argyrotsipi/train-dataset huggingface dataset:
Mental Health (Northern Ireland) (Amendment) Order 2018 — House of Lords, 2018-11-28
Topic: Mixed Topics
Angela Harris (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I thank the Minister for introducing this order. We on these Benches of course recognise that the proposed change is needed and is a matter of both patient and public safety. It is certainly in the public interest for this change to be made. We also recognise that the political parties in Northern Ireland have been briefed on the proposed changes However, we are again deeply concerned that it is necessary for this change to be made by this Parliament, rather than by the Northern Ireland Assembly. We remain deeply disappointed that more progress has not been made to restore the devolved Executive, and we have been urging the Government for many months now to take a number of steps, including appointing an independent mediator, to invigorate the talks process During the progress of the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation and Exercise of Functions) Bill, my noble friend Lord Bruce raised a number of important policy issues for Northern Ireland that are currently not being resolved there, as there is no Executive or Assembly in place. The Belfast Telegraph recently revealed that a backlog of 164 important decisions has piled up since the collapse of Stormont because there are no Ministers to make decisions. Those outstanding decisions include: an investment strategy; an action plan to tackle paramilitary activity, criminality and organised crime; dozens of public appointments; stiffer penalties for driving while using a mobile phone; minimum pricing for alcohol; publishing the Protect Life 2 strategy to tackle suicide; a superfast broadband strategy; an arts and culture strategy; and school development proposals The people of Northern Ireland are suffering. Budgets are being cut, services are under extraordinary pressure and no decisions can be taken to alleviate any of this. What a shameful situation—one that is clearly unsustainable. With each passing day, crucial decisions are not being taken, and the services on which people rely are getting deeper into financial difficulty and falling further and further behind where they should rightfully be. As well as causing real suffering to people today, this also carries with it a lost opportunity cost, with planning and infrastructure delays holding up investment and job creation Despite this, there appears to be no urgency in the efforts to restore the Assembly. We urgently need, as talks process, to restore devolution. Can the Minister tell this House when the Secretary of State will call all-party talks, so that this sort of SI will be a one-off event?
Markets in Financial Instruments (Amendment) (EU Exit) Regulations 2018 — House of Lords, 2018-11-28
Topic: Mixed Topics
Sharon Bowles (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): Does not this very regulation enable that, within the transition period, the FCA will collect that data? That is one of the other provisions. Although it might not have it now, after Brexit, as soon as we are into the transition period, it will have it.
Immigration Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-09
Topic: Civil Rights
Sarah Ludford (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I want to ask about the information gateway provisions, and in particular Amendments 8 to 11. These are very substantial and intrusive new powers introduced at a very late stage of the Bill. Will the Minister elaborate a little on the justification for introducing them and why they were not thought of at an earlier stage of the Bill, even before Committee? They seem very wide, talking about the disclosure of information, "for the purposes of the exercise of any function of the Director" Like my noble friend Lady Hamwee, I would be interested to know whether the Information Commissioner has given advice. If so, will the Minister share that advice and assessment with us? There is a need for safeguards to match the breadth and depth of the powers. It strikes me that, while mention is made of the Data Protection Act and the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act—which is not quite RIP—there is, of course, a new EU regulation on data protection that will be directly applicable and therefore will not have to be transposed into an Act of Parliament. Have these powers been health-checked against the new regulation, which may be somewhat tighter than the Data Protection Act in certain areas I want to ask specifically about medical confidentiality. In Amendment 9, which introduces a new clause after Clause 5, subsection (1) says: "A disclosure of information … authorised by section (Information gateways) does not breach … an obligation of confidence owed by the person making the disclosure" Since health bodies—NHS trusts, the Care Quality Commission and so on—are on the list for information sharing, this obviously raises the question of whether medical information is going to be covered, which is likely There do not seem to be any similar provisions to those in new subsections (5), (6), (7) and (8) of the new clause in relation to intelligence information and information pertaining to HMRC, where there is an obligation not to disclose information, "without authorisation from the appropriate service chief", or "from HMRC Commissioners". There does not seem to be anything comparable for medical data. Clearly, these are sensitive personal data for which a higher level of stewardship is already required under the Data Protection Act, and even more so under the new EU regulation. I would like an assurance that these provisions have gone through the filter of the ICO and the new EU regulation.
Immigration Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-09
Topic: Immigration
John Roger Roberts (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lords, Lord Rosser and Lord Alton, and my noble friend Lady Hamwee. I see this whole issue as one with far wider implications than just allowing asylum seekers to work. Sometimes I get quite depressed thinking about the legacy we will hand over to our children and grandchildren. Is it a legacy where every hope has been withdrawn, or one in which there is hope even though there are difficulties I see this as an opportunity to extend some hope to people who are here often in desperate circumstances. It has already been mentioned that trying to exist on £36 a week is not easy. People who want to work, to contribute to the taxation of the UK, and to support their families, or who have skills that they would love to develop and extend, are people we should encourage. When the time comes—I hope we will test the feeling of the House—I ask the House to say, "Yes, we’re going to provide a beacon of hope. We’re not going to lift another drawbridge or make it more difficult". We know that it is difficult, but I think, and I am not often a pessimist, that, in the years to come, the problems of the present day—migration, destitution, poverty and everything else—will be increased. This is our chance as a House to say that we are trying to help people and somehow provide a legacy that has at least some hope attached to it. It gives me terrific pleasure to support the amendment in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Alton.
Immigration Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-09
Topic: Immigration
Sarah Ludford (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): The answer to that, as I said at the beginning, is to apply the law more efficiently. There is every benefit in making things above the law and in regularising people’s right to work. The more we can bring people into the light of day—what they are doing, whether they are legally in the country and whether they have a right to work—the better for enforcement. What is so pernicious for public confidence in the asylum system is the idea that so much of what is done is not being properly regulated, enforced or managed. That is where the concentration and the focus has to be. Like my noble friend, I fully support this amendment.
Immigration Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-09
Topic: Immigration
Sarah Ludford (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): The Minister kindly gave me an opening. I do not want to be an EU bore—although I guess I am—but whatever the Labour Government did, which I do not agree with, EU law in the previous reception conditions directive said that you had to allow asylum seekers to work at least after 12 months. There was nothing whatever to stop a Government allowing asylum seekers to work after six months. The Government have not opted into the new receptions conditions directive 2013; they did not follow the habit of previous Governments. That is the one that says that you have to allow asylum seekers to work after nine months—but you can let them work after three months if you want.
Trade Union Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-16
Topic: Other
Benjamin Stoneham (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I am glad that the amendment has been passed but obviously we will wait to see the Government’s reaction. We therefore reserve the right to come back on this but, in the mean time, I shall not move Amendment 11.
Renewables Obligation Closure Etc. (Amendment) Order 2016 — House of Lords, 2016-03-16
Topic: Housing
James Wallace (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I am interested in what the noble Lord is saying. He seems to be saying that if there is clear evidence of a significant financial investment being made before a planning decision was made, developers will qualify for the grace period. Why is he not currently doing the same for onshore wind, where the cut-off seems to be far more arbitrary?
Litvinenko Inquiry — House of Lords, 2016-01-21
Topic: Mixed Topics
Brian Paddick (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I, too, thank the Minster for repeating the Statement made by the Home Secretary. The death of Mr Litvinenko, although it happened almost 10 years ago, is shocking and tragic, and we hope Marina Litvinenko and her son can find some solace in the findings of this report There are fundamental issues at stake here. Sir Robert Owen cites as the motivation for the murder of Mr Litvinenko his criticism of the Russian domestic security service and of the Russian President, Mr Putin, and his association with other Russian dissidents. He concluded that Mr Litvinenko may have been consigned to a slow death from radiation to "send a message". Freedom of expression and freedom of association are fundamental human rights, and we cannot allow foreign Governments to murder people in this country, let alone a British citizen, for expressing such views or for associating with critics of a particular regime. Such an act cannot be left without serious consequences for Russia We acknowledge with gratitude the role of the security and intelligence services and the police in keeping us safe, and we accept the Home Secretary’s assertion that some of the work the security and intelligence services carry out in combating the threat from hostile states must remain secret. We also acknowledge the constant struggle the police and the security services face in trying to keep abreast of developments in technology. Any increase in investigatory powers must none the less be necessary and proportionate and must not unnecessarily undermine the right to free speech and the right to private and family life Will the Minster explain how the conclusions of this report have come as such a surprise to the Government that it is only this morning that the Home Secretary has written to the Director of Public Prosecutions asking her to consider whether further action should be taken? It is the Government who should already have taken action in freezing the assets and banning the travel of all those linked to this murder. I accept that a head of state cannot be subjected to a travel ban, but there is no reason why the Government cannot signal their intention to impose one as soon as Mr Putin leaves office Why are the Government limiting themselves to expressing their "profound displeasure" at Russia’s failure to co-operate and provide satisfactory answers? Why are they not expressing their outrage that state-sponsored murder by Russia to silence its critics has been carried out on British soil? The Government’s response is late, lame and lamentable.
Enterprise Bill [HL] — House of Lords, 2016-04-19
Topic: Domestic Commerce
Robin Teverson (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I thank the Minister very much for her kind words and the noble Lord, Lord Mendelsohn, for his great support and that of his colleagues all the way through this process. I also very much welcome the work and effort that the Minister put into persuading her ministerial colleagues to go down this route. I am sure that she was vital in that process. I hope that, because of this, as she said, all parts of the House are happy with the position we have reached and that the conditions which were put in the Bill will now be delivered in practice. As we have always said from these Benches, we were not really concerned with how it happened as long as it did happen. I am sure that we will have an institution which we in the United Kingdom, including the environmental movement and the financial community, can be proud of for many years to come, and that we will not face yet another generic financial institution with no real focus in the environmental area or anywhere else. We have avoided that happening in the longer term I want to speak briefly to Amendment 30B, in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Mendelsohn. We have had a number of discussions about the privatisation of the Green Investment Bank. One area of discussion was the frustration—I came to be very sympathetic to the Government over this—in trying to determine whether amending legislation would mean that an institution on which we were legislating ended up in the public or private sector. I read through all the guidelines published by Europe and the ONS on classification but it seems that, despite them, a lot of these issues are not straightforward. They are quite subjective in many ways. The nub of this—the noble Lord, Lord Mendelsohn, put this over very well—is that it gets in the way of the parliamentary process. If, because of a particular amendment or the way in which legislation is written, the Government cannot be certain at the end of that process whether a body is in the public or private sector, it means that they are forced to be conservative with a small "c" in estimating how an amendment should be phrased. That is not healthy for parliamentary debate or the way in which legislation is formed Although this is a limited amendment, I very much agree with its spirit. But I say to the House that this area needs to be investigated further. The amendment would not challenge in any way the independence of the ONS, which is clearly sacred; but its transparency and the way its decisions are made, pre-event as well as ex post, are extremely important. I wish the Green Investment Bank every continued success in its mission to stimulate the green economy. It has been successful in the past and I hope that, through its privatisation, it will be even more successful in the future.
Trade Union Bill — House of Lords, 2016-04-19
Topic: Other
Paul Tyler (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, at the risk of contributing to this lordly love-in, I want to refer to an additional reason why I very much welcome the statement made by the noble Lord, Lord Bridges, about the opportunity to think again between now and Third Reading. Clause 14 relies hugely on secondary legislation—on regulations—including new subsection (3), which would have been the subject of government Amendment 21A. As we all too often recognise in this House, the devil is in the detail, and that is particularly so in this Bill.
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Housing
Catherine Bakewell (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I rise to speak in support of this group of amendments, and specifically to Amendment 62. I and my colleagues remain totally opposed to the sale of high-value council properties in order to subsidise the right-to-buy discount for a small number of lucky housing association tenants who may well qualify for the right-to-buy scheme. We are not opposed to housing association tenants having the opportunity to buy their homes, but this should not be at a cost to council tax payers in general. The way the Government have constructed the calculations on the sale of high-value housing is nothing short of a tax on local authorities which is neither transparent nor equitable For the vast majority of councils, selling off their high-value homes will mean that they are unlikely to be able to discharge their duty to rehouse larger families. It is not the case that every area has a stock of homes in conservation areas, or in areas where house prices are beyond the reach even of the council officers. We heard from my noble friend Lord Greaves earlier in Committee about the prices the houses in his area are likely to fetch.
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Housing
Barbara Janke (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I, too, support this group of amendments. I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Best, for highlighting my own local authority of Bristol and the policies it has adopted over the years, which provide examples of really good practice. I must say that, in view of the fact that we are supposed to be delegating more powers to local authorities, the draconian nature of the measures in the Bill seems entirely counterproductive As has been said, Bristol has its own asset management plan. It has generated £3 million a year to be reinvested in areas of most need and to build social housing. The plan considers how public assets can be reinvested to provide social housing, particularly for those most in need. Those in my authority would find it totally unacceptable for their public assets again to be siphoned off to be reinvested in other areas for housing for people who are not the most in need. Before producing the Bill, the Government might have looked at some of the better schemes and good practice going on within local authorities, and the level of need for social housing and affordable housing The Government’s talk of creating houses to buy completely disregards the fact that many people, particularly in our cities, will never be in that position and will now find that their authorities cannot enter into those creative ways of providing new housing for people in need. My authority has entered into partnerships with the private sector, charities and housing associations for excellent refurbishment schemes of some existing stock and to create new homes for those most in need in different parts of our city. I very much support what has already been said and hope the Minister and her team will look at existing best practice and think again about the measures proposed.
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Other
Graham Norman Tope (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, we have very many reasons to be grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Kerslake, but I suspect that in years to come he may well be remembered most for giving us the term "manifesto fundamentalism". I was going to attempt to define it, but the noble Lord has just done so in a very much better way than I could. Maybe it is something like "the irrational adherence to a manifesto detail when there is a demonstrably better way of achieving the greater policy objective in that manifesto". I am sure that, over time, others will be able to refine that definition more, but I think that that is what we are talking about—an irrational adherence to a clearly poor way of achieving the objective My noble friend Lady Bakewell at the beginning of the debate—
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Other
John Warren Shipley (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I will clarify that matter. I agree entirely that it would have been much better had the Bill started in the House of Lords; then, some of these issues could perhaps have been put right before it reached the other place. That said, the Bill is here and we have a requirement to comment on it, amend it and vote on it. I have just said that our view on these Benches is that this is, for us, a red-line issue.
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Other
John Warren Shipley (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): We are here on day five in Committee on the Bill and the Government are still part-way through a consultation. Would the Minister not agree with me that it would have been much better if the Government had acted sooner and had the information ready for consideration in Committee?
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Housing
John Warren Shipley (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I just want the Minister to understand the importance of this policy. Our red line is the compulsory or forced sale of high-value council homes when there is a need for them in the locality. That is the red line. The fact that part of the receipts might be used to build a replacement or support the purchase by the tenant of a housing association property is secondary to the issue of a local authority having the power to decide whether there is a need for that property. I hope that the Minister understands the importance of that.
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Housing
Graham Norman Tope (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Campbell-Savours, is referring to a situation that the noble Baroness, Lady Hanham, and I fought very hard over during the passage of the Deregulation Act. We fought very hard to resist the change to the requirement in London to get planning consent, for exactly the reasons he describes. I think the company to which the noble Lord referred a number of times is actually Airbnb. We should record the name correctly in case there is an Airbub somewhere. Airbnb is probably the biggest company—but not the only one by any means—in a rapidly growing industry in inner London, and is causing the considerable problems that he described. If these provisions go through, the situation can only get even worse. We had a lot of very strong representations from community associations and residents’ associations, particularly around central London, who said that they no longer had any idea who their neighbours were for exactly the reasons the noble Lord gave, as those people were changing literally on a daily basis because the properties were let out to tourists and visitors on an industrial scale.
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Other
Donald Foster (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I apologise, and I know that the Minister is as frustrated as the rest of us, but I just remind her that at Second Reading I specifically asked whether she could provide us with a tentative timetable for when various bits of secondary legislation would be made available to Members of your Lordships’ House. The Minister gave me an assurance at that time that she would do her best to try and provide that. The department must have a timescale. They have a team of people working on these different issues and the members of those different groups must have some indication of where they are and when things are likely to be available. Could she at least try to do what she said she would do at Second Reading, and make that available to Members of your Lordships’ House?
Housing and Planning Bill — House of Lords, 2016-03-10
Topic: Other
John Warren Shipley (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, perhaps the Minister could tell me when the next set will be. I thought the technical briefings had come to an end. I attended at least three and, I have to say, they were profoundly unuseful for the very reason that we are aware of across your Lordships’ House: virtually no question we ask can be answered because nobody who is an official knows the answer to it.