BMC Public Health 2009, 9:221 http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2458/9/221 Table 4: Factor loadings for three dimensions of perceived safety (n = 1390) Derived factora 40.2 0.78 0.83 0.74 0.73 I. Structural indicators of social disorder II. Contact with disorderly behaviour III. Existential insecurity 12.1 0.78 0.83 0.82 0.58 0.54 10.3 0.65 0.74 0.73 0.73 Percentage of variation explained Cronbach alpha Factor loadings Graffiti Car theft Litter Disturbing neighbours Disturbed night rest Tobacco smoking Alcohol consumption Sense of safety in evening and night Fear of crime Sense of safety in daytime aFactor loadings < 0.5 are not represented. 4.00). The odds ratio for reporting contact with disorderly behaviour was significantly lower for the elderly (65–79 years) (OR 0.51, CI 0.38–0.70). There were no associa- tions between area-level crime, gender, education, coun- try of birth and contact with disorderly behaviour, but for single households the odds ratio was 1.57 times higher (CI 1.28–1.94) than for family households. Existential insecurity The odds ratio of reported existential insecurity (feeling insecure in the residential area during the day or in the evening or at night, and fear of crime) in the neighbour- hood was associated with area-level crime (OR 1.003, CI 1.001–1.006) but not significantly associated with being a crime victim during the last 12 months (OR 1.42, CI 0.85–2.37). Residents who thought their area reputation was less good had more than twice the odds ratio (OR 2.67, CI 1.64–4.35) for experiencing existential insecurity in the neighbourhood. Existential insecurity in the neigh- bourhood was reported four times more often by female residents (OR 4.54, CI 3.21–6.43) compared with males, and being elderly (65–79 years) increased the odds ratio for perceived existential insecurity to 1.72 (CI 1.20–2.46) times that of younger residents. Education, country of birth, household civil status, and type of housing were not associated with existential insecurity in the neighbour- hood (Table 5). Discussion In our study design, an attempt was made to cover several complementary dimensions of perceived safety in the res- idential environment. The three derived dimensions cap- tured almost two-thirds of the total item variance. As could be expected, the dimension 'structural indicators of social disorder' was associated with the area-level of crime and to living in a flat. Previous research [24] suggested that a land-use structure with large non-residential space, such as in the present areas with blocks of flats, increases crime rates. A corresponding association between factual crime rates and perceived structural indicators of social disorder could be observed in the areas with detached houses and little non-residential space, where the resi- dents assessed the occurrence of threatening physical signs as less serious; the crime rates were also relatively low. It is possible that signs of disorder in the residential environment give rise to safety-related concerns among residents, especially in combination with local reports of violence, assaults or rape communicated through neigh- bours or the media. In areas where reports of crime and signs of disorder co-exist, a process of stigmatization could develop giving an area the reputation of being a dangerous place [43,44]. In the classic theory of 'broken windows', Wilson and Kelling [45] suggest that signs of neighbourhood disorder are perceived as a warning sign of low reciprocity. More recent research has indicated that physical signs of social disorder indicate neighbourhood deterioration, trigger general insecurity among residents and stimulate outward migration [46-49]. We observed a similar pattern of clear differentiation between residents in different types of housing for the dimension 'contact with disorderly behaviour'. Residents living in flats reported more severe problems with distur- bance from neighbours, alcohol consumption, and smok- ing, and their sleep was disturbed more frequently because of noise in the residential environment. Contact with this sort of disorderly behaviour could be interpreted as a lack of the normal inhibitors of incivilities and crime, which produces insecurity. If such a pattern lasts for a pro- longed in time, residents may suffer from the conse- quences of safety-related concerns in the living environment as a source of accumulated stress with nega- Page 7 of 11 (page number not for citation purposes)