BMC Public Health 2009, 9:311 http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2458/9/311 had these cards, however, often did not want to seek treat- ment from their local GP because of concerns that they would be judged by him or her as being promiscuous or immoral. As such they sometimes sought treatment at practices or centers where they had to pay for treatment but where they would be unlikely to encounter a health- care professional who could judge them. Respondent: I needed to save up the money. It was like 150 euro. I didn't have the money straight away. I got it about a month after that. Interviewer: Was it difficult to get the money together? R: Yeah. Cos it was 150 euro because I got a full test. I: So how did you get the money together. R: Working. I work like. I: Did you have to give up stuff. R: Yeah, it was hard. It was just hard to keep all my money and not spend money. (F/FP/late teens-). Preferences for attending clinics that were further away from where respondents lived or worked and which were subsequently more difficult to attend were more likely to lead to procrastination behaviors. Clinic opening hours – especially for STI clinics – could also lead to delayed attendance. Respondents who attended these clinics did so for two principle reasons: the clinics were free and they were thought to have expertise in treating STIs. The demand placed on these clinics was such, however, that respondents often faced difficulties accessing them, which further delayed testing. I was told to be at the clinic 90 minutes before they started testing at 1 pm but I was there an hour early. They'd given out all the tickets at 11.30 am so I was too late. I then asked about the the other hospital clinic and was told about the six week wait. (Male/MSM/late 20 s/-). Interestingly, some respondents who delayed testing (for reasons unrelated to difficulties accessing clinics because of long-waiting times) did not view themselves as delay- ing. These respondents appeared to have an elastic con- ception of what immediacy was in relation to STI-related health-seeking. Respondent: I went straight away [for test]. Interviewer: And how long was that? I: I think within four weeks (F/SH/early 20 s/-). Re-testing A minority of respondents (all either women or MSM) attended health services for re-testing. There were four rea- sons why respondents went for re-tsting. One was to receive a test of cure in the event that they had tested pos- itive for an STI. They do advise after you've had a course of meds and taken them properly, to go back after six months and have another check. It's all free of charge. (F/GP/late 20 s/+). The second was to manage any uncertainty remaining from the first test. Uncertainty related to the STI status of the body (whether the individual was positive or nega- tive) and could develop because the individual had not successfully completed his or her course of medication or because her health service had not contacted her to tell her that her results were either positive or negative. I was wanting to [get re-tested]. I think because I'd been nearly caught, until I'd got the all clear again I wasn't happy. It was more a thing that I needed to do for myself. I was happier once we'd had the all clear. I just needed to get it right in my own mind. (F/GP/late/ +). I needed to see it in black and white 12 months later that it was clear on both of our parts. I think it's just a psychological thing. (F/GP/late 20 s/+). The third reason related to the cleansing nature of STI test- ing. Some respondents experienced STI testing as a moral practice (using words like it was the 'right' thing to do, a 'good' thing to do) and received positive feedback from their (negative) test results, which encouraged them to seek further testing in future. I'm just addicted I think to getting checked. Even though I know I don't have anything it's just nice to know I'm after getting it done again and I'm still clean. (M/MSM/late 20 s/-). The fourth reason was relevant to re-testers who had tested positive in their first test. Testing positive damaged these respondents' protective cocoons, the psychological filters that they used to screen out risk anxieties; as such they perceived themselves as being more vulnerable to risk than other respondents. STI re-testing, as well as being a course of action that was sometimes advised by the health provider, provided respondents' with a mechanism to manage risk, acting as a psychological 'protective shield' against feelings of vulnerability. Re-testing also Page 7 of 10 (page number not for citation purposes)