record is with regard to sacrifice.
Briefly stated, Sir, it is this: that while he preaches the gospel of sacrifice for others, he has consistently garnered and pocketed the fruits of selfishness for himself. As you are doubtless aware, Sir, the cult of commercialized Christianity, in Ontario at least, has been placed on the basis of an exact science. The three great exponents of that cult are John Wesley Allison, Joseph Wesley Flavelle and Newton Wesley Rowell. Ego is their god, autos their creed and moi-meme tlheir practice. In point of fact, Sir, they are the three great Canadian Sinn Feiners. In our political annals an infamous immortality was conferred on John Wesley Allison by my friend the present Minister of Public Works (Mr. Oarvell) in connection with fuses and shells- A like service was performed for Joseph Wesley Flavelle by Food Commissioner O'Connor and Mr. George W. Kyte, late member for Richmond, N.S., in connection with bacon and eggs. And, Sir, it is my purpose to convince you and the country that Newton Wesley Rowell is well worthy of the place the public has assigned him as the third member of that delectable trinity.
Not to go further back than the days of the Ross Government in Ontario, it may be recalled that the hon. gentleman was very active in his support of that administration, but his support entailed no sacrifice; quite the reverse. Through it he managed to secure an appointment as solicitor

have been sent to me. But the records themselves I will preserve so that they* may be available for future historical reference. It is to be kept in mind that the figures which I am about to submit relate only to French subjects who were members of religious orders in Canada. I will begin With the Franciscans. At the outbreak of war practically the entire body of French Franciscans left Canada and returned to France to do their duty. In the whole Dominion of Canada, I am informed, there now remain but six French Franciscan priests, and that these six are exempt from military service on the ground of age or physical unfitness. Those who returned to France were assigned to various war duties, and 32 of them went into the trenches. Of these three have been mentioned in the Orders of the Day, two have been decorated with the Military Medal, one has received the CToss of the Legion of Honour, one has been wounded and discharged, and one was killed on the field of battle, after he had been twice mentioned in the Orders of the Day, and had received the military medal.
From "L'lnstitut des Freres de l'lnstrue-tion Chretienne" twenty-five members returned to France and entered the French army. Of those, four have been decorated and mentioned in the Orders of the Day, four have been wounded, one was taken prisoner, one who was twice wounded, has been missing for three years, and is assumed to have died of his wounds; and two- were killed on the field of battle.
In addition to the Canadian members of the Jesuit order who are chaplains in France, five French Jesuits went back from Canada to join the French army. Of these two were killed in action.
All the members of the Congregation of the Holy Cross who were French subjects answered the call to the colours. One was wounded twice, and returned again to the front. One has been reported "missing" for over a year, and is assumed to be dead or a prisoner, and three others are still fighting in the trenches.
The Fathers of the Congregation of the Holy Ghost sent three of their members to the French Army, and a fourth is on his way to France. One of those who returned to France was killed at the front, and another who is now seriously wounded has been decorated with the Military Gross, and was twice mentioned in the Orders of the Day.
The Trappists had only two French members of military age and both returned
[Mr. Murphy.J
to France in 1914. One of them, Father Thomas, received two decorations, the Military Cross and the Military Medal, was twice mentioned in the Orders of the Day, and later, in rescuing a companion, suffered the loss of both eyes. To-day he is a teacher of the blind in France. The other Trappist who returned to his native country, was Father Hypolite, who is now fighting with seven of his brothers in the French army.
Of the 900 members of the Marist Order who have fought in the trenches, 14 French subjects went from Canada to France. Two of those were killed on the battlefield, six were wounded, one received the Military Medal, and all were mentioned fin the Orders of the Day.
Les Peres de Montfort sent 15 of their French members back to France. Three of these brave men were stationed in the county which I have the honour to represent in Parliament. Of the 15 who returned to France, five won the Military Cross, five were mentioned in the Orders of the Day, one of them on three consecutive occasions; and one was killed on the field of battle.
From the Eudist Congregation, 17 of its members went back from Canada to France. Of these, three were wounded, two were mentioned in the Orders of the Day, two were decorated with the Military Cross, and four were honourably discharged from service.
The Brothers of St. Gabriel sent eight of their French members who were of military age, to serve in the French ranks. Four of them were wounded, four were decorated with the Military Medal, four were mentioned in the Orders of the Day, and one of them, Bro. Garrigues-Antonin, is the inventor of a wonderful field gun which has done great execution against the enemy.
The twelve French subjects who were members of the Sulpician Order went to France when war broke out, and immediately reported foT duty. Seven went to France and later on served in the Lorraine, Verdun, Champagne and Saloniki campaigns. One of them was decorated with the Military Cross at Verdun.
With the Dominicans at Ste. Hyacinthe there were only two French members of military age when war was declared. These two went to France.
The Order of St. Sacrament sent to France the only one of its members who was not exempt on account of age or ill-health, and he is still serving as a chaplain at the front.

Four French members of the Order of the Holy Cross in Canada reported for duty at the beginning of the war, and one of them was wounded while fighting with the French army.
The Brothers of St. Vincent de Paul had only one French member eligible for military service. He joined the French army in 1914, and has been twice mentioned for bravery in the Orders of the Day.
The Missionaries of the Sacred Heart have been represented at the front by four French subjects who returned from Canada to serve in the trenches. One of them, Father Cadoux, was mentioned in the Orders of the Day for special bravery in rescuing the wounded under fire.
From the Capuchin Order, ten French subjects went back to France and joined the colours. Three of those men were killed on the battlefield, Father Albert, Father Edward and Father Justinian, all of whom at one time were stationed in Ottawa, and with two of whom I was well acquainted.
The Christian Brothers, at Montreal, are represented at the front by two of their French members, one of whom has been severely wounded.
From the Oblate Order in Canada, twenty-four French members returned to France, and they have served in the ranks with great distinction. One was killed on the battlefield, two died of wounds, four were decorated with the Military Cross, and several of the others were mentioned for bravery in the Orders of the Day.
Mr. Speaker, the figures which I have just placed before you, constitute a part only of what stands to the credit of the French Religious who went, back from Canada to France to help their Motherland in this war. But, Sir, I submit that these figures are more than sufficient to refute the baseless statements made by the hon. gentleman from Durham at North Bay.
If the hon. gentleman's statements were not made foT a wicked and malicious purpose, then by every .standard of public .and private honour he is required to retract what he has said, to offer an apology to the living and to make reparation to the memory of the dead. Should he hesitate or decline to do this, then he will stand selfcondemned before his fellowmen, stripped of the last vestige of any claim to public respect or public confidence.
You will recall, Sir, that earlier in my remarks I referred to the part the Christian Science Monitor had played in the Canadian campaign against the . Pope and the Catholics. If you are a reader of the New York press, you will be familiar with another phase of the same campaign which was carried on in the neighbouring republic. Among other things, the Christian Science Monitor and its imitators in the United States, as well as in Canada, alleged that the Pope was responsible not only for the disaster that befel the Italian army, but also for the disruptive propaganda that brought that disaster about. This amazing fiction was repeated apparently in good faith by F. C. Walcott, Assistant Food Controller of the United States. When convinced of his error, Mr. Walcott had the manliness to sign and authorize the publication of the following retraction:



UNITED STATES POOD ADMINISTRATION WASHINGTON, D. C.

[Stage Direction]
New York, January 29, 191S. Dear Mr. Iselin:
I desire to confirm what I at once wrote to Monsignor Lavelle on the 18th instant, namely, that I much regret a statement I recently made in this city at a conference to consider Pood Conservation. My statement attributed to the Pope a measure of responsibility for the Italian disaster and for the disruptive propaganda which had brought it about. I repeated thoughtlessly and without previous reflection a rumor I had heard which I had not verified and which I am now convinced and believe was untrue. I have since read the categorical denial of Cardinal Gasparrl, the Pope's Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the denial of Cardina' Bourne in London, and I have also read the statement recently made by Signor Orlando, the Prime Minister of Italy, in the Italian Chamber of Deputies, as follows:
"I deplore the accusations of a general character made by the Hon. Signor Pirolini against high ecclesiastical personages-accusations that tend to hurt the supreme spiritual authority-against priests and against the Catholic party. Such accusations are unjust and offensive, because as the public are aware, the Italian clergy, both high and low, have given noble and beautiful proofs of Italian sentiments, and the great mass of the Catholics have known how to reconcile the dictates of faith with their duties towards their country."
I therefore feel that it is my duty to retract the statement I made in regard to the Pope, Which I do without reserve, and I would like to correct the unfortunate and erroneous impression my remarks tended to create.
You may give this letter such publicity as your committee deems advisable to counteract the effect of my statement and its repetition by those who heard my remarks.
May I take this opportunity to express the appreciation of my colleagues and myself of the uniform and effective co-operation which the National Pood Administration has received from our Catholic fellow-citizens and the Catholic clergy?	[DOT]
I am
Very sincerely yours,


[Stage Direction]
Chairman Catholic Laymen's Committee,
36 Wall Street, New York.
And, Mr. Speaker, if I have any further suggestion to make to the hon. member for
[Stage Direction]
Durham it is that he should now be man enough to follow Mr. Walcott's example.
Before dismissing this part of my subject let me pay a tribute to a class of citizens whom we of the minority are anxious should not be confounded with those who have been false to the Liberal party and the Liberal leader. By contrast with these promoters of sectarian bigotry and national hate, there stand out in noble relief the Protestant Liberals who withstood the gales of passion and prejudice, who turned a deaf ear to the taunts of friends, to the sneers of neighbours, to the insults of opponents, and amid it all remained true to their political principles and their party leader.
These are the -men, who within my lifetime, have been unshaken and unchanged, while there raged about them the storms of a dual language agitation, of a Jesuits. Estates Act agitation, of an Equal Rights agitation, of a Ne Temere decree agitation, and, most recently, of an anti-French and anti-Catholic agitation. They are not only the pride of the minorities whose rights they have steadfastly espoused and defended, but they are the truest exemplars of Canadian citizenship and the only hope of the future -if hope there can be in the future of a country so race and creed-cursed as Canada is. If I have fault to find with others, I have only praise, and admiration and affection for them, and I deem this the time and the place to make such a declaration in their regard.
Now, Sir, let me turn to another subject. While the War-times Election Act was under discussion in this House last session, many predictions "were made as to the irregularities and the crimes that would be sure to attend its operation. No matter how extravagant the prophecies may have seemed at the time, they fell far short of describing what actually took place in the election itself. With the exception of certain constituencies in the province of Quebec, there was no riding in Canada in which a contest took place that did not supply proof to justify all that was said about the War-times Elections Act by its critics in this House. In point of fact, irregularities and crimes -were committed which it was impossible to forecast, and the record of these will in due time be presented to Parliament. Meanwhile, let me cite the views expressed by Premier Martin of Saskatchewan, prior to the date of the election, with regard to this notorious piece of war-time legislation. In a statement published on December 8th, 1917, Premier Martin expressed himself as follows:
In regard to the War Times Election Act, I have already expressed my opinion with respect

to the disfranchisement of certain classes of our people. I regard this feature of the act as unBritish and un-demoeratic, calculated to create distrust and suspicion and to delay the Cana-dianizing of many of these people for a generation.
Moreover, apart from the disfranchisement provisions of the election act, machinery is created which is in the hands of unscrupulous men and may be used in such a way as to win any constituency. This portion of the act renders possible the disfranchisement of any citizen living in western Canada. The Union Government should see to it that 'the election machinery provided is fairly used, they should see that every person entitled to vote is given an opportunity so to do. If they do not act honestly and fairly in the administration of their election machinery, my confidence in them will be shaken. They should also repeal the act at the first session of Parliament after the election.
As the greatest care was taken to exclude that part of Premier Martin's manifesto from the Government-controlled press in eastern Ontario, I will ask the privilege, Sir, of reading that last sentence again, in case my friends from the Prairie Provinces may not have heard me when 1 read it first
They should also repeal the Act at the first Session of Parliament after the election.
While the views thus stated by Premier Martin were primarily intended for the benefit of his western friends, they attracted general attention on account of the fact that Mr. Martin had for several years been an honoured member of this House, and that many of his Liberal associates, particularly those who were intimate with him in this Chamber, regard him as a man destined to play a larger part in the affairs of the Dominion. That Premier 'Martin's fears as to the way the election machinery would be operated were well-founded will require only a few examples to prove. Let me take the first of these from a newspaper supporting the Government. The Evening Telegram of Toronto, in its issue of Monday, December 17th, 1917, thus referred to the way in which the Act had been applied in Toronto:
Toronto's loyalty to the cause of Union Government was traded on by ward politicians. Patriots had temporarily overlooked the blunders or crimes perpetrated in the non-enrollment of so many disfranchised women. Laurier would have been aided by the public mention of these crimes.
Mr. Speaker, that sentence is so delicious, as exemplifying the peculiar type of mentality that exists only in Toronto, that I will read it again:
Laurier would have been aided by the public menticn of these crimes.
The article proceeds:
Laurier cannot now be aided by the fullest proclamation of the truth that the whole system

of preparing a war-time voters' list in Toronto worked out as a disgrace to Union Government. The Union Government abolished patronage. That same Government was represented in Toronto by a small, incompetent organization. That organization left the Trail of the Serpent of Patronage over every move in the miserable game of playing with the manufacture of a wartime voters' list.
The appointment of the returning officers was Patronage.
The appointment of the enumerators was Patronage.
Toronto is disgraced by the Tragedy of the «Var-Time Voters' List. The Joint authors of that Tragedy are the red-tape officials in Ottawa and the Patronage peddlers who pose as Conservative leaders in Toronto.
The language of the Toronto Telegram that the whole system of preparing the War-time Voters' List worked out as a disgrace to the Union Government exactly fits the case in scores of other constituencies as well, and yet this afternoon the Right Hon. The Prime Minister in his speech said that "there never was an election in Canada conducted more decently and fairly."
Now let us turn to the West and see what happened there. The most illuminating exposure of election misdeeds that has come under my notice was that contained in the speech delivered by the Hon. A. G. MacKay, of Edmonton, who spoke in that city in January last. That speech was published in full in the Edmonton Weekly Topics of January 11th, 1918, and it should be read by every person who is under obligation to familiarize himself with the possibilities of election crookedness under the War-time Election Act. It was followed by an article in the Edmonton Bulletin summarizing many of the details given by Mr. MacKay, and it will afford an idea of what went on generally among the election .officials if I read a few paragraphs at the beginning of that summary, which were as follows:
The result of the polling in the electoral district of West Edmonton gives a substantial majority to the Hon. Frank Oliver as far as the home vote is concerned. This majority is entirely remarkable in view of the evident determination to disfranchise as many of the electors as would be necessary to win the election for the Government candidate. If he did not win it is only because the election officials fell down on their job. They could Just as well have put enough on or left enough off to do the trick. Their only failure was they did not think they needed as many as they did. There are various ways of disfranchisement. One is by statute direct. That was done. Another is by empowering the enumerator to enfranchise and disfranchise. That was done. Still another is to so place the polls that they are out of reach of the voters. That was done. Still another is not to provide enough ballots at polls known to be favourable to the opposition. That was done. To deal only with the two last mentioned cases:
Grouard Poll No. 210.
There were 183 votes polled at Grouard poll No. 210, 153 for Oliver, 28 for Griesbach, 2 ballots were spoiled. The polling division extended for ten townships from south to north, and eight from east to west, that is, it was sixty miles by lifty, not including a vast northern and largely uninhabited area. The. settlements within the area mentioned had been given seven polls at the provincial election last spring, and four in the elections of 1911. There were some 40'0 names on the voters' list. Whiteflsh Lake settlement, fifty miles by trail from Grouard, had been given a poll in the provincial elections, but no poll was given it in the recent election. Two voters traveled from Whiteflsh lake to Grouard and arrived in time to poll their votes, but five others who were on the way did not arrive until after the close of the poll owing to the day being very cold and stormy and the travel being consequently slow. The whole settlement, comprising about fifty voters, excepting the two mentioned, was effectually disfranchised by the refusal of a poll. From Indiana siding on the Dunvegan railway, where a number of fishermen were at work, the distance to the Grouard poll was over twenty miles.
The conditions at McLennan were almost exactly duplicated at Grouard. First, the people were disfranchised by the refusal of polls, and in case that would not be sufficient they were not given enough ballots. Only 150 ballots had been supplied at Grouard, although there were upwards of 400 names on the lists. The 150 ballots were exhausted about 2.3,0 p.m. After some delay the deputy returning officer permitted the use of substitute ballots by duly qualified voters. Thirty-three such ballots were used before the poll closed, and were counted by the deputy returning officer.
It may be mentioned that the Grouard settle-, ment sent a very large proportion of men to the war.
Fahler Settlement, Polls 208 and 226.
The Fahler case has been stated in full already, but a resume may .be given. Fahler settlement occupies the greater part of the townships 77 and 78, ranges 21 and 22, west of the fifth meridian. Upwards of 400 homesteads are taken and a large proportion of the settlers are in occupation. The Dunvegan railway traverses the settlement from east to west. There were five polls in the settlement in the provincial election of last spring.	No poll
was given in the settlement at the recent election. The part of the settlement in range 21 was included in McLennan poll distant from six to eighteen miles. Range 22 was included in the Smoky River poll, distant twelve to thirty miles. An old trail through the woods had to be reopened to allow the voters to reach the poll at the Smoky. There was no population at the .Smoky except two men at the railway pump house. A party of thirty-one voters of Falher left home on Saturday, cut their way through the woods, reached the poll at noon on Monday, and voted. Twelve others who left on Sunday failed to reach the poll on Monday. All these voters had to camp outside for four nights in bitterly cold weather.
And in the face of that the Prime Minister this afternoon said: "Never was there an election in Canada conducted more decently and fairly." The article proceeds:
[Stage Direction]
The vote was 31 Oliver, 5 Griesbach. The Griesbach voters were the railway pump men and the officers of the poll. The Falher settlers tried to secure railway accommodation but were refused it.
The. settlers in range 21 started for McLennan on Sunday morning and most of them arrived on Sunday night. There were only 100 ballot papers in the box. When these were all used, substitute ballots to the number of 81 were issued by the deputy returning officer. These were used by duly qualified voters in the regular way, but on the authority of what he gave as a wire from the returning officer the deputy refused to count these ballots, and they have not been counted, although they are in the box. The 100 regular ballots were counted, 94 Oliver, 4 Griesbach, 2 spoiled. After all the hardships they had endured nearly as many voters were disfranchised by shortage of ballots at the McLennan poll as were allowed to vote.
Such are a few of the examples of what happened in Alberta. The happenings in Saskatchewan were evidently -similar in character, as may be judged by a paragraph from the Regina "Leader. The Minister of Immigration and Colonization (Hon. J. A. Oalder) will be able to tell the House a little later .in the debate whether the Regina Leader is able to speak for What happened in Saskatchewan. The article reads:
Now that the elections are over, and the results of the polling are fairly complete, one thing stands out with startling clearness, and that is, 'that not only was the War-Time Elections Act a huge mistake but It was absolutely unnecesary even as a political weapon.
Perhaps no one Province in Canada was harder hit by that un-British and utterly disgraceful piece of legislation than was the Province of Saskatchewan. Nothing In the past political history of this country so aroused and antagonized our people, British-born and foreign-born, Liberal and Conservative, Protestant and Roman Catholic, as that "scrap of paper" enactment. Feeling over the defeat of Reciprocity by the eastern Tories was as nothing compared to the feeling existing in this western country against the War-Time Elections Act.
And. later in the same article the Regina Leader proceed®:
We repeat, the War-Time Elections Act was a mistake no matter from what standpoint It is viewed. It created hard feelings and division where there was no necessity of doing so and when no good object could be served thereby. It has given a serious, even dangerous, setback to the Canadianizing of our non-Englishspeaking citizens. It has shattered the confidence of these people in what was one of this country's greatest assets in securing immigration-belief in British justice and fair play and in the pledged word of all Governments under the British flag.
Now that the elections are over and Union Government sustained, one of its first acts should be to wipe this stain off our country's honour. The people of western Canada expect this; they have a right to demand it. They do demand it.

In view of the widespread condemnation of the War-time Elections Act and of the clear call for its repeal issued by Premier Martin and by other supporters of Union Government, I shall suspend further observations' on the subject until the Government shall have declared w*hat it intends to do in' the matter.
Mr. Speaker, if I have devoted considerable time to a review of 'Some of the men and the methods employed to bring about Union Government, it is not because I think they are the Chief concern of the moment. They are not. The chief concern of the moment is that Union Government has been accomplished at the expense of the loss of the good-will and confidence of three millions of Canadians. Smarting under a sense of wrongs inflicted either through disfranchisement or through wanton attacks upon their religion, three millions of Canadians are to-day sullen and distrustful, and they are not to be reinstated in their former respect for constitutional Government by the huckstering that is going on in farm tractors, postmasterships, senatorships and customs collectorships. That sort of thing may be smart trading, designed to placate certain classes and individuals, but it i® not constructive statesmanship such as Canada needs at the present moment.
While such is the need of the moment, the newspapers announce that the member for Durham (Mr. Rowell) and some other ministers are chafing to get away to a conference in London. Mr. Speaker, if these ministers are well advised they will pay attention to what needs very careful attention in Canada and they will let British statesmen look after Imperial affairs in London. It is idle to pretend that several Ministers have to run off to England to the neglect of pressing Canadian matters. The unity of this Dominion is of vastly more importance to us than the discussion as to where new boundary lines for some European country are to be laid down-a discussion at which Canadian ministers would, in any event, be mere onlookers. At present Canada is governed partly from London, but mostly from Washington. Only a few days ago we were called upon to acclaim the opening of a direct wire from Ottawa to Washington. Let none of my friends on the opposite side of the House grow nervous; for the sake of cabinet harmony I will not make any allusions to the no-truck-or-trade-with-the-Y ankee-cam-paign of 1911. What I desire to point out is that the people of this country elect their

parliamentary representatives on the understanding that they will be governed from Ottawa; that Canadian public business will be transacted by Canadians in Canada. Hence, the duty of ministers, particularly at this critical period, lies in Ottawa and not in London; and if there be any business rn London that cannot be transacted by letter or cable surely the High Commit sionei can attend to it.
Mr Speaker, it was an appreciation of conditions as they exist to-day that led Premier Martin to declare in his manifesto that
There is a situation developing in this country which, if continued, will disrupt Canada.
And it was his keen realization of the need of national unity that caused him to add this:
While there are men in the Government who were parties to the measures and the conduct which have thrown Canada into disorder today, still I have sufficient confidence in my friends who have entered that Government to believe . . . that they will put forth every effort to see that Canada is properly governed during the period of the war.
Before the present session shall have advanced very far it will be demonstrated whether or not the friends in whom Premier Martin expressed confidence will justify that confidence. If they do so by repealing the War-Time Elections Act, for which Premier Martin has specifically asked, and by adopting policies designed to bring people together rather than to keep them apart, they will have done much to repair the injuries from which the country is now suffering, and the continuance of which is alike inimical to national progress and to the part we all desire that Canada should play in this war.
Not only to Premier Martin's friends in the cabinet, but to all the members of the Government, to all the members of Parliament-aye, to all the people of Canada- there may be offered at this moment as an inspiration to that form of public service which alone can unify the discordant elements in our population, the example of the venerable leader of the Opposition, who takes up his new burdens in the spirit that breathed through the words of Gladstone's last Midlothian address: "While Nature cries aloud for rest, I am buckling on the armour."
Motion of Mr. Herbert M. Mowat (Parkdale), for an address to His Excellency the Governor General, agreed to.
On motion of Hon. Mr. Reid, the House adjourned at 9.52 p.m.
Wednesday, March 20, 1918.