argyrotsipi/train-dataset huggingface dataset:
Economic Update — House of Lords, 2021-01-12
Topic: Social Welfare
Christopher Fox (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, in the self-congratulatory response of the noble Lord, Lord Agnew, he favourably mentioned the household savings ratio. As my noble friend said, this pandemic will hit poorest families hardest; they are already having their incomes squeezed, and they have no savings at all to see them through this. It is clear also that the most deprived in the UK are the least likely to self-isolate; given the current level of support, they simply cannot afford to. The poorest people in this country cannot afford to wait for a March Budget and, despite the Minister’s smug response, this Statement offers them nothing. So can the Minister explain why the Government are blind to the fact that adequately helping the poorest people in this country is not only right but vital in the national fight against Covid?
Economic Update — House of Lords, 2021-01-12
Topic: Macroeconomics
Edward Timothy Razzall (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, what the Statement does not refer to—although the noble Lord, Lord Balfe, touched on it—is the amount of debt incurred to fund government spending since the start of the pandemic. Government debt is now in excess of £2 trillion, of which nearly 50% has been bought by the Bank of England. Do the Government take the view that the Bank of England can continue to fund significant purchase of government debt, thereby avoiding damaging tax increases so long as inflation and interest rates remain low, or does the Minister think the Government would prefer to return, when they can, to cuts in public spending?
Medicines and Medical Devices Bill — House of Lords, 2021-01-12
Topic: Government Operations
John Kevin Sharkey (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I am very grateful to all those who have spoken in support of these amendments. Skeleton Bills always limit parliamentary scrutiny, and this Bill is no exception. The Minister in his more than three-minute speech has exaggerated enormously the difficulties with the reach of our proposal. I disagree, for example, with the notion that our proposal blocks the use of the "made affirmative" procedure. It is clear that the Government are wedded to the idea of taking powers to make policy before they have decided what that policy is, and that is at the heart of the matter. This inevitably means bypassing Parliament and we should resist. I would like to test the opinion of the House.
Medicines and Medical Devices Bill — House of Lords, 2021-01-12
Topic: Environment
Judith Anne Jolly (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, this amendment would require the appropriate authority to have regard to the protection of the environment when making regulations about human medicines. We have left the EU and need to be sure that our replacement regulations are fit for purpose. Many of us have spent a lot of time checking that these replacements are in such a fit state; but, while the health and safety of patients remain paramount, it is reasonable and, indeed, important, given the climate crisis, to consider the environmental implications of any policy stemming from these regulations The manufacture of human and veterinary medicines, and medical devices, does not happen in an environmental vacuum. Manufacturers have a duty to protect their environment—and manufacturers of medicines will need to be open about how they deal with chemical and other waste. I live in Cornwall where oestrogen has found its way into local rivers, ecosystems and oysters. Wastewater from pharmaceutical manufacturers could also find its way into local waterways. Will the Minister outline how this is dealt with by regulators, and how it is covered by the Bill Much waste from pharmaceutical plants is toxic and dealt with appropriately by manufacturers but, in a Brexit world, the regulation regime will have different regulations from the very strict ones that applied when we had to follow EU regulations. We can buy our medicines and medical devices from all over the world; we know that not everyone has the same high environmental standards governing manufacture that we have. What criteria are appropriate in the commissioning and purchasing of medicines from the rest of the world? Can the Minister please outline for us the nature of discussions with regulators about these issues?
Domestic Abuse Bill — House of Lords, 2021-04-21
Topic: Law and Crime
Lorely Burt (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I am very disappointed at the outcome of this amendment. I pay tribute to the hard work of the noble Baroness, Lady Campbell, and many others in bringing it forward In the Commons, the Minister, Victoria Atkins, said: "We should steer away from diluting the purpose of the Bill."—[Official Report, Commons, 15/4/21; col 519.] She has promised a government review, pledging to engage with the noble Baroness, Lady Campbell of Surbiton, and the disabled sector to examine the protections offered and support available for this kind of domestic abuse Abuse by a paid or unpaid carer in the home constitutes domestic abuse. If it is not domestic abuse, then what is it? In responding to Victoria Atkins, Jess Phillips said that "abuse of trust and power is experienced in exactly the same way as that perpetrated by a mother, a father or a partner".—[Official Report, Commons, 15/4/21; col. 526.] If it looks like domestic abuse and it takes place in the home by an individual—paid or unpaid—who is intimately involved with the victim, what else is it if not domestic abuse I sincerely hope that the promised review is not a sop to enable the Government to kick this really important issue into the long grass. I appreciate all the Minister’s efforts—even this morning. I welcome any assurances that she can give as to how and when this review will take place. Some of the most vulnerable people in this country are depending on it.
Domestic Abuse Bill — House of Lords, 2021-04-21
Topic: Social Welfare
Lorely Burt (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Baronesses, Lady Finlay of Llandaff and Lady McIntosh of Pickering, and to others whose knowledge far exceeds my own, for all their efforts to bring this amendment forward. I have to join my cross-party colleagues in expressing disappointment at the Government’s eventual response to this amendment, despite the undoubted work and good will of the Minister The Minister in the Commons, Victoria Atkins, seemed to consider that a letter from the noble Lord, Lord Wolfson, to the President of the Family Division and the chief officer of Cafcass requesting that they "raise awareness" would resolve the issue. It will not. The problem here is that the Government are talking about one thing, the formal requests from the family courts—not that they are all up to speed in using registered child contact centres—while the main problem lies elsewhere, in less formally constituted organisations sent by local authorities and other cash-strapped bodies. The Government seem to think that the existing guidelines will filter through by osmosis to everyone who is commissioning a child contact. There is a lack of awareness on the part of courts and local authorities and, if an unfortunate incident occurs because centre staff have not been trained properly and a child suffers or is put in jeopardy, the likely outcome is that the matter will be hushed up. We will not hear about it in the public domain, which is why it is difficult to provide evidence on the extent of the problem The revised amendment we are discussing today is far less prescriptive than its predecessor previously discussed by your Lordships. As noble Lords have said, it simply applies the same criteria to child contact centre staff as to anyone working with children— for example, a DBS check. The requirement for a register is gone. No protocol and no policies are being stipulated: that will be down to the Government themselves. A child minder or a nursery assistant will have the same requirement imposed on them. These are national standards for anyone working with children, so who could argue that this bare minimum should not be applied to child contact centre staff, volunteers or agency workers? The national standards and regulations would be for the Government to determine For goodness’ sake, let us at least weed out the bad people, so that we do not expose our children to them at arguably the most vulnerable time of their lives. For that reason, if the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, decides to test the opinion of the House, I and my party will support her.
Domestic Abuse Bill — House of Lords, 2021-04-21
Topic: Law and Crime
Brian Paddick (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, as the noble Baroness, Lady Helic, has said, with the best will in the world, much of the legislation that this House passes will be ineffective if judges do not understand the issues. Sadly, in some cases—albeit a limited number—it is clear that they do not understand the issues surrounding domestic abuse, in particular, coercive control, rape and sexual abuse, despite current training To the noble and learned Baroness, Lady Butler-Sloss, I would say that there is a difference between outputs and outcomes. I am not sure whether this is an appropriate analogy, but I know from my own experience of race relations training, for example, that the cultural shift needed is difficult to achieve. The proof of the pudding is in the eating and, at times, the training of the judiciary has failed the test. Despite the Minister’s assertion, I fail to understand how mandating such training without dictating the specific content can be contrary to the principle of judicial independence, as my noble friend Lord Marks of Henley-on-Thames has said However, we are grateful for the reassurances that the Government have given as a result of the concerted efforts by the noble Baroness, Lady Helic, and my noble friend Lord Marks of Henley-on-Thames.
Domestic Abuse Bill — House of Lords, 2021-04-21
Topic: Law and Crime
Lorely Burt (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, we have had some immensely knowledgeable, cogent and passionate contributions tonight, particularly from the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, and my noble friend Lady Brinton Several noble Lords have referred to National Stalking Awareness Week and, like others, I was greatly heartened to hear the Secretary of State, Robert Buckland, say that he would do what he could to address this issue. He has campaigned for years on stalking so, as the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, said: why vote against the amendment considering what would be achieved by it There is a well-known saying—I am not the only one who can trot out the old things—which is, "Do what you’ve always done, and you’ll get what you’ve always got." In 2012, the stalking law inquiry report recommended exactly what this amendment, retabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, would do. Since 2012, the Government have insisted time after time that the implementation of the rules is the issue, not making recording mandatory. Victoria Atkins said last week: "The real issue … is not the statutory framework but how it is applied".—[Official Report, Commons, 15/4/21; col. 522.] In this case, doing "what you’ve always done" has not even got us to where we used to get, as the harrowing figures given to us have demonstrated. Clearly, from the testimonies of the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, my noble friend Lady Brinton and others, what we have now is worse than ever. From a pre-pandemic level of about two women being murdered per week, that number has more than doubled—with 16 since the Report stage of this Bill. You can be sure that all the gradations of fear, pain and misery proportionately cascaded all the way down the line. Why will the Government not be brave enough to do something different with the changes contained in these amendments We know that the danger comes with an escalation from minor offences to major ones. Stalkers can be helped, but, without a co-ordinated effort to identify them at an early stage, the real danger they pose may come too late. The Government’s alternative is not strong enough, although I acknowledge they are trying hard to do something with their own amendment and that is greatly appreciated We have heard many harrowing testimonies over the course of these amendments. No one in your Lordships’ House wants to have to hear the sickening details of another one—no "DVAOA", as the noble Lord, Lord Russell of Liverpool, said—no "déjà vu all over again". While I welcome the government amendments, including MAPPS as opposed to MAPPA, my party and I are fully behind the amendment put by the noble Baroness, Lady Royall. We will support her if she sees fit to push it to a vote.
EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement — House of Lords, 2021-01-08
Topic: International Affairs
Jonathan Oates (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, the Minister’s suggestion in his opening remarks that the people of this country were not free when we were members of the European Union is deeply offensive, and I ask that he withdraws it Last week, we had three minutes to speak on an 85-page Bill to give domestic effect to this agreement. Today, we are given two minutes to debate the detail of the most important trade agreement we are ever likely to sign. To call this a farce is an understatement. It is a mockery of parliamentary accountability and scrutiny. The Government have repeatedly heard representations from across this House expressing deep opposition to the continuation of farcical procedures such as this. When will they listen In the time available, I will focus on two issues: the collaboration between the UK and the EU on energy issues and scrutiny of EU energy measures; and the decision to withdraw from the Erasmus scheme. As the Minister will be aware, the energy sector is concerned about the impact that our withdrawal from the single energy market will have on formal collaboration with the EU on research projects. This is particularly important as the UK and the EU seek to decarbonise their energy supplies. What reassurance can the Minister give the House on this point Secondly, Northern Ireland will continue to be governed by the rules of the single energy market. What provisions do the Government intend to put in place for the Northern Ireland Assembly and this Parliament to scrutinise EU legislative measures governing that market, and how will the people of Northern Ireland and their representatives be able to influence the rules that now apply to them Lastly, will the Government reconsider their position on Erasmus? The Minister just told the House that we are not walking away from Europe, so why leave the Erasmus scheme, which includes many non-EU countries? The Turing scheme proposed as a replacement is not only vaguely defined; more importantly, it is a unilateral scheme, meaning that we will not gain from an exchange of students, which is what makes Erasmus such a rich experience for students and countries taking part. I appeal to the Government to rethink this.
EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement — House of Lords, 2021-01-08
Topic: International Affairs
John Alderdice (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, I welcome the noble Lord, Lord Wharton of Yarm, to the House. I commend him on an excellent maiden speech, and I hope he will enjoy a long and fruitful membership of this House The Minister referred to the Second Reading debate. Speaking last Wednesday, he graciously acknowledged that in taking a very brief break to bolt down his fish and chips he missed my question, so I will put it again, along with another one Brexit and the debates that led to it have seen the release of powerful nationalist forces that will not be put to bed by Brexit. The Prime Minister’s ambition to take back control is now being turned against him within the United Kingdom, for the Scots, the Welsh and the Irish do not want to take back control from Brussels only to hand it to London. That is why the Minister had to acknowledge in that debate that the Government are unable to get legislative consent Motions passed in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast. The appearance of a de facto border down the Irish Sea is a practical example of the fissures opened up by the powerful centrifugal dynamic that Brexit has released. Can the Minister tell us what the Government will do to hold the UK together In asking my second question, I draw the House’s attention to my interests at the University of Oxford as declared in the register. Post Brexit, as the TCA makes clear, we are outside the previous ready access to the larger territory and population of the EU, but we are fortunate that cyberspace gives us a new environment in which to operate, less hindered by our reduced territorial footprint. The pandemic has also demonstrated how the creativity of our people and businesses can benefit not only our own country but the whole world through the production of an excellent vaccine and effective treatments How will the Government enable our people and businesses throughout the country to exploit the possibilities of the digital world when, as Meg Hillier, chair of the Public Accounts Committee of the other place, has reported on its behalf, they are failing to deliver on their promises of digital connectivity? When Brexit and Covid make high-speed broadband essential, how will the Government address these shortcomings so that they do not compound and exacerbate the inequalities and isolation of our population and businesses post Brexit?
EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement — House of Lords, 2021-01-08
Topic: International Affairs
Claire Tyler (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, last January the Prime Minister told MPs that there was "no threat to the Erasmus scheme."—[Official Report, Commons, 15/1/20; col. 1021.] What a difference a year makes. In our debate last week, many noble Lords voiced concerns about the absence of a two-way exchange scheme, its funding base and the loss of opportunities to young people, particularly those from low-income backgrounds; and about the effect on our international reputation for keeping to our word. I share those concerns and wish to ask the Minister some further questions First, what practical steps have the Government taken to ensure that UK universities can continue to receive incoming Erasmus students from the EU as they export UK Turing students? Have they agreed this with the EU? Secondly, what assessment have the Government made of the impact of withdrawing from Erasmus in terms of the numbers of EU students studying in UK universities and on the local economies of university towns and cities? Thirdly, could the Government confirm that the £100 million promised for the Turing programme is an annual commitment? How many years do the Government commit to this level of funding? Is the £100 million a budget increase or decrease on a like-for-like basis? Finally, what negotiations have the Government had with the Turing Trust and the Turing family about the use of the name, and what was their reaction Brexit has happened, something I profoundly regret. Those of us who believe in the European vision have to accept that and work within the new framework in which our nation finds itself. The idea that we should simply move on is deeply flawed. We must maintain the closest possible relationship with our former European partners to help put right some of the self-imposed errors, such as the withdrawal from the Erasmus scheme The noble Lord, Lord Heseltine, wrote in the Times earlier this week that "Brexit is not done: it is a process of change." We should not and we must not just move on, as some people would have us do. Like him, I am proud to be a voice for a new, positive and close relationship with Europe as we seek to re-establish our reputation on the world stage.
EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement — House of Lords, 2021-01-08
Topic: Law and Crime
Donald Thomas (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): I will make three points on the surrender of suspects or convicted persons, previously dealt with under the European arrest warrant. First, according to article 136, under part 3, title XII of the agreement, in the event of the United Kingdom or the European Union denouncing the European Convention on Human Rights, the whole of part 3, all the security provisions, will "cease to be in force" What does this mean? If, as a result of the committee of the noble Lord, Lord Foulkes, it becomes government policy to withdraw from the ECHR, do all the arrangements in the agreement for co-operation and security matters automatically fall? How do you denounce—that is the word used—the convention? Do you have to go, like Martin Luther, to the cathedral in Württemberg and hammer your denunciation upon the door Secondly, since all 27 EU countries are placed into Part 1 of the Extradition Act 2003, a request for surrender by an EU country will, unless the person requested consents, result in a court hearing. The agreement provides time limits for compliance with the request. If the alleged criminal comes within the financial limits, he is automatically entitled to legal aid, whatever the merits of his case. What consideration has been given to the impact on our heavily overburdened courts? The noble Lord, Lord True, described this agreement as "streamlined". I do not think so Finally, there are 22 countries out of the 27 that prevent or restrict extradition of their nationals who are third country, which is what we have become. For example, the German constitution forbids it. Will we be extraditing our nationals to Europe without any reciprocity by those states? I appreciate the Minister’s burden today but would welcome a written response.
EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement — House of Lords, 2021-01-08
Topic: Foreign Trade
Catherine Bakewell (Liberal Democrats, Centre to centre-left): My Lords, the EU trade deal is a momentous occasion for our country. The TCA agrees ambitious commitments towards liberalising market access with zero tariffs and quotas on all goods from day one. Without this, our farmers producing meat, dairy, poultry, and cereals, including some processed foodstuffs, could have faced tariffs of some 50% under WTO rates; processed fish products would have faced tariffs of up to 25%. Can the Minister say whether lamb produced by our hill farmers in Cumbria, Wales, Yorkshire or on the Derbyshire Dales will be specifically included in the zero-tariff category Chapter 2, on the rules of origin, sets out labelling requirements. The rules are supported by low-cost administrative arrangements for proving origin. Exporters will be able to self-certify the origin of their goods, making it easier for traders to prove their origin, thus reducing red tape. I am in favour of less red tape, but what I am hearing about Scottish shellfish exporters having to fill in more than 20 forms does not inspire confidence. On the other side, reassurance on provenance is important. I am concerned for producers and exporters that have iconic products, for which geographical indicators are a large, in some cases the only, factor in their trade Like other countries, we have a wide range of products relying on authenticity. Producers of Scotch malt whisky, whose flavour comes partly from the water used, regional cheeses such as Cornish Yarg, and other goods all rely heavily on geographical indicators to sell their products. If there is little or no regulation on labelling, this could seriously undermine the market and the price of such goods. Can the Minister give reassurance that GI products will be adequately protected? Like the noble Lord, Lord Bridges of Headley, I fear that the Government are making it up as they go along.