1730 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, 

<lid before. I do not say it was because the currency was irredeem- able, but I say that has not prevented us; it has not been the curse that was described by the Senator from Missouri. If an irredeemable 

currency is the wicked and bad thing be de cribes, we ought now to 

be a. poor, declining people like that of Spain or some of the other coun- tries in Europe. But the fact is that under that currency we have 

grown and prospered as we never did before. I would not say that an irredeemable currency made Austria, Ru sia, and Italy flourish; 

but I have said that the great fact was, and it cannot be denied, that 

while those three countries for the last ten years have had an irredeemable currency they have flourished as they had' not done in fifty 

years before. 

Why, Mr. President, suppose we do have more currency; suppose we have more speculation. I want to see speculation. I am not 

afraid to· say so. It is very popular to cry out against speculation. 

Sir, what is it lnakes a country grow and develop T Speculation. The man who builds a railroad does it as a speculation, but he is a public 

benefact.or. The man who lays out and builds up a town is a specu- lator, but he is a public benefactor. How does the country stand now All enterpri e is stopped; there is scarcely a railroad building 

in the United States. Those that were half fini heel are now left, the most of them, in that condition; there may be a few being pros- ecuted to :final completion, but that number is very small. Railroadbuilding is stopped, and iron-making is stopped, and all those things 

that depend upon railroad-building have stopped; and there are no new factories, no new machine-shops being started; ve1·y many have 

suspended, and there are very few houses being built. I saw an arti- cle in the New York Time yesterday saying that the building of 

houses in the environs of New York had greatly fallen off. How 

does the matter stand ? The ordinary traffic in dry goods, in gro- ceries, in grain, goes on; but everything that we may call growth, 

that we may call development, ha-s stopped, and that is the trouble. I want them to start again. The Senator from l'!lissouri looks upon 

these things as a curse. I look upon them as a blessing ; and I should 

like to see that legislation take plaee, if possible, by which the building of railroads would again go forward; the building of towns, 

farm-houses, and the building of factories. I want to see this coun- try grow, :flourish, and develop. · Alison, in his ·History of Europe, says that this country owed more to paper money than to any other one cause; and he said the reason w by the growth on the north side of the Saint Lawrence and the great 

lakes had been so much less than on the south side was because on the south side we had had a system of paper money, and on tne other 

side they had had a specie currency. The great fact is, and stands 

out in all history, that every period of growth in a country, every 

period of extraordinary development, has been a period of abundance 

of money; and tilat abundance has generally, though not always, 

resulted from paper money. It is liable to great danger, it may lead 

to excess; but does the excess provide an argument against itY Certainly not. Men may gorge themselves with food and become glut- ton , but does that prove that food should not be usedf We have a system of paper money, the best guarded, the best protected, the 

world ha-s ever seen. We need not be afraid of it. All that I a k i 

that it shall be made adequate to our wants, adequate to our demands; 

and I am not to be frightened by general declarations, general com- parisons, with John Law's paper system, and with those banks that 

had no foundation, no security. The Senator from Michigan the 

other day talked to us about the wild-cat banks of Michigan that had no capital, the notes of which were not secured by stock, and their 

money perished in the bands of the people. That cannot take place 

under our present system. We have a system that we can expand 

just as we require it to be expanded. 

I am glad, Mr. President, to see some evidence of returning com- mon sense upon this subject. The artiele from the Chicago Tribune 

read by the Senator goes right back ann makes the argument in the 

face of all that he has said, and of aJ+ that will be said, on the other 

side. He could not answer it. He tried to do so, but utterly failed. 

What was it¥ That we might extend t he national banking currency as long as the greenbacks were not increased in their amount, and 

there would be no inflation and no depreciation. 

Mr. President, this attempt to recall specie payments at once would 

be disastrous to the whole body of the people. There is a vast inter- est in favor of iii. I do not blame men for favoring what is for their 

interest in a general way . Every man who has money wants the 

value of that money increa-sed; and if the general volume of it is 

diminished he is made a richer man in consequence of it. There is a great power in favor of that doctrine. But, on the other hand, 

when you return to specie payments and increase the purchasing 

power of money, you increase the volume of the debt and you <liminish 

the ability to pay it. If that must come, as come it will, let H come gradually; let it come out of the growth of the cmmtry; let it be 

the result of a con<lition, and not of an artificial process. Whether the currency is increased or not one thin~ is certain - that 

there ought to be something done to give every locality in the United 

States the equal benefit of the national banking system. We are struggling for that. Some of us are struggling for both. The attempt is to deny us both, to tell us that it is just a-s good for us for 

tile East to have all the banks; that national-bank circulation, after 

all, is a dead loss. 

Mr. President, ;r have spoken much longer than I intended. 

:Ur. MERRIMON. Mr. President--

Mr. SARGENT. The enator from North Carolina yields to me in 

order to make a motion that the Senate proceed to the consideration 

of executive business. 

The motion was agreed to ; and the Senate proceeded to the con- s~deratio~ of executive business. After four minute spent in execu- tive e Ion the door w re reopened, and (at four o'clock and thirty 

minutes p.m.) the Senate adjourned. 

HOUSE OF· REPRESENTATIVES. 

TUESDAY, February 24, 1874. 

The House met at twelve o'clock m. PrayerbytheChaplain,Rev. J. G. BLTTLER, D. D. 

The Journal of Saturday was read and approved. 

CALL 01!' STATES FOR BILLS. 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York [Mr. Woon] desires to introduce some bills for reference only. Ina much as there was no ses ion yesterday, and therefore will he no call of the States 

for the introduction of bills in regular order this week, he asks that 

there be to-day, by unanimous consent, a call of States for bills for 

reference only. Otherwise there will be during the whole week re- quests for unanimous consent to introduce bills for reference. 

Mr. HOLMAN. I hope that will be done. 

The PE.AKER. The Chair hears no objection. The call of States 

for the introduction of bills will be postponed to a little later period 

in the day, when the House is fuller than it is at present. 

FIRST NATIONAL BANK, OF WASHINGTON. 

Mr. FARWELL, by unanimous consent, ubmitted the following 

resolution; which wa-s read, considered, and agreed to: 

Resolved1 That the Committee o~ B~nking and q~ency, which was instructed 

by esol~tion of the ~ouse to ex.'lorrune mto the ~ndition of the First .r ational Bank, 

of the Clty of ~as~gto:J? , be further authortzetl to appoint a sub-committee to make snell examma.twn, w1tb power to employ a clerk, anu a steno()"rapher if desired to take the testimony of experts. b ' ' 

. Mr. FARWELL moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolntion was adopted; and also moved that the · motion to reconsider be 

laid on the table. The latter motion was agreed to. 

SAMUEL E . RANKIN. 

The SPEAKER. The first question in order this morning is the 

unfinished business which comes over from Saturday. A bill (H. R. No. 1773) for he ~'elief of Samuel E. Rankin, was passed, 

when the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. HOLMAN] entered a motion 

to reconsider. 

Mr. HOLMAN. Mr. Speaker, was it not agreed to by unanimous 

consent there should be a call of States for the introduction of bills 

for reference' 

The SPEAKER. The call of the States has been postponed to a later period, when tile House will be fuller. The Honse i now pro- ceecling with the un.tinished business whicil comes over from Satunlay 

lat. 

Mr. HOLMAN. I rise for the purpo e of withdrawing the motion 

to recon ider. I am aware it will be asking too much of the Ron e to consider a private bill in detail except on private-bill day. While 

I a,m satisfied this bill should not pass, still less on a day devoted to 

general business should a measure of this kind be passed. I therefore withdraw my motion to reconsider. 

The SPEAKER. The motion to reconsider being withdrawn the 

bill is passed. 

Mr. MAYNARD moved toreconsiderthevote bywhich the bill was pas ed ; and also mo>ed that the motion to reconsi<ler be laid on the 

table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

1\IA ITHIAS WHITEIIEAD. 

The SPE.A.RER. The only remaining bill reported from the Committee of the Whole Hou e on the Private Calendar is a bill (H. R. 

No. 177 4) for the relief of Matthias Whitehead. It was reported from 

the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Ca.lendar with he recommendation that it do pas . The bill wa-s ordered to be engrossed and read a third time ; and 

being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time, and passed. 

Mr. ALBRIGHT moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill wa 

passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider ue laid on the 

table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

CALL OF STATES FOR BILLS. 

The SPEAKER. States will now be called for the introduction of 

bills for reference only. URIAH W . BRIGGS. 

Mr. PIKE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2111) granting a pension to 

Uriah W. Brigg ; which wa-s read a first and second time, refenc<l 

to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1731 

COLLlWTION OF CUSTOMS. 

Mr. WOOD introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2112) to regulate the service 

in the collection of customs at the various ports of entry in the United 

States; which was read a first and second time, refen ed to the Committee on Ways and Means, and ordered to be printed. 

D UTIES ON L"\fPORTED WTh""ES. 

Mr. WOOD also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2113) to regulate the 

duties on imported wines; which wa.s read a first and second time, 

referred to the Committee on Ways and Means, and ordered to be 

printed. WILLilli H . WARD. 

1\fr. MAcDOUGALL introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2114) to pay Wil- liam H. Ward for a machine furnished to the Navy Department; 

which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Naval.A.ffail-s, and ordered to be printed. 

STANDARD OF GOLD COIN. 

Mr. CLARKE, of New York, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2115) in 

reference to a standard of United States gold coin; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Coinage, Weights, 

and Measures, and ordered to be printed. 

MAGDALE TA DOCKS. 

:llh'. HARMER introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2116) fort he relief of Magdalena Docks; which was read a first and second time, referred to the 

Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

JOHN W . MASSEY. 

Mr. HARMER also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2117) for the relief 

of John W . Massey; which was read a first and second time, referred 

to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 

ELIZABETH CLARK. 

Mr. HARMER also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2118) for the relief 

of Elizabeth Clark; which was read a first and second time, referred 

to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

ELIZABETH M'CLUNEY. 

Mr. HARMER also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2119) for the relief 

of Elizabeth McCluney; which was read a first ::md second time, re- ferred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

JACOB K. DUNDORE. 

Mr. CLYMER introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2120) for the relief of 

Jacob K. Dundore; which was read a first and second time, refened 

to the Committee on War Claims, and ordered to be printed. 

ME~ONITE SETTLE~illNTS . 

Mr. SMITH, of Pennsylvania, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2121) to 

enable the Mennonites from Russia to effect permanent settlements on the public lands of the United States; which was read a first and 

second time, referred to the Commit.tee on Public Lands, and ordered 

to be printed. 

CARRIAGE OF MAILS. 

Mr. TODD introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2122) to authorize a.nd direct 

the Postmaster-General to contract specially with ownm-s of stageroutes or other private persons for carrying the mails between Mechanic burgh and Dillsburgh, Pennsylvania, and to repeal so much of 

the law which limits the carrying of the mails to railroads so far as tlle same applies to the routes between the said places; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Post- Office and Post-Roads, and ordered to be printed. 

· METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH, OF OLD TOW~, MARYLAl\"T]). 

:Mr. LOWNDES introunced a bill (H. R. No. 2123) to reimburse the 

trustees of the Methodist Episcopal church at Old Town, Marylanu, 

for destruction of the same by occupation of United States cavalry 

during the war; which was read a first and second time, referred to 

the Committee on War Claims, and ordered to be printed. 

STATUE OF THE LATE ADMIRAL FARRAGUT. 

1\fr. PLATT, of Virginia, introduced a joint resolution (H. R. No. 59) amending _the joint re oluti?n of April 16, 1872, relating to the 

statue of Adrrural Farragut; which was read a first and second time, 

referred to the Committee on Public Buililings and Grounds, and 

ordered to be printed. . 

CHANGE 01~ NAME OF A STEA fER. 

1\fr. PLATT, of Virginia, also llitroduced a bill (H. R. No. 2124) au- thOiizing change of the name of the steamer Fannie Lehr; which 

wa,s read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Com- merce, and ordered to be printed. 

SURVEY OF PAGAN CREEK, VIRGINIA. 

_Mr. _PLATT, of Vhginia, also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2125) 

directmg a survey of one of the tributaries of James River in Vh- ginia, known as Pagan Creek; which wa read a first and secohd time 

refeiTetl to the Committee on Commerce, and ordetad to be printed~ 

REVENUE AND CUSTOMS OFl?ICERS. 

1\f.r. SMITH, of Virginia, introlluced a bill (H. R. No. 2126) to abol- ish the offices of Commis ioner of Internal Revenue Commissioner of 

Clliltoms, and many suborclinate officers, and creating the offices of 

Commissioner of Revenue, and deputy commissioners; which was r ad a first and second time, refeiTed to the Committee on 1Vays and 

Means, and ordered to be printed. 

PENSIONS FOR WAR OF 1812. 

Mr. SMITH, of Virginia, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2127) to amend 

the act entitled ".An act granting pensions to certain soldiers and sail- ors of the war of 1812, and the widows of deceased soldiers," approved 

February 14, 1871; which wa read a .first and second time, referred 

to the Committee on Revolutionary Pensions and \Var of 1812, and 

ordered to be printed. . WILLIAM GR.E.Al\TER. 

Mr. SMITH, of Virginia, also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2128) for the relief of ·william Greaner, of Richmond, Virginia; which was reac'l. a first and second time, referred to the Committee on War 

Claims, and ordered to be printed. 

JOHN F. FOORD. 

Mr. ROBBINS introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2129) for the relief of 

John F . Foord, of North Carolina; which was read a first and econd 

time, referred to the Committee on War Claims, and ordered to be 

printed. LIGHT-HOUSE, GEORGIA. 

Mr. RAWLS introduced a joint resolution (H. R. No. 60) instructing 

the Light-House Board to examine into and repo1·t to Congress as . early as practicable upon the feasibility and importance of the erec- tion and establishment of a light-house and necessary buoys at Sapelo 

Sound, on the coast of Georgia; which was read a first a.nd second 

time, referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be 

printed. LUCINDA HILL. 

Mr. FREE1\1A.N introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2130) for the relief of 

Lucinda Hill; which was read a fir t and second time, referred to the 

Committee on War Claims, and ordered to be printed. 

INSPECTOR-GENERAL'S DEPARTMENT. 

Mr. YOUNG, of Georgia, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2131) to au- thorize a. promotion in the Inspector-General's Department of the .Army 

of the United States; which was read a first and second time, referred 

to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 

DISTRICT COURT IN ALABAMA. 

Mr. HAYS introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2132) to reorganize and fix 

the time for holding the United States district court in .Alabama ; 

which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed. 

HE~""RY FULLENWIDER. 

1\fr. CALDWELL introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2133) for the relief of 

the heirs of Henry Fullenwider, deceased; which was reac1 affu-st and 

second time, referred to the Committee on Claims, and ordered to be 

printed. JOHN REAMER. 

Mr. SO THARD introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2134) granting a pen- sion to John Reamer, late private in Captain Richard on's company, 

Ohio 1\lilit~a; which was read a fir t and secouu time, referred to the 

Committee on Revolutionary Pensions and War of 1812, and ordered 

to be printed. MARY E . COCHRAJ.~. 

1\fr. SPRAGUE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2135) granting a pension 

to Mary E. Cochran ; which was read a first anti second time, referred 

to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

JACOB PARROTT. 

1\fr. LAMISON introduced a bill (H. R. No. 21:36) granting an increase 

of pension to Jacob Parrott, of Company K, Thirty-thil·d Ohio Infan · try; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Commit- tee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

SURETIES OF JOHN FOGLE. 

1\Ir. D.Al\TFORD introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2137) for the relief of 

0. Slemmons and heirs of J ohnHave.rfield, late sureties of John Foglet 

late postmaster of Cadiz, Ohio; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Claims, and ordered to be printed. 

DAVID 0. SMITH. 

1\fr. ROBINSON, of Ohio, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2138) for the 

relief of David 0 . Smith, soldier in Company D, Forty- ixth Regiment 

Ohio Volunteers; which wa read a first and second time, referred to 

the Committee on War Claims, and oxdered to be printed. 

NORTH CAROLINA CHEROKEE INDIANS. 

1r. BUTLER, of Tennessee, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2039) for the relief of the eastern band of North Carolina .Cherokee Indians; 

which was read a first and econd time, referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 

JAMES WHITE. 

Mr. BUTLER, of Tennessee, also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2140) 

for the r elief of James White, of Tennessee, and late a purchasing 

agent for the Union Army; which was read a first aml second time, 

refeiTed to the Committee on War Claims, and ordered to be printed. 
1732 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRU .A.RY 24, 

WOLF LAKE A.J.."'ID LAKE GEORGE, INDIANA. 

l\Ir. PACKARD introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2141) to grant to the 

State of Indiana the lands within the boundaries of, or covered by the 

waters of1 Wolf Lake and Lake George, in said State; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Public Lands, 

and ordered to be printed. 

REMOVAL OF D:£¥BILITillS l!'ROM SOLDillRS. 

Mr. TYNER introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2142) to relieve all .persons 

engaged in the volunteer military service of the United States at the 

close of the war of the rebellion from the disability of desertion on account of absenting themselves afterward from their respective regiments and companies without leave; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be 

printed. HOMESTEADS OF INDIA....~S. 

Mr. SHANKS introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2143) to provide for the 

allotment of lands to Indians, and to enable them to obtain homesteads; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 

WILLI.Al\f LYON. 

Mr. HOLMAN introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2144) granting a pension 

to William Lyon; which was read a first and second time, referred to 

the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

FANNY E. HENDRICKS. 

Mr. HOLMAN also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2145) to increase the 

pension of Fanny E. Hen<lTicks, widow of John A. Hendricks, late 

colonel of the Twenty-second Regiment Indiana Volunteers; which wa.s read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Invalid 

Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

MARTHA I. THOMPSON. 

Mr. HOLMAN also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2146) granting a pension to Martha I. Thompson; which was read a first and second time, 

referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be 

printed. N.ATIO~AL CURRENCY. 

Mr. WARD, of Illinois, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2147) to amend an act provirung a national currency, approved June 30, 1864; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Banking and Currency, and ordered to be printed. 

JOHN W. SHAEFFER. 

Mr. BURCHARD introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2148) granting a pension to John W. Shaeffer; which was read a first and second time, 

referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be 

printed. W .ASHINGTON L. SANDFORD. 

Mr. BURCHARD also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2149) granting a pension to Washington L. Sandford; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to 

be printed. JAMES .ASH. 

Mr. BURCHARD also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2150) for the 

relief of James Ash, of l::>terling, Illinois; which was read a first and 

second time, referred to the Committee on Claims, and ordered to be 

printed. WILLIAM CII.A.MP. 

:rt!r. BARRERE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2151) granting a pension to William Champ, surviving child of John Champ, of the revolutionary war, and also a soldier of the war of 1812 ; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Revolutionary 

Pensions and War of 1812, and ordered to be printed. 

DUPLICATE AGRICULTURAL LAND SCRIP. 

Mr. CLEMENTS introduced a joint resolution (H. R. No. 61) au- thorizing the issuance of duplicate agricultural land scrip where 

the original has been lost or destroyed; which was read a first and 

second time, referred to the Committee on the Public Lands, and or- dered to be printed. J.:IINERAL LANDS. 

Mr. BLAND introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2152) to amend the act 

entitled "An act in relation to minerallands;" which was read a fir t 

and second time, referretl to the Committee on the Public Lands, and 

ordered to be printed. 

tt!r. PAGE. That -oill ought to go to the Committee on Mines and 

Mining. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks not. The Committee on the 

Public Lands has usually taken jurisdiction of this subject. 

])fr. BLAND. The bill relates to public lands. 

IMPROVEMENT OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER. 

Mr. STONE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2153) for the improvement 

of the mouth of the Mississippi River; which wa..s read a first and 

second time, referred to the Committee on Railways and Canals, and 

ordered to be printed. 

NATIONAL CURRENCY. 

Mr. BUCKNER introduced a bill (H.:R. No. 215~) amendatory of the 

act entitled "An act to provide a national currency secured by a pledge of nited States bonds, and to provide for the circulation and 

redemption thereof," approved June 3, 1864; which was read a first 

and econd time, referred to the Committee on Banking and Currency, 

and ordered to be printed. 

NICHOLAS HIB~""ER. 

Mr. HYDE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2155) authorizing ::m in- crease in the pension of Nichola..s Hibner; which was read a first and 

second time, referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and or- dered to be printed. 

NATHAN A. WINTERS. 

?r!r. HYDE also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2156) granting a pension to Nathan A. Winters; which was read a first and second time, 

referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be 

printed. 

N.ATIO:NAL CURRENCY. 

Mr. FIELD introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2157) to increa-se the cur- rency and provide for its interconversion with Government bond , and to abolish the sinking fund for the reduction of the principal of 

the public debt, aud for other purpo es; which was read a first and 

second time, referred to the Committee on Ways and Means, and 

ordered to be printed. 

REVENUE. 

:rt!r. FIELD also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2158) to increase the revenue from imports and reduce internal revenue taxations; which was read a first and second time, refened to the Committee on Ways 

and Means, and ordered to be printed. 

MATCHES. 

l\Ir. FIE.LD also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2159) to define a gro s of matches, to provide for uniform packages, and for other purpo es; 

which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Ways and Means, and ordered to be printed. 

HESTER COL~IAN. 

l\fr. McCRARY introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2160) granting a pension 

to Hester Coleman; which was read a first and second time, referred 

to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

TOWN OF DUBUQUE, lOW .A, ETC. 

Mr. DONNA!~ introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2161) to amend the act 

entitled "An act for laying off the towns of Fort Madison and Burlinaton, in the county of Des Moines, and the towns of Belleview, 

Dubuque, and Peru, in the county of Dubuque, Iowa," approved July 

2, 1836, and an act amendatory ,thereto, approved March 3, 1 37 ; 

which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Public Lands, and ordered to be printed. 

DEPARTMENT OF .AGRICULTURE. 

:rt!r. WILSON, of Iowa, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2162) supplementary to the act entitled "An act establishing the Department of 

Agriculture," passed May 15, 1862; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Agriculture, and ordered to be 

printed. 

REMOVAL OF INDIANS FROM WISCONSIN. 

1\Ir. RUSK presented a j oint resolution of the Legislature of the 

State of Wisconsin, indorsing the action of the Secretary of the Interior in removing Indians from the State of ·wisconsin, and asking 

that all tribes be removed from the borders thereof; which was re- ferred to the C~mmittee on Indian .Affuirs, and ordered to be printed. 

SHEER-BOOMS, MISSISSIPPI RIVER. 

1\Ir. RUSK also presented a joint resolution of the Legislature of the 

State of Wiscon in, for the construction of sheer-booms at bridges in 

the Mi sissippi River; which was referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed. 

FALLS OF NIAGARA SHIP-CANAL. 

Mr. RUSK also presented a memorial from the Legi lature of Wisconsin, asking for a ship-canal around the Falls of Niagara; which was referred to the Committee on Rail ways and Canals, and ordered 

to be printed. .ABOLITION OF CAPIT.AJ, PUNISHMENT. 

Mr. BARBER introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2163) to abolish capital 

punishment; which was read a fir t and second time, referred to the 

Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed. 

CHEAP TR.AN PORT.ATION. 

1\Ir. ELDREDGE presented a joint resolution of the State of Wisconsin, in relation to cheap tu:ansportation; which was referred to 

the Committee on Railways and Canals, and ordered to be printed. 

REMOVAL OF INDIANS FROl\f WISCO ~siN. 

Mr. ELDREDGE also presented a joint r esolution of the State of 

Wisconsin, in reference to removing Indians from that State to proper 

reservations in other States and TeiTitories; which was referred to 

the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 

N.A VIGATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER. 

Mr. ELDREDGE also presented a joint resolution of the State of 

Wisconsin, forthe improvemeut of the navigation of the Mi.ssissippi 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1733 

River by constructing sheer-booms at bridges; which was referred to 

the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed. 

T. W. DEXTER. 

Mr. CLAYTON introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2164) for the relief of 

T. W. Dexter; which was reacl a first and second time, referred to 

t.he Committee on the Post-Office antl Post-Roads, and ordered to be 

printed. HARLOW L. STREET. 

:Mr. PAGE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2165) for the relief of Harlow 

L. Street; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the 

Committee on Military Affairs. 

SOLDIERS OF THE MEXICAN WAR. 

Mr. LUTTRELL presented concurrent resolutions of the Legislature of the State of California, asking Congress to grant pensions to 

the soldiers of the Mexican war of 1tl46; which were referred to the 

Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

HENRY D. O'BRIEN. 

}fr. AVERILL introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2166) for the relief .of 

Henry D. O'Brien, late postmaster at Saint Anthony's Falls, Minnesota; 

which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads, and ordered to be printed. 

S~ OF TIMBER ON INDIAN RESERVATIOXS. 

1\fr. AVERILL also presented a joint resolution from the State of 

Minnesota, in relation to the sale of timber on school and swamp 

lands in the State of Minnesota; which was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands, and ordered to be printed. 

MAJOR-GENERAL VA.!.~ CLEVE. 

Mr. AVERILL also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2167) providing that 

the name of Brevet Major-General Horatio P. Van Cleve may be placed on the retired list of the Army; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Military .A..ffairs, and ordered to be 

printed. RELIEF OF CERTAIN OFFICERS. 

Mr. PHILLIPS introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2168) for the relief of 

certain officers named therein; which was read a first and second time, 

referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 

NEW YORK INDIAN LANDS IN KAL~SAS. 

l\1r. PHILLIPS also presented a joint resolution of the Legislature 

of Kansas, a.sking for the reappraisement of the New York Indiall 

lands in Bourbon County, Kansas; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and o'rdered to be 

printed. JURISDICTION OF UNITED STATES COURTS. 

Mr. LOWE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2169) to confer jurisdiction 

upon courts of the United States in certain cases; which was read a fiTst and second time, referred.to the Committee on theJ udiciary, and 

ordered to be printed. TIMOTHY D. CROOK. 

Mr. CROUNSE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2170) for the relief of 

Timothy D. Crook; which was read a first and second time, referred 

to the Committee on Claims, and ordered to be printed. 

LOSSES BY INDIAN_ DEPREDATIONS. 

Mr. ELKINS introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2171) for the relief of 

James M. Giddings and Preston Beck, for property stolen by Indians 

in New Mexico; which was read a first and second time, referred to 

the Committee on Claims, and ordered to be printed. 

He also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2172) for the relief of Margaret 

Ward, for property stolen by Indians; which was read a first and 

second time, refened to the Committee on Claims, and ordered to be prin~ed. 

He also • introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2173) for the relief of Hugo 

Wedles, for property stolen by Indians in New Mexico; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Claims, and 

ordered to be printed. 

He also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2174) for the relief of Lucien 

B. Maxwell, for property stolen by the Apache Indians; which wa r ead a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Claims, and 

ordered to be printed. 

SALE OF LAND TO PUEBLO CITY. 

Mr. CHAFFEE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2175) to authorize the 

sale of a part ~f a school ~ection to the city of Pueblo for the purposes of a public park; which was read a first and second time, re- ferred to the Committee on the Public Lauds, and ordered to be 

printed. ASSAY OFFICE AT HELENA. 

1\Ir. MAGINNIS introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2176) to establish an assay office at Helena, in the Territory of Montana; which was read 

a fust and second time, referred to the Committee on Coinage, Weights, 

and Measures, and ordered to be printed. 

YELLOWSTONE PUBLIC PARK. 

1\Ir. 1\IAGINNIS also introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2177) amendatory of and supplemental to the a-ct entitled "An act to set apart a certain 

tract of land lying near the head-waters of the Yellowstone River 

a.s a public park," approved March 1, 1872; which was read a first 

and second time, referred to the Committee on the Public Lands, and 

ordered to be printed. 

PROTECTION OF MO~T'fANA CITIZENS. 

Mr. MAGINNIS also presented a joint memorial of the Territory of 

Montana. in relation to the protection of citizens of Deer Lodge and 

Missoula Counties; which was read a first and second time, referred 

to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 

MILITARY BRIDGE ACROSS THE NORTH PLATTE RIV""ER. 

Mr. STEELE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2178) for the location and 

construction of a Government military brlclge across the North Platte 

River at Fort Laramie, Wyoming Territory; which was read a first 

and second time, referred to the Committee on Milita.ry Affairs, and 

ordered to be printed. 

INLAJ'I.J) A.I'\"'D SEA-llOARD COASTING COAIPANY. 

Mr. CHIPl\IAN introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2179) to incorporate the 

Inland and Sea-board Coasting Company of the District of Columbia; 

which WM read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed. 

SAMUEL BIRDSALL, JR. 

Mr. CHIPMAN also introduced a bUl (H. R. No. 2180) grantin~ a pension to Samuel Birdsall, jr., of Washington, District of Columb1a; 

which was read a :first and second time, referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed. 

JEN~TET H . NISBET. 

Mr. WILSON, of Indiana, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2181) granting a pension to Jennet H. Nisbet,; which was read afirst and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to 

be printed. · 

WASHINGTON CITY AND POINT LOOKOUT RAILROAD. 

Mr. RICE introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2182) supplementary to the 

act entitled "An act tl) authorize the Washington City and Point 

Lookout Railroa-d Company to extend their railroad into and within 

the District of Columbia," approved January 22, 1873 ; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the District of 

Columbia, and ordered to be printed. 

EXTENSION OF CAPITOL GROUNDS. 

1.\.fr. MILLIKEN introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2183) to authorize the 

sale of certain lands in ·washington City belonging to the United 

States, and to apply the proceeds thereof to reimburee the expenses of 

extending the Capitol grounds; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds, 

and ordered to be printed. 

W. F . CHAMBERLAIN. 

Mr. GLOVER introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2184) for the relief of W. 

F . Chamberlain, of Lewis Cmmty, Missouri; which was read a first 

and second time, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and 

ordered to be printed. 

BALTL"\IORE AND POTOMAC RAILROAD. 

Mr. MAcDOUGALL introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2185) repealing so much of the act of May 21, 1872, as authorizes the Baltimore and 

Potomac Railroa-d to ruri across the public reservation to their depot on Sixth street; which wa-s read a first and second time, refened to the 

Committee on the District of Columbia, and ordered to be p~inted. 

SALE OF 'l'IMBER1 SWAMP, AND SCHOOL LANDS. 

Mr. STRAIT presented a joint resolution of the Legislature of tl!e 

State 1Jf Minnesota, relating to the sale of school, timber, and swamp 

lands; which was referred. to the Committee on the Public Lands, 

and ordered to be printed. 

AMERICAN REGISTER TO PERUVIAN STEAMSHIP RAYO. 

Mr. CONGER. I ask unanimous consent to report from the Com- mittee on Commerce, for consideration ,at the present time, a bill 

granting an American register to the American-built Peruvian steam- ship Rayo, rebuilt in the United States and converted into a sailing- vessel. . The bill authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to issue an Ameri- can certificate of registry to the American-built Peruvian steam-ship 

Ra.yo, 'VTecked in foreign waters, and purchased, rebuilt, and changetl 

into a sailing-vessel by citizens of the United States within the Unitecl 

States, to be registered by the name Star of theW est, or other proper name. 1\fr. CONGER. The Committee on Commerce have directed me to 

report this bill to the House, and to ask for its passa.f.cre. The facts 

in this case are these : This is an .American-built vesse , a steamship, 

sold to Peruvians, and wrecked in foreign waters. Therefore, under the 

present law the Secretary of the Treasury could not gra.nt an Ameri- can registry to it, although rebuilt and repaired in the United State ·. 

The vessel, after being wrecked, was- bought for 3,000, and th ex- pense of labor and material for repaiTing it. jn an American port was some $.58,000 more than the amount required by the present law to entitle it to an American register. But as she was wrecked in foreign waters, and was also an American-built ship, the Secretary of 

the Treasury, as the law now stands, could not issue an American register to her. We have the proper proot here of the amount 
1734 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, 

expended in her repair; also a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, stating that under the present law he hacl no authority to gTant a register, but that Congres:9 might so au~borize hlm to do. It comes within the class of cases which the comrmttee have heretofore recom- . mended to the favorable action of the House. 

No objection being made, the bill (H. R. No. 2186) was received, 

read three times, and pa sed. · 

DUTIES 0~ FRUITS. 

Mr. MERRIAM. I ask unanimous consent to offer for considera+iou 

at this time a joint resolution to which I think.there will be no objection. It is a joint resoluti"On in relation to the customs duties on fruits. The Secretary of the Treasury is now paying from $10,000 to 

$20,000 a day in refunding the duties on fruits. The resolution 3uspends the power of the Secretary of the Treasury 

to refuncl any moneys collected as customs duties on fruits. 

Mr. WOOD. I think the Committee on Ways and Means should 

have some knowledge of this. :Mr. MERRIAM. The Secretary of the Treasury is to-day refunding from 10,000 to $20,000 a day of this fund. 1\fr. WOOD. Let it. go to the Committee on \Vays and Means. 

The joint resolution (H. R. No. 62) was received, read a first and 

second time, aud referred to the Committee on Ways and l\feaus. 

EXPORTATION O.F DISTILLED SPIRITS. 

Mr. BURCHARD, from the Committee on 'Vays and Means, reported 

uack, with a recommendation that the same do pass, the bill (H. R . . No. 2081) to fa-cilitate the exportation of distilled spirits, and amendatory of the acts in relation thereto. 

The question was upon ordering the bill to be engrossed and read a third time. The bill was read a.s follows : 

B e it enacted by the Senate and BousP. of .Representatives of the United States of 

A merica in Congress assembled, That section 55 of the aet of Jnly 20, 1868, as amended by the a{)t of June 6, 1872, antl by the aet of March 3, 1873, be further amended, by striking out the words "such bonds," where they first occur in said 

section, and inserting in lieu thereof the words " a transportation bond;" by insert- ing in the second proviso of said section, after tho word " given" anll befor~ the 

worrl " for," the words "to the collector of the port," and after the words "bill of 

lading," and before the word "or," the words "or any other port without the juris-

(liction of the United States;" by striking out of saitl section the word " twenty- jh-e," before the word "cents," and inserting the word "ten" in lieu thereof; by 

inserting after the word "practicable" the words " on arrival of tho spiiits at the 

port of export the exporte r or owner at that port shall immediately notify the collector of the port of the fact, setting forth his intention to export the same, and the name of the vessel upon which the same are t.o be laden, and the port to which they are intended to be exported. He shall, after the quantity of spirits has been deter- mined by the gauger and inspector, file with the collector of the port an export entry and an affidavit. He shall also give bond to the United States, with at le.'l>St two sureties, satisfactory to the collector of custom ' conditioned that tho principal 

named in said bond will export the spirits as specified in said entry to the .J?Ort 

designated in said entry, or to any other port without the jurisdiction of the Uruted 

States;" by inserting, after the words "upon which the tax has been paid," the 

words "ani:l npon the lading of such spirits, the collector of the port, after proper bonds for the exportation of the same ha.vo been completed by the exporter or owner at the port of shipment thereof, shall transmit to tho collector of internal revenue of the district from which the said spirits were withdraWll for exportation a clearance certificate and a detailed r eport of the gauger; which report shall show 

the capacity of each cask in wine gallons, and the contents thereof in wine gallons proof gallons, and taxable gallons. Upon rooeipt of the certificate and report, and 

npon payment of tax on deficiency, if any, in excess of 2 per cent. of the number of gallons of spirits named in the entry of withdrawal, the collector of internal revenue shall cancel the transifortation bond; and, further, that the allowance of 

2 per cent. for deficiency sha apply to all transportation bonds now outstanding 

made previous to the passage of this act, in acoordance with the regulations under 

the act of Jnly 20, 1 68, as amended by the act of June 6, 7~." 

SEC. 2. That section 1 of the act of May Z"/, 1872, be amended, by insertin"" after 

the words "United States," in the first para~ ph of said section, the words 'or in 

transit in bond for export," and after the worn "warehouse," the third time it occurs, and before the word "bond," the words " or transportation." 

Mr. BURCHARD. This bill makes four changes in the existing 

law in regard to the exportation of distilled spirits. The first provision authorizes spirits to he exported without requiring that they shall be landed at the particular port named in the bill 

of lading. It frequently happens that spirits are shipped to some foreign port upon a vessel which is there to await orders. For instance, they may be shipped for Genoa with orders to top at Gibraltar, there awaiting orders. The vessel, under the existing law, must 

land the spirits at the particular port nam·ed in the original clear- ance or bill of lading; the cargo cannot be sold at any other port, even though a better market should be found there. .A simple change 

in the existing law meets this difficulty. 

The second provision of the bill permits the exporter to give a bond 

at the port of shipment. Under the existing law a distiller in the interior, wi hing to send spirits to a foreign port, is obliged to give bond, 

holding him responsible for the entire transportation ; so that if he 

wishes to make large shipments, the giving of these bonds·may exhaust his responsibility and disable him from continuing the shipments. Tllis bill authorizes . the giving of a transportation bond at 

the port of shipment, the original bonu being released. 

Again, it is found that in the shipment of spirits, especially alcohol, 

there is in the barrels an absorption of n, small percenta9e of the spirits. This shrinkage is a heavy tax upon the export; and 1t seemed 

fair that there should be a small allowance made for it. The bill provides for an allowance not exceeding 2 per cent. for actual shrinkage, 

when ascertained upon regauging the spirits at the port of · hipment. 

The price of the export-stamp is reduced from twenty-five to ten cents, 

because the latter sum will more than cover the expense of the stamp, 

ancl it was never intended to derive revenue from exported spirits, 

but to permit their exportation with the least possible cost and im- pediment. · The second section of the bill extends the authority of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue to abate taxes on distilled spi..rit8 

destroyed by casualty while in trans-it-u in bondeJ. cars. The bill ha been examined and pas ed upon by the committee, with 

the approval of t he Commis ioner of Internal Revenue. Indeed, all 

the details of this bill have been submitted to that officer and meet 

his approval. I am unanimously instructed by the Committee on Ways and Means to report the bill and a k for its pa sage. Mr. HOLMAN. I wish to ask whether under this !Jill the first bonu 

of the shipper in the interior is to bo canceled upon the giving of a bond at the point where the spirits are shipped to a foreign port¥ 

Mr. B RCHARD. The first bond is released. 

1l1r. KASSON. This bill provides for a substitution of a bond at 

t he port of exportation for the original bond, in order to facilitate 

the business of exportation. As the matter now stands, the shipper is loaded down with requirements, which sometimes exllaust his 

responsibility in giving bond for transportation from the point where 

it is produced to the final destination. 

The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time; aml 

being engro ed, it was accoi:dingly read the third time, and passed. 

Mr. BURCHARD moved to reconsiuer the vot.e by which tho bill was pas ed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laiu on the table. 

The lat;ter motion was agreed to. 

1\IINT BUILD~G AT SA.N FRANCISCO, CALIFOR~ IA.. 

1\fr. GARFIELD. I a-sk unanimous consent to report back from the 

Committee on Appropriations the joint resolution (H. R. No. 5 ) to 

render available a certain unexpended balance of appropriation. 

The joint resolution was read. It provides that the unexpended 

balance of the appropriation for the construction of the United States 

branch-mint building at San Francisco, California, now remaining on the books of the Trea ury Department to the credit of the appropriation for that work, and unavailable under the provi ions of the tifth, 

sixth, and seventh sections of the act of July 12, 1870, be reappropriated, and made available from and after the pa. sage of this joint 

resolution. 

Mr. RANDALL. I make a point of order on that. 

The SPEAKER. The point of order of cour e would lie; out the 

gentleman from Ohio [Mr. GA.RFmLD] is asking for unanimous consent. 

Mr. RANDALL. Let it go to the committee. 

Mr. MAYNARD. It comes from a committee. Mr. RANDALL. Let it go to the Committee of the Whole. 1Ir. GARFIELD. I hope the gentleman will allow me to make an explanation. The money appropriated for the building of this mint 

at San Francisco could not be used for some time in consequence of 

trouble in settling the title to the ground. The building is now in 

the conr e of construction, and can be completed for the amount 

already appropriated; but the appropriation will lapse and become 

entirely unavailable for the purpo e intended unle s we continue it 

in force. No increase of the appropriation is asked, but simply that 

the amount already appropriated may be used within the limits already 

fixed by law. 

Mr. RANDALL. Not expressing any opinion whatever upon the 

merits of this propo ition, I claim that under the rule it should go to 

the Committee of the Whole. 

Mr. GARFIELD. Then 1 withdraw the joint resolution. 

ORDER OF BUSil\'"ESS. 

Mr. MAYNARD. I call for the regular order. 'lue SPEAKER. The regular order being called for, the call of 

committees for reports will be resumed. 

LA.ND CLA.IM, OJO CALIENTE, NEW MEXICO. 

:Mr. PACKARD, from the Committee on Priva,te Land Claims, sub- mitted a report in Wl'iting upon the communication from the Secretary of the Interior, transmitting, in compliance with the act of July 

2'2, 1854, a transcript of private land claim reported as number 77 in ·he name of town Ojo Caliente, in Rio Arriba County, New Mexico; 

which was onlered to be printed and recommitted, not to be brought 

back on a motion to recousider. 

LA.ND. GRA...."'T TO ANTOIDO CHAVES. 

Mr. PACKARD also, from the same committee, submitted a r eport 

in writing upon a communication from the Secretar of the .Interior, 

transmitting, in compliance with the act of July 22, 1854, a transcript 

of the land grant to Antonio Chaves, being private land claim re- ported as number 79; which was ordered to be printed and recom- mitted, not to be brought back on a motion to reconsider. 

PRIV A.TE L~TD CLA.Il\!S, SCOTT COUNTY, MISSOURI. 

Mr. PRATT, from the Committee on Private Land Claims, reporied a bill (H. R. No. 21 7) authorizing and requiring the issuance of a patent for lands to the county of Scott, in the State of lVlissouri; 

which was read a first and second time. The bill was read a follow : 

Wherea by the act of the Congre. s of tho United States entitled "An act t-o quiet 

the title to certain lands in the State of .Missouri.," approved December 27, 1 72, 

certain lands therein mentionotl were granted to the c01mty of Scott, in the_ ... tate 
1874 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1735 

of Mis onri, which were not specifically described; and whereas no provision for 

the issua11Ce of a patent for satd lands was made in said act: Therefore, B e it enacted, &c., Thatitsh~ll bethedu_ty oftheCommis i~mor ftheGeJ?- er:;l Lan~ Office to cause a patent to be 1 sued to said county of Scott,m the tato of hlissoun, 

for all the lands included in the State of Missouri in that portion of township num· ber Z7 north, of range 12 east of the fifth principal meridian, lying east of Little River, as the same appears on the pla.t of survey on file in the General Land Office: Pro- vided, 1 nat no thin~ in this act shall projuclice the ri~hts of any person clainling any of aid l.'tnds by v1rtue of any homestead, pre-emption, or other entry made under the la.w of the United States. 

Mr. WILLARD, of Vermont. I make the point of order that that 

bill must have it first consideration in the Committee of the Whole 

House on the Private Calendar. The SPEAKER. The ChaiT sustains the point of order; and the bill 

will be referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private 

Calendar. It will save time if the point of·order be made before the 

reading of the bill. 

Mr. RA.J..""'il)ALL. If there is any report accompanying this bill I 

hope it will be ordered to be printed. 

The SPEAKER. The bill and report will both be ordered to be 

printed, a,nd referred to the Committee of the Whole on the Private 

Calendar. · l'.Ir. PRATT. I do not think this bill is liable to the point of order. 

Two years ago a law was passed by Congress providing for the issu- ance of this patent, but it does not specifically describe the lands for 

which the patent was to be granted. The only purpose of this bill is 

to correct that defect. It grants no land, but merely specifically 

describes lands heretofore gra,nted by act of Congr s. · The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks the bill is liahle t.o the point of 

order raised by the gentleman from Vermont. It divests the Government of title which it still hold . The bill was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the 

Private Calendar, and, ,with the accompanying report, ordered to be 

printed. 

NORTHWESTERN AND L'\fDIANA TERRITORIES. 

1\fr. PACKARD, from the Committee on Private Land Claims, re- ported a bill (H. R. No. 2188) for the relief of persons to whom the 

governors of the Northwe tern and Indiana Territories confirmed 

lands; which was read a fir t and second time. The Clerk proceeded to read the bill. Mr. \VILLARD, of Vermont. As the Chair suggests the point of 

order should be made early, o a.s to save the time of the House, I 

will now make the point of order that this bill must have its first 

consideration in the Committee of the Whole. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair sustains the point of order. This bill 

should go to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the nion, as it relates to a whole cla s of ca es. It will be referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. Mr. PACKARD. If the bill is read thTough I think the gentleman 

will not insist on his point of order. This does not provide for granting any l:tnd, but merely for locating on, or relocating, land heretofore 

confirmed. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks probably the point of order will more generally apply to this bill, coming from the Committee on Private Land Claims, than any other, for it divests the Government 

of certain title, and gives to these private land claimants, which they 

do not have now. Mr. RANDALL. The language of the rule reaches just this sort of 

land grants. The SPEAKER. Clearly it reaches the grant of any form of prop- erty whatever. The bill was referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state 

of the Union, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be 

printed. 

PRIVATE LAND CLAIMS. 

Mr. BARRERE, from the Committee on Private Land Claims, re- ported back a bill (H. R. No. 719) to authorize the is uance of patents 

to lands in ca.ses of private land claims; which wa,s read a first and 

second time. The Clerk proceeded to rea~ the bill. Mr. WILLARD, of Vermont. I make the point of order that this 

bill must ha~ its first consideration in the Committee of the Whole, 

and there is therefore no nece sity for the Clerk reading further. The SPEAKER. The Chair sustains the point of order, and the bill 

will be referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private 

Calendar, and is, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed. 

GR.U.."'T OF LAND TO SCOTT COUNTY, l\IIS OURI. 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. BUCKNER] re- . que ts the Chair to revise his ruling on the bill reported by the gentle- man from Iowa [Mr. PRATT] from the Committee on Private Land 

Claims, a bill (H. R. No. 21 7) authorizing and requiring the issuance 

of a patent for lancls to the county of Scott, in the State of Missouri. 

Mr. BARRERE. \Vhat becomes of the bill which I reported . 

The SPEAKER. The point of order was made that it makes an appropriation and must have its first consideration in the Committee 

of the Whole House on the Private Calendar. The Chair sustained 

the point of order, and the bill was referred to the Committee of the 

\.Vbole Hou eon the Pr~vate Calendar and, with the accompanying 

report, Ol'dered to be prmted. 

The Clerk will now read the bill reported by the gentleman from 

Iowa, [~lr. PRATT.] 

The bill was again read. • The SPEAKER. On the reading of that bill, how is the Chair to 

know that the lands pecifically provided for there, and for which a. warrant is directed to issue, are the same as those embraced in the 

other bill 

Mr. BUCIU\TER. It is the fact that they are the same. The PEAKER. The Chair does not doubt the gentleman's word; 

but how, in a parliamentary way, is he to know that the United 

States i divested of more or le s public property'? That rai es pre- ci ely the class of questions which the Chau· t-hinks it was settled by 

the rule should go to the Committee of the Whole. Mr. BUCKNER. The object of this is to de cribe more specifically 

and more definitely what was more vaguely described by the former 

act of Congress. . The SPEAKER. Evidently to give this title, and to divest the Uni- ted States of the title that may re t in the United , tates, some additionallegi la.tion i nece . ary, and this legi lation is comprised in that 

bill. Now, the ChaiT thinks that therulewasmadeforpreciselythat 

class of cases, along with others. · Mr. BUCKl~R. Thi bill is only for the purpose of getting the 

description more accurate. The SPEAKER. The gentleman will observe that the questio~bere 

is merely as t.o the parliamentary process. The ChaiT is not ill cussing 

the merit.s of the bill at all. It is not theprovinceof theChairtosay a word about the merits of a bill. He bas merely. to state what are the parliamentaryproces es through which it must pass. And, under 

the rules, the Chair thinks that this bill shoulcl have its first con id- emtion in Committee of the Whole. The Chair does not change his 

ruling. The bill reported by the gentlema,n from illinois [:Mr. BARRERE] 

bad a strong point against it. It directs the surveyor-general to 

accurately survey the lands referred to in exact accordance with the 

act of Congress formerly pas ed, and provides that the expenses of the 

survey shall be paid out of the ordinary appropriation for public 

stuveys. It makes, therefore, a direct money appropriation; and there can be no possible ground to doubt that it should go to the Committee 

of the Whole on the state of the Union. Both bills will be printed and referred to the Committee of the 

Whole on the state of the Union. 1r. P .A.CKARD. I ask that the accompanying reports also be 

printed. The SPEAKER. The Chair always diTects that. Every bill sent 

to the Committee of the Whole ou the Private Calendar, or to the 

Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, is printed with 

the accompanying report. 

ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

~Ir. McKEE. I rise to a question of order. It is now bwf-past one o'clock, and I believe there is a special order that the bill in rela-tion 

to the franking privilege should come up at that hom. Am I not correct~ 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman is correct. ~1r. McKEE. I call for the regula; order. 

DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, ETC. 

The SPEA.IfER. The regular order having been called, the House resumes the consideration of the bill (H. R. No. 25) to provide for 

the distributionof public documents printed by the authority of Con- gress and of seeds furnished by the Agricultural Department, for the 

free exchange of new papers between publishers, and for the free 

transmission of weekly newspapers by mail within the county where 

published. 

The gentleman from Virginia [l't1r. STOWELL] is entitled to the 

floor. Mr. WILLARD, of Vermont. The gentleman from Virginia, [11r. STOWELL.] who is not now in his seat, has agreed to give me a por- tion of his time at the commencement of his hom. I am ready to 

proceed now, if there be no objection. The PEAKER. The ChaiT presumes that that was the under- standing, and the gentleman from Vermont [Mr. WILLARD] will 

proceed. l\Ir. ·wiLLARD, of Ve1·mont. Mr. Speaker, I am opposed to this bill 

in all its parts, and I am also opposed to the modification of it pro- posed by the gentleman fTom New York, [Mr. llALE,] which he stated 

he should offer if he should have the opportunity. I saw some inti- mation in the papers thi morning that the committee bad allowed, or would a-llow, the gentleman from New York to propose his nb- stitute, reviving the entire fran king privile<Ye. I will state as briefly as I may my rea.sons for opposition to this measure. In order to make 

clear my position I think t.he subject should be sep:u-ated from many 

things and many aspects a,ncl phases o£ it which have been presented 

to the House during the debate. The naked and simple propo i ions contained in this bill a,re two. 

In the first plaee, the bill provides that members of Congress- and so far a· the fu·st ection is concerued i t reach s no further than thatthat members of Congro s shall have tho franking privilege as far as the public documents are concerned. The second provisiou of thl3 

bill is that the franking privilege shall be revived so far as county 
1736 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBHUARY 24, 

new papers and exchanges of newspapers are concerned. Now, this 

does not involve, necessarily, many of the arguments that have been 

presented to the Honse in support of the measure. It is not the 

question whether' the Postmaster-General, in the attack he made upon 

the fra,nking privilege prior to its repeal in the last Con~p:ess, was in 

all respects right or wrong; it is not the question whether the abolition 

of the franking privilege has necessarily largely decreased the expenditure of the Post-Office Department. It is a question, on the face of the 

bill it elf, what does this bill propo e to doT If it can be defended on its merits, on what it propo es to do, then it ought to pas . If it can- not be defended on its merits, on what it propo es to do, it ought not 

to pass, no matter what may have happened hitherto in the history 

of the discu sions on this subject. Now, what does this bill propose to dot It proposes, Mr. Speaker, 

in the first instance, to revive the franking privilege. The form of 

the provisions introduced here is merely to prevent the abuse of the 

franking privilege as revived by this bill. It provides, I say, for the 

revival of the franking privilege so far as the public documents are concerned. Well, what does that mean, l\Ir. Speaker It means this: 

that this House is prepared to say, or Congre , if it passes this bill, 

is prepared to say, that we will publish the public documents which are to be clistribut.ed by this bill. And how are the e documents to 

be publi bed t They are to be published by an appropriation of 

money' out of the Treasury of the United States. While I suppose it 

is not possible to estimate precisely the cost of the public documents 

that will probably be distributed under this bill, should it become a law, it may be fixed approximately at $700,000 or 00,000 annually. 

The cost of the public documents that this bill proposes to di. tribute 

gratuitously to certain portions of the people of the United States, or to certain individuals among the people of the United States, will 

amount to $700,000 or $800,000 annually. 

We do not propose, of cour e, to put our hands in the Treasury of 

the United States and every member of Congress take out of that 

Treasury $2,000, (for that would be the amount which each member 

would take out under this bill,) and to distribute it, as a distinguished 

gentleman said in a speech he made last summer, "alike to the just 

and the unjust." We do not propose to give to each member of Con- ~ess the right to go to the Trea,sury of the United States and take 

$2,000 and distribute it at his pleasure. To be sure we do not propose 

to do that in terms, but that is just what we propose to do in fact. 

We only go through the proces of having this $2,000 paid into the 

Congressional Printing Office, and then come out in the shape of pub- lic documents, which we take and distribute. 

:Mr. MYERS. Will the gentleman allow me to a k him a question? 

Mr. WILLARD, of Vermont. The gentleman will excuse me. I 

would yield to him as soon as to any one, but I have not time to yield 

to any one. We propose by this bill to put our hands into the Treasmy of 

the United States and take out from 1,500 to 2,000 each, and distribute it as we see fit to the people of the United States. Now, 

how long would a proposition standing in that naked shape before 

this House receive assent or support! Suppose that instead of this 

proposition we had a proposition that each member of Conf,'TeBS should 

have given him out of the Treasury of the United States 2,000 in 

greenbacks-printed by the Government, as I suppose my friend 

from Pennsylvania [Mr. KELLEY] would have them printed, and 

supposed to cost the Government the expense of printing alone- and 

each member be allowed to distribute those greenbacks at his pleas- me Y Is t.here any warrant in the Constitution for any such use of 

the money of the United StateB? Is there any warrant in the Constitution for such use of the public property of the United States t 

I bad suppo eel hitherto that if the public property of the United 

States, or the public money of the United States, were to be taken 

for the purpose of being given to the people of the United.States, it was to be given to the whole people of the United States. But to whom 

do we give the public property of the United States in this case f If 

we give it to anybody we give it to the persons to whom we choose 

to send these documents. I suppose a member of Congre s may have an opportunity of sending perhaps fifteen hundred or two thousand, 

possibly three thouiSand, volumes of documents to individuals in his 

district, if the same amount be published under this bill that have • been printed hitherto. 

Mr. MYERS. And to libraries. 

Mr. WILLARD, of Vermont. Ye , and libraries. The members of 

this House have from twenty to thirty thousand voters in ea{lh of 

their clistricts. To dist1·ibut.e these three thousand volumes, they 

would select three thou and of the thirty thousand voters in their 

dist.rict, or one-tenth of the whole number; or, if they have a few 

libraries, they would send to the libra.ries, and that would leave less 

for a general distribution among the people. They would give these 

three thousand volumes, the public property of the United States, to 

three thousand out of the thirty thousand voters in each of their 

districts. Now, I ::tm not discussing the question in respect to the cost of the 

transmission of these documents through the mails at all. In this 

1ight the question is separated entirely from what may be called the 

franking privilege. It is a distribution-an 1..mequal, unju t., and un- justifiabl e distribution-of the property of the United State among 

a small fraction of the people of the nited States, of property of 

the Unit.ed States that has been gathered from the whole of the people of the United States. 

I know the gentleman from illinois [Mr. Cil.TNON] in the entertaining remarks which be submitted the other clay, when this hill was before the House, said that we could not do this equally, because 

there was inequality in all that we undertook to lto. l3ut here we provide. on the very face of the measure that it shall be unequal. To 

be sure we do not build light-house on every rock along the coa t of 

the Uniteu States; we all understand that. But if Congre s set up 

in the busine s of building light-house , it a sumes, as the very basis 

of that right to appropriate the money of the United State for t hat 

purpose, that it will build the light-houses for aJl the people who have 

any opportunity to use them; that it will not put light· hou e on the coast of Maine, and refuse them on the coast of Florida; that it 

will not put them on the coast of Delaware, and refuse them on the 

coast of :Michigan; but it will give every locality a light-bon e which 

has the same need for a light-hou e. That is equality. But when 

you ay that you will print public documents and di tribute them; 

that you will take the property of the people of the United States 

and allow gentlemen here to eli tribute it at their pleasure, you might as well say that each member of this House shall have a light-house as his special perquisite, and locate it where he plea e . Suppo e we put this proposition in another form. I am O'lafl to say we have a great amount of the public lanusyetle:ft, notwithstancling 

that we have given them away by the million of acres. "\Vhat do we do with them f .Most of the gentlemen from the We there ask that 

tho e lands shall be kept sacred for home ·teafls, that even the proemption lu,ws shall be abolished, and that every per on in the United 

States shall have an equal and the same right to go there anu take 

that property, to locate on it as his homestead. 

\Ve do not say that every member of Congress may desio-nate ten 

per ons, or five persons, in his eli trict, who may go and locate on the 

public lands of the United States, while nobody else shall do so. We do not ay that each member of Congress ball have the privilege 

of de ignating what particnlar portions of the public lands sball be set apart for his constituents. But we ay that if they are u eu at 

all, they shall be used for the benefit of the whole people.; that every 

person shall have equal access and equal right to tho e lands. 

Now, sir, how does such a propo ition as this before the llou e an- tagonize not only that generalprinciple upon which this Government 

is based, but more especia.lly the general principle on which the 

republican party started into life, and on which, as one of it pronri es, 

it came into powerf It decla:red that it would do away 'vith all 

favoritism, with all special privileges, with all use of the Government OI' the property of the Govflmment for the benefit of individuals or of favorites or pets of anybody; that it would hold the Government of the United States and the property of the United Sta.tes for 

the benefit of all the people of the country. If there is any principle 

upon which the republican party in its foundation baed itself as upon a rock, it is this; and the ruin of the republican party can be 

but a little way ahead when we depart from that principle, and hold 

that the Government and the property and the Trea ury of the 

United States are the perquisites or special property of any man or any set of men whatever. I have said in general terms that if this bill Rhould pass it would 

take out of the Treasury of the United States seven or eight hundred thousand dollars a,nnually. It might take more, it might not 

take quite so much; that would depend upon the liberality with which 

Congre might order books. Let me refer to the amount we appropriated last year in the mere matter of the folding-room: 

For the superintendent of the folding-room of the Senate .. _ ............. _ ~. 484 

Folding documents and materials, enate ...... _. ___ ..... __ ... _ .. __ .... _. _ . 000 

Superintendent of the foldin.K:room, House .. ___ ._ . . .. _ ... _ .......•. _ ... _._ 2, 4 4 

Folcling documents for the .tlouse .. ___ , ____ , _______ , __ .............. _. 100,000 

This is the mere cost of distributing these documents to the mem- bers of the Honse, who propose to take them as their private perquisites, and the books themselves co t nearly $1,000,000 more annu- ally. Althou&h we may try to disgnise our personal jnter tin the 

matter by saymg it is the perquisite of our constituent , and not our own, I- am willing even to discuss the matter in that aspect, and 

consider it as a proposition to take this public property a the private perquisite of a portion of our constituents. Look;W.g simply at 

the question of economy, that expenclitme of over 'l,ObO,OOO annu- ally would certainly be saved. I am arguing this que tion only in 

part on the score of economy. Hitherto I have been _ treu,ting the 

question upon the ground of what we may call absolute right, ab olute 

equality. But, sir, we have been confronted, at this session especially, 

with this question of public expenditure. We have been tol<l, and 

told truly, (whatever may be su,id of tbe particular figures which 

have been quoted,) that the public expenses of this country are increasing. We are cutting off private carriages that have been paid for 

out of contingent funds. We are trying to cut off private servants 

who are borne on the rolls of some public office. We are trying to 

bring every department of the Government down to working on an hone t ancl economical ba-sis so far as it can be done consistently wit h 

the efficiency of the public service. Yet after only six months' trial 

of the r peal of the franking privilege, guaranteein~, if faithfully 

and bon tly pursued, an economy of more than 1 uOO,OOO a year 

in the mere ex:pcn e of public uocumeuts, gentlemen como in here 

1 
,. 

1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1737 

and ask that this franking privilege shall be restored, and with it, of 

course, this large expenditure of money out of the Treasury of the 

United States. Now, Mr. Speaker, I ask in all candor and sincerity 

how gentlemen of this House can support this measure and justify 

tl.temselves on any principle upon which we are proceeding here in our efforts to economize in the public ex.pend.i.tures? 

Mr. Speaker, I am aclmonished that I am trespassing too far upon 

the time of the gentleman from Virginia, and I will say only a word or two in conclusion. 

There are many aspects of this question-such, for instance, as the 

question whether this expenditure can be defended upon the ground 

of dissemination of intelligence-which are not, in my judgment, 

pertinent to this discussion at all. Thi.s Government does not exist 

for the purpose of disseminating intelligence among a portion of the 

p eople of the country. If the proposition were that we should print a million dollars' worth of books, which should be put in the public 

libraries or perhaps in the Congre ional Library, so that every person 

throughout the United States wanting one of these books might h ave it sent to him through the mails by addressing the Librarian, I agree 

that everybody in the nited States woulu have an equal right under 

such a distribution; and then the question of dissemination of intelligence might be in order. Whether such a mea ure would be wise or unwise as a matter of administration, everybody would then have an equal chance at the information, whatever it was. But, sir, we do not 

do any such thing. The gentleman from Missouri, [Mr. PARKER,] • who made a very eloquent speech here the other day, and some parts 

of which excited applause on the floor and in the galleries, asked, 

"Would you have in this country a President's book-seller '/ Would 

you introduce into this country the system now existing in England 

by which they have in different parts of the country a 'Queen's bookseller,' from whom public documents may be obtained for what they are worth " Why, let me tell the gentleman that is exactly what 

thi bill does. It makes every member of Congress a congressional 

book-peddler. 

Mr. MYERS. When did the gentleman :find that out 'I 

ltir. WILLARD, of Vermont. I found it out some days ago, at 

least. I will say, in answer to the gentleman from l\lis ·omi, that 

this bill makes ~vAry member of Congress a book-pedcller; we set om elves up in that business; but we do not do like the Queen's 

book-sellers, to whom he has referred. Every man who goes to the 

door of the Queen's book-seller gets the book for which he inquires 

at the same price for which every other subject of the kingdom can get it. We, however, do not put ourselves in that attitude. We hold 

these books in our hands and distribute them to whomsoever we please. If a library asks for them, we send them to that library; 

but out ide of a library, to whom do we send them 'I Do we ~;end 

thee books to everybody'/ We could not send them to everybody if we tried, becau ewe have not enough of them. It is notorious, Mr. 

Speaker- and I do not claim to be any better in that respect than my 

neighbors- it is notorious that we use these books, in part, as a private 

p erquisite. Members do not send them to their enemies. They do 

not send them to persons who fought them in caucus, who opposed 

them in convention, who voted against them at the polls. They n ever send them to such persons; and yet that class of persons are taxed to pay for them as well as those who get them. Members of 

Congress send them to their per onal friends. It is really a private· 

perquisite of members, and unJess it is that, members of Congress 

ought not to have anything to do or say about their distribution. 

That is just the attitude in which we put ourselves. We ask that w e may have $1,000,000 annually appropriated out of the Treasury of ... the United States-$2,000 to each member of the House-for books to 

be distributed, at the pleasure of each member, among a few of the 

people of his district. 

This is not justice. It is not equity. It is not republicanism in any sense whatever. .A.nd not only that, sir, it is ho tile to the platform 

upon which every republican member of this House holds his seat 

to-day. Mr. COBB, of Kansas. If one of the gentleman's constituents writes 

to him for a book, does he not to-day send it through the mails and 

pay the postage himselH .And, that being the case, how does he justify that misappropriation, as he calls it, of the public funds' 

Mr. WILLARD, of Vermont. I have not justified it at all. I have 

been opposed to the franking privilege being given to members of 

Congress from the beginning. I have sai<l from the first it ought not 

to be restored. When I have put at my disposal a certain number of 

books, if I do not di tribute them they will go to the paper-mills, and 

of course if my con tituents ask for them I shall send them to them. 

I have sent t hem to libraries, and to everybody who has asked for 

them, so long as I had any to send, yet I have numbers of letters asking for documents which I could not send because I did not have them 

to send. .All cannot get them, yet those who want documents and do 

not get them pay just as much in taxes for them as those who do get 

them. 

Mr.l\IYERS. The gentleman appoints a cadet to West Point, and 

lho e who do not get the appointment pay just as much as those 

who do. . 1\Ir. WILLARD, of Vermont. Whenever it is necessary to discuss 

that question I will do so, but I will not occupy the floor any longer for such a purpo e. 

Mr. ALBRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, as early as the 4th of December of 

this session I introduced a bill, No. 42, providing for the free transmission through the mails of newspaopers in the counties where the 

same are published, and also for the free exchange of papers and peri- odicals b etween publishers. It is as follows : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the. United States of A. merica in Congress assembled, That the J?U blishers of newspapers and perioilicals 

may send to each other from their respective offices of publication, free of postage~ 

one copy of each publication; and may also send to ea{)h actual subscriber, inclo en in their publications, !Jills and rectlipts for the same, free of postage. The publish- . ers of weekly newspapers may send to each actual subscriber within the county 

where their papers are printed a.nd published one copy thereof free of postage. SEc. 2. That all laws and parts of laws inconsistent with the provisions of the 

foregoing section be, and the same are hereby, r epealed. 

I did this in deference to a general public sentiment in its behalf, 

and because the people never favored the legislation which compelled 

them to pay postage on their home papers. The people are the losers 

by the present law much more than the publishers of newspapers. Since the introduction of bill No. 42, I have received numerous letters 

from di1ferent parts of the country urging the speedy passage of the same. It was referred to the Committee on the Post-Office and PostRoads, and that committee, before the holiday rece , reported the bill now under consideration, and which in its third section embodies the 

principles of the bill which I ha<.l the honor to introduce. 

I propose at this point briefly to refer to the history of legislation 

upon t his subject, to show that.the newspaper was aJways under the 

friendly tutelage of Congress. The twenty-first section of the act of February20, 1792, providesThat every printer of newspapers may send one paper to each and every other 

printer of n wspapers within the United States free of postage, under such regulations as the Postmaster-General may prescribe. 

Section 21 of the act of May 8, 1794, re-enacted the same. Section 3 of the act of March 3, 1845, is as follows: 

That all newspapers of no greater size or superficies than nineteen hundred square 

inches ma;r. be tr-ansmitted through tho mail by the editors or J?Ublishers thereof to all subscnbers or oiher persons within thirty mile.'3 of the 01ty or town or other 

place in which the paper is or may be printed, free of any charge for postage what- ever. 

This is the first law that allowed subscribers (within thirty miles 

of the place where the paperwas published) to receiveit postagefree. It embraced daily papers, and was not confined to county lines. This 

law continued in force six years-as to daily papers, to March 3, 1R.I)l. 

Section 35 of the act of l\Iarch !-l, 1863, after regulating the postage on newspapers, periodicals, &c., provides as follows: 

But the publishers. of weekly newspapers may send to each actual subscriber 

within the county where their papers are printed and published one copy thereof 

free of postage. 

This law confines its privile~es to weekly papers, and makes the 

county line, instead of thirty miles, the limit. 

Section 3 of the a-ct to July Z7, 1868, modifies section 35 of the act 

of March 3, 1 63, as follows : 

But nothing in this act shall be so construed ll8 to require earners to distribute 

said papers uiJ.less postage is paid upon them at a. rate of five cents per quarter, &c. 

The act of January 31, 1873, swept out of existence all franking 

laws and privileges, and went further than many of the enemies of 

the franking privilege desired. The people now demand a restoration 

of this privilege, and I am gratified to know that in all the speeches 

which have been made upon the bill under consideration novoicehas 

been raised against this provision. The Postmaster-General concedes 

the fact that be never de ired the adverse legislation on newspapers, 

and does not now object to its restoration. The honorable Speaker 

of the House, [l\Ir. BLAINE,] in a letter dated December 17,1873, says: 

If I would vote for any possible exceptiou to the rule of uniform and universal 

payment [of postage] it would be in favor of newspaper exchanges and the free circulation of county papers within their own bailiwicks. · 

It is not necessary here to speak of the power of the press and the 

influence it exerts in the education of the masses either for the right or wrong. If it is true that the press is corrupt and unreliable, pub- lic men h ave had much to do in giving it its pre cut tatus; but certain 

it is that you will not elevate and improve it by hostile and unfriendly 

legislation. I take it for granted, t·h en, that so much of this bill as relates to 

newspapers will become a law. We see that these concessions to the cause of popular education have existed for many years and have met 

the prompt approval of some of the wisest statesmen with which our country has been blessed. In view of this fact, Mr. Speaker, I am led 

to the conclusion that these excellent provisions must have been inadvertently swept away by the besom of economy that was set in opera- tion by the popular call for reformation in the extravagant practices 

which had of late years grown out of t he injudicious u e of the frank- ing privilege. They met this fate from the fact that newspapers were tran mitted in company with matter which had fallen into disgrace by obtruding itself into the mail-bags and showing a pass instead of paying fare. Like the tame goose in the fable, they had their 

necks wrung for having been found in bad company. 

:Mr. Speaker, the other question is, whether the thin~~ named in the 

first section of the bill under discussion shall be allowed to pass 

through the mail without charge, or whether the people shall have 

them at all; because it seem to me that unless provision is made to 

send them out they h ad better not be procured. If the only idea upon this subject is saving money, then the best road to travel in is 

to take-· a cross and near cut and dispense altogether with the print-
1738 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, 

ing and publishing of the things named in the section to which I have 

referred. If we print and procure them, then the means ought to be 

provided for their distribution; otherwise they become waste ma,te- rial. The repeal of the franking privilege puts this whole matter in an anomalous position, as I shall endeavor to show in the course of 

my remarks. 

Mr. Speaker, if I understand the policy of the Government with 

regard to the management of the Post-Office Department, it has been more with the object of accommodating the people in the speedy, safe, 

and certain tmn:smission of mail matter than with a view of raising 

revenue, and hence efforts have never been specially made for having 

tht} Post-Office Department make money, because it has at all times 

been in the power of the Government to make large revenues out of 

the Post-Office. Indeed the machinery of this Department is peculiarly fitted and adapted to this pmpose, but the history of the PostOffice Department shows that a constant and steady reduction and 

equalization of the rates of postage has been going on. Within my r ecollection letter postage ha-s been reduced from twenty-five cents 

to three cents. This has been clone because the Post-Office Depart- ment stands before the world as a benefactor and educator, by bringing intelligence to almost every door at a rate much cheaper than 

individual or corporate influence could accomplish it, while the benefits it dispenses inure alike to the rich and poor, yet particularly is 

it the friend of the poor, because the concessions in the way of cheap 

postage and of affording mail facilities in remote and sparsely settled 

portions of the country are directly in the interest of the hardy and 

enterprising pioneer. And the same may be said with regard to the 

free-delivery system in the large cities. The free-delivery system 

brings the post-office to every fireside in the cities at an extra cost now of about $2,000,000 per annum. It is not a question of so much importance, then, whether the reve- nues of the Post-Office Department pay the expenses of the Post-Office 

Department, as it is whether the revenues of the Government gen- erally pay the expenses of the Government. How any money is made 

for the Government by t.he Executive Departments thereof using 

postal stamps in their official correspondence instead of a.n autograph 

frank is not readily comprehended, or how the use of stamps checks 

abuse. When the franking privilege existed all matter sent through 

the mail by the Departments of the Goverrunent went free. The use of stamps makes the cost to the Government no less. In all the dismiSSion upon this subject I have failed to discover where the saving of 

money comes in; nor have I been able to find where the Postmaster-General has elucidated the ma.tter, except upon the principle that 

it pays to rob P eter to pay Paul. The Executive Departments of the 

Government still frank, but under another name-a stamp instead 

of an autograph. The stamping business costs thousands of uollars more a.1mually than the autographing did, but Uncle Sam foots the 

bill as before for carrying the mail. There may be great wisdom in 

all this, but the progress of the rna ·ses has been too slow to comprehend it, and hence they can but look on the car as it passes by, anu wonder. In this light, then, can it, be fairly and truly said that anything has 

been gained by the abolition of the franking privilege I hear gentlemen say that the franking privilege was a good thing, but that i ts 

abuses broke it down. I admit this; but tell me whn.t good thing 

you could have if the abu e of it was a conclusive argument for its 

abolition and r emoval f This bill is an attempt at a partial restoration of the franking privilege, with the abuses cut off. Franking, as exerci ed by Cong1·ess, was instrumental in the di semination of intelligence among the people. It is suggested by some that everybody was not supplied with the same document, and tha.t therefore the 

system worked unequally and unjustly, and should not be even partially restored. Well, sir, if there is any force in this argument, it 

might apply to the abolition of Congress it elf. Because everybody cannot be elected to Congress at the same time, nobody ought to be, 

and therefore there should be 110 Congress. I think every member on this floor experiences this truth, that it is a little easier to supply a constituent with a public document than to 

procure a seat in this House. You provide for the printing of the 

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD; you donate to each member twenty-five 

copies or more; you do it out of the people's money. Now, it is understood that each member will dit~tribute these among such persons as he sees fit, and where he thinks they will do the most good. If the 

argument of the gentlemen on the other side of this question is worth 

ai.lything, there ought to be enough RECORDS provided to fmnish one to each constituent, or none. This statement shows the absurdity of 

the argument. It is to be presumed that a member of Congress ought 

to have some little sense and discretion in the distribution of such 

documents as be may be intrusted with. 

The truth is, that all persons connected with the Government are endowed 'vith the privilege of franking except enators and Members 

of the House of Representatives in Congress, and th ir Secretary and 

Clerk ; that is, they are supplied with frank-stamps at the expense of the Government. The stamping anny now consists of forty thousand men and women, to say nothing of boys and girls, and I suppose 

His growing daily. All, or nearly all, Government officials are mus- tered on the stamp-rolls except Congressmen. Official stamps are authorized, because public servants ought not to be called upon or expected to pay postage upon coiTespondence relating to pu"!Jlic lmsi- n ess, and because it is safe to trust ever ybody in the public service 

except Senators and Members of the House of Representatives. Tlw 

Petroleum V. Nasbys, po tmasters at Confederate Cro s-Roa<ls, can safely be intrusted with the necessary stamps for their official corre- spondence, even if they should perchance occasionally write letters to 

their friends, the Deacon Pograms. If Congressmen have constituents- and it is to be presumed that most 

of ns have-a few to whom we must write and send public document occa ionally, wemaysafelybeintrusted withtlleprivilege,ifwebuythe nece sary stamps for sending them through tile mail. If the Ameri- can Congress cannot re pect itself, the people will not, much. 

:Mr. Speaker, if I may be permitted to say it, I think there is very 

little strength in the stat ement that public document ought. not to 

be distributed gratuitously unless enough are provided to send one to each tax-payer or vote1·, but that they on~ht only to be solU. It was well said by the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. CiUI.'NON] that there can be no law, however jn t, that will work perfect equity in all re- spects. 

I will illustrate what I mean. Take the Agricultmal Report. 

Several of these sent to a few practical and intelligent men in a township, who generally make such use of them as will ble s ancl 

benefit their entire commtmity, will do fully as much good as if every man in the township had one, and in that way u efnl knowledge is 

dis eruinated, the na tion profited, and the material interests of the 

country advanced. The same is true with many. other document , and particularly with packages of. seeds, cuttings, roots, and scion , · To supply every voter with each article would bankrupt the nation worse than the war. 

If this whole busine s is to be regulated upon the principle of 

money-saving only, stop the printing of documents. Stop sending 

out packages of seeds, &c. You cannot end a quart of wheat to 

every farmer; and if you cannot, then, according to "the argument 

of the apostle of the grangers, you ought to end to nobody. This point can never be reached unless you can turn bac.k the finger of 

progress on the dial-plate of time. The argument clo es in upon yo'n. 

Yon must follow it up by doing away with the Department of Agriculture of the Signal ervice, and other departm nt of u efnl aud 

scientific information. TJ;lereby you can make the greatest saving, 

and blind but stupid equity can be measured out to everybody, all!l 

nobody will be benefited, but everybody injured. Some statement have been made, with regard to the expense of 

printing and binlling congressional document , during this debate, which are wide of the mark. To correct these, I propose to read the following extract from a letter from Hon. A. M. Clapp, Congre sional 

Printer, under date of December 27, 1873 : 

The appropriation for the printing and binding for tho Government for several years lla been about '2,000 000 p er annum. During the last~ ear, emlinl{ Septem- ber 30, the amount expentlecl for printinrr and binding for Con!!l'e. s was SS74,99 .27; 

for all the Executive Departments, inclnding the judiciary aml the GoTernment Printin"' Office, was 61,210,230.77. It is Y>ut truth to state that the printing and binding for the executiv and 

judicial departments include all the blanks, bl:mk-books, &c., required fur tl.te 

busine s of the Government here and el ewhero tbrou«bout tho countr.v. The Department of Agriculture also is supplied witll all its printing and bin(ling from this office. It is apparent from the r ecords of this office that thegreatorpartofthe 2,000,000 appropn.ated for the public printinz anrl binding is absorbe1l by the Executive D part- ments of the Government·, insteau of being, as is stated iu the paragraph quoted 

above, "expended for public documents which havo gono through the mails free." From a care...-"ul examination and analy is of the books of this office, it appears that of the il74,998.~7 expended in 1 73for all the printing and bindin,...forCou~rrc. , the amount ab olutely u ed for the printing and bimUn~ of extra numbers of doc- uments "which have n-one th..rongb the mails free" is . -1 ,394.12, which, instea1l of 

being the greater part of the ~2,000,000 appropriated and e~--p ml d for the pnulic 

printing and binding, is really only about one·fourth of the entire amount. Of the 

above amount, 153,751.84 have been e~--pended for the census of 1870. 

Now, sir, while I have no anxiety or desire for a restoration of the 

franking privilege for my elf, so far as it relate to my little corre- spondence, I do think that if we authorize the printing of public 

documents and the maintaining of the Dep::trtruent of Agriculture 

and other valuable ancl important llmeaus of the Government to furnish informal-ion for the p eople at great expen e, we ought to provide some means whereby we can send out the documents and the 

seeds, information, &c., from the Department , so that they may do 

the good we expect from them. Believing that this will be right 

anrl. that the people will justify it, I shall vote for the 11ending bill. 

If it is considered unwise to provide the money to send out these 

documents1 then we had better r etrace our steps. • 

The a.ppropri~tions for the Department of Agriculture last year were $127,550, aml I believe the people have more than realized this amount out of the knowledge they acquired from this ource. I believe in wise, liberal, and j uG.icious legislation; and I believe that this 

bill point in that direction, and I shall vote for it. I have no objection to putting the daily paper on the free li t. 

Mr. STOWELL. Mr. Speaker, the bill under con ideration is of so much importance, and its pa age so universally demanded, that it will 1· eeive as strong an indorsement, both here a.ndfrom the people of the 

country, as any mea ure which is likely to be proposed for the action 

of Congress, and will, I believe, be adopted by this House by an over- whelming vote. . 

Occupying as I do, as a member of the Committee on the Post-Office 

and Post-Roads, a relation to the bill it elf as one of its adYocates 

and d fenders, as well as to the Department to b affected by it, to 

the members of this House who are to act upon it, and to the people 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1739 

of the· country who are to judge of its wisdom and decide upon its 

necessity and usefulness, I deem it my duty to make a clear and con- cise statement of the history of the franking privilege, of the princi- ples which underlie it, and the reasons which have governed me in 

advocating this question before the House so soon after its repeal by 

the Forty-second Congress- reasons sufficient to sati fy the ju~e;meut 

of any member that he as well as the committee will be jnstined in votin~ for t his bill, not as granting a privilege, not as renewing the 

fmnkrng privilege, but a.s securing a right which the member and his 

constituents are clearly entitled to, .and as r estoring a policy which 

is clearly beneficial to all the people. 

On the 31st of January, 1873, in obedience to the insinuating demands 

of the city newspapers, and in compliance with the resolutions incorporated in the platform of the successful party in the presidential 

campaign ending November, 1 72, a law was passed totally abolishing the franking privilege after the 1st day of July, 1873. The reasons urged so successfully for abolishing, with only a few 

minutes' debate and consideration, a policy and principle which had 

been in existence from before the formation of our present Constitution, and had been interwoven byconstantpracticewith the workings 

of the post-office system, were1 that the people in overwhelming num- bers had recently condemned 1t as unjust, and the Postmaster-General 

had pronounced it expensive and a burden upon the people. 

It is easy to controvert both these a sumptions, and I think I can do it completely; and in addition I propose, in the time allotted me, 

to give a statement of the principle involved which first led to the 

establishment of a system of free postage for Government matter and 

bnsiness; a history of its inception and progre s, especially in the 

United States, :md the controlling policy and expediency which have 

continued it in uninteiTnpted existence from colonial days to the stam- peding days of the Forty-second Congress, when the Credit-Mobilier scare so frightened it, that it was anxious to recover its courage by 

obeying the behests of any party making any dictatorial suggestions. 

I am sure the republican party won its laurels in the campaign of 

1872 upon far different issues, and its success wa due to far higher 

questions of principle and policy than the abolition of the franking 

privilege; and that, while it appeared as one of the planks in their 

platform, it was incorporated there in the first place by an individual r equest, and was in no general sense the action of the committee on resolutions or of the convention itsele; but was adopted because it was wholly overlooked, as unimportant in comparison with others which were essential, and thus was indorsed by the convention and entered 

into the campaign. Not one man in ten thou and in the Tepublican 

party desired to have it in the republican platform; and not one in 

ten thousand in the democratic party objected to their platform be- cause of its absence therefrom. In other word , it was entirely ignored by the people of both parties. So much for the first r eason a igned for its repeal. I shall attempt to show that, with the exception of a few interested n ewspapers which desire no information conveyed to the people unless 

through their columns, and the interference of a few postmasters 

who, thinking they would thereby curry favor with the Post-Office 

Department, made themselves active in circulating petitions for signatures to indorse the suggestions of the Po tmaster-General, the 

people did not condemn the franking privilege, and it was not an ex- pensive burden upon them; but that the reasons which called it into 

existence a hundred years ago still exist, and the practical benefits 

which commended it so strongly as to continue it in existence for so many years wonl<l again result from its re-establi hment. The gentleman from Iowa [Mr. KASso r] complains of the abuse of 

the franking privilege. I know of no better commentary upon or greater abuse of it than that exhibited by the gentleman himself, 

when he produces bushels of franked petitions, sent by thirty-five 

thousand postmasters, manufactured for the purpose of abolishing the 

frank. 

While the con ideration of this subject deals so much in facts and 

det ils, and is so eminently practical that it would be impossible to 

infuse any enthusia m or awa,ken any interest in it beyond the con- sideration due it as a matter of business, yet underlying all this 

policy, sanctioned by htmdreds of years of custom, is a principle which 

has in reality given it vitality and coherence of life. While, there- fore, I shall confine myself mostly to a r ehearsal of facts and figureswhich, though somewhat tedious, cannot fail to convince the Housel shall at the same time strengthen my position by the precedent of 

years of practice, founded originally upon this principle. A graver question is seldom submitted to Congre s, for it affects 

the means of supplying intelligence to the people; and its importance 

should be duly impressed upon members. Gentlemen seem to forget 

that the free interchange of Government communications and public 

documents is the ba is of the po t-office system, and the primary cause of its establishment. The carrying of private letters is second- ary and sub ervient to its real business. The magnitude of the private correspondence, in compari on with the governmental, causes many of us to consider that only, and to look upon the free transmission of the Government matter as an offshoot of it, and to lose sight 

of the fact that the Post-Office Department is strictly a department 

of the Government to be used for public purposes, j ust as much a.s the 

War, Navy, Interior, or Treasury Dep:1rtments are; and when it ceases to be u ed by the Government, and is used only for the benefit 

of individual , so that the Government uses it only on the same conditions, in the same way, and at the same rate as individuals, then 

the Government had better resign control of it at once, and turn its 

management over to private individuals; for ·the Government can find better employment than engaging in the private express business 

to such an extent; and this is nothing but an express business in fact. A republican government like ours depends for its sncces , prosperity, and permanence upon the general intelligence of all its citizens, who must understand that it is based upon the principle of 

eqnal justice to all; that extending, as it does, over a vast area, its 

perpetuity is dependent upon the support of an intelligent public 

sentiment, to secure which all the people should have a full knowl- edge of the relative duties of each man as a part of society, and as a citizen of a republic dependent upon him for its advancement; that 

the more generally knowledge is diffused, and the more thoroughly 

the same kind of knowledo-e is diffused, so as to produce homogeneity 

of thought and purpose, the better for the r epublic, and nothing can procure the speedy interchange of analogous ideas like a p erfect mail 

system. Whoever favors the principle of self-government and desires success to our Republic must protect the Post-Office Department, for 

it is more necessary to our prosperity and existence than to those of 

any other government. It is the means whereby the circulation is 

maintained with regularity, which diffuses in every place and direction that information which is the life of our republican Government, 

and the never-failing source whence it draws its nourishment. ·while the primary object of the Post-Office Department is to carry 

and deliver, free of postage, Government letters, yet it accommodates 

the individual also, by caiTying his communication at the same time, 

and thus accomplishes a double purpose ; for the post-office system is 

admitted to be one of the best instruments within the range of human 

invention for the diffusion of knowledge amono- the people. Its 

advantages in this respect are manifest, its worth self-evident, and 

its utility apparent in strengthening the ties of affection between 

those who are scattered over a wide range of territory; its value is 

self-evident in facilitating business, in preserving friendship, in transmitting sympathy, in relieving want, and in interchanging the pleasantries and amenities of life between those living in di taut part.s of our COUll try. Nothing reaches nearer the daily life of the p eople than 

the post-office system, which extends nnt.il it finds every family in 

the nation, bearing to it some knowledge which promotes science, 

morality, or religion, diffusing the information through innumerable 

channels to those persons to whom directed, for whom it was intended, or for whose improvement it was aimed. It is important to inform the people of the doings of the national 

Government, or they will lo e all interest in it and look only to the 

State government. You can retain their interest in it by k eeping them 

thoroughlyinformedof your doings. No man can take much interest 

in a subject abontwhichheis ignorant; while an intimate knowledge 

creates an affection which in~a·eases with the intimacy. l'he extent of our country and the remote situation of many of our people have been of great da.nger to the integrity of our existence. Mountains and rivers, climates and products, divide us into sections 

with many diversified interests . . These segregating influences r equire 

strong counteracting ones to preserve us as a nation. Such influ- ence can only be generated and made available by the free inter- course of the people, not only in personal acts but in epistolary cor- respondence, and by the education of the people in the same general 

subjects and in the same line of thought, by furnishing them with 

the same kind of reading. This can only be done at public expense, 

and through Government channels. The intricate ramifications of 

the Post-Office Department extend over the whole country like the 

arteries in the human body, cauying information to the :~ .'i:remities 

of the Republic. Utilize these advantages ann the work is accom- pli bed, and he who is pioneering on the frontier or sojourning in a foreign land may not only communicate with his family and transact 

his business, but may be brought to as intimate a knowledge and 

sympathy with the Government itself and its prosperity as the more favored citizen n earer its capital. 

It was the t horough distribution of public documents and public 

information that so fully awakened the sympathies of the people and so completely bound them to the Government in the late rebellion, 

But for the franking privilege the rebellion would not have been 

suppressed so speedily; and the agitation of the slavery question, 

which finally led to its abolition, would never have been commenced. So mnch at least is due to the frank. Wher e did the opposition to it come from ' Where did all the complaints come from' They did 

not come from the people. Neither the farmer, the mechanic, the 

laborer, nor. the profes ional man made complaint against the frank. 

Tho cry came from the editors of the daily papers in the large cities, 

not from the readers; from the disbursers, not from the seekers after 

information. I know of no such demand from the vast aggregate of 

the people of the country ; none was made. The compliance was in 

obedience to the demands of the few; and yielding to that demand 

you shut out the va t majority of the people of the country, who are without the advantages of a daily pa,per, from the little boon they 

now possess in the opportunity of becoming officially acquainted with 

the doings of t.he Government. 

The newspapers of this country have done a grand and noble work 

in educating the people· but they make a mistake when ·they try to 

extinguish every other channel of communicating intelligence to tlw 

people. 
1740 ."CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.-

Let us see how these complainants stand. Do they not live in a very 

large-sized "glass house "-so very large as to admonish them to be 

careful not to throw stones' 

The postmaster of New York City, who appeared before our com- mittee a few days ago, says that of the sixty tons of mail matter 

pas ing through that office every day, one-half of 1 per cent. belongs 

to the third class ; 9 per cent. to the first cla.ss; and over 90 per cent. to the second class, the second cla-ss being compo ed of printed matter, 

issued regularly from the office of publication. This would give 

about fifty-four tons of such matter in each day, and in twenty-five 

days it would equal in weight the total quantity of documents sent 

out during the two years of the Forty-second Congress by the House 

of Representatives. As the bulk of this consists of daHy papers, it 

follows that the daily papers of New York alone each twenty-five 

days send out, almost entirely free from postage, as much printed 

matter in weight as the House of Representatives sent out during 

the two years of the Forty-second Congress, or as much each twelve 

days a.s the House did in one year. And these are the men who cry 

out against the abuses of the franking privilege! 

In further elucidation of the absurd action of the daily papers let us look at some of the figures of the Postma-ster-General; which he uses in advocating prepaynient of postage on newspapers and other 

matter of the second class. The total revenues of the Post-Office Department for 1873 were, 

$22,996,7 41.57 ; the total revenues of the Post-Office Departm"Ont for 

1873, upon matter of the second cl~J were $1,072.998.19. That is, one dollar out of every twenty-three collected comes from postage on the 

papers who object to the renewal of the franking privilege. The total expenditures of the Post-Office Department for 1873 were 29,084,945.67. Fully five-sixths in weight of all the mail matter 

transported are of the second class. Five-sixths of 29,084,945.67 are $24,237,454.72. · That is, the amount spent in carr ying newspapers is 

greater than the total amount collected by the Post-Office Depart- ment, and twenty-five times gres.ter than the amount collected from 

newspapers. 

To further show the umea.sonableness of the complaints of the metropolitan press I will present the following table, taken from 

Hudson's Journalism of the United States, showing the newspaper 

and periodical circulation in the United States : 

Years. Number. .Annual copies. Population . 

1704 ____________ .................... ..... . 1 16,000 600,000 1725 . ... ......... _, ________ , . .. . . ...... . . 4 170,000 1, 000,000 

1775 ···----·--·---------·-···-· ··· .. · ----· 37 1, 200,000 2. soo, 000 

110 __________ _,, .... ........... ... ...... . 359 22,321,700 7,239, 14 

1828 ---··· ·-·-·-.......... ----- -·---·--·-· 852 68,117,796 12,000,000 

1835 ·····-·-· ······-----......... ........ . 1, 258 90,361,000 14,000,000 

1840 ............ --.- . --.-... -.... -..... -.. 1, 631 195, 838, 673 17,069,453 

1850 ...• -.- --. -. -.- •.. - •• -- .... -. - . ....... . 2, 526 426, 409, 978 23,191, 87G 

l 860 ................ ................... .. 4,051 927,951, 548 31, 445,080 

1870 .•. --- .. --.--- ... -..... -... -...... -.. . 5,851 1, 508, 548, 250 38,555,753 

In 1870 there were published in the United States 542 daily papers, ,~25 weekly papers, and 904 magazines. Number of daily papers 

prrnted, 1870, 800,000,000; number of weekly, 1870, 600,000,000; num- ber of all other publications, 1870, 100,000,000. 

When you tak e into consideration that there are over fifteen million 

copies of p apers and magazines published annually in the United 

States, and that the va.st majority of these pass through the mails, 

while the amount collected is only 1,000,000, or one cent postage for 

every fifteen papers, it looks as if the right place in which to com- mence reform and save money to the Treasury is in these very news- paper offices. 

Daily, 1Q 30 cents per quarter, $1.20 per annum: 

312)800, 000, 000 

2, 564,102 .10 

256,410 

1.20 

$307,692 ...... . ........................... ·-·-·· $307,692 

Weekly, 'W 5 cents per quarter, 20cents per annum: 

52)600, 000,000 

11,538,461 

.60 

6, !!23, 076 

.20 

1, 384,615 ...•.• · ··--· ··- --- -.................... $1, 384,615 

Monthly,@ 3 cents per quarter, 12 cents per annum: 

12)100, 000, 000 

8, 333,334 

.60 

5, 000,000 

12 

600,000 . . .. . .... ..... , ._........ .... .......... 600,006 

2, 292,307 

In the above estimates the lowest rate for each cia is used. · Newspa.pers should pay $2,300,000 1·evenue to the Government in· 

stead of $1,000,000, as at present. The number of paper circulating 

free for two years is 2,262,000,000, on which the po tu,ge would be 

$6,000,000. The postage on documents sent out free by Cono-ress, in 

two yeru·s, is about GOO,OOO; and during the same time th~ new - pa{!ers ·end out publications on which postage is not paid amountiug 

to $6,000,000. · 

In considering this question we should not forget it importance to 

the cotmtry, and the uece sity for caution in recommending any vari- ance from the custom established by years of practice; and the wisdom of examining closely the objects to be attained, and the means to be employed, before departing from the usages of the past. The 

Forty-second Congress biled in this respect, and in one act of a. 

few lines, full of ha te and uncertainty, reversed and annihilated 

the policy of the Government from its very beginning. It remains 

with us, as representing the latest wish of the people, to restore the 

time-honored privilege which, without interruption, ha existed even beyond the existence of our Government-that portion relating to the 

free exchange of newspapers dating back to 1753. ' 

Just before the war a full examination of thi question wa.s had by a committee of some of the leading men of that day, in Conaress who wer~ especially ap.pointecl for that pu:r:pose. I tak~ the libe~ty of 

making the followmg extracts from thelr report, which report is the 

most concise statement of reasons for the continuance of the :frank in rr 

privilege I have ever seen, and was most convincing to the Congres~ of that day : 

_Th~ugh the post-office system, a~ it exists ~t ~ day, is ess ntially a modern instituti_on, yet posts are of very anment date, and ill every instance have been either 

tal>li bed or regulated by tile state. In .Arabia and Persia they ex:i ted lonrr before !he Christian era. aml their speed in oriental figure of speech was outstripped only by the flight of time. 

Umler the lWman Emperor , the po tal system was, as to expedition at least. b~ought to gre_at perfection ; and Tiberi us wa accustomed to intlignantly rEUect all d1sp~tches whic_h had been lo.nger on the way than twenty da.vs from the xtremcst proVlDces of Asia. In the M.idilleAges, also, post.<> were established in various coun- tries of Europe; and in Peru. at its discovery in 1527, the onl rs of the Inca, were re~ul_arly d'u;patohed by couriers po te~ at ?O~venient distances alon§! the principal lughways. In Intlb, also, and earlier stillm Tartary, a postal ystem existetl 

which in ~e latter c01;mtrv _was. vet:y extensive and C?mplote. Aml at this day th~ post o!fi~e IS an establishea mstitution of every state ill Eu_ro~e and America; and m all It IS under the control of o-overnment. More than thi , 1t bas in almost every insilance been first established Gy tile state for its own exclusive service in the tra.n~­ mis ion of public di pat<lhes and other official intelligence. The u e of it l>:v 11riYn te persons ha-R, for1he most part, lleen an incident growing up under it first 'from tho 

necessities or convenience of trade and commerce, or of sooial conespondence ancl 

ultimn.tely for the sake of income to the state; and Black tone treats of it i..D. hls 

Commentaries a.s a fixed and important part of the Ki.ng's r evenue. In no country is postage paid on public dispatches or communicationso:v government officers out of th ir own private means. Even in Great Britain, the abolition of franks in 1839 

o::.-+.ended only to p3rliamentary and not to executive frank:ino-. 

'Vi thin a few years after the first British settlements in"' America, posts were established by the Legislatures of everal of the colonies. In 1639, b.v au thori tv of 

the General Court of Mas. nchusett , a postmaster was appointed in Boston an« in 

1657 Virginia provided for the transmis ion by each planter, un«ler the pen~ltyof a hogshead of tobacco, the currency of that day, of government dispatches fmm one plantation to another, till they should reach the pface of their de tination. One of 

the earliest !lets of William Penn -wa-s the esy,ablis~ent, i_n 1683 of a post-office in 

Pennsylv:uua; and a monthly post was appoillted, m obedience to the Kin"''S com- mand, between New York and. Boston in 1672. As early as 1692 a Po tma tor-Gen- eral for all the col?nies was appointed bJ: letter!?· Patent, with power to erect postoffice, but noeffiment system wa established till1710, -when, by acto£ Parliament the Postmaster-General was authori:r,ed to set up a generalll,tter officein}fewYork' 

and other chief offices in each of the colonies. ' Dr. Franklin served in the Post-Office Dep~r?nent for. nearly forty :rears, from 

1753 to 1774 wa-s Postmaster-Gen ral for all British Amer1ca during which period. 

be reducod the service to a system, and for the first time m;le it yield a revenue to the Government. 

As early as the 26th day of J uly, 1775, before the Declaration of 

Ind pendence, in the very inception of the struggle then concentrating, a-general postal sy tern was organized by the Continental Congre , which continued with some minor alterations such a exempting postmasters from militu,ry service, until the act of October 13, 1782, and was the basis of the law of that date, and in fact of all subsequent 

laws; and in that system was recognized the free interchange of com- municatiollB by all Government officers, as an es ential and undisputed 

part of the law itself.. This right was granted by universal consent 

because considerecl neces ary and important, before the Articles of 

Confederation were adopted, and was practiced by the officials of that 

day without restraint, as an essential to success. 

Throughout the war of the Revolution, by order of the Continental Congress and 

u.nder the direction _of the Po tmasters-~eneral appointed h.-.; th m, po. tal arra'ngoments, more or less Imperfect, were continued; and the .Articles of Confederation, 

ratified finally in 1781 gave to Con::rress the sole and exclusive right and power of 

tablisbing and regulating po t-offices from one tate to another throughout the 

United tates, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as might be requisite to uefray the expenses of the office. 

Under the authority gntutecl by the Articles of Confederation, and 

quoted above, the Continental Congress pa sed, on the 13th of October, 17 2, a general po tal law, consolidating the fragmentary laws 

then exi ting and reducing i to a system, and among other provisions 

contained in that act I find the following, conferring the franking 

privilege : 

And be itjurtlwr ordained by the authority aforesaid, That letters, packets, and 

dispatche , to and from the members and secretary of Congre s, while actually attending Congress; to and from tho Commander-in-Chief of the armies of these 

Uniterl tat.es, or commander of a separate army; to and from the heads of the 

Departments of Finance, of \Va.r, of Foreign Affairs of the United States, on pn blic 

service, shall pass and be carped fre of postage . 

And be it further ordained, That ingle letters, directed to any officers of the line 

in actual service, shaU be free of postage. 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD~ 1741 

On the 24th of December, 1782, the same year, the franking privilege was still further extended by the following act: 

B e it ordained cf:c. That the privilege of franking letters be, and the same is 

hereby, extended to'the Inspector-General, the Adju~nt-Gen ral,, the Director of 

the Hospitals the Quartermaster-General, the CoJDJIU sary of Pr1soners, azul the 

Pn,ymaster-General of the Army of the United States, and that th~ same priviloo-e be, and the same is hereby, extended to the officers at thehea:J.s of ~ke departments in any separate army, all letters to and from whom, on public busmess, shall pass 

free of postage. 

oii. the 28th February, 1783, the franking privilege was still further 

fortified by the following act: 

That all letters to and from the heads of Departments on public service are free, 

and ought not to be detained for want of the words "on public service" indorsed. 

The convention of 1787 found the post-office and the franking privilege coexistino- institutions, established and strengthened· by universal use and0 undisputed precedence, and they continued it b;)l" 

conferring upon Congress in al'ti.cle 1, sectioll: 8, of the Constitution 

the power "to establish post-offices and post-roads." 

This grant of power is unlimited; and taken in connection with the 

section which gives Congress power to ma,ke all l::bws necessary a,nd 

proper for carrying the foregoing into executio~, confers the e~clusive 

control of the whole subject upon Congress. The convention saw that exclusive control must be vested in some power having unity, 

because unity is necessary to efficiency; and Congress is the only 

authority having unity of purpose which possesses also the powers commensurate with the extent of the service. 

The same law continued in force, with slight modifications, which were always in the shape of an exiiension or enlargement of the right, 

down to the act of 1845, which is the basis of the present law. 

Below will be fonnd a synopsis of every law passed upon this subject. 

Act of March 3, 1791: 

That all letters to and from the Treasurer, Comptroller, and Auditor of the Treasury, and the assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury, on public service, shall be 

received and conveyed by the post free of postage. 

February 20, 1792, the franking privilege was granted to the Commissioner of the Revenue. 

May 8, 1794: 

SEc. 19. That the following letters and packets, and no other, shall be received 

and conveyed by post, free of postage, under such restrictions as .are h ereinafter 

provided ; that is to say: all letters and packets to and from the President or VicePresident of the United States, and all letters and packets, not exceeding two ounces in weight, to or from any member of the Senate or Honse of Representatives, the 

Secretary of t.he Senate or Clerk of the Honse of Representatives, during their 

actual attendance in any session of Congress, ancl twenty days after ea.ch session; 

all letters to and from the Secretary of the Treasury, Comptroller, Register, and 

Auditor of the Treasury, the Treasurer, the Secret::Lry of State, the Secretary ifL 

War, Commissioner of the Revenue, the Postmaster-General, his assistants and 

deputies. 

An examination of tbis shows that the President, the Vice-President, and members of Congress hacl tbe :~:ight to send "letters and 

packets," while the executive officers were limited to letters. Members of Congress could frank during the session and for twenty days 

after it. 

February 23, 1795, the franking privilege was granted to the Purveyor of Public Supplies. 

May 'Zl, 1796, to the accountant of the War Department. March 3, 1797, to George Washington, for life. 

June 22, 1798, to the Secretary of the Navy. 

July 11, 1798, to supervisors and inspectors of internal revenue. July 16, 1798, to the accountant of the Navy Department. March 2, 1799 : 

SEc. 17. Tba.t letters and packets to and from the following officers of the United 

States shall be received and conveyed by post, free of charge : Each postmaster, provided each of his letters and packets shall not exceed one- half ounce in weight; each member of tho Senate and House of Representatives of 

tho Congress of the United States; the Secretary of tho Senate, and Clerk of' tho 

House of Representatives, provided each letter or packet hall not exceed two ouncos in weight; and during their actual attendance in any session of Congress, anu twenty days after such session:; the President of the United Sta.tes, Vice-President, t.he 

Secretary of the Treasury, Comptroller, Auditor, Register, Treasurer, Commissioner 

of the Revenue, supervisors of the revenue. inspectors of the revenue, commis- sioners for direct taxes, Purveyor, the Secretary of War, accountant of the War 

Office, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Navy, and accountant of l.he 

Navy, the Postmaster-General and Assistant Postn:1stor-General; and they may 

all receive their newspapers by post, free of postage: Provided, ':bat the member1:1 

of the Senate and the House of Representatives, Secrewy of the Senate, and Clerk 

of the IIouse of Representatives shall receive their newspapers free of postage only during any session of Congress and twenty days after the expiration of the same: And provided, That no letter or packet from any public officer shall be conveyc:l by 

post, free of postage, unless he shall frank the same by writing: his n.1>mo and office on the outside of such letter or packot, and until he has previously furnished the 

postmaster of the office where he shall deposit the same with a -specimen of his 

si"nature. 

'S.&c. 19. And be it ft,rther enacted, That every printer of newspapers may send one paper to each and every other printer of newspapers within the United States, free of posta"o, under such r egulations a.s the Postmaster-General shall provide. SEc. 20. That all newspapers conveyed in the mail shnll bounder cover, open at one end, and charged with a posta.!!e of one Gent each for any distance not more than one hundred miles, and one and one-half cents for any greater distance: Prov-ided, That tho postage of a single newspaper from any one pl•tee to another in 

the same State shall not exeeed ono cent; and that tho Postmaster-General may m~ke such re!mlations as to require those who receive newspapers by post to pay 

always the amount of one quarter's post:tge in advance. 

No newspapers shall be r eceive!l by tho postmaster to be conveyed by post., un- less they are sufficiently Uricd and inclosed in paper wrappers, on which, besiUes the 

direction, sl1nll be noted the number of papers which are inclosed for subscribers 

and the number for printers. 

This act of March 2, 1799, it will be observed, extended the frank so as to include newspapers with other free matter, and provided for 

the interchange of newspapers between publishers, upon which, besides the directions, the number inclosed wa8 to be noted. It will 

also be observed the one quarter's postage was to be paid in advance, 

and that while the postage on a letter was eight cents it was but one cent on a newspaper. 

January2, 1800, the franking privilege was granted totheDelegate 

of the Northwest Territory, W. H. Harrison. 

February 23, 1800, to the Superintendent of Stamps. 

April3, 1800, to Martha Washington. 

February 25, 1801, to John Adams, (letters to.) 

March 3, 1801, to JohnAdarm;, (letters from.) 

May 3, 1802, to the Attorney-General. 

February 18, 1802, to the Delegate from the Northwest Territory. · March 26, 1804, to the Inspector and Pa,ymaster of the Army. 

February 28, 1809, to Thomas Jefferson. 

June 28, 1 09, on letters from Thomas Jefferson. 

April 30, 1810, officers were again designated who were entitled to 

the franking privilege, and it includes all those designated in the act 

of March 2, 1799, and each subsequent act, and which I need not here 

repeat, as they will be found above. 

It will be seen that, from 1810 to 18'25, the privilege was constantly 

enlarged. 

April 30, 1810, franking privilege was granted to adjutant-general 

of the State militia. 

April25, 1et.2, to the Commissioner General Land Office. 

March 28, 1812, to_the Quartermaster-General and Commissary-General of the Army. 

July 6, 1812, to the Adjutant-General and Inspector-General of the 

Army. 

February 'Zl, 1813, to the vaccine agent. 

March 3, 1813, to the sundry staff officers. 

July 13, 1813, to the superintendent of general military supplies. 

July 2-l, 1813, to the Commissioner of the Revenue. 

April18, 1814, to the same, without regard to weight. 

February 7, Hl15, to the Commissioner of the Navy. 

March 3, J 815, to the collectors of direct taxes and internal duties. 

April 9, 181G, to the commissioner of claims. 

April28, 1816, to the assessors of direct taxes. 

April ~9, 1816, to the additional a<Jcountant of the War Department. · March 1, 1817, to James Madison. 

March 3, 1817, to the Second Comptroller and Auditor of the Treasury. 

April 14, 1818, to the Commissary-General of Subsistence. 

March 13,1820, to the President p1·o tempore of the Senate, and 

Speaker, w~thout regard to weight. 

March 3,1825, the generall::bws relating to the Post-Office Department were again codified, and in this act the officers were again designated who were en tiDied to the franking privilege, and it was made 

to mclude all of the foregoing. The only alteration was in extending the time during which the member of Congress could frank. 

Instead of limiting it to the session and twenty days after, he wa,s 

allowed the privilege sixty days before, during, and sixty days after 

the session. March 2, 18'Zl, the franking privilege was granted to Navy Commissioners, Adjutant-General, Commissary -General, Inspector-Gen- eral, Quarterma ter-General, Paymaster-General, Secretary of the 

Sen::tte, Clerk of the House of Representatives, and Superintendent 

of the Patent Office. April3, 18287 the Speaker wa8 allowed to frank without regard to 

weight. 

May 23, 1828, the fraukin~ privilege was granted to Charles Carroll. 

May 20, 1830, to the Solicitor of the Treasury. 

February 25, 1831, to the commission under Denmark treaty. 

July 9, 1832, to the Commissioner of Indian .Affairs. 

July 13, 1832, to the commisson under French treaty. 

Marchi!, 1833, to tbe commission under treaty with Naples. 

March 2, 1833, to the Commissioner of Pensions. March 2, 1833, extended the franking privilege of members of Congress from sixty days before and after each session, so as to include 

the time from sixty days before he takes his seat until the meeting of 

t.he ne::s:t Congress; that is, it gave him the right for nearly a year 

besides the session. June 30, 1834, the franking privilege was granted to governors of 

States for books, &c. 

J nne 7, U333, to the Spanish commission. 

July 2, 18.'36, to the Auditor for the Post-Office and Chief Engineer. 

J nly 2, 1835, to the widow of James i::tdison. 

:March 3, 1 37, to the Commissioner of Pensions. 

July 5, 1833, to the Commanding Gener::bl, Colonel of Ordnance, 

Surgeon-General, head Topographic::bl Corps. 

September 9, 1!;41, to the willow of W. H. Harrison. 

For a number of years the whole question of the franking privilege 

and the condition of the Post-Office Department wa under discussion, and the r esult was that in 1845 the Post-Office Department was thoroughly reorganized, cho::tper rates of postage were a,dopted, and 

the franking privilege was really extended, though many former 

abuses of it were corrected. Previous to 1845 the free distribution of 

public documents, printed by the order of either House, had been provided. for by an entirely eparate law from that governing the free 
1742 ('ONGRESSION.AL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, 

transmission of letters and other mail matter, and was regarded as a separate subject, to be prot'2cted by itself. 

December 19, 1 21 : 

Be it enacted, &c., That the Members of Congress, the Delegares from Territories, 

the Secretary of the Senate1 and the Clerk of the House of Representatives ba, antl 

they are hereby, authorizeu to transmit, free of postage, to any post-office within 

the United States or the Territories thereof, any documents which have been or may be printed by order of eiiher House. 

January 13, 1831: 

Be it enacted, &c., That nothing contained in the act to reduce into one the sev entl acts establishing and regulating the Po~t-Office Department, approved March 

3, 1825, shall be construed to repeal or limit the operation of the :wt authorizing the 

transmission of certain documents free of postage, approved December 19, 1821. 

This explanatory act of June 13, 1831, shows that the members of 

Congress of that day regarded it important to distribute public documents among the people, and looked upon it as entirely independent 

of the privilege of frn.nking letters and packets. 

The bill proposed to-day by the committee is in effect restoring the 

law of December 10, 1821, and nothing else, only it throws more safe- guards around it to prevent any abuse of it than were in the old law. After a thorough ex mination the law of 1845 was pa.ssed, which 

practically continued in force until the repeal of the franking pri vi· 

le&e, in 1873. 1\larch 3, 1845: 

SEc. 5. That the twenty-seventh section, oot of Congress entitled "An act to reduce i,nto one tho sevt'ral acts for cs4"tblishing and regulating the Post-Office De- partment," approved and signed the 3d clay of March, 18'25, ancl all other acts and 

parta of oota granting and conferring upon any person whatsoever the right or privilege to recaivo and transmit through the mail, free of postage, letters, packets, newspapers, periodicals, or ot.her matters, be, ancl the same are hereby, utterly abrogated ancl repealed. SEC. 6. Officers of Government having had the franking privilege are to keep an f~~~~nt of postage, aml said account is to be paid quru-terly out of the contingent 

SEc. 7. That the ad of Con~ess entitled "An act authorizing the governors of 

tho several States to tran mit uy mail certain booksancldocuments," approvetl.June 30, 1834, shall remain and continue in full force, anything hereinbefore to the con- trary notwithstanding aml the Members of Congre s, the Delegates from Terri- t ories, the Secretary o¥ the Senate, and the Clerk of the House of Representa.tivcs, shall be, and they are hereby, authorizetl to transmit free of postage, to any postoffice )Vithin the United State.<> or the Territories thereof, any docnments which 

have been or ma.y be printctl by order of either House of Congress, anything in 

this law to the contrary notwithstanding. SEC. 8. That eooh Member of the Senate, eooh Member of the House of Repre- sentatives, and each Delegate from a Territory of the United Stat.es, the Secretary 

of tho Senate, and the Clerk of the House of Repre entativ·es, may, during eacn se siou of Congress, and for a period of thirty days before the commencement and 

thirty days after the end of each ancl every session of Congress, send and receive 

through the mail, free of po tage, any letter, newspaper, or pooket., not e:x:ceeiling two oarrces in weight; an:.l all postage charged upon any letters, packaf«es, titions, 

memorials, or other matters or thinzs received tluring any ses. ion o Congress by 

any Senator, Member. or Delegate or the House of Representatives, touching his official or legislative duties, by reason of any excess of weight abovo two otmces of the matter or th:i.ng so received, shall be paid on t of the contingent fund of the House of 'Yhich the person. receiving the same may be a member. And they shall 

havo the nght to frank wr1tten letters from themselves during the whole year, as now authonzed by law. 

From the foregoing it would n.ppear clear that the franking privilege was wholly abo'l.lshed, the whole past wiped out, and a, new start 

taken. In the new law the privilege was given to a smaller number. 

.All the executive officer of the Government who had beeu enjoying the 

franking privilege w re obliged to keep an account of the cost of 

po tage, which was paid out of the contingent fund, and the frank was limited to members of Congress, the Secretary of the Senate, and 

the Clerk of the House of Representatives. They were allowed to 

fmnk any documents printed by order of either House, at any time 

during the year, and without regard to weight. They could send and receive n.llletters and packets, not exceeding two ounces in weight, 

for thirty <lays before, during, and thirty days after each session, free 

of postage. They could frank all letters from themselves during the 

whole year. March 1, 1 47, members of Congress and others again designated as having right to send and receive documen~s and letters free of postage 

during term of office and up to the first Monday December following 

ex-piration of term of office. March 2, 1847, the fmnking privilege granted to deputy postmasters. 

March 3; 1847, to soldiers of the army in Mexico. 

Jl.brch 9, 184l::S, to widow of John Q. Adams. May 27, 1848, to Commissioner of Pensions. June 10, 1850, to widow of James K. Polk. 

July 1tl, 1850, to widow of Z. Taylor. May 23, 1850, to United States marshal!:f, on all matter relating to 

the census. February 2, 1854, to Superintendent Coast Survey and assistant. March 3, 1ffi5, to all Vice-Presidents during life. 

March 3, 1855, to all books, &c., sent to Smithsonian Institution, or Library of Congress for copyright. 

May 15, 1862, to Commissioner of .Agriculture. July 1, 1862, to Commi ioner of Internal Revenue. 

July 5, 1 52, to chiefs of Bureaus of Navy Department. March 3, 1 63 : 

SEC. -12. Be it enacted, &c., That authority k, frank mail matter is conferred upon 

and limited to the following persons: First, the President of the United States, 

by htmself, or his P:ti¥ato Secretary; second, the Vice-President of the United 

States; third, the chiefs of tho several Executive Departments; fourth, such prin- cipal officers, being he::~>tls of Bureans or chief clerks, of each Ex:ecutive Depart- ment, to be used only for official communications, as the Postmaster-General shall 

by regulation prescribe ; fifth, Senators and Representatives in the Con!!ress of 

tlie U Iii. ted States, including Delegates from Territories, the Secretary of the Senate 

and Clerk of the House of Representatives; to cover correspondence to aml fron~ the~, and all prinred ~atter used by author!ty of Congress, and all speeches, proceedin<Ts, and debates mCon!Vess, and allprmted. matter sent to them; theirfranking privilege to commence With the term for which they are elected ancl to expire on the first Monday of December following such term of office; sixth, all official 

communications addres ed to either of the Executive Departments of Go>ernmcnt 

by an officer responsible to that Department, &c. ; seventh, postmasters have also 

the fr:mkin~ pnvilege for their official communications to other postma ters &c . . ei~th, petitions to either branch of Congress shall pass free in the mails- cloth' 

all communications addressed to any of the franking officers above described and not e~ceptc~ ?-» the foz:egoing clauses must be ~repaid by postage-stamps. The 

frankmg pnvilege herem before granted shall be limtted to packages wein:hin,. not exceed.iilg four ounces, except petitions to Congress and congressional 'Or e~ecu­ tive documents, and such publications or books as have or may b published procured, or purchased by order of either Hou e of Congress, or a. joint resolnti~n of 

the two Hou es, which shall be considered as public documents, ancl entitled to be 

franked as such, and except also seeds, cuttings, roots, and scions, the weight of the 

packages of which ln.a.y be fixed by regulation of the Postmaster-General. 

March 16,1864, the franking privilege of the President and the VicePresident extends to all matter to and from them. June 30, 1864, the franking privilege granted to the Commissioner 

of Internal Revenue. ~larch 3, 1865, to the Commissioner Internal Revenue. February 10, 1866, to the widow of .Abraham Lincoln. 

July 13, 1866, to assessors, collectors, assistant assessors, and deputy 

collectors, between each other. July 13, 1866, to the Special Commissioner of the Revenue. 

July 28, 1866, to the Director of the Bureau of Statistics. March 9, 1868, to the Congressional Printer. March 1, 1869, the franking privilege to be exercised only by the 

written autograph signature. July 8, 1870, the franking privilege granted to the Commissioner of 

Patents. · 

Such is a history of the laws passed upon this subject, and from this 

record it will be seen that from a time anterior to the foundation of the 

Government up to the year 1873 the franking privilege wa extended 

to all the legisln.tive as well as all the executive officers of the Government; and if any preference was exhibited, it was in favor of 

enlarging the powers of the legislative branch, and especially in 

favor of distributing the public documents, about which there seems to have been no dispute. 'While no actual change was mn.de in the 

policy of the Government, let us see if any attempts were made to 

abolish this privilege; and if so, when, and what comparative sup- port they received. I have shown that the frank was a privilege bequeathed us by the 

old Confederation, and continued, a.s received, for many yen.rs. On 

the 20th of J anuary, 1790, Samuel Osgood, the first Postmaster-Gen- eral, in his report, recommended the continuance of the frank. The 

next mention of it I can fin<l is on the 4th of .April, 1796, when the 

Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads, first session Fourth 

Congress, recommended an extension of the frank, and on the 8th of 

January, 17!39, third session l?ifth Congress, Joseph Habersham com- mends the benefits to be derived from the frank, and indorses its 

continuance; and thus year after year rolled by with no recorded eviden~e, either in legislation or in reports of committees, to show 

that any dissn.tisfaction existed in regard to the franking privile<Te . During the Fifth and Twenty-third Congresses attention was eall~d to so~e _abuses of it, :vruch were individual, and against the person 

abusrng 1t, and not agamstthe system. In the second session Twenty- seventh Congress, during Tyler's term, owing to financial difficul- ties, a select committee on retrenchment went to work to close every avenue of expense and to swell the sources of revenue, and they re- ported among other things "Report of House of Representatives 452 

to accompany House bill 29£, l\Iarch, 1842." This report favors th~ abolition of the franking privilege as a question of finance ·; yet it 

says, nevertheless, that the ri~ht to frank was given to "facilitate 

internourse on the public busrness between the people and the Gov- ernment." In urging their roport t.hey say : 

There are about three hundred persons in Congress who are in the constant habit 

of franking; they send all kinds of mail matter, and it costs as much to send free as paid matrer. 

If postage was paid on this a largo amount would be saved, and theypresented the following figures, furnished by Ron. C. A. Wicklille, 

Postmaster-General, sho·wing the amount of mail matter trn.nsmitted 

free in one week, in June, 1838, from the Washington, District of 

Columbia, post-office: 

Total number of free letrers __ . ... _ . . . . . . . • . . . • • • . • . • . • . • . . • . • . . . . . . . . . . . 7, 585 Total number of free documents, pounds .... _ ......•.•.•........... _.... 5, 131 

Postage on 7,585 letters would b.e . __ ... _ ..... .. ..... _ ...... _. ............ 1 137 75 

Postage on 5,131 pounds of documents would be............ .............. 2:924 66 

Total postage on free matter for one week _.. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • • • • . . 4, 062 41 

Notwithstauilingthedesire to economize, therepreseutatives of the 

people did not agree with the committee; so the subj ect rested until 

the next year, first session Twenty-eighth Congress, when the wholo 

question was again referred to a committee and elaborat~y discussed. 

The result of this discussion is worthy of note; for while the minority 

of the Committee on the Post-Office n.nd Post-Roads reported in favor 

of abolishing the frank in Report House of Representatives No. ·483, 

to accompany House bill No. 389, May 15, 1844, the select committee 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1743 

reported on the 15th of June, 1844, that the deputy postmasters and 

officers of the Post-Office Department had violated the ln.w and the 

right of the member to frank by era ing his name in many instances 

and compelling him to pay postage, and by subjecting his mail to delay 

and scrutiny. (See Report Honse of Representatives No. 576, first 

session Twenty-eighth Congress.) 

The committee say they were satisfied the postmasters did it in pur- sn::mce of orders from the Postmaster-General, and called upon him 

for an explanation. They believed the Postma ter-General did it from 

praiseworthy motives and to correct abuses. The restrictions of franking upon members were as to time, weight, and origin of letters franked. 'l'he restrictions of time :1nd weight aTe of such a nature ~hat the 

postmaster can decide upon them; they admit of no question; but 

tho restriction upon the origin, whether written by himself, is not 

left to the numberless thousands of postmasters, but to the member, 

and upon violation is to be prosecuted by the Post-Office Department, 

and a remedy by prosecution precludes the other remedy contemplated by the regulations of the Post-Office Department. The Postmaster-General, C. A. Wickliffe, in his reply to the com- mittee, says : 

These instructions were dictated in no unfriendly spirit to the legitimate exer- cise of that privilege, but originated in a desire (which I am sure all who have this 

privilege conferred upon them should feel) to check its abuse. 

All these re1)0rts show the overwhelming sentiment in favor of the 

franking privilege at that time, and the law of 1845, already referred 

to, was the result of the :fir~t agitation of the question. From that 

time until18GO the question was in abeyance, except in 1848, when the 

subject was slightly discussed. A select committee was appointedin 

18GO, who made a very full and elaborate report against any change, 

from which I have already largely quoted. 

Such is the past history of the franking privilege, and the efforts 

to abolish it. The Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads now propose to restore a part of the privileges conferred by the old law. This bill abolishes the individual frank altogether, leaves the Department business to be conducted as at present, i. e., one Department of 

the Government buys postage-stamps of the other, and simply provides for the distribution of public documents and seeds, by a plan 

of countersigned stamps, entirely safe, and free from any charge of 

fraud or abuse. This bill excludes the legislative members of the 

Government from sending off anything but public printed documents 

and seeds; while the executive officers continue to be furnished with 

stamps to conduct their correspondence. This distinction gives rise 

to the inquiry why the executive letters pass free and the legislative 

do not, for to furnish with official stamps is to pass free. No good reason can be given, and the inquiry must remain unanswered, though reasons might be given for the reverse, i. e., for allowing the legislative dispatches to pass free, and not the executive. I quote from the report again : 

In a majority of countries where postal sy11tems exist there is no Legi.~lature at all; in others it is but a shadow; in some. merely an office wherein to register the 

decr ees of royalty. If in any such the right to transmit throu~h the king's mails 

any matter free is conceded to the sembla.ilce, the Legislature, It is strictly a privi- lege or possibly a sort of badge of office or distinction. It is a matt-er of grace, like tho license to kill deer in the royal forests, blowing a horn if the forester be 

abeent, so that the king's "venison may not seem to be taken by stealth." In all 

such states there is little need for sympathy or communication between the r epre- sentative and the constituent, since elections in some are but mere forms, and in otoers the executive is the real and sometimes in whole or in part the formal con- stituent of the Legislature. In but one country besides our own has the legislative department any real and substantial portio·n of tho power of the government, and even there the post-office system grew up undor the auspices of royalty, at a period when Parliam nt~ were but theregistersofthe king's good will and pleasure. Postal couriers were employed by King John to convey government dispatches as early as the thirteenth century, and between that period anu the reign of James I, 

when tho first postmaster-general, having charge of as well private as public cor- re pondence, was appointe!l, nothing prooably but official letters anu packet.s was transmitted by the kings post. From the beginning down to the time of the Long Parliament the entire system was under tho control of the executive as a pari of 

tho royal prerogative, and posts were established by proclamation. When, in the 

time of Cromwell, both king and lords were abolished and all power consolidated at first in the House of Commons, the post-office passed also under their control 

and they succeeded, of course, to the rights and privileges of the executive, and u sed the mails for the conveyance of their own dispatches and intelligence. Black- stone dates the first legislative establishment anu r egulation of the post-office from 

this period, At therestoration, in 1660, the system, though then and ever afterward 

sub,iect to contr9l by act of Parliament instead of royal proclamation, passeu again in its administration into the hands of the king. Pending a bill in the same year for the organization of the post-office, the Commons, "because that the letters of, as well the lring's council of state as his own and other executive officers, passed free through tho mails," added a proviso that their letters also should be entitled to the same privilege. The Lords threw out the proviso, anu the Commons con- sented to drop it upon a priYato assuranco from the Crown that the exemption should be allowe(l to the members, and accordingly a warrant was over afterward r egularly issueu from the king to tho postmaster-general directing the allowance to members of Parliament of free letters to tho extent of two ounces. This was tho 

origin of tho "franking prhilego," for privilege it then really was, gr:mtedof royal 

grace; and so it continued for a century, when in 1764 it was for the first time con- firmed and regulated by act of Parliament. 

Under our Constitution Congress has full power to establish a postal 

syst-em, and to pass all laws necE:ssary for it complete maintenance, so that the people of the United States may derive all the benefits accru- ing from a progressive postal system if they o desire. The desires 

and wishes of the people become the duty of the Government, and 

the Constitution furnishes the power. This power is absolute; no indi- vidual or State authority can intervene; necessarily absolute because 

supreme control is essential to efficiency. The general theory of our Government is-to allow the largest liberty 

compatible with the prosperity of all, and to allow the citizen in his 

individual capacit.y, instead of the nation, to perform all the minor duties of government which he can do as well. Cannot the individual 

citizen, like"Adams Express Company, carry the mail as well as the 

Government' Did it not for many years, and until directly prohibited 

by law, compete successfully with the United States mail in regard 

to speed, regularity, and safety f Can it not do it to-day, and wonJd 

it not unless prohibited by law f Certainly. And yet the Government is the exclusive carrier of the mail; directly prohibits any one else from carrying it; and, while carrying it, carries nothing else. Absolute power and exclusive control are given because the nation 

has the right to send its own communications and intelligence by its own means and conveyance to its own officers, agents, a.nd citizens. The Government has just the same power to establish post-offices and 

post-roads, and control their administration, as it ha.s to construct 

ships of war and equip them for actual service. I will not answer those assertions which deny excln ive control over the post-office system of the country to the Government of the United 

States, beyond the reply already made; neither will I discuss those 

opinions which have been advocated, to abandon it to private enterprise, for it must be obvious to the most casual observer that such a vast power ought never to have been given except in carrying out 

plans whose completion would confer public benefits upon the people 

at large. And when the Post-Office Department is no longer used by 

the Government for the advancement of the interests of the Government, and to the exclusion of all private interest, should there be any 

con:fiict between the public and private interests, but is used only in 

the same way and upon the same terms as a private individual would nse it, then the whole of this Government monopoly, this costly express 

business, with its va t political power and patronage, ought to be 

speedily abolished and thoroughly eradicated. 

One other way is for the Government to send all its letters and 

messages by a special messen~er of ita own, as it now does when 

sending an important commumcation abroad or to countries where 

there is no post-office system, and as many of the half-civilized nations now do. The expense of 3uch a system would soon cause its reje_ction, ·for each messenger would have to be paid out of the public Treasury, 

entailing an expense compared with which the cost of the frank 

would be small indeed. The Government might send its communications by pr~vate carriers or express companies under contract, or at 

established rates open alike to the public and the Government. The 

expense, however, would be great, only exceeded by the plan of sending by special messengers, and would come out of the national Treasury as before, for in none of these cases would the officer sending the 

letter be expected to pay the postage out of his own pocket. In all 

of these cases, however, the Government is practically within the· power of individuals; and while it might be endured in times of peace 

and prosperity, it could not be tolerated for a moment in times of 

war, for the safety of th e Government itself might depend upon its 

having the absolute control of its own communications. The question 

of existence, therefore, as well as of expense, enters into the consideration of the free delivery of Government matter. 

But the great argument against the franking privilege is the ex- pense it occasions the Post-Office Department, and no consideration 

is given the very valid reasons for it. Every po tal system, of every 

government from, the beginning, has been established for the purpose 

of transmitting intelligence-intelligence between the government 

and its agent, or else between the government and its citizens. The 

very nature of this matter presents a sufficient reason for its trans- mission by the Government exclusively; another reason is to avoid 

the complications and rivalries which might arise between the States 

themselves in the transmission of matter from one State to another, 

if it were left to individuals of different States, or even to the States 

themselves. The committee from whose report I have previously quoted say: 

They are of opinion that whereas tho transportation of Government dispatches 

and intelligence was the primary object of the establishment of tho post-oftice system, so, also, it is still, and much more now than at first, the chief reason which 

justifies its oontinuance; and that whenever it ceases to be a department of state, to be u ed in the exercise and execution of some legitimate and necessary function 

and power of republican government, it ought to be abolished. 

The post-o!;ice is a part of the Government, to be used for the public benefit,jnst as the other Departments are, and does not differ from 

them in any way; and there is no more reason why it should be selfsustaining than is the Navy, War, or Interior Department. It is 

very true that private citizens do not make nse of any of the other 

Departments for their own convenience or pleasure, while they do nse the Post-Office Department. The reason, however, is plain. The 

private use of the Post-Office Department does not destroy either its 

efficiency or the purpose for which it was created; on the contrary, 

it can carry the letter of the citizen at the same time as it does thn,t 

of the Government, and without any injury to the service; and, by 

exacting sufficient postage, without any cost to the Government. This last sentence covers the whole question in controversy, for it is 

simply a question of dollars and cents ancl not of principle, which causes the discussion. Let us see. By exacting sufficient postage the 

carrying of private letters would not cost the Government anything. 

Government must send by its own messengers and employes all Gov- ernment and official letters and documents; and if, in a<I.dition, it can carry the private correspondence of its individual citizens, so that 
1744 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, . 

the revenues derived from the citizens will pay for the proportional 

expense of transmitting the private correspondence, and the deficit 

in the Post-Office Department will be just about the fair proportion 

for the Government to pay on the public correspondence, then the 

public will be accommodated at fail· and reasonable rates and by reliable and unfailing means, and the Government will not only secure the delivery of its own matter at the same reasonable rates- much cheaper than it could by any other plan- but 'vill also, as it 

should, a<:commodate its citizens in promoting their happiness and 

welfare, and will at the same time have that exclusive control over the postal system which a government shoul(l have over such an important matter as its communications within its own borders and 

with the outside world, and an interruption in which-such as might occur without such control- would prove fat.al to the Government 

itself. 

After the Government has organized a complete and enduring sys- tem for -the transmission of its own communications and intelligence, 

and the benefits of which it extends to its own citizens, because it secures those citizens greater speed and security than they can obtain 

from private parties, why should the Gove1·nment be expected and 

required to pay the system for carrying its communications when the 

expenses of the system itself -are borne by the Government 'I 

The deficit of the Post-Office Department is not that the free matt er runs the Department in debt, but the receipts from the private 

correspondence do not equal the expenses occasioned by it ; and if all 

Government matter was out of the mails, and the Department carried 

private correspondence only, just about the same demcit would occur as exists now. In other words, the GoYernment more than pays for 

the transmission of its own matter. 

Years ago one of the complallits against the Post-Office Department- and the _Department would have all it could do to prevent a sirnilaronenowbutfortbelawprohibitingit-wasthatprivatepersons 

or express companies could caiTy daily newspapers quicker anclsaJ:er 

than the Post-Office Department. The present efficient management 

of the Department prevents any competition in anything but news- papers, which owing to the hours of publication may be sent by express on earlim; trains than the mail trains. And yet, why not let private 

enterprise carry the mails if time and money are the only objects 

The very opponents of the franking privilege say that the Govern- ment cannot afford to beat the mercy of private enterprise in such a way. 

The Government must have a service of its own and under its own control. If so, why should t he Government pay for the work done by 

its own hired employes 1 It is simply t;:tking the money from one pocket and putting it in another. 

Some say the citizen is taxed a higher rate of postage t4.an fair in 

order to pay the ex-penses of tra,nsporting his own and the Govern- ment mails. Such is not the case. The experience of the Post-Office Department for the last six months contradicts any snch assumption. The tieficit is just as large as ever, and clearly proves that the receipts 

from the private correspondence do not equal the expenseoc~asioned 

by it. 

The deficiency for 1872 was ......••....•.•••••........•....•••.•...••.•. $3, 317,765 

The deficienc,yfor 1873 was . . .•. ••...•••... ..• ----·-- ......... . . . ....... $5,265,475 

Estimated <leticiency for 1874 ..... . ......................... $4, 636, 363 

Amount of official postage supplied to Departments......... 2, 500, 000 

--- 7, 136, 363 

Being an increase over the year 1873 of. .••....•••..••••...•.• ------ 1, 870,888 

~~::ressofncc~~~;~~~~~ ::::::::::: ~ ::::::::::: ~: ::::::::::::::::::::::::: Secretary of Senate and Clerk of the House of Representatives .•....... _ .. _. Assistant Secretaries, chief clerk, &c., StateDepartment ...... _ ............• Assistant Attorney-General aml chief clerk . ....................... _ ....... . As;>istan~ Secretary, <;:ornmissioners, chief clerk, &c., Interior Department . . Ch1efs of Bureaus, chief clerks, &c., ofNavyDepartment ....••. _ .. ... . ....•. Chiefs of Bureaus, chief clerks, &c., of Wa.r Department. _______ .. __ .. ...•.. Assistant Secretaries, chief clerks, &c., of the Treasm-y Department. . _ . . __ Assistant Postmasters-General, superintendents of foreign mails and money- order system, and chief clerks Post-Office Department ..••. _ •.. _ •••• _. ___ . 

241 5 

2 

4 

2 

13 

17 

21 

42 ; 

9 

440 

Add intern.<J.l-revenue officers, (assessors and assistant collectors and deputies) .. ...... -.- -- -- -.. . . -- ... . ...... ----- - ...... --- -- - ... ------- •........ 4,115 

Postmasters on 1st N ovemher, 1869 ...•.•...........••.•...•..•• _ •..••....... 27, 378 

T otal . ..•••..•. .••. ..•..••.••.•.••..........•.•...•.•••. ....•••••... .. 31, 933 

This h as been reduced to below thirty thousand by the assistant assessors since legislated out of office. From the replies of the Cabinet officers as to the number of persons to whom official stamps are furnished, I learn that there are nearly forty thousand officoTs who 

have the unlimited use of official stamps. There is nothing to pre- vent them from using these stamps upon theiJ.· private correspondence ~othing to prevent ?th~r clerks and employes from usin~ them also ; 

mdeed, the temptation lS strong to do so, and the chance of detection is 

much less than it would be in forging the signature of some person entitled to the frank. 

The fact is, all the officers who used to frank, now have these 

stamps furnished them, a,nd many also who did not frank, so that 

the number of persons who can send dispatches free is greatly increased, and there is no saving in this respect. 

There is no reason why the legislative as well as the executive officers of the Government should not have the right to. frank letters. 

Under the present law stamps are furnished all the executive officers 

and it is only the members of Congress who have to pay postage upo~ official business out of their own private means. It is an imposition 

upon them; it is levying an unjust tax upon the public servant which 

is demanded in no other branch of the public service, except in the 

Post-O:f'tlce Department, and is not allowecl in the post-office depa.rt- ment of any other country. You might as reasonably expect to make 

the solclier provide his own arms and ammunition, the sailor to furnish 

his own ship, the judge to hire the court-room, and the collector of 

customs to furnish the custom-house, with or in which they all per- form service for the United States, o11t of their own private means, as to expect members of Congress to pn.y for the Government business. 

Let us see how it works practically. Each member receives hun- dreds of letters upon business connected with the Departments, askinO' 

for books, for seeds, &c. Each letter requires an answer, and eac_g_ ~ook and p3;ckage o~ se_e~ requires an expenditure of money, which 

1s so small m each mdiVldual case that a member cannot refuse or neglect to send it without r endering himsel~ liable to the charae of 

meanness, and yet when he has complied with all of the demands of 

this kind he will find that his expenditures have run up into the hundreds. It does seem mean to refuse to send a constituent an Agricultural Report, who has been to the trouble and takes sufficient interest in it to write for it, simply because the postage is forty-two, fortyfour, or forty-eight cents, and yet, when you have, during one Congress, about twelve hundred to send out, costing five or six hundred 

dollars, you feel inclined to dissent. But let us come nearer the home of the Postmaster-General, and see what expense we, as members of Congress, are called upon to un- No one would propose to tax the citizen with too high a rate of dergo bythe requirements of custom and the Postmaster-General. It 

postage, but simply tax him sufficiently to pay his share and let the has been the custom whenever a vacancy occurs in anyone of the alGovernment pay its proportion. If this is done, the question will then most innumerable cross-roads post-offices in each district, (and there 

be, shall the Government pay directly the deficiency in the Post-Office were nearly three hundred in mine,) for the First Assistant PostmasDepartment-which deficit epresents the amount of work actually ter-General to send me a written notice of the vacancy, with the I"edone for the United States, or the excess of expenditures above re- quest either to recommend some one myself for the place, or else to 

ceipts, after charging the citizen a fn,ir rate of postage for the work state whether some one already recommended is a suitable person. done for him-or shall it paythesame indi1·ectly in the shape of post- Under the present plan, i. e., since the abolition of the franlringpriviage for every department for which an appropriation must be made lege, the Post-Office Department. inclose, with the request, a stamp to 

from the Treasury Y In other words, shall tlle Government keep a pay the postage on my reply to them; so, if I should happen to know postaq~ account with each department, and eiti?-er appropriate money any maJ? competent, and willing to take tho office, I suggest his 

to be uberally drawn out on snb-vonchers, whiCh would be an enor- name to the First Assistant Postmaster-General, and, on my reply, nse mous source of loss ancl peculation; o.r else appropriate official postage- the stamp_ furnished me, and so it does n?t cost me anything for poststamps, which can be illegally used just as well and even better than age; but if I do not know any one wantmg the place, who is compethe frank, and the printinrT of which is a considerable item of e~11ense; tent and reliable- and such is the fact in ninety-nine out of a hundred or shall it transmit its official dispatches free, without any red tape, ca-ses- I am compelled to write to some person in that neighborhood 

and save aU the expense which this circumlocution involves Y in whom I have confidence, and ask him who is a suitable person for 

Another great objection urged against the franking privilege, (and the position, and whe her he will take it if appointed; and as it is on it had weight with those who were (lisposed to allow the frank if it Gov rmnent business which in no wise concerns him, and it is not 

could be legitimately exerciseu,) was that it was a great source of right that he shouldpaythepostage, I, of course, inclo e him a stamp 

fraud. I do not imagine a jury would find as severe a punishment for his reply to my letter. This, with the stamp on the letter I send, 

against a man who wrongfully used an office postage-stamp as against makes six cents, at the very lowest estimate. ono who should forgo a man's name upon a letter. So the liability to In the majority of cases the correspondence is much more extended; 

abuse will not be as strong then as now. Let llil examine the figures, ancl when you take into consideration that each member has at least 

and see whether the almse is greater or not, from the report of the one hundred such cases each Congress, you can see that quite a bill 

Postmaster-General urging the reJ)eal of the franking privilege. I accumulates each year for postage on business in the appoint-ment 

quote a statement of officinls exercising the franking privilege : room of the Post-Office Department; and when you take into further 

I 

consideration the fact that the appointment branch is but oue por-

~~~~~:i~f !i -~~~~ ~~~s-~~-~--~~~~~~: =~~ ~== ~~::::== := :=====:= i tion of tbe Post-Office Department, and that each member receives Members of the Cn.binet. ---·--·--· ----· --.... ___ ....... . . . . ... ...... ...... .. 7 an equal number of letters upon thesnbjectof contracts, and an equal 

United States Senators ..•.•................................•....•...•... : . .. 74 number, again, upon the subject of auditing and paying accounts, 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1745 

and a great many upon general subject ·, such as salaries, money- Another complaint is that thousands of documents and speeches 

orders, &c., all requiring answers, you run up a bill for postage are franked, especially during a presidential campaign, and the facilupon public business against the Post-Office Depru:tment itself, to say ity of sending to his constituents the opinion of the member himself 

nothing·of similar charges against the other six Departments, which enoourages the habit of speech-making to an tmdue extent. I am is actually burdensome upon the member and an imposition upon him. aware that we do not place a very high value upon each other'~:~ 

All necessary public expenses, in';;urred in the discharge of a public speeches; and yet members are much abpve the average of their 

duty should be paid ~or out of the Treasury, because the service per- constituents in intelligence, prepare their rema1:ks with care, and 

formed is for the general good. It js not done with the post-office generally collect inform::ttion of benefit to their people. If the speech 

business, because the desire is to make the Post-Office Department then benefits the masses of the people, send out thousands more. self-sustaining. And yet why shoulu it be more than the Treasury, Each one is read by a voter, who thereby acquires an additional 

Interior, War, or Navy Department? There is no rea on in the world knowledge of the administration of affairs in the country and the 

why the Po t-Office Department should be in receipt of a revenue political condition and principles of the parties desiring to govern it. 

beyond a fair remuneration for carrying private letters, or receive On the score of economy to the member himself it were better, per· 

compensation for the public work performed more than the o her haps, that he did not have this special privilege; for without it he 

Departments.. will confine himself to business letters, while with it he will pay for 

Every communication from one officer to another upon public busi- printing his own speeches. The constituent who reads the speech ness is a part of the duty of that officer, and should pass free to the announces by his ballot his opinion upon the question, and in that 

officer. This, I think, will be acknowledged by all; and the Postmas- simple act indicates his wishes and actions more than he could do in 

ter-General recommends that it continue so, and that st-amps be fur- a day's argument. It is essential that he be supplied with the public 

nished all executive officers, first, because letters passing from one documents and speeches which will so inform him that he will cast 

officer to another, upon public business, should be paid for by the pub- his ballot and influence correctly. They afford instruction, and make 

lie ; and, secondly, the people should be kept informed of the action of public sentiment, and have been the means of educating the people 

theii: servants, to hold them to a strict accountability; and it is proper up to mally an innovating improvement. These speeches are printed 

that the people, and not the servant, should pay the expense of it. at the private cost of the member himself, which is a very heavy burEvery one recognizes these reasons as valiu, and no change is asked den; they convey public information, and should go free. 

for so far as the executive is concerned. The same reasons which I am infavorof an entirerestorationofthefrankingprivilege, though 

dema'nd thefreetransmissionof mat terfromthe executivedepartment, as a member of the committee I shall vote for the bill as it comes also justify the extension of the privilege to the legislative department. from the committee, without amendment. · We are the r epresentatives and agents of the people. They can- This bill does not contemplate a restoration of the franking privi- . not hold us responsibl0 unless thoroughly advised of our actions and lege in any sense whatev-er. It simply provides a safe way of sending 

familiar with the way we di charge our duties. It is important for off by mail the valuable publio documents and seeds furnished by the 

the purity, prosperity, and. integrity of our institutions that the peo- Government; freeing the method of transmission from all the com- pie should be kept thoroughly informed of the doings of their repre- plaints of abuses formerly urged against it. It allows the interchange 

sentatives, so as to preserve the intimate rebtionship now existing of publications, and provides also for the free circulation of weekly 

between them and the people. It is even more important that the papers in the counties in which they are issued. 

cloings of the legislative department should be made known, because This discussion has, as yet, failed to develop any oppo ition to the 

that is the initiatory of the three great branches of the Government. last two propositions; ISO I shall take it for granted there is none. Everything depends upon its action. With it rests the duty of fore- The pro-visions of the bill in r~gard to the public do.cuments and 

ing the other departments to do right, and pe,cially of enforcin~es seeds are so carefully drawn, that abuse under it will be impossible. 

responsibility upon the executive. Thus it stands as the originator The Clerk of the House places an official stamp upon the book or and defender of the rights of the people. With the law as it standb document, just as a stamp is now placed upon an official letter at one now, there is no public communication between Congress and the of. the Departments. In order to prevent any misuse of the stamp, 

p ople. The Agricultural Department may send out seeds or agricul- or the transmission of any but public documents, the member must 

tural reports, or allY Department may send out its own documents put his signature upon it as formerly. This serves two purposes: it 

free. The Post-Office Department may communicate with the people, prevents the stamp being used upon anything but a public document, 

and any other Department may do the same, or they can communicate and it informs the constituent that he is indebted to his member for 

with each other; but Congress cannot do so, unless, perchance, it the document. 

hould do so through them. All the gentlemen who oppose this bill contend that the franking 

\Vhy should the congressional any more than the executive public privilege, outside of the cost of printing, occasions an enormous outservant be required to pay the expense of a public communication lay to the Government. Those who advocate the bill generally con- out of his own private resources' The fundamental idea of our free tend that the outlay is much less than claimed and not at all oom- Government is that the officer is responsible to his constituents, and, mensurate with the benefits to be derived. I shall go much fur'~er 

if so, the constituents cannot judge correctly of his efficiency and in my declaration, and as ert that the additional expense incurred 

faithfulne , unless plaGed in frequent communication with him, under the present plan fully equals, if it does not exceed, the cost of n either can they enforce that responsibility except throu~h free inter- the frank; of course I mean the legitimat-e cost, not any imaginary course. Other means of communication may be prejuaiced, biased, frauds or abuses as figured up on paper. At present the only actual or perverted; so that constituents should hear directly and officially s~ving to the Government is in the amount of postage actually paid 

from the member what has been said and done by-him-the expense by members of Congress, and this amount is quite small, as I will 

to be borne by the parties benefited, the public. Why concede to show. the executive branch of the Government what you deny to the legis- If the same number of books and documents were sent out now as lative, when the tendency to trengthen the executive at the expense were formerly f:I:anked, and the postage was paid on each one, of 

of the others weakens the Government itself. Ther e is nothing in course the receipts of "the Post-Office Department would be increased 

the Gonstitntion,laws, or tendency of our Government to confer such by that amount and the expectations of the advocates of an increased a power upon the executive and not upon the legislative department. revenue would be realized; but the same number of books are not 

Another reason given against its restoration is that a large number sent out now, and of those sent out but a small proportion pay postof costly books and public documents would be printed, to be paiu for age, so the Post-Office Department is not increasing its revenue from 

out of the Treasury, which would not be printed but for the franking this source, while the people are losing the information previously 

privilege. This is no valid argument against the frank; it is really furnished. ' 

begging the question. All books are publi bed by oruer of Congress; From the superintendent of the folding-room !learn that there were consequently none can be franked if Congress deems it injudicious to, furnished to each member of the Forty-second Congress 3,339 books 

and does not, print. Whenever a worthless book is presented, it is only and pamphlets; total weight, 11,157 pounds ; total postage, $1,785.14; 

necess:1ry to refuse to print to save the cost of both . printing and average postage 46 cents on each document. 

transmitting. Whenever a book is pronounced worthy and has been It will be observed that the postage for one year would be $892.57. 

printed, then common sense demands that its contents should be made I am also informed that not one-tenth as m~:~,ny books are now sent 

known to the people, free to them as citizens and without burdening out as formerly, and that of those sent out nine out of ten are sent 

their ser-vants. What books are consigned to oblivion by the oppo- by expres , and only one out of ten goes by mail. So the amount 

nents of this bill f They are the report of the official doings of collected from members of Congress for postage on documents will 

the various Departments ; reports of the officers, official record of not average for each member ten dollars. We will suppose, however, 

the laws of the United States; reports of the Agricultural and Pat- he sends out the same number of letters as before, say an average of 

ent Office Departments, commercial and foreign r elations, and the twenty-five letters each day for three hundred days; these, at three 

thousand and one other transactions of an immense Government like cents ea{)h, would make $225, making a total of $235 postage per annum ours, which become a part of therecordhistoryof our nation, and ought for each member, as a<Tainst 1,117 in previous years. Say three 

to be printed and distribute<l, for the people have the right to see hundred Members, at $235 postage each, 70,500; say seventy-foUL 

them, and ought to see them, so as to act intelligently upon the vari- Senators, at 352.50 postage each, or at 150 per cent. more, $26,085, ous questions submitted for their action. To accomplish this they making a total of $96,5851 say $100,000 in round numbers; which I 

should be sent throngh the mails free. Congress may have printed believe will fully co-ver the amount of money actually pa~d by Conuseless books, and might do so if this bill were passed. The fault does gress for postage of all kinds. -~ 

dot lie in the law, but in Congress itself in authorizing it; therefore I am fully convinced that the Postmaster-General will not receive 

let the remedy be applied at the proper place, and not indirectly by more than $100,000 cash postage each year from members of Congress, ~topping the frank. _ and as that is the only amount of cash he doe~ r~ceive for postage 

110 
1746 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24,. 

from those who formerly enjoyed the frank, I am afraid that is the 

only am~mnt he can place to the credit of his account·in consequence of the abolition of the franking privilege. All the officials and other 

persons who used to frank now have official postage-stamps furnished 

them and while the revenues of the Post-Office Department may 

show' some increa e on paper the expenses of the other Departments 

will show an equal increase, as acknowledged by the gentleman from 

Ohio [.Mr. GAR.FIELD] in his remarks the other day: 

I admit that to abolish the frank for the Executive D epa.rtmenU! and to i sue offi- cial postage-stamps is in itself no saving of money. Thls has apparently swelled our appropriations for the current year by almost $2,000,000; and yet the 000,000 worth of stamps authorized to be used actually cost the Government less than ,000. So that a n actual expenditure of $8,000 in m_oney appears _on the bo?ks of the 'l'reas- ury as an expenditure of 2,000,000. Tha.t 1s one of the 1tems which made the ap- propriations of the L'l.St Congress appear larger than they really were. 

The chairman of the Committee on Appropriations admits, then, 

that the only result in abolishing the frank, so far as the Executive Departments are concerned, is to create an expenditure of 8,000. l\.1 mbers of Congre s, I have just shown, pay inca h 100,000. Now, 

let us see what the franking privilege cost the legislative part of 

the Government last year: 

300 Members. at $1,117 posta~e for each _______ .. . .• -.--- .....• -------- $335, 100 00 74 Senators, 1.t 1,117; add 5u p er cent., ~58.50, for each Senator, mak- ing total po'ltage ,675 50 for each Senator ___ ....•.•.•.•.. -....... 123, 987 00 

Total . ____ . _ .. _____ . ___ .. _ •.... ___ .•..••.•••. _ .•...•..••.... - -. . 459, 087 00 

I believe t h at$500,000each year covered the postage on documents 

and letters formerly franked by members of Congress, and I further 

believe that the r eport of the Postmaster-General will corroborate my 

statement: In this connection I present the statement found on page 

8, ExecutiveDocumentNo.2-2, :firstsessionForty-thirdCongress, of the 

number of post-offices and length of post-roads in the United State , the annual amount paid for mail-transportation, and the amounts of 

postal revenues and expenditures, at periods of five years from 1790 

to 11:340, inclusive, and in each year from 1840 to 1873, inclusive, and 

the cost of the railroad portion of the tr;msportation, from the date 

of the commencement thereof. From which it will be .seen that, keepin~ pace with the !ITowth of the country, the regular rate of in- crease m the r evenues of the Post-Office Department is over 1,000,000 

per annum, and has been for a number of years. 

Statem,ent showing n1trnber of post-offices, length of post-routes in the United · States, cfc. 

~ ~ ~ ~..d. 

~~ 0 0 og§ l=l4 ~ .:i ~"'~ 'HtD 

0~ 

§l=l -~'ti-2 Years. Q o.s .tl.s ~e:l ~§8. ,1:20 .s~ ~i .... :e~ 

~ 1=:0 ~ ~0~ 

~ .. ·a "<ijs:ll-!3 

~ H 1=-i Poi ---

1790. -· - 75 1, 875 22,081 00 . .................... 1795 .... 453 13, 207 75,359 00 ... .......... ........ 1800 . ... 903 20, 817 128, 644 00 ............. .. .......... 1805 .•.. 1, 558 31,070 239,635 00 ....................... 1810. -.. 2, 300 36, 406 327, 966 00 ..................... 

1815 . -·. 3, 000 43, 74 4B7, 779 00 --- --- ------ 18-20.-.- 4, 500 72,492 782, 425 00 ----··------ 1825. -·· 5, 677 94, 052 785,646 00 .......................... 

1830. -·· 8, 450 115, 176 1, 272, 156 00 ------------ 1835. -· . 10, 770 112,774 1, 553, 222 00 ·--------- -- 1840 . ... 13. 468 155, 739 3, 213, 042 61 §e;595, 353 1841. .. - 13,778 155, 026 3, 034, 813 91 §585, 843 1842. -. . 13,733 149,732 4, 192, 196 06 432,568 1843.--- 13, 814 142,295 2, 982, 512 47 531,752 1844 .. .. 14,103 144,687 2. 912,946 78 § 02,006 

1845 . ··- 14, 183 143,940 2, 898, 630 48 562, 141 1 6 . ... 14,601 149,670 2, 597, 454 66 57,769 1 47 .•.. 15, 146 153,818 2, 476, 455 68 597,923 

1848. -·· 16,159 .: 163,208 2, 545 232 12 5R7, 204. 1 49 .. -- 16,747 167, 703 2, 577, 407 71 635, 740 1850 ..•. 1 '417 178, G72 2, 965, 786 36 818,2-27 

1851. ··- 19,796 192, 02G 3, 53 '063 54 985, 019 1852 .... 20,901 210, 020 3, 939, 971 00 1, 275, 520 1853 .•.. 22,320 217,743 4, 495, 968 00 1, 601,320 

1854. -· · 23,548 219,935 4, 630, 676 00 1, 758,610 1855 . ... 24, 410 227,908 5, 345, 238 00 2, 073,089 1856 ..•. 25,565 239,642 6, 035,374 00 2, 310,389 1857 .... 26,586 242,601 6, 62-2, 046 00 2, 559,847 1858 .•.. 27,977 260, 603 7, 795, 418 00 2, 828,301 1859 . . . . 28,539 260, 053 9, 468, 757 00 3, 243,974 1860 .••. 28 4!)8 240, 594 8, 808, 710 00 3, 349,662 1861. .•. *28,586 t140, 399 15, 309, 454 00 t2, 543,709 1862 .... *28,':175 tl34, 013 t5, 853, 834 00 2, 498,115 1863 .... *29, ~ 17 tl39, 598 t5, 740, 576 00 2, 538,517 1864 .... *28, 78 tl39, 171 t5, 818, 469 00 2, 567,044 1865 .... 20,550 142,340 6, 246, 884 00 2, 707,421 1866 ..•. 23,828 180,921 7, 630, 474 00 3, 391,592 

1867-·-- 25,163 203,245 9, 336, 286 00 3, 812,600 1868 . ... 26,481 216,9~ 10, 266, 056 00 4, 177, 126 1869 .. .. 27,106 223,731 10, 406, 501 00 4, 723,6 0 1870 . ... 28,492 231,232 10, 884, 653 00 5, 128,901 1871 ..•. 30,045 238, 35!.1 11, 529, 395 00 5, 724,979 1872 .. . . 31, ti3 251,398 12, 572, 264 00 6, 502,771 1873. -·- 33,244 256,210 13, 635, 341 00 7, 257,196 

-

*Including suspended offices in Southern States. tExclusive of routes in Southern Statea.· 

tD 

~ 

I=' ~ 5 

~ 

I> ~ I'< ;g 

~ 8 

A 0 1>'1 

Poi ~ 

$:}7, 935 00 $32,140 00 160, 620 00 117, 8!J3 00 280,804 00 213, 904 00 421, 373 00 377, 367 00 551,684 00 495,969 00 1, 043, 065 00 74 1~1 00 1, 111,927 00 1, 160, 926 00 1, 306, 5~ 00 1, 229, 043 00 1, 919, 300 00 1, 959, 109 00 3, 152, 376 00 2, 585, 108 00 4, 543, 521 92 4, 718, 2J5 64 4, 407, 72G 27 4, 449, 527 61 5.,029, 506 65 5, 674, 751 76 4, 296, 225 43 4, ~74, 753 71 4, 237, 287 83 4. 296, 512 70 4, 439, 841 80 4, 320, 711 99 4, 089, 089 97 4, 084, 332 42 4, 013, 447 14 3, 971, 275 12 

4, 161, 07i 85 4, 326, 50 27 4, 705, 176 2 4, 479, 049 13 5, 4!J9, 986 f:l6 5, 212, 953 43 6, 410, 604 33 6, 278,4.01 6 6, 925, 971 2il 7, 108, -l59 04 5, 940, 724 70 7, 982, 756 59 6, 955, 585 2-2 8, 557,4:14 12 7, 352, 136 13 9, 968, 342 29 7, 620,821 66 10, 407, 868 18 8, 053, 951 76 11, 507,670 16 8, 1H6, 792 86 12, 721, 636 56 7, 968, 484 07 14, 964,493 23 9, 218, 067 40 14, 87 4, 772 89 9, 049, 296 40 13, 606, 75!J 11 9, 012, 549 56 11, 125, 364 13 11 ' 163, 7il9 59 11, 314, 206 84 12, 438, 253 78 12, 644, 786 20 14, 556, 158 70 13, 694, 728 28 14, 336, 986 21 15, 352, 079 30 16, 137, 026 87 1!.1, 235, 493 46 16, 292, 600 80 22, 730, 592 65 18, 344, 510 72 23, 698, 131 50 19,772,220 65 23, 998, 837 63 

20, 037, 045 42 24, 390, 104 08 21, 915, 426 37 26, 658, 192 31 22, 996, 741 57 29, 034, 945 67 

di !~~!~~~~ahtdS~~~e~uns%~~s~nd eighty-six miles in length, and 978,910 in cost, 

§ R'tilroad and steamboat service combinen. 

From the same I quote a statement exhibiting quarterly the r eceipts 

of the Post-Office Department, under their several heads, during the 

fiscal year ended J nne 30, 1873 : 

Quarter end- Quarter endReceipts. ing March ingJune30, 

31,J.873. 1873. 

Letter po tag . ___ . __ . _____ . _ ..... ___ . ______ . __ . _ _ _ _ _ _ 95, 6S8 47 

New papersandpampblets....... . ........... . . . ..... 276,113 32 Fines. __ __ . ___ ..... ______ . _ . .... _ . _____ . ___ . ___ ... _ . . . 850 67 

Emoluments .. ·--- __ --- --- ___ _____ _______ _ ·-- __ . -·-___ 284,110 51 

Post.a,.e-stamps, stamped envelopes, and postal cards. 5, 310,054 35 Dead Yetters. ____ . ___ ___ __ _ . ___ __ - _--- ...... -- ...... -- 1, 096 00 

Revenue from money-order business .. ------··-------- . ---·-·-----.- lUiscellaneous _ . _ ... _ ... ___ . _________ . _ •....•....... -- 4, 850 37 

$83, 196 9 

268,012 72 1, 701 79 294,419 69 5, 227,055 15 1,117 00 68,584 00 . 

6, 600 30 

------1------ TotaL . _ ... _ .... _ ..•...•.• __ __ _______ ..•.. ___ •.•• _ 5, 972, 733 59 5, 950, 687 63 

From the same document I obtain the following statement of revenue for the quarter ending September 30, 1873: 

Le~rpostage .. _____ .. ··-·-· ---· .• _ .. --· _. _. --·-······ -···- --·-· __ .. 75,877 65 Book, newspaper, and pamphlet postage. __ ...• _ ... _____ •.. _ . .. _.---. 342, 785 50 Box rents _._ ....• ____________ _ .. ... _____ . ____ . __ . _. ___ . _. _ . _ . . - .. -. . • 316, 672 02 

Postage-stamps, stamped envelopes, and postal cards __ ..•..... -. -- - - 5, 297, 292 80 

TotaL . __ ..... ___ .. .. _. _ . • ·. ___ .. ________ __ __ . _ . _ . . -- -- --- ------- 6, 032, G27 97 

On the same four items for the quarter ending March 31, 1873, the receipts were . ........... -···--·-··-_-·-··· .•• . .....•.. __ ___ ...• -·- 5, 965, 936 55 

Making an increase of .•• __ .... ___ . ______ . ____ . . . . • • . . • • • . . . • . . • • 66, 691 4~ 

But let us examine it for the last two consecutive quarters, for the 

last quarter under the frank and the first quarter without: 

Receipts for quarter ending September 30, 1873, as above, were . ____ : 6, 032,627 97 Receipts on the same items for the quarter ending June :10, 1873, were _ . ________ . . __ ... _ ... ___ ...... _ ... ____ .. __ ________ _____ . _ ... . _ _ 5, 872, 684 54 

Making an increa e of.. __ .. _. __ . ..... _________ . ___ . _ .. _ . __ . . _ _ _ _ 159, 943 43 

Now it will be r emembered that the natural rate of increase in the r evenue has been for a number of years over $1,000,000 per annum, 

which with the $2,500,000 the Postmaster-General aid would ue saved would make an increase of 3,500,000, which we might justly 

and reasonably look for. .A. comparison, therefore, shows that while 

~ere is some increase in the revenues of the Department, yet it is 

below the regular and natural increase, and we cannot find the slightest trace of the $2,500,000, or the slightest co11soln.tion for the 

advocates of the aboli~ion of the frank. 

It was often heralded forth that thousands and even millious of 

business circulars were fraudulently franked in New York. If so, 

there should be ~ large increa e in the revenues of this office. The 

contrary is the case ; there is a falling off. 

Receipts at New York :for the quarter ending Jnne 30, 1R73, (that is, 

the last quarter of the frank,) $647,517.35; receipts at New York for the 

9uarter ending December 31, 1873,$626,643.13; showing a falling off of 

:;p20,774.22 in the city of New York alone in three months, or at the 

rate of $80,000 per annum. This shows no incr a e in the revenue such as one would naturally expect to find r esulting from the incre::tSo of busine sin a growing city, and shows conclu ively that the franking abu e could not have been extensive in New York, if it was not 

extensive enough, ided by the natural growth, to overcome any loss of revenue which might h ave been occasioned by the introduction of 

the postal card. 

The fact is, and such also is the t estimony of the New York postma-ster, that the quantity of franked matter passing through the New 

York office was so infinitesimally small that no account whatever was ever taken of it, and it could harilly be di covered. If it can scarcely be noticed in the New York office, supplying a it does a million people, anll in the very place where fraud would be carried on, 

if anywhere, it can hardly exist to any extent anywh re. The truth 

is ninety-nine hundredths of the free matter were franked throngb 

the \Vashington City po t-office, and all the prejudices against it 

have been gathered from the i.mpres ions created here. The free mn,tter here wa very heavy compared with the total transmitted; in 

every other place it was merely nominal. 

The greatest reli:1nce is placed upon the account taken by the Postmaster-General of all free matter from January 1 to July 1,1870, being a period of six months, andfrom it he derives his famous e timate of 

$2,500,000. Here is the grand total: 

From the above r eturns and estimate. the following grand result is shown : T otal number of franked letter for six months, 10,894,497-postage, $933,070; 

printed matter, &c., 2,655,196 pounds-postage. $3.38,593.85. Total postage for six months, 1,271,663.86; total for one year, 2,543,327. 72. 

Totn,l postage for six months on documents, $338,593.85! 

Although this a-ccount was taken during the time that Congre s 

wn. in session, and when the largest proportion of the documents were sent off, yet we will call it a fair criterion; this would make for 

twelve months $G77,1 7.70. 

In the amount r eturned for letters, $935,070, on 10,894,497 letters, we find such an amount as to force us to the conclusion that all the 

official letters are included in the returns. I do not think any one will 

deny that, for to deny it would be to say that each member sent oft' 

36,314 letters in ix monthi, or 6,052 letters in one month, 201 per day. 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1747 

Official matter sent out by any of the Departments with the official 

st.tmp upon it .goes free now just as much as it used to, and is 

franked to-day just as much as it ever was, with this difference: today it is franked with a print,ed official stamp for which no one is re- sponsible, while it was formerly franked by the written signature of 

the sender, for which he wa. always re ponsible. 

There is practically no gain anywhere but in the po ta.ge paid by 

members of Congress; there can be none, for the number of persons u ing official stamps is greater than the number of persons who used 

to frank, and no restriction is placed upon the use of the stamp a.ny 

more than form erly existed on the frank. 

Having considered the actual cash gains to the Treasury, let us see if a saving has been made anywhere in consequence of the abolition 

of the frank. Are fewer clerks employed Y Are cheaper contracts for 

transportation made Y Is there any saving anywhere f 

The Postma ter-General in his letter of January 20, 1874, acknowledge that there has been no saving in the number of clerks employed. 

No employe in the postal service have been discharged in con.'!equence of the 

abolition of the franking privilege. 

The cost of transportation is not less, as the following figures will 

show, (page 12, Report Postmaster-General:) 

For the yea.r ending- June30, 1872. ... . .. . ... . .. .... .. ...... . ..... ... . .. . ... .• . .. . . . . .. . . . .. 14, 773, 346 

June 30, 1873... ... . ... .... .. . ... ... .. . ............. . . . ........ .....• .. 16,174, 003 

Jnne 30, 1874 ...................... ----·- .... .. . ...•. ....•..... ...... .. 18, :l57, 931 

June 30, 1875. .•.... ..• ... .•• .. •. .•. . .. . ..••• ...... ..•••• ....... ..... .. 19,270,986 

Here is a steady increa e, showing that no cheaper contracts have 

been made in consequence of it. 

And when you say that the service has been extended, !reply it bas 

been extended only as represented by this increased cost, not beyond 

it; for it is a well-known fact that the railroad companies are now threatening to withdraw their cars and refuse to carry the mails if 

their pay is not increased. Singular that they should make such a demand just at the time they were relieved of the heavy burdens imposed upon them by the frank. 

The Postmaster-General does not attempt to show a single case where he has made a cheaper contract. I quote: 

The answer to the first query shows that it is impracticable to state prE'.cisely 

"how much less is charged by railroads;" and there are no data from which to esti· mate the saving on the pay of" other carriers." 

I propose to criticise the figures of the Postmaster-General freely, 

but shall endeavor to do him no injustice, as the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. BECK] did in his speech the other day when he accused 

him of a discrepancy in his estimates, as compared with the deficiency 

provided for in the Book of Estimates. An examination of the Book 

of Estimates, page 173, shows a deficiency of $6,811,363. This amount 

is mad9 up of various items. The difference between the receipts and 

expenditures is appropriated out of the general Treasury, $4,636,363. 

Special appropriations to be provided for out of the general Treasury, 

such as China mail service, &c., $1,225,000; official stamps for Post-Office Department, 950. The receipts of the Post-Office Department are :first appropriated to pay expenses, and then aa much more is appropriated out of the general Treasury as may be necessary to meet the 

general deficiency and the special expenses. Page 2, appendix, Report 

of the Postmaster-General for 1873, shows exactly $6,811,363 as the 

deficiency-a perfect a~eement. 

His estimate here are based upon facts and figures, and are correct, 

but his estimates in regard to the frank are necessarily and almost 

entirely conjectural, there being no data to start from. I believe 

them wrong, and shall endeavor to show them so; and at the same time I acknowledge the activity and efficiency of the officer at the 

h ead ?f the Po t-O.ffice Department, his longer service and great-er 

expenence. 

The expense of admini t ering the new ystem is greater than the 

old. I pre ent a statement so far as I have been able to obtain it, 

showing the cost of scales and the various other expen es incurred 

by the several Departments: 

t~~~~~ -------·.-. :::. ~~~--~-- ~~~--~·.-.-. .-.-.-.-.:::: ::::: ::.-.·.-.-.-.-:::: :·.-.-.-.-.-.:: ::::::: 2, ~~ ~~ Treasury . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6, 425 78 

8, 759 55 

The War, Navy, Post-Office, Ex ecutive, Justice, and Agricultural 

Depa1·tments ma,k('l no reports, but it is safe to estimate it at $201000, 

in all; which, together with the additional number of clerks reqmred, 

about twenty, whose salaries will amount to 25,000, will make an it m of expen e of · 45,000. 

The chairman of the Committee on Appropriations says the cost of 

engraving and printing these official stamps is $8,000-a very low estimate I should say, but in the absence of definite knowledge I will 

call it that. 

'!he sa~aries of postmasters are adjusted every two years, and are bemg adJusted now. They are adjusted, and the compensation is 

fixed upon the number of stamps canceled by him, and official 

stamps are used and counted in this cancellation. In many instances 

40 per cent. and 50 per. cent. of the total value of the stamps can- celed are given to the postmaster a his salary. The total receipts of the Post-Office Department for the year ending June 30, 1873, were $22,996,741.57; the compensation paid postmasters, not including clerk-hire or any other expense, $3,725,46 ; that is, 25 per cent. 

of the receipts of the Post-Office Department are paid out each year itt 

the shape of compensation to postmasters. Two million two hundred 

and fifty thousand dollars of these receipts are in the shape of official 

stamps. (See page 29, Report of Postmaster-General, 1873.) Twenty--

five per cent. of $2,250,000 is $562,000. H ere, then, is an increase of 

$560,000 in the salaries of postmasters, re ulting entirely from the 

abolition of the franking privilege. This is nearly double the cost of 

the franking privilege itself, as shown by the report of the Post; 

master-General, page 29, and equal to its cost, estimating full postage on all the documents printed by Congre , as shown by the official 

reports, and on twenty-five letters each day for each member. 

On page 29 the Postmaster-General says that" the cost of free matter, if charged with the regular rates of postage, would amount to 

$2,543,327. 7~ ; " and then he says on the same page that the "net sales 

* * * of officialstampshavebeenplacedat$2,250,000." Thisl_eaves in round numbers $300,000 as the co t of the franking privilege by 

the Postmaster-General's own figures; for if you take the whole amount 

of free matter and deduct fromit theofficia.lexecutivematter, it must 

leave the franked or legislative mail matter. . These estimates are further sustained by that part of the report of 

the Postmaster-General which treats of salarie . On pages 1 and 4, 

appendix, you will :find estimate for postmaaters' salaries for the year 

ending June 30, 1875, 6,500,000 ; estimate for po tmasters' salaries for 

the year ending June 30, 1874, $5,525,000-showing an increase of 

$97!'l,OOOper annum as additional compensation to postmasters; $560,000 

being the commission on the official stamps canceled, and $315,000 

being the natural increase in salaries. All the :figures then go to show 

that this official stamp increa>Ses the pay of the postmasters somo $560,000 above their former pay, and this additional expense is justly 

chargeable to the abolition of the franking privilege. 

Let us st,rike a. balance, then, and see which system costs the most: 

Cash receipts by the Post-Office Department in consequence of the 

abolition of the franking privilege . ................. ·............ . . . . . $100, 000 00 

Cash expenses: Cost of scales, and clerks, &c.......................................... 45, 000 00 

Cost of printing and engraving .......•....... --............... ....... . 8, 000 00 

Additional compensation to postma-sters. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . • . . . . . . . 560, 000 09 

Total cost............ . ...... .................... . ............... 613, 000 00 

Leaving a balance of $500,000 in favor of the frankiJ]g privilege, 

which will pay all the clerks in the folding-rooms and help pay for 

the printing of the public documents themselves. 

The result is--exclusive of printing-that it costs$500,000 more now than it did to use the frank; and the people are deprived of documents 

which they formerly obtained free. :Mr. ATKIXS obtained the floor, and yielded twenty minutes to Mr. 

COTTON. 

Mr. COTTON. I end to the desk to be read an amendment which 

I desire to offer when in order. 

The Clerk ~ad as fo~ows : 

First. Strike out all of the first section after the enacting clause, and all of section 

2, :md insert: 

That from and after the passage of this act postage shall be char_ged at the rate only of one cent for e..wh two ounces, or fraction thereof on all public documents, 

books, or publications, procured or published and issued by authority of Congress1 

or of either House thereof. 

Second. Strike out section 4. 

Mr. COTTON. The effect of this amendment will be to removo from the bill the partial restoration of the franking privilege, to 

reduce the postage on public documents one-half, and leave remain· 

ing in the bill section 3, which relates to the free circulation of news- paper exchanges and newspapers within the counties in which they aJ.'e 

published. At present the postage on books is at the rate of one cent 

for every ounce, while on transient newspapers it is but one cent for two ounces. The amendment I propose will reduce postage on all docu· 

ments in book form to one cent for each two ounces. This legislation 

is recommended by the Postmaster-General. In his report of last 

November, page :n, he says: 

I further recommend that on all matter of the third class, the postage be mrulo 

uniform at one cent for each two ounce , or fraction thereof. * * * On books the postage will be reduced from two cents to one cent for each two ounces, or fraction thereof. 

At the present time t.he postage on documents of ordinary size is 

from forty to fifty cents ; on the Agricultural Report of 1869 the postage is forty cents; on that of 1870, thirty-eight cents; and on that of 

1!;il, thirty-two cents; on the Educational Report of 1872, :fifty-two 

cents; on the report of Hayden's Survey of 1872, forty-four cents. 

This will make the postage under this reduction, on ordinary documents, from twenty to twenty-five cents. 

I think this is a better measure than restoring the franking privilege; and for this reduction I have the indor ement of the Postma~terGenera.l-in fact as to all books. I may say here that the CoNGRESSIONAL ~ECORD, which we receive in newspaper form, can pass through 

the mails at the rate of one penny for two ounces; but when it is 

made into book form, you must pay for posta~e on it one penny per ounce--doubling the expense on the same printed matter. 

There can be no obj ction~ I think, to this reduction of posta~e; and 

I propose it as a substitute for the revival of the franking pnvilege. 

We have not been called upon to revive the franking privilege. W a 
J748 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24; 

were certainly n.sked to abolish it; but we have not be~n rel]_uested 

to restore it and for my own part I am not for volunteermg tore tore the right to fra~. Ref renc~ has heel?- made t? e declaration of ~he national republican convention at Philadelphia m June, 1872, which 

in the tenth article of its platform declaredThe franking privileae ought to be abolished :md the way prepared for a. speedy r eduction in the rates of postage. 

Now wehaveaccomplished both of these objects. Wehave removed 

the frahk and given cheap postage in the form of postal cards, by me::LUS 

of which a man can write a letter of pretty good length for a penny, 

and have the stationery fnrnish~d by the Govermnent. 

As reO'ards the third section, while we have not been asked to ~st re 

the frrt~gprivilege, neither ~ere we requested to m~e newspaper publishers pay postage on therr exchanges or subscnbers _upon the newspapers of their own county. The Postmaster-General, m a lett r written to the President of the Sonate, on the 24th of J anu..'lry, 1874, 

says in regard to newspapers : 

There is one restriction, however, which I never ad vi ed; and which, in my opinion, might be safely removed, and tha~ is. the provisi?n which. forbic~s t~e free trans- portation of weekly newspapers Witliin the COll;Dtie ?~their publica?o~, M heretofore authorized by law. The grounds upon which thi recommend:ttion 1s made are, fir t, that such papors are so evenly distributed over the entire extent of t~e country v.nd confined to line of transit so short thattheyhaveneverbeen known to Impede the 

distribution and transportation of tho mails; and secondly, that the amount of post- acre Ievieu upon them as at pre ent collected, while afforJing but a trilling revenue t8 the Department, ~yet heavy en<?ng~ to be seve~ l:v f~lt by their proprietors and 

patrons, and to obstruct the dissemmatiOn of localmtelligence. Good rea.sons may also be given in fuvor of :1. free exchange between newspapers. 

So. we have the opinion of the Postmaster-General in favor of the 

free circulation of these papers. And I believe in following as far as I can the reque t of the officer who is in charge of the postal affairs 

of the nation. 

In a letter to the Speaker of thls House, written on the 20th of January lnst, the Postmaster-General. d_oes show that t~ere ha_ ~een some gain to the country by ·the abolition of the franking pnvilege. In 

that letter, he says: 

It will be observecl that, including postal cards, which are to be considered among the regular issues, the increase for the quarter ending September 30, 1873.1 ?verthe S:1llle quarter of 1872, was $::i83,198, or 12.5 per cen:t- The average rate ot mcren.so for the corresponding q,_,uarters of the four preceding years was only 8.4 por cent. ; so that 4.1 per cent., or 9191 ~?-94, of the incr~ase a~~ve mentioneu may be fairly considered as due to the abolition of the fra,nking pnvilege, and proper to be added to the other revenues accruing therefrom. ' 

It is only just to believe that thi increase would have been greater· had it not been for the recent introduction of postal carU.S, which, servin~ to cheapen postages, and to decrease the amount of letter correspondence, couln not full to seriously diminish the revenue. 

He also states in the letter to which I have referrecl, addres ed to 

the President p1·o tempore of the Senate, that there has Leen a saving 

in the expense of carrying the mails. In that Iotter he says: 

This act, [March 3, 1873,] it will be seen, fixes the rate on routes carrying their 

whole length an avera(J'e weight of mails per day of two hundred pounU.S at fifty 

dollars per mile per annum, and allows twenty-five tlollars additional for the ne:.\.--t 

t.hree hundred potmds, twenty-five dollars additional for ea.ch of .f.he next three additions of five hundreu pounds, twenty-five dollars adilitional for.e.'l.ch ~f _the ne_xt two aullitions of fifteen hundred pounds, nnd twenty-five dollars adilitiona.l for 

every addi:-.ional twenty h_undreu pounds. Under a crill ~ade by the.Department, in obedience to the r eqturements of the act, thC' propnetors of railroad routes tlu·ouabout the country ar& submittin~ returns of the wei<.rhts of mails taken in the month of October, in the absence of ail congressional publications, and the rates of 

compen a?on are beina !eac;insted on :the b~is o~ the e weights. Hao.l no~ ~he 

tr:1.usmiss10n of such J?n'filications been discontinued m consequence of the abolitaon of the fra.nkina J?rivileae, the rates awarded in the readjustment now being made 

wouhl be higher mexact proportion to theincrea,se in theweightof the mailS which 

the transmission of this heavy matter would have caused, wnatev r that increa8e 

might be. 

He is still objecting to any restomtion of the frank. We have in 

this bill two propos~ ion : one to restore the franking privilege on Government documents · and the other in relation to newspapers to 

subscribers in the county of their publication and newspaper ex- changes. These two are coupled in this bill; bnt they were not con- :aected in the bill abolishing the franking privilege. That bill was passed in January, 1873, while this provision to make newspaper ex- changes subject to posta.ge and to make county ubscribers pay postage was atta-ched to an appropriation bill in the Senate which finally 

passed .March 3, 1873. It was accomplished in this way: the Post-Office 

appropriation bill passed the Honse, and while in the Senate and before the Committee on Appropriations, there was added, unasked by 

the Post-Office Department, or by the people, this provision : 

Pro1Jid.3d, That all laws ::tnd parts of 1.-tws permiM.i.ng the transmission by mnil 

of any free matter whatever be, and the same 'l.l'e hereby, repe:lled from and after :rune 30, 1873. 

That is the provision which subjected these papers to the payment 

of postage; and it was ingmfted upon the Post-Office appropriation bill in the Senate, and was carried through the Honse in connection 

with that bill. We have two propositions in thi bill, one tore tore 

the frank on public document , and the other for circulation of news- paper exchanges and papers to county subscribers. :Members will 

bear in minu that they may be compelled to vote for or against both 

of these measures. If the previous question shallbedemandcd-and 

it no doubt will be by the gentleman who bn.s charge of this bill-and 

it should be ordered, then gentlemen must vote for or against both of 

these me'lsures. Therefore we should be careful and not order the 

previous question, Lnt leave the bill open to such amendments as it 

may be desirable to offer. I believe it proper to reduce the rates on 

documents to at least as low a rate as t ha.t charged on transient news- papers, which is one cent on two ounces. I think if the portion of 

the bill restor~g t he frank hvJl not be adopted, members will be in 

favor of reducmg the postage one-half of the pre ent ra,te, when we are carryin~ ont the request of the P o tmaster-General. If the previous qnestwn is not ordered these two propositions may be divided, 

u.nd gentlemen may vote a they plea ~, either to restore the franking 

privilege or not, or to make newspapers free in their exchanges, and 

to their county snb crib r or not. 

:Mr. ATKINS. I now yield to the gentleman from New York [1\Ir. 

POTIER] for twenty minute . 

Mr. POTTER. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from PennRylvania, 

[lli. SCOFIELD,] when offering his amendment to this bill the other 

uay, referred to the abolition of the franking privilege as having 

been demanded by the formal action of the republican party at the 

Philadelphia convention. And the gentleman from Iowa, [.Mr. KAsSON,] in the brilliant speech which he made on the same day in support of hi sub titute, referred to the good faith with which the Senate and the Hon e had acted upon the recommendation of the national 

republican convention. 

I do not myself entirely agree as to the good faith with which the 

action of the Senate was taken although I do agree that it was because of the action of the Philadelphia convention that we did 

succeed in taking the fir t step toward a repeal of the franking privilege. I therefore think it may not be unprofitable to recall the history 

of the legislation which ended in the abolition of the franking privilege. 

In the Forty-first Congress a bill was reported from the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads by the gentleman from New Jersey, :Mr. IDll, for the naked abolition of the franking privilege. That 

bill pa sed the Honse on the 2ith of January, 1870, by a vote ofyeas 124, nays 14. That wru before the meeting of the Philadelphia, convention. That bill went to the Senate, and was durin~ that same ses ion extensively debated there. The Senate rejected It, beca.nse, 

while it provided for the naked repeal of tho franking privilege, it 

contained no provision and furnished no substitute for carrying tho 

mail matter of t he Government. Nobody who will review the debate 

in tho Senate of that session will fail to realize1 I think, that there was in that body a strong impression that the bill was au impracticable measure, a bnncowbe measure on the part of the House, not 

intended in good faith to get rid of the frank bnt to put the odium of r etaining it upon the Senate. The Senate accordingly refused to agree to ~he bill as sent to them by the Honse, nor did tb y return it to the 

Honse with any amendment . 

I n the following Congres immediately after the action of the Philadelphia convention auopting the r csolntion which has been ln t 

referred to by the gentleman from Iowa [:Ur. COTION] who has just 

taken his seat, 1\Ir. Farnsworth, then chairman of the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads, oliered a bill, of which I hold a copy in my h and, which I had introduced at an earlier tage of the 

session, which hacl received the approval of that committee, and also 

the approval of tho Post-Office Department, which bill provided for 

the abolition of tho franking privilege, but provided also a method 

for carrying the mail matter of the Government. That was the bill 

whi ch pa sed the House npon the lOth day of April, 1872, by a vot 

of 139 to 29. When that measure went to the Senate-a mea me practicable in its character, providing for carrying the mail matter of 

the Government and for can-ying it without the a.bnses and evils which 

it was alleged the frank bad occa ioned-the Senato, after debating 

it for some time, ected all of it except the naked provision for the 

abolition of the frnnkin(Y' privilege. 

Ha ving thns shorn the bill of all its practical part , the Senate 

returned it to the House in the exact form oftbe bill from the Honse, 

whlch the Senate the session before had refused to adopt, thereby, 

in turn, putting tho Honse in the position in which the Senate had 

been before put, of bearing the odium before the country of refusing 

to abolish the franking privi]PO'e. In thus tendering the Honse in 

retnrn for the practical me. ure of legi lation pa ed by t he Ron ·e the same impracticablcl mea. ure which the Ron e had the year before 

tendered to the enate and the Senate had then rejected, I see no evidence of good faith or of real desire by the Senate to get rid of 

th franking privilege. In this connection I ask t he Clerk to read 

from the debate on the occasion of the passage by the Senate of their 

amendment to the bill to which I have referred. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

Mr. B AYARD. I think it is pretty certain that ::tn equal amount of humbuggery 

h as n ever connected itself with any matter that ever came before Congress as is connected with this propo ed abolition of the franking privilege. It has been a joke pretty much for the last hour in the Senate, perhaps a serious one for the peo· 

ple of the country; and in order that the enate may take time to consider this matter a little more discreetly, I move that the Senate do now adjourn. 

1\ir. POTTER. Mr. Speaker, that simple history of this legislation 

dispo e , I think, of the assertion made by the gentlemen on tbe other 

ide abont the good faith manifested by the Senate in its action re- pealin~ the fr:mking privilege, in answer to the resolution of the 

republican convention. 

When this bill abolishing t he frank came back to the House in this 

impracticable form, some conference took place among those gentle- men w.ho were earnestly in favor of getting rid of the abuses growing out of the franking privilege, as to what should be done with it. 

It was finally determinerl. to try and secure its adoptio~ in its then 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1749 

shorn condition by the House, and to await further legislation to pro- tage over this, because it provided for carrying, at the ex pen e of the 

vide means for carrying the mail matter of the Government. Accord- Government, the tspeeches of members and the reports of the congresingly, on the 27th of January, 1873, Mr. Farnsworth called up the Sen- sionaJ proceedings as well as the reports of Departments. I think, of 

ate amendment, with remarks, which I ask the Clerk to read. all the public documents which go through the mails, tha.t which is 

The Clerk read as follows: the least charge on the mails, eit.her in bulk or difficulty of trans-

! propose now to ask the House to take the Senate at their word; adopt the portation, is the report of the speeches of members. I am not one of amendment and pass the bill in aecordance with the platforiDB of all political par- those gentlemen, who hold that a Saturday is wasted when spent in 

ties, and with what the House has professed its willingness to do so many times. debate. During the four years and more I have been in Congre s I 

~~~=d ~~~ffur th:~~~!~~ ~f~~W 1o~~;:~.enta.r.r leJ,>islation a~ may have never made a Saturday speech. Indeed, I never made a set 

speech, an hour's speech, since I have been in this Hou e. NevertheMr. -POTTER. This bill now under consideration is a proposition le., , I do believe few days are Letter spent by the House of Reprefor the "supplementary legislation" which was then contemplated. sentatives than are these Saturdays spent in debate: first, becauso It is a measure "for the transmission of official documents." For we thus get rld of much of that general discus ion which, if we dill rea-sons which I will proceed briefly to state, I do not think it so good not have it on Saturday by itself, woulu take place during the cour e a. mea ure as that which I originally proposed, and which passeu the of the current business of the House; and secondly, because, as a most 

House in the Forty-second Congress, as I have explained. di tinguished editor said to me the other day upon this floor, the ConIn the first place, the present bill provides for an adhesive stamp or gress is not in close enough relations with the country, and what is a stamped envelope for official matter, while that measure proviued wanted is that the people should know more of the views of their 

for machines to be prepared under the direction of the Post-Office Representatives, not le s. Department, one of which should go to each Department of the Gov- It is now, I submit, impossible for any man, however intelligent, · ernment, one to the Secretary of the Senate, and one to the Clerk of by following the report of the House as given by the As ociatetl 

the House, which machines were to print or impress a proper mark Press, to get any good idea of the views and reasouing that lead to or stamp upon all matter published by the Government, (including the action of Congre s. One man only is permitted to have access to 

the Globe, or the CONGRESSIONAL REcoRD, M it is now, and the the floor. He is obliged at the same time to write out his reports. speeches of members for their constituents.) He is required also to condense within a small space an hour:s arguFor instance, the Agricultural Report, when issued by the .A.gricul- ment, for instance, of the distinguished chairman of the Committee 

tural Departm13nt, was, under thi plan, to bear stamped upon it not on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. Now, nobody can well condense a only the name "Agricultural Report," but also a mark declaring that speech until it is finished, and the reporter of the Associated Press is 

there was paid upon it forty-four cents, if that was then the postage, ofton required to condense into ten lines of print what the distillto the Government. The documents, to the extent of each member's guished chairman of the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads 

quota, were to be delivered in that form to the members of Congress, may say on this or any other subject in a whole hom·, and do it while so that a Representative would have hadnothingto do but to address the gentleman is speaking, not afterward. It is always a difficult 

to his constituents any document furnished him by the Government; task for any man to condense a long speech into a short report, yet 

and it would have gone under that stamp through the mails without the reporter of the .Associated Press is required not only to do this, 

further stamping or payment. No frank was to be required; the but to condense while the debate is going on. Beyond this, when htl 

Government was to furnisli its public documents put up a-s now and sends his report to the papers at home, it is cut and abridgeti in every 

already stamped in a manner which would carry them through the po ible form to meet the night editor's notions or space. 

mail; an account of the postage could thus be kept, to be charged What is the resulU I appeal to every member's experience if tho 

up to the proper Department issuing the document, and to be provided sensational part of a deba.te is not that chiefly retained 'i Let a mau for out of it contingent fund. Thus the PostmMter-General would be guilty of some extravagance; let him be guiltY of any impropriety; 

be enabled to keep his accounts, doing away with one great cause of let him su.y to anybody on the floor something th...'l.t ought not to be 

complaint which ·he had against the franking privilege, while we said; let him be guilty of some sensationalism, and I appeal to every 

would be enabled to ascertain exactly what the transmis ion of such gentleman within the sound of my voice whether the language is not 

class of public documents cost, rmd the Post-Office Department would next morning reproduced in every newspaper. But let a. Representget proper crodit for what it carried; - and there would be no possi- ative make a.n hour's speech on a subject he has studied and underbility of abusing the frank by putting it upon any de cription of stl.Lllds, and when you come to look at the report next day, what will 

matter that ought not to go under it, or by forging it or otherwise you find You will find that :Mr. Jones spoke on this side or that 

subjecting it to improper use . side of the proposition; you will find, perhaps, the first sentence of 

Now, the plan of the committee uncler consideration I do not think his speech and the last sentence, but not any such report as will po - so good as this plan of miue. sess you of his argument. This is not the fault of the reporter; it :lli 

1<--.irst, because it provides for an adhesive st-amp or stamped en- the inevitable result of the circumstances and nature of the cu e. velope. These are apt to be wasted, and used for other purposes than The country will not have condensed reports of the arguments as offidal documents. In many States where the postage of members of well as the action of the House. It does not want them. The news- the Le~islature is paid by State authority, I understand that every papers would not find room for them if they were furnished. So that 

little shop in the capital has for sale adhesive stamps and stamped the only way by which a member of the House can ordrnarily po se ' 

envelopes obtained from members or employes of the Legislature; his constituents with his views is mainly through these Saturday 

and I think it a very serious objection to any plan of carrying the speeches. I have kept, ever since I have been a member here, copies 

mail matter of the Government that it does not provide for a simple of all these speeches, so far as members have been good enough to 

mechanical appliance to do that work, which can be in that way dend them to me, and I say, never having ma-de one myself, that if any 

beUer done than by members themselves, while at the same time it man shall sit down, and look over such a file of the speeches of any 

prevents the possibility of abuse by the stamp getting into improper one session IIL'1de on Saturdays, he will not have grouud for a bu.u 

hands, or by being used to transmit auything except the mail matter estimate of the thoughtfulness, intelligence, and c.1pacity of the genof the Government. tlemen composing the House of Representatives of the United States. 

The second objection to this plan of the committee, as compared I, therefore, in any scheme to retain the free ciroulation of document , with that which I formerly proposed and which was adopted by the would especially retain the free circulation of the speeches members 

Forty-socond Congress, is, as I understand it, that in addition to t.he might make on the floor at any timo; and in this respect I also regard 

adhesive stamp it requires the individual frank of the member of the sub titute for the franking privilege I introduced into the FortyCongress upon each document he sends. J'lrow, I am utterly at a loss second Congress us superior to that now proposed by the Post-Office 

to conceive why a member, having, we will suppose, a thousand .A.gri- Committee. 

cultural Reports to be sent free by the Government, should be required ~Ir. Speaker, I do not offer as a substitute for the plan of the com- to write his name on every one of them. If he ha-s a fancy for writ- mittee this plan of mine to which I have adverted, because tho ciring his name and looking at it, he can do so without authmity of law; cumstances are now different. So long as the abuse of the franking 

but I am unable to understand why he should be compelled to write privile~e continued, it seemed to me the duty of a legislator to get 

his autograph upon each book, when he could just as well wTite a rid of 1t by substituting some plan for carrying the official corre- single order for a thousand books, to be furnished to him stamped sponclence and publications of the Government, which was not open 

and in a condition to go through the mails. More than that, if a to the same abuses ; not to insist on a plan which wonld put an member desires, as he properly may, to have the per on receiving the end to the printing for general circulation of public documents, but • · document know who sent it, by sending down to the folding-room he to leave that matter to be considered by itself afterward. Therefore can get label slips with his name printed upon them and paste them . I sought for a law which would send the mail matter of the Govern- on these books with much less trouble and in a- more legible form ment through the mails free, as it was then, and which would at the 

than is here provided for Wliting by the member of his own auto- same time send it without any of those abuses which hav~ been re- graph upon every book. ferred to, such as forging the frank, the sending of improper matter, 

Mr. PACKER. If a member were to write on these slips :1lld paste and the like, which attended the fr'anking privilege; and send it in 

them upon these books under the law as it now stands he would have a way which would enable the Postmaster-Gener:¥ to keep his ac- to pay letter postage. counts, so th~t he could collect the postage on the matter issued by 

Mr. POTTER. True; and so he would if he wrote his name. But the each Depart,ment of the Government, and get in his Department 

question we are now considering is of changing the law; and when proper credit for the service it did. we are changing it, why frame it in an impra-cticable and troublesome But since tho law repealing the franking privilege passed in the W<tJY 'I impracticable shape in which it did, abolishin(J' the frank and proNow, sir, I believe, in the third place, the former pbn was an advan- . "\-iding no sub titute for it, I am constrained to 'look at the subject in 
1750 CONGRESSIONAL- RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, 

a different light ftom that in w~ch I looke.d n.t it then, and ~o C?nsider now whether it is worth while to nontmue the free publica.tion 

of public documents for. general distrib~tioJ?- n.t all. .on .th? whole, 

and n.fter mn.ture reflectiOn, I run rather mclined to thmk 1t 18 not .. The documents which Congress publishes in considerable number are mainly two-the abridged edition of the Mes age, with accom- panying documents, and the Agricultural Report. A~ regards the 

other public documents, of which a few copies only are lSsued- uch, 

for instance, as the Report of the Coa.st Survey, or the Report on t?-e 

Solar Eclipse-I think every gentleman who cares for a proper distribution of the documents intru ted to him tries to keep reports of 

that kind for those who need them speciilly and end for them, or for some institution of education or learning, and who would be as well served if they could buy them for the cost of printing But as regards the great mass of documents, and especially the Agricultural 

Reports and the abridged Me age an~ d?C11f!lent, what is the una- voidable result 'lB to the system of distributiOn propo ed to be continued f 

[Here the hammer fell.] 

.Mr. ATKINS. I yield the gentleman five minutes more. Jl,fr. POTTER. I am much obliged to the gentleman from Tennessee 

for his courtesy. . In the first place, is it not true that such documents are distributed among the people unequally This is the necessary con eqnence 

of having them distributed by favor. If you get a thousand copies 

of a book, you will not have more than one to each man in twentyfive; or, assuming one hundred and thirty thousand as the number 

of people in a district, these books reach one in every one hundred 

and thirty of the populn.tion. They therefore have necessarily to 

be distributed unequally, and that is, as tho gentleman from Vermont says, unfairly. Then, in the next place, it is unavoidable that 

these books do not reach those of the people who most want -1-;hem. 

And, in t.he third place, what seems to me most important in this con- nection is, that you never get sets of successive volumes of the same books in the same hands. One member of Congress sends one or two 

volumes of a certain report to one con.5tituent, and his succe sor sends 

the succeeding volumes of the same report to another constituent. I am told that one can hardly find a complete set of the Smithsonian 

Reports anywhere in the United States; and that complete sets of 

the other more common reports are rare. These evils are unavoidable. They belong to the free circulation 

of public documents. And therefore, since the question now is whether we shill provide for their free circulation in the mails or cea e to 

publish them, I am inclined to think it would be better for the people--and that is what we have to consider-and I think equilly well 

for us (for I do not think this distribution of public documents is of 

great service to a public man personally) to cease to publish them ao is now done, and that instead the Government should sell the public aocumems at the actual cost of printing and paper to every man who wants them. I do not understand tha.t the gentleman from 

Iowa (JI,ir. KAs ON] does this in his bill. I understand from the debate 

thttt he puts the price below the actual cost of printing and paper. 

I think that the actual co t should be the measure of the price, and 

that these documents should be for sale on tho e term . The House will recollect that what has been done by Great Britain 

has been referred to. Now, although Great Britain is an 3ris1.ocrn.tic 

cotmtry, its example in matters of business may sometimes be an ex- ample not amiss to con ider. And however unfortunate the Briti h people may be in tho nn.ture of their government, as the gentle- man from Mi so uri [Mr. PARKER] said, I do not think that is a reason why, when they have tried an experiment of a practical nature like 

this and found it to fa.i1, we should shut our eyos to their experi- ence. Now it is a fact that they have been through this whole busi- ness of franking and free documents and have given it up. They 

have goue through with the use both of the frank by members of 

Parliament and of having public documents for free distribution, 

and have adopted instead the system of abolishing the frn.nk and of 

having the government furnish public documents, to those who want 

those documents, at their actual cost. 

Therefore, since I have no further time to discuss this subject, I 

will merely add that I shall first favor the substitute of the gentle- man from Iowa, [Mr. KAssoN,] and then, if that failsz the amendment introduced by your elf, 1\fr. Speaker, [Mr. MONROE m the chair,] 

which is intended to confine the distribution and publication of public documents to thoso already printed. · Mr. ATKINS. I now yield five minutes to the gentleman from 

Texas, (1\ir. HERNDON.) 

Mr. HERNDON. I yield for a moment to the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. BUTLER,] to allow the reference of a bill. 

CHOCTA. W ~IA.i~S. 

. Jl,fr. BUTLER, of Tennes ee, py unanimous con ent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 2189) to provide for the payment of the award made 

by the Senate of the United States in favor of the Choctaw Indians, on the 9th day of March, 1859; which wa-s read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Appropriations, and ordered to be 

printed. 

MEMORIAL CO"' CER~G INTER-STA.TE COMMERCE. 

Mr. McCRARY, by unanimous consent1 submitted the following re -

olution; which was read, considered, and referred under the law to 

the Committee on Printing: 

Resolved, That five thousand extra copies of Hubbard's memorial concerning com- merce by r::illroads among the several States, being llonse Miscdlaneous Document 

No. 140, be printed for the use of the House. 

DISTRI.BUTIO~ OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, ETC. 

The House resumed the consideration of the bill (H. R. No. 825) in 

relation to t.he di tribution of public documents, &c. 

Mr. HERNDON. When this or a similar mea nre was before the 

Hou e last year I opposed it, because I thought it unwise and iujmi- ous. And for the same reason that I opposed it th n, I oppoBe tl.Je measure now before the Honse. I oppose it becau e it is not wid 

enough in its scop . It does not go far enough; it doesnot go so far as the mea ure which was repealed. 

This debate, so far as it has demonstrated anything, has hown 

this: that from no quarter of this House is confidence fully given 

to the recommendation of the Postma ter-General on this question. 

He has not only sho·wn by his own report and by his figures that this 

is not the panacea for these wrongs of which he complains, and that 

it has not benefited the country, but he has shown that it has caused an actual los so far to the Treasury of the country. 

As was shown by a gentleman who addres ed the House the other 

day, by the figures given by the Postma tor-General in his own estimates for this fiscal year, there will be required 1,623,159.90 more of 

deficiency than wa required last year. When the Postmaster-General stated that if the franking privilege was abolished there would 

be no necessity hereafter for any deficiency appropriation for his Department, he stated what his own figures show now was incorrect; 

for there is a large deficiency, and th re must nece sarily be. 

He made his estimate upon the hypothe is that if the franking 

privile()'e wa abolished there would be sent through the mail equally as much matter, both written and printed, upon which postage woulct 

be paid, as had ueen previously sent through free of postage. ow this wa,s a false ba is upon which to make his estimates; false for 

many reasons. The members of this House, and of the other branch 

of Congress, who had heretofore sent printeu matter through the 

mail, wonld no longer send it when the franking privilege was cut off 

:1nd they had to pay the postage upon it, because they could not do it 

out of their own means with their then alaries. It has been shown 

that for the Forty-second Congress it would have required an average 

of 976.50 for each member to pay the postage upon the printed matter sent off by that Congre s. That was more than any member, 

with the salary he was then receiving, was able to pay. Therefore 

it ha not been done, nor will it be done. And it i a fact that at 

this time the books that have been printed since the franking privilege was abolished are nil, or nearly all, of them in the folding-room, 

waiting until we shall pass some law by which th y can be sent free 

of postage through the mail. 

It has been said by orne that the e document are of no value to 

the people; that they are not and will not be read by them. I beg to assure gentlemen on this floor that I can say form. constituency that 

that statement is not correct. They not only ask for all the documents that are printed, for all the documents that are ent off by each 

member a his p1·o 1·ata share, but, as the gent.leman from Vermont 

[.Mr. WILLARD] said, hundreds of letters are received by membern 

asking for more printed matter, for report of committees, for execu- tive documents, agricultural reports, and every character of document printed here. The dem:1nd is gren.tly in exce s of the supply. 

[Here the hammer f ell.] 

Jl,fr. ATKINS. I yield to the gentleman for three minutes longer. 111r. HERNDO:N. Another reason is that there is no saving to t.ho 

Government if stamps are provided at the public expense for putting on these documents, becn.use the cost of pro_ducing tho e stamps is 

just that much loss to the Government. It would be like taking 

money out of one pocket and putting it in the other. The Government gains nothing by it, !IDd loses simply the expen e of producing 

the stamps. .And, a a friend near me ugge t , that would be more in amount than all frauds practiced under the old system. And, a.s has been shown here to-day by the gentleman from Virginia, [ fr. 

STOWELL,] when matter is ent through the mail and paid by means of postage-st:tmps, the salaries of po tmaster throughout the country are thereby increa ed. And in that respect alone--of illcrea e of salaries-the expense to the country i more than the abu e complained of. 

And the abuse under the old system, so much complained of, waa in ·reality an advantage to the co1mtry. Under that nbuse all species of 

information was sent through the mails. For, ns shown by the gentleman from New York, [Mr. POTTER,] who ha ju t preceded me, one class ofmatter--speeches-w hich was sent through the mails, was above 

all other matter a benefit to the country. That very abu e was no abuse at all, but a great benefit to the peopl . And o far as my ex- perience goes, I believe it has produced gr ater advantages to the 

country than any other cla of matte1·sent out through the mails. I 

only regret that more peeches are not sent out than have been heretofore. .My experience has been this: I have not only ent out great 

numbers of all the speeches I made myself, but I procured thonsancls 

of copies of tho made by other gentlemen in this Hou e, and sent 

them to my constituents, and I have the a urance from hundreds of 

the best citizens in my district that I could not send too many of them, 

for they were sought for and sent around the neighborhood, :1nd read 

wit4 tP,e greatest avidity. 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1751 

Knowledge is power, and every means which we in this llouse can 

use to increase t.he knowledge of the country, by sending out public 

documents and speeches and every character of matter that conveys 

sound information to the country, is of vast benefit to the people. If 

this Government depends upon the virtue and intelligence of the 

people, why not increase the means of information'¥ ·why not enable 

t.he people by these means, or by any other, if you please, to keep up 

with their Representatives in this House and to fully understand every measure that is before it for consicleration ¥ I believe this is the 

cheapest mode, and !believe it hasheretoforeresultedin the greatest 

benefit to the country-greater than from any other mea ure that can be passed by this Congress. Therefore I favor the revival of the old 

law as it was before it wa repealed. 

Mr. ATKINS. I now yi ld to the gentleman from :M:is ouri [Mr. 

BUCKNER] fortive minute . Mr. BUCKNER. If I can get an opportunity to do so, I propo e to 

offer the amendment which I send to the Clerk's desk to be r ad. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

Strike out, in Iinos 3, 4, 5, and 6, of the first section, the words "all public documents, books, or publications, and nll printed matter pL·ocured or publi. hed and 

issued by authority of Congress;" and insert in lieu "all printed reports, speech , and proceedings made or had in Congress, and public document , books, publications, or other printed matter published and issued from the Government Printing 

Office or by authority of ConJp-·es ; " al!lo add to the section "for forty days after 

the adjournment of each sess10n of Congress-" 

Mr. SPEER. I ask that all the amendments which members hav~ 

sent to the Clerk's desk be ordered to be printed. 

There being no objection, it was ordered accordingly. 

Mr. BUC:ru..TER. Mr. Speaker, the first object I would seek to ac- complish by this amendment (if I had au opportunity to offer it) i to 

eli vest entirely the frv.nking privilege of what I conceive to be the 

great ab1 se of which the people have complained; and that is, making .it, as it were, a personal perquisite of members of Congress. So far ~the mere distribution of public documents is concerned, I hold that 

the bill of the committee does not go far enough. So far as it pretends to givo the people information-and information which they 

ought to have of whatever is done in Congress, whether in the form 

of reports, speeches, or in other ways-I hold that the provisions of the 

bill, notwithstanding the opinion of my friend, the chairman of the 

committee, do not go far enou~h to n.ccomplish the object which I believe he has ::tt heart. Let me illustrate. The distinguished chairman 

of the Committee on Ways and Means [Mr. DAWES] delivered here the 

other day a speech upon the finances which ought to be in the hands 

of every man in this country who takes an interest in the financial 

condition of the Government. Now, I say that under this bill that 

speech, or any report of a similiar character that is put before this 

House, cannot, except as a part of ourproceedings, be sent abroad ex- cept at the individual expense of members themselves. I might further illustrate my views on this subject by referring to the speech of 

the distinguished chairman of the committee that has charge of this 

bill, [Mr. PACKER,] and the speech of the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. 

CANNON.] Both tho e speeches contained important information, 

whichthecountryoughttobn.veinordertopnssproperlyandfairlyupon 

the question now under consideration; yeti undertake to say that by no sort of construction of the provisions of this bill could those speeches 

pa.ss through the mails free ; they must be obtained by the people by means of contributions from the pockets of members. So far as I am concerned, I a.m very willing to put my hand in my pocket and pay 

for such copies of those speeches as I may desire to circulate; but I 

think it only right thattheysbould go through the mails free. Hence 

the provision wb.lcb. I desire to insert, that not only what may, strictly 

speaking, be published and i ned by authority of Congress or either 

House, but also report.s, speeches, or any proceedings that take place 

in this House, shall be ent free through the mails. 

I come now to refer to the other point. What was the great abuse 

which the country had a right to complain of, and did complain of 

under the old E~ystem It was that the franks of members of Congress were used not only for their official bnsine s, but for the individual advantage of the member himself. The franks were even forged; a.nd they were used for electioneering and parti an purposes. 

Thus the mails of the country were filled with matter that ought not 

to have been carried at public expense. This was t.he great abuse. 

Now, sir, the object of the two provisions I have introduced is, in the 

first place, to provide that this privilege shall be exercised by the 

member only during the session and for a limited time thereafter; 

and, in the second place, to cut oti' what has been in the past a very 

gre'tt abuse, of which the people had a right to complain. 

Mr. ATKINS. I yield five minutes to the gentleman from North 

Carolina, [Mr. ROBBINS.] 

:Mr. ROBBINS. Mr. Speaker, I desire but a minute or two to ex- plain the reasons of the vote I am going to give upon this question. 

At the meeting of the fall courts in my district, I took the precaution 

to consult the people in every county a11.d every court-house upon 

this question. They were a embled numerously'everywhere; and I 

spoke to them without regard to party. I n.sked them bow I should 

vote upon this question; I a ked them to give me their instructions 

upon this subject. I called upon those in favor of re toring the 

franking privilege to say "ay ," and tho e of the contrary opmion 

''no;" and in the eleven counties which I represent not one solitary man voted in the negative. Men of all parties voted for the restoration of the franking privilege. Not only did they vote for it, but 

they cried out clamorously, "Give ua light; give us information from 

headquarters; we need to know what is going on at the s at of Government; now, above all other times, we want to know what the 

Government is doing; we want to be in immediate communication 

with our public servants. Restore the franking privilege; give us documents; give us speeches; give us books; give us everything." 

Now, Ir. Speaker, I am going to vote for the nearest approach I can get to the pure restoration of the franking privilege. I ·am very 

willing to see some restrictions thrown around it to prevent the abuses 

complained of by the gentleman from Missouri, [Mr. BUCKNER.] 

But I shall vote to restore the franking privilege; and I <tiD glad to 

say that as a democrat, believing in being instructed by the people 

and in obe~g the people whose servant I am, I vote their sentiments. 

MESSAGE FR0::\1 THE SENATE. 

A me sage from the Senate, by Mr. SYMPSON, one of it clerks, an- nounced that the Senate bad passed bills of the following titles, in 

which the concurrence of the House was requested : An act (S. No. 42) granting a pension to Caleb A. Lamb, late a musician in Company E, of the Forty-sixth Regiment of Indiana Volunteer Infantry; 

An act (S. No. 217) granting a pension to Julia .A.. Smith; 

An act (S. No. 387) granting a pension to Captain Benjamin Farley, 

of Company C, Fifth Indiana Cavalry; and 

.An act (S. No. 395) for the relief of Edward H. Calvert. 

The message further announced that the Senate had passed bills 

of the following titles, with amendments; in which the concurrenc~ 

of the House was requested : · An act (H. R. No. 1225) granting a pension to William E. Prince, of 

Iowa; and 

An act (H. R. No. 1923) authorizing the p:1yment of annuities into 

the treasury of the Seminole tribe of Indians. 

TRANS~fiSSION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, ETC. 

~Ir . .ATKINS. ~Ir. Speaker, I have no de ire to occupy time in tho 

discussion of this bill. I will merely state that I hall record my voto 

against it, though if the proposition were divided I should vote for 

the third section, which provides for the free transmis ion of news- papers within the county in which they are published and for free 

newspaper exchanges. ~fl:. PLATT, of New York, obtained the floor, and yielded fifteen 

minutes to the gentleman from Wiscon in, [Mr. HAZELTON.] 

!r. HAZELTON, of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, when I voted to make 

this bill the special order for the 12th instant I intended-to indicate, as other gentlemen did, an intention to support the measure wheu it 

should be brought in. Had I been in doubt in regard to it, that doubt 

would have been removed by the arguments and statistics already presented to the House, which I think have clearly demonstrated both its 

wisdom and economy. If the e :figures prove anything they prove 

that the measure can be carried out without adding a dollar to the 

contracts for carrying the mails. 

This, Mr. Speaker, is not a restoration of the franking privilege. It 

is simply a method for distributing the public document of the Government among the people to whom they belong-perhaps not the 

best method, but a method, and one that seems to me as efficient n.s any I have heard suggested for the object contemplated. 

It is not for the benefit of the members of Congress; on the con- trary, its passage entails a vat!t additional labor upon them. Tho 

proposition is simply to employ the mails for distributing certn.in 

printed matter, seeds, &c., among the people. I cannot, Mr. Speaker, go at length into the discussion of this sn.bject in the few minutes allotted me, nor is it necessary. 

Some years ago the republican party estn.blished a Bureau of Agriculture at the capital of the nation, and has maintained it against 

strong opposition ever since. It was designed to gather up valuable 

information from all parts of the world touching the practical wants 

and interests and methods of agriculture; but it had al o another 

object. It was intended that this Bureau should be deemed, as it is 

in fact, a national recognition of the importance, value, and dignity 

of agriculture as a great and leading interest of the American people. 

This Bureau has been in ucces ful operation for years. It has been durin~ all this. time in constant correspondence with practical and 

scientific gentlemen, and with the various agricultural societies ancl 

organizations throughout this country and Europe, and has gathered 

up a vast fund of scientific, practical, and stn.tistical information, 

which from time to time has been published under the authority of 

Congress and distributed far and wide. It has al o been an agent of 

the people for the exchange of seeds and roots between this and other 

countries, and the distribution of the same here, and ah;o for conducting a great variety of experiments and investigations in the direct and 

immediate interest of soil products. It bat! been constantly employed 

in ascertaining and eli eminating information of great value to one of the most prominent interests of the people. Letter are invited, 

and are constantly beinff received, from interested parties, calling for 

information which could not without much ilifficulty and expense be 

obtained elsewhere. There is no gentleman on this floor who represents an agricultural community, in whole or in part, who is not daily 

receiving demands for the pnbli bed reports of this Bureau. The siq:tple question i , shall this Bureau be abolished and the only 

recognition which this ~eat nation gives to one of its most important 

industries-that of agnculture-be swept away'f Because it is useless 
1752 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, 

to attempt to conceal the fact that t~~ proposi.tion. to abolish this 

Bureau stands right behind the opposition ~o ~his bill. The re~sal 

to disseminate these reports is but th~ preliminary step .t? refusmg 

to publish them, and I'efusing to publish means the abolition of the 

Bureau itself. 

In my judgm<mt nothing could be _more unwis~, untimely,_ and un- called for than the blow aimed at th1s great and rnvaluable rnclustry .of the nation, in the attempt to strike do~ its ouly recognized department in the Government. It comes, srr, not only at the 'Yl'.ong 

time but it comes in the spirit of a false economy and a permmous phil~sophy. The inconsiderab~e sum expended for this ~ep~rtment is money well expended, and .rn the e~d comes back With rnte~est 

in improved methods of farmrng and rn the aggregate J?roductlve- ness of the nation. It comes right when the demands for It through- out one-half of the Union, whm·e a change in the whole economy of 

:tO'riculturn.l pursuits has been necessitated, are stron~er than ever. rf other gentlemen covet the task of striking down this department 

just at this juncture, they are welcome to the glory and the rewards. 

I have no ambition in that direction. 

Now, Mr. Speaker, what I have said in regard tothi~ class of reports 

applies with more or less force to others, and specially the census reports and the messages and accompanying documents. The~e 

a.re invaluable. Let me speak now of the _former. So long aB t~s 

Government proposes to discharge the functiOns of a government, It 

must from time to time prepare a census of its growth and resources. All or nearly all the governments of the earth do this to a certain 

extent. Now, sir, if the information thus obtained cannot be freely eli aminated among the people the work is shorn of its great~st value. In 

fact this information is procured for the people by therr own agents. They have a right to dema:nd it wit~out being dep_endent on metropolitan newspapers or any rntermediate agency for It. 

Suppose it does cost something_ to .circulate the ~eports, _sha_ll we decline to take the census because It will cost something to distnbute .it runong the peopleY For whom is the information gathered up if 

not for t~mY 

It is no argument to sn,y thn,t if the law provides for distributing 

documents too many will be printed. It is the business of Congress 

to see that too ma.ny al\8 not printed. There is no difficulty in makin~ 

the limitation. I will go as far as any man to cut off worthless publication , but I can :find no renson ill the fear that our duty will be 

neglected for disregarding the just claims of another. 

Nor do I see much force in the claim that the Government ought 

not to publish any reports because it cannot publish enough to give 

every citizen one. If this argument is worth anything, it would preclude the publishing of all reports, and render the people of the coun- try dependent on irre ponsible, inaccurate, a.nd conflicting newspaper 

reports for all information concerning the different departments of 

the Government. You might as well abolish the mails because one- half of the people never use them, or because some usc them much more than others. _ Besides, sir, it must be r emembered that the contents of a book are not confined to the party who receives it. The AgTiculturalReports, 

for instance, pass from hand to hand. They are read and discussed 

at club meetings; they are deposited in neighborhood and chool-dis- trict libraries, and their contents spread broadcast throughout the 

farming sections of the country. 

Mr. SpeJ.ker, another proposition has been made to which I wish to 

advert for a moment. It is that the Government sell the reports to 

those who want to buy them for cost. I cannot a~sent to such a proposition. I see no reason why this Government should re olve itself into a book agency of the Cheap-John onler, and sell the reports of its different Bureaus and Departments to the people. I cannot agree to 

that. If these reports are c:tlled for at all, it is becau e they are of 

value and interest to the people. There is no other view upon which 

you can justify their pnblic:ttion for a moment. Certainly not for the 

gratification of the heads of these Bureaus and Departments, whose 

rights do not seem to me to be higher than those of the people or their 

representatives. • If you are to continue the publication of themes ages and accom- panying documents, the census reports, and the agricultural reports, 

you must do so because, and only because, the people of the country are interested in them, and because their promulgation is a matter of public concern. The moment you determine that tl:ey are not published on this 

ground, and that you will interpose a condition on which the people 

may procure them; in other words, tha t they are not for the people 

but for those who can pay for them, you establish a totally new theory 

for the printing of documents. I do not want to see the Government put itself in the attitude of 

saying to the parties who apply for these reportsJ "Gentlemen, these 

reports cost fifty or sixty cents per volume, and you can have them 

at that price." It looks to me like a two-penny busilless for a great 

Government like ours. It involve a wrong principle, and ought not 

to be indorsed. I would much r ather vote to abolish the printing 

aJ.together. This bill, l\Ir. Speaker, has another important provision which I 

heartily approve. It provides for the free circuln,tion of newspapers 

in the cmmties where published anti a free exchang list. This is but 

the restoration of a law which ought never to have been repealed, 

and seems to me eminently wise and proper. 

Regarding this mev nre as on the whole a judicious one, I shall very 

cordially do what I can for its passage. 

Mr. PLATT, of New York. I will now yield to the gentleman from 

P ennsylvania [Mr. TOWNSEXD) to offer an amendment, in order that 

it may be printed. 

Mr. TOWNSEND. I give notice I shall offer the following amend- ment when in order; and I now ru~k that it be read, and ordered to be 

printed. 

The Clerk read as follow : 

In section3,llne6, strikeout the word "weekly" and in Cl'tthewords "all other; ' so i t will rea.d, 11 all other newspapers." 

.Mr. MAYNARD. Is that amendment offered to be voted on now ¥ 

l\fr. TOWNSEND. I give notice I will offer it when in order. I now a k that it be ordered to be printed. 

There was no objection; and it was ordered accordingly. Mr. MAYNARD. I should like to ask the chairman of the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads what time it is proposed to call 

the previous question on this billY We have had a long debate npon 

what seemed to be already well understood when we entered upon it. l\Ir. PLATT, of New York. I clid not yield to the gentleman from 

Tennessee; but will now yield to the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. 

SPRAGUE] to introduce a bill. 

. WAR OF 1812. 

Mr. SPRAGUE, by unanimous consent, from the Committee on Revolutionary Pensions and War of 1812, reported a bill (H. R. No. 

2190) to amend the act entitled "An act to grant pen ions to certain 

soldiers and sailor of the war of 1 12 and to widows of deceased 

so1diers," approved February 14, 1871 to restore to the pension-roll 

those persons who e names were stricken therefrom in conseq~nce of disloyalty; which was read a first and second timo, ordered to bo 

printed, ariel recommitted. · 

TRA...~S:\ITSSIO~ OF PUBLIC DOCU:\IIE:NT , ETC. 

1\Ir.l\!AYNARD. I ~::~hould like to ask the chairman of the Committee on the Po t-Office and Post-Roads at what time he propo es to call the previous question t I do not propose to take any part in 

the debate myself. 

Mr. PACKER. If the gentleman from New York [l\Ir. PLATT] will 

allow me, I will ay,inresponse to the gentleman' question, that the 

Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Road wu h to call the pre- vious que tion early to-morrow morning. Quite a number of gentle- men auout me desire to speak to-day on this bill. Th committee do 

not wish to cut off any gentleman from being heard. We have thought 

that by to-morrow morning all the gentlemen who wish to peak will 

have an opportunity to express their views on this bill; and as soon as the bill is reached ·to-morrow the previous question 'vill lle dem:tnded. 

l\Ir. MAYNARD. Does the gentleman propose to take an hour for 

debate ttfter the preyjous question is tiemandecl ~ 

l\Ir. PACKER. That will give an hour to close the debate under 

the rule. 

Mr. 1\IAYNARD. This will then take up nll d:ty to-morrow. l\Ir. PACKER. It will come up in reguL1.r order at half-past one, 

and if the previou question be then econded and the main question 

ordered, we can come to a vote, I think, about half-past two o'clock. J'!fr. PLATT, of New York. I yield now thirty minutes to the gentleman from New J ersey, [l\Ir. PHELPS.] 

:Mr. PHELPS. Mr. Speaker, I shall oppo e the bill introduced by 

the committee. I ball oppose the amendment suggested in his 

speech by the gentleman· from Indiana, [.Mr. TYNER;] I shall oppo e the substitute which will be offerea at the proper time by my frieml 

from Iowa, [Mr. KAsso::s-.] In a word, I shall oppose, with all clue 

respect to those who clifter from me in opinion, every bill, every 

amendment, every substitute, which propo es in whole or in pa.rt, 

directly or inilirectly, to re-enact the franking privilege. I believe 

that a privilege for the few is an injustice to the many, and I for one shall t.ry to give privileges to none, equal rights to all. My opposition to this bill in the first instance, l\fr. Speaker, is on the ground of that economy which we pr.aise so much, which we practice so little. [Laughter.] And if it i not pre umptuous to criticise, let me say that in my opinion the record of this House in that 

regard hru:~ been singularly illogical a.nd un atisfactory ; and when I 

remember that we are what my friendfroml\fas.achu ett [1\Ir. G. F . HOAR] so appropriately c<Llled us a few <lays ago in a moment of great 

excitement; when I remember that iu his .word· we are a "body of 

intelligent statesmen," I submit, 1\lr. Speaker, our :record is puzzling 

and unsati factory. [Laughter.] · What is that record' We came here fre h from the people, eager 

to win reputation for ourselve , and to save th Commonwealth. What 

did we do Y We began to speak ; you poke, :Mr. Speaker; I spoke; 

and every man who got the floor spoke-for what Y To demonstrate 

to the people our willingness to sacrifice ev n our own salaries. [Laughter.] We wasted ten days in talk, and when an end came, 

when we were all tired1 when we were all htmgry, when we were all 

sleepy, my indefatigable friend from Maine [Mr. HALE] insisteil we should stay here late into the evening that he might read us alecture on the selfish extravagance which would cut down our salaries 
-- ---- ------:-----:-----:--.:-"!"~----~------------------......

1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1753 

to only $6,000 instead of $5,500, [laughter]-a sum which he had 

recommended and more tha.n once urged us to adopt. And the father 

of the House, [Mr. DAWES,] rising to the height of the great subject, 

in a voice whose sepulchral warning yet lingers in my ear, assured us again and again that he could bide his time-'-he could bide his 

time. 

I went home that night distressed that I could not look upon this 

matter of $500 as one of such stupendous importance. But, sir, at 

the same time it entered my heart to think tha,t under leaders so zealous the Republic could never take any detriment. But, mark you, 

the very next morning, or the next morninO' but one, my fri~nd upon 

my ri<Yht, the gentleman from Iowa, [Mr. Do:NNAN,] the chauman of 

the Cgmmittee on Printing, modestly stepped to the fi·ont, and in this same House and before the same earnest economists proposed a billfor what To print for gratuitous distribution two hundred and fifty 

thousand copies of the Agricultural Report; not two hundred aJld 

:fifty; not twenty-five hundred; not twenty-five thousand; but two 

htmdred and fifty thousa.nd copie , of the Agricultural Report. How 

I admired the audacity of my friend from Iowa! How I pitied his 

fn,te! If there had been such protests and speeches for a poor $500, 

what would be the fate of a man who dared to come before this House 

and propose that we should throw $500,000 into the rag-bags a.ncl 

barber-shops of the nation f 

Mr. Speaker, my indefatigable friend from Maine never once took 

the floor upon that question; the father of the House refused utterly 

to prophesy, and the bill of my friend from I owa went through aJ.- most without objection, certainly without discussion. And then day 

after day followed, and bill after bill was introduced, and the session 

bega.n to grow old. Was -there a man of us who got the floor who did 

not cry out for economy f ·wa.s there a man of lis able to find that 

pm·ticula1" nwasu1·e on which be was willing to practice it¥ [Laughter.] 

By and by there came an occasion, and the brave and eloquent gen- tleman before me [Mr. WooDFORD] seized it. He ofl'ered the House an opportunity to reform and improve it record. ·He rose up very 

boldly- very unfortunately as the issue showed- a.nd clearly placed 

the i sue before the House. Does the House wish to discuss the 

finances of the nation1 or doe it wish to discuss its garden-seeds Y And 

after full" consideration the House, by one of the most unanimous 

votes I have witnessed this ses ion, declared that a-s for them they 

would provide first for the distribution of garden-seeds, and after that 

for the distribution of the currency. [Laughter.] When I sought 

the explanation of this seemingly inexplicable decision, what was it¥ The reply which I never hear upon this floor, but which I hear 

in my seat or whispered in the lobby, "It was the grangers;" that 

the grangers bad called the attention of their Representatives to the 

fa-ct that spring h. 'tel come and the earth was waiting for its seeds, and 

there could be no further del:1y. [Laughter.] 

And so we get a bill before us which I say, in perfect sincerity, 

rovi ves tlle franking privilege. I say it explicitly and boldly, this 

bill of the committee gives the member every right he had before 

except one. We cannot ·write our autograph letters and frank them. ·wonderful restriction! We may frank documents that weigh one hundred pounds; we cannot frank a half-ounce letter. The gentle- men of the committee ta,ke from us the only privilege that is desirable 

anclnot subject to abuse. Who will write letters enough to burden 

the mailsf Does the committee know how hard it is for members to 

write'i Does it know b ow bard it is for constituents to rea,d ¥ The 

abuse lies elsewhere. What was tho abuse of t1ie franking privilege which was com- plained on Was it not the free transmission of heavy material, ma,sses of binding and printing which we crammed into the mails of 

the country, to the damage and delay of the business a,nd social cor- respondence of the peoplef And it is this heavy material t b a,t the 

bill propo es to frank- public documents, books, periodicals, seeds, 

root , pL.·wts, scions, everything else that is worthless a.nd heavy. The committee in preparing tlris bill have revived the old abuse. They have taken the poor old castaway of the Forty-second Congress; 

they have given him a silk hat, and have dyed his mustache. But 

b e is the same old original Jacobs still. [Laughter.] 

Why not be fair; why not be frank; and come out and say, "Behold 

the old bill; we have rebaptized it; but onlyKeep the word of promise to our ear, And break it to our hope 1" 

I think it was my friend from Missouri [Mr. BucKNER] who said 

that the abuse of the franking privilege was that members of this ~o~e and members of tlle Senate u ed it di honestly. Mr. Speaker, 

Jndgmg others by myself, no one can trunk more poorly of thiaHou e than I, and yet I am perfectly convinced tha,t neither in this House nor in the other is there to be found men who would dishonestly use ft privilege like this. The statement is false on the face of it. Am I 

to believe with my friend fi·om Missomi, [Mr. BucKNER] that any 

of those members now gathering round me- members who represent 

intelligent constituencies- any in this ''collection of intelligent states- men " would u e hi frank to send his dirty linen home to the wa-sh f 

[Laughter.] Sir, the idea is preposterous. A member who would use his frank to send his soiled linen to his washerwoman would never have any. [Renewed laughter.] And if there is any one who sup- poses that any Senator at the other end of the Capitol is about to 

frank home his furniture, when the people have no longer need of 

his services here, he must suppose that Senator a blockhead. No; the 

only abuse of the franking privilege is that which we propose tore- v ive ; that is, to load the mail with a mass of heavy material which 

does not pay its way. " 

What is urged in favor of this proposition. We are told that iti our bounden duty-my fi·iend fi·om Wisconsin [1\Ir. HA.zELTO.N] puts 

it the shortest-to provide the people with information. Now I will 

admit that my friend needs information; I think the people need information. Hut the people need other thing - ma.ny more than wo can supply. The people need warmth, cleanliness, virtue. But no one here comes forward and proposes a fr e distribution of fires, of 

baths, or of Bibles. [Laughter.] 

The' people need something else. And just here for once the senti:-

ments of him who dwelleth in cities aud·him whodwelleth on the prniries, of him who lives in the East, and of him who lives i.n the We f., 

of him who lives in the North, and of him who live in the South 

agree. Here is the one grea.t want of the country. Why, Mr. 

Speaker, [Mr. MoNROE in the chair,] did you ever meet one of your 

friends who was from the noble West who did not tell you that the 

noble West needed money f [Laughter.] Did you ever meet a.ny oue from thesunny South who did not tell you that the sunny South 

needed money¥ And I am willing frrmkly to confe , in the presence 

of this "collection of intelligent statesmen," that my own State of 

New Jersey needs money. More; I have the best of evidence, to come nearer home, that in my own district there i1:1 scarcely a man, 

woman, or child who does not need money. And yet I do not propose, nor do you propose, neither does this committee propose, to 

distribute to your people or to my people the free bath, or the free 

fire, or the free Bible, or the free greenback. [Ln.ughter.] 

Now, my friend from Illinois [Mr. CAL~ON] who addres. ed you 

three or four days ago, with an eloquence that was untutored but very 

effective, whose imagination fl:ished along the iron net-work of hi~:~ 

logic in a way t h at fairly astonished the House, spoke of a great many 

things that filled me with wonder and amazement. He spoke of tho 

hay-seed in his hair, [laughter,] and under the magic touch of his 

voice that hay-seed glowed armmd his h ead like the halo of the martyrs, [continued laughter ;] and when be spoke of the oats in his 

throat, it was with such a force and such eloquence that I knew he 

felt them, [loud laughter;] and to all of this I had not the slighte ·t 

objection. I listened and wondered; I gazed and admired Ulltil he came to praise his country folk at the expense of mine. This I would 

not stand. He represents a country constituency, just as I do. Ho 

ha-s no large cities in his district, just as I have none. And he had no business to boast of the intelligence of his farmers on the prairies, 

just as if there were no intelligent farmers in New Jer ey. [Laughter.] How he boa-sted of their literary ta te! Apd when he began 

to tell u · all that his farmers sent him letters to ask for books, I 

wanted then and there to rise up and say, "I ropre ent farmers; they 

write to me for books; day after day I get similar letter from my 

constituents. They a.re wonderful letters, and sometimes the energy 

of their petition is such that it defies Noah Webster nnrl Limliey 

1\fuiTay. They never fail to make the proviso that I should pay tho 

postage." [Laughter.] 

Sir, I do not believe that among the letters from his prairie con- stituents, of which he speaks so bravely, he can find one that asks 

him for the history of the silurian period, or the crustaceous formation, or the isothermal theory. It takes the Jer ey farmer to ask for 

such! I appeal to the House, sbaU he boast over the intelligent 

reque ts of his farmers because they live on the prairies, and I be 

tongue-tied here and not suffered to speak of the intelligence of my 

farmers who live on the banks of the Passaic, the Hackensack, and 

the Hudson f [Renewed laughter.] 

But, Mr. Speaker, I have concealed pn.rt of the truth. For every 

letter which I receive asking for the silurian period, or the crustace- ou formation, or the isothermal theory, I receive two letters which 

prefer a. different request. For every letter a king for a public document, a Patent-Office Report, or even an Agricultural Report, I got a letter politely and kindly asking the loan of five dollars. [Laughter.] 

Now, I ask if we are to furnish all our constituents with all they wantwith their heat, with their information, with their cle~ess, with 

their virtue- must we not also furnish them with money f Yot I do 

not hear one single member, even if he represents a grange, who stands 

upon this floor to ask that, in addition to the Agricultural Report and 

the isothermal theory, we shall also by free distribution send five 

dollars to each of our constituents. And yet would not the five dol- lars help more than the Ap;ricultnral Report in our elections next fall. 

But my friend from Tilinois is confident that the people at large 

want the ·e document . Now, l\1r. Spea,ker, far be it from me to run against the people. I have great respect for them in view of the 

fact that an election occurs so soon. But letus be sure fir tasto what 

the people want. 1\fy friend from Illinois himself aided to show that 

the people do not want the franking privilege and do not want the 

public documents at the cost of taxation. He very properly ruled 

out from the discussion all the disreputable members of the commu- nity. He said, and said truly, that the rail ways do not want the 

crustaceous formation or the isothermal theory or the Agricultural 

Report. I do not think they do; and I do not want to give it to 

them. I think the railways have no rights that we on this floor are bound to recognize except the right to be taxed and to ca.rry the peopl e for less tha.n co t. If they wanted the public documents, we would not listen to their cry. Fortuna.te railways, that they do not! 
I 

1754 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, 

Neither, he says, do the express comp~_tnies-another disreputable po~­

tion of society, useless and contemptible. They do not want public 

documents, a.nd it is well they do not; for they could not have them. 

They have no rights which we are bound to respect except the right 

to suffer taxation and receive abu e. And so he went through the list to banks and manufactories. But 

when he had covered the whole class of disreputable people who do 

not want the public documents, why did he stop f .Ah, :Mr. S_peaker, 

there was an important omission in this catalogue which wa~ supplied by my friend from Iowa, [Mr. KAssoN.] As I read the signs of 

the times, a majority of the people who dwell under the protection 

of these United State vote the republican ticket. Theyvot ed ittwo 

years ago; they voted it last fall. Why did I?Y friend from ~ois 

foro-et, until the gentleman from Iowa told him, that the republican 

party do not want the franking privilege ; that the last timet hey had 

an opportunity to speak they said in word~ as explicit ~ wor~s.could 

make the declaration, that they would abolish the franking pnvilege f 

My friend from Illinois had overlooked or forgotten the republican party. Where then, in the name of common sense, are the people who do want the franking privilege t When I pause for a reply I 

get it : "The grangers want it ; " and inasmuch as the grangers, so far as I can judge, want everything, let n admit that t.hey want 

these public documents. · 

Just here again I strike squarely against and take issue "ith the gentleman from Illinois. I am not a granger, and I do not want to 

give them what they want. I say it very boldly. [Laughter.] I do 

not like granger principles. The grangers did not nominate me; the 

grangers did not vote for me. The republican party nominated me; 

the republic:m party voted for me, and I can know no other. I shall 

be loyaJ to the sentiments of the republican party ever; I hall stand 

by the principles which the r epublican party has declared ever, and 

I shall yield my loyalty to the republican party, and give in my 

fealty to this new party of the grangers, never, never-unle s they 

should happen to establish granges in the northern part of New Jersey. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Speaker, I find that in discussing this franking privilege I have 

got into the printing house; and that, as my friend from Wisconsin 

L 1r. HAzELTO ... ] said, is the real issue. This is our best argument. If you revive the franking privilege you revive all the abuse8 of the 

public printing; and a blow aimed at the franking pi·ivilege is a blow 

aimed at the printing house. May blows fall omany, so heavy, that 

this country may be saved the wasteful exi'enditure which proceeds 

from that source. Who would regret the fall of·t he Printing Bureau Who really wants these public documents Y Does it never occm to om friends that the inexorable laws of trade-those which even a paternal governnient cannot always succe sfully interfere with- show that the people do not want them T There is no town or village in this country where a traveler cannot go to any second-hand 

book-shop and buv any public document-whether it be t he Agri- cultural Report, the Patent-Office Report, the crustaceous :formation, or the silurian period-by paying a little more than it:s worth as old 

paper. 

Evidently the demand is small, and we can asily an ·wer it by providing a system by which r eports, which contribute to the education 

of our people in political matters, may be brought more economically 

withiB. their control; sending a few copies to t.he public libraries or enabling all who wish to own them to pmchase them at their real 

cost. If we are bound, not,vithstandin§: what I think is forcibly urged, 

to furnish information, do not, for pity s sake..' clistributePatent-Office 

Reports, nor give the people the .Agricultural Reports. Certainly let ns not send down to our districts any more treatises on the isothermal 

lines, or crustacean formations, or toilurian periods, or salary grabs, or any one of these things. [Laughter.] If we must tax the many 

to give books to the few, let us give them the spelling-book, the arith- metic, the reading-book-something that will really benefit them, 

which they will appreciate, which will make them better citizens, 

and more sme to vote the republican ticket. [Laughter.] 

I said I opposed this measure in the interest of economy. I oppo e it now in the interest of that univer a.l justice which we all prai e as we do economy, but which we r efuse to practice just as we do 

economy. [Laughter.] But my borrowed time allows only a ques- tion on this point. Is it fair to t he people of the e United States to 

tax them all, AiB' C, and D, all down to Z, in order that we may give a book to A Y claim this is not republican doctrine. It is wrong; 

and we have no business to compel fii-ty people to pay taxes to give a luxuxy to one. Before my time is out notice one section of the bill-I think it i 

the third-which speaks of the country editor, and this is a point I 

approach with the greatest reluctance. [Laughter.] 

In my district, as in the district of my friend from Illinois, [:Mr. 

CANNON,] we do not have any large cities, we do not have any metropolitan press; but we do have a. number of most worthy country 

editors-estimable men. [Laughter.] I would lovtl to stop here and 

pass an encomium upon the virtues of these gentlemen, but my friend 

from Ohio, [Mr. GARFmLD,] who like myself has no metropolitan pret>s 

in his district, but a number of country papers, has anticipated me. ·with such exquisite grace bas he painted the picture of the editor 

who sits in his country office that I yield in despair. That editor is never hurried; he forms no hasty opinions; he waits until he has consulted the county, and then, at the end of the week, passes his 

opinion upon the doings of :Monday-and rests. [Laughter.] Just a the grangers k eep my friend from Illinois [ Mr. CAN oN] in a've, just so do I tremble before the editors of the county. As the grangers re- ceive from him love mingled with awe, so do the e editors receive 

from me peculiar token of respectful consideration. And do they not 

deserve the:lt Y They have a hard, bard time, and through it all are faithful and true to the humble t of their r epresen tative . When 

you are in yom chair, Mr. peaker, and I am at my desk in the Sleepy 

Hollow at yom left, your eye I never catch, but I catch the ey of my 

country editor every time. [Great laughter.] If I go down sta.ii·s 

to make my elf clean at the ountry's expense, or go down to str engthen 

my elf by eating a few o~sters at my own ex:pen e, and a mnlevolent 

member on the other ide of the House calls for the yeas and nnys 

dming my absence, he ees me, and records the fact that I dodged. 

[Great laughter.] If it should b app n, through some mistake, that 

I ~o catch ~e ~peaker's eye, or some gentleman yields me thirty 

mmutes of his time, ou, Mr. Speaker, do not listen to me; few of rny 

fellow-members in thi Hou e listen to me, (I do not blame them for 

not listening,) but I am strengthened by the t hou ght that I am talking 

away beyond you and beyond them for the constituency which I hav 

the honor so imperfectly to represe.nt, and that, as the watch-dog of 

this constituency, the country edit.or, listens to me be hears every 

word, and that as it please::; or displeases him it will eith er mar or make me. [Laughter.] 

If such my r espect for the country editor, imagine the feelings "it h 

which I regard the ingenuity of the committee who present to us an assafetida pill and coat it with delicious sugar. I can speak against 

the free distribution of public documents through the mails, but how can I speak against ruy country editor, who only wants a n·ee u:se of 

the nited States mail to dh;tribute my prai f 

This all comes from the skill this House ha attained in putting a 

man in a faJ e position by the practice of our Iondays. It is some- thing terrible; it is omething most deplorable. 'Ve have acquired 

such skill in framing our resolutions tbat it is impo ·ible now:Hlay · to get a bill who e right and who wrong "any f llow can find out. ' 

When I read through this bill I said, " 0 , ru prophetic oul, this 

is after the fa hion of Monday r esolutions." If you want to h elp 

yom country editor, you must vote for franking. If you want franking, you must vote for your couutry editor. 

Does not this bill r ead like Monday after the morning hour' 

Wbereaa the earth ia round, and whereas the sun is warm, and whereas if you artl virtuous you will be happy; and whereas we wish the world to be round, and we wi!:!h the sun to he warm, and we wish ourselves to be happy: Therefore Resolved, That it is tlte aenR of this House that we sltould issue an 'unlimited quantity of convertible bouds bearing 3.65 inter t. 

[Great laughter.] 

In thi stress, all that I can say in behalf of my country editors is 

this: that I do not believe that they want to obtain favors at the 

xpens of the country. I believe that they are good. enough men ( a.s my friend from Ohio ba-s said so much better than I can say it; I am sending his speech to them and not my own.) I believe they are so O'OOcl men, o truly anxious for the welfare of this country, o iilVariably kindly, e pecially to the city pre , that we may a sume that 

t hey would r ather relinquish privileges than cau e inju tice. And I 

remember to have heard a da.y or two ago my democratic n ·iend from 

New York, [Mr. POTIER,] who speaks a great deal, and therefore ays a great deal that is wise, [laughter]-! remember having heard him 

say that it is not the busine of the country to give privilecre even to the de erving; that its only business is to do justice. L et this 

Government, then, fulfill it sole and proper flmction, to do justice. 

Let it I·efu e all privileges, even to the deserving. I know the country 

editor will be the last to complain. 

[Her the hammer fell.] 

The SPEAKER pro tempore, (Mr. Mo:-.""ROE.) The time of the gen- tleman has ex:phed. 

Several MEMBERS. Go on; go on. 

The SPEAKER p1·o tempore. If there be no objection the gentle- m:m may proceed. The Chair h ears none. 

:Mr. PHELPS. There is an amendment to t his bill. "It was not 

always so." When thi bill was first presented by the committee it wa not there. The amendment i in italics, a mach as to ay, "Beware!" And I a k gentlemen to l nd me their attention for a few 

moments while I state " ·hy the committee introduced the amendment, and urge all my republican friends if they must pas t his bill t o see that they pass it with the amendment in. Bri :fly, when this bill was reported without the amendment, it came to the ear of a g ntle- man upon the committ e that anoth er democratic n·iend of mine from 

New York wa prepariurr a circular which he intenrled to entl next 

fall, under the exercis of he fran king privile~e. to all republican districts. He was enabled to obtain a copy of this circular; it wa-s found to be short-in that resp ct, of com e, uulik: my friend-but, on the whole, witty, as my friend is always witty; but it was terribly 

damaging to the r epublican party. 

It was a not.ice to t his etfect to the republican voters: "Your leader 

two years ago promi ell to r epeal the franking privileo-e if you put 

them iu power. You put them in power. They kept their promise; 

they r epealed the franking privilege. You pnt them in power the 

next year, and they controlled the House by a two-thirds vote. And 

what did they do th en' Like Jeshurun, when they waxed fat they 

kicked; they broke in your face the promises that they had made; and 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1755 

re-enacted the fr:mking privilege." This was the sub tnnceof the circular. 

U nderthese circumstances, I ask my republican friends in this Houser have nothing to say to my friends on the other side-ought we not, 

if we pass this bill, to see that there is in it this amendment f For the 

provisioniscarefullydrawn that the republican postmaster, if at any 

time, which would be about September, he thought the public welfare required it, (and no doubt he wouh.l so think if a number of such 

circulars were deposited in the post-office,) might, in that case, retain 

these circulars "in whole or in part for thirty days," or until the 

country was carried safely over the Pennsylvania election. I assure you he would reta.in them "in whole." The amendment i important. 

lf we pass this bill let us pas the amendment with it. It is ouT only 

safety. And when we pass the amended bill, let us do it in a creilitable manner. A bad deed derives some merit from a bold performance. Let us be bold in this. Let us own np that it is the original Jacobs. 

Let us take oil' the silk hat ; let us wa h a way the dye, and surrender 

all pretenses. Let us so act that the people will not despise us, 

though they censure. If we ::tttempt to deceive, we shall only win 

contempt. They are as intelligent as we are. We cannot deceive 

them. We shall fail in the attempt. 

It is therefore better policy, as it is better manhood, if we purpo e to re-enact the franking privilege, not to do it by thiM bill, but to do 

it boldly and openly. Take and adopt the amendment of the gentle- man from New York, [Mr. HALE,] and by it tell the people that we do re-enact the franking privilege. Do not let u ever again make 

the mistake of attempting to deceive them by a false issue. 

Jltlr. PLATT, of New York. I now yield to my colleague [Mr. E. H. 

ROBERTS] the remainder of my time. Mr. E. H. ROBERTS. Mr. Speaker, the p.rogress of this debate 

has shown that the free distribution of documents and the lavish 

expenditure for public printing are Siamese twins, which depend for 

life upon each othor. If you kill one definitely and forever, you make an end of the other also. In the last Congress the franking privilege wa scotched, but not killed. The rna s of books piled up in the basement of this C'1pitol shows the-vitality of Chang. Every book which 

has been piled up below has been a prop upon which the carcass of 

Eng has been sot up, until now a n ew life is to be bestowed, and we are asked to admire again and sustain again the e Siamese twins. 

Sir, it is not worth while for us to exaggemte the cost involved 

in this matter. The public printing ordered by Congress last year 

amounted to something like 47,000, and that, too, without the Agricultural Report. In the preceding year we published two hundred 

and twenty-five thousand copies of the Agricultural Report, at a cost 

of 154,000. If you were to add, as you will do and as you have done 

thi year, two Agricult ural Reports, you will bring up the co t of your 

printing to nearly '1,200,000, of which nearly a million is dependent 

npon the restoration of the fr:mking privilege. I suppose every gentleman will be willing to admit that the cost of distributing these 

congre sional documents is at lea t ~ 500,000 yearly. So that , 1,500,000 

is really the amount involved ill the bill which comes from the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. 

Now, it becomes those who advocate this bill to show affirmatively 

why it should be passed. During at least a portion of this debate it 

has been a umed that the burden of argument rests with the negative. That is a sign of weakness. The supporters of this bill must 

show affirma~ively that it ought to pass ; and some of the gentlemen 

have attempted to do so. For example, it has been argned that it 

will cost nothing to restore the franking privilege as it is done by 

this bill, b ecause the weight of the mails does not affect the cost of 

transportation; yet, turning immediately about, these very same gentlemen protest against cheap postage for newspapers, because the 

weight of the mails does determine the cost of the transportation. 

The advocates of the bill also plead, "You must give the franking 

privilege to us because in other districts you have certain local advantages/ and we must have the franking privilege to balance the 

account.' If that argument amounts to anything, t.hen the franking 

privilege should be confined to those districts which have not the 

free delivery of letters in ci ies; which have not public buildings to 

which gentlemen refer; which have not appropriations for rivers and 

harbors; which have no consideration whatever at the hands of the 

Government. 0, no; that is too thin an argument. This is a bill 

covering the whole country, and the argument to sustain it must be as broad as the country. 

And so it is tha.t my enthusiast ic friend from :Mis ouri, [1\Ir. P .ARKER,] 

and my distinguished friend from Wisconsin, [ Ir: HAZELTON,] insist 

that it is necessary that the franking privilege should be restored in 

order to disseminate education, in order to defend the liberties of the 

people. 

Eighteen hundred docum nts sent every year into each congressional district, ii wo may believe these gentlemen, are the great elements of national education;. they are the great defenders of our institutions. Our institutions, according to that argument, rest not 

upon ideas, not upon virtue, not upon the self-sacrifice of the people, 

but upon patronarre and on subsidies. Sir, in the last days and the worst days of the Roman Empire the 

emperors were wont to bind the people and their soldiers to them by _largesses. And now we are asked _to bind the people to their institutions by free books, by free distribution of mail matter. 1\Ir.Speaker, 

has it come to this, that the sole defense of our Republic is a free 

book sent into a congre ional district Has it come to this, that the 

only hope of the Republic is that we may stick the citizen to its 

institutions by a free stamp T 

Mr. G. F. HOAR. Will the gentleman p rmit me to ask him a question I . Jltlr. E. H. ROBERTS. Certainly. 

l\Ir. G. F. HOAR. Does the gentleman understand that anybody 

has argued upon this floor that it is the giving of the book, and not 

the circulation of the knowledge it contmns, that strengthens the 

Republic"/ 

Mr. E. H. ROBERTS. I understand that this bill is for the free 

distribution of books. And the argument is that by the Agricultural 

Reports, by the documents that go from this House, we are defending 

and protecting our institutions. 

Mr. G. F. HOAR. l\Iy question is, if I do not disturb the gentle- man--

Mr. E. H. ROBERTS. Not at all. Mr. G. F. HOAR. Whether he understood an body to argue that 

it was the gift of the book, and not the circulation of the knowledge 

it contains, that strengthened the Republic I 

Jltlr. E. H. ROBERTS. I will come to that. The gentlemnn as- sumes that this knowledge will not r each the people in any other 

way than by the free distnhution of documents; otherwise the argument amounts to nothing. 

Jltlr. G. F. HOAR. I merely asked the gentleman if h e understood 

anybody to take the position to which he was replying, that it was the 

gift of the book alone-- · Jltir. E. H. ROBERTS. I say that tho argument made in the last 

Congress by the gentleman from Massachusetts was that this information would not rea-ch the people except by free distribution. I am replying precisely to that argument. 

Jltlr. G. F. HOAR. If the gentleman will permit me-- 1\Ir. E. H. ROBERTS. Certainly. 

Mr. G. F. HOAR. I understand the gentleman to assume that some- body supposes this to be a gift, a larges , a bribo to the people, by 

which the Republic is strengthened. Now, the n,rgument to which the 

gentleman said he was replying was not that. Mr. E. H. ROBERTS. I trust this will not betaken out of my time. 

Ir. G. F. HOAR. Certainly; I will ask that. 

The argument the gentleman is replying to is that it is the gift of 

the book, and not the knowledge so disseminated, and which would 

not be disseminated in any other way, which strengthened theRepublic. lli. E. H. ROBERTS. But, 1\fr. Speaker, the point I make is this: 

That thi knowledge and all other important information will reach 

the people in other ways, and this pretense that free distribution is 

essential to the dis emination of know ledge is an absurdit.y on its face. 

Now, Mr. Speaker, "men love the banks where they deposit.'' 

P eople do not prize that which they get for nothing. The bill which 

the gentleman from Iowa [lli. KAssoN] has introduced proposes a means by which public documents shall be cheaply distributed; and 

with some amendments I would favor his bill. Let the Government 

print only what is necessary for its own work; giYe every one who 

may ask for them copies at a nominal price; only, Mr. Speaker, let us no longer put legislators in the r6le of colporteur . But this pill, which comes from the Committee on the Post-Office 

and Post-Roacls, is, as mywittyfriendfrom New Jersey [Mr. PHELPS] 

said, "sugar-coated." It is proposed to crown the weekly newspapers as "dead-heads," and in that way to separate them from the great 

metropolitan journals of the cities. Now, Mr. Speaker, the country 

j ournals have not asked for this consideration. Gentlemen ma.y un- derstand once for all that those journals do not ask for charity, and 

by such a measure gentlemen will buy neither the approval nor the 

silence of those newspapers. They are as independent as their metropolitan cousins. They do not propose to surrender a principle to . secure a trifling benefit. The clause which has been introduced in 

the bill would gratify the subscribers of country newspapers, and 

would benefit them more than it would the newspapers themselves. 

Newspapers have learned that the costliest obligations incurred by 

them are as "dead-heads," and not one of them whose life is worth 

living will accept this thin coat of sugar at the cost of so much gall 

and wormwood. . l\Ir. Speaker, country newspapers, and the people as a cla , have 

pronounced, in many ways, their opposition to the idea of subsidy. 

They have denounced Congress hitherto for its greediness for perquisites; and I venture to say that so small a bribe a.s a book sent 

free, so small a bribe as country newspapers distributed free, will not 

induce the people, will not induce country editors, to abandon their 

denunciations against subsidies, whether under the great standard of 

grants to railroads and concessions to steamships, or in the menner and more petty form embodied in this bill. 

I thank my colleague [l\Ir. PLATT J for the time he bas so courteously 

yielded to me. Mr. COBB, of Kansas. I yield for a moment that the gentleman 

from New York [lli. MELLISH] may have an amendment read. 

1\Ir. MELLISH. I ask to have read for information the amendment I send to the desk 
1756 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 24, 

The Clerk read as follows : 

Strike out all after the enacting clause and insert as follows: 

That from and after the 1st day of .July, 1874 postage for any distance withln the 

United St.ates on all written matter shall be at the rate of two cents per ounce or fraction thereof; and on all printed matter at the rate of one half ce~t per two ounces or fra.otion thereof; and the postage-stamps to be used under this law shall 

indicate on their face the quantity an<l kind of matter for which they will pay· but such stamps ma.y be employed at their face value for either -written or printed matter. · .A.nd all acts and parts of acts inconsistent herewith are hereby repealed. 

Mr. SPEER. ·will the gentleman from Kansas yield for a motion 

to adjourn 'I 

Mr. COBB, of Kansas. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, 

[.M:r. KELLEY,] who wishes to present a report from the Committee on 

Ways and Means. m:JTmS ON DIPORTED FRffiTS. . . 

Mr. KELLEY. I :w1 instructed by the Committee on Ways and 

Means to report a bill in relation to customs duties on imported fruits, 

and to ask for its immediate passage. 

The bill was read. It directs the Secretary of the Treasury to sus- pend the repayment of all duties heretofore paid on imported fruits 

until further legislation by Congress authorizing the same, or until a decision of a court of the United States requiring the same, from 

which decision the Attorney-General shall certify that the United 

States will not take an appeal or writ of error. Mr. RANDALL. I wish to ask my colleague [Mr. KELLEY] whether 

this -bill does not debar the Attorney-General from taking an appeal on this matter from the decision of a district or circuit court T 

Mr. KELLEY. On the contrary, it suspends payment until the 

Attorney-General shall decide whether he will take snch appeal. 

Mr. RANDALL. That is the point I want to get at. I do not want 

to place this power in the hands of the Attorney-General. I know 

that in the case of the refund of duties on ribbons the money was t.aken out of th.e T1·easury of the United States, in consequence of 

the At·torney-General failing, in my judgment, to do his duty, and declining to take an appeal of the case to a higher conrt. 

Mr. KELLEY. If my colleague will permit me, I will say that this 

llill sinlply suspends the repayment of these duties. A bill on this 

subject has already passed the Honse and is now before the Senate. 

There atre now some thirty or forty cases, involving hundreds of thousands of dollars, awaiting only the signature of a single officer before 

the money shall be paid. The Committee on Ways and Mea,ns deem 

it desi.rallle that this bill should be passed to suspend payment in 

such cases until the bill now pending in the Senate shall be passed. 

Mr. RANDALL. I should prefer that the proposition should. merely 

prohibit the Secretary of the Treasury from the repayment of any 

money and go no further; because I maintain that t.he Attorney-General, on a question of refunding so enormous an amount or duties, 

should have the judgment of the highest court. In ot.her words, I am not willing to leave the matter discretionary with any AttorneyGeneral. -

Mr. KELLEY. :Mr. Speaker, this does not leave it with the Attorney-General. It lea,ves it until there has been adjudication. 

Mr. RANDALL. No, sir. 

:Mr. KELLEY. At least so far as t.lte Attorney-General shall eertify 

he does not carry iL further. The bill hae been already pas ed lly the 

House. 

Mr.RANDALL. lam not legislating for the Senate but for the House. 

I wish to state to the House that when you give tha.t power you go 

far enough; but the Attorney-General should not have the right upon 

the decision of the lower courts to cease to prosecute further the claim 

of the United States. Mr. BURCHARD. The proposition of the gentleman from P enn- sylvania would prohibit the repayment of the money by the Secretary 

of the Treasury in all cases, even though the conrt decided it ought 

to be paid. Hence the latter part of the resolution was unanimously 

agreed to by the committee, so that in case the conrt shonld on full 

consideration of this section of the statute decide that money had 

been wrongfully collected, then the Secretary of the Treasury might 

have the power to repay it. The question there involved has not yet 

been passed on by the court. 

Mr. RANDALL. Neither was it in the ribbon case. Mr. BURCHARD. It only provides, so far as the Attorney-General 

is concerned). that upon the decision of the conrt, if the Attorney-Gen- eral is satisfied with the decision,•it ought not to be appealed, and 

should so certify, then the Secretary of the Treasury may make payment. 

Mr. RANDALL. I wish to warn the House of this matter of danger. The celebrated ribllon ca~e was gotten through in this way 

precisely. There were various decisions; l think three. It was d~ 

cided in the circuit court, and then came to the Attorney-General, who 

gave a, certificate or wrote a letter to the Secretary declaring he would 

not appeal. I do not know the amount of money refunded in that 

case, but I believe it went to the extent of some half a million. I am told there are $2,000,000 involved in t.his matter. Now, for one, I will 

not stand here and give this right to the Attorney-General. I will 

not give him the power by his mere ipse dixit to take 2,000,000, or $2,000, or any other amount, large or small, of money out of the Treasury until after appeal to the highest court, and decision by that court 

has been had that the Government of the United States if' bound in 

good faith or in la,w to refund this money. 

l\l.r. KELLEY. There bas been no adjudication. 

~l.r. RANDALL. Nor was there in the ribbon case. Mr. KELLEY. I thought there were two or three decisions in that case. .Mr. RAl\TDALL. There w:Js no decision on appeal to· the highest 

tribunal. There were decisions in the lower courts. 

l\Ir. KELLEY. This is to guard against the e ve1·y things of which 

the gentleman complains, and proVIdes no money shall be refunded 

until the case has been decided. 

M:.r. RANDALL. It gives the right, when the Attorney-General 

states he will not take an appeal from the decision of the lower court, 

to the Secretary of the Treasury to pay back this money. Does it not 

authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to do that Y 

.Mr. KELLEY. It does. 

Mr. RANDALL. That is the whole question, then. • f.r. KELLEY. There must be a dcch;ion. l\Iany warrants are now ! 

awaiting signature to ca,rry humlreds of thousands of dollars out off 

t he Treasury, and I hope this will pa s, to prevent it until th:ere has 

been a decision. 

:Mr. RAl\TDALL.. The gentleman assisted me, or rather I assisted 

him, in the ribbon case I have llefore alluded to, in trying to prevent 

money improperly being t·aken from the Treasury of the United 

States. Yet, with all our forethought and knowledge of legislation 

in that case, because of the refusal of the Attorney-General to take an appeal from the decision of the lower court to the Supreme Court 

of the United States, there was taken out of the Trea ury some half a million dollars. 

l\lr. KELLEY. Rl'membering the efforts of my colleague in t.hat 

instance, I cannot underst.and why he should interpose o llj ection at this 

tinle. 

l\Ir. RANDALL. I interpo e only so far as to provide that the cc- retary of the Treasury shall not pay out, or in any way refund, duti.es 

nntil there has been an appeal to, and the question has been decidetl 

by, the Supreme Court. When it is a question of how I wish to go 

further, and instruct the Attorney-General to take an appeal to the 

higher court and get a judgment in that higher court before anybody 

is authorized to take money out of the Trea nry in t.his way. ~h. KELLEY. That bill passed this Hou ·e and was sent to the 

Senate. This is to arrest immediate action so fa..r as the Treasur is to be largely depleted, and is for that service alone-to obtain a judicial decision on this point alone. 

Mr. RANDALL. I do not wiBh to object unnecessru·ily, and will 

modify my proposition so it will read, "that no money shall be paid 

until after the :final decision of the Supreme Court." 

Mr. KASSON. 1\l.r. Speaker, I wish to sa.y that this is intended to 

harmonize with the resolution of the House passed the other uay. 

\Ve have to guard the rights of the citizens on the one hand, and the 

rights of the United States on the other. 

There is now an emergency. It was reported when that bill passed 

the H6use the other day that the Secretary would suspend furthl:!r 

payments ont of that fund until the Senate had reasonable time to n,ct 

upon it. The Secretary now informs us that be does not deem himself authorized to withhold these payments until there is some direct 

authority in tha.t direction conferred by Congre s. To meet that 

emergency the committee recommend this rc olution now before the 

House, by which, if it passes both bodies, all payments will be at once suspended. Not a.nother dolla.r ca.n be paid, on account of this disputed matter, from the Treasury unless Congress sha.ll by further 

legislation a,uthorize it to be done, or unless the suits now instituted 

shall have reached decision in a court of the United St.ates, and that 

decision shall be so clearly right and free from don bt that the highest. legal authority of the United States shall say that it is not the interest of the United States to carry them by appeal or writ of error to 

the Supreme Court. In this respect it is exactly what the bill provided which passed the House last 1\Ionday week. 

1\Ir. RANDALL. That did not go far enough. Mr. KASSON. The object of it is this: If citizen::; have rights dependent on this action as well a-s the United States, it is their intere:st 

that their case shall be made up clearly, and that they shall get on a regular trial a decision of a nited States judge, pre umed to bo incorruptible, after tho full hearing of evidence; then the citizens should 

not he delayed in obtaining justice by the ipse dixit of the Attorne ·- General. In other worlls, jast as the United St.ntes protect itseli iu one case by the ipse dixit of the Attorney-General, so the citizen iu tho 

corresponding case shall lle entitled to the same protection agai.ust 

any delay of justice. That i the whole object of there olution; and 

I submit to my: friend from Pennsylvania [Mr. RA.J."'IDALL] that he 

ought not to say that the opinion oi the Attorney-General shall weis-h 

here in behalf of the Un:i ted State :rnd shall not weigh at all for tne . citizen. The gentleman must remember that the citizen also has 

interests to be protected. 

1\ir. RANDALL. I am remembering the interests of the citizen 

when I eek to preven"t thi money which comes into the Trea ury 

from being taken out improperly. We enact tariff acts. The 'I'rea - ury Department gives what is conRidered a fair interpret:ttion of tho e acts. Under that interpretation moneys are collected. The importer comes in aud sta:tes that that is not the true interpretation of the law, 

and an appeal is taken. Now, I want the Government to have the 

benefit of the highest judicial decision, not a decision of a petty local 

circuit court. If the money is to pe taken out of the Treasury, I want 

that the highest judicial authority of the country shall be appealed 
1874. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 1757 

to on behalf of the citizen as well as on behalf of the Government. I 

ask the Clerk to read the amendment I have suggested. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

Strike out the e words: . . "A decision of a court of the United States requiring the same, from which dectsion the Attorney-Generolshall certify that the United 8tates will not take an appeal 

or writ of error." 

And insert in lieu thereof the following : The final decision of the Supreme Court. 

The amendment was adopted. l\Ir. KELLEY. I would suggest that the joint resolution be changed 

into the form of a bill. 

The SPEAKER. The change can be made by unanimous consent. 

The joint resolution was changed to a bill, (H. R. No. 2191,) and 

was received and read a first and second time. 

The bill as amended was ordered to be engrossed and read a t.hird 

tirue; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third timet 

and passed. Mr. KELLEY moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was 

pas ed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the 

table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

STATUS OF Th"DIANS. 

Mr. SHANKS, by unanimous consent, submitted the following resolution; which was read, considered, and agreed to: 

R esolved, That the Committee on Indian Affairs be, and. is reby, ~s~ucted to investiuate and report to the House the status of the Indians m the lim.1ts of the 

United'Statea and Territories as to citizenship, under th~ Constitution of the United 

Smtes with such su~geations as may seem proper and just touching their titles to property, and to ower rights and privileges, in view of past tre:rty stipulations 

and laws and executive orders concerning them, or any of them; saidcoffilnitteeto 

report by bill or otherwise. 

Mr. SHANKS moved to reconsiderthe vote by which the resolution 

was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid 

on the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

JOSEPH W. GOLDTHORP. 

:Mr. BARBER, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 

219'2) for the relief of Joseph W. Goldthorp, late private of the First 

Regiment of Kansas Volunteers; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to 

be printed. UTE INDIANS IN COLORADO. 

l\Ir. Mc1\TULTA, by unanimous consent, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported a bill (H. R. No. 2193) to ratify an agreement 

with certain Ute Indians in Colorado, and to make an appropriation 

for carrying out the same; which was read a first and second time, 

referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. 

and ordered to be printed. ' 

IMPROVEMENT OF DETROIT RIVER. 

Mr. FIELD, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 

219-t) to authorize the removal of bowlders from the channel of the 

Detroit River, and for the e tablishment of a liO'ht-ship on the shoals 

at the mouth of said river; which was read a first and second time, 

referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed. 

POVERTY ISLAND LIGHT-HOUSE. 

Mr. FIELD, by unanimous consent, also introducecl a bill (H. R. 

No. 2195) for the relief of the workmen employed in the construction 

of Poverty Island light-house, Lake Michigan; which was rea-d a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Commerce, and 

ordered to be printed. ADDITIONAL BOUNTY. 

Mr. BANNING, byunauimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 

219G) to extend the time for the filing of claims for additional bounty, 

under the act of July 28, 1866; which was read a first and second 

time, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to 

bt} printed. S. B. SPURLOCK AND A. AND L. FAUI.JQ."ER. 

Mr. HARRISON, by unanimous con ent, submitt,ed the following 

resolution, which was read, considered, and adopted: 

R68olvod, That the Secretary of War be directed to tran mit to the Clerk of the House the pa~ers in his Department in relation to the claim of S. B. Spurlock, Asa 

r:~warCla~~B Faulkner, against the United States, now before the CommitLEAVE OF ABSENCE. 

l\1r. SMITH, of North Carolina, was granted leave of absence for one week. 

Mr. LEACH was granted leave of absence for four days. l\Ir. HAZELTON, of Wisconsin, was granted leave of absence for one week. 

Mr. SPEER. I move that the House now adjourn. - The motion was agreed to; and accordingly (at four o'clock and 

fifty-five minutes p.m.) the House adjourned. 

PETITIOYS, ETC. 

The following memorials, petitions, and other papers were presented 

at the Clerk's desk, under the rule, and referred as sta.tod: 

By 1\.IJ::. ADAMS : The petition of Esther McDowell, for a pension, 

to the Committee on Revolutionary Pensions and War of 1812. 

By l\Ir. ARCHER: The petition of William H. Pleasents,for relief, 

to the Committee on War Claims. 

By Mr. BARBER: The petition of citizens of Wisconsin, for the 

passage of the bill for the better protection of immigrants, to the Committee on Commerce. 

Also, several petitions of citizens of Wisconsin, for the improvement 

of the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers, and of the mouth of the Mississippi, 

to t he Committee on Commerce. 

By 1\Ir. BERRY: The petition of citizens of Holmes County, Ohio, 

for the repeal of the second section of the act of June 6, 1872, which 

made a reduction of 10 per cent.· on certain duties, to the Committee 

on Ways and l\1ea.us. 

By 1\lr. BRIGHT: The petition of Austin 0. Lynn, for relief, to the 

Committee on War Claims. 

By Mr. BURLEIGH: The petition of Delphina P. Harmon, for a 

pension, to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

By l\Ir. CHIPMAN: The petition of Mary E. Cromwell, administratrix of C. B. Cluskey, for remuneration for services rendered the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds of the Fortieth Congress, to 

the Committee on Claims. 

Also, the petition of l\Iary E. Cromwell, administratrix of C. B. 

Cluskey, for remuneration for plan and estimates of Savannah cust om-house, to the Committee on Claims. 

By l\Ir. CLYMER: The petition of Jacob K. Dundore, of Reading, 

Pennsylvania, for payment for a barge lost in the service of the United 

States, to the Committee on War Claims. 

By l\Ir. CROSSLAND: The petition of citizens of Paducah, Kentucky, for the payment of the claim of the Southern Methodist publishing hou e at Nashville, Tennessee, to the Committee on War 

Claims. 

By l\Ir. DANFORD: The petition of 0 . Slemmons and John Haverfield, sureties on the bond of John Fogle, late postmaster at Cadiz, 

Ohio, for relief, to the Committee on Claims. By l\Ir. FARWELL: Joint resolution of the General Assembly of 

the State of Illinois, in favor of an immediate and unconditional 

repeal of the bankrupt law, to the Committee on the Judiciary. 

By l\1r. FREEMAN: The petition of Horatio N atur, for relief, to the 

Committee on Claims. 

By l\Ir. HAYS: The petition of Samuel H. Estell, of Alabama, for 

compensation for ten bales of cotton, to the Committee on War 

Claims. 

By Mr. HER...\TDON: The petition of citizens of Texas for an appropriation for the improvement of the harbor of Sabine Pass, to the 

Committee on Comme ce. By Mr. E . R. HOAR: The petition of Werner W. Berg and others, 

of Boston, Massachusetts, that the diplomatic representative of the 

United States to Sweden and Norway may have the rank of envoy 

extraordinary and ininister plenipotentiary, to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. . By 1\Ir. HUNTON: The petition of John Henry Harrover, of Fairfax County, Virginia, for compensation for personal injuries received 

dming the late war, to the Committee on War Claims. 

By l\Ir. KASSON: The memorial of Noah Porter, president of Yale 

College, and others, members of the American Meteorological Society, 

for the enactment of laws which shall make practicable as well as legal the use of the metric system of weights and measures in the 

several departments of the Federal Government, to the Committee on Coinage, Weights, and Measures. · By l\Ir. LAMPORT: The petition of Charlotte Peck, for a pension, 

to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

By Mr. LOWE: Tbe petition of George W. Williams, and 2,500 

citizens of Kansas, for extension of time to ettlers on the Osage 

lands for payment for their lands, to the Committee on Indian Affairs. 

By Mr. LOW:t\TDES: The petition of F. W. Alexander, of Baltimore, 

Maryland, that his pension ma.y date back to January 10, 1866, tothe 

Committee on Invalid Pensions. · By l\lr. LUTTRELL: Resolutions of the Legislature of California, 

for an appropriation to turn San Diego River into its old channel, to 

tho Coiil.lltittee on Commerce. 

By l\Ir. l\IAYNARD: The petition of Captain Hiram Mahaffey, of 

Roane County, Tennessee, for relief, to the Committee on War Claims. 

By ~lr. MERRIAM: The peLtion of citizens of Newport, New York, 

that a pension be granted to Sara~AunHawkins, daughter of Darius 

Hawkins, a soldier of the war of 1812, to the Committee on Revolutionary Pension and 'V ar of 1 12. 

By Mr. MYERS: The petition of 1\fa,ria D. C. Bache, for a pension, 

to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

By Mr. O'BRIEN: The petition of Joseph C. Hill, late major Sixth 

Maryland Volunteers, for arrears of pay, to the Committee on Military 

Affairs. 

Also, the petition of J!lmes Baxley, for a pension, to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. . By Mr. PHILLIPS: The petition of citizens of Rice County,-Kansas, that said c-:mnty be attached to the Arkansas Valley land district, to the Committee on the Public Lands. 

Also, the petition of settlers on the Osage Indian trust lands, for 

extension of time for payment for their lands, to the Committee on 

Indian Affairs. 

Also, the petition of members of the Kansas Le~islature, remonstrating against the removal of certain forfeited railroad land grants, to 

the Committee on the Public Lands. 
1758 CONGRESS10NAL RECORD. FEBRUARY 25, 

By Mr. RAWLS: .A. paper for the establishment of a post-route 

from Darien to Number One Station, on the :Macon and Brunswick 

Railroadr in the State of Georgia, to the Committee on the Post-Office 

and Post-Roads. 

By Mr. RICE: The memorial of the Board of Trade of Chicago, illinois, relative to a revision of the customs laws, to the Committee on Ways and Mean . By Mr. SENER: The p etition of William C. Callahan, formerly 

postmaster at Warsaw, Richmond County, Virginia, for relief, to the 

Committee on Claim . Also, resolutions of the council of the town of West Point, Virginia, 

for an appropriation to improve the Mattaponi and Pamnnkey Rivers, 

and to build a light-house at Tues Marsh, on York River, to the Committee on Commerce. 

Also, the petition of citizens of Richmond County, Virginia, for 

the survey and improvement of Totuokee Creek, a tributary of the 

Rappahannock, to the Committee on Commerce. 

By 1\-Ir. SLOSS: The petition of Henry ·c. Martin and Robert D. 

Martin, surviving partners of the fum of James Martin & Sons, of 

Florence, Alabama, for r elief, to the Committee on War Claims. 

By 1tlr. S~HTH, of New York: The petition of Charity Hurd, for a pension, to the Committee on Revolutionary Pensions and War of 

1812. 

By Mr. ST.A.NDEFORD: The petition of German Dettweiler, late 

:first lieutenant Sixth Kentucky Infantry, for a pension, to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

.A.lso, the petition of Alexander Hogeland, of Louisville, Kentucky, 

for relief, to the Committee on Claims. 

By Mr. SW .A.NN : The petition of William T. Davis, late sergeant 

Company C, Second Maryland Infantry, for payment of bounty, to 

the Committee on Military .A.ffairs. 

Also, the petition of Sophia Camp bell, for the payment of the 

French spoliation claims, to the Committee on Foreign .A.ffairs. 

By Mr. V .A.NCE: The petition of J. Newton Bryson and others, of 

North Carolina, for a post-route from East L aporte, Jack on County, 

North Carolina, to Cherryfields, Transylvania County, North Carolina, to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. 

By Mr. WILLIE: The petition of tobacco manufacturers and deal- ers of the State of Texas, for the abolition of the import duty on mass or stick licorice, to the Committee on Ways and Means. 

By Mr. WOODWORTH: The petition of Enoch Wickersham and 

250 other citizens of Ohlo, for an amendment to the Constitution of 

the United State which hall prohibit the manufacture, importation, 

and sale of intoxicating liquors within the un· ed States, to the Committee on the Judiciary. 

By Mr. --: The petition of Daniel Coy, for a pension, to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

.A.lso, the petition of Margaret .A.. Hoffner, for ~ pension, to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

IN SENATE. 

WEDNESDAY, February 25, 1874. 

Prayer by Rev. E. D. OWEN, of Washington, D. C. 

The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved. 

PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS. 

Ir. FENTON. I present the petition of HenryS. Van DeCarr and 

Elsie M. Reynolds, admini tmtor and administratrix of the estate of 

Rensselaer Reynolds, deceased, and Gordon B. Reynolds, of Stockport, 

in the county of Columbia, State of New York, praying for an enabling 

act. It relates to a patent. Accompanying this petition are some affidavits, which are submitted, sustaining the case. I move the ref- erence of the papers to th Committee on Patent . The motion was agreed to. 

Mr. FENTON presented the memori:tl of William H. Babcock, who wa a private in Company C, One hundred and seventy-seventh Regiment New York Volunteer , in the late war, asking the pas age of an act granting him a pen ion at the rate of eight dollars per month; 

which was referred to the Committee on Pensions. 

Mr. RAMSEY. I present the memorial of Le Grand Marvin and 

Isaiah .A.cre, citizens of Buffalo, in the State of New York, asking that 

there be published at stated periods, monthly or quarterly, a list of 

the publications made by Congress, with their weight, their size, their 

subject-matter, and the prices at which they can be furnished, ·with 

the postage from Washington to the various localities in the States. 

I think myself that this is a provision which we ,should have. It 

obtains in England, and it would lead undoubtedly to the sale of the 

documents of Congress, that are cut off largely probably by the abolition of the franking privilege at this time. The memorialists also 

protest against the renewal of the franking privilege. I move the 

reference of the memoriaJ to the Committee on Printing. Tho motion was agreed to. 

Mr. FERRY, of MichiO'an, presented the petition of farmers and 

working-men of Ma on County, Michigan, praying that national cur- rency be substituted for Treasury notes, made a full legal tender for 

all public and private debts, and for an interconvertible United 

States bond bearing 3.65 per cent. interest, payable in lawful mon y; 

which was referred to the Committee on l''inance. 

Mr. LOGAN presented the petition of the Universalist church of 

Table Grove, Illinois, signed by Rev. J. Hughes, pa tor, and ot her officers, praying for the appointment of a commission of inquiry con- cerning the alcoholic liquor traffic, its relations to pauperism, crime, 

the public health, and general welfare; which was ordered to lie on 

the table. 

He also presented a memorial of the lloard of Trade of Chicago, uggestin~ modifications of the customs law ; which was referred to the 

Committee on Finance. · Mr. D.A. VIS presented the memorial of Nathaniel Kuykendall, of 

Hampshire County, West Virginia, praying compensation for extra 

service for carrying the mail from Romney to Clarksburgh, in Virginia, for four years and a half, commencing in the year 1H39; which was referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads. · Mr. SCOTT pre ented the petition of the New Gard n monthly 

meeting of the Society of Friends, of Chester County, Pennsylvania, 

signed by the clerks, George Thompson and Sarah W. Linville, pra - ing for the appointment of a commission of inquiry concerning the 

alcoholic liquor traffic, its relations to pauperism, crime, the public 

health, and general welfare; which was ord red to lie on the table. 

Mr. PRATT presented the petition of John B. Chapman, praying 

the enactment of a law to carry into effect the act of February 14, 

1873, providing for the payment of his claim against the Government 

for services rendered as special agent to the OISage Indians in 1861 aml 

1862; which was referred to the Committee on Claims . Mr. HA1tiLIN presented the memorial of Arthur McArthur and 

other citizens of Washington, remonstrating against permission being 

granted to any railroad company to lay another track on Twelfth 

stre t, Washington City; which was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. 

P APERB WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED. 

On motion of Mr. FENTON, it was 

Ordered, That the petition and ~aper of Anson Atwood, of Troy, New York, 

~~d~fe~d~:~oc~!!f~~!~~\>~{e~~·oad-car wheels, be takeu from the files 

REPORTS OF CO:\nll'ITEES. 

Mr. DAVIS, from the Committee on Claim , to whom wa.s referr d 

the petition of Julia .A.. Nutt, of Missis ippi, admini tratrix of Haller Nutt, deceased, praying payment for quartermaster's stores taken by 

the United States forces, reported adversely thereon, anu asked to be 

di charged from its further consideration; which was arrreed to. Mr. SCOTT, from the Commlttee on Claims, to whom was referred 

the bill (S. No. 384) for the benefit of the Louisville and Bardstown 

Turnpike Company, reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon ; which was ordered to be printed . Mr. WRIGHT, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was referrecl 

the petition of Su an Vincent, widow of Frederick Vincent, praying 

to be repaid a balance of money a-dvanced by the firm of Le Caze & 

Mallet in aid of the Government during the revolutionary war, u bmitted an adver e report thereon; which was ordered to be printe<l, 

and the committee was discharged from the further considemtion of 

the petition. BILLS INTRODUCED. 

:Mr. FERRY, of Michigan, asked, and by unanimous con ent obtained, 

leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 536) granting a pen ion to Livanna 

Ingraham; which was read twice by its title, :mel referred to the 

Committee on Pensions. 

l\fr. FENTON a ked, and by unanimous cons nt obtained, leave to 

introduce a bill (S. No. 537) for the exten ion of the patent known as Reynolds's pn.tented brake for power-loom ; which was r ead twice 

by its title, and referred to the Committee on Patent . 

STATUE OF JEFFERBO . 

l\!r. MORRILL, of Vermont. I am directed by th Committe on Public Buildings and Grounds to report on the r esolution referred to 

the committee, instructing them to "consider the expediency of providing for the protection of the statue of Jefferson now in the op n air in the grounds of the Executive Mansion, the arne being a work 

of art by an eminent French culptor." The committee submit a r port 

which I send to the desk, and aft-er it is printed I hall call the atten- tion of the Senate to the subject. 

The PRESIDENT pro ternpore. The report will be laid on the table, 

and printed. 1tfr. MORRILL, of Vermont. It seem that there is some confu ion as to the action of the House and Senate, both Houses having at different times taken action thereon, but it is a matter of some doubt 

whether action on the same t·esolution or not; and if there is any 

doubt about it or any defect, it ought to be cured by legislation now. The committee therefore report a joint re olution. 

The joint resolution (S. R. No.6) in relation to the bronze statue of 

Jefferson presented to Congress by Uriah P. Levy, late an officer in 

the United States Navy, was read and pa sed to a second reading, 

and the eport was ordered to be printed. 

NAVAL MONUl\IENT ·IN WASHINGTON. 

Mr. ANTHONY submitted the following resolution; which was con- sidered by unanimous consent, and agreed to : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Public Bnildinga and Grounds be. instructed