argyrotsipi/train-dataset huggingface dataset:
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Stewart Malcolm McDonald (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): The right hon. Gentleman talks about having a mandate for this Bill. His party was wholly rejected in Scotland, so why does he not enter discussions with the Scottish Government to devolve trade union law to the Scottish Parliament?
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Christopher Charles Stephens (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): Why have the Government not consulted the devolved Administrations and local authorities across the UK about facility time? They would tell him about its benefits, because these employers and organisations see the benefits of facility time.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Christopher Charles Stephens (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): I rise in total opposition to this Bill. Let me declare my Unison membership and my 20 years of trade union activity before my election. In my maiden speech in this place, I said: "The trade union movement gave me a political education and the confidence to stand for election, and I know that this experience is shared with other Members who did not have a privileged start in life."—[Official Report, 4 June 2015; Vol. 596, c. 832.] I will never be ashamed of being a trade unionist The irony of this Bill is that it comes from a political party that believes the answer in today’s world is to deregulate—except in the case of the trade union movement and trade union law. The unions are subjected to heavy regulation, which the Tories bitterly oppose in other circumstances. This is a timely reminder that this Government fear the trade union movement and that this Government know they can be defeated. That is because the trade union movement is the largest group in civic society that stands up against exploitation. The Bill will lead to a deterioration of good industrial relations and it has no support within public opinion. It is designed to reduce civil liberties and human rights The Bill also displays a remarkable ignorance—we have heard about that from several speakers already. The Government attempt to justify this Bill by citing industrial action that actually meets the thresholds. The Bill seeks to introduce the 40% rule, but I think it is dangerous for this Government to introduce that rule because the last time a Government tried to introduce such a rule, which affected Scotland, they had a low majority and they ended up being kicked out in a vote of no confidence. We will have the situation where dead people will be described as "not supporting" industrial action. That is why the thresholds are dangerous.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Christopher Charles Stephens (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): That is exactly what it is designed to do. This attack is to weaken the rights of trade union members. When it comes to political funds, it should be up to the trade union members to decide. If members have issues about who trade unions are funding, it is up to them to organise themselves and to take up the matter with their trade unions—just as I always do. When my union funds a campaign that I might not necessarily support, I am told, quite rightly, that it should be up to us to organise.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Christopher Charles Stephens (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): Yes, indeed. I think the system is transparent. In my own trade union, we had the choice to fund the affiliated political fund within Unison or the general political fund, or even to opt out of the political fund The other danger with this Bill is that it politicises the role of the certification officer. We are also concerned with the new proposals on picketing and providing names. Such measures can only result in a new blacklist. Anyone who is a picket might as well wear two armbands—"union picket" on one arm and "blacklist me" on the other. That sets a very dangerous precedent. It also does not take into account the fact that Scotland and England have different criminal laws. I believe that is why we have heard comparisons with Franco’s regime The other concern relates to agency workers who are not supported by the agencies themselves. That can lead only to distrust within a workplace between those who are agency workers and those who work for the employer. Any time an employer asks a trade union about bringing in agency workers, there will immediately be suspicions about what the employer is up to. It is a rogue employers’ charter and the Government must think again on the matter I want to talk about check-off and facility time, and the incredible statements we have heard from the Government in that regard. I submitted a written parliamentary question on check-off and received the following answer from the Cabinet Office: "It is no longer appropriate for public sector employers to carry the administrative burden of providing a check off facility for those trade unions that have not yet modernised their subscription arrangements. Employers are under no obligation to offer this service. There would therefore be no cost associated with an employer not providing this service" That shows a lot of ignorance, because what the Government appear not to know—they seem blissfully unaware of this—is that in many instances trade unions pay for check-off and for workers on facility time Let me give some examples of the deductions that could be made from a worker’s salary: charities’ give-as-you-earn, season ticket loans, credit union payments, staff associations—under these proposals there can be deductions for staff associations, but not for trade unions—bicycle loans, council tax and rent. Those are just examples of what can be deducted from a worker’s salary, and the Government call removing check-off modernisation! What a ludicrous suggestion.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Christopher Charles Stephens (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): The point is that they have chosen to provide the service for free. If there was a genuine consultation on this, many public bodies, including the Scottish and Welsh Governments, would say that they are not interested in removing check-off. Indeed, my former employer, Glasgow City Council, has today said that it is not interested and that it will ignore the request. The hon. Gentleman appears to suggest that people join trade unions automatically, but that is not the case. I signed a form and decided to tick my political fund arrangements on that basis. Our view is that the Government have no right to interfere in the industrial relations of councils, health boards or devolved Administrations in the United Kingdom. Facility time improves industrial relations. It negates issues that would otherwise go to tribunal. If an employer has good facility time arrangements, disciplinary hearings and grievance hearings, for example, are conducted in a timeous fashion. If facility time is interfered with, those timescales will slip. Facility time is a good thing; it is good for industrial relations and it gets things done.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Christopher Charles Stephens (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): I agree, because what has happened to collective bargaining is tragic. In 1979, for example, 81% of workers in Scotland had their pay determined by collective bargaining, but that figure is now 23%. Collective bargaining should be encouraged across the board, because it leads to higher wages The Government should be going in the opposite direction. We need stronger trade union rights and stronger employment rights in this country. It cannot be right that an employer can issue a 45-day redundancy notice to a worker. That was one of the big mistakes of the previous Administration. We believe that trade unions have the right to bargain collectively. We believe that this Bill seeks to undermine the great work of the trade union movement. It is a 19th-century solution in a 21st-century world.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Government Operations
Martin John Docherty-Hughes (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): Does my hon. Friend agree that this Bill by the British Government is a real threat to the positive working relationships between the Scottish Government and the Scottish Trades Union Congress? The secretary-general of the STUC has said: "The Westminster Government is essentially arguing, on the basis of an apparent desire to save ‘taxpayers money’ that the Scottish Government"— a devolved Government in this United Kingdom— "should not be allowed . . . to promote positive working relationships" Should not this Bill just be thrown out, because if we are "better together" it doesn’t bloody well feel like it?
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Hannah Mary Bardell (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the use of the terms "working families" and "working people" as if people who are involved in trade unions are not good working people is offensive—just as offensive as this Bill is?
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Mhairi Black (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): Saying that strikes are disruptive is not an argument against trade unions. They are meant to cause some kind of disruption, in order to show how strongly people feel and the lengths they are prepared to go to.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Government Operations
Kirsten Frances Oswald (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the chief executive of the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development has suggested that the Bill is dealing with problems of the past and has nothing to do with the current situation?
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Owen George Thompson (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): For the record, I am not, and never have been, a member of a trade union. I want to bring to the debate my perspective as a former council leader at Midlothian council, where I worked closely with the local trade unions. In that role, essentially working between the management and the unions, I saw the real benefits and genuine improvements, which we can never take away from, that trade unions can bring to their members and wider society I have always found that working together across disagreements and towards a common goal is the best way to achieve success, not the Dickensian-style sledgehammer proposed in the Bill. When even Conservative Members are referring to the Bill as "Franco-style", we have to recognise that there is something seriously wrong. In Midlothian council, by working closely with our trade unions and negotiating between the unions and the management, and thanks to the SNP Administration, we were able to introduce a living wage—a genuine living wage, not the pretend one the Government are trying to palm off on people—within a few months of coming to office in May 2012 That is not the only thing we managed. We worked closely with union representatives to deliver a non-compulsory redundancy policy that allowed further staff development. By doing so, we engaged the unions when it came to the difficult budget decisions necessary as a result of the Government’s austerity agenda. The Bill, by alienating trade unions and making it almost impossible for them to operate in a reasonable environment, would utterly threaten that approach and completely undermine the positive progress that is possible when people work together Only this afternoon, a group of scientists employed at the Centre for Ecology and Hydrology in Midlothian had to take the unprecedented step of strike action. These are members of the Prospect trade union who felt there was no choice left other than to take strike action. These are not the kind of people many Government Members have talked about—they have painted a picture of bully picket lines and monstrous picket actions—but workers who have tried all other possible measures and felt they needed to take strike action for the first time in over 30 years.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Angus Brendan MacNeil (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): My hon. Friend is indeed giving a different perspective from the other side of the table from the trade unions. Does he agree that in Scotland this law is not needed or wanted and is in fact an alien law that will create difficulties rather than help?
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Owen George Thompson (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): Whatever views there might be on the political levy, the Bill is most certainly not the way to deal with it. Members are perfectly entitled to withdraw their support from the Labour party, as I know many SNP members have done, but the Bill is not the way to deal with that As I mentioned, the strikers this afternoon were not involved in the sort of wildcat or intimidating protests mentioned by Government Members, but simply workers with no other option. As others have pointed out, disorder is uncommon and can be dealt with by other means; there is no need for a specific trade union Bill. The Bill is absolutely wrong. I can think of no other way to put it. The Government need to take a step back, listen to the contributions of Opposition Members, think again and introduce something completely different that respects and moves the trade union movement forward, rather than using a sledgehammer to shut it down.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Christopher Charles Stephens (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): Will the hon. Gentleman confirm that there are trade union traditions within many of the political parties, even the Conservative party, which has the equivalent of what can only be described as a "walk out"—a privilege denied to the trade union movement in this country?
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Angela Crawley (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): I rise to oppose the Bill. It is being a member of the Unite trade union and the daughter of former trade union shop stewards that underpins my advocacy of workers’ rights. The Bill is deeply damaging to workers’ rights and is just the latest example of how out of touch the Government are with the hard-working people of this country. The Bill denies the important role that trade unions provide in protecting and enhancing workers’ rights. As the Scottish National party’s spokesperson for equalities, women and children, I, along with colleagues across the Opposition Benches, recognise the important role that trade unions play in collective bargaining power that has benefited many women across my constituency to obtain fair pay for fair work in the recent equal pay dispute The SNP strongly opposes the proposed reforms, because they will erode democracy in the workplace. The Bill would restrict the power of devolved Administrations, local governments and other public bodies to determine their own industrial relations. Do Members on the Government Benches not see that good employment practices are key to economic competitiveness and social justice? Workers across the UK deserve the right to strike. It is an important outlet to promote social justice and improve employment conditions. The reforms would not allow social justice in the workplace to be pursued The UK Government’s Trade Union Bill starts from the false premise that unions are bad and that our activities should be curtailed. The Scottish Government have actively sought to promote the very constructive role that unions play in the workplace, the wider economy and civil society I echo the sentiments of trade unions that rightly criticise the Bill for allowing "businesses to behave badly by undermining the right to strike" Trade unions helped to establish the Equality Act 2010, protecting thousands of individuals from discrimination on the basis of gender, race, religion or sexuality. Those protections in the workplace allow those with additional needs or physical barriers to make a significant contribution to the workplace. Perhaps the Government should consider the hypocritical rhetoric of helping people back into work on one hand, while gradually eroding the role of trade unions in the workplace on the other I close by reiterating the fundamental point outlined in article 11 of the European convention on human rights, which provides the qualified right to "freedom of peaceful assembly…and to join trade unions for the protection of…interests" Are the measures in the Bill necessary in a democratic society? I place the burden on the Government to justify them as proportional, and I implore the House to oppose this arbitrary Bill.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Natalie McGarry (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): I would like to make it clear at the outset that I am proud of my previous membership of a trade union, but I am certainly not financed or sponsored by one. I come to the Chamber to speak today because it is right to oppose this ideological attack on workers, a Bill that will have widespread ramifications for workers’ ability to organise and take industrial action, which we on the Scottish National party Benches view as deeply pernicious. It can be no coincidence that any increase in public sector strike action coincides with Tory-imposed austerity on public sector services and the restriction of access to justice with the implementation of tribunal fees, especially for women. It will come as no surprise to anyone who has heard the Tories’ poisonous rhetoric towards trade unions that this Bill should seek to undermine workers’ rights. If anybody had yet to see through the Tories’ claim to be the "party of working people", the Bill exposes that claim as the ridiculous and ludicrous lie that it is Trade unions are the very fabric of this society: we may not always like what they have to say or always agree with them, but they perform a vital role in protecting workers and strengthening their voice. We should protect their right to strike with every breath we have. It is important in matters such as pay, work and employment conditions that unions are the first point of support and advice to people across all types of professions. In attacking the trade unions, the UK Government are actively undermining their support and attacking the ability of workers to stand up for their own rights. Amnesty International has said this Bill is a major attack on civil liberties. In looking at the potential impact of it, I would rather place my trust in Amnesty International than in the Conservative party This measure effectively treats abstentions as no votes, which warps the democratic process. Indeed, the 40% rule will be familiar to people in my Glasgow East constituency and in Scotland, as the same trick that saw the ’79 devolution referendum overturned—with the abstention of even the dead yet to be removed from the electoral register counting as a no vote The hypocrisy is clear, with this coming from a majority Government who received the votes of just a quarter of the total electorate earlier this year. For his part, the Business Secretary received almost 54% of the vote in his constituency, but just 38% of the local electorate actively voted for him. Would he say that he did not win a decisive mandate in that election? It is utterly inexcusable that he seeks to hold trade union democracy to a completely different standard This Bill will damage workers’ rights and impose undemocratic and hypocritical restrictions on the right to strike. Rather than de-legitimising last-resort industrial action, this Government should be working with trade unions and employers to create a better environment. That would be a far more ambitious and constructive approach to take if this Bill really were about progress.
Trade Union Bill — House of Commons, 2015-09-14
Topic: Labor
Thomas Sheppard (Scottish National Party, Centre-left): I must confess that, earlier this afternoon, I was almost touched by some of the contributions from Conservative Members. I had not realised until then that they had such a passionate commitment to the trade unions in this country. Some of the stories of their personal and familial involvement in the industrial disputes of yore were almost touching. Then, of course, I realised that it was all a charade, a fabrication concocted by the Conservative public relations machine to mask the true intent of these proposals. No matter how many crocodile anecdotes and weasel words they come up with, the truth is that this is an anti-trade union Bill Why the requirement for 40%, we might ask. That is simply the result of a calculation by the Government that, when opinion is divided, a union will have to have participation levels of 80% or more. They rightly think that that will be very difficult to obtain, and of course they are doing nothing to improve participation through e-balloting or other contemporary mechanisms. This is simply a ploy to prevent people from going on strike Given the way in which the Government talk about check-off and facility agreements, anyone would think that those were statutory requirements from which employers needed to be freed. They are, however, voluntary arrangements that are freely entered into between employers and employees. If I am running a business, what right do this Government have to tell me how I should consult and involve my employees in that business? Then there is the four-month expiry of mandate clause. Let us be clear: that is nothing other than a licence for bad employers to sit it out and wait for the mandate to expire. They can watch the clock ticking down and in the meantime bring in agency labour to undermine the union that has gone on strike Every clause in the Bill has been designed to make it harder for ordinary people to organise themselves at work and to advance and defend their rights, and to make it harder for their national organisations to operate on their behalf. That is why Scottish National party Members oppose these proposals completely My final question is: why now? What great industrial crisis exists in Britain today that requires this Bill to be at the epicentre of the Government’s legislative programme? There is none. The truth is that this is not about making Britain better or about running things better; it is about satisfying a blood lust inside the Conservative party. These are the most vindictive, narrow-minded and reactionary proposals that we have seen in this House, and we should reject them completely.