Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2009, 6 2485 analyzed. After several meetings and readings of interview data, a coding scheme was developed by consensus for all groups to use when coding in QSR NVivo7. The codes were translated and some new codes added by the francophone sub-team to capture the experience of this subgroup. Analysis was theoretically informed by social theory, which finds praxis in critical ethnography [27,28]. We drew on de Certeau‟s [32,33] concepts of place and space to refine attention to the interplay between everyday contexts and health behaviours. Place denotes the locations, physical or social, that people occupy or pass through in their daily rounds of activity [32,33]. Activities or practices make places into meaningful spaces. Space is fluid and it constantly transforms with the changing context; spatial stories reflect this ambiguity [32,33]. In telling about their daily practices, people guide the listener through their itineraries, or travels through the practiced spaces of the everyday [32,33]. In their spatial stories, participants described their embodied movements through the microgeographies of their everyday worlds, claiming locations and situating themselves within them in meaningful ways. These habitual practices become embedded in place, so that context itself begins to call forth behaviours. As our analysis deepened, we saw that the process of adding or changing activities for CHD risk reduction problematizes spatial practices. People must find or make new space for exercise and new dietary practices, and they must resist the call to act in habitual ways within existing spaces. In so doing, they change the character of their everyday worlds. Furthermore, in changing the spatial practices for themselves, individuals may change for others the meaning of communally occupied social spaces. We shared our findings in a plain language newsletter that was sent to the study participants and others; the newsletter was translated into French for the francophone community. 3. Results 3.1. Sample Characteristics Of the 39 study participants, 21 were from Toronto and 18 were from Sudbury and Districts. Of the Sudbury subgroup, 12 were anglophone and six were francophone. There was equal distribution of men and women in each subgroup. Immigrants to Canada comprised 33% of Toronto participants and 17% of the Sudbury anglophones. Sudbury francophones were all born in Canada. Most participants were married or lived with someone, including 75% of the Sudbury anglophones and 100% of the Sudbury francophones, but only 57% of the Torontonians. Focus groups, interviews, and over 340 photographs covered a wide range of self selected topics, including food; cigarettes; medication; locations for exercise; televisions and computers; nature, outdoors and weather; and family, friends and social occasions. All participants described efforts involved in initiating and maintaining recommended lifestyle changes, but different patterns of barriers and resources were seen between regions and subgroups. 3.2. Places, Spaces and Itineraries: Exemplars and Ambiguities Analysis drew on de Certeau‟s [32,33] concepts of place, space and itineraries as a lens to study the