J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:1164–1174 they do so superﬁcially or not at all, because they lack necessary communication skills, knowledge, or comfort (Constantine et al. 2007; DiIorio et al. 2003; Lefkowitz and Stoppa 2006). Although research results on the effects of parental communication on their children’s sexual behavior have been mixed (see DiIorio et al. 2003), several studies have shown that sexual socialization achieved through parental nurturance and involvement is associated with children’s remaining abstinent, postponing intercourse, having fewer sexual partners, and using contraception more consistently (DiIorio et al. 2003; Markham et al. 2010; Miller et al. 2001). As Whitaker et al. (1999) found, sexual communication between parents and children is most likely to reduce children’s sexual risk when parents are open, skilled, and comfortable in their discussion of sex-related topics. Demographic characteristics of parents and children can inﬂuence parent–child sexual communication. Gender of the parent and the child has been related to sexual com- munication, with mothers being more likely to talk with their children about sexual topics than are fathers, and mothers being more likely to talk with daughters than with sons and fathers more likely to talk with sons than with daughters (DiIorio et al. 2003; Swain et al. 2006). Swain et al. (2006) found that the gender mix of parents and children was the strongest demographic indicator of par- ent–child sexual communication in their study: Mothers reported communicating with their child about the negative consequences of sex and where to obtain birth control to a greater extent than fathers did, with the most discussion occurring between mothers and daughters. Age of the child also has been found to inﬂuence sexual communication, with less frequent and extensive communication occurring with younger children (Byers et al. 2008; Eisenberg et al. 2006). Overall, research suggests that children’s age, and children’s gender interacting with parents’ gender, do predict sexual communication. Some evidence of associations between sexual com- munication and parents’ race and ethnicity and socioeco- nomic status has been found, although ﬁndings have been inconsistent (DiIorio et al. 2003; Pluhar et al. 2008; Swain et al. 2006). Greater frequency of sexual communication has been reported among Black versus White or Hispanic parents, as well as among Black and White versus Hispanic parents (DiIorio et al. 2003). Swain et al. (2006) found that low-income, non-White parents reported more discussion with their children about the negative consequences of sex and where to obtain birth control than did high-income, White parents. Swain et al. also found that politically conservative parents who attend religious services more than once per week reported discussing the negative con- sequences of sex with their adolescent more often than did parents who attend religious services rarely or never and 1165 liberal parents who attend religious services 1–4 times per month. An absence of correlation between discussion about AIDS and mothers’ education, employment status, or household income has also been reported (DiIorio et al. 2003), and among African American mothers, socioeco- nomic variables such as education and income were found not to predict mother–child sexual communication (Pluhar et al. 2008). Overall, research evidence is inconclusive as to the association between parents’ racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic characteristics and their sexual communi- cation with their children. Byers et al. (2008) found parental demographic char- acteristics to be weaker predictors of parents’ sexual communication with their children in grades K-8 as com- pared with other parental characteristics, such as parents’ own sexual education and parents’ sexual knowledge and comfort. Similarly, African American mothers reporting greater comfort and self-efﬁcacy for communicating about sexuality with their 6 to 12-year-old children reported more frequent sexual communication (Pluhar et al. 2008). Lehr et al. (2005) studied sexual communication between fathers and sons and found that fathers’ sexual communication with their own father was an important predictor of sexual communication. DiIorio et al. (2003) noted that other studies also have shown that parents’ sexual knowledge or perception of their knowledge level, as well as their com- fort level, inﬂuence the extent to which parents discuss sex with their children. Furthermore, parents’ sexual knowl- edge and comfort have been related to the extent of parental communication about various speciﬁc sexual health topics (Byers et al. 2008; Lehr et al. 2005; Miller et al. 2007). Overall, research evidence suggests that par- ents’ knowledge and comfort and their own childhood experiences with sexual education and communication are strongly associated with whether, how often, and how much parents talk with their children about sexual topics. Several factors that can interfere with parents’ com- munication with their children about sexual issues have been proposed in the literature. Jaccard et al. (2000) identiﬁed ﬁve main categories of predictors of mothers’ reservations in sexual communication with their children: having the necessary knowledge and skills to explain sexual topics, adopting a cooperative orientation toward mutual communication, perceived self-efﬁcacy of com- munication, situational constraints, and fear of encouraging sexual activity. The two strongest individual predictors were concerns over embarrassment (within the category of necessary knowledge and skills) and being taken seriously by the adolescent (within the category of adopting a cooperative orientation). In a study of Latina mothers and their adolescent children, cultural support versus nonsup- port for open discussion about sex in the home was found to play a large role in mother–child conversations about sex 123