argyrotsipi/train-dataset huggingface dataset:
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: International Affairs
David Anderson (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, these agreements fairly reflect the political priorities of their parties. These included, on our side, a dogmatic and substantively empty notion of sovereignty that confounds the reputation that we once enjoyed as Europe’s canny pragmatists. As a young man in the office of Commissioner Lord Cockfield, I observed the removal of precisely the red tape that now returns to constrict us, so my enthusiasm for this deal has its limits. In the security field, a particular regret is the loss of access to the immensely useful SIS II database. We must hope that dogma on the European side does not defeat the data adequacy determination on which so much else will depend. However, given the dismal alternative, I greet these agreements with relief, see much in them that is good, and will focus today on the terms of the Bill itself I would describe it as an essay-crisis Bill. Four increasingly expansive styles may be spotted in its hastily assembled pages. The first style, seen at the start in the treatment of criminal records, is the careful hand-threading of these agreements into existing law. On VAT fraud and social security, a more broad-brush approach is taken. Whole protocols to the agreement are simply pasted into domestic law—whether seamlessly or not, only time will tell. Thirdly, we have delegated powers. These clauses feature elements that your Lordships found exorbitant in the 2018 EU withdrawal Bill, including a power to create new criminal offences punishable by up to two years in prison, and a bootstraps power to amend the Bill itself, if "appropriate". Henry VIII has been on the steroids again Finally, to cover any gaps left by even these broad provisions, we have Clause 29, which requires our judges to give effect to domestic law "with such modifications as are required for the purposes of implementing" the agreements. The objective is noble, but implementation often requires choices, and to impose those choices on the courts is to push them towards the forbidden ground of policy. The existing legal doctrines of direct effect and strong interpretation have inherent limits which avoid that result. Clause 29 contains no such limits. Perhaps it is an afterthought. It certainly needs knocking into shape This is a rushed Bill—inevitably—which I strongly regret that we are in no position to scrutinise or to improve. But, as the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor, said, our committees will scrutinise it after it becomes law. If necessary improvements are identified, I hope that we will find a way of making them.
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: International Affairs
Ruth Deech (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, this is a grand and historic day for democracy because, after four years of unprecedented resistance by parliamentarians to the will of the people, as expressed through three votes—the referendum and two elections—it has come to pass. We should congratulate the draftsmen and draftswomen and the determination and skill of the negotiators on reaching an agreement up against a deadline and on upholding the goal of sovereignty in the face of huge resistance and chicanery, not least in this place. It was clear that Mrs von der Leyen had never understood it when she defined sovereignty as being able to work, travel, study and do business in 27 countries—as if sovereignty was an Interrail ticket—and said that in a time of crisis it was about, as she put it, pulling each other up instead of trying to get back on your feet alone, which is precisely what the EU states have not done during the Covid crisis We have had a lucky escape. Had the UK stayed in an EU pursuing further integration, we would have been faced with more euro crises, more bailouts of states stricken with Covid, a common defence policy and European forces under the command of the EU. In its pursuit of federalism, the EU has given rise to the repression of minorities and to extremist politics. The former Governor of the Bank of England, Mark Carney, said in his first Reith lecture that the EU embodies financial valuing over human valuing. It is a union that pursues economic benefits but does not share fundamental values, whether over foreign policy, religion, immigration, freedom of speech or the rule of law, where the UK has clear beliefs For example, this month your Lordships voted by a large majority to revoke trade deals with countries found guilty of genocide. Meanwhile, the EU is finalising the EU-China comprehensive agreement on investment. The EU has asked nothing new of China; there are no preconditions relating to the abuse of the Uighurs, or even of Hong Kong. So where is the EU’s commitment to human rights, so often proclaimed? It has even thrown the British judge off the court, which was not called for and not because it was dependent on our being in the EU. As Voltaire said of the English, "They are not only jealous of their own liberty, but even of that of other nations." Never again must we tie our fate to countries whose history, laws and customs are so antipathetic to our own. We can now pursue the rule of law and human rights without hindrance.
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: International Affairs
David Pannick (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Austin, on his powerful maiden speech and thank him for his heroic efforts in fighting anti-Semitism Almost all this debate has focused on the contents of the agreement, which this House cannot amend. I will focus briefly on how the Bill implements the agreement into our law, a matter on which some of us would have wished to move amendments Like my noble friend Lord Anderson of Ipswich, I am particularly concerned about Clause 29, which makes all existing domestic law subject to the contents of this agreement, unless equivalent provisions have been enacted. I understand of course why this needs to be done as a matter of urgency before 11 pm tomorrow, but as a permanent provision on our statute book it is not acceptable. Clause 29 means that in all the areas covered by the agreement, from agriculture to transport, the legal clarity and certainty which our statute book aims to achieve, and usually does, is now subject to the terms of the agreement—terms which are in so many places deliberately vague in order to secure consensus between this country and the EU Because of the legal uncertainty that Clause 29 will inevitably cause, it is a great deal for lawyers—I declare my interest—but not for anyone else. Clause 29 should therefore have a shelf life of no more than six months. Clauses 31 and those following already confer broad powers on Ministers—I would say excessively broad—to make regulations to ensure the consistency of our laws with the agreement. Ministers should have a duty to do that and to sort the statute book out by 1 July next year, on which date Clause 29 should cease to apply As the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor of Bolton, said, in the 21st report of your Lordships’ Constitution Committee, produced at unconstitutional speed yesterday, we give notice that we will be reporting on this and other constitutional concerns about this Bill early in the new year. We must pass this Bill today, but post-legislative scrutiny in January is essential.
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: International Affairs
Roger Thomas (Crossbench, Unknown): As there is now no alternative to this deal, except no deal, there is one brief point I wish to make for the future. There we do have an alternative: implementing the deal in a way that rolls back the growth and supremacy of the executive branch of Government, which this Bill seeks further to strengthen, in ways described by the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor, and the noble Lords, Lord Pannick and Lord Anderson of Ipswich. That alternative requires the restoration of the position of Parliament, adherence to the devolution arrangements and ensuring the continued independence of the other branches of Government I will take one illustration: state aid, set out in part 2, heading 1, title XI of the treaty. Its proper implementation and operation are essential to our prosperity, and to a strong relationship with the European Union. One central provision again suffices: article 3.9 within that title, which requires the UK and the EU each to establish "an operationally independent … body with an appropriate role in its subsidy control regime." There are at least five defining tasks that we must carry out in relation to this one article alone. First, consensus is needed with the devolved Governments for, although state aid control is now a reserved matter, state aid is devolved. Secondly, proper registration, dealing with all the detail, is needed, not framework legislation with delegated powers. Thirdly, the independent authority that is to exercise the control over subsidies must have independent decision-making powers, and not be some sort of quango advising the executive branch of government. Fourthly, there must be no attempt to curtail proper judicial review or appeal, by independent courts or tribunals, of the decisions. Finally, the working of these arrangements in the UK, and the way the corresponding arrangements work in the EU, must be scrutinised by a properly resourced parliamentary committee That is the task in relation to one article, but if it is achieved for that article in relation to state control, and there are similar achievements in the countless other new arrangements necessary, we should be able to ensure that, as the UK regains control, that control is exercised through parliamentary sovereignty, under the properly balanced operation of our constitution, and not under executive supremacy.
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: Foreign Trade
Deborah Bull (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I share the dilemma expressed so often today, faced with an agreement that is far from the one I would like to see but far better than no deal at all. I particularly regret those places where even the Prime Minister concedes that the deal does not go far enough, and I make no apologies for revisiting my familiar theme of services, which contribute so much to the economy, exports and employment but which are so poorly served by this deal. Its service provisions are not only limited but are subject to a vast list of exceptions, varied by sector and member state. Crucial issues such as data adequacy, passporting rights and financial equivalence are unresolved, and the end of mutual recognition of qualifications is a serious blow Services were always going to be hit hard by the determination to end freedom of movement. So, although the deal allows short-term business visitors to enter the EU visa-free for 90 days in any six months, the activities they can undertake are limited—more a case of networking than work. Meetings, trade exhibitions, conferences, consultation and market research are all fine, but any selling of goods or services directly to the public is subject to a work visa, the requirements for which will vary across each member state The cultural sector is particularly ill served, with visa-free travel seemingly denied to working performers, artists and musicians, who now face new burdens of admin, carnets and costs. The absence of any creative, cultural or media services and occupations in the SERVIN 3 and 4 lists of suppliers and independent professionals will impact across music, film and TV, dance, theatre, journalism, gigging, photography, fashion and more The Prime Minister spoke this morning of "restoring a great British industry"— he meant fishing— "to the eminence that it deserves", but one cost of this has been the sacrifice of services, including the creative industries, which really are one of the truly great British industries of today. The Minister assured me in yesterday’s very helpful briefing that performing artists and musicians are in fact covered in the deal, but I still struggle to understand how. Perhaps he could clarify this on the record today and, subsequently, in writing to the House This deal denies the next generation the freedoms that we have enjoyed, and I believe that it will have economic, social and cultural consequences. But today we are all Henry Hobson—we face Hobson’s choice—and I cannot support no deal. This agreement will at least delay divergence. It carries the promise of further agreements and, at five-year intervals, it gives us the chance to review and improve. It offers a framework on which our future relationship with our nearest neighbours can be built. For those reasons, and despite my reservations, I will be voting to implement it in law.
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: Foreign Trade
Robert Kerslake (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I fear that today’s debate is something of a sham. We have just an afternoon and evening to debate the agreement, which was made available to us only a matter of days ago, with little realistic prospect of amending it. To all intents and purposes, we are spectators and commentators rather than true legislators or scrutineers. This is deeply regrettable, but it does at least free us up to talk instead about the wider issues involved There are two ways of looking at the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement: first, what we have avoided, and secondly, what we have lost. We have avoided coming to the end of the transition period without a trade agreement, with all the disruption and economic damage that that would have involved. At a time of great uncertainty due to the impact of Covid, we have at least been spared that. This leads some, not unreasonably, to conclude that they should reluctantly vote with the Government, as the immediate alternative is a lot worse However, the alternative way of considering this agreement is to look at what we have lost. Compared to what we have now, what we have lost is very considerable. Our ability to trade with the EU will become harder—especially in the vital area of services, where we have an advantage. Consequently, growing the economy will be more challenging. Freedom of movement and cultural exchange will be more difficult. Our global influence will be much diminished. Ironically, despite these big losses, we will stay firmly in the orbit of the EU, which will surely challenge us on policy diversions a lot less serious than returning to sending children up chimneys. The Government have declined to produce an impact assessment. I sincerely hope that others will take up that task on their behalf We all want the UK to succeed and prosper post Brexit but, if we do, I fear that it will be in spite of this agreement, not because of it. The passing of this Bill will bring an end to the dreadful Brexit years. We all want closure on this unhappy and divisive period in our history. But it will not end the proper debate about what is the right relationship between Britain and the European Union. The Bill will undoubtedly be passed today. To vote for this Bill would for me signal, at some level, satisfaction with the way the Government have handled the issue, the choices they have made, and the relationship we have now arrived at with the European Union. I have to say that I am not satisfied, and so I shall not support the Bill.
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: Foreign Trade
Rajinder Paul Loomba (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I welcome the Prime Minister’s valiant efforts to secure a trade deal with our friends in the European Union ahead of 1 January. It is no mean feat to have accomplished such an important and complex deal during the unprecedented pandemic crisis in the UK. Many speakers have already said that a deal is a better outcome than the alternative of no deal at all, and a great many things have been achieved in this deal, such as no extra charges on goods and no limits on the amount of goods that can be traded. We now also have control over our own laws and borders, as any sovereign state rightly should have Sadly, some MPs in the other place voted against the Bill today, especially those from the devolved nations. Some of their issues relate particularly to fishing rights around the coastal waters of Scotland and Wales, and in Northern Ireland there is continuing disquiet about the protocol. Can the Minister tell us how the Government are going to take things forward, so that we have a united front on all matters and harmony between our devolved nations, and so that the United Kingdom does not break up as a result of this deal?
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: Education
Jean Coussins (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, as many others have said, taking the UK out of the Erasmus programme is a short-sighted, false economy. As an administrative decision, it is not in the Bill, although it is clearly of importance. Despite its illustrious name, the new Turing scheme will be a cheap, inferior substitute whose unintended consequences have not been thought through, and funding is guaranteed for only one year. The DfE says that it will enable students to go to countries worldwide, not just Europe—as if Erasmus has not provided such choices, whereas in fact it covers 190 different countries. The DfE says that the new scheme will target disadvantaged students who benefited little from Erasmus, yet this year in the FE sector, 38% of Erasmus participants were disabled students or those with fewer opportunities. Our EU Committee concluded that Erasmus "offers unparalleled financial support and flexibility to enable people from lower income backgrounds" Will the Minister tell the House whether the Turing scheme will match Erasmus in benefiting apprentices, volunteers, jobseekers and those with disabilities? The most strategically important gap in the new scheme is the claim that it is "truly international" when, in fact, unlike Erasmus, it is not reciprocal, providing only for outward mobility. The British Academy says: "Incoming students and staff through the Erasmus programme provide important economic benefits to the UK and an invaluable contribution" to the UK’s "academic, intellectual and cultural … life." Universities UK estimates a net profit of £243 million a year for the UK from Erasmus, once incoming students’ local spending is taken into account Finally, there are two particularly severe consequences of a non-reciprocal scheme. First, it may not be accepted by key universities around the world. This is exactly what happened to the non-reciprocal scheme devised by Switzerland, which ended up having to fund incoming students as well in order to secure any international buy-in. What guarantees have the Government sought from other countries that they would sign up to a UK alternative Secondly, Erasmus has been a vital part of the supply chain for modern language staff in schools and universities. Erasmus is not just for linguists, of course, but without reciprocity the Turing scheme would risk further damage to the sustainability of MFL teaching and learning in the UK. Combined with the Government’s refusal to accept the Migration Advisory Committee’s recommendation that MFL teachers should be added to the shortage occupation list for post-Brexit immigration purposes, future recruitment looks very vulnerable If we abandon Erasmus, then a so-called global Britain requires nothing less than a fully reciprocal and fully funded replacement. Given that the time-critical factor of this legislation is not an issue, will the Government please think again about sticking with Erasmus?
European Union (Future Relationship) Bill — House of Lords, 2020-12-30
Topic: International Affairs
John Anderson (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, many still argue the UK is not in step with the world order of regionalism and question whether the people were right to make the call they did. Those points of principle have now had their day. Uncertainty has been removed, and I join others in believing that this agreement appears positive. I am equally relieved that many of those who have been vehement remainers throughout appear to be in support as well. This should serve as a reminder to European parliamentarians when they consider ratification There is no time for complacency. While being an optimist, I sense the sword of Damocles hanging over us to ensure that in certain quarters we do not step out of line. However, with pragmatism, flexibility, nimbleness, and strategy in abundance, we can and will be match-fit for tomorrow’s world. We have arrived at a new chapter to build back better, to be inclusive in arriving at solutions to challenges and to take stock with fresh eyes. The voices of business, unions, consumers, academics, NGOs and civil society from regions up and down the nation should be at the heart of the national debate. Now is the time to cast divisions aside and work together for the common good. Hard work lies ahead to ensure that Brexit happens happily. When opportunities present, we must ensure that a great equalling of the regions within our kingdom of nations is paramount There have been, and will be, winners and losers. The fishing and financial services industries are expressing concern, but taken on balance, given that the Europeans were always, understandably, going to defend their interest to the hilt, the Government have delivered on the mandate of the people and negotiated the possible within the agreed timelines. All sides should now see the advantages of bridge-building and strengthening co-operation for mutual advantage. The real work begins now. Now is the time to forge and deepen relationships and maximise the synergies between political interest and supporting international development, business and international investment. Now is the time to invoke the British spirit to secure a bright future for our country.