argyrotsipi/train-dataset huggingface dataset:
Schools Bill [HL] — House of Lords, 2022-06-08
Topic: Education
Alastair Bruce (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I shall say just a few words in support of Amendment 22, in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Chapman and Lady Wilcox—assuming I am not jumping the gun, because they have not introduced yet; I assume they will do so during the wind-up. I would have put my name to it had I spotted it when I went through the Marshalled List, but I missed it I share the widespread bafflement and uncertainty about what the Bill means for what happens inside schools, not least in relation to the curriculum. One of those things needs to be careers information, advice and guidance, which hardly figures in the Bill, other than as one of the 20 rapidly becoming notorious examples listed in Clause 1, whose future seems somewhat uncertain. Work experience is a key element of the Gatsby benchmarks for best practice in careers education, and it needs to be more than just a week or two at a local employer, making coffee, running errands or just sitting idly about wondering how to pass the time—which I know has been the experience of some young people Standards for work experience are certainly needed, which is why I welcome that amendment, although from the debate so far I am far from clear how such standards should be set, let alone enforced, within the system being created by the Bill. I hope the Minister will be able to say something about how the Government will ensure, even if not in the Bill, that all schoolchildren receive work experience of a sufficient standard.
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Government Operations
Igor Judge (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, in the recent Committee debate I undertook to reread Hansard because I particularly wanted to address the views expressed by those who disagreed with this amendment. I have done so. I continue to respect those views but I do not share them. I am going to urge the House that understandable reasons should give way to compelling ones The arguments focused largely on the merits or demerits of the amendment, but in a sense what we were discussing does not really matter because, as I hope I made clear in my reply to the debate, it is obviously not for this House to decide the issue; it is for the other place to do so. It is a decision for the elected Chamber, and we are not elected The purpose of the amendment is simple: the objective is to offer the other place an opportunity to reflect again on this hugely important constitutional Bill and see whether it may have second thoughts. If the second thoughts lead the other place to the same view, so be it: that will be its view, and we must accept the view of the elected Chamber. However, I intend to abide by whatever decision is made by it after what I hope may be a fuller consideration of the merits or demerits of the arguments both ways—much fuller than it was, given the somewhat peremptory way in which this entire Bill was dealt with We have become habituated—have we not?—to the steady, apparently unstoppable accumulation of power in No. 10 Downing Street, and we have done so while simultaneously the authority and weight of Parliament itself, and the House of Commons in particular, have been diminishing. It is astonishing to think that we are now proposing to resurrect the medieval concept of the prerogative, the concept on which the divine right of kings was based. King James, and King Charles just across the road, will be laughing as they turn in their graves. The king lost his head in part because he kept dissolving Parliament I wonder whether any noble Lords heard Oliver Cromwell thinking of stepping off his plinth outside; I thought I heard a movement or two, but he has gone back. Cromwell, having been a great parliamentarian, decided that Parliament was not doing what he wanted, so Parliament was "purged"—an interesting thought and an interesting use of words. At that stage in our history, Parliament had obtained, through the Long Parliament, the right to dissolve Parliament. Cromwell did not dissolve it because he did not have the power to do so; he simply purged it. What are we doing resurrecting an ancient power in the 21st century?
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Government Operations
Frederick Butler (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I rise briefly to support my noble friend’s amendment, but with reservations. My reservation is that which has been put forward by the noble Lord, Lord Howard. It is not inconceivable that a Government could be hamstrung by failing to get a majority in the House of Commons and could not get their programme through. I believe that there should be restraints on the improper use of the power to dissolve. We are all agreed that it should not be the sovereign and there are dangers in it being a resolution of the House of Commons. That is why I will argue for the removal of Clause 3 so that in the last resort there can be resort to the courts.
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Government Operations
David Pannick (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Howard, raised a concern that there might be a Prime Minister who is unable to govern and to secure a majority for a Dissolution. There is a constitutional solution to any such problem, should it occur—that such a Prime Minister should resign and let someone take over who is able to command a majority in the House of Commons.
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Government Operations
Simon Denis Brown (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I oppose this amendment. How beguilingly it is put. What could be more tempting than simply to say, "Vote in favour and all you are doing is giving the House of Commons another opportunity to discuss it"? We really ought to consider whether the case in favour is sufficiently powerful to take that unusual step, tempting as it may be. It is certainly not every day of the week that I find myself in agreement with the noble Lord, Lord Howard, and I agree, too, with my noble friend Lord Butler that this solution to the problems that have been identified today is not a good one I respectfully remind the House that although the matter took only a little time in the House of Commons, the Fixed-Term Parliaments Act Joint Committee pointed out in paragraph 86 of its careful and thorough report that there was only a minority in favour of giving the House of Commons by Motion a veto over a proposed Dissolution, as this amendment would do. It ended: "The majority considers it a change which would only have a practical effect in a gridlocked Parliament, which could mean denying an election to a Government which was unable to function effectively, and which might therefore be counter to the public interest." Of course I recognise that, under this proposed amendment, a two-thirds majority would drop to 51%. However, as the noble Lords, Lord Howard and Lord Butler, pointed out, a hung Parliament could well reproduce the sort of stasis and chaos at which we arrived back in the summer of 2019 I do not pretend to agree with the noble Lord, Lord Butler, on the next amendment, but this is a different point entirely. Given that, there should be a guardian against the sort of abuse that the noble Lord, Lord Grocott, suggested could occur in the way of the prime ministerial prerogative of Dissolution; I suggest Brenda of Bristol.
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Government Operations
John Sentamu (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I apologise that I was not present during Committee When I was a student, a young person doing A-levels in Uganda, there was a question: "How are the people of the United Kingdom governed?" The book said, "The people of the United Kingdom are governed by the Queen in Parliament under God", and went on, "and the sovereign is Parliament." If Parliament is the ultimate authority, to deny it the possibility of agreeing to the Dissolution of Parliament seems bizarre. If it is not, who has the ultimate authority? The noble Lord, Lord Howard, said that the Government could be paralysed and could not govern, but governance can happen only if those in the Executive are accountable and transparent to Parliament. If they are not, we are creating a body of people who think they are not answerable for their decisions to Parliament—that they are the ones who give it legitimacy. They may find themselves paralysed because, for whatever reason, they cannot obtain a majority. We heard that lady in Bristol when the election was announced in 2017. She said, "Not another election!" People are fed up with ad hoc solutions that often do not help I support the noble Lord, the Convenor of my group, who has provided a simple solution. If the Government cannot obtain a simple majority for Parliament to be dissolved, so be it. As for the calling of elections regardless because you are not getting your legislation through, well, if Parliament is objecting and it is sovereign, it requires a bit of humility to say, "We did not get it this time; maybe next year." I plead for this simple amendment, which would resolve all the problems that the noble Lord, Lord Howard, talked about—of the power of the sovereign and the power of the courts. Of course, the courts will intervene if something illegal has been done. Do noble Lords remember the Brexit question, when there was a desire that it should be done through the royal prerogative, the old King Henry VIII powers? The court said, "No. The act to enter into these negotiations was an Act of Parliament, and if you want to do away with it, it is Parliament that must consent for that to be done." That was when the courts intervened, by the way I, for one, support this simple way to resolve the problem that the Fixed-term Parliaments Act created, but we surely cannot go back to the power of the Prime Minister as if Prime Ministers are not accountable to Parliament: they are.
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Government Operations
Igor Judge (Crossbench, Unknown): There was a majority in favour of the proposition that the noble Lord the Minister has put forward. I happen to think that the minority was right. I am inviting us to let the House of Commons have another look and make its own mind up. They will take into account the decisions, recommendations and all the papers that they are given, I hope, and come to their own conclusion What I did find slightly startling about the noble Lord the Minister’s response was the idea that when a Prime Minister seeks a general election, that is an act of deep humility. It is not. It is an act by an individual in power who is seeking the best possible way of retaining power. Elections are not sought in the public interest; they are sought for the advantage of the party in government. Humility has nothing whatever to do with it Finally, I want to raise a serious point. I find the idea—it has been espoused by a number of noble Lords—that we should stop any risk of the elected House acting as zombies. What an insult that is being paid to the elected Chamber by this House. Of course, the House will get things wrong—every House, every institution, gets things wrong. But the idea that we are going to suddenly be frozen in a situation which is incapable of movement and the Government will be paralysed and things will not work and the electricity will be turned off, all because the Commons has decided to reject a Prime Minister’s desire for a dissolution is, with great respect, bunkum. I do not propose to withdraw this amendment. I seek the opinion of the House.
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Law and Crime
David Pannick (Crossbench, Unknown): No, because my point is that hopeless or frivolous applications will be dealt with speedily by the courts. This was plainly an application with no merit whatever, and my noble friend’s point, as I understood him, was that the mere existence of the jurisdiction could cause delay. I am giving an example of how the courts then, and today, would deal with a frivolous application The judge decided, unsurprisingly, that this was not a matter for the courts and that there was no basis for the application. The general election went ahead and it was entirely untroubled by the litigation. There was no delay, expense or inconvenience. The court dismissed a hopeless application speedily and effectively, as it usually does. For all these reasons, if my noble friend Lord Butler wishes to test the opinion of the House, he will have my support.
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Law and Crime
Simon Denis Brown (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I too attempted to darn this Bill in Committee and, indeed, spoke at Second Reading, and I too am opposed to this group of amendments. My core concern here is to safeguard my successors on the Bench and to avoid the risk of constitutional crisis, which would arise were there to be some future attempted legal challenge not as frivolous as that just indicated by the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, but something dressed up as an altogether more coherent attack on a Dissolution, such as the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, himself would be adept at managing. Unlike the noble Lord, Lord Howard, but in common with the noble and learned Lord, Lord Hope of Craighead, and the noble Lord, Lord Beith, I do not think for an instant that the courts would ever actually reach the point of upholding such a challenge, even though, as the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, also says, things have undoubtedly moved on since the CCSU case. That, as it happens, was my very last case at the Bar, decades ago. Although it is very unlikely that such a challenge would succeed, it is very important to put in the Bill a provision that would provide the greatest possible discouragement to any mischievous person, instructing whosoever it may be, contemplating a challenge Clause 3 seems to me to be admirable for that purpose; it enables the courts to say, as Mr Justice Macpherson—a very old friend of mine, with whom I shared a room in chambers for decades—said in that case, "Chuck it out without more ado." That is really the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Trevethin and Oaksey. That is the practical effect of Clause 3. It is not there, I would suggest, as revenge for Miller 2; nor does it—and this is the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Faulks—create a risk that this will be a template or precedent for the future. Its relevance here is purely in the context and to underline the fact that Dissolution is essentially a prerogative act, preserved even since CCSU. We should leave it there, discourage prospective litigants and reinforce the courts in a robust rejection of any attempt that would delay and disrupt, to some degree, a Dissolution process. Leave it there.
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: International Affairs
David Pannick (Crossbench, Unknown): Does the noble Lord allow for the possibility that the reason why there was no precedent prior to Miller 2 was because no Prime Minister prior to that had abused, in the view of the court, the power to prorogue Parliament in order to frustrate his views in relation to Brexit?
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Law and Crime
Frederick Butler (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I too am very grateful to those who have taken part in this debate This for me is a matter of principle. It is wrong, as the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, the noble and right reverend Lord and the noble and learned Lord, Lord Hope, said, that there can be no protection from the courts against the improper use of executive power. My hackles rise when I hear the Minister use the phrase "The courts are not permitted"—"This legislation is to ensure that the courts are not permitted to look at this matter". In response to the noble Lord, Lord Grocott, this is not an issue of the courts preventing the people having a say in an election. It is about the courts preventing the illegitimate or illegal use of executive power. That is what the issue is I believe it is vanishingly unlikely that the courts would become involved in this matter—I am now just answering the point made by the noble Lord, Lord True. I would be prepared to have a lifelong bet with him that this situation will not arise in his or my lifetime. However, the courts can look after themselves. They do not need the protection of legislation in this matter; it is indeed for the courts to decide the merits of issues and not for the Government to legislate in advance to prevent them doing so. Therefore, because this for me is a matter of principle, and because I would like, in case the amendment we previously passed is overturned by the House of Commons, the opportunity to return to this on ping-pong, I beg leave to test the opinion of the House.
Afghanistan Humanitarian Crisis: UK Response — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: International Affairs
Frances D'Souza (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, it can take many months for food to be gathered, shipped and distributed within the country, and it can also be very expensive. Will the Minister say what efforts have been made to locate food resources that already exist in Afghanistan and perhaps neighbouring countries and to ensure that that food actually reaches the market so that people can buy it at affordable prices, because market hoarding is a very common factor in any food shortage, particularly in famine? What is the UK’s attitude towards sending money rather than material aid?
Health and Care Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Education
Sheila Clare Hollins (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I thank noble Lords who have spoken in this short debate. I am disappointed that the Government do not feel that it is timely. March is just one month away—by the time the Bill becomes an Act and is implemented, it will be here. This amendment does not set in stone exactly how the training would be implemented. It talks about a code of practice which would, after consultation, develop the means and the method I know that questions were asked about whether the aim was to mandate a standardised and evaluated training and to define a set of standards in schools that have to be met, and that Paula and Tom McGowan favour a standardised training programme, the Oliver McGowan mandatory training programme. I want to end by again acknowledging and putting on record my appreciation of the hard work they have done. It will stand people with learning disabilities and autistic people well in the future. I look forward to further conversations with the Minister. There does need to be a link to health outcomes, whatever route is taken, through the national mortality review, and a willingness to review the adequacy of the programme on a regular basis, and I would be happier if it were in the Bill. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
Health and Care Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Education
Norman Warner (Crossbench, Unknown): My Lords, I have added my name to Amendment 307, introduced so ably by the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler. I have raised this issue from time to time over the past decade or so, including in a spirited correspondence with the noble Earl, Lord Howe, when he was a Health Minister—which shows how long this issue has been kicked around Whitehall. The one number every child has is the NHS number, as the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, mentioned, but to adopt it means education, social services and possibly police would have to accept it, and—terribly, of course—they would have to modify their IT systems. In short, what we have here is a good, old-fashioned, Whitehall bureaucratic struggle However, now the Children’s Commissioner Rachel de Souza has joined in rather powerfully because of all the children missing from schools, many more than before the pandemic. There has been a problem with children missing from schools from well before the pandemic—some going to illegal schools, others being home-schooled, often without much evidence of being taught curriculum subjects. There is now to be a home-schooling register. The Children’s Commissioner has made it crystal clear that she wants all children to have a unique identifying number across the NHS, school and social services. That is the only way these kinds of changes can be made to work. What we have is a situation now where children at risk are put at unnecessary risk because there is no unique identifier across the different services Personally, I would not bet on the Children’s Commissioner getting her well-deserved wish. Last week, the Department for Education trotted out its traditional line—that it will introduce the home-schooling register at the "earliest possible legislative opportunity." But the department was totally silent on the unique identifier issue, which was so important to making this work We have had this issue sculling around Whitehall for many, many years. There is now a chance for a decisive Minister, like the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, to do something about it, bang a few bureaucratic heads together and put the NHS number to work protecting children at risk across a range of services. At the very least, it would be helpful if he could consider protecting children through the Government having a pilot scheme to take this idea forward.
Health and Care Bill — House of Lords, 2022-02-09
Topic: Government Operations
Norman Warner (Crossbench, Unknown): I am sorry to interrupt the Minister at this time of night, but I think he has no idea how many Ministers have stood in this place over the last 10 to 15 years making very similar speeches to this. We now have "deep dives", but the idea of Whitehall co-operating on this issue is always dead in the water after these deep dives, if I may mix my metaphors. What we really need is at least an assurance that some kind of pilot scheme will actually emerge from this deep diving and be put in place so that something actually happens, with all the agencies co-operating.