1040 UONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 10, 

have been exhausted. All the new members on this floor must buy 

those volumes to complete their sets. People are anxious to obtain 

these yolumes; the country is demanding them. We get letters almost every day asking fo'rthem. I have been all over this town, and 

not a single copy of volumes 1, 2, and 3 of this work can be bought 

a.nywhere. This resolution proposes that the Public Printer shall 

print from the plates now on hand 1,000 copies of these volumes, and 

sell them at cost with 10 per cent. addition to those who may desire 

to buy them. That is all there is about it. 

Mr. RANDALL. Let the resolution go to the Committee on Printing. 

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to considering this resolution 

at this time f 

:Mr. HAZELTON. I object. 

Mr. KLOTZ. Let it be referred to the Committee on Printing. 

There wa no objection, and' it was ordered accordingly. 

ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

Many MEMBERS. Regular order. 

The SPEAKER. The regular order is the motion of the gentleman 

from Pennsylvania., [Mr. RANDALL,] that the House now adjourn. 

The motion wa-s agreed to; and accordingly (at five o'clock p.m.) 

the House· adjonrne~. . 

PETITIONS. ETC. 

The following petitions and o.ther papers were laid on the Clerk's 

desk, under the rule, and referred as follows : By Mr. BAYNE: The resolutions of the Chamber of Commerce of 

Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania recommending the extension of the system 

of Government lights to the Monongahela River-to the Committee on Colll.lllerce. 

By 11-fr. CAMPBELL : The petition of citizens of :Meyersdale, Pennsylvania, for the a-doption of measures for the suppression of polygamy-to the Committee on the Judiciary. · By Mr. CHAPMAN: Papers relating to the claim of Alfred Lyles, 

for compensation for labor performed under the Doorkeeper of the 

House in the Forty-fifth Cong-I:ess-to the Committee on Accounts. 

By Mr. DAWES: The petition of citizens of Owens borough, Kentucky, alleging a combination between the Standard Oil Company and 

certain railroad companies which does injustice to shippers of oil, 

and praying for au investigation-to the Committee on Commerce. 

By Mr. DIBRELL: The petition ofthe late supervisor of the cen- sus of the second district of Tennessee, for additional compensationto the Committee on the Census. 

By .Mr. ERRETT: The resolution of the Chamber of Commerce of 

Pitts burgh, Pennsylvania, recommending that beacon-lights be established on the Monongahela River-to the Committee on Commerce. 

By Mr. FLOWER: The petition of Jennie M. Loszier, M.D., and 

others, for legislation for the suppression of polygamy-to the Committee on the Judiciary. 

l3y Mr. GARRISON: The petition of citizens of Essex County, for 

dredging Piscataway Creek, in Virginia-to the Committee on Com- merce. Also, the petition of William H. Vaughan, for compensation for 

property taken bythe UnitedStatesArmyduring the late rebellionto the Committee on War Claims. 

By Mr. HOBLITZELL: The petitian of John C. McConnell, and 

a.<Jcompanying l>.ill, for an increase of pension-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. · By Mr. KING: ~e petition of citizens of Wa-shington, District of 

Columbia, for the repeal of tax on banks and stamps on bank-checksto the Committee on Ways and Means. · ~o, the pe~i tion of citizens o~ Jackson Parish, ~ouisiana, for legislation regulatmg charges for railroad transportation-to the Committee on Commerce. 

By Mr. McLANE: The petition of Mordecai & Co., of Baltimore, 

Marylandt for relief-to the Committee on Appropriations~ 

By Mr . ..l\IILES: Papers relating to the claim of Jacob Weideman, 

guardian of the minor child of Leopold Schmidt-to the Committee .on Invalid Pensions. · l3y Mr. OURY: A bill for an appropriation for the improvement 

of the navigation of the Colorado River of the West-to the Committee on Commerce. · By Mr. PETTIBONE: The petition of James Hale, Hannah Dawson, and other heirs-at-law of Richard Hale, deceased, for a pensionto the Committee on Pensions. 

By Mr. RANDALL: Papers relating to the claim of Philip Lawali-to the Committee on Military Affairs. 

By Mr. SHALLENBERGER: The resolutions of the Pittsburgh 

(Pennsylvania) Chamber of Commerce, praying for the extension of 

beacon-lights to theMonongahela River-to the Committee on Com- merce. · · 

By Mr. VANCE:· Papers relating to the claim of Edward Haileto the Committee on Claims. 

By Mr. G. D. WISE: The petition of E. P. Pelkenton and others 

tobacco manufacturers, praying that there be refunded to them th~ amount of the additional tax levied upon them under Cominissioner 

Douglass's ruling on the .act of March 3, 1875, which has since been 

declared illegal and void-to the Committee on Ways and Means. 

SENATE. 

FRIDAY, ·:February 10, 1882. 

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. J. BULLOCK, D. D. 

The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was rea-d and approved. 

MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE. 

.A message from the House of Representatives, by ~fr. McPHERSON, 

its Clerk, announced that the House had passed a joint resolution 

(H. R. No. 127) fixing the time when the pay of certain clerks to 

committees of the House shall begin; in whichitreque.sted the con- currence of the Senate. 

ENROLLED BILL SIGl\"'ED. 

The message also announced that the Speaker of the House had 

signed the enrolled bill (H. R. No. 2796) to appropriate $5,000 for 

packing, transporting, and arranging certain agricultural and mineral 

specimens; and it was thereupon signed by the President pro tentpore. 

EXECUTIVE CO~CATION. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a communication {rom the Secretary of War transmitting estimates of amounts 

(total: 22,000) required to supply deficiencies in the appropriations 

for buildings and grounds in Washington City for the current fiscal 

year; which was referred to the Committee on Appropriations, and 

ordered to be printed. 

PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS. 

Mr. FRYE presented the petition of Mrs. S. Jane Lincoln O'Brian 

and 88 others, citizens of Cornish, Maine, praying that the Federal 

Constitution may be so amended as to give equal political rights to 

all American citizens irrespective of sex; which waa referred to the 

Select Committee on Woman Suffrage. . Mr. MORGAN presented the petition of C. V. McCafferty and others, 

citizens of Lamar and Pickens Counties, Alabama, praying for legislation regulating charges for railroad transportation; which was referred to the Co:rmnittee on Commerce. · Mr. WINDOM presented th& petition of the Minnesota State Temperance Union, officially si~ed1 representing 15,000 members, praying for a commission of inq 1lll'Y concerning the alcoholic liquor traffic ; 

which was ordered to lie on the table. · · Mr. BROWN presented a petition of citizens .of Brunswick, Georgia, 

praying for an ·appropriation adequate to the improvement of the 

harbor and deepening of the channel at that place; which .was referred to the Committee on CoiDJDerce. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I have had transmitted to me by ~fr. Winslow 

Judson, of Saint Joseph, Missouri, a petition of leading citizens of 

that place, asking the Senators and Representatives in Congress from 

that State to oppose the passage . of any bill by the Congress of the 

United States which shall authorize any individuals, company, or corporation to erect a bridge across the Missouri River which shall 

not be of sufficient height to admit of the free passage thereunder of 

all ~mch boats and crafts as are accustomed to ply thereon. I move the reference of the petition to the Committee on Commerce. 

The motion was agreed to. 

Mr. COCKRELL presented additional evidence to accompany the 

bill (S. No. 1035) to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to settle 

the claimsofS. W. Marston, late United Stateslndianagent at Union 

agency, Indian Territory, for services and expenses; which was re- ferred to the Committee on Indian Affairs. 

He also presented papers to accompany the bill (S. No. 786) for the 

relief of David Waldo; which. were referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. 

Mr. B~ER presented the petition of citizens of Yorkville, South 

Carolina, praying for an appropnation for continuing the improvement of the Santee River, and especi:tlly for opening a connection 

between that river and Winyah Bay by way of Mosquito Creek; 

which was referred to t.he Committee on Commerce. 

Mr. CAMERON, of Pennsylvania, presented the petition of John 

Marshall and 190 others, citizena of Pennsylvania, praying for an amendment to the Constitution providing that the right of citizens 

of the United States to vote shall not be abridged on account of sex; 

which was referred to the Select Committee on Woman Suffrage. 

REPORTS' OF CO~ITITEES. 

Mr. SAULSBURY, from the Committee on Post-Offices and PostRoads, to whom was referred the bill (S. No. 283) for the relief of 

Charles E. Gunn reported.it without amendment. 

He also, from the same committee, to whom wa-s referred the bill (S. 

No. 285) for the relief of Van B. Bowers, reported it without amendment. 

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill 

( S. No. 286) for the relief of Thomas Doak, reported adversely thereon, 

and the bill wa postponed indefinitely. 

Mr. C.AM.ERON, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on Naval 

Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (S. No. 738) for t.he relief o.f 

Jabez Burchard, reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon, which wa-s ordered to be printed. 

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill 

(S. ;No. 110) for the relief of Benjamin C. Bampton, reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon, which was orclered 

to be printed. 
1882. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1041 ... --- - -· ~ 

Mr SHERMAN from the Com;mittee on the Library, to whom was HOUSE BILL REFERRED. 

refe~ed the bill (

7

8. No. 578) to a~tho!ize the erection of a statue of The joint resolution (H. R. No. 127) fixing the time when the pay 

Chief-Justice Marshall, reported It with amendments. of certa:i'n clerks to committees of the House shall begin was read 

BILLS INTRODUCED. twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Appropriations. 

Mr. HARRISON (by request) a ked and, by unanimou_s consent, PUNISHMENT OF BIGAMY. 

obtained leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 1156) for the relief of Sec- Mr. EDMUNDS. I wish to take this opportunity, before the proond Lieutenant James E. Macklin; which was read twice by its title, ceedings go on, to say that the Committee on the Judiciary on next 

and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. Tuesday will ask the Senate to take .up and consider and dispose .of, 

Mr. INGALLS·(by request) asked and, by unanimou~ consent, ob- either' on that day or the next, the bill (S. No. 353) to amend section 

tained leave to introduce a bill (S. No.1157) for the relief of Chal'les 5352 of the Revised Statutes of the United States in reference to bigp Wannall· which was read twice by its title, and, with the accom- amy, and for other purposes; and we shall hope, as the bill is short p~nying papers, referred to the Committee on Claims. and the subject has attracted the attention of Sena-tors for a loi;lg .Mr. EDMUNDS asked and, by unanimous consent, obtained leave time, that on that day or the next we shall be able to have the bill 

to introduce a bill (S. No. 1158} to autho~? the s~preme c_ourt of disposed of finally in some way or other. 

the District of Columbia to appomt two additional criers; which was I give this notice because I understand the Sena;te has ad?pted ~he 

read twice by its title. . old habit of getting anything up when you can for the consideration 

Mr. EDMUNDS. The bill should be referred to the Committee on of the Senate. 

the District of Columbia, I suppose, as it is a matter of administra- The PRESIDENT p1·o tempore. After half past one ! 

tion. I beg to inclose with it, with the permission of the Senate, a Mr. EDMUNDS. I cannot say after half past one. I rather think 

letter of Mr. Chief-Justice Cartter on the subject. I shall ask it earlier, in order to be sure to dispose of the bill in those 

Mr . .INGALLS. I suggest that the bill has no connection whatever two days, inasmuch as some members oftlle committee will be obliged 

with. the affairs of the District of Columbia. It appears to me that to be absent later in the week. 

it should· go to the Committee on the Judiciary. · Mr. MORRILL. I desire to say that I shall antagonize all meas- Mr. EDMUNDS. I have no objection to that reference. ures, after the resolution in relation to the arrears of pensions act is 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Ohair is of opinion that the bill disposed of, with the bill (S. No. 22) t~ provide for the appointment 

should be referred to the Committee on the .Tudiciary, and it will be of a commission, to investigate the question of the-tariff and internal so referred, with the accompanying paper. revenue laws. 

Mr. CALL asked and, by unanimous consent, obtained leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 1159) for the relief of M. Bmos, of Key West; 

Florida· which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee ~n Finance. 

Mr. VEST (byrequest)asked and, byunanimousconsent,obtained 

leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 1160) relating to the Idaho Land and 

Irrigation Company, and providing for the reclamation of arid lands 

in Idaho Territory; which was read twice by its title, and referred 

to the Committee on Public. Lands. 

He also (by request) asked and, by unru;Umous consent, obtained 

leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 1161) relatingtothe Utah andldaho. Land and Irrigation Company; which was read twice by its title, 

and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. _ Mr. PLUMB a.sked and, by unanimous consent, obtained leave to 

introduce a bill (~. No. 1Hi2) to amend section 2343 of the Revised 

Statutes; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. 

Mr. TELLER asked and, by unanimous consent, obtained leave to 

introduce a bill (S. No.1163) to give Mrs. Arravilla Meeker and Miss 

Josephine Meeker, wife and daughter of Indian Agent N. C. Meeker, 

deceased each a quarter section of land upon payment of land-office 

fees; whloh wa-s read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. 

Mr. MILLER, ofCalifornia, asked and, by unanimous consen~, obtained leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 1164) to promote the efficiency 

of the Revenue Marine Service; which was read twice by its title, 

and referred to the Committee on Commerce. · Mr. SAUNDERS asked and, by unanimous consent, obtained leave 

to introduce a bill (S. No. 1165) granting a pension to Joseph P. Andrew; wlrioh was read twice by its title, and, with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Pensions. 

Mr. LAPHAM asked and, by unanimous consent, obtained leave to 

introduce a bill (S. No~ 1166) to authorize the President. to_ correct 

the commission of Captain John M. Hamilton, of the Fifth Cavalry, ilO as to date from July 28, 1866; which was read twice by its title, 

.and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. 

He also asked and, by unanimous consent, obtained leave l<> introduce a bill (S. No. 1167) to establish a mint of the United States 

at New York City; which was read twice by its title, and referred to 

the Committee on Finance. 

He also asked and, by unanimous consent, obtained leave to introduce a joint resolution (S. R. No. 34) to provide for the publication 

of official report of the trial of the murderer of President Garfield; 

which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Printing. 

PAPERS WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED. 

Ou motion of Mr. CAMERON, of Pennsylvania, it was 

Ordered That the papers in the case of .Albert Hedberg be taken from the files 

.and ref~d to the Committee on Milit.'U"Y Affairs, there being no a« verse report. 

@n. motion of Mr. CAMERON, of Wisconsin, it 'vas 

. Ordered, That the papers in the caae of .AdolphFeinger be withdrawn from the 

files and referred to the Committee on Claims. 

On motion of Mr. MORGAN, it was 

Ordered, That the papers in the case of J. C. Hamner, a.dmilrlatrator of G. M. Hanmer, be taken from the files and referred to the Committee on Claima. 

REPORT ON PLEUBO-PNEUMONIA. 

Mr. WINDOM subJnitted thefollowingresolution; which was con- sidered by unanimous consent, and agreed to : 

RJ>Bolv.d, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to cOmmunicate to the 

Senate the report of the Treas~ oa.ttle coiDDlission on the lung plague Qf cattle .or eontagions pleuro-pnenmonia.. 

XIII-66 

D. T. KIRBY. 

The PRESIDE:NT pro. tempore. The Calendar will be called under 

the Anthony resolution beginning at the point where its consideration was left off ye~terday. 

The bill (8. No. 175) for the relief of D. T. Kirby was announced as first in order on the Calendar. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. This bill was considered as in Committee of the Whole yesterday, and reported to the Senate without 

amendment. The question is on the en,grossment and third reading 

of the bill. 

The bill·was ordered to be engrossed for a third rooding, read the 

third time, and passed. · 

HERMAN BIGGS. 

Mr. HALE. Mr. J;>resident--

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair would inform the Senator from Maine [Mr. HALE] that the bill (S. N(). 173)for the relief of 

Herman Biggs was passed for the day yesterday, but the Senator 

from New Jersey [Mr. SEWELL] who seemed to have it in charge is 

not here. He requested that it be passed over for the day. The 

Chair will not have the bill called at this time, in the absen.ce of the 

Senator fi,'om New Jersey, unless he has requested some Senator to 

take cWA'f~ of it. 

:Mr. E. Ifthe bill goes overnow will it go over as it did yesterday, to come Ul' to-morrow morning or the next day of the session f 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Yes, sir. 

Mr. HALE. So that it will not lose its place f 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. That will depend upon the pleasure 

of the Senate, but it is usualfor that to be done where a bill is simply 

passed over. It can be called now and passed over for the day, and 

then it will come up again to-morrow. 

Mr. HALE. Very well. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore Ordinarily bills that are passed over go to the foot oftheCalendart but where a bill is simply passed over for the day by the courtesy ot the Senate, it is allowed to be considered the next day. 

Mr. HALE. Letmemakeasuggestion in the absence of the Senator from New Jersey, who is unavoidably called away. I know he is 

anxious that the bill should pass, knowing fully about its merits. 

If any of the objections that were raised yesterday have been re- moved by further consideration and examination of the facts, I 

should be very glad to see the bill put upon its passage now. I know 

that that is the feeling of the Senator from New Jersey. It may be 

that the Senator from Ohio, [Mr. SHERMAN,] on examining into the case· more fully, has found his objections removed. I see by looking at the report of the discussion in the last Congress that the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PLUMB] favored the bill at that time very 

warmly. ldonotknow butthathe may withdraw his objection. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair will direct the bill to be 

called, if it is insisted upon but the Chair would not do so in the 

absence of the Senator from New Jersey, who req nested that it might 

be laid over, unless the Senator from Maine says it shall be done now. Mr. HALE. What I say now is on conference with the Senator 

from Indiana, [Mr. IIARRISON i) but if there is further objection to 

the pill I do not ask it tG be taken up at this time. 

Mr. PLUMB. I desire to say in regard to the bill that I am not 

conscious of any change of opinion upon it. My appeal at the la-st 

session was for the withdrawal of an objection to the consideration 

ofthe bill, and what I said wasbywayofinducement, ~ o~dert~at 

it might be done. . I have not t;nyself mterposed any ?bJect••n ~.Its 

present consideration, for that IS not my way of making oppositiOn 

to a bill. ·When I object to a bill, I object on its merits . 
1042 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SEN ATE. FEBRUARY 10,-

. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The bill goes over, and the next 

bill on the Calendar will be called. 

SAMSON GOLIAH. 

The next bill on the Calendar was the bill (S. No. 423) for therelief of Samson Goliah, which was considered a-s in Committee of the 

Whole. It revokes the sentence of the general court-martial in the oase of Samson Goliah, late a privat-e in Company A, Fifty-fifth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, (colored,) :finding him guilty of 

mutiny, and sentencing him to confinement at hard labor during the 

remainder of his term of service, to forfeit all pay and allowances due or to become due, and to be dishonorably discharged the service of 

the United States, promulgatedinGeneral0rdersNo.1361 ofSeptember 19, 1864, headquarters of the Department of the South, and also 

revokes the dishonorab~e dischar~e issued, to him by virt~e of the 

sentence revoked, and mstructs tne Secretary of War to ISsue and 

deliver to Samson Goliah an honorable discharge from the service 

of the United States, a-s of the date ofthe dishonorable discharge. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I should like to hear the report in that case read. 

Mr. MAXEY. The report is a ·pretty long one, and I can save the 

Senator from Vermont some trouble by making a short statement of 

the fucts as developed by the report. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Vermont 

insist on the reading of the report Y 

:Mr. EDMUNDS. Not at present. I am always glad to hear the 

Senator from Texas. 

Mr. MAXEY. The package of papers in the case was a very large 

one, and I examined 1t with a great deal of care. The facts are m substance these: Samson Goliah was a colored man, and a member 

of a colored regiment. Formerly and recently, prior to his becoming a member of the Army, he had been a slave. On board a ship 

passing around the Atlantic coast a mutiny in his company occurred. 

He was tried as one of the originators of the mutiny, and sentenced 

by a court-martial during the remainder of his term of enlistment to 

hard labor and confinement with ball ancl chain, with a forfeiture of 

all pay and allowances, the court evidently being of the opinion that 

Goliah was the originator of the mutiny. As I stated, he was an ignorant man, and he had recently been a slave. He had no counsel; 

he did not know anything about how to examine witnesses; and that was the sentence. It subsequently became developed that he was not the originator of the mutiny, nor did he participate in it. That 

is certified to by quite a large number of the men of his company. 

The real perpetrator was discovered. These are the facts of the case. This man, it seems, lives in Indianapolis, and the Senator from 

Indiana across the way [Mr. IlARRISO~] is familiar with the facts. 

Sen a tor Morton took charge of the rna tter and the bill was originally 

introduced by him, and after his death Senator McDonald was very 

much interested in it, and I, at his instance, made a special investigation of it. 

Mr. HOAR. I desire to ask the Senator from Texas if this bill is 

anything more than an exercise of the pardoning power by Congress 

instead of by the President in regard to the sentence of a court-martial' 

Mr. EDMUNDS. That is the trouble with it. 

Mr. MAXEY. In reply to the Senator from Massachusetts, I will 

say that it is not, inmy judgment, anexerciseofthepardoningpower 

at all. I conceive that the Congress of the United States is invl3sted 

with the same character of equity jm·isdiction which is exercised so often by the Parliament of Great Bntain, where justice is done according to the very right of the case ·and not within reach of the ordinary 

tribunals of the country. This I think is that case; neither more nor less. 

As I was going on to state, I then examined this matter carefully. 

The bill was reported and it passed the Senate without a dissenting 

voice ; and the report at the time w:as reoo. These are the facts. 

Of course I have no interest in the world in the case further than 

that it was given to me to report, and I am familiar with the facts. 

.1\fr. ED MUNDS. Jtfy call for the rea-din~ of the report did not arise 

from any doubt that I had as to the fidelity and intelligence of the 

committ-ee in regard to the good deserts of this man; but the idea 

struck me which the Senator from Massachusetts has already stated, 

that it was open to very serious doubt, to say the least, how far a legislative body under the Constitution of the Unit-ed States can un- dertake to do that thing which this bill proposes, no matter how 

clear the fact is to show us that in some way it ought to be done. 

That is the matter that troubled me, and I asked for the reading of 

the report in order to see whether the committee ha{}. in the.report 

d.iscusse(l that question. 

Mr. MAXEY. My reply to the Senator from Massachusetts on that 

point was to my mind at least satisfactory, although perhaps to nobody else; but the position I take was sustained by the Senate by a 

vote of fl5 to lhalthough I may be very wrong in that position. In a case where t e sentence of a court-martial nad been pronounced . against a clistinguished officer and he had been dismissed from the 

service, upon a. fair and clear representation of the case, the Senate 

of the United States set aside that sentence of the court-martial and 

d-eclared it null all(l void. The relief proposed for this poor negro man is simply placing him upon the same plane of common honesty 

and common justice. As I sai<!J I have no interest in the case more than any other member of the ;::senate. 

:Mr. EDMUNDS~ I know the Senator from Texas never has any 

interest in a case except that which the public good induces him to 

have. I do not 1..-n.ow to what case he refers. 

Mr. :MAXEY. I refer to the case of Dr. Hammond. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I was not present in the Senate at the time that was acted on; so I do not know; but we have lived long enough in 

this world, unhappily, to know that even this body not very infrequently is led from its sentiments of equity to step considerably outside of the boundary of its powers. . What is the sentence of a court-martial f The Constitution of the 

United States provides by clear implication, if not by express terms, 

for that species of tribunal in the land and naval forces of the United 

States. As to those, which seems to be this case, the military jurisdiction stands, so :t'ar as I can understand it, exactly as the civil 

jurisdiction in other criminal cases stands between persons who are not members of the military or naval forces of the United States and 

the Government. I will wait a minute, Mr. President. 

The PRESIDENT p1·o ternpore. The Senate will come to order, and 

conversation will cease. · Mr. EDMUNDS. I am sorry to tax the patience of the Senate upon a mere question of our constitutional powers. The people who made 

the Constitution ought to have known enough of the future and what 

would compose this body to have provided in it that the Senate should 

be a law unto itself, and that whatever we thought it right to do it 

should be constitutional to do; but as the fathers lacked wisdom in 

that respect, we seem to be rat}ler bound probably to follow the Constitution as it is until it is changed. 

Suppose there had been an indictment against this man in a judicial court of the United States, and he had been sentenced to the 

penitentia-ry or to the jail, and a bill were introduced to revoke that 

sentence, to set it aside, and restore him to the rights and benefits of 

which he had been deprived by that sentence, can it be possible that 

any Senator who hearsmewouldhesitateto saythatit was not within 

the competency of this legislative body to do that thing f 

Mr. JONES, of Florida. Will the Senator permit me to ask him a question there f I perceive, for one, the importance of the question. 

I ask the Senator if he conceives that the exercise of the power of trial 

and condemnation by a military tribunal like the one that sentenced -this man is the exercise of any judicial power under the laws and 

Constitution of the United States f The Senator will pardon me for 

saying that the trouble would be to my mind in the other caso1 be- cause when the court sentences a man to die, or to go to the penitentiary on indictment, it is the exercise of purely judicial power, with 

which we n-s a legislative body have no authority to interfere. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. That, of course, I was sure every Senator would 

agree to. Then we come to the comparison of these two exertions 

of the power of the Government over crimes. This man being in the 

military or n,aval forces of the United States committed the offense, 

because the bill treats it as if he had committed it. The fact that 

he did not is the only motive that leads us to aet aside the sentence. 

Let us take a man who did commit the offense, therefore. He has 

committed a crime against the United States. By what law is he to 

be punished t A crime of this character being a military crime could 

not be punished in the civil courts of the United States. It must be 

tried, according to the Constitution and laws of Congres , by a courtmartial. What is the nature of a court-martial in regard to the subjects over which the Constitution and the laws have extended this 

species of military court f I think the Supreme Court of the United 

States has decided, I think all other civil judicial courts have decided, 

that the sentence of a military court in a case within its jurisdiction,-as it appears this one was; at least I will assume it, and no suggestion is made in the report that there.is any irre~~arity, it was •only a mistake of evidence-that the sentence of a muitary court in 

regard to a subject that is within its jurisdiction is a judicial sen- tence, that it has all the efiect of a judicial sentence, and every quality of a judicial sentence; and that the civil courts of the United 

States have no power to review it, or to set it aside, or to dispose of 

it in any manner. Mr. HARRISON. Will the Senator from Vermont allow me to'ask 

him a question f 

Mr. EDMUNDS. With pleasure. I am only struggling to get. information. 

Mr. HARRISON. So I perceive. I understand the objection interposed to this bill to be that it is the exercise by the legislative 

branch of the Government of the pardoning power; at least that is orm form of the objection. I should like to ask the Senator from 

Vermont, whether in this case there is any power in the President to. 

rightthewrongwhicbthecommitteebelievehasbeendonetot.hismant 

The sentence has been executed. It consisted in part of imprisonment, which he suffered; it consisted in part of the forfeiture of his 

pay and allowances. Has the President any power to remit that; and 

is it not fully within the power of Congress, at least so far as that 

penalty consisted of the forfeiture to the United Statea of the pay and· 

allowances @f this man, to restore these to him Y 

Mr. EDMUNDS. Mr. President, I am very glad that my friena 

from Indiana has asked that question, and I am very glad that I feel 

able to answer it immediately, to my own satisfaction at least; 

whether to that of anybody else or not, I do not know. 

I do say this without heaitation that in my epinion it is within the· competence of the President of the United States to I'emit, pardon,.. 
1882. UONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1043 

absolve this man from all the effects of that crime, because on the 

record it stands as a crime, though it turnsoutthatthere was a mistake as to the evidence. Having done that, or without having done 

it, I will say it is wit_hln the compe~nce. of the Co~gress of the U:nited 

States to give to this man, by calling 1t res~ration or otherw1.se as an indemnity for injustice, just so much money as the legislative 

power chooses·to pay. There is no doubt of that. We can offer, if we wish, a premium on desertion, I agree, and we can pay out of the 

Treasury money to people who desert and give them a bounty for it 

if we want to do so. Mr. HARRISON. If the Senator will allow me, then, as this un- fortunate man is at present a constituent of mine, I think I will 

ask the consent of the Senate that the bill be recommitted to the 

Military Committee. It was not framed by me or under my inspection at all. I found that it had been favorably reported from the 

Military Committee at a previous session of Congress. I think we can in committee obviate the objections that are made, and secure to this man all that he really ought to have by a frame of bill that 

will avoid the objections of the Senator from Vermont. Therefore 

I think I shall end the discussion by moving to recommit the bill. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I dare say that can be done; but I am sure that 

ihe Executive Department of the Government would, upon these 

facts being represented to him, exert his part of doing justice to cor- rect this mistake immediately and with pleasure. I think the legal 

effect of that would be to restore all that this man has forfeited by 

this sentence, his right to pay, &c., at once by a mere act of the 

Executive. Then that being done the difficulty that would arise 

would be that very likely the appropriation out of which in the time 

of it he would have been entitled to be paid these sums of money, has laps~d and is gone; and consequently it may still require an act of 

Congress (which can just as well be pa-ssed nowif Congress is satisfi.edit is right) to provide this pay. Of course, we all understand that 

often sentences of courts-martial mistaken are reversed by a pardon, 

and charges of desertion entered in the Army records are removed 

by the Executive Department under the authority o:flaw, which at one~ restores the soldier to his o;riginal right. He then becomes 

entitled, by mere force of that, to the pay that he had not drawn, to 

his bounty, to his pension, and everything that he had lost. But 

very likely there would be a difficulty, that being done, about there 

being any money in the Treasury available for precisely that purposa · But as the question itself is of so much importance and the O.anger, 

after dil;cussion and a fair understanding of it, of taking a step that 

in its wider application we should regret on this constitutional question of our powers is so great, I shall be very glad indeed if the bill can be recommitted to the committee with a view to so frame it as to make it merely a restitution to this man in money, and I am sure the Executive would do his part as to the rest of it, the clearing of 

his honor to satisfy what appears from the stat.ement of the Senator 

from Texas to be right about it. • :Mr. JONES, of Florida. Mr. President, I readily acknowledge the 

importance of the principle which has been brought to the attention 

of the Senate by the Senator from Vermont. It goes very far beyond 

the consequences of this bill. The proposition, as I understand, laid 

down by him is that the Congress of the United States has no authority to grant relief from a sentence of a court-martial trying a person 

within the confines of the Army and Navy of the United States; that 

such a tribunal exercises a power and an authority equal in dignity 

and attended with t:Qe same consequences as those following the 

judgment of a regularly constituted judicial tribunal. 

I very well comprehend the force of precedent in this body; and 

without knowing anything about the facts of this particular case, I 

shall never subscribe to the principle laid down by the distinguished 

Senator from Vermont. That principle was fully debated in what is 

known as the Porter case some time ago, when this extraordinary 

doctrine wns contended for with a force of reasonin()' and an eloquence 

that was seldom brought to the support of any sophlstry I have ever heard of. 

Now, sir, in my judgment, under the Constitution Congress has 

full, complete, and plenary power over the Army, over all judgments 

rendered by military tribunals, and can set them aside at its pleasure 

and turn the culprits free. I do not, when I say this, mean that we could interfere with the judgment of a regularly constituted judicial 

tribunal sitting under the authority of tlie Constitution or the laws 

of the United States. I will not say that a criminal indicted in this 

District or in any of the circuits of the Union for an offense against 

the laws of the Uirited States could be turned loose by au act of Congress, because such a criminal is subject to the regular judicial au- thority of the Union, a co-ordinate branch of the Government with 

which we have no authority to interfere. But, sir, I hold that a military tribunal organized under the articles of war is in no sense a. judicial tribunal; that its judgments1\fr. HOAR. Will the Senator allow me to a k him a que tion t 

Mr. JONES, of Florida. Yes, sir. 

Mr. HOAR. Does the Senator claim that the pardonin~ power of 

the Pre ident does not extend to sentences of court&-martml f 

Mr. JONES, of Florida. That is not the question before the Senate. I have been arguing for the power of Congress over the subject. The Senator may call that a pardonin~ power if he pleases, 

but I do not conceive that this question reqmres me at this time to 

go into the discussion of the right of the President to extend the pardoning power to cases of this lrind, for the distinct question before 

the Senate involves only the right of Congress to deal with this, and 

I do not intend to be led away from the main question by an inqpiry 

of that kind . Now, 1\Ir. President, I affirm here, as I have affirmed before, that 

the authority of Congress over the Army is full and complete, and 

that the judgment of a court-martial is not a judicial jud~ent~ that 

that judgment rendered by a detail of officers in oonform1ty witn the 

Articles of War can at any time be set aside by Congress outside of 

the pardoning power, independent of the President, and that a twothirds vote in this and the other House can destroy the effect of any 

judgment rendered by a board constituted under the Articles of War 

and may turn the man free. 

The Senator from Vermont says that all oases falling within the 

jurisdiction of a military tribunal cannot be reversed 1>Y the Supreme 

Court. Very likely ; I think they have so decided. But that is not 

the question. The Supreme Court has no authority to go outside of 

its jurisdiction to take judicial cognizance of a case falling within 

the jurisdiction of a court-martial ; but I say that the authority of 

Congress under the Constitution extends over courts-martial and all 

judgments rendered by them, because the Constitution so extends 

it. The Constitution does not give to the Supreme Court any such 

superintending authority. What does the Constitution say t 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair will inform the Senate 

that after the Senator from Florida concludes the Chair will enforce 

the five minutes' rule. 

Mr. JONES, of Florida. Very well, sir. 

The PRESIDENT p1·o ternpm·e. The Chair indulges him because 

the Chair did not apply the rule to the Senator from Vermont. 

Mr. JONES, of }~orida. The Constitution says: 

The Congress shall have power to raise and support armies, but no appropria- tion of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years; The Congress shall have power to make rules for the government and regula- tion of the L'lnd and naval forces. 

That is the power conferred on Congress by the Constitution, and 

they have exercised it when they provided the articles of war. . Where is the limitation upon our power over the Army 7 .Are not 

th•e members of a board of offices when they sit as a military tribunal to try a person who may have infringed the rules of the service ·and to that extent impaired the discipline of the public force, just as much a part of the Army when they are sitting on a military board as they are when they are off itt And it is to Congress and to Congre s alone that the Constitution has confided the superintending 

authority over the Army. 

When it comes to the judicial power vested by the Constitution of 

the United States in t,he regularly constituted tribunals of the Union, 

that is a distinct question. The authority that is exercised in the 

District of Columbia over criminals by indictment or in the several 

judicial districts throughout the Union is the exercise of the judicial 

power, and that power the Constitution has expressly commanded 

shall be delegated to courts to be created for that purpose, and such 

courts shall be presided over by officers who shall hold their office 

during the term of good behavior, and who shall receive stated com- pensation for their services, not to be diminished during the periocl 

of their offices. That is the lodgement of the judicial power. But 

will any one say that a board of officers brought into life under the 

Articles of War, created by Congress in virtue of the power in the 

Constitution which gives to Congress the absolute regulation of the 

public force, is a tribunal whose jud~ents are so sacred, and binding, and solemn, that the creator ot the Army, the ~ardian of its 

discipline, the preserver of its integrity, cannot look mto it Y What 

kind of reasoning is that to say that while the Constitution has given 

to the representatives of the States and the people full control, un- limited power over the Army to prescribe every rule necessary to its 

conservation and disciplin~ yet when it comes to the rendition of a judgment by a board of otticers, which it has authorized to be cl'eated to preserve its discipline, this great body has no right to look 

into its judgments and set them aside if it thinks proper f 

The Senator from Vermont said that this was a case falling within 

the jurisdiction of the military tribunal that tried the man. I do 

not question it. So would a case be within its jurisdiction if half 

the Union was under martial law, and we have known that exigencies have arisen in this country when large districts of the Union 

from necessity were put under martial law, and every person in those 

districts was amenable only to military law, was liable to be tried 

by military tribunals before boards of officers created for that purpose; and if a ca.se of that kind were here now, would it be said that 

the case was one within military jurisdiction and that Congress 

would have no power to interfere with itf 

Will any Senator on this :floor undertake to say1 if a large part of 

this Union was under martial law and the military in command 

within it, with authority to try citizen and soldier, the right of trial 

by jury destroyed, the habeas oorpus suspended, the right.a of the citizen gone, that a military tribunal created to give full force and eifect 

to military law under such circ~tauces as those would have the 

power to act independently of Congress, and that the representatives of the States and the people assembled in this Capitol would have no authority to look into, or revise, set aside, and destroy any of their 

judgments 7 Is that to be thES doctrine of the Senate and of the 
1044· CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 1-0, 

other House f Will the people of this great country ever surrender 

this EP'ea t safeguard for the protection of their liberties which resides 

in this and ip the other House to guard against the extension of milltary authonty! 

Sir, in my judgment there can be no question with respect to the 

right and the duty of Congress to set aside any and every judgment 

rendered by a military commission or court-martial when it m!Ly 

appear to have been founded in injustice and error. Mr. MAXEY. Mr. President, if the Senat<>r from Indiana sees proper 

to ask to have this bill recommitted, as a matter of con:rse I shallnot 

object. 

Mr. HARRISON. If the Senato;r will allow me, I will withdraw 

my application to recommit, and simply ask that the bill may go 

over, retaining its place on the Calendar, until to-morrow, when I 

will propose an amendment that will probably obytate the objection. 

Mr. MAXEY. I prefer to say what I have to say about it now. Mr. President, I examined this bill with great care from the beginning to the end. It niay be that I am not capable after that exam- ination of coming to a legal conclusion with the accura:oy of the Senator from Vermont ; but I undertake to state that the doctrine which 

he ha~ laid down this morning would be1 in my judgment, subversive 

of the very fundamental principles ot liberty; a doctrine which 

would invest a mere ephemeral court, having no existence save as it 

is called into being for a specific purpose and which passes out of 

existence when that purpose is accomplished, with such august power 

that even the Congress of the United States cannot have the poor . privilege of setting aside an unjust sentence of that court. I deny 

the principle. I say that Congress, in my judgment, has ltbsolute 

and complete control of this question. 

More than that, the Senator from Vermont asks the Senate to go 

back in terms upon its action at a former session when the Senatel 

without a dissenting voice, ·passed this very bill, in the identica 

language in which it is presented to th'e Senate now. It may be that 

they are growing-.wiser, that the Senator is enlightening everybody 

and teaching the whole Senate new principles of law and new doctrines. . The ·very judgment of a court-martial, when it is a question. of 

death or dismissal, amounts to nothing at all until it is approved by 

the final reviewing officer. It is not the solemn jud~ent of a court 

which is conclusive and binding, but it is a conditional jud~ent, 

conditioned upon its being affirmed and approved by the reVIewing 

power. In no sense has it any of the attributes· known to the law as attendant· upon a court of competent jurisdiction in the proper sense of the word ''court;" and if Congress has not jurisdiction of this case it had not jurisdiction of the Hammond case, it had not jurisdiction· of the Armes case, it had not jurisdiction of twenty oases at least 

which have passed through since I have been here without any mortal man raising a question of jurisdiction. The question was never raised in the committee on either occasion; itwasneverraised in the 

Senate before in any one of these cases, so far as I know. Now, I 

have only to say to the Senator from Indiana that it is his case, .not 

mine; it is his constituent, not minej I have done my whole duty, 

and I wash my hands of it. The ~enator from Indiana' can take 

charge of the case, and do with it as he thinks best. 

Mr. HOAR. :Mr. President, it seeiDBtomethatthe question which 

has been discussed is one of the most doubtful questions arising under our Constitution. The pardoning power, which is the power to remit 

all the penal consequences of a judgment of a court, is vested by the 

Constitution in the President of the United States, and vested ex- clusively. 

Mr. MAXEY. If the Senator from Massachusetts will permit me a moment, so far as the pardoning power is concerned I do not think 

it has anything to do with the case. The man ha~ already served 

out all the punitory part of the sentence. 

Mr. HOAR. The Senator is not a~dressing hiiDBelfto any point I was proposing to make. I wa~ merely making this statement in 

advance. 

.Mr. MAXEY. The Senator spoke of the pardoning power. 

Mr. HOAR. I suppose it is clear that that pardoning power attaches to the judgments of tribunals created by Congress as much as to the judgments of tribunals created by the Constitution itself. 

Nobody doubts that. Nobody doubts that the President ha~ a right 

to pardon a person convicted by a court in the Territories, although 

that court is entirely created by Congress and its judges do not hold 

office during good behavior, or to pardon a prisoner condemned to 

imprisonment by the courts of t.he District of Columbia. 

Mr. JONES, of Florida. Will the Senator from Massachusetts 

allow me'l · Mr. HOAR. I have but five minutes, and I do not wish to transgress the rule myself. 

Now, Mr. President, Congress has undertaken, in the exercise of 

its plenary power over the Army and Navy, to provide so far as may 

be, tribunals in the similitude of courts, and to preserve so far as is 

possible judicial proceedmgs, and under them persons are sentenced 

to forfeiture of property1 to long terms of imprisonment, to death, 

and to disgrace, which, rn the eye of the soldier and the sailor, is worse than death. 

Now, it seeiDB to me that whether it be true that the remission of 

such sentences is strictly and· constitutionally an exel'oise of the 

pardoning power, or whether it be within the general jurisdiction of 

Congress over the Army and Navy, so that we can set aside or revoke 

any judgment which has been passed by such a tribunal, it is in the 

highest degree inexpedient for Congress to enter upon that jurisdiction, except in cases of clear necessity. Nobody, I suppose, on the 

other side questions that the President may pardon a person con- demned by a military or naval court-martial. 

Mr. JONES, of Florida. I think it is open to great question. 

lli. HOAR. I have never heard it questioned before. 

:Mr. JONES, of Florida. I question it here. 

Mr. HOAR. I do not believe on consideration the honorable Senator from Florida will doubt it. At any rate it has been exercised 

time and again by the President without question. It was impossible 

for Mr. Lincoln to refrain from the constant exercise of that pardoning power. Now, the point I wish to make is that whatever maybe 

the judgment of any Senator in regard to the constitutional power 

of Congress to pass bills like this, we should, unless justice and 

humanity imperatively require the assertion of this jurisdiction, 

having created judicial tribunals as near as we could under the cirCUIDBtances, leave the matter to pursue the practices of judicial tribunals, and let the Executive deal witH the-sentences and judgments of 

judicial tribunals in: oriniinal cases in the Army and Navy; and it is 

highly inexpedient, whether the constitutional power exists here or not, for Congress to enter upon its exercise. 

Mr. JONES, of Florida. Mr. President--

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from :riorida has 

spoken once. 

Mr. JONES1 of Florida. I merely want to reply to something that was said by the Senator from Massachusetts. 

Tlie PRESIDENT pro tentpore~ That is not in order. 

Mr. HARRISON. I simply rise to ·ask consent of the Senate that 

the bill remain· on the Calendar'until to-morrow, ahd I shall .theu. 

propose an amendment to obviate the objection. 

The PRESIDE~"T pro tempore. Will the Senate consent that this 

bill be passed over informally· uiltil the next session of the Senate f · If there oe no objection, it is passed over informally. 

ULYSSES S. GRANT. 

The next· bill on the Calendar was the · bill (S. No. 59) to place 

IDysses S. Grant, late General and ex-President of the United States, 

upon the retired list of the Army. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The bill will be passed, as the Senator from Illinois, [Mr. LOGAN,] who reported it, is too unwell to be 

present to-day. 

BUILDING FOR PENSION BUREAU. 

The next bill on the Calendar was the bill (S. No. 484) to amend a. certain clause in the sundry civil appropriation act approved March 

3, 1881. 

Mr: .ALLISON. Since this· bill was under consideration some days 

ago changes have taken place with reference to the QuartermasterGeneral's Office, and when the comlili.ttee reported the bill they had 

especially ir1 view the services of General Meigs. I do not feel like 

pressing this bill now in view of the probability that other amendments may be needed. Therefor I ask that it may be recommitted 

to the Committee on Appropriations. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Iowa moves that 

the bill be recommitted to the Committee on AppropriationS. 

Themotion was agreed'to. 

RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE. 

The next bill on the Calendar was the bill (S. No. 314) to designate, classify, and fix the salaries of persons in the railway-mail serv- ice; which was considered as in Committee of the Whole. 

Mr. MAXEY. That bill was reported from the Committee on PostOffices and Post-Roads by myself. It has already been discussed at a former Congress in the Senate, and after full discussion passed the 

Senate without a dissenting voice, in the exact form that the bill 

is now. 'l'here is an elaborate report accompanying it. I will state 

that it is recommended by the Postmaster-General and the Superintendent of the Railway Mail Service, and does not cost the Government of the United States one solitary additional cent. 

There is a verbal amendment needed in line 17. The word" allowed" 

should be" allow." 

The PRESIDENT pro tempfJre. That amendment will be made if 

there be no objection. The Chair hears norie. 

The bill was reported to the Senate as amended, and the amendment was concurred in. 

The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a. third reading, read the 

third time, and passed. MARY A. DAVIS. 

The next bill on the Calendar was the bill (S. No. 164) granting a pension to Mary A. Davis, which waa considered as in Committee of 

the Whole. It provides for paying a pension to Mary A. Davis, stepmother of Benjamin F. Rodge.rs, late a private in Company H, Bissell's Engineers, West Missouri Volunteers. The bill was reported 

from the Committee on Pensions, with amendments. 

The first amendment was, in line 6, to strike out the word "stepmother" and to insert "foster-mother." 

The amendment was agreed to. 
1882. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1045 

The next amendment was to add to "tho end of the bill the following: 

And pay her n. pension at the rate of $8 a month from and after the passage of tllis act. 

The amendment was agreed to. 

The bill was reported to the Senate as amended, and the amendments were concurred in. 

The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the 

third time, and passed. 

MIAMI INDIAN LANDS. 

The next bill on the Calendar was the bill (S. No. 328) to provide 

for the sale of the lands of the :Miami Indians in Kansas, which was considered as in Committee of the Whole. 

Mr. INGALLS. This bill wa reported by the Committee on Indian 

Affairs, having been sent down by the Secretary of the Interior in 

accordance with a req nest filed by the Indians themselves for the sale 

of this little remnant of their reservation, containing about ten thousand acres. It is necessary that there should be certain amendments 

in order to make it conform with existing laws and carry out the purpo e of the bill. 

In line8of section 1 the word "heir" should be changed to "heirs," so as to read "heirs-at-law of such," there being some cases where 

there is mo,re than one heir. 

The amendment was agreed to. 

Mr. INGALLS. In line 11 of the same section, the words "for cash" 

should be stricken out, because they conflict with a provision existing in the latter part of the section declaring that these lands may 

be sold on installments, and I propose to insert the words "for cash" 

after the word "in" in line 20, so that it shall provide that payment 

may be made thereafter in cash or installments. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I should like to hear that amendment and that 

clan e of the bill. This selling on credit is not so very safe. 

Mr. INGALLS. This does not change it at all, it merely transfers 

the e words. If the Senator from Vermont will give me his attention 

for a moment I will state to him that this amendment does not propose 

to change the terms of sale at all, but as it now stands in line 11 the 

provision is that the settlers may buy for cash, whereas in the latter 

portion of the same section it is provided that the payment may be 

made in three installments. I propose to strike out the words "for 

cash," in line 11, and insert them after the word "in" and before 

"three," in line 20, so as to read, "shall be permitted to make payment therefor in cash or in three equal annual installments." . The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there any objection to the amendment striking out the words "for cash" in line 11 f The Chair hears no objection, and that amendment is made. Now it is proposed to 

in ert the words "cash or in" before the word "three" in line 20. 

The amendment was agreed to. 

Mr. INGALLS. Now in line 1 of section 2 I move to strike out the 

word ''entered" and insert ''purchased," becausethisisnotanentry 

under the land laws, but a purchase at sale by the Interior Department. 

The amendment was agreed to. • Mr. INGALLS. Now in line 2 of section 2 I move to strike out the 

words" one year" and insert "six months," so as to provide that 

these payments shall be made in six months instead of one year. 

Mr. ALLISON. What is the object of thaU 

Mr. INGALLS. In order to shorten the time ofpayment, that the 

Indians may sooner get their money, and the land be sooner subject 

to taxation. 

The amendment was agreed to. 

Mr. INGALLS. Now in line 10 of the same section I move to strike 

out the word" entered," which is there by mistake, and insert the 

words "purchased by said settlers," the word "entered" being the 

wrong word; the land being disposed of not by entry but by sale. 

The amendment was agreed to. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I should be glad to have ·the Senator from Kansas 

tell us how under .the act of :March 3, 1873, this question arises f 

How can there be a bonafide settler occupying a portion of the un- allotted Miami Indian lands in Kansas in yiew of the act of 1873 Y 

Mr. INGALLS. I do not understand the relevancy of the question. 

The act of 1873 has expired by limitation. That act provided that 

these lands should be sold within a specified period, and they have 

not been sold. Those persons who went on the land went there with 

the consent of the Secretary of the Interior and of the Indians. There was some dispute between the parties. as to the appraisement, the 

allegation being made that it was too high; and in order to give the 

parties the opportunity of testing that question the Department of 

the Interior allowed t.he period of sale to go over, so that now no per- son tmder the law of 1873 can perfect title by purchase or otherwise; 

and this is to cure the clifficulty that exists in consequence of the title 

not having been perfected under the law of 1873. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I see that the act of 1873-

The PRESIDENT p1·o tcmpcrre. The hour of half pa-st one has 

arrivecl and this bill must go over until the next meeting of the 

Senate. THE CIVIL SERVICE. 

Mr. DAWES. I desire to give notice that on Monday, immediately 

after the conclusion of the morning business, ! will call up for refer-

~nee Senate bill No.·939, heretofore introduced by me, being a bill 

providing for entrance into and promotion in the civil service of the 

Government by competitive examination, for the purpose of asking 

the indulgence of the Senate to submit some remarks. 

ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED. 

.A message from t!lc House of Representatives, by Mr. McPHERSoN, 

its Clerk, announcoU. that the Speaker of the House had signed the 

following enrolled bills; and they were thereupon signed bythe President p1·o tcm.po-re : A bill (H. R. No. 1024) for the relief of Sidney P. Luther; and 

A bill (H. R. No. 1670) for the- relief of E. J. Gurley. 

ADJOURNMENT TO MONDAY. 

Mr. VOORHEES. I move that when the Senate adjourns to-day it 

adjourn to meet on Monday. 

The motion was agreed to. 

ARREARS OF PENSIONS ACT. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempo-re. The Chair lays before the Senate 

the unfinished business, which is the resolution submitted by the 

Senator from Kansas on the 12th of January in reference to the ar- rears of pensions act, on which the Senator from Texas [Mr. 1.1AxEY] 

has the tloor. 

Mr. MAXEY. Mr. President, yesterday evening when I took the 

floor it was with the purpose of making some few remarks upon the 

amendment offered by the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. BuTLER,] confining my remarks entirely to that amendment. 

Mr. FRYE rose. The PRESIDENT JYI'O tempore. ·Does the Senator from Maine rise 

to addre s the Chair' 

Mr. FRYE. I gave notice yesterday that I would call up the tariff 

commi.ssion bill immediately after the morning hour to-day. I do not 

know what the Senator from Texas desires. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempo1·e. The resolution is before the Senate as the unfinished business. The Senate can set aside the unfinished 

business 'vith a view to have the Senator from Maine submit his 

remarks if it wishes. The Senn,tor from Texas is on the floor, as he 

had the floor when the resolution went over yesterday. Will the 

Senate postpone temporarily the unfinished business with a view to 

the Senator from Maine calling up the bill indicated by him, upon 

which he wishes to address the Senate l 

Mr. FRYE. I will not ask it. 

Mr. VOORHEES. Allow me to suggest that the Senator from Texas 

finish the remarks he commenced, and then allow the Senator from 

Maine to come in. 

Mr. FRYE. That is satisfactory to me. Mr. MAXEY. I stated on yesterday that my purpose was to speak 

to the amendment offered by the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. 

BUTLER] and to reply to the remarks made by the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. BECK] on that amendment. 

The resolution offered by the Senator from Kansas [Mr. L~GALLS] 

is: 

That, in the op1nion of the Senate, the act of Jan nary 25, 1879, commonly known as the arrears of pensions act, ought not to be repealed. 

To that the Senator from South Carolina a-dds: 

And that Congress ought to enact n. law granting a pension to the•needy and 

disabled soldiers of the Mexican war. 

The question then, and the only question so far as that amendment 

is concerned, is, Is it true that there are men who served in that war who are needy' Ought Congress to pass laws providing pensio~s 

for the needy and disabled soldiers of the Mexican warY That is tlie 

question. It is not a question whether there may be men in the Senate or in the House of Representatives who served in that war who 

may be rich. That is not the question; but the question is whether 

the needy and disabled of that war, so far as this amendment is con- cerned, shall be properly provided for by the Government. As a question, then, of right, a question of equity, a question of justice, let us look into it and see whether the proposition as laid down ought 

to be carried into effect, and such laws ought to be made as con- templated by the amendment. 

Mr. President, as a question of historical fact the Mexican war is 

the only war that has ever been fought by the American people 

where the material results were of benefit to this country. It is the 

only war that was ever fought where the Americ~n people, the vo.lunteer soldiery and the regular Army, were reqmred to leave theu 

home and conntry and pa s into a foreign land and there uphold the 

flag of the Union. This war, therefcrre, is exceptional. It is the 

only war that was ever fought by the American people which added 

territory and wealth illimitable to the Union. When that war closed, as one of the results of it there was added to this Union the 

Territories of Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, the larger portion of Colorado, a portion of Wyoming Territory, and the whole 

of the great State of California. It was an empire in area and an empire in wealth added by that war to the Union. 

Who, I ask were the instruments of this Government :i,n the procurement of that vast acquisition to the wealth of our country' The 

instruments were the men who shouldered their muskets and left 

"- -
-

/ 

1046 CONGRESSIONAL· RECORD- SENATE. FEBRUARY 10, I 

their own.homes and country and fought under the :ftag of the Union 

upon a foreign soil. They were the instruments of the Government. 

Now the question is, ought they to be pensioned f Not the rich ask 

the pension, but the poor, the needy, the disabled. Ought these men who have added this grand empire to be provided for by the Government t I said on a former occasion that there had been dug from the 

bowels of the earth in the country added py that war an amount of 

gold and silver ample to pay the entire publi~ debt, dug out of t~~t 

territory which was added to the Federal Uruou and wa-s the legi.tl- . mate result of the Mexican war, and which resUlts were brought about 

in part by the very men proposed to be benefited by this measure. I was furnished yesterday evening with a statement by the Senator from Nevada, [Mr. FAIR,] showing the mining products of the 

Pacific States and Territories, comprising gold, silver, and bullion by 

years from 1852 to 1~, ~y which it appears that ~here was dug <?ut 

of the mines of CalifornL'l>, Utah, Nevada, and .Anzona, all of which came under the jurisdiction of the United States as the result of the 

Mexican war, $i,617,174,916; and in addition to that, between 11:348 

and 1852, when no accurate records were kept, there were dug fr"om 

those mines, according to the best estimates, 147,000,000, making the 

entire amount reported 1,764,174,916 of gold and silver. This table 

contains only the amount carried by express, and does not include 

that carried by mail or by private parties, so that the statement 

which I made, that out of the mines in the territory acquired by the 

Mexican war there had been dug enough of the precious metals to pay 

the entire national debt, is entirely true. The detailed statement is: 

Mini11{J product of the Pacific coa.st States and Tm·1-itories, cornprising gold, 

silver, and base bullion, from. 1848 to 1881. 

Year. I California. I Nevada.. Utah. Arizona.. 

~~~~~~ ~: ~ ~~~: :·. ~:: ~~: ::~~ ::1 $59, 000, 000 ......... . .. . ...... .... . ................. .......... .. .......... 68,000,000 . ...... .. .. .. ............ .... .. ................... . ------·---·- 1854 ..•..•. ....... . .. . . .... .. 64, 000, 000 .. ....................... . ........................ .. ........... .. .... ... ... 1855 ...... . ................ . . 59,000,000 .... ... .. ............... ................. . ............. . 1856 ....... . ........... ..... . 63,000, 000 .. ... .. .. .... .. ... ................... . .. ·-----······ 1857 . .•.... . .. . ......•...... . 61,000,000 ............ .... ......... .. ....................... .................. .. .. 

1858 . . ... . . ......... . •....... 59,000,000 .... .. ... ........... .. ... ..................... .. ........ .. ............ 

1859 . . ..... . ........••....... 59,000, 000 '100, 000 ------------ .. .... .. .... .. ........ .. 

1860 .. ..... . .... . ........... . 52,000,000 500,000 .. .......... . .......... . .................... 1861. ... .. ........... . ...... . 50,000,000 2, 300,000 ------------ $100, 000 

1862 . .... . ................... 51,500, 000 6, 300,000 .. ..................... 200,000 

1863 ...... . .. ········· · ······ 50,000,000 12,500,000 ............. . .......... 150,000 

1864 . ...... . . . ...... ····· · · · · 35,000,000 16, 800,000 .............. .. ........ 150,000 

1865 .. · ················ · ···· · 35,000, 000 16,800,000 ....................... ... 200,000 

1866 . .......... . ...... . ...... 26,000,000 16,000,000 .. .......... .. .. .. ...... 200,000 

1867. ··· · ···················· 25,000,000 20,000,000 .................... ... .. 300, !iOO 

1868 ....... ... ... ·········· · · 22,000,000 15,000,000 ................... . .... 500,000 

1869 .. ... . ..... ··•···· ······· 22,500,000 14,500,000 I $200,000 1, 000,000 

1870 ..... .... . .... .. .. ................ .. .... 25,000, 000 16, 000,000 

I 

1., 300,000 I 800,000 

1871 ..... . . . .... ··· · · · ······ · 20,000,000 l 22,500,000 3, 000,000 800,000 

1872. ·· ··· ····· · ···· ········· 19,049,098 i 25, 548,811 i 3, 521,020 I 143,777 

1873 . ........... . . ··········· 18,025,722 I 35, 254,507 I 4, 906,337 47,778 

1874 .. . . . .........•... . ...... 20,300,531 I 35,452,233 I 5, 911,278 26,066 

1875 ....... . ................. 17,753,151 I 40,478,369 

I 

5, 687,494 109,093 

1876 ........ . .... . ......•.... 18,615,807 i 49, 280,764 5, 207,519 1, 111,992 

1877 . ... . .. ········ · · · · ····· · 18,174,716 51,580, 290 8,113, 755 2, 388,622 

1878 .... . · .. . ......•.•.•.....• 18,920, 4Ql 

I 

35,181,949 

I 

6, 064,613 2, 287,983 

1879 . .. .. . . . .. . ... . . : . .... ... 19,190, 973 21, 997,714 5, 468,879 1, 942,403 

1880 ............. . . . ..... . ... 19, 2'76,166 15,031,621 6, 450,953 4, 472,471 

Total . ..... . ......... ·J1, 075, 306, 625 I 469, 106, 258 I 55,831, 848 16, 930, 185 

The gold and silver product of California from 1848 to 1852 amounted to $14 7, 000,000. 

The above table contains only the amount carried by eJ.."'>re88, and does not include that carrie<l by mail or by pri>ate parties. Total, California, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, $1,617,174,916 from 1852 tc 1881. 147,000,000 

1r764,174,916 

In addition to that, Mr. President, you have only to look to the 

Pacific coast and you will find there the city of S::m Francisco, which 

t{)-day is the third city in the amount of customs dues collected. 

You haye but to look to the Union Pacific and Central Pacific railroads, which connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans together across that territory, and thus you have a direct route from New Yom to 

San Francisco, and thence by the Sandwich Islands on to China and 

the East Indies, the great trade which the commercial world for more than 2,000 years bad been seeking to capture. That overland route was an impossibility save and except by :ind through the acquisition 

of that t erritory brought into this Union by the exertions of our soldiers of the Mexican war. And still later since that was done you 

have another great route. The Texafi and Pacific running 800 miles 

through that magnificent State in which I live, connecting the Atlantic and Pacific by the Southern line free from snows, passing through 

Texas by El Paso and thence on to San Francisco, thus connecting by a 

direct line of railway communication the city of San Francisco with 

the great cities of the South, Galveston, New Orleans, Savannah and 

so on. 

These r esults were impossible sav e and except through this war. Then, a I once before said and as I now here repeat, it is a recognized principle that those in theN a vy who make captures on the hign seas ar entitled to their prize-money out of the property thus captured; and here where this grand empire in wealth and in area was 

added to our country by the prowess of these men who left their 

country and went into Mexico following the flag of the Union, the 

Stars and Stripes at the command of their Government, I ask in 

equity, in good conscience, is it not right that the86 men should re- ceive at least some assistance from this Government in their declining 

years f ·I have no respect for any man's sense of justice or fair dealing 

who would refuse it. 

Mr. President, I have seen the criticisms in a few newspapers; but 

when you come to the great t-oiling masses, about whom so much 

has been said; when yon como to the American people, honest men, 

true men, men of courage, men who believe that a man who has upheld the flag of his country when called npon by his Government to 

do so..' these, with one accord, say he should not, when needy and disablecL, drag out his lingering days in poverty and distress, but that 

his Government should come to his aid. The tax-payers, the people, 

say it. Ii that true f Let us see. There are on file to-day, I venture to say, in the Committee on Pensions, absolute, positive instructions from much more than a majority 

of the States of this Union instructing their Senators and requesting 

their Representatives to vote a pension to the soldiers of the Mexican war. In old times Democrats used to believe in the doctrine of the 

right of instruction, and some of ns believe so yet. The State of 

Kentucky has had read here in the Senate and spread upon the records 

and filed here solemn instructions from her Legislature, instructing 

her Senators and requesting her RepresentatiTes to vote for a meas- ure pensioning the soldiers of the Mexican war. The State which I 

in part represent has given-like instructions1 and I venture to assert 

that my colleague and myself will both abid.e by those instructions, 

and not a mortal man in that State, the heaviest tax-payer in it, but 

will say that we have done right in so doing. 

Why, Mr. President, I do not know now how it is in Kentucky. I am a native of that State, and the time wa·s when I did know some- thing about how the people there felt. I remember well that when 

the soldiers of that gallant State went out to Mexico in obedience to 

the call of their country the people all over that State-men and 

women, old and young, black and white-came out and bade them 

God speed. I remember well that when they returned, all over that 

State they were received with every demonstration of approbation and 

joy; barbecues were given all overthe country; men and women vied 

witheachotherinshowingtheir respectforthosemen who had bared 

their breasts to the leaden storm, and who had come out of that war, as many of them di~. covered with ~lory, and adding renown to the 

grand old State which gave them birth. 

I remember also that the Legislature of that State then-not a Democratic Legislature, but a Whig Legislature, still honoring Henry 

Clay, the gallant and daring Henry of Navarre, to follow whose 

white plume was considered an honor by every man of his party and 

I was one of those. I remember the Whig Legislature, in the State 

of Kentucky, passed a bill making an appropriation to send to Mexico 

and bring back from that country the bones of her gallant dead; 

and they were brought back, and were buried at the expense of the 

State in the State cemetery. I remember that allKentuckywhen that was done was assembleti, eitherpersonallyorbyrep.resentatives, and 

the grn.ndest requiem that was ever sung by mortal man to the dead was recited by its author, Theodore O'Hara, on that occasion, himself a soldier of the Mexican war. It was of them that he sang: 

On fame's eternal camping-ground Their silent tents are spread, 

.A.nd glory guards with solemn round 

The bi"vo!lac of the dead. 

So expressive were these lines deemed that our Union friends have 

inscribed them on every national cemetery in this country. The 

Stn.te of Kentucky erected a beautiful marble monument, and under 

the shadow of its white shn.ft lie to-day the bones of McKee, of Clay, 

of Vaughan, of Philip Norbourne Barbour, and of other gallant and 

true men of that gallant old State, placed there by the proud State 

of which they were sons. Tell me, M.r; President, that all over that 

land the people of Kentucky will not indorse to the very echo the 

sentiment of the amendment offered by the Senator from South Carolina? 

Wbat Kentuckian would begrudge the pittance he would have to 

pay toward the support of these needy, gallant, disabled soldiers f 

Why, Mr. President, Texas, always and everywhere gallant, brave, 

generous, manly, and true, bas at her own expense made liberal con- tributions in land and money to the noble band of surviving heroes 

of Texan independence. Honored be the State which thus cares for 

her defenders. 

Mr. President, go back, if you please, to the days of Buena Vista.! 

and look at the gallant char~e made there by McKee, of the Secomt 

Kentucky, under a shower of shet to march under, which was like 

the charge of the brave six hundred at Balaklava. McKee fell; did his 

regiment falter! A nobler man God never put breath into than William R. McKee. I knew him well. Next came Henry Clay, the gallant son of the most gallant and fearless man, in my judgment, that 

this country ever produced. He fell next. Then came William T. 

Willis, and Vaughan ; and hundreds of other men were shot down, 

but the few that remained bore on under orders, and ultimately victory perched upon the banner of the American Union. I need not 

recount the illustrious deeds of others of other States. Victory was 
1882. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. '1047 

grasped out of the very jaws of defeat, and a splendid victory was 

won. Scott's campaign from the landing at Vera Cruz to the capture of 

the city of Mexico stands without a parallel for genius, dash, daring, 

and unfaltering devotion to the flag, in all the .annals of history, an- cient or modern. 

Tell me that that St~te of Kentucky will say that the disabled and 

needy of her own sons shall not be helped' I do not believe it. I 

llave not lived in that State for a quarter of a century, but I am a "native aud to the manner born.'' and I think l have enough of the 

old blood left in me to know how Kentucky feels. Kentuckians feel 

with the S~nator from South Carolina. I say the Senator from South 

Carolina was ri~ht. I remember well when the Palmetto regiment 

coverecl itself With glory at the battle of Churubusco in the attack 

upon the hacienda. There never was a regiment on the green earth 

which did better or more gallant work than was done by the Palmetto 

regiment in that action. It came out of that fight on the evenin~ of 

the 20th of August, 1847, torn almost into shreds; but there are a few 

of them yet remaining survivors, and of those few many need the aid 

of the Government, and it does honor to the head and the heart of the 

Senator from South Carolina that he should have brought forward 

this proposition. I have specially mentioned Kentucky for the reason that I thought the Senator from that State, in his remarks yesterday 

evening, wa-s inclined to underestimate the claims of those men, and 

I have specially mentioned South Carolina for the reason that one of 

her Senators offered the amendment to which I speak. 

Mr. President, this is no new proposition. I have always been a believer in it, and·when the Shields amendment for pensioning our solcliers of the Mexican war came up here on that night which we all so well remember, I voted for the Shields amendment, sent my vote 

out to my own people and to the world for pensioriing all the sur- vivors. As far as I was concerned I believed it then; I believe it 

to-day. How, I ask, can any man who voted for the Shields amendment, which was a sweeping amendment, taking in all of them, taking 

in, if you please, those mythical persons whom I heard described yesterday with their hundreds ofthousaudsofdollarsin the Senate and in 

the House, yote against this f How could a man who voted for that 

amendment, taking all in.t now decline to vote for the ai.Jlendmentof 

the Senator from South lJarolina, which limits this aid to the few 

who are needy and disabled T Or if the present amendment covered 

all, as I would prefer, how could a man who voted for the Shields 

amendment vote against one now as broad as that amendment which 

took in all the survivors T I cannot understand it. 

Mr. President1 it is true you may say that this amendment is but an expression ol opinion by the Senate that this ought to be done. 

Sir, it is an expression of opinion, it is true, but it is the key-note, it 

will riug out to the poor soldier all through this land as the pibroch 

of the Camp bells did at Lucknow to their starving countrymen. Let· the note be sounded here that the Senate of the United States has 

the boldness to stand to the front and say these men ought to be 

pensioned, and as sure as the sun rises and sets in due time will come the legislation which this amendment says ought to be enacted, and 

with it the" well done" of all the people. • Mr. BECK. I will not detain the Senate long. Before any con- troversy can be had upon any subject, the facts ought to be agreed. 

Any man can make a good speech if you allow him to make his own facts. If I am mistaken in the facts I am now about to state, then 

I am mist,aken about everything. The amendment proposed by the 

Senator from South Caro&a reads thus : -

And that ~ollgress ought to enact a. law granting a pension to the soldiers of the 

:Mexican war. 

The PRESIDENT pm tempore. The Chair will inform the Senator 

from Kentucky that that was amended by the Senator from Kansas 

[Mr. INGALLS] adding the words "needy or disabled," which was accepted by the Senator from South Carolina. 

Mr. :1\IAXEY. As printed on the paper which! read in the course of 

my r emarks. 

Mr. BECK. That is a mistake. I have read the pa-per that was laid upon our desks yesterday morning, containing the Senator from 

South Carolina's amendment, leaving out the words "needy or disabled;" and at the close of the proceedings the day before yesterday, 

the Senator from South Carolina, among other things, said: 

There may be a great deal of force in what the Senator from :Massachusetts says. I am not prepared at this time to say whether his statement is entirely correct as to wha t has been the law of t his country on that subject. My understanding has 

always been, how r~ that all the soldiers of previous wars have been p ensloned 

without special r egara to their circumstances. If that is not so- Mr. H OAX. It is not so, I assure the Senator. _Mr. BUTLER. Then p erhaps ther e might be great force in what the Senator says, and I am not sure but tha t I woulcl concede tha t he is entirely correct. How- ever , M I said awhile ago, I should like very much to have this matter go over until to-morrow. I think it very likely that we may get to some common ground on which we may agree. As to any acrimonious debate being 11:0tten up on this 

h~~t;!t~~:.o not appreh end that. E verybody here seems to be in a very good 

After some further discussion the Senator from South Carolina said 

further: 

I have not the slightest feeling about the matte r. I shall vote for the r esolution 

of the Senator from Kansas. I voted for the bill to which it refers, and shall vote again to sustain it.. I do not see why there should be any feeling about it; it is 

purely a matter of business and Justice. Feeling that way, I thought perhaps we 

might agree with our friends on the other side t() pension the :Me:xkan soldiers so tha.t both might go t()€;ether. I again ask the Senat()r from Kansas t() allow this 

resolution to go over till to-morrow. I know of one or two gentlemen who desire to submit some remarks. I think he will save time by this course. 

To which the Senator from Kansas assented. The Senator from 

South Carolina up to that time had not accepted any modification 

about the needy and disabled soldiers. The paper which I hold in 

my hand, leaving out those words, was laid on our desks yesterday 

morning and what I have justrea{i occurred the evening before last. 

This paper is printed officially and correctly, leaving out the words 

"needyanddisabled,"butprovidingforthegrantofpensionsabsolute 

as to all, and there certainly was no agreement yesterday to limit it. 

I have read the r~marks that were made the evening before last, and 

the Senator from South Carolina if he were in his seat would surely 

corroborate my statement that no agreement modifying his amendment was reached. The RECORD shows that none wa-s reached. So 

when I spoke I--

Mr. MAXEY. The Senator will pardon me for calling his attention 

to the paper I read from, ordered to be printed on the 8th of February. 

Mr. BECK. So was this ordered to be printed on the 8th of February; the one I hold in my hand is correct, and I so treated it in 

my speech. The RECORD shows that those words of limit.ation were not in the amendment. The speech I made yesterday was based on the fact that those words were not in it. This is the language I used 

yesterday in the remarks for which I am now criticised: 

I had supposed that the :pension law of a country was to provide for men who were needy, for men or their families who were either sufferin~ or who could not well live in comfort without the bounty of the (}()vernment bemg bestowed upon them; and that class of men everybody is willing to provide for, as far as we can; but when you embrace all clasMes and conditions of men, soldiers of the Mexican war, soldiers of the war of the rebellion, soldiers of the Indian wars, the questions very naturally arise what is the use of it, and where is the money t() come from! 

for they will all finally get arrears. 

Would! have made that statement if the words needy and disabled 

had been in the stmendment Y Of course not. Why, sir, there is not a man in the Senate whowill go further than I will topensionevery 

needy :.l.nd desen-ing Mexican soldier. Kentucky h:ts honored the 

Mexican soldiers in every way. The Kentucky Legislature last 

winter directed my colleague and myself to vote for pensioning them. 

He introduced the bill, and I stood by him to the end on every amendment to it. But when I saw arrears of pensions claimed as a principle, and heard it proclaimed hereto be unjust to withhold arrears, and 

the ground taken in this amendment that every man is to be pensioned 

whether he fought or not in the Mexican war, so he went there, as thousands did who nevet: hear~ a gun fired, and is to go back to the 

end of that war and claims arrears of pension, and this move is to be 

fol1owed by pensioning every man who ever served in the Federal 

Army against the South, or the Indians, or anybody, so t.hat nearly 

4,000,000 men in the last war alone, as the Senator from Kansas said 

the other day, on this principle are to- have arrears, I saw nothing 

but bankruptcy to the country, and a squandering of the people's 

money on a false principle. I will vote for every needy pensioner. 

Kentucky demands it. The Senator from Texas might have spoken 

for an hour as eloquently as he did for the twenty minutes he held 

the floor as to what Kentucky desired for her needy and disabled soldiers, and I should indorse it all and stand by it all, and go as far as he will to keep them from want ; but Kentucky does not propose to 

be taxed to put money into the pockets of men who neither need nor deserve aid. We have to stop this pension business somewhere. 

Thirteen hundred and odd millions the Senator from Kansas said 

the present arrears of pensions act would take before we got through 

with it-as much as the national debt almost to-day. Men who are rich, who are well off1 ought not now, in the present condition of thin~s, to be demanding us by resolution to vote pensions to them. 

Confine it to the needy and the deserving, and I will vote every dollar 

necessary to support every needy man who fought the battles of his 

country. My people expect me to do it, but at the same time I mus-t 

take care now when arrears of pensions are demanded for all, and all 

limitations are to be stricken out, that we have a stopping-place 

somewhere, and the stopping-place is when you have provided for 

the needy and the deserving, and the gentlemen who are rich and 

well off will not, I think, ask it when the question is fairly presented 

and the necessities of the country are ma-de known. 

The Senator from Kansas took exception to the action of two or three 

gentlemen in the other House who are seeking to repeal or modify the 

present arrears of pensions act, and seemed to think there were only 

two or three of them in that body, and they confederates. Why, sir, 

when that bill was passed there were sixty-two members voted against 

the arrears of pensions bill. Every Representative from Kentucky · voted against it but one, and heis not herenow-Mr. Turner; every 

Representative from Texas voted against it. I see that the present 

governor of ¥-issouri, Mr. Crittenden, voted against it. Sixty-two 

Representatives cast their votes against it, and so far from all the men of the South demanding that that bill should pass, as seems 

now to be assumed here, I cannot find half a dozen names from the 

South among those who voted in the affirmative in the House, lmt 

I can find nearly all the men from my region of country voting against 

it. The Senator from Kansas is greatly mistaken if he thinks there was no opposition except from one or two confederates, and South- ern Senators are equally mistaken about the sen~ents of Southern 

... -
'1048 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 10, 

Represen~tives. I will insert the names of the men who voted ~o-a.inst the bill at the time, sixty-two of them: 

Acklen, Davidson, Ranis, John T. 

Aiken, Davis, Joseph J. Ha.rtridge, Bell, Dibrell, Herbert, 

:Blackburn, Durham, Hewitt, G. W. 

:Blount, Eickhoff, Hooker, 

Boone, Ela.m, House, 

:Bright, Ellis, Hunton, 

Cabell, Evins, John H. Jones, James T. 

Caldwell, John W. Felton, Knott, 

Caldwell, W. P. Forney, Ligon, 

Candler, Garth, Mayha~, 

Carlisle Sause, :McKeUZie, 

Clarke ofKentucky, Gibson, Mills, 

Cook Giddings, Muldrow, Crav~ns Goode, Phelps, Crittend~n, Harris, Henry R. Pridemore, 

Rea,g-an, 

Riddle, 

Robbins, 

Schleicher, 

Sin~leton, 

Srmth, William E. 

Steele, 

Throckmorton, 

Vance, 

Whitthorne, 

Williams, James Willis, Albert S. 

Yeates. 

Mr. INGALLS. I understood the Senator from Kentucky to say in 

his speech the other day that the bill was put through under the gag 

law . • Mr. BECK. It wa..s; but the yeas and nays were called, that was 

all that was allowed. 

:Mr. INGALLS. There were votes against it. . :Mr. BECK. Sixty-two, including all the men from Kentucky but 

one. Mr. INGALLS. There does not seem to have been anybody scared 

in the House. 

:Mr. BECK. There were 64 who did not vote at all, and 164 voted 

for it and you seem extremely unwilling to give them a chance at it 

agai-d. Do not gag them by pa~sing a resolution in advance, telling 

them it is no use to do anything. If they had a chance you would 

find more than 64 voting for a repeal or for very important modifications. Of course nobody there then knew what was going to happen, 

either in regard to frauds or to the enormous amount, any more than 

we did here. 

This is alii desire to say. When I spoke yesterday I believed, and 

I believed after reading from the RECORD the statement of the Senator from South Carolina, that he had declined to modify his amendment as had been requested bythe Senator from Kansas, limiting it 

to th~ needy and disabled. The RECORD shows that he had so declined. The resolution laid on mytable and the only one I ever saw until this morning made no exception supplementing this broa-d demand. The Senator from Georgia [Mr. BROWN] sought to pension 

all the men who had enlisted in the Indian wars, whether wounded, 

disabled needy, or not. I had heard the principle announced over and ove~ a<Yain on this floor that arrears of pensions ought to a.Pply 

to all entitled to pensions. I saw ~hat if we went back ~o the Me.xicail war and ()'ave arrears of pensiOns, as I know from informat10n 

many of them0 are dema~ding, this country would l?e bankrupt; and 

if the Indian wars -are mclnded-and all the soldiers of the war or the rebellion will of course demand the same thing-Congress cannot, 

with all the enormous tariff taxation it imposes, raise revenue enough 

to pay pensions, far less to carry on the Go~ernme~t. ':fhe whole pension business had better be carefully revised or It will break down 

with its own weight. At the same time I declare now that if these 

amendments are accepted which were read bytbe Senator from Texas 

confining it to the needy and disabled, whenever a bill comes up in 

the proper form I will vote for it and advocate it and stand by it as lonO' as any man in the Senate; and I will perhaps go further than mo~ men in that direction in needy and deserving cases. I never have voted against a pension that I b.elieved a needy man required, 

and I do not think I ever shall; bnt It does not follow that J·shall 

declare in advance that I will vote for pensions for everybody and 

everything, even if it bankrupts the country, an~ even if t?-e money 

goes into the pockets of men who do not need It. That IS what I 

object to almost as much as I do to the frauds perpetrated under the 

present system of arrears. It is a perversion of all the principles 

upon which pensions are founded, and if persisted in will break down even cases that ought to be sustained. 

TARIFF AND TAX COMMISSION. 

Mr. FRYE. Mr. President, I renew my motion to lay aside the 

unfinished business and take up the tariff commission bill. 

The PRESIDENT p1·o tentpore. Will the Senate lay aside the pendrug business temporarily with a view to taking up the measure indicated by the Senator fi·om Maine T The Chair hears no objection, 

and that order is made·. The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill (S. No. 2:l) to provide for the appointment of a com- mission to invest.igate the question of the tariff and internal-revenue 

laws. 

Mr. FRYE. Mr. President, the Senator from Texas [Mr. CoKE] 

on Tuesday last used the following language: 

Tbe woTd protection should be expunged from our vocabulary. It means mo- nepoly · it means exclusive privilege; it means subsidy; it means that all shall be ta.xed and mane t.o pay tribute to the favored few. It means combinations and . Jobbyi:~t s; a diversion of legisla.tionfromlegitimate channels-from the great pub- lie inter~>..st to tbe interests of a few favored ones. It means a wholesale robbery 

of the people, and especially of the American worJri?gman, in whose behalf it is •invoked. 

!J'he Senator from Kentucky [Mr. BECK] in his speech, indicated 

very c1early that his opinion was, that protection was simply a pliant 

tool of New England monopolists, and his colleague [lli. WILLIAMS] 

succeeding him, declared that it was a legalized tyranny. Mr. President, you may consult the Democratic party for the last sixty years1 go back to the heyday when :Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, declare<! 

in the United States Senate, that protection would prove to the 

country worse than· an Egyptian plague, and that free-trade would 

abound in blessin 0'8 next to the Christian religion, and come down to 

now, and yon .;ny find that it has denounced a protective tariff as "robbery," as "plunder," as "a system of .Swindling," as "a means by which to make the rich richer and the poor poorer," as a specter 

grim and gha-stly which takes its place at the head of every poor man's 

breakfast-table, which scowls at him every time he lights his pipe~ 

and yet, sir, right in the teeth of these savage den~c~ation~, fid~lityto truth compels me to declare that I am a prote.ctwmst from prmclple. H there was no public debt, no interest to pay, no pension list, no army and no navy to support, I still should oppose free trade and 

its twin sister, ''tariff for revenue only," and favor protective duties. 

Mr. President, it seems to me that protection is absolutely essen- tial to the encouragement of capital, and equally necessary for the 

protection of the American laborer. Capital needs the former more than the latter, I admit, for capital can easily take care of itself. 

If it gains no adequate returns in one business, it can readily seek it 

in another; if it reaps no profit at home, may try new fields abroad; 

may even let all effort alone, hide itself in Government bonds, and, 

enthroned there in perfect security, draw regularly its interest. 

Capital, too, is fearfully timid. The distinguished Senator from 

Ohio [:Mr. SHERMAN] a few days since declared that there was nothing in the world so ea-sily frightened as money. And yet the prosperity .of the country imperatively 8.emands its cons:tant use, ·its investment in every ~dustrial enterprise. The opening of mines, the 

forcing from the biding places of the earth c<:>al, iron, and copper, 

the smelting of ores, the erection of forges, fotmderies and factories, 

the employment of men who must work or starve, demand its help. 

To inspire it with the requisite cour;Lge, to induce it to a useful ac- tivity, I would encourage it. But the labor of this country beyend 

that of any other demands Jlrotection against the cheap labor of 

Europe, for the laborer here has responsibilities, duties, an~ neces- sities unknown there. His wages can never go down to theirS without absolute destruction to him and imminent danger to the Republic. The large majority of our men must earn their bread by the 

sweat of the brow. Under our Constitution they are the Government. How can hungry men govern' How can a half-paid, halffed, half-educated citizen r~~tly anal intelligently understand and 

perform the duties of citizenship f He must have good food, enough 

of it, good clothing, school houses for his children, comforts for his 

home, and a fair· chance to improve his condition. To this end I 

would protect him against competition with the half-paid bborers 

of European countries who have never enjoyed his privilege , ex- perienced his comforts, shared his duties and responsibilities, to 

whom his very necessities would seem luxuries. 

The Senator from Texas joins issue with me on this question of 

labor, and in the same speech declares: 

But it is said that much higher wal?:es are paid to American operatives than to European workmen, and that to enable the manufa-cturers to pay these hig,herwa.ges they must have a. protective as distinguished from a purely revenue tariff, in order to exclude European competition. Do American manufacturers pay tp.eir opera- tives higher wages ~ Nominally and ostensibly they do, but really and m fact they do not. 

Thatisamostamazingdeclaratiou. Ifitisright,Iam wrong; ifit 

is right, every conclusion of the argument of the Senator from Texas 

is entirely logical and legitimate. If that declaration made by the 

Sen a tor is false in fuct, then the three hours' argument founded n pon it 

is an entire fallacy. Now, sir, I hold in my hand a book entitled 

"The State of Labor in Europe," printed by authority of Congress, 

''reports from United States consuls," and the Senator from Texas 

may take it, turn from blank leaf to blank leaf, he may read every 

page from beginning to end, and I defy him to point to one single 

statement of fact, to one single ta'ble of statistics, which does not 

prove conclu~ively that his statement~ not correct a~d.t~a.t labox: in · Europe is pa1d from one-half to two-thirds less than It IS m Amenca 

to-day. 

AO'ain I have now in my hand a book entitled "Labor in Europe and Am~rica," by Mr. Young, chief of the United States Bureau of 

Statistics. Let the Senator take this, turn it from blank leaf to 

blank leaf, and he cannot find a single fact stated in the whole book 

which justifies his statement. 

Mr. COKE. Mr. President, will the honorable Senator allow m& 

to interrupt him for a momentT . Mr. FRYE. Certainly. 

Mr. COKE. I referred in my argument to the letter of :Mr. Secretary Blaine in the book called The Cotton -Goods Trade of the World, 

commentinrr upon the reports of consuls. I referred also to the 

letter of lli. Secretary Evarts, transmitting the reports of consuls, 

and I assert that these gentlemen, after an examination of these r&-

ports, do say in those letters, Mr. ~laine specifica)J.y, that t~e wages 

of European and American operatives are more t.nan equalized, and 

lli. Secretary Evarts says in the conclusions that he draws from the 

reports of consuls that wa{l'es in Europe and America are eql1Mized.. 

I aver that to be the faet, 0and refer to those books in p:roo~ of it. 

Mr. FRYE. Mr. President, I take the very laat repori-,.;·hich Secre-
1882. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1049 

tary Evarts sent to Congress and I ask the Senator to examine every 

page and he will agree with me, that if :Mr. Evarts ever did say that 

the labor in Europe was as well paid as the labor in America nothing 

in this beok can be found on which that statement can be justified. 

Mr. COKE. I can show to the honorable SenatorfromMainethat 

Mr. Evarts says that the testimony proves conclusively that the American workman does from one and a half to twice as much labor as the 

European operative does. Now take that estimate of the amount of 

labor he performs and the results he accomplishes and then take the 

wages and see where the highest wages are paid. 

Mr. FRYE. If the Secretary's statement is true that the American 

laborer does from one-half to two-thirds more labor in a day than 

the English laborer does, it only proves that the American laborer 

is better fed, is better clothed, lives in a more comfortable house, is 

better educated in our schools, and has attained all these things by a good use of his higher wages. 

Mr. COKE. Will the Senator permit me to ask him, does he con- trovert .that Mr. Secretary Evarts has said that in the letter to whicH 

I referred 7 

Mr. FRYE. Mr. President, I must, from want of time, decline further to yield to the Senator from Texas. I repeat the statement I 

made, that the Senator may take the last report which Secretary 

Evarts sent to Congress, and I have the tables right before me and 

will ~ex them to my speech, and I say he cannot find one single 

statement from a consul justifying any such conclusion as Mr. Evarts 

is said to have arrived at. Of course I do not mean to a-ssert that the 

Senator has not correctly quoted lli. Evarts's letter. 

Now, Mr. President, I do not propose to rely entirely upon consular 

reports. I am aware of some difficulties attending the getting at 

labor statistics in England and France and Belgium and Germany. 

Let au American consul go to the superintendent of an English mill, 

step into the counting-room, and ask him for his price-list paid for 

wages for his la.borers; will he be treated politely; will he receive 

the same kind of treatment he would in .A.mericaT By no manner of means. They are determined, if possible, that information as to wages 

shall not go out. I am willing to admit that in some favored localities, in some particular cla-ss of work, for instance, if you take some of the most skilled spinners and weavers in an English cotton-mill 

and in an English woolen-mill, you will find that for two orthreein a room the wages will come nearly up to the wages in an .American cotton or woelenmill; but you takethewagesofthe laborers right through 

the mill, and I defy any man on earth to show that they are not as much as one-half below the wages in the cotton and woolen mills ot 

America. 

I do not rely upon the e consular statements alone; I happen to 

know men in this country whoownmillsinGreat Britain and in the 

Unit-ed States, who hire laborers there and here, and I obtained from 

them information so that there could be no mistake about this. The 

Senator from Texas must remember that wages paid to the operatives in the cotton-factory by no means represent the cost of manu- facturing. The cost of the mill and machinery, of the coal and gas, 

90 per cent. of which is labor, and the taxes upon the property must come into that computation. 

Now, sir, as to the comparative cost of mills in the two countries, 

I call in evidence the statement of the treasurer of Conant Thread 

Company, of Pawtucket, Rhode Island. They own and run threadmills in Great Britain as well as here : 

OFFICE OF THE CONAYT THREAD COllP.L'IT, Pawtucket, Rhode Island, January 19, 1882. 

In reply to xours of the 18th, we can say that, from the best data we can obtainl 

the cost of building and equipping a cotton factory in New England, as comparoo 

with the cost of a similar structure in Lancashire or Scotland, is just about double, or, to give a few figures, a new fire-proof brick structure, furnished with steam- power and all necessary adjuncts, in shape of store-houses and accessories, contain- in'fn~~O to 80,000 spindles, spinning, with all prepared ma()hinery complete for 

sp g, 601. to 120d. yarns, land and all, can be furnished in Lancashire t~-day 

fur twenty-two to twenty-four shillings per spindle. 

In Rhode Island the same will cost $12 to $15 dollars per spindle. Trusting this will be satisfactory, we remain, Yours truly, CONANT THREAD COlU'ANY, 

H. CON.AN'l', Treasurer. 

Again, I have a letter from Mr. Wyckoff, secretary of The Silk 

Association of America, in which he says: 

.A silk-factory built in Coventry or Ma.oolesfield, of the same size and floor capacity as one here, would cost about 60 to 65 per cent. as much. For instance, a three- s~ry building, 200 by 50, with engine-house, might cost there £3,500; here about 

thirty thousand dollars. 

Again, I have a letter from the Clark Thread Company, of Newark, 

New Jersey, and they run and own mills in Great Britain as well as here: 

P. S.-Erecting a fad ry. including buildings and machinery, in Newark will cost 80 to 85 per cent. more than in Paisley. 

Yours, respectfully, 

CLARK THRRAD COllP~"'Y, 

WILLIAM CLARK, 

Superintendent. 

James Coates, of J. & P. Coates, the largest thread manufacturers 

in the world, owning and running mills abroad and here, says: 

mu~ ~\~ ~~~~~~~d~ experience, a. factory would cost fully twice as 

I have here the Deutsche lndustrie Zeitung of J nne, 1881, the organ 

of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry for Chemistry.in Dresden, 

regarded a-s the highest authority, I believe, in Europe, which showsThe cost per spindle of constructing mills: England, $5.79 to $7.78; France, $8.69- to $9.65; Germany, $8.69 to $9.65; . 

while the cost in the United States is 12 to 18. 

Mr. Coates further says: 

The ~eat difference in wages between the two countries affects the prices of' 

the vanous descriptions of supplies required in a factory in a corresponding ratio, 

and coal and gas are very much lower in Scotland than here, not to speak of the 

average rate of interest. Coal is laid at our :furnaces. there for three and ninepenceper ton, equal to about 90 cents; it is, of course, small coal, but well adapted for- handlin~ with the automatic stoker, and gives as good results as the coal used 

here which averaged last year $4.70, laid aowu at the works. The price of 25- candle power gas IS three and ninepence per 1,000 cubic feet, equal to 90 cents, and taxes are less than one-third of what we pay here. 

Mr. President, what makes that difference in cost! Remember thn.t 

the mill, the coal, the gas, are all 90 per cent. labor. Remember that 

the trees in our forests, the clay in our banks, the stone and slat& • in our quarries, the coal in our mines, are certainly as cheap as in 

Europe; and remembering these things, will the Senator from Texas 

tell me what makes the mills here cost twice as much as they cost 

there T It is because 90 per cent. of the cost is labor, and the labor 

there is paid only one-half as much as labor here, and no other reason can be suggested or given. 

But, Mr. President, as to the wages of the operatives. Again I cit& 

the Clark Thread Company. I have their pay-roll in Scotland and 

here, and there can be no mistake, I take it, about that. .Mr. Clark 

says: 

CLARK THREAD CO!IIPANY, NEWARK, N.J., 

J anu4ry 25, 1882. 

DEAR Sm: .As reques~ we herewith send you a list of wages paid the workem ~ Clark & Co.'s, :raisley, o::;cotland, and the wages paid the same class of workers m Newark, N.J.: 

Employes. Paisley, Scotland. Newark, N.J. 

Girls: 

Spoolers. -----.--. -----·. ___ .. ----------- Reelers . -.---.-----.----- . ----- ------- --. Cop-winders·----------------------.. --·· Twisters ____ -------·---------.---·-·----· 

~~~f:~Ti~~~::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Men: 

~=~::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: 

~r~~~e~~::::: ~:::::::::::::::::::::::::: Firemen. __ .. _·-·-···· ----·- -· ____ --·· __ . 

Per week. 

$3 50 to $3 75 

3 50 to 3 75 

3 50 to 3 75 

225to 250 

1 50 to 1 75 

1 25 to -

7 00 to 750 

700to 7 50 7 00 to 7 00 6 50 t~ 6 50 6 00 to 600 

The abo>e is, to the best of my knowledge, correct. 

Mr. Coates says: 

Per week. 

$7 00 to $9 0 0 750to850 

750to850 

500to 600 

3 00 to 3 00 

250to2 50-

16 50 to 18 0 ()> 

16 50 to 18 00 15 00 to 15 00 

13 50to13 5 (} 

12 00 to 13 00 

PAWTUCKET, RHODE lsL..u."D, February 2, 1882. 

DEAR Sm: I have to acknowledge receipt of your favor of the 24th ultimo, and. 

~J:~lle~!~fht PJ:~~d~ hand you comparative rates of wages paid in our facOur manufacture is a specialty, requiring the employment of good, steady hands, it being impossible for us to maintain the quality of our goods with a floating class 

of help. The general average of female help in Scotland, you will observe, is under-

$3 a week, whereas here it averages $7.50 .Per week. (Remember the difference in 

the time ruu between the two countries 1s deducted from the rates paid here to make the comparison more correct.) The difference in male help is not so great, 

but the great bulk of tho ewe employ are females. We are obliged to payliigher 

wages, as we have to employ help corresponding to the best class engagedm weav ing and other highly paid departments oflabor. Unless we do so, we find our hel~ 

unWilling to remain with ns steadily, subject to the strict discipline necessary to produce our quality of goods. These conditions apply to Scotland as well as here, 

where our experience proves the help to be quite as efficient and able to attend to- as many machines or spindles. I deduct from the wages paid here an amount corresponding to the differ ence oi 

time ruu during the weelt in the two countries. 

Trusting that the information given sufficiently covers the ground, as it repre sents the great mass of our employes, I am yours, very respectfully, J .AMES COATES, 

Of J. ({; P. Coates. 

Wages paid operatives per week. 

Operatives. 

t.O Difference. 

.. 

~ 00 .._; ~ ~ ~ ~ § 4) 

~ 0 0 

~ 0 

~ !-< Q 4) 

00 ~ 

------

~=-:.~~de~-:::::::::::::::::::::::::: Doffers ----------------------- ---·-- ------ Cleaners -- __ . ---- -· --- ___ ------ ___ ·- ----· :Reelers_---- __ --- __ ---------- .. ----------. Winders------------.--------.--·----·---. Wrappers and boxers _________________ . _ .. 

~r!~~e~~.-~6~:::::: :::::::::::::::::::::: 

Bleachers, women. ____ .. _ ..... __ - _. ___ .. _. Mechanics.-- _____ ._. ___ •• ___ .. _ ... __ . ___ . Firemen _ .. ___ . _ .. ____________ . _ •.. ______ _ 

$6 59 

5 69 

4 37 

263 

7 88 7 25 

796 

984 

11 81 

5 25 

13 13 

10 66 

$3 40 

2 55 

1 94 

1 52 

3 52 

2 80 

304 

6 32 

5 10 

2 43 

794 

5 83 

$3 19 

314 

2 43 

111 

436 

4 45 

4 92 

3 52 

671 

282 

5 19 

483 

94 

123 

125 

73 

124 

159 

162 

56 

132 

116 

65 

83 

These letters, coming from men who know whereof they affirm, show 

by their tables the wages paid the operatives in the two countries. 
1050 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRlJ.ARY 10, 

.A. bout it there can be no mistaket for the same men pay the wagea there 

and here. This oonclusively shows that in Europe· the laborers do 

not receive one-half as much pay as do ours, and yet the Senator 

from Texas declares they are paid alike. 

Let me ask the Senator from Texas why is it that 11,000,000 men and women have left Europe, nearly all of them laborers, and have .sought our shores t Why is it that not 200,000 of them have ever returned to Europe f Why is it that last year 700,000 laborers from 

Europe came to our country f. Why is it ~hat 50,000 came fr.o~ England, the highest wage-paymg country m Em:op~f Wh~ IS It that 

you cannot go into a cotton-mill or woolen-mill m Amenca to-day 

.a,nd not find on the pay-rollscoresofEnglishmule-spinnersandcard- .-strippers and dyers; and why is it that they never go home, but the 

moment they lay aside enough :f!om .their high "!age~ they send for 

their brothers, their fathers, therr Wives, and therr children to come -out tooY 

Sir Europe has 312,0007000 inhabitants, Massachusetts has 1, 700,000. 

Europe has 184 times~- many inhabitants as. M~ssach-.;tsetts. Both are laboring commnmtws, both engaged prmCipally m manufact- ures. Whyis itthat in Massachusetts the laborershave$231,000,000 

-of money in the savin!!B-banks, one-seventh as much as the whole 

312 000 000 ia Europeil~ their savings-banks, postal and other.· Why 

is it th~t in tho North alone-leaving o_ut.the South only beca~se she 

has few if any savings-b:;t.nks-why IS It~ the ~t!ltes exclu«;Ung the 

South having a populatiOn of about thirty nnlhons or thirty-five 

milliohs, they have $2_00,~00,000 more in the savin~s-banks than. they 

have in all Europe With Its 312,000,000 of people l · 

Sir, to-day, in this ?ll~teenthcentury, when mos~men, thank God, can read and write, It will n?t do to tell the A;merwa~ people that 

the wages in Europe are ~s high as t~e '!ages m Amenca. I am not 

yet convinced, and am still a protect10mst. The S~nator from KeJ?--

tucky sitting near me [Mr. WILLIAMS] and the other Democmtic 

Senators and the Democratic party sharply join issue with me and 

say "No robbery, no plunder, no system of swindling; we are for fre~ trade; we are for a tariff for revenue only.:' . Mr. President what are ft-ee trade and a tariff for revenue only f 

Thev are one a-dd the same, now and forever, as inseparable as Sia- mese twins. 

Free trade is the admission into our ports, the discharge upon our wharves the offering in our markets the products and manufactures 

of the w~rld, regardless of mere ~ost, r~gardless of the amount of labor 

.enterin(J' into them and of the prwe pa1d for that 1a bor, regardless,_ too, 

-of the effect upon our industrie~. ~y it France, Germall:y, ~elgmm, and England are solicited to bnng mto our markets their silks, cottons woolens linens, manufactures of iron and steel the products of 

the ioom the for(J'e and the farm, on the production of which the labor 

expended has co~t'from one-quarter to two-thirdsofwhatwe should 

have been compelled to expend in producing the same. 

WHAT IS A TARIFF FOB REVENUE ONLY i 

we raise or manufacture, it would increase the cost of those we cau- not and yet must have, the factor of competition being left out. 

'WHO ABE THE ADVOCATES OF F:&I,IE TRADl~ Y 

The only prominent champions of free trade to-day in the worlQ are England and the Democratic party of the United States. Amazing co-partnership! For centuries England wa-s the most earnest, 

vigorous, and determined champion of protection the world ever saw, 

enforced the extremest doctrines by all the powers of war and all the 

arts of diplomacy. She destroyed the growing commerce of Ireland 

by one blow of her navigation laws, repressed her cattle raising, her 

wool growing, her manufactures, and made her the waste of to-day . She attempted the same rMe in America; forbade the exportation of 

her products to any country other than her own; forced all of the 

carrying trade into English bottoms; repressed all mat;mfactures. of 

fabrics and provided by law "that none of the Amencan colomes 

should7manufacture iron of any kind; that no smith should make a bolt, spike, or nail, bar or rod iron; that no mill or ot_her enrine for 

rolling iron or furnace for makin(J' steel should be pernntted;' finally 

drove us to revolution and lost the brightest jewel from her diadem. 

This spirit of repression in the interests of protection controlled her 

conduct with all of her colonies. Nor did England confine this policy to them alone, but by every art and devwe known to war and ·peace she protected and encouraged her manufactures, strengthened 

and extended her commerce at the expense of every nation she could 

frighten or cajole. By fraud, diplomacy, and war, by repressi~n, protection, and prohibition resorted to for centuries with a pers1sten~y 

and determination which never wavered, England found herself'' ffilStress of the seas" and manufacturer for the world. Then with an ac- cumulated capital no other country possessed, with skilled art~ 

kept at home by l:tws forbidding emigration, with machinery far in 

advance of any other nation, ~th a me~chnnt marine capable of ~oing 

the carrying trade for the nmverse, With the key to the wh_?le situation in her own hands, as she thought, England suddenly discovered 

the charms of ''free trade," opened her own ports, and demanded reciprocity. Was this new lightf Had she found herself in the wrong 

during all these years of wonderful growth and to do works meet for 

repentance, to repair the wrongs in:fiicted upon the other nations of 

the earth, did she detocmine upon this new policy f By no manner of means. She only counted herself n.ble, with the advantages she 

possessed to compete with the world succesfully to herself-to hold 

her own 'markets and gain theirs. Well may she to-day, with her 

Cobden Club, and with every device of which she is so cunn~g a manipulator, join with the Democratic party in a crusade agai~st 

our industries. ·with her overflowing population, with a production 

one-quarter oi which she cannot consume at home, with a third of 

her spindles idle, with protection against her manufactures in almost 

every country, even in her colonies of Austr!llia a;nd Canad_a, w_ell 

may she champion the cause of "free trade'' m this Republic w1th 

her :fifty millions of people. To succeed and to accomphsh her purpose would be the crowning glory of her great industrial career. I suppose that En(J'land has such a tariff more nearly than any THE DEMOCRATJC PARTY. 

other conntry but ev~n her free-trade theories allow her to protect Now, Mr. President, as to this o~her chR>mpion of." free trade"-:-

her manufac~ers by an increased duty upon her manufactured the Democratic party. How does It happen that thiS party of caplarticle. ' tal at the South and labor at the North should champion such a. The ohief items of receipt under the head of customs duties for cause f It claims to surpnssing love for the poor man, deadly hatred 

England during the past year were, from- · to the rich; it rolls over its tongue as a sweet morsel ·" bloa~d 

Chicory---·-·----··-----------------·------·-- ---------·----------·---· $360,000 l.>ondholders" "national-bank robbers," "corrupt and corrupting 

Cocoa..------- -------------------------··--·------ · --·---- -- --·--·------ 230,000 • corporations'." In season and out of season it proclaims its devGtion 

Coffee . . ...............•................. . ...................•........ . . ~· g:· ~g to "the _I'C'Or downtrodden people;" and yet, singularly enou~h, its 

~!~~~:·:~ ~::~::::~::~:::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::: :~~~:::::::~::::: '130: ooo savage arumosity to "protection~~ and its. intense love fo~ ''free 

Ra.1sms ... : ... ----·-···········------------------·····--·-------------- 775,000 trade" were born of its unswervmg devotion to slavery, Its fixed 

Rum----·------·--·-··-·-· ··· ······-··-···--·--······: .....•.. --·------ 11, 5lO, 000 determination to keepdegradedlaborstillinits degradation, ~amainBrandy ------ · -·--·---- --- ·-- ---- ·-- -- · · ----- -- -- · ·-- ·- ·---- · --·--- · --- 7• 035• ogz tain unpaid toil still unpaid. For the North it only desued one Tea. .......................... ...... .. ···-·---·--···-·----·------·------ 18' 500'

0 thin th t "t mi ht become a eat farm· for its laborers that they Tobaccoa.ndsnuff .....•.............. .. ...................... . ........ . 43,000,000 g, a I g gr . ' . . ldb' th 

Wine---···-----------·------·--·-----······---·-·--·---·------·------· 7, ooo,ooo might become farmers. whose sole busmess m life shoo e esow.-

• . IDO' of seed and the reapmg of harvests to supply the slaves of the The .revenue from these. duties last y~ar was $96,000,~~; almost, lf So~th with cheap food. Allow me, sir, to quote from a standard notqm~e, as much; per capita as we receive fro~ our ta~. ,pn~?l~bt- authority in the South, from "Cotton is King," a book pu~lished i;t edlythepartyw~ch h~~uc~a.holyhorrorof mo~opolies, of New Georgia in 1860 by subscription alone, edited by Dr. Elliot, -presiEnglandcapitahsts,"of thievmg manufacturers, an~ would never dent of Planters' College, in Mississippi; and to give it the seal of 

protect except when the necessary reve~ue C?mpelledit, would copy inspiration I call the attention of my Democratic friends to some -after this great free-trade model, and raise this reven-ue from tea, c?f- words of its author in his preface: 

fee, chicory, ?ocoa--upon ~hate~er we must have and do not raise The author would here repoot that the main object he had in view in the prepa.-

or make. With a strange mconsiStency, ~owever, they wo_uld c.ollect ration of Cotton is King was to convince tile Abolitionists of the utter failure of 

forty-five millions annually from sugar, nee, a;nd h~mp, ra1.sed m t~e their plans. 

South, and therefore protected without any VIO~tion of Democratic Again: 

free-trade principles. If the~ undertook t~ raise the reven~e by What Divine Providence may have in store for the future we_know not; bu~ at ~'toties upon manufactured arliclesl. those duties would necessarily be present the institution of slavery is sustained by numberless pillars, too maBs1ve 

so low as not only to enable the toreign manufacturer to compete for human power and wisdom to overthrow. • 

with ours, but to undersell him, so as to induce large importat~ons This, of course, clothes with undoubted authority whatever he 

and realize great revenues. The only ~ay ?pen to us for a continu- writes. He declares: 

ance of employment would be a reduction m the wages of the em- The opposition to a.protootiveta.riffbytheSoutharosefrom two causes: first, to 

ployed. I have had some experience on the House Committee on soouretheforeignmarketforitscotton; second,toobta.inanabundanceofsupP.lies 

l M d kn h t D t · fr · ds ean b a at a chea.~ rate Let a system of free trade be adopted, the South would constitute ytay~ anc eans, an ,~w w a my emocra IC :Ien m y the pnnCipal ~ket for, and the fertile lands of the North supply, the cheap food 

tariff for revenue only. demanded for its slaves. 

I h~ve no h:esitation in declaring tb.a~ !I' tariff for revenue only- Again : 

that Is, a tariff la~ ~der whos~ proVLSIOns the largest amount of lftheycoulttesta.blishfreetrade,itwouldsecurethe.Amerioanmarket to foreign 

revenue can be ra.J..Sed m the ea&est manner for the Governm~n~ manufa.otures, secure the foreign markets fortheirleadingsta.ples, force North_ern 

would be more disastrous to our people than free trade, for, while It men into agriculture, multiply the growth and decrease the price of provisions, tee4. 

would leave open and free comp~tition to all countries in everything and clothe their slaves at lower mtes. 
1882. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1051 - - .. 

Again: 

There was a fusion of interests between the planters of the United States and 

the British manufacturers, and to the planters the copartnership has been emiinently advantageous. 

Mr. Clay, in 18'24 in the Senate, discussing the tariff, said: 

The existin~ state of things presents a sort of ta{)it compact .between the cot. ton-grower anu the British manufacturer, the stipulations of which are, on the 

part of the cotton-grower, that the whole of the United States, the other portions -as well as the cotton-growing, shall remain open and unrestricted in the consumption of British manufactures; and on the part of the British manufacturer, that in 

-consideration thereof he will continue to purchase the cotton of the South. 

On reviewing the great debates on the tariff from 18'24 forward for 

ten years, it will be seen that Hayne, Hamilton, McDuffy, Wickliffe, 

Benton, Rankin, Garnett, Cuthbert, and others, leaders in the Dem-

-ocratic party, opposed the protective policy on the ground that cotton was the king, and o~~ht by right to be; from n. desire for a market, a fear of retaliation it we protected against English manufactures, 

.cheap food for the slaves, &c. One of their leading statesmen said: 

. We must prevent the increase of manufactories, force the surplus labor into 

ap:iculture, promote the cultivation of our unimproved western lands, until ·pro-

"VlBions are so multiplied and reduced in price that the slave can be fed so cheaply .as to enable us to grow our sugar at three cents a pound. 

Mr. Clay rebuked this strangely selfish ~pirit: 

The gentleman would have us abstain from adopting a policy called for by the 

interests of the greater and freer part of the population. But is that reasonable W 

.Can it be expected that the interests of the greater part should be made to bend to the condition of the servile part of our population 'I That in effect would be to .make us the slaves of slaves. 

In the interest of slavery, of cheap labor, and cheap living for the 

-slaves, South Carolina rejected Mr. Clay's tariff, determined to resist 

its enforcement, nullified its provisions, and refused to allow its exe- ·cution within he1· borders. What a choice feast this Democratic 

-party was spreading for our northern farmer, manufacturer, and 

laborer. And yet the. honorable Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. BECK.J] 

with dramatic solemnity, declares that protection is terribly selfish! 

But what of free trade, so advocated f The whole North to feed 

-slaves! Is it not passing strange that the Democratic laborers of the 

North, hundreds of thousands of them exiles from Ireland, forced 

from home by British free trade, should have joined hands with the 

Democratic planters and capitalists of the South in this shameless 

:.attempt to compel them to become hewers of wood and drawers of 

water for their slavesf It came, I suppose, from force of habit. It was brawn yielding to brain. The wealth and intelligence, the political head of the party, was always in the South. The Northern wing was always obedient to its imperious will; as in everything else, so in 

this. But slavery died twenty years ago, and no Southern gentleman 

.desires its resurrection. The predictions of these distinguished South- ·ern statesmen have all proved disastrous failures. There is ample 

market for cotton, and, though no slaves, larger crops than ever are :gathered, and a protective tariff still lives. Why, then, no change in 

political sentiment f Still the force of habit. The leopard changes 

not his spets nor the Ethiopian his skin. But the Senator from KentuckyTMr. BECK] announces to the Senate that the party is progres- .sive; that he is not for free trade, but "for a tariff for revenue only," 

.and during the last Presidential campaign, when his partywas being ·driven to the wall on this issue, prominent Democrats in New England declared the same, assured the people that they were no free 

traders; that they surely would do no harm to the laborers, and had no purpose to crush our manufactures. Are they sincere in this f 

Who ever heard one of them declare in favor of protection f 

I have listened to many discUBSions of the tariff within the last ten 

years in Congress, and the animosity of the Democratic leaders toward 

protection has never been concealed. I give a few extracts from their t~peeches, indicating what tender nurses they would be for a tariff. 

In 1866, Mr. Marshall, of Illinois, a le.ading Democrat, member of the 

Committee on Ways and Means, speaking of the tariff, said : 

In all ages of the world there has been an effort b:y legislative juggleryto rob the ·toiling millions, build up a favored class who could not in unboundeu wealth wrung 'from the hard earnings of labor. 

Again, he declares that "the Democratic party was organized and 

formed to protect the people from suoh legislative robbery." 

Dr. Elliot, a~ I have shown, furnishes the key to this in his statement that it was organized to secure to the slaves of the South cheap food from the North. 

Mr. Marshall, in t.he same speech, calls the fri6.nds of the tariff 

"plunderers," "robbers," and declares that the dignity of the House 

alone restrains him from speaking the whole truth. 

H<;>n. Mr. Kerr, su.bsequently Democratic Speaker of the House, discussmg the same bill, says: 

. I arise for ~e PurJ?OSe o~ uttering my solemn protest against the infamous and 

J.rreparable cnme which this House threatens to perpetrate against the liberties of 

the people of this country by the passage of this bill. 

~ He a~ o s~eaks of our ~rotecti ':"e po~icy as '' vicio~s,:' of '' protect- lVe-tariffs'Yffidles," of' our unWise, dishonest1 and VICIOus protective 

sy t~m," "mfamous system," and concludes hiS speech, " if our coun- try 1s ever to beoome prosperous and happy again, it will be after a r eturn" "to the :rntional revenue systems of her better days " mean- ing, I suppose, that system which was to make the North a great feeder of slaves. 

Senator Hamilton, in the Forty-second Congre~ said of protection: 

It is a firmly formed, rotund, impressive, seductive word, gaudily, nay richly, attired, vailed even as the Prophet of Khorassin, but when stripped ])resents feat- ures narrow and contra~ted , repulsive, with low cunning, morbid selfishness, base 

instincts. There is nothing in it broad, nor good, nor benevolent, nor liberal. 

Said Mr. Crossland: 

God speed the day when all the doors of commerce shall be throWB open, all its 

shnckles knocked off, and all the nations of the earth invited tQ come into our ports-to bring to our markets their manufactures free of taxation, and bid against each other for our products. 

Senator JOHNSTON, of Virginia: 

Sir, I am opposed to this protective system; I favor free trade. 

And this is the honorable Senator's definition of protection : 

It is a cunninuly-devised scheme, by which a portion, and but a small portion, 

of the communitY, under the pretense of raising revenue for the support of the 

Government, get rich at the expense of a large majority of the people . 

Mr. Lamison, of the House, declared his belief in free trade, and 

said: 

The prosperity of the country will be increased if all our ports are thrown open 

and the commerce of the world is invited to unload its cargoes without the pay- ment of one dollar of duty. 

In a tariff discussion in 1880 Messrs. Morrison, Cox, and MILLs 

declared themselves tl free-traders." 

Ron. :Mr. Muldrow talked about protection having "its iron fingers on the throat of every man." 

Ron. Mr. TUCKER, of Virginia, said: 

The lowe t rate of duty on every article which will produce the required revenue is my idea of a revenue tariff. 

Ron. Mr. McKE~ziE, of Kentucky, said: 

This tariff system was conceived in sin and brought forth in Mquity. It de· 

rives its name from Tariffa., where, during the Moorish domination in Spain, exac- tions from every passin~ vessel were made. Our American system. * * * is as downright and unquestionable robbery as it was on the part of the Moors to extort tribute from the unlucky merchan~. 

And I might go on with such morsels for the day, but it seems to me here is enough to satisfy any man that it will not be a prudent 

and judicious act to put our protective policy out to the tender care of such a wet-nurse as this. How strangely alike are the discussions 

of that earlier day and these of the last ten years, the same fearful 

prophecies of woe to the land, of destruction to the country, of sor- row to the poor, of starvation to the laborer, if protection prevailed. 

It did then, and what followed f Let Mr. Clay, speaking in 18:r.l, 

say: 

I have now to perform the more pleasing task of exhibiting an imperfect sketch 

of the existing state of the unparalleled prosperity of the country. On a general 

survey we belwld cultivation extended; the arts flourishing ; the face of the 

country improved; our people fully and profitably employed, and the public coun- tenance exhibiting tranquillity, contentment, and ha~piness. .And, if we descend 

into particulars, we have the ap-eeable contemplation of a people out of debt; 

land rising slowly in value, but m a secure and salutary degree; a ready, thou ~h 

not an extravagant, market for all the surplus productions of our industry; m- numerable flocks and herds browsing and gamboling on ten thousand hi.ll8 and 

plains covered with rich and verdant grasses; our cfties expanded, and whole vil- lages sprin~g up, as it were, by enchantment; our exports and imports increased 

and increasmg; our tonnage, foreign and coastwise, swelled and fully occupied; 

the rivers of our interior animated by the perpetual thunder and lightning of 

countless steamboats; the currency sound and abundant; the public debt of two wars nearly redeemed; and, to crown all, the public Treasury overflowing, embarrassing Congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select the objects which 

shall be liberated from the im~ost. If the term of seven years were to be selected 

of the greatest prosperity which this people have enjoyed since the establishment 

of their present Constitution, it would be exactly that period of seven years whiCh 

immediately followed the passage of the tariff of 1824. 

A protective tariff prevailed, too, notwithstanding the denunciations and evil prophecies of these latter-day Democratic saints, and 

what followed f I let Dr. Loring; Commissioner of Agriculture,. in a speech recently made at Boston, reply : 

This R~public has increased in population at the rate of a million a year during the last decade, rivaling now e-very country in the world except Russia. It is not necessary to 150 back a half a century, or even twenty-five years, to obtain the most gratifying eVIdence of our progress in the work of tilling the soiL But starting m 1870, at which time we had reached an enormous production in proportion to our population, let us make our comparisons with the returns of 1880. In 1870 the amount of cotton produced was 4,352,317 bales; in 188() more than 6,000,000 bales, 

In1870theamountoflndiancornraised wa-s760,940,594 bushels; in1880, 1,754,449,435 

bushels. In 1870 the wheat crop was 287,745.626 bushels; in 1880 itwas459,667.022 

bushels. In 1870 the crop of oats reached 282,107,157 bushels; in 1880, 407,859,033. 

In 1870 the tobacco crop amounted to 262,735,341 pounds; in 1880 it amounted to 473,107,573 pounds. The increase of agricultural products was nearly one hundred 

per cent. in these ten years; and in the last year of this decade, from 1879 to 1880, out of this va t increa.se of our crops and products, our cattle export rose from 

$13,000,000to$14,000,000; corn, from $43,000,000to$50,500,000 ; wheat, from$167.698,- 000 to $190,546,000 ; flour, from $35,000,000 to $45,000,000; cotton, from $209,852,000 to $245,534, 391 ; beef, from $7,000,000 to $12,000,000 ; lard, from $28,000,000, to $33,000,-

000; and pork, from $5,000,000 to $8,000,000, Mark also the growth of American 

manufactures in half a century. In 1830 the amou.nt invested in cotton manufact- ures was a little more than ~0 000,000. Fifty years have pa sed away and the amount of capital invested in mills·and subsidiary work is more than $225,000,000. Of· our woolen manufactures the statistics are more imperfect, but! have ascertained that 

in 1840 the value of the product was $20,696,699, and in 1880 the value of woolens, 

worsteds, carpets, and hosiery produced was $234,587,671. In 1870 the silk productions of the United States were valued at $12,210,662; in 1880, at $34,410,463. 

Fifty years ago the shoe and leather industry had hardly a national reputation. In 1870, however, there were 4,237 tanneries in the United States, employing a capital of $42,710,505 annually, and producing leather valed at $86,169,883.. The 

growth of the iron and steel industry has been equally remarkable. In 1810 we 
1052 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 10, 

produced only 50,000 tons of iron, and our largest fnrn.ace could yield only 1,1~0 tons annually. But in 1830 the product was 165,000 tons; m 1860, 1,000,000 tons; m 1880 

the iron and steel works in the United States produ!Jed 7,265,100 ton~. . . . The au!ITe.,.ate annual product of our mannfaetnrin~ and moobamcal mdustries is now :~re 'than six thousand millions of dollars. Of this vaat product less than two hundred millions are exported. And of the $900,000,000 pr<1uced by a~cnlture less than 10 per cent. IS exported. On the self-supporting power of the 

.An!'erican people, and of ~e mutual relations exis~g be~een our mdnstries, we can dwell as Americans Wlth the most profound satisfaction. 

The wildest enthusiast for protection in 1824 never dreamed of any 

such marvelous progre s in industrial prosperity as this. I have 

referred to two eras of protection and the tmparalleled prosperity 

of both no man can ~ainsay. I know that free-traders tauntingly 

point to 1873 it pamc and subsequent hard times. But what had 

that to do ~th protection 7 Its causes are familiar to every Senator and I do not propose to enter upon a discussion of the war, an inflated currency, wild speculations resultant to it, and to the other causes common to other countries and ours. Why, free-trade England was worse off than we. More than half of her spindles were idle ; 

half of her workingmen were out of employment, and she was feeding more paupers than ever before. Suppose we had had no protection against her then I She would have poured her surplus products 

into ourmarkets,ourmanufacturers would have been literally crushed, 

and it would have taken many years for recovery of our position. 

History repeats itself. Our periods of prosperity have been the years 

of protection, and of adversity those of free trade; and by free ~ade 

I mean a tariff for revenue only. In 1789-1801 we had protectiOn; 

in 1801-1812 free trade; in 181~1816, protection; in 1816-1824, free 

trade; in1s24-1833, protection; in1833-1842, free trade; in 184~18:47, protection; in 1847-1861, free trade; and m 1861-1881 protection 

again. Take for an example those good old Democratic times from 1847 to 

1860. That party found the country when they took it in a condition 

of healthy prosperity, placed it promptly under a tariff for revenue only, held it for twelve years, le~ ~t in debt, with its Treasm:y bankrupt unable to borrow a few millions even for 12 per cent. mterest, 

its htdustries almost de troyed, its courage completely paralyzed. 

The Republican party received it in this condition, placed i~ as promptly under a protective tariff, carri_e~ on a four years' ~ar? raiSed 

billions of dolla,rs by taxation, other billions by bonds, paid Its debt 

for years at the rate of one hundred ~illions ~ year, reduced the rate 

of interest to 3t per cent., and have It to-day m the most prosperous 

condition it ever enjoyed. When in the history of this or any other 

country has free trade proved a bles ing f Now and in England, every 

free-trader cries. But I have already tried to show that she never could have experimented with what she calls free t~ade if she had 

not first achieved greatness and power under protectiOn. But what are the facts f Is En~land prosperous to-day f 

.Allow me, lli. President, to quote fmm a recent editorial in one of 

theleadin(J' New York papers statements which, so far as I have been 

able, I ha ~e verified: 

Investigations have disclosed a state of things which abundantly justiiies the 

dissatisfaction of British workingmen under the practical operation of free-trade 

doctrines, and explains the return to Parliament of men pledged to advocate the 

principle of reciprocity. . To begin with the silk interest, we note that the number of hands employed m Maoolesfield alone has fallen in twenty years from 14,000 to 6,520. In the same period the weekly wages paid in the silk and ribbon factories has declined from 

$60,000 to $10,000. According to the computations.of Mr. Lister, of B_radford, there 

has been a loss of from $250,()00,000to $300,000,000 m the wages of Bntish workmen 

furonuh the silk goods imported during the last twenty years. In 1861 there were eightY-four ribbon manufacturers in Coventry; now there are not a dozen who have not been forced to componnd with their creditors. The books of a large silk manu- factorv in Macclesfield show that his annual production was valued at $1,250,000 

before the treaty with France, and that since then its average value bas not reached $350 000. What is true of Macclesfield and Coventry is trn~ also of the 

cotton, worsted, and lace industries in Manchester, Bradford, N ott~gham, and 

other towns. A significant announcement appeared three months ago m the Lon· 

don Time that Priestly & Sons, woolen b.nd dress-goods makers, of Bradford, '!ere establis~g mills in Philadelphia and transferring their machinery and operati>es to the United States In Sheffield at the annual cutlers' feast on September 2 it was acknowledged that profits were a thing of the past, that wages were being con- tinually reduced, that furnaces were being put out, and the mills worked either not at all or on half time. In Birmingham the gun trade, which has alway:s been an important industry, has of late years been seriously depressed, and a . like decline is ob erved in the industries concerned in turning out railway wheels ll!ld axles, 

and in making various kinds of fittings for railway carriages. Even the pmchbeck wares for which Birmingham used to be notorious, are being driven on~ of the 

home inarket by French and Swiss importations. The decrease of production and 

the decline of wages are equally noti~able in tb~ n~ighborin~ town o.f~olverhampton, and in both places the operatives are begmnmg to a~tribute tberr distress to the competition of foreign goods, and to demand that duties shall be placed on commodities derived from those countries which impose a protective tariff upon the 

products of British industry. Among other Engli~h m!mnfaetu,res which find thell!-

selves unable to contend eyen in home markets With 1mportations fro:J?l the.Conti- nent should be mentioned the glove trade and the pottery trade. It 1s estimated 

that not one-third so many gloves are made in England JIOW as were made a few 

years auo. The great whol8sale firms sell quite as many gloves, but they are not made by English workmen. The great glove makers now have their principal 

workshops at Grenoble or ~rnssels, instead of at _worce~ter or Y1_1ovil. In Staf. 

fordshlre and Worcestershire, where the pottery mdnstnes are situated, we are told that depression is steadily- increasing, and that the condition of the lower 

classes of operatives is deplorable. 

That the English people are thoroughly aroused to-day on this 

vital question of protection I thlnk no man will deny, and it is my 

firm belief that the En~lish workingman will, before ten years have 

passed, have compellea the government to renounce its free trade 

and adopt protection. 

The only country in the world I know of that has thoroughly free 

trade forced upon her by compulsory process is that most distracted 

and unfortunate land, Ireland. Before the union her manufacturing 

industries were protected against England by duties on woolens, 

silks, cotton yarn and twist, and cotton manufactured goods. Her 

calicoes and .muslins were protected by a duty almost prohibitory, 

and Ireland was rapidly becoming a successful manufacturing coun- try. Her people were happy, contented, industrious, and prosperous. 

There was a loom in almost every house, and with it comfort came, 

too. Her linens were known and appreciated all over the world, 

and her silks were gaining a ready market. There were in 1800, as appears by an imperfect census then taken, over 8,000 weavers em- ployed in Cork alone, over 51000 manufacturing woolen goods in 

Dublin, 3,000 making blankets in Balbrigan, 2,000 weaving calicoes 

in Wicklow, 1,000 making flannels, while the number engaged in 

linen work were immense. This linen trade wa-s encouraged by 

subsidies, but they were gradually withdrawn until all protection 

cea-sed, in 1826. In 1825 more than thirteen million of dollars were e;xyended in the purchase of coarse, unbleached home-matle webs of 

lirien. What a power of good, of comfort, and of happiness, those 

home-made webs revealed. England, not content with destroying 

Ireland's navigation, with crushing out, in the earlier days, her 

manufacture of woolens, greedy to manufacture for the :world, determined that the rest of mankind should raise the raw materials to 

feed her hungry looms, as the South wanted u.s to feed their slaves, 

beguiled poor Ireland into assenting to the act of the union, under 

the terms of which every duty was repealed-some gradually, to be 

sure, but certainly. The act continued the tariff on woolens for 

twenty years, terminated it on calicoes and muslins in 1 21, on cotton yarn and twist in 1816, withdrew all subsidies in 1826, and Ireland enjoyed the benefit of absolute free trade. What was the result f 

England held both ends of the bargain. Ireland could raise in her 

fertile soil the raw material. England could make it into goods 

cheaper than she could, but Ireland had no voice in the price to be 

paid for either. In 1840 another census was taken, and there wero 500 blanket-makers in Kilkenny, 200 silk-weavers in Dublin, no cars pet-maker in all Ireland, no linen-weavers in Cork, 300 operatives 

in that city in all the manufacturing industries, wher~ fifteen years 

before there were 8,000 weavers alone. 

Free trade had done its work and Ireland was starving. She is 

the only absolutely free-trade country in the world to-day, the only 

land enjoying its rare privileges in complete fullne , and what a commentary It affords with a good climate, afertilesoil, greatrivers, 

splendid water-power, broad, safe bays and harbors, an abunda:nce 

of minerals, an indttstriou.sly-inclined people, it is the most ternbly 

vexed, troubled, suffering, distracted, impoverished, starving_ country 

in the world. Irishmen, loving their land earnestly and with more unbounded enthusiasm than the men of any other country, have been 

driven into exile by the million. Now, I do not blindly charge all 

of her woes to free trade alone ; land tenure has to answer for a portion, not for more than half. Give her a parliament of her own, and 

the first act passed would be a protective tariff, and in twenty years 

from now the exiled Irishman would return to the land he loves and 

find it peaceful, contented, and prosperou . England, for her own seJfi.sh purposes, fastened these two fearful leeches upon her, and 

they have been fattening on her blood. England and her ally, the 

Democratic party, are undertaking to fasten free trade upon us, and, 

strange to say, nine-tenthr, of our citizens of Irish birth, starved out 

of home and driven here into exile, go every year to the polls and 

vote with England's Democratic ally for free tra(le! 

IS FREE TRADE PRACTICABLE 1 

Mr. President, I do not propose to discu the abstru e theories or attempt to dissect the cunning sophistries of free tradez but will offer a single problem for the American workingmen of tne country to 

solve. Can we compete with Europe, paying wages on the averaO'e 

not over half a-s high as ours, in the manufacture of cotton, wool, sil~l iron, steel, and wood, when the perfected article repre ents from t:!U 

to 90 per cent. of labor, without degrading our workmen and cutting 

down their wages 7 We build a mill in New England, quarry the 

stone and excavate the earth for its foundation, convert the forest 

trees into lumber, the iron Oi'e in the earth into bolts, rods, spikes, 

and nails, the clay from its banks into bricks, and with laborers, 

masons, carpenters, slaters, painters, and glaziers, complete the struct- ure. For this we pay- Per •week. Laborers __ ......... _ ... _______ . _. ____ .... _ ..... :. . . .. . . . . . . . .. . . . . . $7 00 to $9 00 

~~~y-~~--·_·:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: 1~ gg ~ l~ gg Gas-fitters .......... _ .... _ .. __ .. _ .... ___ .. _ . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 00 to 18 00 

~:E~~~~: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: i~ gg ~ }~ gg Plasterers._. ___ .. __ .. _ .. . ___ .. __ ................................... 10 00 to 15 00 

Plumbers ........................................................... 12 00 to 18 00 

Slaters ........................................ ------- ... ------- .... 10 00 to 15 00 

~~~gh~~~~::~~~::~~~::::~~::::~~::::::::::~:::::~~::~::: ~~:~~~ ~ gg ~ }~ gg 

Then we make the necessary machinery, and for the skilled work- men required we pay from 12 to 24 a week. Now, ready for operation, it has cost $300,000! 90 per cent. of ":hlch, or $270,00~, represents labor. For our cap1tal we pay from o to 8 per cent. mterest. 
1882. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1053' 

To our operatives we Pl;\Y about as follows: 

Per week. 

I!~. iii ili\iiiiiiii!\\liiiiiiiiiiiiii~~;:~\;iiiii l I I$~ I 

The finished piece of cloth, ready for the market, has cost $100. 

The Englishman builds the same mill, the same number of sets of 

cards equipped with like machinery; makes a piece of goods the 

exact counterpart of ours. The wages he has paid on the structure 

and machinery are as follows: 

Laborers .. --. --.--- .. -- -...... --- .. --- .. --.--.. -.... -- ·--· . -.. ---. Bricklayers ..... -- .. -- ...... --- ..... -- ..... --- .. ----- ............ -- Masons .... -.- ... -.-...... -..... ---.--.-·-··--·--.. ···--.. ----·-- .. Gas-fitters ...... -.. -.. -......... --- ..... -·- ...................... - Carpenters ........... -.. -..... --- .. ----.- .. -.• ------.. -.•.•.••.••. Painters ... -.......... -................................... -..•.•.•. Plasterers .. -..................................................... . Plumbers ......................................................... . 'Sla.ters ................................ _ .......... _ •. _ ........... .. Granite workers ..................... -.... -.- ... -- ... -.... -•. --.• -- Millwrights and machi:nists .• -.. -...... -- .. -- ...... -..... -.•...... 

To the operatives as follows: 

Woolsorters .......................... -- .. -............ ····.-......• 'Scou:rer~~ and dyers·---·- ......................................... . Dyers (not foremen) ................................... -.......... . 'Teasers ... -.-, .................... -•.. -.. -.. -..................... . Scribblers (foremen) ................... -........................ -.• Fitters ............................................................ . 

Feeders .......... -...... -.. -....... · ... ··· .. ·· .. ·•· .. · .... ··· .. --·· :Spinners ...... -- .. ' ......... _ ..................... -.-............. . Piecers ........... -.......•..•.........•.. -..•••..•....... -....... . Weavers, men .................................................... . Weavers, women ................................................. . Millers- ......................................................... .. .Millers (foremen) ............................. -................... . :Raisers and cutters .. -......... -.. -............................... . :Raisers and cutters (boys) ... -.................................... . Bnrlers ... --- -... -....•...... -.............. -•• -...... -.• -........ . "Pressers .......................................................... . Laborers ............. -........... -............................... . 

Per week. 

$5 82 925 

8 70 

780 

900 

850 

9 72 

9 00 9 72 

800 $7 00 to 10 00 

Per week. 

$6 24to $6 72 

4 80 to 5 75 5 25 to 5 75 4 32 to 5 25 960tol440 

4 32 to 6 75 1 92 to 2 88 7 70 to 9 69 192t~ 240 600to 840 360t~ 480 4 80 to 5 75 

960to1440 

600to 720 l92to 288 192to 240 5 75 to 6 72 4 32·to 5 25 

The average wages being less than two-thirds of ours. The mill, 

equipped, has not cost over $200,000. The annual interest for the 

capital 4 per cent. The cos~ of the piece of goods will not exceed $70. 

"Now, if the English mill-owner can send that piece of goods into our .market free of duty he can sell it for $80, $20 less than the actual cost 

-of onrs, and make a' profit of $10. Can the New England mill run! 

"Yes, but obly in one way. Reduce· the cost· of our mill, of our ma- -chinery, and of our goods by cutting down the wages of all tlie men .and women who have labored from the laying of the mill's foundation 

-to the finishing of the cloth, so that our piece· shall cost but 70. 

Tills is the free-trade, Democratic way. But the workingmen of 

America pay the penalty in poor living, less comforts in their homes, 

less schools for their children. Even theh would tlie mill probably 

-continue to run f England manufactures an enormous surplus of 

woolens. She will not glut the home market and break the prices 

there, and can well afford to sell the surplus here at less than the 

.cost. Bttt, urges' the free-trader, the work:rnen could then buy their 

clothing for less, and in this find ample compensation. Is this trne! 

History flatly contradicts it, as I shall conclusively show before I am through. The Republican party, on the contrary, declares that ·the mill shall be erected, the machit:lery built, and the workmen em- ployed 'Without any reduction of wages. How will they accomplish ·this f Simply by saying to the Manchester manufacturer, ''Send your 

_goods into· our markets, but first pay, for the support of our Government, $30 on every piece you send," thus· making his goods equal to -ours in cost. ThiB is a protective tariff. 

I have taken my example from a woolen mill in England, for the 

highest wages in Europe are in that country, and there the cotton 

and woolen hands receive the best pay. Even there the average of 

wages of the trades, manufacturing and agricultural laborers is only 

.about one-half of the·average here. A careful examination of the ·table I shall annex, 'furnished by-the report sent to Congress recently 

by the hqriorable Sec:r;etary of State, Mr. Evarts, discloses that the 

wages of Belgium are less than one-half, of Denmark about one-third, 

-of France one-third, and of Germany less th.a,n one-third of the wages 

paid in the United States. .Bnt, it is urged, in these countries the 

cost of living is greatly less than here, and the money received buys .more. It is true the living of European laborers costs less, but they 

have less. It is not possible for them to have the generous living 

of Americans, fot they' have ·not · the inoney to purchase it. The 

.actual necessaries of life, in fact, command higher prices in all coun-

·tries than in ours. The same tables show that in Belgium they cost more by 20 per cent.; France, 25 per cent.; in Germany 20 per cent., 

.and in England colisideral>ly more·. M:r. Presidentt the policy which has a tendency to reduce wages iu 

-this country ana. deg?ad.e our working men and women is a. bad one 

for the Republic, and its sugar-coating by all the theories and sophistries of Democratic free-traders cannot make it good. In Europe the women carry bricks and mortar for the masons, work in the field 

with the hoe and the scythe; and a report made to the British Parliament a few years since shows that even in favored England there were forty thousand little bare-footed girls from six to ten years of 

age carrying wet clay on their little bare heads in the English brickyards at from four to eight cents a day. The descriptions of the 

condition of the laboring men and women of Europe contained in 

The State of L:t>bor in Emopo, published by authority of Congress 

in 1878, are terrible pictures of poverty, degradation, vice, and utter 

hopelessness. 

THE EFFECT OF THE TABIFF UPON THE PRICE OF MANUFACTURES. 

:Mr. President, the Senator from Kentucky [:Mr. BECK] and all advo 

cates of free trade, or tariff for re-venue only, insist with great vehe mence that our tariff enhances the cost of everything. The facts fail 

to justify the declaration. .Allow me to give a few illustrations. In 

1860 we had a tariff for revenue only, wages from 40 to 60 per cent. 

less than now, all kinds of business dull, no demand for goods; while 

in 1880 we had the "robber tariff" and an active demand. 

I copy the following table from the Boston J onrnal, which I have 

verified: 

Articles. Price in 1860. 

$0 11! 

1~ 45 

1 50 

90 2250 

48 00 325 

Price in 1881. 

$0 1M. 

l3l 

46 160 

75 25 00 

4800 

330 

If the free-trade theory were true the present price of sheetings would be over 13 cents per yard now (the duty being from 46 to 57 per cent.) instead of the same as in 1860; Harris ~oods (the duty being 60 per cent.) would be eelling for $2.40 instead 

of $1.60, which 18 ten cents more than in 1860; cut nails, on which the duty is 59 per 

cent., would be selling for $3.25 per hundredweight (price of 1860) plus tfi.e duty of 

$1.90 or $5.15 instead of $3.30. This comparison might be extemfed indefinitely, but t'he above is sufficient to expos~ the falsity of the free. trade assumption. 

The small increase in cost of some of these articles is more than ac com:ited for by the higher wages and quicker demand in 1880. Take 

the following from the Commercial Bulletin : 

Goods. 

Fitehbu:rg cassimeres, per yard ............................. . Haile, Frost & Co., cashmereta ............................. . Men's ribbed socks, per dozen pairs .....•..••..•...•........ Ladies' ribbed hose ................................ "······ .. - Blankets, 94 Gonic .............................. _. _ ..... :. _. Blankets, 10-4 Gonic .... __ ............ _. _ .. _ ................ . Blankets; 11-4 Gonic ........................................ . Blankets, 12-4 XX Rochdale ................................ . Moscow beavers, all·wool. ........................ _ ... ___ ... . 

~~i>: ____ :·---~'.-~-~U-~~~-:~: 

1882. 

$085 

38i 450 

300 

1 75 ·2 25 

2 75 

900 

3 00 1 00 

8 

8 . 12.35 

6.17 

4 

1860. 

$095 

43 

800 

425 

1 87i 

2 37! 300 

800 

400 

1 35 

8. 73 

8.92 

15.50 

9. 50 

5.44 

There is not a fabric in the whole list that is not cheaper to-day in 

the markets than it was under the "tariff for revenue only." It is 

an ascertained fact that our Army to-day is clothed cheaper than any 

in the world, quality of the cloth considered. 

Take iron used in ship-building. From 1850 to 1860 we paid for 

ship or tank plate 4 cents per pound; flange iron, 5 cents; angle-iron, 

3!cents; rivets, 5cents; average, 4t cents. From 1870 to 1880 we paidforship or tank plate 2tcents per pound; for flange-iron, 4 cents 

angle-iron, 2t cents; rivets, 4t cents; average, 3J cents. 

STEEL RAILS. 

We commenced their manufacture in 1865, and since then have 

made four and one-half millions of tons. In 1864 we paid for English steel rails from $80 to 112 in gold per ton, delivered at Englisb 

seaports· in 1877 the prices in England ranged from 72.50 to 77 

a ton, while we, since 1870, as appears in the testimony before the 

Honse Committee on Ways and Means during the last Congress, have 

sold more than one million tons as low as $55 a ton,. and in 1877 they run down to $40. Even now, with the tremendous demand, they are sold for from 60 to $65. It must be remembered that there never was so great a demand for rails as during the last twenty years. Since 

1861 we have bnilt 65,000 miles. of railroad, and during the last two 

years more miles than during the ten from 1850 to 1860, under the low 

tariff. 

The tariff stimulates production and cheapens price. Let me illustrate this with a few examples. Take the manufacture of pottery. 

In 1860 there were about two thousand men engaged in making pottery. The industry was struggling for an existence. In 1870 there 

• 
• 

-.,, 

__ ... 

-

1054 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENAT_E. FEBRUARY 10,. 

were over six thousand; in 1880, probably twelve thousand; in 1860 

the capital invested was about one million and a quarter; in 1870, 

:five millions and a quarter; in 1880, probably double that amount. 

The census of 1800 has not been so completed as to enable me to be 

exact. To-day there are pottery establishments in every State in this 

Union except Florida. Let it be remembered that in this industry the 

manufactured article represents more than 90 per cent. of labor; that 

the wages in Europe are considerably less than one-half of those paid 

here. Return to free trade, and no pottery manufactory could run for six months. What has been the result as to prices T Pottery 

sells to-day in the United States for 30 per cent. less than it did in 

1860. 

Take worsted goods, the creation entirely of our protective tariff, 

and silk goods also. Read these instructive tables taken from the census. -See the wonderful growth of both industries, the number 

employed, the annual wages paid of $15,000,000, and then tell me, 

is protection destroying the country f 

Nnmber of Nnmber of Capital Year. establish- Wages paid. 

l1J.ents. laborers. invested 

Silk manufactures: 

1860. --·-----------·------ 139 4, 535 $2,926,9 80 $1,050,224 

1870---·---------------- · 86 6,649 6, 231,1 30 1, 942,286 

1880------- ---- -----·· -- · 290 34,440 15,394,7 00 9, 107,835 

W orated goods : 

1860----·---------- -----· 3 2,378 3,230, 000 543,684 

1870----------- -·-·-----· 102 12,920 10,085,7 78 4, 368,8.57 

1880--------·------------ 75 18,773 20,411, 043 5, 645,681 

And yet both silks and worsteds are selling for considerably less now than under the "tarift· for revenue only." 

Mr. Wyckoff, secretary of the Silk Association of America, under 

date of January 16, 1882, writes: 

In general terms it may be stated that silk goods :u-e fully 25 per cent., and 

probably 33! per cent., lower than when their manufacture was begun in this country. This estimate is made on dress goods and ribbons. There are branches 

of manufacture in which the decline of values bas been much greater. In general the decline is most marked where the goods made in this country have most I!Uccessfully distanced or supplanted their foreign rivals-; where the home competition has 

been continued Jong enough to reduce prices to the lowest point. As an instance 

of this, the manufacture of sewing silk and machine twist may be cited. This 

branch of trade is entirely free from foreign rivalry; its prices have been reduced 

by severe home competit10n to 50 per cent. below those of fifteen or twenty years 

ago, if we compare goods of equal quality. But the qu:ilitios of these, as well as of nearly all other silk goods, have immensely improved; and this fact, though gratifying, renders comparisons difficult. 

How~ it, Mr. Presiqent, tha.t the t.-'liiff, seemingly a tax upon man- ufactures, cheapens instead of enhances the priceY Ireland· could answer that understandingly. She learned by bitter experience how 

much the price of raw material was reduced when obliged to sell it 

to England, and how much the value of goods made from it was en- 1 hanoed when forced to buy it back manufactured, the factor of com- petition expelled. Worsted goods illustrate. Twenty-five years a~o 

we made none in this country and the prices were extravagantly 

high. In 1862, encouraged by the high tariff, we started a dozen 

establishments. In 1880 they had grown to seventy-five, with a capital of more than twenty millions of dollars. They were rival establishments, competing with each other for the markets, each striving 

to reduce the cost without cutting down the wages. So they appealed to the inventive genius of the country, levied contributions 

upon that, and it responded wonderfully with machinery marvelous 

in its ingenuity, power, and capacity. And so, year by year, the 

cast of the cloths was reduced, not only here but abroad. And such 

has been the history of the result in every industrial enterprise started 

here. The Senator from l{entucky [Mr. BECK] talks about the mo- nopolies of New England. Why, sir, there is not a monopoly in New 

England; not one. There is not a business carried on there which is 

not open and free to any man. The only monopoly I know of in this 

country is a great railroad without any competing line. 

HOW DOES THE TARIFF .AFFECT FARMERS 1 

The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. BECK] insists that the manu- facturing interests have been promoted at the expense of agriculture; that our farmers have been taxed, ay, robbed, for their benefit. 

A serious charge; but is it true Y What are the facts f The manu- facturing industries have prospered and increased amazingly during 

the last twenty years, but the progress in agriculture has been mar- velous, far outstripping them all. The census is yet incomplete, but 

the following is gathered from it: 

The following are the wheat, corn, and oat crops in bnshels during the following 

rears I 

Year. 

1839 ........ --------------------- 1849------------ -·-··------------ 1859 ............................• 

1869-----------------------------

1'879----------·------------·-----

Wheat. 

84,823,272 

100,485,444 

173, 104, 924 

287, 740, 626 

459, 479, 505 

Corn. 

377, 531, 875 

592, 071, 104 

538, 792, 742 

760, 944, 549 

I, 754, 861,535 

Oats. 

123, 071, 341 

146,584,179 

172, 643, 185 

282,107,157 

407, 858, 99!) 

The growth of the grain-producing industry is made even mo,re emphatic by the- following statistics, which give the total productions "of bread-grains during entir& 

decades, the .first embracing the ten years closing with 1850: 

Decade. 

1850 _______ ______ _________ ______________ _ 1860 ______ __________ ___ ________ _________ _ 

1870 ________________ ·------------·---·---

1880 ...... --------·-·------------·--·· --. 

Total cereal p~~r:!'"!· Bushels 

production. from 1850_ per capita. 

867, 453, 967 

1, 239, 039,947 

1, 387, 299, 153 

2, 697,962,456 

42.8 

59.9 

211.10 

37.4 

39.4 

35.97 

53.79 

It will be seen that the greatest increase of the production of cereals ha-s occu:rred 

during the last ten years-a period durin~ which the advocates of free trade assert the agricultural interests have been sacrificed to the tariff monopolists in the man- ufacturing States. This may be true, hut the statistics above given go far to cast suspicion upon the correctness of the free-trade statement. If manUfacturing or- any other industry was yielding greater profit-s than agriculture can a.fiord; we- would naturally fufer that the rate of production would not have been doubled. 

durin.g a period that thE> agricultural cla-sses have been robbed in the interest of 

the manufacturers, as the free-trader asserts. We fear that tlle facts are against the free-trader in this matter. It may be added, however, that the American freetrader ignores home-made facts and statistics. 

Barley increa-sed from4,000,000 bushels in 1839 to40,000,000 in 1879. 

Twenty years ago there were iu the country 23,000,000 of sheep; in 

1880, 42,000,000. Then the clip of wool was 60,000,000; last year,. 

2.'30,000,000. 

Nor, Mr. President, is t he farmer left withou-t protection. The 

duty on animals is 20 per cent. ; bacon, 2 cents a pound; beef, 1 cent; 

buckwheat, 20 per cent.; butter, 4 cents a pound; cheese, 4 cents; 

corn, 10 per cent.; hay, 20 per cent.; oats, ten cents a bushel; pease, 

from 10 to 20 per cent. ; potatoes, 15 cents a bushel; rye, 15 cents a bushel; sheep, 20 per cent. ; wheat.t 20 cents a bushel, &c. 

Besides, Mr. President, are the nve millions of workers in iron, 

copper, of cotton and wool, with :five millions more dependent upon 

them, all consuming and producing nothing the farmers raise, no protection to them f Adopt free trade, destroy mJtnufacturing, make 

these men producers instead of consumers, and vrould no~ our farmers 

harvest ruin from the change.Y A sensible farmer of Maine writing 

to an agricultural paper, says : 

We can now .get good _Prices for all we raise ; we can buy at low or lower than 

before the war. A mowmg-machine then cost $125 to $150. It now costs from $60 to $65. Poorly made horse-rakes with wire teeth, $40; now fi.neJy finished and 

steel teeth, for $25 to $30. .A s;;;,n plow then sold for $5 or $6; now from $3 to $4. 

Most of the implements we need can be bought low. We get from 25 to 28 cents for our eggs and butter; $14 to $17 for our hay; $2 to $3 for our apples. Clothing, boots, musical instruments-in fact almost all articles can be bought much lower 

than twenty years ago, when we did not get so much for our productions. If monopolies are the canse of this we are benefited by them. Men of capital employ men, the men employed consnme our productions. Are our customers to turn the 

capitalist's money over to us 7 Is not much of the talk about these great monopo- lies put forth by men and nsed by them as a horse on which to ride into or keep in 

power 7 Are not the times good 7 Cannot prudent workingmen enjoy many luxuries and lay up a little money¥ 

It seems to me that in my own State we have a wonderful illustration of the benefits of protection. Aroostook County, sitaated in our extreme northeast, with only one railroad outlet, and that through 

the Canadian provinces, with fertile lands but long winters, its 

only business agriculture and lumbering, inclosed on two sides by 

the Dominion of Canada, where everything from the farm can be 

raised cheaper than in the States, shows by the last census how agriculture has been "robbed" by protection and farmers sacrificed to 

manufacturers. The percentage of the growth of population from 

1860 to 1880 is 85 per cent., the percentage from 1870 to 1880 being 41 

per cent. A comparison of the agricultural products of that county, as returned in the two censuses of 1870 and 1880, being the crops of 

the years 1869 and 1879, shows the following percentage of increase : 

Per cent. 

Tons of bay ...... -----...........•.•.............. _ ................... :. ___ . _ _ 69-

ra!t~~?IEt ~~~~~~~~: ~ ~ ~:::::: ~::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ~1 Dairy products* (milk, butter, cheese) .. ------- .. ---- __ ---- __ . __ ·---- .. ------_ 83 

Cereals: 

~~~~~ gj ~:~~h~t:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ~~ Bushels of Indian corn--------------------·---------------------------·------ 9 Bushels of oats ...............••..... .....•••••• _ ...•.•..• :. . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . 18 

Bnshels of rye .... ---- __ -----------·-.-----------. __ ------ ...••. --- ____ •• ___ ._ 327 

Bushels of wheat.--------- .•. . ----- -----.---- .• ------- •.. •·-·---- __ . __ ----. __ 194-

A comparison· of the statistics of live stock on farms as returned in 

the two censuses of the years 1870 and 1880, shows the following percentage of increase: 

Per cent. 

Horses--- .... -------- ---.---- ... ------- .. ----. --· -.-- .. ---- ..•• -- •...... ------ 79 

Mules and asses-----------------------·---------------·----------·-·--------· 10 

Milch-cows.---- .• ----------·----------.----·----------·---- ..•. ------ ... -- .. -- 73 

Other cattJ.e . . -----. -----·-·· ---- ------------ ----·-- .. --.-----------.---.---.-- 68 

Swine . ... ------- ---------------.----------------- .. ----·---.--.--------------. 65 

~:bg·o~~;;::::::::: ·::.:: -_-.-_ -_-_: :·.:::: -.::::: -.-_::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::::: ~ 

*All the yrod.ucts of the ~in the above computation were reduced to butter. on the ba&s of 3 gallons ofm.il.k, or 21 ponnds of cheese to one pound of butter. 
1882. OON.GRESSION.AL RECORD- SENATE. 1055 

It produces millions of bushels of potatoes, the best in the world, 

but ordinarily, if forwarded to the markets, the long distances on bad roads running through a foreign country, they would hardly be 

worth the raising. Here the tariff, that "robber," comes t~ their 

relief, by laying a duty of 20 per cent. on potato starch, startrn(J' up 

starch-factories over the county, accessible to all, and easily ta~g their surplus crop at fair prices. So the county during the last ten 

years has been steadily growing in prosperity, her farmers getting 

out of debt, making improvements, clearing up new lands, building 

great barns and comfortable houses, supplymg for their families not 

only the necessaries of life, but indulging them in its luxuries. 

I had the pleasure of traveling through it last season, and found 'it in all things a marvelous creation, as I believe, of a protective 

tariff. 

Mr. President, we grow rich and powerful under protection, and 

yet we have free trade more absolute and abundant than all the rest 

of the world between thirty-eight States and nine Territories, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, from the Dominion of 

Canada to the Gulf of Mexico. That internal trade last year amounted 

to eighteen Billions of dollars, six times greater than the export and 

im;J?ort trade of Great Britain. I have used some figuref! from an article in the last International Review, entitled Influence of European Industries on the United States, by J . L. Stevens. :Mr. Stev- ens is our minister resident at Stockholm; has been in Europe for 

many years, is a man of ability, experience, and extended information. 

!'commend the article as one replete with valuable information1 and take the liberty of quoting his opinion, gathered from long and. 

eareful observation: 

It was the imperative need of the United States for revenue, and the require- ments of our national resources and of our internal trade, which caused our states- men at a great national epoch to adopt our :present tariff~licy. Fo~ate it was that our imperative revenue needs to susta.m national e::nstence and national faith 

conformed so completely to the internal wants of the country's resources in respect 

of rlevelopment. By it our national unity was maintained against titanic assaults 

within and ~at perils abroad. By it our national honor has been kept untarnished, 

and now slunes with " purest ray serene " in the financial markets of the world. 

The solid fac~the ripe fruits from the vigorous tree of experience-gives irresistible testimony in its favor. In less than twenty years the entire property of the 

country bas increased from $16,000,000,000 to nearly $38,000,000,000, though in that 

time $4,500,000,000 were lost t~ the country's wealth by the war. The m:tnufaoturing power and products of the country have nearly tripled, the United States at th1s time turning out cotton and woo1en fabrics more than one-fifth as much as entire Europe, while possessing less than one-sixth as much population. Our en- tire manufactru-es ef all kinds are equal to one-fourth of the total produced by Europe. In the same period we have built more than sixty thousand miles of 

railroad, and since 1865 have paid off $800,000,000 of national debt, and reduced our annual intere~t on the same to the extent of $70,000,000. In the same time, of less than nineteen years, our home commerce has augmented threefold, our forei_gn trade has largely incren.~d, a.n<l our financial power aud prestige in the 

oom.mercial centers of the world stand far higher than they stood twenty years 

since. 

1t1r. President how wonderfully applicable to our country now after 

twenty years of protection is that beautiful picture dravm by Mr. 

Clay after the seven ~;ears of the tariff bearing his name. The only 

:Q.gures we miss are • the overflowing TreaslilrY" and "our tonn~ge 

swelled and fully oocupied." The deficiency from the picture of" the 

overflowing Trea ury" I shall not attempt to account for, lest I mi~ht 

be accused with trying to rake open the dying embers of intemecme 

strife· but the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. BECK] compels me to 

consider briefly the "tonnage swelled and fully occupied," for he 

declares with emphasis that the war had nothing to do with the 

destruction of our commerco, that protection is ar ... swerable for it-a 

most amazing assertion in the light of history! 

From 1850 to 1860, England having found that she could not com- pete with us in building wooden ships, that she was handicapped 

with want of material, was compelled to freight it thousands of miles, 

that we were not only outstripping her in tbe race but were selling 

her hundreds of thousands of tons of shipping every year, tried the 

experiment of iron steamships, found them a success, changed from 

side-wheelers to propellors, from the ordinary high-pressure engine 

to the compound, increasing the speed and saving nearly one-half of 

the coaL Proudly indifferent from our success, we made no such 

experiments, trav~lin~ jn the old pathway until we found ourselves 

in the midst of a feartu.l war. In July, 1861, the Sumter destroyed the ship Golden Rocket. At 

this time our ships were in every sea, in all the ports of the world, 

freighted with the productions of every country, bearing the fortunes 

of thousands of our citizens. The intense alarm of our merchants and 

ship-owners can at this late day hardly be realized. Whither could our scattered ships flee for pro rection f The wing of the Government was powerless to cover them. English ship-yards became busy1 and 

the Florida, the Alabama, the Geor~a, the TalL'thassee, the ChickamauO'a, and the Shenamloah, built m these yards, equipped, provisione8, and manned in English ports, were soon preying upon .A.merican commerce. 

The destruction of our shipping was immediate and the effect upon our commerce terrible. For years we had been increasing our ocean tonnage immensely-from 1830 to 1840, 60 per cent. ; from 1840 to 

1850 75 per cent.; from 1850 to 1860, 60 per cent., and in 1861 had 

rooched our highest point, having afloat 2, 700,000 tons, and oooupying the second place among the nations of the earth in the extent 

ef oooan tonnage. A few years more of such advance would have 

given us the proud position of mistress of the seas. England saw this, feared it, and these cruisers were only doin~ her will. From 

1861 to 1866 more than a million tons of this shippmg was lost to us; more than one hundred thousand were burned by English cruisers, 

sailing under the confederate flag, and more than nine hundred t.b.onsand songht protection tmder foreign flags, principally under that of 

England. The value of that remaining was crippled by the perils of 

the cruisers, the risk of sailing under our flag being so great as to 

drive a large proportion of the carrying trade into foreign bottoms. 

Our prestige was gone, our commercial power broken, and England was without a rivaL Who can estimate the gain to her acquired by her 

wrong to us, a wrong she subsequently admitted and partly atoned f 

During the war, witn all our energies directed to the saving of the 

nation, we saw her take nearly all of our carrying trade, and were utterly powerless. For two or three years after we were examining our accounts, balancing our books, restoring the Union, providin(J' 

for a debt so enormous as almost to daze the people, and she still 

held her advantage. Without anyoftheadvantages we had in 1850, 

with the disadvantages of heavier taxation of ships, of a tonnage improperly measured and taxed, of municipal assessments upon the ves- sel's value, while England assesses only on net earnings, ,with heavier 

port charges than she pays in foreign ports, with higher wages of 

officers and seamen, still there wa.s a door we might have opened for 

the recovery of our carrying trade, and we never opened it. For the 

last ten years we could build iron steamships as good and almost as cheaply as she; bu~ to do this, and to establish lines to compete with 

those already establisher!, required immense capital, and the necessary 

capital needed eiicour".gement. If we had paid our steamships for 

carrying our mails to foreign countiies as much in proportion as we paid the steamboats for c~rrying them on the Mississippi River, or the stages for the same service across the prairies, we to-day sheuld 

have been far advanced on the highway of recovery. Ifwehadfollowed the examples ofEngland, France, Germany, and, indeed, of any 

of the European powers, our iron steamships would to-day be plowing 

their seas. But we have been frightened out of our usual wits by the 

cry of ''Wolf!" We lost our carrying tra-de by the war, and have not 

taken the first step since the war closed to recover it. Now, pray, what had the protective tariff to do with it ¥ How could it affect it 

other than by reducing our exports and imports T But it has not 

reduced them. They have been surely and steadily increa ing from 

$687,19"2,254 in 1860, until last year they reached the enormous sum ef 

$1,613,770,633. 

No, Mr. Senator, not protection, but war did the mischief; folly and 

cowardice have prevented all reparation. In the earlier days of the 

Republic, when England undertook to weaken our growing power on the seas, to defend it we _declared war, expended 150,000,000 and 

thousands of precious lives; in the latter, when the same Engla.ml. 

taking advantage of our distracted country, wickedly and sehlshly 

succeeded in accomplishing what she ignobly f11iled in before, we allowed her to triumph, lest the representatives of the people should, 

forsooth, be taunted with voting for subsidies. 

But, sir, a discussion of the question of the restoration of our "swelled tonnage" of the past is hardly legitimate to the measure now under consideration, and I refrain, simply asserting that Senator BECK's method of restoration is utterly delusive; that free trade 

in ships, the repeal of our navigation laws, could not possibly 

have any result other than the un:mediate closing of every shipyard in the cquntry, the entering into other trades of all of our skilled workmen, the placing of our country at the mercy of England in event of war, and the complete surrender of our coR:stwise 

trade. 

Mr. President, I have endeavored to show that the doctrine of free 

trade sprung from a selfish and unworthy purpose; that while IllMvelous changes have been wrought in our country, slavery abolished, 

labor elevated, industries developed and multiplied, the Democratic 

party still adheres to the dangerous heresy; that free trade is an- tagonistic to our institutions and to our civilization· that its adoption would necessarily degrade our workmen, reduce their wages, and 

have a tendency to unfit them for .A.merican citizenship; that protection has invariably brought us prosperity, increased wages, decreased 

cost of manufactures, and furnished a ready market for our f:.~.rmers; 

that the best interests of all our people will be secured by a continu- ance of this the Republican policy. But, sir, I recognize as an important factor in this that our tariff laws must be harmonious, just, 

and equitable, and that the existing law does not in all respects an- swer this demand. Since the distinguished Senator from Vermont 

[Mr. MoRRILL] ~aveittothecountry,so-calledamendmentshave been 

m:tde to it from time to time, some healthy, some unhealthy. The con- clition of business, the requirements of trade, the necessities of tho 

people have change(l; the rulings of the Treasury Department have 

modified its t-erms; there are excrescences that ought to be removed~ 

rates too high that should be reduced, and in some Instances too low, 

requiring raising; some articles now free should be taxed, and many now taxed should be made free. What is the best method of procedure! I have taken part in the House of Representatives in two 

revisions of the tariff, Md in the Committee of Ways and Means in one attempted. This experience determines me in fuvor ef the pending bill providing for a commission. · Mr. President, I thank the Senate for its indulgence. 
1056 OONGRESSIONAL REOORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 10, 

.Statenwnt showing the retail p?'ices of th~ necessa1·ies of life in tM several counhies, wntpiled from consular report.s, ana compared with prices in 

New Y&rk. 

Articles. 

Gents. Gents. Gents. 

j=::::: : ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :~~~-~~~~- :: ... -~ ~~- ~. : a ro ~i . :Beef: f:§;;: ~:: ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~: ~::::: ~:::::::::::::::::: ::: ~::::: E:[\. Y~: . 

S\1~~::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :~;;:Ir~:: .Mutton: 

~~1~~= ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::~;;:!~~~:: 

20 

16 

20 

16 

16 

18 

20 

16 

20 

20 

22 

16 

20 

16 

22 

14 

20 

1a 

16 20 l 14 22 

16 18 l 

2.0 

:Pork: 

rai~~ ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::::::::::::~~-~~~~:: }~ i~ g :Baoon .......••...•..•.......•...••......•..•...•••...•.......•.....•....... do ...... 18 20 20 Ham .••.••...•..•.••••..••.••.•...••.•••.••••.••.••••••••.•••.••..••.•••.•• do...... 25 25 22 

Shoulder ..•.•......•••....•....•.... ············~········ ...•••.••......•.. do...... 20 18 20 

~~~~-::::::::::::::::::::::::::::; :::::::::::::: :::·:: ::::::~::::::: :::: :~~: ::::: ig ~g ~~ <lodiish --·· ··· ·····························-···································do ••.•...•••••.............•...... :Bntter·-···························-···········-· · ·· ··················-········do •...•. 20ro50 25 22 Cheese ... ........••........•...••.•..•••.•......•.••..•••...•••••••••••.•••.•.. do...... 20 to 25 24 .Potaroes .........•......•...•..••........••..•.••••••..••••...••..••..•.... per bushel.. 56 50 50 

Gents. 6 

10 

20 

12 

20 

12 

{ 

15 

20 

22 

{ 

15 

18 

18 

1a 

18 

22 

25 

20 

20 

22 

9 

28 

26 

$115 

,:. 

Q;) • 

Nftl 

~~ 

-as 

~~:=-

00 

Gents. 4 

7 

ao 

18 

aQ 

18 

18 

20 

18 

18 

20 

28 

a6 

23 

60 

Engla.nd. New York. 

Cent&. Gmu. 

atro 4} 4ro atro 4} aro !i 22 12to 10 

15 6ro 8 

26}. 14 to 16 

18 8 to 12 

18 8to 10 

22} 10 to 12 27 2oro 24 

17 9 to 10 22 12ro 14 25 14ro 16 

16 8ro 10 

15 8to 10 12 to 16 8to 10 

1a to 2a Sto 12 12 8 tQ 11) 

18 8 t() 10 

15 ro 18 10 to 12 8 6 tQ 7 29 to as 25to a2 

15 to 21 12to 15 

$112 ro$2 oo $1 40 to $1 60 

.Statement showmg the weekly rates of wages in the several countri&, compiled from the co-nsular repO"Tts, and con~pared tcith rates prevailing in the 

U11.ited States. 

-t ~ ~ I• -d cP I ! Occupations. 

~ 0 t United States. 1a 'a! 

j:q ~ tb = A ~ 

---------- --

..Agr!cultural. la.boNrs : 

~E~f.f'#J~::::~~~~~~~~~: :::::::~~::~ :~~:~~:::::::::: :::::::: ::: ~ ::::~~ :::~~::: :: . ___ 1_~ House-building trades: 

$2 87 $350 $360 ......................... 148 ~ 80 260 ....................... 1 08 155 180 ....................... 75 611 115 ......................... 

g::F~~ ~~~~~~:: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :· 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~ ..... ~- ~ _ a so a45 8 12 $12 00 to $15 00 400 4 18 825 9 OOto 12 00 

a65 3 95 725 10 oow 14 00 

Masons .........................••.•......•••••.•••••. -······················....... 6 00 4 45 5 00 430 4 00 8 16 12 00 to 18 00 

Painters . . • . . . • . • . • • • . . . . • . • • • • . . . • • . . . • . • • • • • • . . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . • . • . • . • . . • . . . . • . . • • . 4 20 4 15 4 90 a92 4 60 7 25 10 00 to 16 00 Plasterers.......................................................................... 5 40 ••••••••••.••••••••• 380 4 a5 sw 10 00 to 15 QO 

Plumbers ...............•.......•.••••.••.••..•..•••••.•••••.••.••.••••••••••• ·-···· 6 00 5 50 a60 a90 7 75 12 ooro 1s oo Slaters .........•..... -..•.....•.•.•..•• • • ·-• · • · · • · · • · • • · • • · • • • • • · · · · · • • • · · • · • · · · · • · · · · · · · · · • • · · · · • · · · • • · · • • · · • · · · - 4 00 aoo 790 10 00 to 15 00 

-General trndes : :Bakers.............................................................................. 4 40 4 25 5 55 350 390 650 500to SQO 

:B~ksm.iths .....•..•...••.•.....•....•...•••••..•...•.•.......•.•..•..•••..••...... 4 40 a 90 5 45 

:Book-binders....................................................................... . . . . . ••. . • a 72 4 85 a 55 a94 812 ~0 OOto 14 00 382 a90 783 12 ooto 18 oo :Brasa-foonders . • • . . . . . . . . • . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . • • • • • . • • • • • . • • • • • • • • • • • . . • . • • • . • • • • • • . • • • . . . • • . . . . . . 4 20 

Rntcbers . . . . . . . . . . • . • • • • • . . . . . . • • • • • • • . • . • • • . • . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . . • • . • . . . • • • • • . • • • . • • 4 50 4 50 5 42 a 20 5 49 740 10 ooto 14 oo 3 85 4 20 723 s ooto 12 oo Ca.bi.aet-makers.. . . . . • . • . . . . . • . . . . • . . • • • . • . • • • • . . • • • . . • • • • • • • • • • . • • • • • • • . • • • • . • . . • . . 4 80 . . . . . . . . . . 6 00 3 97 4 95 7 70 9 00 to 1a 00 

~feE~~~::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::::::: i ii · ·: · · ~-:- 3 ao 4 a5 7 ao 12 00 to 16 00 a 3o 390 740 12 ooto 16 oo 400 a 90 800 ~o ooto 1a oo 

~J:::~..a· ~ :::::::~ :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::.:::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::::::: :: ·····a· ss · ···· ·5·40 · 4 Ot 4 00 9 72 15 ooto 25 oo 325 a 50 7 20 12 ooto 1s oo ::M:ill'Wligh ts- •••••••••••• -• . • . . • • • . • • • • • • • . • . • • • • . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . • • • . • • . • • • . • • • • . • . . • . 4 00 .....• -•.. a ao 495 750 10 00 to 15 00 

.ARREARS OF PENSIONS ACT. 

Mr. INGALLS. The regular order, Mr. President. 

The PRESIDlNG OFFICER, (Mr. HALE in the chair.) The Sen-

.ator from .Kansas demands the regular order, which iB the resolution 

relatin(J' to the arrears a£ pensions act. 

Mr. PENDLETON. I move that the Senate proceed to the con-

:aideration of executive business. 

Mr. INGALLS. Let the unfinished business be laid before the 

Senate. 

Mr. MORRILL. I appeal to the Senator from Ohio to allow a vote 

-to be had upon the pending proposition of the Senator from Kansas. 

I desire to have that subject disposed of and out ofthe way, ifpos-

-8ible, to-day. Mr. PENDLETON. I think a vote can hardly be reached today. Mr. INGALLS. I have no desire to debate the proposition further 

myself. Unless some Senator desires to speak to the resolution or some of the amendments, I should venture to express the wish that 

-the matter might be disposed 0fto-day. Mr. CALL. There is an amendment to the resolution on which I 

desire to submit a few remaiks to the Senate. I am ind.l.fferent ~hether I do so now or when the Senate meets again. 

Mr. SAULSBURY. I think it is very apparent that we shall not 

be able to reach a vote on the resolution to-day. There is executive 

business to be transacted, and I think we had better 1fO at once into 

executive session. There iB no legislation in the pending resolution; 

it iB nothing but a mere declaration of opinion on the part of the Senate. There is nothing to be effected by it, and it will not hurt for it 

to go over, and we ought to attend to the executive business that is 

before us. Mr. VANCE. I have the permission of the Senator from Ohio, who 

has moved to go into executive session, to make a statement. 

Mr. HOAR. I desire to make an inquiry. I have an impression that 

there was some unanimous agreement anno111.nced by the Chair in 

regard to taking a vote on the resolution on a certain day. Was it 

not to-day! 

Mr. PENDLETON. No, it was yesterday. 

Mr. VANCE. I simply desire to say that there are several of us on this side of the Chamber myself among the number, who desire i;Q 

submit some remarks to the Senate upon -the bill of the Senator from 

Vermont [Mr. MoRRILL] to create a commission to revise the tariff. 

I have declined to ask the indulgence of the Senate to interfere with. 

its regular proceedings for so Ion~ a time that if the vote cannot be 

taken this evening upon the pending resolution I wish to give notice 

• 
1882. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1057 

that on Monday I shall adopt the course which others have adopted, 

and ask the Senate to lay aside the resolution of the Senator from 

Kansas for the purpose of allowing me to make some remarks on the 

bill of the Senator from Vermont. 

Mr. ALLISON. Day before yesterday there was unanimous con- sent that a vote should be taken on the resolution of the Senator 

from Kansas yesterday. Of course the memorial services that intervened yesterday prevented that understanding from being carried 

out, and that was a very propar thing ; but it seems to me that the 

understanding had day bef9re yesterday justifies us in taking a vote some time to-day, or at least before adjournment. 

Mr. BUTLER: Will the Senator from Iowa permit me to make a 

stat-ement' 

Mr. ALLISON. Certainly. 

.Mr. BUTLER. Perhaps it is proper that I sh,oul~ state at this 

juncture what I have never stated before, and that is, that I accept th~ amendment of the Senator from Kansas to my amendment with 

the understanding that he will strike out the word" and" and insert the word "or," so that it will read "needy or disabled." 

Mr. INGALLS. I never inserted the word "and." The original 

amendment was wrongly printed in the RECORD. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It is wrongly printed. It sbould 

be" or." 

Mr. BUTli.ER. I was advised of that fact, but I want~d it understood. I :Rave seen the original amendment offered by the Senator 

from Kansas, and the word " or" appears there. I desired to have 

that understood, so that there may be no misunderstanding about it, 

and hence I called attention to it. I therefore think it proper at this junc~nre to give notice that I accept the amendment of the Senator 

from Kansas as far as I can do so. That statement being made, it 

may perhaps shorten the discussion somewhat. 

Mr. INGALLS. The understanding wa-s reached day before yesterday by unanimous consent, and clearly accepted by all, a~ appears by 

the report of the debate in the RECORD, that a vote on the pending 

resolution should be had yesterday. The debate had nearly con- cluded when the legislative session of the Senate was interrupted by 

the arrival of the hour for pronouncing the eulogies upon a colleague 

in the House of Representatives of the Senator from South Carolina. 

In view of that fact, and in consideration of the further fact that 

important measures are pending, it appears to me that the Senate 

would do well to reach a vote on this resolution to-day. I ask the 

Senator from Ohio if he is not willing, in view of the facts as they 

appear, to allow the business to proceed, so that we may dispose of 

this matter and not let it go over until Mondayf If it goes over until 

Monday another debate may occur. The Senator from North Carolina 

[Mr. VANCE] has given notice that he desires to lay aside the pending 

business for the purpose of submitting some remarks upon the bill of 

the Senator from Vermont. 

Mr. MORRILL. .A.nd I desire to say that whenever the tariff bill 

is taken np again I wish to have the Senate continue that order of 

business nntii the measure is disposed of. 

Mr . .li~G.A.LLS. I am quite sure there can be no considerable debate further upon this resolution, .and it is one of safficient importance, I think, to justify me in asking action npon it. 

Mr. BUTLER. So far as it is necessary to do so, I concur entirely 

with the views expressed by the Senator from Kansas. It is only 

half past three o'clock now, aud I think it very likely that we could 

reacb a vote upon the resolution this evening. .A.s far as I am con- cerned, I am extremeiy desirous that that should be done, and I see nothincr to prevent our reaching a vote. 

Mr. IiA.RRIS. I hope the Senator from Ohio will withdraw the 

motion to proceed to the consideration of executive business, and 

that the Senator from Kansas will insiat, as he certainly has a right 

to do, in view of the understanding that was reached by unanimous 

con.sent two or three days ago, upon having a vote before the Senate 

adjourns to-day. I think it important to the business of the Senate 

that we should come to a vote upon the resolution, in order that 

other measures of importance may be taken up in their regular order 

and considered. I hope, however early or late it may be, that the 

Senate will dispose of this question this evening. 

Mr. PENDLETON. I have-certainly no disposition to do anything 

which would seem to be in violation of the understanding the other 

day that the Senate should come to a vote on the resolution yesterday. But yesterday the debate went on until quite a late hour, and 

it was unfinished when the Senate adjourned. I understand that 

there are gentlemen now ready to take the floor upon the resolution, 

And that it will not be possible, probably, to reach a vote to night. 

If nobody desires to speak, I have no disposition to cut off an immediate vote upon the resolution; but I understand the ~enator from 

}<"'lorida and others are prepared to go on with the discussion, and I 

do not think 'it can be finished to night. Therefore I insist upon my 

motion to go into executive session, without desiring in the lea&t 

unduly to interfere with the convenience of the Senator from Kansas or any understanding that the Senate m::ty have reached the other 

day. 

Mr. BUTLER. I shall b-e influenced semew hat in my action by the 

wishes of the Senator from Florida. If he prefers to proceed with 

his rema,rks this evening--

Mr. CALL. I am entirely willing to submit the question to the 

XIII-67 

Senate. I shall not occupy a very great while, and I am willing to 

submit to whatever may be the pleasure of the Senate upon the subject. 

Mr. McMILLAN. I think it is too late an hour now to proceed 

with the discussion of this matter. No gentleman should be asked 

to take the floor upon a question of this kind at so late an hour in the 

day. It is nearly four o'clock, our usual adjourning time, and I move that the Senate adjourn. 

l\fr. PENDLETON. Why not let us have an executive session f 

Mr. McMILLAN. If the Senate is ready to vote on the motion of 

the Senator from Ohio to go into executive session I shall not interfere with that motion, hut will withdraw the motion to adjourn. 

The PRESIDENT p1·o tempo-1'e. The question then is on the motion 

of the Senator from Ohio, [Mr. Pru.."'DLETON,] that the Senate proceed 

to the consideration of executive business. 

The motion was agreed to; and the Senate proceeded to the con- sideration of executive business. .After twenty-three miautes spent 

in executive session the doors were reopened, and (at four o'clock and 

three minutes p. m.) the Senate adjourned. 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

FRIDAY, February 10, 1882. 

The Housemetattwelve o'clock m. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. 

F. D. POWER. 

The Journal of yesterday wa.s read and approved. 

ASSISTANT CLERK FOR APPROPRIATIONS COMMITTEE. 

Mr. PRESCOTT. I call for the regular order. 

llr. ATKINS. I am directed by the Committee on Appropriations 

to report the resolution which I send to the Clerk's desk. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

Resolved by the HO'l.UJe of Representativu, That the Committee on Appropriations 

be, and the same is hereby, authorized to employ an additional assistant clerk, a.t an annual compensation of $1,200. 

Mr. ATKINS. I ask con ent that the resolutiQn be considered and 

adopted at this time. 

The resolution was adopted. 

llr. ATKINS moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table. • • 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

Mr. DARRELL. I ask consent to introduce a bill for reference. 

Mr. T .A. YLOR. I call for the regular order. 

llr. DARRELL. As I am going away from the city and will net 

be here on Monday, I ask consent te introduce a bill at this time. 

1\Ir. TAYLOR. I will withdraw the call for that purpose. 

PUBLIC BUILDING AT MORGAN CITY, LOUISIA..~A. 

Mr. DARRELL, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 

4215) to provide for the construction of a public building at Morgaa 

City, State of Louisiana; which was read a first and second time., 

referred to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds, and 

ordered to be printed. 

LEAVE OF ABSE~CE. 

By unanimous consent, leave of absence was granted to Mr. HEwITT, of New York, until Tuesday next. 

ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

)lr. TAYLOR. I call for the regular order. · The SPEAKER. The regular order is the morning hour, for the 

call of committees for reports. 

llr. PRESCOTT. In view of the fact that the apportionment bill 

is now pen din~ before the House, al thong h there are sixty or seventy 

bills on the Pnvate Calendar, with the idea of taking the sense of the 

House, I move that the morning hour and the Private Calendar as such 

be dispensed with and that the House now proceed to the consideration of the apportionment bill. 

llr. RANDALL. You cannot dispense with both on <me motion. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair will entertain the motion of the gentle- man from New York [Mr. PRESCOTT] to dispense with the morning 

hour. 

~lr. PRESCOTT. I make that motion. 

The SPEAKER. It requires a tw0-thirds vote to agree to that 

motion. 

The motion was not agreed to npon a division-ayes 88, no-es 62 ; 

two-thirds not votincr in favor thereof. 

Mr. SPRINGER. Now let us have the regular order. 

The SPEAKER. The regular order ~ the morning h6~ for ~he 

call of committee for reports of a pnvate character, this bemg 

Fridaf