argyrotsipi/train-dataset huggingface dataset:
Welfare Reform and Work Bill — House of Lords, 2015-12-14
Topic: Housing
Zahida Manzoor (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I am pleased that the noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, has added his name to Amendment 60. Support for housing costs for 18 to 21 year-olds is not contained in the Bill but it was announced in the Budget. From April 2017, 18 to 21 year-olds making a new claim for universal credit will not be automatically entitled to support for their housing costs. As the Bill creates no new powers for this, these measures are likely to appear in regulations, using powers already contained in the Welfare Reform Act 2012. Crisis states that it has serious concerns that removing young people’s access to support for their housing costs will lead to an increase in youth homelessness. Crisis, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and the Homelessness Monitor state that youth homelessness is already on the rise, with 8% of 16 to 24 year-olds reporting being recently homeless According to the Crisis analysis of CHAIN data, in four years the number of young people sleeping rough in London has more than doubled. There are many reasons why young people may find themselves homeless, including parental relationship breakdowns; abuse and violence from family members; and leaving care. For many young people, housing benefit is all that stands between them and homelessness and is an important safety net My proposed new clause attempts to address this hole in support for young people. The amendment says "aged 16" in order to avoid excluding 16 year-olds already entitled to housing benefit from eligibility in the future. But the amendment is ultimately about stopping the Government’s attack on 18 to 21 year-old claimants. Some 15% of current 18 to 21 year-old claimants are in work. They need this housing benefit to subsidise their rents; one only has to look at the level of rent in cities such as London Housing benefit is also vital for those living in areas of low employment to enable them to move to somewhere where they will have more chance of getting a job. Does the Minister really believe that it is better for our economy, and our young people, for them to remain in the family home, away from possible employment opportunities, than to temporarily pay for their housing benefit? I recollect the "get on your bike" sentiments expressed by Norman Tebbit—now the noble Lord, Lord Tebbit. These appear to be holding little water now. I beg to move.
Welfare Reform and Work Bill — House of Lords, 2015-12-14
Topic: Housing
Zahida Manzoor (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I thank all noble Lords who took part in discussing the two amendments. I am very grateful to the Minister for stating that there are likely to be exemptions in certain aspects of this area. Of course, my amendment referred to current entitlement—the 16 year-olds who currently are entitled to housing benefit—and I wanted to safeguard that same provision for the future, for the reasons so well articulated by noble Lords. I personally would have preferred to see what the exemption said On that basis, I am particularly keen to explore this area much further, because I am very concerned about those of 16-plus and the fact that they are excluded from the 18 to 21 year-old group, for their vulnerability in terms of work and where they are going out to work. I am thinking of someone living in a small village. That comes to mind when I think of two young people who may well be searching for work; they are very likely to go into low-paid work. That means that if they are going into the city, which is quite a number of miles away from them, they cannot come backwards and forwards from home. In fact, it would be very expensive for them to do so, so they would be looking for accommodation in the cities. They would be unable to do so as matters stand, under this Bill I feel very strongly that there needs to be a clause such as the one that I have indicated. Indeed, I take on board the other amendment—and like other noble Lords I am not sure why I did not have my name to it. I understand where the noble Lord, Lord Low, and others are coming from I give notice that I shall come back to this amendment on Report. On that basis, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
Education and Adoption Bill — House of Lords, 2015-12-16
Topic: Other
Dominic Hubbard (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, the fairly large group that we start with today covers a variety of different matters. The amendments in my name fall into three groups. I shall continue to explain this when the noise level is slightly lower. I do not know what the parliamentary equivalent of "Rhubarb, rhubarb" is, but hope that we can take that as read for a few moments.
Education and Adoption Bill — House of Lords, 2015-12-16
Topic: Other
Dominic Hubbard (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, that was a very strange answer. It was saying that there is a great deal of information and a great deal going on, and that it does not need to be brought together for this very important group. This is not about the information that is published. There is lots of information but the problem is that it cannot easily be found. That is what this amendment is about. To be perfectly honest, if you cannot find the information, you might as well not have it. I found it but it should not be necessary for people to have to chase it. The amendment is about bringing it together in one place where it can be easily accessed.
Immigration Bill — House of Lords, 2015-12-22
Topic: Housing
William John Lawrence Wallace (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I apologise for interrupting the noble Lord in a Second Reading speech. I entirely agree with him that we have a housing shortage. Might he possibly address the question of how we will overcome that shortage when we have such a remarkable lack of skilled labour to build houses within this country? Is there not a real problem that a major housebuilding programme now would draw in a very large number of people from abroad to build those houses?
Immigration Bill — House of Lords, 2015-12-22
Topic: Mixed Topics
Sarah Ludford (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I apologise for interrupting and thank the noble Lord for giving way. Does he also accept that there are those who maintain, and I think there is force in these suggestions, that some of the reason for coming to the UK has nothing to do with the factors that he has mentioned? It is obviously the English language, which is the number one language learnt around the world. Also, although we are far from perfect in this country on race relations and integration, the atmosphere for integrating people and welcoming diversity is better in this country than in France.
Immigration Bill — House of Lords, 2015-12-22
Topic: Immigration
Barbara Janke (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): As a former councillor having faced some of these difficulties, I point out that rises in population are due not just to migration and that local authorities have been unable to respond to them because of the systematic centralisation of government and the cutbacks that have been inflicted on local authorities. If we were to embrace the issue of providing more facilities and better infrastructure and try to answer the needs of our country, some of these arguments would simply not apply. I hope to play a part in considering this Bill as it goes through Committee and thank noble Lords for their attention.
Higher Education and Research Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-11
Topic: Civil Rights
Sarah Virginia Brinton (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I asked a question about Amendment 27 and the fact that when the Director for Fair Access and Participation is not responsible, that has to be reported in the annual report. I asked for some specific examples other than, obviously, when he or she would be away, to try to understand why that wording was used in the amendment.
Higher Education and Research Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-11
Topic: Civil Rights
Dominic Hubbard (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I do not know what the answer is but I suspect that there is a duty under the Equality Act. I point out to the Minister that the fact that everything has changed because of the DSA and because the guidance is not in place has driven this. That is my concern. We are already a term late with something that is a fundamental shift. This should have been addressed months ago and has not been. I would be prepared to meet with any officials or to do anything that gives more clarity here. This whole sector needs to know. The British Dyslexia Association’s helpline is probably the biggest proof that there is a problem here, as it hears from a lot of very worried people who want to know what is going to happen to them, and institutions that do not know what to do.
Digital Economy Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-31
Topic: Other
Timothy Francis Clement-Jones (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I do not want to prolong this but if it is to be subject to regulation, there must be primary legislation permitting that regulation to be made. Perhaps the Minister could write to us on that subject.
Digital Economy Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-31
Topic: Mixed Topics
Christopher Fox (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, we associate ourselves with Amendment 20. I was under the impression that Ofcom was already looking at the process of legal separation, and if this is designed to strengthen its arm and make sure that it happens, then we approve. At Second Reading, I talked about the desirability of full structural separation. We know that the pension deficit has been used as a reason. When that calculation was made, was the full effect of the EE acquisition factored into the pension equation? Now that there have been substantial changes in the make-up of the corporate parent, can a different argument be made on pensions In the recesses of my mind I recall something being attempted in York along the lines of Amendment 21. It foundered because there was no separation in the BT/Openreach model and the route to market proved very difficult. Perhaps to be successful Amendment 21 needs Amendment 20, if not full structural separation.
Digital Economy Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-31
Topic: Domestic Commerce
Timothy Francis Clement-Jones (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I am sorry to interrupt the Minister but I find that a somewhat extraordinary statement. The Government are responsible for policy—indeed, they have published a paper on switching principles. The question is: what has Ofcom been asked to implement? Surely the type of switching that will be implemented is not purely up to Ofcom. The Government—the business department, as was—published a paper setting out very clearly the principles on which switching was to be based. We cannot have a situation where a Minister simply says that it is all down to Ofcom and that is the kind of scheme that it will suggest. I find that extraordinary.
Higher Education and Research Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-25
Topic: Immigration
Sally Rachel Hamwee (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I should apologise to the Committee, as I did not speak at Second Reading, but I am very deliberately speaking from the Front Bench as a member of these Benches’ home affairs team to add our support to the amendment I want to speak about integration—I cannot do so as eloquently or forcefully as the right reverend Prelate. I remind the Committee that we are talking about people whose status here is legal. Integration is a two-way process. The Home Office uses much too often for my comfort the term "hostile environment" and does so very deliberately. In the context of the subject of this amendment, we should be talking about a supportive environment If one changes the perspective, many people in these categories can be seen as a resource for the UK, so this is not just an altruistic point. People who meet individual refugees are often startled at their high level of skills and education, and startled too at their determination to be educated. Of course that does not apply to every individual, but it is really quite notable. Noble Lords who attended a City of Sanctuary event recently were impressed by hearing a young woman’s experience in overcoming the hurdles which the amendment seeks to address to get to university. She did but, my goodness, what a waste of time along the way As well as it being the right thing for us to do as a society, it would be to our benefit to facilitate the education of those who seek sanctuary and who are likely to be here on a long-term basis. Many of them come from cultures which value education very highly, perhaps because it is harder to attain. It often seems to me more highly valued among them than by those in our indigenous community, who perhaps take it rather more for granted. We very much support the amendment.
Higher Education and Research Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-25
Topic: Immigration
Susan Garden (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I have added my name to this amendment; I strongly support the words that we have heard from the noble Lords, Lord Hannay and Lord Patten. I, too, will try to be helpful because this amendment highlights the significant impact of international students and their contribution to the success of UK universities. It builds on Amendment 127, which I spoke to earlier in Committee, so I shall curtail my remarks at this stage As has been said, counting international students in migration targets is a poor policy choice. It damages the reputations of UK universities. There seems to be universal agreement that it should be reversed and that other countries do not treat their students in this way. We will doubtless hear from the Government that there is no limit on the number of international students who can come into the country. The trouble is that they follow that up by saying, "But we will count them in immigration targets and we are intent on reducing immigration". This sends very mixed and misleading messages to students who are left mystified about this but feeling generally unwelcome. It does not help now that we make them leave the country as soon as they finish their studies, rather than staying on to make some postgraduate contribution to the country Our messages are unwelcoming and overseas students hear those unwelcoming messages. We understand that these decisions are within the Home Office, not within the department the Minister represents, but we ask him to take back to his colleagues in the Home Office—or, indeed, to his right honourable friend the Prime Minister—how very strongly this House feels that these measures should be changed.
Higher Education and Research Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-25
Topic: Immigration
Susan Garden (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I add my support to what has already been said. Amendment 463 builds directly on the discussion that we had on the previous group Amendment 464 complements Amendment 490, which we have tabled and which will be discussed on Monday. Amendment 464 would ensure that members of staff from other countries were not in future subjected to more restrictive immigration controls or conditions than were in force on the day this Act was passed. Both amendments point to the concern that restrictions on freedom of movement following Brexit will have very serious consequences for universities—both for students and for academics. We have heard from the noble Baronesses, Lady Lister and Lady Royall, and the noble Lord, Lord Patten, about the difficulties that academics currently face in planning their future, thinking ahead and considering what they will do about their families, with young academics in particular wondering where their future lies. Like a lot of people planning their lives, they want a bit of security Recently I spoke at a conference of modern foreign language academics, who were asked how many of them were EU citizens. There were about 80 people there and over half put up their hands. They were all wondering what the future held. Some were having difficulties becoming UK citizens. Even those who had lived all their lives in the country were being put through hoops. They had never lived anywhere else, but getting a British passport was suddenly proving to be incredibly difficult for them. They play an absolutely essential part in the provision of modern foreign languages in our universities. We heard earlier from the noble Baroness, Lady Brown, about the important role that they also play in engineering. However, I assure noble Lords that those working in modern languages departments are really concerned about how they are going to continue their provision if EU academics feel unwelcome Therefore, this is a personal issue for a lot of valuable and skilled people, some of whom are already facing—unbelievable though this is—incredible hate crime and racial discrimination from universities where they have previously been seen as valued contributors. Of course, if they go, some of our courses simply will not take place. We need these people—the students and the academics—and our university life will certainly be the poorer without them This proposed new clause would help to remedy the very unfortunate situation that we now find ourselves in, and I hope that we can move forward in making life better for the EU citizens who make our universities much better places.
Higher Education and Research Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-25
Topic: Civil Rights
Susan Garden (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I added my name to the list, as the noble Lord, Lord Stevenson, said, in the absence of my noble friend Lord Macdonald of River Glaven, who has overriding university commitments. He is a great expert in this area and has briefed me The application of Prevent to the university sector is different from its application to any other category of public body. In a university, the Prevent duty has the wholly unwanted effect of undermining an essential pillar of the very institution it is supposed to be protecting to the wider detriment of civil society. First, universities have a pre-existing statutory duty under Section 43 of the Education (No. 2) Act 1986, "to ensure that freedom of speech within the law is secured for members, students and employees of the establishment and for visiting speakers" Secondly, because of the foundational importance of free expression to intellectual inquiry and therefore to the central purpose of a university, which cannot function in its absence, it cannot be appropriate, in the university context, to seek to ban speech that is otherwise perfectly lawful, as the Prevent duty requires it to do The Prevent duty requires universities to target lawful speech by demanding that universities target non-violent extremism, defined in the Prevent guidance as, "vocal or active opposition to fundamental British values, including democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance of different faiths and beliefs" If applied literally as a proscription tool in universities this definition would close down whole swathes of legitimate discourse conducted in terms that represent no breach whatever of the criminal law. It is very difficult to imagine any radicalising language that a university should appropriately ban that does not amount to criminal speech in its own right, such as an incitement to violence, or to racial or religious hatred and so on. These categories of unlawful speech should therefore be banned by university authorities to comply with pre-existing law. To do so is entirely consistent with free expression rights and academic freedom. But banning incitement speech is sufficient. Apart from anything else, it is this speech that is more genuinely "radicalising". We do not need Prevent in universities to protect ourselves. We need just to apply the current criminal law on incitement In the university context, "radicalising" speech that is not otherwise criminal should be dealt with through exposure and counterargument. Universities should be places where young and not so young people can be exposed to views and ideas with which they disagree or find disturbing, unpleasant and even frightening, but be able to address them calmly, intellectually and safely. Freedom of speech should be an essential part of the university experience.
Higher Education and Research Bill — House of Lords, 2017-01-25
Topic: Civil Rights
Sally Rachel Hamwee (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, the noble Baroness, Lady Lister, left the JCHR at the moment I arrived on it. I wanted to refer to its more recent report of July last year, following an inquiry into counterextremism in preparation for the Bill which we expected but which has not emerged, perhaps because of the difficulty in defining "nonviolent extremism". I follow her in my thinking as well. We took evidence from a number of people, and in our report quoted Professor Louise Richardson from Oxford, who said: "My position on this is that any effort to infringe freedom of expression should be exposed, whether it comes from what I take to be the well-intentioned but misguided Prevent counterterrorism policy or from student unions that do not want to hear views that they find objectionable. A university has to be a place where the right to express objectionable views is protected" We went on to report that our evidence suggested that it is important for universities to ensure that debate is possible. Our conclusion and recommendation in this part of the work was that: "Any proposed legislation will have to tread carefully in an area where there is already considerable uncertainty. For example, in the university context, it is arguable whether the expression of certain views constitutes putting forward new ideas in the form of controversial and unpopular opinions, or whether it amounts to vocal and active opposition to the UK’s fundamental values. The potentially conflicting duties on universities to promote free speech, whilst precluding the expression of extremist views, is likely to continue to cause confusion. We believe that free speech is precious, particularly in universities, and should not be undermined" I accept that the context is slightly different from the objective of this amendment, but the points are important. The Government, in their response, said that, "universities have to balance their duty to promote freedom of speech with their other legal responsibilities including equalities law, health and safety responsibilities … We recognise that balancing these responsibilities is not always an easy job and that there are difficult decisions to be taken". That entirely misses the point about freedom of speech. The Prevent strategy is discredited in so many eyes. What is most important is that it has lost confidence. As the noble Baroness has said, I wish that the Government would accept the need for an independent review—not its own internal, unpublished review—called for by such a variety of very authoritative people who should and do understand the importance of such a review.
Family Court — House of Lords, 2017-01-09
Topic: Civil Rights
Lorely Burt (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, this issue is widespread, serious and urgent. Research by Women’s Aid found that one in four women in this situation faced direct questioning from their alleged abusers. We welcome the urgency of the Government’s review, but does the Minister agree that some things could be done now without the need for legislation—for example, having the victim and the alleged abuser in different rooms, with questions being put via a video link? Will the Minister commit to look at what the Government can do now, and place whatever legislation is necessary before Parliament at the earliest possible moment? Will he also look at what can be done in the interim?