Journal of Aging Research However, only one of the displaced participants was forced to leave because of a housing takeover, all of the others moved due to declining health. Interviews were conducted in English, French, and/or Italian, lasted between 60 minutes to two hours, were voice recorded and transcribed in their entirety, the Italian material being subsequently translated into French. The original French language interview guide was developed in collaboration with our French colleagues and upon completion was translated into English and Italian. Our interviews aimed to explore what changes older residents perceive as having occurred in the neighbourhood (e.g., new constructions, population, neighbourhood image, etc.) and what the eﬀects have been on them. Some of the potential impacts were covered systematically: social networks, change in urban landscape (e.g., loss/gain of new businesses, new constructions). We also wanted to explore to what extent older people’s social networks and activities were located inside and outside of their neighbourhood, to be able to evaluate the signiﬁcance of the local neighbourhood. Finally, we were interested in what place older residents see for themselves in the neighbourhood, how they feel about aging in place, what keeps them in their home. The interview ended with a brief sociodemographic questionnaire to better contextualize their perspectives. The key informants were interviewed using a semistruc- tured interview guide and informed consent was obtained before each interview. The interviews lasted between 45 minutes to one hour and were voice recorded in their entirety. Participants were asked to describe the neighbour- hood (types and cost of real estate and rentals, population, transportation, cultural activities, businesses, etc.). They were then asked about any changes they had noticed (new constructions, population, etc.). Finally, they were asked speciﬁcally about the role that older adults have in the neigh- bourhood and whether they believe the neighbourhood is a good place to age. The term “gentriﬁcation” was purposefully excluded from all recruitment material and the interview guides so as not to bias participants’ responses. 3.3. Analysis. All interview transcripts were read, and an ana- lytic summary was created for each participant to understand the situation and the dynamics of social inclusion/exclusion of each of the participants. The analysis employed both deductive and inductive approaches in identifying themes to generate an understanding of how neighbourhood change was experienced in the everyday lives of older adults. The seven dimensions of the social exclusion framework [29] (symbolic, identity, territorial, sociopolitical, social network, economic, and institutional) were employed for the ﬁrst round of the deductive coding. To obtain a better understanding of the participants’ perspective, we also used Rowles’ three components of attachment (physical, social, and autobiographical). To avoid forcing material into predeﬁned categories and to reﬂect themes emerging from the data, we generated codes inductively using the grounded theory approach of Glaser and Strauss [49]. These inductively generated codes were reviewed and discussed 5 until the research team members arrived at a consensus. The entire analysis process was facilitated by using the qualitative software package QDA Miner. 4. The Two Study Neighbourhoods Before moving on to the presentation of ﬁndings, we now brieﬂy introduce the two neighbourhoods, referring to a summary table showing how their sociodemographic characteristics evolved over the decade preceding the start of our ﬁeldwork (Table 2). 4.1. La Petite-Patrie. La Petite-Patrie is a working-class inner city district a few kilometres north of downtown Montre´al and dating from the 1910s–1920s when it was considered part of a larger suburban district called Villeray. It is mainly French-Canadian in ethnocultural composition but is also home to one of the founding parishes of the city’s Italian- origin community. In the 1970s and 1980s its ethnocultural proﬁle diversiﬁed with the settlement of Latin American and Southeast Asian immigrants. It is known citywide today mainly for two major culinary attractions in its western sector: the Jean-Talon produce market and the Little Italy commercial strip on nearby St. Lawrence Boulevard, both of which have been the object of large municipally led revi- talization initiatives in the past 10–15 years. Little Italy has undergone a “rebranding” through ethnic entrepreneurship and many of the traditional storefronts on the main shopping street have been renovated and given way to more luxurious boutiques. Although the resident population of Italian ethnic origin has shrunk by half from 1996 (5%) to 2006 (2.5%), the local Italian business community is still powerful and Little Italy remains a draw for Italian-origin residents of Montre´al and upper-middle-class consumers alike. The market has been somewhat reoriented toward regionally produced and artisanal specialty foodstuﬀs although a vast array of fresh produce is still available. Bucking the societal-scale trend of an aging population, this area is now home to fewer senior citizens than a decade or so ago, and their relative weight has also diminished (Table 2). It remains ethnically diverse, although the visible minority population has fallen, especially in the sectors most touched by the commercial gentriﬁcation that has been the key change in this area over the past 15 years or so. La Petite-Patrie has seen a rapid increase in residential gentriﬁcation activity since the early 2000s, in part due to an overspill from the city’s two most gentriﬁed districts, to which it is adjacent. Housing market changes symptomatic of this gentriﬁcation are increased rates of homeownership (Table 2), spiralling real estate values (especially since the mid-2000s, according to our key informants), mushroom- ing inﬁll condominium construction, and conversions of rental units and nonresidential buildings (including an iconic church) to condominiums, including some up-market housing units. Our community-based key informants claim that transformations of existing rental units have generated displacement in spite of the safeguards of tenants that are in principle built into law. As well, the neighbourhood has