1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECOJ: D-SENATE. 9109 

PRIVATE BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIO!o~S INTRODUCED AND REFE&RED. 

Under the rule private bills and joint. resolutions of the following 

titles were introduced and referred as indicated below: 

B,v Mr. HITT: Joint resolution (H. Hes. 2Z7) authorizing the Secretary of War to receive for instruction at the Military Academy at We~t Point Henry Lecomte, of Switzerland-to the Committee on Mil- itaty Aff:.tirs. 

By 1\fr. J. A. ANDERSOl~ : A bill (H. R. 11542) granting a pension 

to Jeremiah Malcolm-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

Also, a bill (H. H.. 11543} for the r~lief of William T. Hopkins-to 

the Committee on Claims. 

By Mr. MAISH: A bill (H. R. 11544) for the relief of the Standard 

Umler-gronnd Cable Company, of Pittsburgh, Pa.-to the Committee 

on Appropriations. 

By Mr. McSHANE: A bill (H. R. 11545} granting a pension to 

James M. Simeral-to the Committee on In·mlid Pensions. 

By Mr. WARNER: A bill (H. R. 11546) for the relief of the St. 

l.A>uis and Mississippi Transportation Company-to the Committee on 

Claims. 

Thornton Thatcher, Michael Callahan, and the widow of John Waters, 

reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon. 

Mr. MITCHELL, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was re- ferred the bill (H. R. 300) for the relief of the trustees of the First · 

Baptist Church, at Smithland, Ky., reported it without amendment, 

and submitted a report thereon. 

THE REVENUE LAWS. 

Mr. ALLISON. The Committee on Finance, to whom was referred 

the bill (H. R. 9051) to reduce taxation and simplify the laws in re- lu.tion to the collection of the revenue, have directed me to report it 

back with an amendment in the nature of a substitute. I ask that 

the bill may be placed on the Calendar, and I give notice that on Monday morning I shall ask for its consideration. 

Mr. SHERMAN. .Meanwhile it will be printed in the regular way. 

Mr. ALLISON. I shall move to take up the bill on Monday morning for oonsideration. I also move that 1,000 copies be printed in bill 

form for the use of the folding-room in addition to the usual number. 

I think that can be done without reference to the Committee on Printing. 

Mr. HARRIS. What number of extra. copies does the Senator suggest? 

PETITIONS, ETC. Mr. ALLISON. I ask unanimous consent that 1, 000 copies be printed 

The following petitions anrl papers were laid on the Clerk's desk, in bill form for the folding-room. 

under the rule. and referred as follows: Mr. SHERMAN. There should be copiesfor theuse of the commitBy Mr. M:cCO~fAS: Petition of Henry T. Deaver, of Frederick tee. 

Countv, Maryland, for reference of his claim to the Court of Claims- Mr. HARRIS. One thousand copies in addition to the usual numto the Co1:.1mittee on War Claims. · her? 

By Mr. FORAN: Petition of Local Assembly No. 9353, Knights of Mr. ALLISON. In addition to the usual number. I think there 

Labor, of Cleveland, Ohio, to protect free labor from convict ~abor-to ought to be perhaps 500 printed also for the use of the Committee on the Committee on Labor. Pinance, as there are so many requests made to that committee for the 

Dy Mr. LANDEH: Petition of Eunice J. Smith, of West Salem, Ill., I mea.<;ure a~eed on. . .. . . for relief-to the Comm_il_tee on t~e Post-Office and Post-Roads. . . The Pl{ESID_ENT pro tempore. .The Chair w11l subm1t the motiOn 

Dy Mr. M:A.lSH: Pet1t10n of Ehzabeth Hoffacker, mother of Wilham as the Senator irom Iowa presents It. · . . . . . Hoffacker for relief-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Mr. ALLISON. I move that 1)000 additiOnal copies be pnnted tor 

By Mr. 'wARNER: Petition of the St. L<luis and Mississippi Valley the u~e of the foldi~g-room of the Sen~te, and 500 copies for th.e use of 

Transportation Company, 1or relief-to the Committee on Claims. the Fmance Committee. I ask unammous consent that that may be 

done. 

SENATE. 

WEDNESDAY, Octobe1· 3, 1888. 

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. G. "BUTLER, D. D. 

The Journal of yesterday's proceedmgs was read and approved. 

PETITIONS A..."t\D MEMORIALS. 

Mr. HOA.R presented the petition of J. Nelson Trask, of Massachusetts, praying tor the total repeal of all naturalization laws; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. 

He also presented a petition of 11, 088 citizens of Massachusetts, pray- in~ for an amendment to the Constitution of the United States wh;ch 

will prohibit the :ippropriation of public funds for the support of sec- tarian schools; which was referred to the Committee on Education and 

Labor. REPORTS OF COMMITTEES. 

Mr. DOLPH, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom 

wns referred the joint resolution ~H. Res. 181) aeceptingtbe invitation 

of the Imperial German Government to the Government of the United 

States to become a party to the International Geodetic Association, re- ported it; without amendment. 

Mr. STEW ART: from the Committee on Military Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (H. R 1959) authorizing the Secretary of War to 

issue to the governor of the Territory of .Montana militmy 'stores for 

the use of tbe regularly enlisted, organized, and uniformed active 

militia, reported it with an amendment, and snbruitted a report 

thereon. 

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill 

(S. 3:~36) a,uthorizing the Secretary of War to issue to the governor of 

tlJc Territory of Montana military stores for the use of the regularly enli~ted, organized, aud uniformed active militia., reported adve<sely 

thereon; and the bill was po3tponed indefinitely. 

Mr. RAWYEH, from the Committee on Commerce, to whom was re- ferred the bill (H. H. 100:.!3) to authorize the Cairo and TennesseeHiver 

Railroad Company to construct bridges across the 'l'eunessee and Cumberland Rivet'S, reported it with an amendment. 

He also, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom were referred the 

following bills, reported them severf1lly withoutamendment, and submitted reports thereon: · A bill (H. R. 540.:!) granting a pension to Emma F. R~d; 

A bill (H. R. 4H49 ) granting a pension to Daniel Tanner; 

A bill (H. H. 10109) granting :1 pension to Mrs. Anna Leach; 

A bill (H. R. 7928} granting a pension to Samuell\!. Reese; 

A hill (H. R. 10769) granting a pension to John M. Krnnk; and 

A hill (H. R. 8735) granting a pension to Mary A. McCool. 

Mr. · WILSON, of Maryland, from the Committee on Claims, to 

whom was referred tbe bill (H. R. 5349) for the relief of James Trabue, 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It will be so ordered if there be no 

obiection. 

·Mr. ALLISON submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Printing: 

Resolved. That 10,000 copies of the bill H. R. No. 9001, as reported to the Senate, be printed in pamphlet form, 9,000 for the use of the Senate, and 1,000 for the use of the C'ommittee on Finance. 

Mr. ALLISON. I give notice that to-morrow, or on Friday morning 

at the farthest, majority and minority reports will be filed to accom- pany this bill. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair will have section 3793 of 

the Revi:o;ed Statutes read. 

The Svcret:uy read as follows: 

SEC. 3793. All motions to print extra copies of any bill, report, or other pub- lic document, shall be referred to the Committee on Printing of the llouse in ' which sueh motion is made. 

The PHESIDENT p1·o tempore. The operation of a rule of the Sen- ate can be waived by unanimous consent, but the direction of a statute can not. The Chair therefore thinks that the order agreeing to t.lie resolution to print extra copies of the bill reported by the Committee on Finance this morning should be reconsidered, and that the resolution 

should be referred to the Committee on Printing. It is so ordered if 

there be no objection. 

Mr. ALLISON. That relates to the printing of the 1,500 copies of 

the tariff hill. 

The PRES!DENT p1·o tempo1·t>. The 1,500 copies. 

Mr. ALLISON. Then I move to make the number 2,000, 1,000 for 

the committee and 1,000 for the Senate. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. It can be reported immediately. It is a mere question of accounting at the Treasury. 

The PHESIDENT pro tempore. If there be no o~jection the amend- ment will be agreed to. 

.Mr. SHERMAN. Before the consideration of the tariff bill passes 

from the !:::enate, as I am compelled to leave a.t 3.40 this afternoon I 

should like, with the indulgence of the Senate, to make a fewrema;ks 

in regard to it. I think it is proper for me to do so, but if it will be more convenient to Senators to go through with the ordinary morninO' 

business I shall be very glad to do it then. too 

Mr. COCKRELL. There is no objection to the Senator" proceediug now. . 

Mr. SHERMAN. I will go on now if it is the pleasure of the Senate. 

Mr. HARRIS. The morning business can follow the remarks of the · Senator. · 

Mr. SHERMAN. .Mr. President, the gnn·e importance attached, l 

not only by the people of our country, but by tbc people of all countries with whom we ba.ve connect.ion, to the tariff bill which is now presented to the Senate for consideration, perhaps justifies a, few re- marks to be made by me. 
9110 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. OCTOBER 

Although at this time the chairman of the Committee on Finance, 

I have not been able to give to the detailed investigation of this subject the care and attention that I probably ought to have done, but my • time bas been fully occupied in other duties imposed on me by the 

Senate. Still, on account of the very grave importance of this bill, 

which involves the interest of every citizen of the United States, Iha>e 

kept pace with its examination; I have read it over and over, again 

and again, so that I am familiar with all the details and provisions of 

the bill, but the work and labor performed upon this bill has been done 

by others. 

Early, even before the Rouse bill came to us, a subcommittee of the 

Committee on Finance, composed of seven members, four of them 

Uepublicans and three Democrats, were appointed to take charge of 

this important measure, even before it came here; and they have devoted all their time since then, and especially since the passage of 

the bill by the other House, to the consideration of this subject. As a matter of course, the Demot..-ratic members of the committee being satisfied with the Mills bill did not give the same attention to the matter that tho Republican members did, but they attended off and on in 

the examination of witnesses, and no doubt kept themselves advised as to the progress of the bill. But the bill itselt~ the substitute as re- ported, is substantially the work of the Senator from Iowa [Mr. ALLISO~], who reports it to-day, the Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. 

ALDRICH], the Senator from Nevada. [M:r. JoNEs], and the Senator 

from New York [Mr. Hrscocx:]. In making these comments now, I 

wish to give these Senators not only all the credit for the meJits of the 

bill, but for the manne1· in which they did the immense labor in preparing the bill. My part was simply that of~ looker-on and an ad vi· 

sory member. 

The subcommittee quickly came to the conclusion that the bill sent 

by the other House was not a su.:fficient bill to answer the purposes demanded, that it was totally inadequate, that it was not a revision of 

the tariff law. It was only an amendment of the tariff law. It only 

affected a portion of the paragraphs or schedules of the tariff law. It 

did not aim to be a revision of the law nor to provide machinery to 

carry into execution the law, but cut here and there-I was about to 

say at mndom-at the various provisions of existing law. When it 

came to be examined in detail, as Senators will see by the report of 

the committee, there were many incongruities in the bill, provisions 

that were totally inconsistent with each other, taxes levied on mw materials at a higher rate than on the finished article, and many other 

incon!!I'uities and uncertainties necessarily involved in the framing of 

the bill owing to the manner in which it was framed, however honest 

may have been the intention. These will all be pointed out fully in 

the report of the committee. 

The Republican members, ihe m~ority of the committee, felt it nec- essary to provide for an entire revision of the revenue law. They 

therefore, as a foundation for that, took the testimony of a great num- ber of witnesses. Over 2,000 printed pages of testimony in the form 

of statements or representations or petitions will he laid before the 

Senate to guide their action, to inform them upon the various interests 

involved in this proposed tariff law. Among this information are some very able and instructive treatises, I may say, upon different branches 

of the subject-matter. 

The bill is thus reported after this examination. If there are defects 

in the bill they will no doubt be pointed out. As I shall show hereafte:r, in my judgment there will be but few defects except differences 

of honest opinion in regard to what duties ought to be levied upon different articles; but so far as the frame-work of the bill is concerned it 

will be found to be a very perfect bill. 

The general merits of this bill as compared with the Mills bill, I .shall notgointo indetail. I will briefiystate thatthe billcontainsall 

there is left and all that is needed of laws regulating the rates of duty 

and providing machinery for the collection of both internal and ex- ternal taxes. Although in a much less mass than one would suppose, 

it is a substantial compendium of. every provision of law made necessary for the collection of eiilier internal-revenue or customs duties, so that it is pra-ctically the revenue laws of the United States. It is the 

only one that I know of that has ever been made, for it not only con- tains the rates of duty, but the manner in which the duties shall be 

collected. · With this measure a custom-house ofllcer or any citizen may inform 

himself of every provision of law which affects the public revenue of 

the United States derived from these sources, exclusive of the publicland laws. 

Not only that: but this bill for the first time_ provides safeguards 

against frauds and undervaluations, remedies for which :Q.ave been 

sought by committoos of the Senate and of the House without respect 

to party. These have been formulated by a committee composed of 

members of both parties into a bill early rep01·ted to the Senate, which 

passed the Senate without a division, receiving every vote of the Senate, a bill framed, as I say, by a committee of both parties, who went 

to New York and examined there the machinery and method of collections, and that has become a part of this codiiica.tion. 

In my judgment that alone and the legislative provisions thus re- 1) ortcd will do more to secure a fair and just collection of customs than 

any other provisions in this bill, or in any bill that has preceded it. It 

was shown clearly to the committee that extent of ll.lldervaluations 

went, in many cases, to 30, 40, and 50 per cent.; that it was habitual 

and universal, especially in the larger port<J; that custom-house oaths 

were disregarded without question or inquiry, and that arrangements 

and combinations were made by which goods were introduced into this 

country at an undervaluation through commission merchants and by 

various arrangements. That proposed law has been ingrafted in the 

bill. 

The bill contains a positive, unquestionable 1·eduction of revenues to 

the extent of about $10,000,000; to state it more clearly, $73,668,000. 

These are upon a few items, so that there can be no question about it. 

Upon sugar there is the reduction of one-half, amounting to $27,000,000. There is an entire repeal of the tax on manufactured tobacco, leavinp: a duty on cigars to a certain extent, ma1..'ing a reduction of duties of 

$24,370,000. There is a repeal of the internal tax on alcohol used in 

the arts, which is further estimated to re~uce the revenue $7,000,000. 

I doubt very much whether we can prevent the fraud that will un- doubtedly occur :in pretending to use alcohol in the arts when it is used 

fur drinking purposes. I have no doubt that the ingenuity of man wMl 

evade any provisions of law that can be made upon this subject. But 

the scheme is a just one, agreed to by all, that there ought to be no tax 

on alcohol used in ordinary medicines and for manufacturing purposes. 

Where it is used, sometimes as a lubricator and sometimes as a solvent; 

sometimes for one purpose and sometimes for another, no one questions 

the propriety of repealing the tax if it can be done sat ely; but I doubt 

very much whether it can be done. 

There is also an addition to the free-list of articles heretofore subject 

to duty which will red nee the revenue $6,428,000; and tb ere are changes 

of rates of duty, the reduction of duties on other articles, reducing 

the re>enue $8,100,000, making the total of$73,668,000. 

This is a positive, certain reduction of taxation. The objection to 

the Mills bill is that no man can say with any certainty that it is are- duction, except so far as that bill adds articles to the free-list. Every 

effort heretofore since the close of the war to reduce taxes by reducing 

duties on imp01·ted goods has resulted in an increase of the revenue 

unless the repeal of the duty made the article duty free. In my judgment, the Mills bill, the main object of which as set out is to reduce 

tp.e revenue, will in some portions of it, at least in those portions which 

reduce the duty on imported goods, rather increase the revenues than 

'Jtherwise. 

The substitute bill contains another novel device: and I give the com- mittee great credit for it. It groups all the articles subject to duties on imported goods into fifteen different schedules, properly headed, as the iron or metal schedule, cotton manufactures, and woolen manu- factures. There are fifteen different schedules, each of which is separate and distinct. Besides that, it divides the whole into seven hundred and ninety-five paragraphs, each paragraph relating to a single 

article, thus dissipating the .idea which is so common in this country 

that the tariff affects three thousand or four thousand articles, because seven hundred and ninety-five paragraphs describe every article, not 

only on the dutiable list, but on the free-list as well, and they are grouped in paragraphs so that they can .be referred to, and one can be 

repealed or modified without changing others. Hitherto the trouble 

in changing our revenue laws was that any modification made might 

affect a great many different subjects-matter not intended by the 

framers of the law. This classification and division will avoid that 

difficulty. 

This bill also enlarges, as I &'tid a moment ago, the free-list by adding certain articles to the free-list, but unlike the Mills bill it only adds 

those articles which can not be produced in thls country, to which our country by reason of clin1ate or otherwise is not adapted. All such 

articles, therefore, without exception, on the dutiable-list, except some articles of extreme luxury that can not with ordinary care and skill be 

produced in this country, have been placed on the free·list. 

The Mills bill, as it is called, or the House bill, went upon a different principle. It did not regard the principle that is acted upon by 

the committee of the Senate, but put on the free-list some of the most 

important articles which come directly into competition with the most 

valuable American productions. For instance, the }.fills bill put wool 

upon the free-list, so that the wool from all the countries of the world, 

from the uncivilized plains, I may say, from new countries occupied by 

savage tribes, the wool grown on native or wild sheep, would be brought 

into competition with our own people, and thus endanger, as I think, 

the most important indust.ry of mankind, the one nece8l5ary to provide warm clothing for the people. 

The Mills bill did select a.multitude of articles that can be and ought 

to be produced in this country and placed them on the free-list, thus 

compelling our people to a sharp and hard competition with all classes 

of labor and with all classes of people in foreign countries. But this 

bill puts nothing on the free-list except it is an article that can not be 

produced here, audit puts on the free-list every article that can not 

be produced here by ordinary means and facilities. 

Not only that, but this bill is impartial in its dealing with sections. There is no discrimination, and I challenge gentlemen to show any discrimination in rates of duty on account of the sectional locality of the 
1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-- SENATE. 9111 ~ 

production. It is true the bill reduces one-half the duty on sugar, 

which can only be grown in a warm climate; but the present duty on 

sugar is 83 per cent.-m01e than double the duty on any other agricultural production except that of rice. The committee in dealing 

with these two-articles, whi-ch now yield the enormous revenue from 

sugar of iifty-odd million doYars, placed them at a higher rate of 

duty than is levied on any article grown in the North, and left a duty 

on sugar of 41 per cent., when the duty on wheat is 20 per cent. and on other articles grown in the North from 20 to 30 or 40 per cent. On 

rice the duty is still•left at over 50 per cent. while now it is over 100 

per cent. S · · t t · I · · th' b'll h' h I challenge enators agam to pom o a smg e 1tem m IS 1 w 1c 

discriminates against any industry becauso it is produced in the South 

or in the North, or in the East or in the West; while the Mills bill_ was marked in its discriminations. As is shown by the report, of the duties modified in the :Mills bill to the injury of American production 

$1 200,000~000 of the competing domestic articles were grown in the 

Nortll, and I believe it was but $60,000,000 that were grown in the 

South. So that the Mills bill is a wide and general discrimination, as 

we think, against Northern industries; while this bill aYoids that and 

makes a fair and impartial reducti<>n. of revenues and a fair and impartial classification of the revenues. This bill does increase the duties•on several things, and here there 

will be an honest difference of opinion as to whether the increased duties involve cases of right or not. Probably that will be one of the controversies before the Senate when we come to the details of the bill. 

But the principle which has always been followed in this increase of 

· duties is that where the tables show that an article which ought to be 

produced in this country is very largely imported, in such a case it is 

an evidence that there ought to be increased encouragement given to 

our own manufacturers in order to diversify our industry and make 

everything essential to human life in this country, rather than· to de· 

pend upon foreign nations. That principle has prevailed, so far as I 

know, in every increase of duties as proposed by this bill. 

While the bill lowers the rates- of dutY. on certain woolen and coLton 

goods, it increases the rates on others. There are two or three proposed 

increases on cotton goods in the bill that will be tbesubjectof remark, 

but at the same time they are based upon that distinct rule as a rule. 

The cat ton-industry of this country is growing not only in t-heN orth, 

but in the South. One of the happiest signs of the times ic; that there 

_ were thirty·six cotton mills, according to the statement in the papers, 

erected within the last year in the South. So far as the cheaper forms 

of cotton goods are concerned, undoubtedly the cotton manufacture is 

well established, but in regard to that class which enters more, or less 

as articles of luxury into the consumption of the rich there- are still 

enormous amounts of cotton goods manufactured abroad and brought 

from foreign countries into this country which ought to btl manufactured here. What is the amount of import-ations of cotton goods? 

!!Ir. ALDRICH. Twenty-nine millions of dollaTs. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Twenty-nine million dollars' worthofcottongoods 

are brought into this country, every part of which, except probably 

those of the finer grades, where the great cost is in the skilled labor, 

c.'tn be manufactured in this country. The committee have recommended a slight increase of duty on two or three grades of these goods 

in order to induce our people to- engage in the finer manufacture of 

cotton goods; and so I might say of woolen goods. 

There was another difficulty in the old law and oneofthethings that 

required an absolute revision of the tariff. Formerly there was a wide 

disparity in market value between iron and steel. Steel was worth in 

many cases three or four times as much as iron. But by recent discoveries made only within the last four or five years the price of steel 

is no higher than the price of iron. By new processes, familiar to every 

Senator, which have been adopted not only in this coun-try but in other 

countries, in many cases steel is cheaper than iron. Therefore- it became necessary to entirely revolutionize the whole metal schedule. As 

a general rule iron and steel would have about the same value, and 

they are classified together instead of being classified at different and 

distinct rates. · It was the necessity of making this classification that 

was one of the strongest arguments in favor of the passage of any bill 

reducing the tariff. This has been done, and I think it bas been done 

satisfactorily even to both sides of the Chamber. I think if Senators 

will examine the iron schedule they will see that it has been done so 

justly and fairly, in some cases reducing the duty, in a very few cases 

increasing it, and classifying it in such a way that I believe it will be 

satisfactory to the people of the country without respect to party. 

There is also a slight increase on wool, and there has been some provision made to prevent frauds in the importation of wools, frauds that 

are confessed on all hands. Under one pretense or another yarns; noils, 

waste, worsteds, etc., were classified at a different rate from wool. 

These were admitted to be evasions of the intent of the law and created 

inequality and injustice. _ 

There was another reason why it became necessary to have a complete revision of the tariff laws. _Most of these decisions have been 

made during the present Administration, since the passage of the law 

of 1883, and probably grew out of the uncertain language of that law; 

but still they had to be corrected. 

It was found that instead of some 40,000,000 pounds of wool being 

imported there were last year imported 114,000,000 pounds of wool, 

and much of this of high value, imported in the name of' carpet 

wool. The most expensive of all wools, the finer grades of certain 

wools, were brought in at 2! cents a pound, and thus defeated the 

plain intention of the law to give t<> the farmer a reasonable protection 

on his product as well as to give the manufacturer a protection on his. 

This has been changed, and the rate of duty has been added to 1 cent 

a pound on three grades of wool, leaving the cheaper forms of wool 

which enter into the manufacture of carpet at 2~ cents a pound. 

It is true that nominally one rate, the highest rate, is abolished, but 

the fact is the law was so construed that there was no wool imported 

under the high grade, and consequently under the law of 1883 no wool 

paid 12 cents a pound. When I say ''no wool,'' I mean none buta few 

thousand pounds, practically none; so that all the wool is to be intro· 

duced at the rate of 10 cents per pound, and on those two classes the 

rate is increased to 11 cents a pound, and I think wisely. 

I regret myself that the committee did not go further in this direction. If I did not hope against hope I sho-uld hope that the Sen11.te 

would correct that by giving the farmers 1 cent more, but I fea:r, with 

the ideas which prevail on the other side of the Chamber, that it will 

not be done. 

At any rate we have at least recognized in this bill this great important furming interest, so that a man may, from Texas to Maine, 

have a more careful protection of this great and important agricultural 

industry. If we did not go further, it is better to take half a loaf than 

to get no bread. 

There was another trouble in the Mills bill growing out of the ad:. · 

mitted discriminations against particular items because the article pro· 

duced was an article of universal use. Take cotton-ties, strap-iron. 

Why should a distinction be made in favor of cotton-ties simply because cotton-ties had so many friends in Congress? So many people 

wanted to have cheap cotton-ties that they were not willing to pay 

upon cotton·ties the same rate of duty that was paid upon hoop-iron 

or other forms of iron all over the country. That bas been corrected 

by this bill, as it ought to be. No section, no community, and no interest ought to seek to evade its fuir share according to the general rule 

of the taxes levied upon imported goods. 

There was a much more difficult problem, howe-ver, which the com· 

mittee bad in dealing with the question of tin-plate. There is no ques· 

tion about the_ power of our people to make cotton-ties at a very low 

rate, but there was some qut:lstion as to the power of the American 

people to make tin-plate. We have no tinin this country in sufficient 

quantities to enter into the commerce of the country. It had to be 

obtained mainly from Wales,. and the question with this committee, 

as. I understood, which they fairly considered, was wbe.ther-ornotthey 

woul"d put tin·plate upon the same·rate of duty that they put sheet· 

iron. In justice it ought to be a little higher on tin-plate, but as no 

tin-plate was made in this country, there was some doubt whether the 

experiment had better be ttied until it was absolutely demonstrated 

that tin-plate could be made in this country. It turns out from the 

investigation-a fact that I have· known a long· time, because I saw the 

process of making tin-pl&te in England-that the sheet-iron is simply 

what I would call dipped, a kind of chemical process- by which the 

sheet-iron is charged with abou.t 5 per cent. of tin, coated by a kind of 

chemical process, and the committee wer9 aasu.red that it could. be easily 

made in this country, and that there were facilities now tomake100,000 

tons of tin-plate here. 

But still the committoo thQugbt that at present they bad better 

lea-ve it where it is now, but would further consider-the subject and 

report a proper-amendment. In my judgment the Senate ought to go 

further and put this industry of tin-plate upon th(}-same footing as any 

other industry. There are 250,000 tons of this article imported fromabroad. We consume1 it is said, three-fifths of all tha ~ is made in the 

world, and there is no reason why this important industry, whi~h 

would give employment to vast capital and a great number of men, 

should not be started here. There are reductions on other articles. as 

copper, nickel, and others, and we have established industries, ali of 

which will be more fully shown by the bill. 

I wish to say-beca-nse I do not in saying it flatter myself at allthat this is avery conservative measure. If anybody is alarmed atits 

provisions, or expects to see any large increase of duties, or any sudden 

changes proposed, he will be greatly mistaken. It has been prepared 

with great care. It embraces protection to e-very article of domestic 

industry that by possibility can come into con:tact.or competition with 

foreign pr<>ductions. Therefore it is a complete bill. 

I am bound to say to both sides of the Chamber that I belie-ve the 

measure now presented to the Senate is the best revenue bill that was 

ever introduced into· the Congressofthe United States. I believe if it 

was taken up free from the party asperities, free from party feelings and 

prejudices that necessarily attend a Presidential election, and if it could 

be considered on its merits with such amendments a.s might be proposed 

and debated and considered and adopted, after full investigation, it 

could be made the most perfect revenue measure ever placed upon the 

statute-books of the United States. It bas received great care and 

skill, and is subject to the scrutiny of the Senate. When I examined 
9112 CONGRESSIQNAL REOORD_-SE.r ATE. OCTOBER ·3, 

it, I saw that great care had been· taken, but, as a matter of course, 

suggestions arose and were always fairly considered, and they ought to 

be here when they are made in the Senate. 

If this bill could be considered without respect to the election and 

its influence on party politics, I have no doubt it would, with very slight chao~es. be made the basis of a permanent system of revenue, changed 

only from time to time as the value of articles changed, and would then 

become something in the nature of a permanent system of revenue. 

The issue now is fairly made before the people of the United States. 

I do not wish to engage in that now. I thought it was necessary for me 

to make these statements in regard to this bill. The issue is to be tried 

by the people, a plain, fair, square issue between a tariff for revenue only and a tariff for revenue and protection. It is a question whether 

the articles necessary for human life m our country shall be made by 

American labor or by foreign labor, wheth~r the wages of American 

laborers should depend upon the wages of European laborers or should 

depend upon the American policy of protecting all forms of labor and 

production. 

BILLS INTRODUCED. 

Mr. BLODGETT introduced a bill (S. 3607) for the relief of Harry S. 

Kello~; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. 

He also introduced a bill (S. 3608) for the relief of Mary E. Johnson; 

which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions. 

l\1r. 8TEW A.RT introduced a bill (S. 3610) to provide for the i~sua;nce of coin certificates to circulate as money; which was read twLe 

hy its title, and refern-d to the Committee on Finane<". . 

Ur. SAWYER (by request) introd~ced a bill (8. 3611) granting a pPnsion to Anna W. Sinith; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions. 

l\IESS.AGE FROM THE HOUSE. 

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. CLARK, its 

Clerk, announced that t.he House had passed the following bills; in 

which it requested the concurrence of the Senate: 

A bill (H. R. 11107) to amend an act entitled "An act to authorize 

the Fort Smith :.md Choctaw Bridge Company to construct a bridge 

rwrossthe Poteau River; in the Choctaw Nation, nearFortSmith, Ark.;'' 

nnd 

A bill (H. R. 11338) to authorize tbe construction of a bridge across 

the Coosa, River at Gadsden, in the State of Alabama. 

The message also announced that the House had agreed to the amendments of the Senate to the following bill and joint resolution: 

A bill (H. R. 10633) for the relief of John B. Head; and 

Joint resolution (H. Res. 101) providing for the printing of decis-· 

ions of the Department of the Interior regarding public lands and pensions for sale. 

The message further announced that the House had passed the bill 

(S. 3390) to create the Lincoln land district in the Territory of New 

Mexico. ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED. 

The message also announced that the Speaker of the House had signed 

the following enrolled bills and joint resolution; and they were thereupon signed by the President pro tempoTe: 

A bill (S. 122) granting a·pension to Samuel Lane; 

A bill ~S. 249) to prevent the manufacture or sale of adulterated food 

or drugs m the District of Columbia; 

A bill (S. 317) for the relief of WilHam A. Bevens; 

A bill (S. 544) to authorize the construction of a highway bridge across that part of the waters of Lake Champlain which se·parates the 

islands of North Hero and South Hero, in the county of Grand Isle, in 

the State of Vermont; 

A bill (S. 602) tor the relief of James Millinger; 

A bill (S. 654) granting a pension to Caroline Motz; 

A bill (S. 1766) granting a pension to Stephen Butler; 

A bill (S. 2321) granting a pension to John V. Hennessey; 

A bill (S. 2519) to make enlisted men of the Signal Corps responsible for public propert.v; 

A bilJ (S. 2563) to compensate Mrs. Sarah L. Larimer for important 

services rendered the military authorities in 1864 at Deer Creek Station, Wyoming; 

A biJl (S. 2606) granting a pension to John B. Timberman; 

A bill (S. 2613) to amend an act approved June 15, 18t!2, changing 

the boundaries of the fourth collection district of Virginia; 

A bill (S. 3098) concerning the settlement of the boundary lines between Connecticut and Rhode Island; 

A bill (S. 3168) regulating admissions to the Institution of the Association for Works of .l\Iercy in certain cases, and for other purposes; 

A bill (S. 3208) granting a pe·nsion to WilliamS. Bradshaw; 

A bill (S. 3306) granting a pension to Mary K. Richards; 

A bill (H. R. 200) granting a pension to Walter 0. Watson; 

A bill (H. R. 201) granting a pension to Edward Waters; 

A hill (H. R. 508) granting a pension to Sarah F. Hawkins; 

A bill (H. R. 968) granting a pension to H. S. Sayre; 

A bill (H. R. 1085) granting .a pension to Thomas Rains; 

A bill (H. R. 2073) granting an increase of pension to Daniel Will-· borg; 

A bill (H. R. 2120) granting a pension to Elizabeth Evans; 

A bill (H. R. 2139) granting a pension to George .Hhody; 

A bill (H. R. 2471) granting a pension to Anna .M. Noyes; 

A bill (H. R. 2472) granting a pension to Lydia A. Eaton; 

A bill (H. R. 2474) granting a pension to Joseph Lincoln Young; 

A bill {H. R. 2566) for the relief of Phillip Kopplin; 

A bill (H. R. 2689) granting a pension to Johanna Geyer, widow of 

Gustav W. Geyer; • 

A bill (H. H. 2716) granting a pension to J. W. Leight; 

A bill (H. R. 2788) granting a ptmsion to Lieut. George T. Russell; 

A bill (H. R. 3152) for the relief of Arlington M. Harrington; 

A bill (H. R. 3504) for the relief of John German; 

A bill (H. R. 3801) granting a pension to Nelson J. Crook; 

A bill (H. R. 3908) increasing the pension of Jesse L. Garrett; 

A bill (H. R. 4038) granting a pension to Yictoria, Gertrnde, Margaret, and Helen, minor children of Lieut. George R. McGuire; 

A bill (H. R. 4039) granting a pension to Mary A. Pfeiffer; 

A bill (H. R. 410~) granting a pension to Mary A. Ca1r; 

A bill (H. R. 4820) granting a pension to Edwin Kelly; 

A bill (H. R. 5174) granting a p~nsion to S1at.ira Young; 

A bill (H. R. 5193) granting an increase of pension to Benjamin 

Franklin; 

A bill (H. R. 5740) granting a pension to Anson Ward; 

A bill (H. R. 6022} granting a pension to Smith Bodkins; 

A bill (H. R. 6201) grantmg a pension to John Robeson; 

A billlH. R. 6309) for the relief of Mary A. Covey; 

A bill (H. R. 6409) for the relief of Perry R. Nye; 

A bill (H. R. 7185) granting a pension to Samuel Neikirk; 

A bill (H. R. 7457) granting a pension to Eleanor D. Heath; 

A bill (H. R. 7485) granting a pension to Mrs. Susan V. Wilcox; 

A bill (H. R. 7657) granting a pension to Mary Woodworth, widow 

of Eben~zer F. Woodworth; 

A bill (H. R. 7912} for the relief of Frances P. Vernon; 

A bill (H. R. 8200) granting a pension to Lydia Ann Wilber; 

A bill (H. R. 8553) granting a pension to Arabella Davis; 

A bill (H. R. 8748) to increase the pension of Richard Jobes; 

A bill (H. R. 8993) for the reHefofShadrack W. Brown; 

A bill (H. R. 9106) granting a pension to Peter Liner; 

A bill (H. R. 9148) to grant a pension to Jane Robinson; 

A bill (H. R. 9169} granting a pension to Tempy M. Johnston; 

. A bill (H. R. 9182) granting a pension to Rnnsom Riley; 

A bill (H. R. 9:~41) granting a pension to Dulcena Noel; 

A bill (H. R. 9358) to increase the pension of Ro.::alie O'SulJiva.n; 

A bill (H. H. 9370) granting a pension to Mrs. Susan Bates; 

A bill (H. R. 9371) granting a pension to Betsey Williams; 

A bill (H. R. 9719) for the relief of Thomas Shackel1ord; 

A bill (H. R. 9862) granting a pension to Benjamin F. Ba.ir; 

A bill (H. R. 9935) to increase the pension of Isaac Hurd; 

A bill (H. R. 9975) granting a pension to Joseph Welsh; 

A bill (H. R. 10007) lor the relief of Henry Rose; 

A bill (H. R. 10017) granting a pension to Samuel Anderson; 

A bill (H. R. 10103) granting a pension to WilJiam Fairbanks; 

A bill (H. R. 10106) to place the name of Matilda Spangler on the 

pension-roll; 

A bill (H. R. 10112) granting to the Duluth and Winnipeg·Railway 

Company the right of way through the Fond duLac Indian reserva- tion, in the St..1.te of .Minnesota; 

A bill (H. R. 10121) granting a pension to Sarah A. Mason; 

A bill (H. R. 10122) granting a pension to Margaret Quinton; 

A bill (H. R. 10159) granting a pension to Jenny Buell; 

A bill (H. R; 10171) granting a pension to Rachel Hoge1·s; 

A bill (H. R. 10173) granting a pension to Catharine Mulligan; 

A bill (H. R. 10:tl0) to increase the pension of Philip Thomas; 

A bill (H. H.. 10124) granting a pension to Elias H. Hall; 

A bill (H. R. 10241) increasing tbe pension of Richard Porter; · 

A bill (H. R. 10245) granting an increase of pension to Hannibal 

Kimball; 

A bill (H. R. 10256) to place the name of Lucy Wagor on the pension-roll; 

A bill (H. R. 10258) to pla-ce the name of Cyrus 1\Iillins on the pension-roll; · 

A bill (H. R. 10274) granting a pension to Joseph W. Filler; 

A bill (H. R. 10342} granting a pension to John Dauper; 

A bill (H. R. 10504) granting a pension to Mary Hooper; 

A bill (H. R. 10563) granting a pension to WilliamS. Latham; 

A bill (H. R. 10629) granting a pension to Washington Ryan; 

A bill (H. H. 10G61) granting a pension to Mrs. Sophia Vcgehangi: 

A bill (H. R. 10672) granting a pension to 1\Iighill H. Patten; 

A bill (H. R. 10G87) granting a pension to Charles Junot; 

A bill (H. R. 10705) granting a pension to Mary 0. L. Tanner; 

A bilJ (H. R. 10708) granting a pension to Jane E. Knoble; 

A bill (II. R. 107381 to increase the pension of George C. Quick; 

A bill {H. R. 10824) granting a pension to Mary A. Van Buskirk; 

A hill (H. R. 10827) 1or the relief of Catharine Teegardin; 
I 

1888. CONGRESSIONAL REOORD-SENArrE. 9113 

A bill (H. R. 10881) granting a pension to Nancy G. Cotner; . I and regulate the counting of the vo~ for President and Vice PresiA bill (H. R. 10907) grant.ing a pension to Henry Mitchell Young- dent, ami the decision of questions arising thereon;" which was read 

blood; twice by its title. , 

A bill (H. R. 10944) granting a pension to Victoria May; Mr. HOAR. It is important to have the bill printed at once, and I 

A bill (H. R. 11005) granting a pension to Ester Gaven; desire to make a brief statement in regard to it, which. will take but 

A bill (H. R. 11021) to increa 'e the pension of Charles Hahneman; a moment. 

A bill (H. R. 11029) for the relief of Mary Van Buskirk; The secretary of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has called my 

A bill (H. R. 110 lO) granting a pension to Susan ~- Lat.ture; attention to the fact that in the law passed during the last Congress 

A bill (H. R. 11057) granting a pension to Margaret Gray; for regulating the proceedings of counting the electoral votes for PresA bill (H. H. 11222) granting a pension to Elizabeth Heckler; ident and Vice-President, the provision which requires the messengers 

A bill (H. R. 11243) granting a pension to Mary E. McQueen; to bring the certificates of the electors to the President of the Senate 

A bill {H. R. 11232) granting a pension to Eliza S. Glass; and before the first Tuesday in January remains unchanged, so that t.he 

Joint resolution (S. R. 10) relating to the inclosure of certain points messengers are required to get the certificates here at a date before the 

of especial interest on the battle-field of Gettysburgh. votes are aetuaJl.Y cast and the certificates made; and it is necessary to 

PROGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL .ART. remedy that defect by simply changing "the first Monday in January" 

Mr. MANDERSON. I am directed by the Committee on Printing to "the fourth Monday in January." 

to report favorably a concurrent resolution, and I ask forits present con- I drew a bill for that purpose and spoke to the Senator from Versideratiou. mont [Mr. EDMUNDS] about it, who has givengre..'tt study to tbatsubTh PRESIDENT t The concurrent resolution will be 1ect, and he has also drawn a bill tor the same purpo:-e whwh I like 

rearl . 

e ' · P1

"

0 en~pore. better than my own. The bill which I introduce, therefore, is his. I 

. The Secretary read as follows: thought it would be more convenient for the Senate, and e . .;pecially for 

Resolvtd by the Senate of the Ulliled States (the House of Rep,esentatives concur- members of the Committee on Privileges and Elections, to introduce 

t·i:no). That there be A>rinted, for tbe use of Congress, 10.000 addit.ional copies of the bill and have it put upon the Calendar and printed without being the work known as Progress of Industrial Art," of which 3,5()1Jshallbeforthe referred, and have it examined by the individual members of the com- use of t.he Senate and 6,500 for the House of Representatives. mittee anrl by individual Senators, and if an objection shall be found 

By unanimous consent, the Senate proceeded to cousider the resolu- to it aller it bas been printed and examined, it will be of course a very 

tion. simple matter to have it referred to and considered by the committee. 

1\fr. MANDERSON. I move to amend the resolution by striking out If no o~jection shall he found to it, I will in the course of a few days 

the word "Progress" and inserting "Growth," that being the correct or a week, perhaps, call it up for passage. I move that the bill be 

title of the work. , printed and placed on the Calendar without reJerence. 

The amendment was agreed t{). The PRESIDING OFFICER. It will he so ordered if there be no 

The resolution as amended was agreed to. objection. The Chair bears none. · 

MAP OF THE UNITED STATES. . 

Mr. MANDERSON. I am directed by the Committee on Printing, 

to whom was referred the joint resolution (S. R. 104) to print additional copies of the United States map of the edition of 18.-.. 7, prepared 

by the Commissioner of Public Lands: t{) report it without amendment 

and ask for its present consideration. 

The ::5enate, as in Committee of the Whole, proceeded to consider the 

joint resolution. It proposes to dirPct the Secretary of the Interior to 

cause to be printed 7,500 copies of the United States map prepared by 

the General Land Office of the edition of 1887, at a rate not exceeding 

$1 each i 2, 000 copies of which shall be for the use of the Senate, 4, OOU 

copies for the use of the House of Representatives, and 500 copies for 

the use of the Commissioner of the General Land Office; and 1,00ll copies 

printed and mounted, to be sold under the direction of the Secretary 

of the Interior, at $1.25 each. 

The joint resolution was reported to the Senate without amendment, 

ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and 

passed. 

COMMITTEE ON ADDITIONAL LIBRARY ACCOMMODATIONS. 

Mr. VOORHEES. I offer the following resolution: 

Resolved, That. tile Select Committee on Additional .Accommodations for the 

J,ibra.ry of Congress be, and it. is hereby, authorized to sit. during t •e coming recess of Congress, and any necessary expenses shall be paid out of the contingent fond of the Senate, upon vouchers to be approved by the Committee to 

Audit and Control the Cont.ingent Expenses of the Senate. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resoluti• n will be referred to 

tpe Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Expenses of the 

Senate. 

Mr. VOORHEES. That, I think, has not been the usage heretofore. I do not know what the necessity may bt>, but I prefer that the 

committee have power to sit during the recess, however short it may 

be under the present circumstances. Heretofore resolutions of this 

character have been acted upon without reference. 

~e PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair would state to the Senator from Indiana that the rule required expressly that all resolutions 

imposing a charge upon the contingent funds of the Senate must be referred to that committee for action. 

DR. JOHN B. READ. 

Mr. EDUUNDS. I wish to enter a motion to reconsider the vote 

of the Senate taken. day before yesterday-so that I am exactly in 

time-by which it passed with amendments the bill (H. R 10633) for 

the relief of Dr. John B. Read, and I make a motion at the same time 

that the House of Representatives be requested to return the bill to 

the Senate. I think we have been acting under a. misapprehension 

about that hili. We ought to look at it .. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (.Mr. PAsco in the chair). The mo- tion to reconsider the bill will be entered and the order requesting the 

return of the bill from the House of Representathes will be made, if 

there he no objection. The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. 

ELEC,TORAL :MESSENGERS. 

1tfr. HOAR introduced a bill (S. 3609) supplementary to the act approved February 3, 1887, entitled "An act·to fix the day for the meeting of"the electors of President and Vice-.President, and to provide for 

MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE. 

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. CLARK, its Clerk, 

announced that the House had passed the following bills; in which it 

requested the concurrence of the Senate: 

' A bill (H. R. 67~2) for the relief of James Ballard; 

A. hill (H. R. 8557) for the relief of Dr. David ~ell; and 

A. bill (H. H. 10098) to refer the claims of Hichard H. Parham, administrator of George Gorman, deceased, and Hobert S. McDonald to 

the Court of Claims. 

The message fluther announced that the House had passed the bill 

(S. 3573) granting the right of way to the Pensacola and Memphis 

Railroad Company over and through the public lands of the United 

Sta.tes in the btates of Florida, Alabama, Mi ~s issippi, and 'l'enuessee, 

and granting the right of way to said railroad company over and through 

the United ~tates naval and military reservations near · Pensacola, in 

the Htate of Florida, with an amendment, in which it requested the 

concurrence of the Senate. 

The message also announced that the House had disagreed to the 

amendments of the Senate to the bill (H. R. 7547) granting the right 

of way to the Yankton and Missouri River Rail way through the Yankton reservation in Dakota, agreed to the conference asked by the Senate on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses th~reon, and had appointed Mr. PEEL, Mr . .A.LLENofMissjssippi, and Mr. NELSON managers 

at the conference on ~e part of the House. 

The message further announced that the House had agreed to the 

reports of the committees of conference on the disagreeing votes of the 

two Houses on the amendments of the House to the following bills of 

the Senate: 

A. bill (S. 869) for the relief of the sufferers by the wreck of the 

United States steamer Tallapoosa; and 

A. bill (S. 2742) to incorporate the Brightwood Railway Company in 

the District of Columbia: 

POLITICaL REMOVALS FR0!\1 .ARMORIES AND ARSENALS. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair lays before the Senate a 

resolution coming over from a previous day, which will be stated by 

the Secretary. 

The SECRETARY. A. resolution in relation to political removals from 

armories and ·arsenaJa. 

The Pf.{ESIDE~T p1·o tempore. The Chair calls the atteJttion of the 

Senator from Maine [Mr. HALE] to the resolution that has just been 

stated by the Secretary. 

Mr. HALE. The Senator from Missouri d·esired that the resolution 

should go over. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Shall it now be considered or go over 

until to-morrow? 

Mr. HALE. He asked th~t it go over on the day it was offered. I 

do not know whether the Senator desires to make any remarks on the 

resolution. 

Mr. COCKRELL. !understood tbatmygoodfrienrlfromNewHnmpshire (Mr. CHANDLER] was exceedingly anxioua to mal~e some remarks 

upon this r~ olution, and I deferred to him, trusting that he would now deliv~r them. · 1\Ir. CHANDLER. :Mr. President, I took the floor the other day 
"""'-·-

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SEN.ATE. OCTOBER 3, 

and I intended to speak a few moments; but the Senator from Missouri objected, and jn xespollSe to an appeal from me said, "If there is 

to be discussion it is to come from this side." The Senator will find 

that remark of his in the R.Econn, and therefore in the face of that 

announcement I defer to him if he desires to go on. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is the Senate rea.dy for the question 

on the xesolution offered by the Senator fmm Maine [lli. HALE]? 

Mr. COCKRELL. Ur. President, the Senator from Maine [l\11-. 

HALE] seems to be the especial champion of civil-service reform, and I 

must confess that he is a model exemplar in that line; and to remind 

him of his most earnest and pathetic efforts in behn.lf of and devotion 

to genuine civil-service xeform, I will read a very illteresting circular 

which was issued ill1882. It reads thus: 

periled by our management of Indiana during the next fortnight On what I now write I assume we shall carry Maine in September. If we carry Indiana in October the rest is comparatively easy. We shall make a >ery serious, perhaps a fatal mistake if we do not throw all our available 

strength into that State. 

$ * * * * • * And this brings me to the chief point. It is indispensably neces. ary that the menus for putting these plans into vigorous execution be furnished at once, The work has been started and must be supported promptly to insw·e success. I have written thus fully beca.ll8e I une\,erstand that our friends in NewYod~ 

are in doubt about the wisdom of making much efiort for Indi::mn. I run cer- tain this is erroneous. Success in Indiana will be an immense help to New York and all other close States. 

' * * * . * * Please let me hear the result of your conference with Morton as soon ns pos· siblc. . · Very truly, yours, 

The Republican Congressional committee, the organ of the.Repub1ican party, J. A. GARFIELD. 

instructs its executive officers, Chairman Hubbell and Secretary Henderson, to Hon. C. A. ARTHla:, New Yorl.:. 

nddress the usual circular- It does not say there who ":1\forton" is, but I suppose there is no 

Uark you, ''the lli!ual circular''- question of the fuct that he is the n.n.tbor of the nex.t letter I shall read: 

to the employes of the E.xecuth·e Government, etc., requesting conhibutions I NEWPORT, Septembc1·1, 1880. 

for campaign ~urposes. DEAR MR. DoRSEY: I ha>e just recei \·cd yours of the 3d instant and have read 

Here is the circular: with great interest your-plan of action . I wrote you on the 1st(on receipt of yours of the 2!Jth), inclosing my check for 

the amount you asked ($5,000), and now inclose my check for $5,000 additional. Jay A. HubbellIn great big flaming lettersJay A. Hubbell, chairman; D. B. Henderson, secretary. l!.":xecutive committee: Hon. ,V.B.Allison, Hon. Eugene Hale.-

The same identical individual now in the Senate; the. same identical 

Senator now in the SenateHon. Nelson W. Aldrich, !Ion. Frank Hiscock, Hon. George M. Robeson, llon. ' Villiam McKinley, jr., Hon. George R. Davis, Hon. Horatio G. Fisl.ler, Hon. Hor- ace F. Page, Hon. ,V. H. Calkins, Hon. Thomas Ryan, Ron. William D. ·washburn, Hon. L. C. Honk, Hon. R . T. Van Horn, Hon. Orlando Hubbs. 

HEADQU.i\.RTERS OF THE 

REPUBLICAN COKGTIESSIO!<AL COJ!IJUYTTEE, 1882, 

520 ThiJ·teenth Street, Northwest, Washington, D. 0., May 15, 1882. 

Sm: This committee is organized for the protection of the interests of theRepublican party in each of the Congressional districts of the Union. In order 

tha tit may prepare, print, and circulate sui table documents illustrating the issues 

which distinguish the Republican pm·ty from any other, and may meet all proper exp011ses incident to the campaign, the committee feels authorized to apply to all citizens whose principles or interests are involved in the struggle. Under 

the circumstances in which the country finds itself placed, the committee be- lie,·es that you will esteem it both a privilege and a pleasure to make to its fund a contribution which, it is hoped, may not be less than$-. The committee is 

authorized to state that such voluntary contribution from persons employed in 

the service of the United States will not be objected to in any official quarter. 

The labors of the committee will affect the result of the Presidential election 

in 1884, as well as the Congressional struggle ; and it may therefore reasonal>ly 

hope tohM'e the sympathy and assistance of all who look with dread-

'!With dread!"-

upon the possibility of the-restoration of the Democratic party to the control of 

the Government. 

Please make prompt and favm·able response to this letter by bank check or .. draft, or postal money-order, payable to the order of Jay A. Hubbell, acting 

treasurer, postroffice lock-box 589, Washington, D. C. 

lly order of the committee. D. B. HENDERSON, Sem·eta1·y. 

l\Ir. P;esident, we find that there was a session of the Cabinet of 

President .Al-thur on the 25th of July, 188'2: 

The-session of the Cabinet of Joly25 was g.n unusually long one. All the mom- bel'S were ~resent except Secretary of 'Var Lincoln, and the question of part.i- san contributions was pretty thoroughly canvassed. President Arthur gave his 

judgment in the matter. He-said, in effect: 

"No person in any one of the Executive Departments declining to contribute 

shall, on tbat account, be subjected to discharge or criticism, and no attempt to injure hiD?-, on this groun~, will~ countenanced or to.lerl:"ted:'' These conclusions are 1n accordance Wlth the v1ews expressed by him m his letter of accept- ance of July15,18SO. in which he says: "I will add that by the acceptance of 

public office, whether high or low, one does not, in my judgment, escape any of 

his responsibilities as a citizen, or lose or impair any of' his rights as a citizen, 

and that he should enjoy a.bsolute liberty to think and speak and act in political matters according to his own will and conscience, provid.ed only that he honorably and faithfully discharge all his official duties." 

General James A. Garfield is often quoted by the so-called civil-service reform- ers as opposed to or rep1-obating political contributions for partisan purposes .. The quotation is a characteristic fraud of the bogus reformer. To arbitrary Ol" 

compulsory assessments General Garfield was no doubt opposed, as are Jay A. 

Hubbell and D. B. Henderson-as indeed are all Republicans. But the general was too sensible a man, too experienced, practica.l, and just, to oppose or repro-, bate voluntary contributions, or requests from responsible organs of the part,y for contributions, in support of the cause he himself so ably sustained. 'Vere 

there any doubt in the matter the following letter from General Garfield during 

the late Presidential election, when he was himself a candidate, would authoritatively settle it: 

"MENTOR, OHIO, August23,18SO. 

"MY DEAR HumniLL: Yours of the 19th instant is recei.ed. Please say to Brady I hope- be will give us all the assistance possible. I think he cn.n help 

effectively. Please tell me how the Departments are gene1·ally doing. 

"As e>er yours, 

"Hon. JAY A. HUBBELL, 

" Oha.iruum Republican Oongl"essional 

"Committee, Washington, D. 0." 

"J. A. GARFIELD. 

Brady was Assistant Postmaster-General, from Muncie, Ind., a con- . 

stituent of the distinguished Senator from Indiana. [Mr. VooRHEES] 

sitting near me. This refers back to the contest of l SAO. Here is 

anothar letter from General Garfield at that time, addressed to General Arthur, the nominee for Vice-President: 

lllEYTOR, Omo, August 30, 1880. 

DEAR GEl>'"ERAL: It is clear to me that we are now at the most critical point of 

the campaign, and the victory will be made certainly possible or seriously imThis makes my personal advances $30,000, without having collected a dollar 

from any one. Several of the gentlemen we asked to serve upon the finance 

committee declined; others were out of town; so that it has seemed worse than 

useless to call a meeting before Thursday of this week, when I hope to have a committee of some fifteen (or more) members present. I go back to-morrow at 1 o'clock, and you may count upon my cordial co-op- eration. He said 1\Ir. New must stop short unless l\Ir. Jewell could send him 

$10,000. I finally gave him a check for $4,000 (to 1\Ir. New's order), and also sent 

•• $5,000 more to Senator Blaine, who was in distress. 

* * $ * • 

Yours, very truly, 

L. P. MORTON. 

- That is a very familiar name-Levi P. Uort<m, the nominee of the 

Republican party for Vice-President-of the United Sta.tes in the contest of 1888. This is a v.ery affectionate letter to ''Dear M:x. Dorsey,'' 

ex.-8enator Dorsey of somewhat ''star-route" notoriety. This was 

a very libera-l contribution, and the name of some gentleman, :Mr. 

New, seems to. be brought into this letter. I believe he was a.nothe1· 

distinguished citizen of Indiana, an9, he must.lm>e_money for Indiann., 

and Dorsey had laid out the plan of operations. Here I will read a 

letter from the private secretary of 1\fr. Morton: 

18!ID-NE-W YORK 8TATE. COMMITTEE, 

R:EPURLIC.Ul' ~AIGN, STATE OF NEW YORK 

(Fifth Avenue Hotel), 

lt·eto York, Septembu 30, 1&30. 

DEAR Sm: Mr. l\f01·ton desires me. to inform you that he arrived this mor-ning 

and has had conferences· with Senator ALLISON, 1\Ir. Hubbell, and others. He does not see any prospect for securing any money in time fo.r your use from 

1\fr. GouldThat is rather a · familiar name . 

Mr. EDMUNDS. Very, just now. 

~Ir. COCKRELL. Jay Gould. 

~fr. ALLISON. What is the Senator quoting from now·? 

Mx. COCKRELL. I am quoting from a letter of Mr. W. F. Peddrick, private secretary to one Levi P. Morton. 

He does not see a.ny prospect for securing any money in t.ime for your use from 1\ir. Gould, but as he has a telegram from Senator- CAliiERON saying that 

his father goes to Philadelphia to-day, and that he goes to Pittsburgh himself, Mr. Morton feels confident that we shall be able to certainly send you altogether 

$100,000 (including the $10,000 he sent from Cle-veland), and he- hopes to inerea,':!o 

this amount. 

Very trulv, yours, W. F. PEDDRICK, 

Privaw Secretary. 

P. S.-1\Ir. Morton was assured by l'tf1·. Bosler that he would collect and send 

him $?..0,000 or $25,000, in which expectation l\Ir. Bosler has been disappointed. 

W. F. P., P. S. 

Please address care 1\Iorton, Bliss- & Co., 2i> Na sau street, New York. 

Here is. a letter from General Garfield to "my deu.r Dorsey: " 

MENTOR, Omo, OctobeJ·l4, 1880-

'Ihis was after the State election in October, 18 0, in Indiana1\IENron, Omo, October 14, 1880. 

MYDEARDORSEY: Ihavewa.itedtillthedisp!ltchesleavemenolongerindoubt of the result in Indiana. I have firmly believed in U1e effectiveness of our or- ganization and work in that State, and have expected good results, but the crush- ing defeat that has been inflicted upon the Democracy at all points has far ex- ceeded my expectations. I especially congratulate you on your masterful man- agement of the campaign and the thoroughness with which you- have watched 

all the details and incidents of the fight. Let me counsel you now to take some much needed rest and save yourself for the final stru~le soon to come on. 'Vc 

shall need all our powers during the last; two weeks of the contest, but just now go to bed and sleep two or three day sand when you are sufficiently rested come here and·make me a visit, or, better "Still, comeherennd sleep. Swa.imjoius~ 

in kindest regards. 

Very truly, yours, 

lion. 8. W. DORSEY, 

Indianapol.is, Ind. 

J. A. GARFIELD. 

1\fENTOR, Omo, Janua1·y 28, 18SL 

1\Iv DEAR DoRSEY: Yours of the 15th came while I was away. Believe me, I am glad "clear down in my boots" at the fitting and merited compliment yon are to recei,·e, and were it not simply impossible we wunld be there. The dis· 

appointment was as great at this end of the line as that when the general had 

to-say "no." I run still hanging in the Senate, as you see. When that is over I will run on East and have a chat with you. What a mess our people made in 
1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 9115 

Tennessee! You were not there! Will it hm-t Gmham? Keep us posted in 

New York matters. 'Vith kind regards, in which the genexal joins, I am, very truly, yours, D. G. SWAIM. 

This was January 28, 1881, upon the eve of the magnificent and celebrated dinner that was given in compliment to Ron. S. W. Dorsey for 

his effective services during the campaign of 1880. Here is something 

more about that complimentary dinner: 1\IESTOR, January 17,1881. 

DEAR SENATOR: Yours ofthe15thinstant is received. I amgla.dtoknowthat 

you are to be complimented by such gentlemen. I wish it.were possible for me to be present, but I can not. My work is crowding more and more every day, and I fear I shall not be able to go anywhere until I leave for Washington. 1\Iajor Swaim is here again after three weeks' absence. What new phase bas the situation in New York assumed since itisfoundthat 

"three can not become one?" 

Very truly, yours, J. A. GARFIELD. 

lion. S. W. DORSEY, New York, N. Y. 

.l\Ir. President, I have simply read these papers to refresh the mem- ory of the distinguished Senator from Maine, and to show the depths 

of degradation to which the civil service of this Government was brouaht under Republican administration in 1880 and in 1882. It can neve~ sink to a lower depth than it was brought then. It had become so utterly degraded that the Repuhlican party was forced to take up 

the Pendleton civil-service bill and pass it, and it became a law January 16, 1883. This law has been held up variously; it has been criticised by some; it has been praised by others; it has been misrepresented by nearly all; and the Senator from .Maine in his pretense of 

adherence to the civil-·service law is giving it the most dangerous stabs 

it can be given. His is the stab of a pretended friend. 

I hold the law in my hand, and there is not one line nor one word nor one letter in the civil-service law which retains or keeps in offi~ 

any employe of the Government, high or low. The civil-service law 

does not guard ~jection from office, but singly and solely the entrance 

to office. The civil-service law has nothing to do with the removal of 

any officer of the Government, from a Cabinet Gfficer down to a charwoman. Mr. HOAR. Will the .Senator allow me to ask him a question? 

:M:r. COCKRELL. Certainly. 

Mr. HOAR. Does not the civil-service law very strongly diminish 

the temptation to turn out officers for partisan reasons? 

Mr. COCKRELL. No doubt about that. 

Mr. HOAR. And does it not in that way guard the exit from office? 

Mr. COCKRELL. No question about that, and I will show its effects since it has been enforced by a Democratic administration. 

Mr. HOAR. Then is it not true that it does guard the exit very 

much? · Mr. COCKRELL. The law, I say, d(ies not. The law has nothing 

to do with it. The incidental effect of it is to reduce the number ot 

removals; there is doubt about that; but I am speaking of the law, 

and I say there is nothing in the civil-service law which attempts to 

keep in office, to retain in office, to hold in o:ffi.ce any officer of the 

Government from Cabinet minister down to charwoman. What did we say when the President removed a United States district attorney, an officer nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate? 

A howl was made that the President was violating the civil-service 

law. When the Secretary of War removes employes in any branch of 

the public service, in the Ordnance Department or elsewhere, employes 

whose position is not affected by the civil-service law, another howl is 

raised that the President is violating the civil-service law, that the 

Administration is violating the civil-service law. 

Now, I simply desire to make these points promine.nt that .there i3 

nothing in that law which retains or holds in position any officer of the 

Government. high or low. The law was not made to guard the exit 

from office; the door of removal is wide open, and is kept so; but the 

civil-service law guards the entrance to officialpositionsofwhatclass? 

The civil-service law does not affect any appointment which is to be con- firmed by the Senate. The civil-service law does not ttffect any of the 

officers whose nomination must be confirmed by the Senate. It includes no United States judges, no Territorial judges, no United States district attorneys, no United States marshals, no United States land officers, no Indian agents, no heads of departments, no heads of bureaus, no chiefs of divisions; and there are other officers who are not affected 

directly or indirectly by the civil-service law. The civil-service law 

has no reference to them at all. The civil-service law operates upon 

employes, almost all of whom are appoint-ed by the heads of departments, or by the heads of bureaus, under the acts of Congress. It 

applies to those holding departmental positions in the departments in 

Washington, and in the large custom-houses and -post-offices of the 

United States, and only such of these come within the protection of the 

civil-service law as to appointment therein after they have been classified by the rules and regulations of the Civil Service Commission, approved by the President, and thereby made subject to that L'l.w. 

The administration of President Cleveland has enforced the civil-service law, and I say frankly that, in my judgment, in the Departments 

and in some of the principal offices the supposed spirit of the law has 

been too strictly adhered to. I hold in my hand the fourth report of 

the United States Civil Service Commission, which was transmitted to 

Congress by the President, on January 23, 1888. The President says 

in the message transmitting it: 

Concerning separations from the classified service, the repmt only informs us of such as have occurred among employ~s in the public service who had been 

appointed from eligible lists under ci vil-servic~ rules. "WJlen these. r~es took 

effect they did not apply to the persons then m the service, corupnsmg a. full 

complement of employes, who obtained their nositions independently of the new law. 

When this law took effect in 1883, every officein thegiftofthe Gov- ernment was filled by a Republican administration, and ninety-nine 

out of every hundred of all the employes were Republicans. 

Mr. TELLER. If the Senator will allow me to interrupt him I m.u 

say that I have heard him make that statement once or twice before, 

and I have taken occasion to_ assert from personal experience that he was mistaken, and I can prove it. A very large percentage of the clerks 

in all the Departments of the Government have been Democrats for 

many years. I can show the Senator Democrats who have been in, and are in now, that were in when the war began. I can show the Senator more than five times the number that he says were in who were appointed under a Republican administration while I was the head of a Department. - Mr. COCKRELL. I know the Senator from Colorado is sincere in 

his statement, but he is mistaken. Th..'l.t is all there is about it. · 

:M:r. TELLER. I am not. 

Mr. COCKRELL. You can find now scarcely a solitary Republican 

in office. All became Democrats as soon as it was known that Grover 

Clevelat;td was elected, and a premium of $5 was offered in the War 

Department, where the employes were all Republicans, to find one solitru.-y one who was a Republican after that election. 

Mr. TELLER. If the Senator will allow me I will say that I do 

not make my statement based upon what employes claim thattheyare 

now, but upon what they claimed to be when I was in office. !would 

like to be allowed to say what I have said before. 

M:r. COCKRELL. Certainly; I yield to the Senator. 

Mr. TELLER~ I assert that in making appointments before ~he. 

civil-service law went into effect I never inquired, when a man was cer- tified to be a soldier, what his politics was, and a Democratic soldier 

had just as good a show of getting into that Depru.·tment as a Republic- an if he was otherwise competent. I never inquired and did not know 

the politics of a single woman or minor that was ever appointed in my 

Department while I was Secretary. 

I know now, and I knew after they were appointed, that quite anum- ber of those appointed were Democrats, but no inquiry was ever madeand I believe that was true of my predecessors-as to the politics of a. woman or a minor or a soldier; and·tbe Senator could, if he would inquire, find that while preference was- usually given of eourse to widows 

and daughters of soldiers who had served in our Army, there was a. very large sprinkling of widows and daughters of men who had served 

in the Coufederate army before this Administration came into power. Mr. COCKRELL. No question about that, l\Ir. President. 

Mr. TELLER. And were Democrats, or at least they were not Republicans. 

Mr. COCKRELL. And there were a large number of distinguished 

ex-Confederate soldiers who were appointed to positions by the Re- publican party. Nobody denies that General Grant appointed as his 

Attorney-General, his confidential legal adviser, Generai Akerman, a man who had been in the rebel army; andhetookthefie:rySoutherner 

from South Carolina, Orr, and sent him to represent this great country 

at the court of RUS8ia; and he took the distingui"lhed guerrilla,, c..1.lled 

during the war a bushwhacker, 1\fo.sby, and sent him to represent the 

honor, glory, power, and majesty of the United States in the Celestial 

Empire; and there were hundreds of others who were taken, but they were taken almost exclusively because they a-cknowledged political 

allegiance to the Republican party. 

Mr. TELLER. Will the Senator allow me to make a further statement? 

Mr. COCKRELL. Certainly. 

Mr. TELLER. These daughters and widows of Confederate soldiers, 

who were none of them put in because of their politics, not a single 

one; they were not put in because they were Democrats; they were not put in because they were Uepublicans; they were put in because 

they were worthy women who were capable of discharging the duties 

imposed on them as clerks, and because of the misfortunes which had 

compelled them to seek some method of making a living, sofewoppor- tnnities being open to women; and it was deemed proper that the Gov- ernment should provide where it could without detriment to itself for 

these women without reference to their politics. 

I repeat again, :J'ti.r. President, that so far as my observation goes the · selection of women in the public offices in this capital has been with- out reference to politics at all. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I appreciate the liberality and fair-mindedness 

of the distinguished Senator from Colorado. I acknowledge that he 

probably more than any other Republican Cabinet officer who bas ever served--
91_16 C.ONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 00TOBER 3, 

Mr. TELLER. I think not. 

Mr. COCKRELL. Was liberal and not partisan in the administration of his office. He succeeded shortly-! believe there was one 

incumbent between them-Carl Schurz, and probably a more liberal 

rnle existed in the Interior Department than in any other. Now, I 

say frankly that I know the widows of Confederate soldiers were appointed in several instances; there is no doubt about that; but the 

question was, upon whose indorsement were they appointed? Was 

it not npon General Mosby's? Was it not upon General Longstreet's? 

Was it not upon General Wickham's? Was it not upon Mr. Orr's? 

And was it not upon the recommendation of Republican ex-Cc~federates 

who solicited these appointments, and were they not practically Hepublican appointments jnst as much as if they bad been made upon 

the solicitation of a Republican who bad been in the Union Army? 

Mr. TELLER. If the Senator desires that I should answer him I 

would like to do so at once. Mr. COCKRELL. Go on. 

Mr. TELLER. I would like to say that none of the distinguished 

gentlemen the Senator has spoken of ever recommended anybody to me. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I believe they bad all been furnished with posi·· 

tions elsewhere at the time the Senator was Secretary of the Interior. 

Mr. TELLER. I do not remember that any ex-Confederate who was a. Republican ever recommended anybody to me, although that 

very likely may have been true. I do remember that many ex-Confederates and Democrats were recommended to me on the score of hum:mity, not of politics, and that such ap,peals always found a ready re-~ 

spouse. 

.Mr. COtiKRELL. No question about that. I am not doubting 

that. I give the Senator credit for what he did. 

l\fr. TELLER. I will say, without naming the Senator, that one Senator, not the Senator from .Missouri, but another member of this 

body, put in while I was there at least a dozen people whose politics 

I never asked about, except to say, jokingly, to him one day, "Of course I suppose all these applicants are Hepublicans," and they were not confined to women. 

I believe myself when the Republican party was in power that a sprinkling, and a considerable sprinkling, of the other political party was no more than fair and right. I never have insisted myself that 

all the public officials should be of one political faith; but I have insisted, and I believe that now, and I yield that to the party in power, 

the officials who shape the policy of the Government should be in 

harmony with the bead of the Government; but the clerk who does 

simply the work that is assigned to him in the way of copying, or matters of that kind, ought not to be selected, in my judgment, because of 

his political affiliations. 

.Mr. COCKRELL. We all know that the Senator was kind and liberal, and he acknowledges the principle, which I shall discuss very 

soon, that all the subordinate positions should not be filled by appointees from one political party. 

The civil-service law was approved January 16, 1883, when, as I 

maintain, nearly all the subordinate offices were in the hands o~ the 

Republican party. The President referred to this in the quotation I 

have read from his message. The President says: 

The path of civil-service reform has not at all t.imes been pleasant nor easy. The scope and purpose of the t·eform have b<!en much misapprehended; and this bas not only given rise to strong oppo11ition, but bas led to its invocation 

bv it friends to compass object!! not in the least related to it. Thus partisans of the patronage system hd.ve naturally condemned it. Those who do not under- stand its meamng either mistrust it or, when disappointed because in it!! pres- ent stage it is not applied to every real or imaginary ill, accuse t bose charged 

with its enforcement with faithlessness to civil-service reform. Its importance has frequent!): been underestimaced; and thesupportof good men has thus been lost bv their lack of interest in its success. Besides all these difficulties, thosere- ,;pon~il•le for the administration or the Government and its executive branches ha ,.e been and still are often 11nnoyed and irritated by the disloyalty to the service nud the insolence of employes who remain in place as the beneficiaries and the reli s and reminders of the vicious system of appointment which civil-service reform was intended to displace. 

Yes, sir; one of the greatest binderances to the success of true, genuine 

civil-service reform bas been the mutinous conduct of those who were 

appointed under the spoils system and appointed upon mere political 

intluence as rewards for imaginary servieo. And yet- · 

1'hc President saysthese are but tbc incidents of an advance movement, which is radjcal and fa.rrenching. 'rhe people are, notwithstanding, to be congratulated upon theprog- l·ess which has been made, and upon the firm, practical, and sensible foundation upo:1 which this reform now rests. 

I s:ly no man living could haYe more faithfully and efficiently en- forced the civil-ser-vice law in its spirit and meaning than. bas Grover 

Cleveland, Pre~i<lent of the United t)tates. 

Now, I want to go a little further. As I said awhile ago, _the num- ber of persons who were brought under the operation of the civilservice law depended upon the rules and regulations made by the Departments aml submitted to the CivH Service Commission, approved by 

them, and then approved by the President. The service had to be 

cJassifierl hy the beads of Departments, that classification reported to 

the President and appm•.-ed by him, and then they could be included 

wH,hin the civil-service law. As I have said, and I want to put particuJar stress on this fact, the civil-service act became a law on January 16, 1883. When was that law extended to the Departments by the 

Republican administration? Thjs is a very important point. There are some very strange things connected with the administration of the 

civil-service law by the Hepublican party. The Senator from .Maine 

would make the country believe that all t.hat was necessary for the 

millennia! administration of the civil-service law would be the restoration of the Repuhlican party to power. It was passed nuder a Republican administration, and what did they do? 

\Vben did the election occur? In No,ember, 18 4; when it wa.s known that Grover Cleveland was elected Presirlentofthe United States, 

and scareely had that 1act been settled when the Hepublican. ecretaries 

under a Hepublican administration began the extension of the classifiefl civil service. Let us see. I read from the fonrtb annual report 

of the Civil Service Commission, on page 107: 

On No,·ember 19, 1884.-

J ust on the heels of the election, j nst after the electionthe Secretary of War revised the classification made by section 163 of the Re- vised Rtatutes, by declaring in a'' circular order," issuerl on that day, that the clu!<silicalion for the purpose of the civil-service act 111 the Department of War included all c:vilinn employes subordinate to the Secretary, except those em- ployed merely as laborers or workmen, messtngers and watchmen b<'ing con- sidered us so employed. By this '"ciwular order" the classification of the De- partment of War was revised so that all employes embraced therein would be classed as follows: 

Class A. those having an annual compensation exceeding t.2,000. 

Class H, those having an annual compensation of$2,000. 

Class 4, those having an annual compensation of$l,l)lj(). 

Class 3, tho11e having an annual compensation ofSl,600. 

Clnss2, those having an :umua.l compensation of$1,,100 . Class 1, those haviug an annual compensation ofSI,20n. 

Class C, those having an nnnual com pen ation of $1,000. 

Class D, those hndng an annual compensation of $900 and under. On November 25, 188!-

Fi ve days afterwardsthe commission received from the Secret:uy of the Navy, in a communication dnteu November 22, 1Ril4, a revision of the classificntion of that. Department, dated November 1, 1884. 

Heceived on the 25th of November, but dated November 1, 1884. 

That is remarkable, is it no't? Both the Secretary of the Navy and 

the commission -were right here in this city,· and yet it took twentytour days to get notice of this requisition from the Secretary of the 

Navy to the Civil Service Commission. 

In this revision the Secretary gives the number of" cle1·ksand employes in the Department of the Navy and burel'lus" cJassitied (subject to examination), clas- sified (exempted from examination), and notclas!'lified uncier the law and the reg- ulations of the United States Civil-::o;ervice Commission. The classified ns 8Ubject to examination and the classified as exempted from examination are as follows: 

Rnhject to examination: 

Clerks of class 4,lU.800 per annum. Clerks of class 3, $1,600 per annum • Clerks of class 2, $1,400 per annum. Clerks of class 1, $1,200 per annum. Clerks of Sl.OOO per annum. $900 per annum copyists. $720 per annum copyists. 

Exempted fmm examination: 

Chief clerks, 9; 1 at $2,5UO and Sat $1,800 per annum. Disbursing clerk, at 82,2-iO. Steuographer:~, 2: 1 at $1,400 and 1 at $l,COO. 

Chief draughtsman, at $2,250. 

Draughtsmen, 23, at fmm $1,000 to $1,800. A!lsistant draughtsmen, 2, at $1,400. Telegraph op:>rator, at. 1,000.· Carpenter, at $1,000. Plate printers, 2; 1 at 1,252 and I at $1,560; apprentice, at $600. 

Engravers,lO. at from $1,200 to $1,800. Assistant engravers, 10, at from $1,000 to $1,600. Assistant ast ronoruers. 3, at from $1,500 to $1,900. Instrument maker, a S\,500. The uncia sified were 111, including messengers, assistant messengers, mes- senger boys, janitor, office attendant, watchmen, fi1·cmen, skilled laborers, la- borers, elevator conductors, and charwomen. 

By what authority the Secretary classified certain employes of his Department 

an<\ thE-n himself exempted them from examination is not stated; but the re- vision tbns made was then accepted, and is now r .. cognized by the commi sion in making examinations for that Department. Under this cl11ssitication c•uly84 

places in the Department of the Ntl.vy are covered by the civil-service act. 

On January 2, 1885--

0nly a little over two months before the inaup;uration of President 

ClevelandOn January 2, 1885, the Secretary of the Treasury revised the classification of the owcers, clerks, and employes of that Department. This was done by a "circular order" addressed "To whom it may concern." . 

The "circnlar order" is printed in the appendix. 

The existing classification of those in the Treasury Department under the civil-service act. as heretofore construed and applied in all cases, includes all officers, clerks, and employes with annual salaries fixed by law. except those subject to confirmation by the Senate, and those merely employed as labo1·ers or workmen, messengers and watchmen being considered as so employed. Afte1· making this sweeping declaration, the Secretary arranged the following 

classes: 

Class 4, $1,800 or more, annual salary, fixed by Jaw. Class 3, $1,600, annual salary, fixed by law. 

Class 2, $1.400, annual salary, fixed by law. 

Class I, $1.200, annual salary, fi.xed by law. 

Class B, $1,000. annual salary. fixed by law. 

Class A, $900, annual salary, fixed by law. 

On February 6, 1885--

NearJy a month preceding the inauguration of President ClevelandOn February 6, 1885, the Postmaster-General, by ''Order No. 83,'' revit>P.d thP. 
1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. ·9117 

classification of the Post-Office Department, by arranging the officers, clerks, and other employes thereof into the following classes: 

Class A, those having an annual coUipensation exceeding $2,000. 

Class B, those havinl{ an annual compensation of 52,000. Class 4, those having an annual compensation of $1,800. 

Class 3, those having an annual compensation of$1,600. 

Class 2, those having an annual compensation of$L,400. 

Class 1, those having an annual compensation of S1,200. 

Class 0, those having an annual compensation ofS1,000. 

Class£, those having an annual compensation of$900. Class~. those havi1;1g an annual compensation of$720. It was provided by this order tb.at messengers, assistant messengers, watch- men, and laborers should not be included within the classification. The records of the commission do not show that either the Secretary of State or the Attorney-Genet-a! has yet revised the classification of his Department; but it appears that on October 6, 1883, the commission requested the AttorneyGeneral to make a statement of the number of ofiicials, including copyists and clerks, and excluding labore rs, workmen, and appointments confirmed by the Senate, employed in the Department of Justice. To this request the AttorneyGeneral replied on November 12,1888, furnishing the information desired. · This list of officials included the following: Assistant attorneys, law clerk and ex- aminer of titles, law clerks, chief clerks, disbursing and appointment clerk, 

pardon clerk, stenographer, fourth-class clerks, third-class clerks, second-class clerks, first-class clerks, copyists, telegraph operator, and engineer. The commission seems to have accepted-this statement of the Attorney-Gen- eral as a revision of the classification of the Department of Justice. lu a written communication, bearing no date, addressed to the commission, nnd recci \·ed N ovem her 24, 1884-

Received November24, 1884, but not dated; it was prepared, doubtless, in anticipation of the emergency which occurred, the election of 

President Cleveland. 

The Commissioner of Agriculture submitted a ''list of clerks in the United 

l:ltates Department of Agriculture classified in accordance with the act entitled 'An act to regulate and improve the civil service of the United States,' approved January 16, 1883." By this list the employ_es of the Department of .Agriculture were arranged into the following classes: 

1. Ole1·ks of class 1,$1,200 per annum. 11. Librarian. 2. Clerks of class 2, Sl,4.00 per annum. 12. Superintendent of folding-room. 3. Clerks of class 3,$1,600 per annum. 13. Employes in the Chemical Bureau. 4. Clerks of class 4, $1,800 per annum. 14. Employes in the laboratory. 5. Clerks nt $1,000 per annum, each. 15. Employes in the Botanical Bureau. 6. Clerks at $8-10 per annum, each. 16. Employes in the Bureau of En- 7. Clerks'n.t 5720 per annum, each. tomologv. 8. Clerk to Bureau of Animal Industry. 17. Employes in the museum. 9. Disbursing officer. 18. Foreman in the grounds. 10. Assistant to disbursing officer. 

On December 10, 1884., the President by telephonic messageThe d::ty of retirement from authorit.Y was speedily drawing nigh, 

and business had to be transacted by telephonic communication by the 

DepartmentsOn December 10, 1884, the President, by telephonic message, informed the commission of the receipt by him of this classification of the Department of Ag- riculture, and a~ked the attention of the commission to the same. In reply the commission, on December ll, informed the President that the classification had been made in pursuance of his views as expressed to the commission in an in- terview in October, 1884, and which had been communicated to the Commis- sioner of Agriculture. On December 16, 1884, the commission received from the President, by his private secreta1·y, a communication dated December 12, in which the informa- tion was given that this classification of the Department of Agriculture had been accepted and approved. Since that date the Department of .Agriculture has been regarded and treated by the commission as a dcpa1·tment operated upon by the civil-service act and rules. 

l twill be observed that the classification of the Department of Agriculture is entitled, "List of clerks in the United States Department of Agriculture classi- fied in accordance with the act entitled 'An act to regulate and improve the civil service of the linited States,' approved January 16, 1883." 

Now, :Mr. President, we see how long it was after this Jaw was passed 

before it was put into practical operation, and it3 provisions were enlarged and extended. What was the object of that? As commonsense, practical men, what was the object of that extension of the civilservice law so as to include numerous employes of the Government just 

after to the election of 1884 brought within the purview and protection 

of the civil-service law? It was to retain in office Republican incnmbeuts appointed under the patronage system of public spoils. That 

must have been the only reason. The present Exccuti•e has had all the rules examined and made to 

con(orm, made harmonious, and has extended very largely the operations of the rules and regulations of the Civil Service Commission and 

the number of persons who are brought within the purview of that law. 

But it woulcl be supposed from the remarks of the Senator from Maine 

that the Democratic party had trampled under its feet the civil-service 

bw, had turned out good, competent, and ·efficient employes to make 

way for spoilsmen, and had utterly disregarded the civil-service law 

and regulations. This is the view that is intended to be spread abroad 

through this country by the resolution of the Senator from .Maine, and 

also by his Senate select committee examining the chi! service. He 

is trying to make the country b.elieve that the Democratic administration under Grover Cleveland has disregarded the civil-service law, has 

turned on.t employes without any cause, and at the same time he un- dertakes to make the country believe that this civil-service law was 

intended and does hold in position the old employes, and that to dis-

<:hurge them, to dic;m.iss them, to turn them out, to accept their resignations voluntarily or inYoluntarily, is a villlation of the civil-service 

law. Why, Mr. President, according to his views and his eftorts in 

this behalf it would almost be a violation of the civil-service law for 

the· Democratic administration to acknowledge the death of a Republican incumbent in office and put somebody else in. 

Let us analyze this matter and see whether these Jtreat violations have 

occurred or not. .I read from the forty-fourth page of the report of the 

Civil Service Commission: 

It will be observed that during the two periods covered by the above table, 547 appointments were made to 'he classified departmental service, 392 during the twelve months that commenced January 16, 1886,and 155 during the five months and a half that commenced January 16,1887. During the nearly eigh~ 

een months included within the two periods covered by Table 16 only 3 appoin~ 

ments were made to the classified departmental service in the Department o! State, 7 in the Departmentofthe Navy, and6 in the Department of Agriculture. None were made in the Department of Justice. Of the 547 appointments, all but 146 were made in the Department of the Interior and the Treasury-251 in the Interior and 150 in the Treasury. • * * • • • * 

Since July 16, 1883, the date on which the system of making a.ppointments upon examination went into effect, 1,266 appointments have been made in the classified departmental service to places that are not excepted from examina· tion. Of this number, 1,0'J5 have been of men and 17lofwomen, the proportion of men to women being more than 6 to I. 

* * .. * .... * 

Of the appointments made during the period covered by this report 20 were clRimants of the right of. preference in civil appointments accorded to honor- ably-discharged soldiers and sailors; a.nd this is about the total number of such claimants who, during the period referred to, passed examinations for the clas- sified departmental service. · During the period that commenced July 16, 1888, and ended June 30,1887,31 p ersons, claiming prefer~nce in civil appointments under section 1751, Revised 

Statutes, were appointed to the classified departmental sen-ice. In the appe-ndix hereto will be found tables showing all the appointments made to the classified departmental service during the period that commenced July 16, ISX3, and ended June 30, 1887. This table gives the name of each ap- pointee in the order of appointment, with the date of probational appointment, the grade to which appoint-ed, and every change that has occurred since appoin~ 

ment in his r .-lation to the service; and in supplementary tables are given the names of the persons appointed from each State, the number appointed to each Department, the number appointed from each State to each Department from each examination, and the number appointed to each Department from each examination. These tables show the number of appointments made, under the apportionment of the commission, from each S!ate and Territory nnd the Dis- trict of Columbia.. 

They then give the table. There is the list, there is the name of 

every one, and no question about it.. .A.Ity Senator can take it and examine it, and if there are any inaccuracies, if there are any mistakes, 

they can be pointed out, for the whole thing is given here fully and 

fairly. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. PAsco in the chair). The hour 

of 2 o'clock ha.ving arrived, the Chair lays before the Senate the uufin· 

ished business, being the bill (H. R. 9151) to forfeit certain lands 

granted to the Nort~ern Pacific Railroad Company, and for other pur· 

pose:t. 

Mr. HALE. Let that be informally laid aside. 

The P HESIDING OFFICER. .At the suggestion of the Sena.tor from 

Maine, if there be no objection, the unfinished business will be informally laid aside and the consideration of the resolution con tinned. 

.Mr. COCKRELL. Mr. President, I quote now from page 51 of the 

report: 

The number of appointments to the classified departruentalservice dming each of the periods covered by the ,several reports of the commission was as follows: 

Appointments made to the classified dt!lJartnumtal service during the severaL periods - oover~d by the 7•eports of the cmnmission. . 

Periods. 

;:.,· "CCch ,od ~·- .~ s::a rg_; ~a gs ,...0 

00 

::iS 0.~ 

,...0 ~-s = ~ 00 

0.4) 

P..J:l ~£·~ 0 -< .. z E-1 - ---- Jnly 16, 18&'3, to January 15, 1884, both inclusive ............... . 48 48 January 16,1H84, to January 15, 1885, both inclusive .......... . 842 90 432 

171 68 289 

367 ~3 392 

January 16,1885, to January 15, 1886, both inclusive ......... .. January 16,1886, to January 15, 1887, both inclusive .......... . January 16,1887, to June 30, 1887, both inclusive ............... . 150 5 155 -------- Total ........................ ............................................... . 1,078 188 1,266 

Now, mark you, Mr. President, here are the total appointments made 

by a Republican· administration during the first year practically of 

the applic..1.tion of the civil-service law from January 16, 1884, to January 15, 1885. We have no other basis on which to make comp:uison 

than from January to Janu·ary of each year. I now make the com· 

pn.rison from January 16, 1885, nearly two months under a Republican administration and ten and a half months under a Democratic 

administration, to January 15, 1886, both inclusive. 

The apportionment by the commission was 171, whereas in tile year 

preceding, under a Republican administration, it was 342. The appointme~ts not apportioned by the commission were 68, whereas during the year of Republican administration 'tJreceding they were 90. The 

total was 239. In the .first year of Democratic administration under 

the civil-service law as compared with the first year under the Republican administration, the Republican administration appointed 432 

under the civil-service law, while the Democratic administration only 

appointed 239. · The appointments from January 16, 1886, to January 15, 1887, were 367 (apportioned) and 25 (not apportioned), tot.al392; J anuary 1G, 1887, 

to June 30, 1887, 150 (apportioned)-there is a period of six months-
9118- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. OCTOBER 3, 

and 5 (not apportioned), making n. total of 155, so that the total result 

is 1,266. Take the 48 appointed prior to January, 1884, and it leaves 

1,218. Of that number of 1,218, 432 were appointed under a. Repub~ 

lican administration for one year, while under the present Administration in two years and a half, or nearly three years, only 786 have been 

appointed, a much less ratio than under Republican administration; 

and yet we are told that the Democratic administration is trampling 

under its feet the civil-service law! 

:Mr. President, the Democratic administration, coming into power 

when all the offices comparatively were ftlled by Republicans, did not 

in the first year of its administration appoint as many persons under 

the civil-service law as the Republican administration had the preceding year; and mark you, Mr. President, under the civil-service law 

wherever there was an appointment there must previously have been 

a. death, resignation, or removal, so that the appointments under the 

civil-service law represent deaths, resigna.tions, and removals. 

I could quote much more extensively from this report of the Civil 

Service Commission, giving facts and figures about which there can be 

no controversy. They are statements every one of which can be verified by the record and about which there can be no question at all, and 

I say that the comparison is decidedly in favo:& of the administration 

of Grover Cleveland. But the Republican party is in a strait; it is in 

an emergency; it is in a trying position; and it must, if possible, make 

those who are sneeringly stigmatized as the Mugwumps believe that 

Grover Cleveland has violated the civil-service law; and therefore ever 

since the beginning of this session the Senator from Maine has been 

picking, picking, picking at the Administration and attempting to show 

that the Administration has violated the civil-service law, und therefore is no longer entitled to the confidence and snpport of the independent voters or what he calls :Mugwump Republicans. That is the 

whole of it. 

I have brought before him und before the country a comparison, and 

shown that under the Republican administration of President ATtbur 

from January 16, 1884, to January 15, 1885, four hundred and thirtytwo places under the civil-service law were filled by new appointments, 

and for every one of these places a vacancy had to be made by death, 

resignation, or removal; and I have shown that under the Democratic 

administmtion of Mr. Cleveland for the first year, from Jan nary, 1885, 

counting that time as under his administration, to January, 1886, 

only two hundred und thirty-nine such changes were made. 

Mr. ED.M:UNDS. Will the Senator from l\fissouri allow me to ask 

a question? 

l\Ir. COCKRELL. Certainly. 

1\Ir. EDMUNDS. I -wish to ask my honorable friend from Missouri 

as a friend of real civil-service reform, what he would think of, I will 

not say a device, bnt an arrangement by which inspectors of customs, 

being in the classified service, were dismissed because they were no longer necessary, and deputy collectors of customs who were not in the 

classified service were immediately appointed and more to fill their 

places? While it would not be a violation of the civil-service laws, if 

I am right in my supposition that the inspectors are within it and 

deputy collectors are not, I wish to ask the Senator whether it would 

not be a rather grave abuse of the spirit and intent of that law and 

open to fair criticism, however improper the conduct of some previous 

administration had been? 

Mr. COCKRELL. I do not belie;e in any system of mere avoidance. 

In my judgment the best interest of gennine civil-service reform in the 

administration of this Government requires that the departmental and 

subordin~te positions shall be filled in somewhat equal proportion by 

the two great political parties of the country; and I believe that if 

when this Administration came into power the Republicans, instead of 

attempting to stigmatize it every time a Republican official was removed or resigned or anything of that kind happened, had said to the 

country, "It is just, it is fair, it is honest, it is right tpat one-half of 

these positions as nearly as practicable shall be in the hands of the 

Democratic party, and let removals be made until that equalization js 

brought about," it would have been far better than it is to-day. The 

Republicans have held on to the offices with a death-like grasp. They 

have held on to them as if they did not believe anybody else was entitled to fill an office. High officers have been forced to resign, and when 

they would not resign they have had to be removed. I do not think 

the precedent has ever occul'red under any former administration of any 

political party. No, 1\fr. President, e;ery office that has been taken 

from the grasp of a Republican holding office when this Democratic 

Administration came into power, has been taken, as it were, by force. 

Such men did not resign, or very few of them did so, and removals had 

to be made to place the chief offices in friendly hands to co-operate 

with the Administration. • 

Mr. EDMUNDS. The Senator will allow me to say that I do n ot 

know whether that is true or not; but upon the principle of the civilservice reform or improvement, whatever you call it, the idea. was that 

the largest part of the officers of the United States being limited for 

terms of four years, excepting mere clerks, e;ery person in position 

would be allowed to serve out his term without regard to the question of his religious creed or his political creed, if he behaved himself and 

did his duty. The consequence would be, as there are four-year terms, 

that_ within the existence of a single administration of four years-to 

say nothing of its repetition if it should be re-elected-every office in 

the four years' class (which cover$ the great mass) would have terminated in respect to its particular incumbent by the lapse of time and 

the new man, other things being equal, as the famous circular of the 

War Department says, was to be chosen on account of a different political faith. So, other things being equal, we will put it in its best possible light, following out the principle, if this administration had shown 

that fairly and truly and naturally-and I make no observation whether 

it has or not-a Democratic gentleman coming into office as marshal 

or collector. or postmaster or district attorney tor Missouri or Vermont 

or wherever would hold on his four years whether the Administration 

in its political character changed by the election of General Harrison 

or not; and then when the time came when his time was out, he of 

course had no further claim on the office. 

But upon the principle of the Benft circular the choice of the new 

Administration, other things being perfectly equal, would be to find 

somebody of a different creed to take the place. 

How much that would amount to in the end it is not necessary to 

ta.ke np my friend's time to say. But in reference to what he has just 

now said-if I do not interrupt him too much-which ought to be borne 

in mind, I think that before any of these high officers, or many of them, 

so far as I know or believe were asked even to resign, a famous confidential circular was issued by the then Postmaster-General as the chief 

manager of that part of the affair, inviting everybody who wished to 

get into office or wished his friends to get into office, or to get out somebody who was in office, to get up proofs of miseondnct in the form of 

affidavits to be sent forward to the proper department as furnishing the 

ground of making a change. That may be all very well on the face of 

it; but an affidavit is a public thing. It must be taken before a magistrate, or in a public court of justice, or in a publiecharacter certainly, 

whether it is taken at chambers or in term time. Those affidavits were 

to be forwarded. 

Now, I wish to ask my friend from Missouri, supposing h~ were aDemocratic or Republican, or whatever political creed he had, office-holder, 

and he was asked to resign on charges of misconduct in office based upon 

affidavits furrushed and sworn to by somebody, whether he would not 

think it was a fundamental right of his to know who swore to such an 

affidavit and to show, if be could, that he was innocent of that particular cha1ge, whether he might resign the next day or not, and if the 

man who signed such an affidavit and swore to it had committed periury to see to it that he was punished? I ki¥>w what the answer of 

my friend would be, for every honorable man must answer it one way. 

In a great many cases that hn.ve come to the Jn10wledge of the Senate-and how many more there are I do not know-affidavits thus obtained and thus filed were refused to tbe Senate of the United States 

called upon to assist in the removal of the man charged, and he was 

never permitted to know who was the maker of the affidavit or what 

the precise thing that was stated in the affidavit was. Can that be 

called civil-service reform? 

1\Ir. COCKRELL. Oh, 1\Ir. President, the letter of the PostmasterGeneral <lnly referred to a few holders of po t-offices. It did not refer 

to the general body of the offices. 

Mr. EDUUNDS. It was a universal scheme. 

M.r. COCKRELL. It only referred to the offices unuer his Department. · Mr. EDMUNDS. It was instantly applied everywhere, as I happen 

to know personally, to collectors of customs and everybody else. 

Mr. COCKRELL. Not at all. It was not a general order. The 

Postmaster-General bad nothing to do with other Departments in any 

shape, manner, or form; and I say that letter was issued long after the 

time when the heads of bureaus and the important offices of the country should have been placed in the hands of· Democratic officials under 

a Democratic President. 

These things do not break the force of the facts I have given. They 

have nothing to do with them. There may have been some misman- agement, there may have been some dereliction of duty here and there. 

These are incidents to fallen humanity. Bnt the Senator from Ver- mont tries to take particular exception to the customs service, as he 

says. I want to read about the New York custom-house from page 73 

of this report of the Civil Service Commission: 

.As stated above, no other amendments of the 1·ules than those specified were made during the period covered by this report, but the regula.tionsg9verning promotions in the customs service of New York, promulgated by President Cleveland on January 4, 1887, were in effecl an important addition to those rule , and led to the amendments, that relate to promotions, of Rules IV, VI, 

Xl.X, and XXI, of l\Iay 5, 1887. 

After quotimc many facts in regard to the custom-bouse there, the 

Civil Service Commission say: 

Besides, promotion examinations were conducted in an uncertnin manner. For these reasons tbe registc1-s of persons eligible to promotion were not well 

supplied. Many of the vacancies in the higher grades could not therefore be filled; and persons in the lower grades had to be detailed to do the work of the higher grades, and these persons were compelled to do this work without re- ceiving the compensation attached to those grades. During tbe investigation made under the commission's order of December 9, 1836, Collector Magone stated that up to that time only three person's 11ad been promoted in regular manner since the pRBS!lge of the civil-service act inl833, and that the office of the collector had, in consequence of this eondition, come to hia Jande utterly dis-
1888. CONGRESSIO:NAL RECORD-SENATE. 9 119 

organized. The same causes that embarrassed the collector also embarrassed 

the other officers of the district, and demoralized the service. And will then certify to the h~ad of the office the names standing at the head 

of such List not exceeding three. When more than one appointment is to be 

made the vacancies will be numbered, and the first three names will be certified 

for the first vacancy, the remaining two and the fourth for the second vacancy, the remaining two and the fifth for the third vacancy, and so on, for the whole 

number of vacancies; but if, after selecting one of any three certified for appointment, the head of nn oftice shall object to another presentation of either of tho re- maining names, it shall not be again certified. 

I do not know the instance to which the Senator from Vermont refus. I presume it was a matter of necessity for the better administ~ ?.tion of the public service, as frequently happens in such cases. I have made the comparison of the last year of the administration of 

tl.c Republican party and the first and all subsequent years of the administration of the Democratic party. It shows that, notwithstanding 

the glaring fact that nearly all the positions were filled by Republican 

incumbents who had been appointed before the civil-service law took 

effect, and who were consequently never examined as to their fitness 

and qualifications, the Republican administration in its last year made 

more removals and consequently more appointments within the classified civil service than the Democratic administration has in anv one 

year of its existence, almost in any two years of its existence. ·That 

is the fact and that is the record. 

The Senator from 1\Iaine has made much fuss over the order of General Benet, recited in his re..o:olution, which is marked "confidential." 

:By the way, "S. V. Benet, Brigadier-General and Chief of Ordnance, 

U. S. Army," I believe, is a distinguished Republican, in sympathy 

with the distinguished Senator from Maine. That has always been 

my understanding. I ha•e never heard it disputed or questioned. 

:But, Mr. President, the Senator read what purported to be an explanation gi•en by General Benet in regard to this order, and it reads as 

follows: 

A few days before the date of this cit·cular I was called to the office of t-he Secretary of War. 1\Ir. Endicott stated to me U1at he had received many m·gent 

requests from veryprominentDemocrats-oue especially prominent and known 

throughout the country-t-o have Republicans employed in the arsenals through- out the country dismissed and Democrats appointed in their places. The Secretary said he did not want to turn the service into a political machine, butthat 

something would have to be done to bring about a ditferent condition of aftairs 

in the Ordnance Department. He said that he would like to have Democrats appointed wherever Republicans were dismissed, and t 1

1at the filling of positions occupied by women and children should be recognized in the same political degree as those filled by men. 

Is there any crime in that? Is there any crime in a Democratic administration filling vacancies by the appointment of Democrats, making the appointments to vacancies by giving preference to Democratic 

women insteaa of Republican women? 

1\fr. CHANDLER. 1\Iay I ask a question. 

1\Ir. COCKRELL. Certainlv? 

Mr. CHANDLER. I should like to ha\e the Senator explain how 

he can ascertain the politics of women and children. What fs the 

Democratic method? 

1\ir. COCKRELL. Who knows the politics of Mrs. Ellen Foster? 

Does anybody know her politics? 

Mr. HALE. She is not in an arsenal. 

Mr. COCKRELL. She is the hired champion taken from the Prohibition ranks to draw back Prohibitionists to the Republican party, now canvassing the United States. Has she any politics? Take that other 

distinguished lady-I have forgotten her name-who is now out in Indiana. Mr. HALE. Miss Anna Dickinson. Mr. COCKRELL. I do not believe that is the-name. 

Mr. TELLER. Mrs. Calvert? 

Mr. COCKRELL. That is not the name. 

1\ir. TELLER. No; she is working for the Democratic ticket. 

Mr. COCKRELL. It may be Miss Anna Dickinson, I am not sure; 

but a very eminent lady who is a woman-suffragist is out there now 

in the employ of the Republican party championing for the same object, to try to draw over to the Republican party in its desperate condition those men who favor woman suffrage. ' . · 

1\Ir. HALE. The women the Senator names are not in office. ' They 

are n ot holding place. 

Mr. COCKRELL. Were these women that the Democratic officials 

were to appoint holding office? 

l't1r. HA.LE. They were to displace others. Mr. COCKRELL. They were to take office, and they were simply 

t o displace Republicans, and I fail to see any crime or any ground of 

censure or criticism for a Democratic administration to put in the place 

of a Republican incumbent who e office has become vacant, whether 

that incumbent was a male or a female Uepublican, a Democrat to fiU 

it. There i<~ nothing in it; and it is precisely what the Senator from 

Maine would do if he were the Chief Executive of this country, and he 

would make every one of his Cabinet officen; toe the dead line in that 

r espect. 

This is the coloring gi>en to this by a Republican correspondent I 

suppose: He said that he would like to have Democt-ats appointed wherever Republic- a ns were dismissed, and that the filliog of positions occupied by women and children should be recognized iu the same political degrees as those filled by m en. I replied to Mr. Eodicott that I would fix the matter, and immediately I wrote this circular and sent it to Secretary Endicott for inspection. Tha S&l'& 

ta.ry approved of it, and I had manifold copies made and sent to all of the com- manders of the arsenals. In three or four instances the commanding officers wrote official or private letters to me-l forget which-stating that they had 

made careful canvasses of the employGs, and they found that the I.llajority of 

them were Democrats. 

A ~onderful discovery! They must ha-ve used microscopes in making that discovery. Three or f.our of them reported thatthey found that the .majority of them were Democrats, and tha.t if the object of my circular was to equalize between the two parties the positions, there could 

be no equalization in favor of the Democratic party. 

This was nearly a year after the Democratic Administration had 

come into power, but it was ample time for nearly every Republican 

incumbent to become thoroughly converted and regenerated from faD -

eo Republicanism to sanctified Democracy. Oh, yes, Mr. President, 

I ha>e no doubt that you will' find thousands of those in the Government service whoinNovember,1884, would have sworn to their loyalty 

and allegiance to the Republican party, who in January, 1886, would 

h1Ive done the same thing to the Democratic party. Let me say to ruy 

friends here that you know this. You know it right here in the Departments. Some of the most blatant demagogues that have exercised 

subordinate positions here in the Departments became themildestand 

meekest submissionists to Democratic authority after Cleveland was 

elected, and they were the ones who attempted to ingratiate themselves into the fa•or of the Democratic officials in order to retain pbce 

and power; and the Senator from Colorado knows some of them, a.nd so 

do other Senators. 

I say that, in my judgment, the very best interests of a true, genuine 

civil service would have been promoted and subserved if, when this 

Administration came into power, the rules could have been relaxed 

until there was an equalization between the Republican and Democratic incumbents in the offices. It was but fair and just and right, 

and, so far as I am concerned individually, instead of censoring the 

Ad ministration and the heads of Departments for removing Republican 

incumbents and supplying their places under the civil-service law, 

where the door is open to Hepublicans as well as Democrats and Mugwumps and all classes of people- instead of censuring them for making 

the few remo•als they have made, I think the criticism-is, if any, that 

they have not made enough of such removals. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. l\1ay I ask the Senator a questionjUBt there? 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from :Missouri yield 

to i.he Senator from Vermont? 

1Hr. COCKRELL. Yes; but not to make a speech. I will yield if 

the Senator wants to ask a question. I am nearly through, and I do 

not want to be detained any longer. 

1\fr. EDUUNDS. I never make a speech. I think the Senator, perhaps, can inform us, and it will be interesting to know, in respect of 

the appointments which have been made ostensibly under the civilservice law on competitive examinations, what percentage have been 

Democrats and what percentage Republicans. I have no doubt the 

Senator has the means at hand of telling us at once. :1\fr. COCK.RE.LL. I have not, except my general know ledge of those 

matters. I have been watching them with some little interest. My 

judgment is that during the preceding administration of the Repub- licanEx.ecutive,four-fifthsifnotnine-tenthsoftheapplicantswhopassed 

the civil-service examination, and probably more, were Republicans. 

I think very few Democrats ever applied under the law prior to 1885. 

I think even after that time, tmtil the provisions of the law became 

more thoroughly lmovm and understood, and it was found that there 

was nq discr~mination actually existing, a large majority of the applicants were still Republicans. I base this statement upon the belief 

that prevailed among Democrats that notwithstanding they might pass 

the civil-service examination, by some means or other not known t o them, not understanding .fully the provisions of the civil·service law 

and regulations, they would stand very little chance of an appointment, 

and therefore they did not apply. 

I thiilk after it was known that there was no discrimination, and 

there being a Democratic administration, and probably Democrats 

thinking that they might have a little better chan~ under a Democratic administration than under a Republican administration, the number of Democratic applicants increased and multiplied, until now, in 

all probability, a considerable majority of the applicants for civil-service e:xarriinations are Democrats. I think that for probably the first 

six months or perhaps the fir.st year of the Democratic administration 

a majority of the appointees under the civil-service law were Repub- licans. This is my belief from the fuct th..<tt they were the only ones 

who could b e certified until the time expired for the certification. The 

names of Republicans were still upon the lists, and they were certified 

by the Civil Service Commission when a call was made from the Departments for appointees . . 

:M:r. TELLER rose. :Mr. COCKRELL. I yield . l\1r. TELLER. I did not want to interrupt the Senator until he got 

through with his statement. 

Mr. COCKRELL. It will be no interruption. 

Ur. TELLER. I wished to ask the Senator if he recollected the testimony of one of the bureau officers that out of 85 appointments 83 of 

them were Democrats. Mr. EDMUNDS. Under the civil-service law? 

' 
9120 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. OCTOBER 3, 

Mr. TELLER. Under the civil-service law. That was, I suppose, 

in the first year of the Administration. 

1\lr. COCKRELL. That was the testimony of what officer? 

1\Ir. TELLER. Tbn.t was in the Pension Office. I am not crificisin~ it. I am simply stating the fact. 

1\Ir. COCKRELL. What officer was it? 

Mr. TELLER. The Commissioner of Pensions. There was a state- ment of that kind which came out in some examination. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I hope it was true in that oftice. 

Mr. TELLER. It never was doubted. Nobody doubted it. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I hope it was true. There were, I think, 150 

who bad_ to be appointed, and the CommiSsioner of Pensions aimed to 

divide them, and he did divide them, and from 70 to 80 Democrats 

were appointed. 

Mr. TELL,ER. Eighty-five were appointed, and, as I recollect, 82 

or :~ -I am not certain which-Democrats were appointed. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I expect that was true. I hope it was. 

Mr. TELLER. I should like to ask the Senator, as he has been engaged in examining the service of the Government in the Departments, 

if he can tell me how, without a plain violation of that law, the appointin~ power would know whether a man was a Democrat or not until 

after he was appointed? 

.Mr. COCKRELL. I must confess that I am perfectly astonished 

thn.t a former Secretary of the Interior, a distinguished Senator prior to 

his servica as Secretary, and now again on this fioor, should ask such a. question as that. I think if he will go home and ask any of his children they can explain it to him very easily. 

Mr. TELLER. I ask the Senator to explain it. I do not want to ~o home for that purpose. 

1\Ir. COCKRELL. I said on the floor of the Senate when I was advocating the passage of the civil-service law, that I could go in as Secretary of the Treasury under that civil-service law, and I could turn 

out e.-ery solitary Republican in the Treasury Department, and I could 

appoint only Democrats, and not violate the civil-service law; and I 

can no it. 

Mr. TELLER. I should like to say, if the Senatorwillyield tome, 

after nearly two years of a.dministratiou under this law, that could not 

be done without a plain violation of the law. Of course it is possible 

lli!dcr the stimulus the Senator mentions that the Democrats, knowing 

they had a friendly adDJinistration, may have come in such numbers 

to the examining committee that they have got in, but no officer is 

justi fi ed in inquiring or knowing what the politics ofthe man is who is 

certified to him. 

I never beard during my administration a sn!?:gestion from any living person as to the politics of those who were cert ified. I should myself have regarded it a~ a great breach of public duty if anybody had 

come to me and said~ ".Mr. So-and-so is ce1·tified to you, and he is a 

Repnblicnn," or "he is a Democrat." I do not charge that now upon 

any officer of this Administration. I am bound to give the reason the 

Seuator did, that; knowingitisaDemocraticAdministration the Democrats are all now making a rush to get in, and in that way they get 

throu.gh the-civil-service examination, and then of course, the Admmistration never looking to ascertain their politics, they having gone 

through the examination and been certified to, they go into office. 

:Mr. EDMUNDS. My friend is mistaken about that. 

Mr. COCKRELL. 'l'he innocence of the Senator from Colorado is 

trn1y commendable and refrE'.shing. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I think it is, too. in his last statement .. 

Mr. TELLER. If the Senator from Missouri wants to dispute my 

last statement, I shall be prepared to hear him do so, and very likely 

I may give some crede11ce to his objection to that statement. 

:Mr. COCKHE LL. The idea that the Departments can not know anything about whom the appointees are, or anything of the kind! 

Mr. TELLER. Oh, I do not say the Depa1·tments can not know, but 

I say the Departments under the law ought not to know, and no officer 

who properly administers the law will know or allow himself to know. · Mr. COCKRELL. I say frankly for myself that I believe in a genuine practical civil se1·vice reform. 

Jllr. EDMUNDS. Such as we now have. [Laughter.] 

l'llr. COCKRE.LL. If I had been at the head of one of the Executive 

Departments I would have felt it to be my duty to see that the Depe.rtment was weeded out and cleaned out of all those who bad been 

appointed under the spoils system and were inefficient and inattentive 

and negligent; and I would have done my best to see that honest, com- petent, and well-qualified persons, examined by the Civil Service Commission and certified, were appointed to their places; and I would have 

prayed that ninety-nine out of every one hundred of them might be 

Democrats until there were as many Democrats in the Department as 

there were Republicans; and then, when there was an equality, I 

should have disapproved of any discrimination; and I should have hoped 

and prayed that thereafter the service might be maintained for all time 

to come in that proportion. 

Mr. HALE rose. Mr. EDMUNDS. The Seuatol' from Missouri has not answe1·ed my 

question yet, and if I mny be pardoned I will ask my friend again the 

question, because he is famil iar with this modern reform. 

Mr. COCKRELL. The Senat.or refers to his question ab out the 

number of appointees. I thoug ht I l1 ad answered 1t. 

Mr. EDMUND;:;. No; on1y as t{) one Department, ei_l!;hty-three to 

eighty-fi ve, or whatever the number. What proport,ion in the last four 

years of new appointments under civil-service examinatiOns ou t of t he 

three certified have been Democrats and what proportion Republicans? 

Mr. COCKRELL. I thou ~! ht t hart. answered tht.t. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I did not nndt:l'Stand it. Perbnps the Senator 

did. 

1\fr. COCKRELL. Of the 432 apr)ointed in the last year of Mr. Ar· 

thur's administration, from January 1ti, l ed4, to J anuary 15, 1885, 

my judJ?;ment is that over 400 of them were Republicans. We c:>me t o 

the next year, or the first year under the Democratic Administration, 

and find there were only 239 appointed. My jndgment is that half of' 

them were Republicans. Then we come to the second yea r of the 

Democratic administ1·atiou. From J anuary lti, 181:l6, to J anuary 15, 

1887, inclusive, there were 392 appointed. I should say that threefourths of them, and probably more, were Democrats. From January 

16, 1887, to June 30, 1887, the same proportion, 155. I take t his from 

what I know has occurred in regard to the certification of the eligibles 

from the Yarious States, and the length of time their names remain 

on the eligible roll before they have to be examined a second time. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I think three are certified . 

Mr. COCKRELL. Four were certified under the Republican ad· 

ministration, but the present Administration has 1·educed the number 

to three. 

l'llr. EDMUNDS. It is reduced now to three? 

Mr. COCKUELL. Yes, sir. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. Then, if I understand the Senator, under the 

present Administration, about tbree-q narters of those selected from the 

three certified are Democrats. 

Mr. COCKRELL. In the last eighteen months I should say from 

one-half to three-fourths. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. Then it would happen either that one Democrat 

out of the three ce1·tifi.ed, sbmding at the foot of the three, was selected, 

or that two out of three certified were Democrats. and so the selection 

might fall naturally on the Democratic side; or how d id it work out? 

How did it happen that this difference of selection should have occurred? 

Was it from the high moral purpose that my fnend advocates, of introducillg au equality of political opinions among the people who are 

doing the work of the Government, or was it mere accident of circum- stance in some way? 

Ur. COCKHELL. I am ac:;tonished that the Senator din not catch 

the au. wer I made to that. I said that during that time pro bably from 

three-fourths to four-fifths of the applicants for examination, and of 

those who passed the examination. ~nd bad their names placed upon 

the list of el1gibles for certification, were Democrats. Therefore, necessarily tlmt number of Democrats b:td to be certified in proportion. 

:M:r. EDMUNDS. That V\"ould of course naturally follow, but how 

is it, nuder a civil-service reform administration, that a. Jarge and hungry part of the community, of Republicans, as it has been stated already by my triend, should decline to submit to a competitive examination, which they had been submitting to before in order to get into 

the public service, and that all the persons who applied should be 

Democrats? I can not understand that. 

I think in the State of Vermont, where of cour~e the appointments 

are very few and much less from the circumstances that I referred to 

a litt.le while ago, the inspectors of customs were dismissed because 

they were supposed not to be needed, and their places were immediately supplied by deputy collectors who did not need to be examined 

at all. Among those who have a})plied in the Stn.te of Vermont I am 

under the impressiOn (but I am not speaking by the book, as the 

phrase is) that young persons who felt themselves able and wanted 

employment, without regard to their politics, would apply and would 

be examined, and some three at the top of all of co ur e would be certifiep, if they got up to a certain standard, as they always did. But 

I have never yet heard-it may be that such a ca e exists-of anybody 

employed in the service of the United States in the State of Vermont 

under the civil-service Jaw sjnce this Administration b egan who was a 

Republican. Perhaps their knowledge, school information, etc., have 

suddenly diminished. 

.Mr. COCKRELL. At the time the Senator awhile o asked me t he 

question about the inspectors, I did not catch the exact potnt Le was making. In my judgment the inspectors.to whom he refers did not 

come under the classified civil service. I have not examined carefully, but the inspectors of the internal-revenue service did not, I know, and 

my judgment is, and I think I am right, that the inspecWI'S in the customs service did not come nuder the regulations of the civil service. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. With great respect to my friend, if he will allow 

me--

. The PRESIDENT protempol'e. Does the Senator from Missouri yield 

to the Senator from Vermont? 

Mr. COCKRELL. Certainly. 

Mr. ED)lUNDS. I do not believe in interrupting a Senator wit hout his consent and going on hefore I get it. 'l'bat is why I wnit.ed. 

With the consent of my friend I will say that I think the rt~ 
' 

- -

1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 9121 

ment held, overruling the collector of customs for the district of Vermont, that inspectors of customs were within the civil-service provision. Of course it is not within my personal knowledge, for I have not 

gorie through the custom-house to look at the books, but my information is, and I never heard it disputed, that inspectors of customs, being 

undexstood by the Department and by the Civil Service Commission 

and by everybody to be within the civil-service law, and therefore in 

filling up a vacancy that they must be examined, and the best man out 

of three selected, were dismissed in large numbers, for that small district, of course the force is not very great, on the ostensible ground 

that their services were no longer needed for the public service, and 

that immediately following, I do not mean the very next day, bu.t in 

sub3tance, their places in numbers ana character were supplied by deputy collectors, another name for the identical class of servants and individuals who were called inspectors before, who did not fall within 

the civil-service rules and were never examined. That may be all 

right. I only speak of it as a historic fact. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I think the Senator is mistaken. I have been 

quite confident that the customs inspect-ors and the internal-revenue inspectors did not come within the civil-service law and regulations. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I am not speaking of the internal-revenue inspect6rs. 

l\fr. COCKRELL. That is the case, unless the regulations have been 

extended to include them since the last order of the President. I have 

not had time to examine tQ.e last order of the President, to see to what 

great length he bas extended the law over new classes of individuals; 

but a. large number of new classes of officers have been included within 

the classification. 

I hope every Democratic official, every Democratic Senator and Representative who was applied to by his Democratic constitueits for appointment in the various departmental branches of the service did what 

I did. I sent to them a. copy of the Civil Service Commission report, 

containing the laws and the regulations, and told them to go and stand 

the civil-service examination, and Missouri being a large State and en- _ titled to her full proportion of appointments would have a. fair chance 

of getting the appointments, and I think Missouri has gotten her fair 

share. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I think so. We agree to that all around. 

l\fr. COCKRELL. I hope every other Democrat did the same thing. 

I find a table here which gives the number of appointments from the 

various States under the civil-service law from July 16, 1883, to June 

30, 1887. I see the distinguished Senator from Vermont has two male 

and five female appointees. He gives preference to the females. I find 

that Missouri has thirty-five male appointments and eight of females, 

making a total of forty-three. 

There is the list from all the States; there is no secret about it. It 

shows the exact number who were appointed in proportion to population without any evasion or attempt at evasion. The appointments for 

the last eighteen months must necessarily have been of more Democrats than Republicans, because of the large preponderance of Democratic applicants. Prior to Marc...h, 1885, and up to about a year after 

that time, the majority was largely in favor of the Republicans. When 

this law took eftect the Republicans had comparatively all the offices, 

and it was their administration. As a matter of course, there was a feeling that they would retain the offices under the law, and, therefore, there were not as many Democratic applications for exam:i.Ration as have been made since. This is perfectly plain. 

I only regret that more Democrats have not succeeded. I think it 

would have been far better for the public service, as I have stated 

frankly and candidly. I think there ought to be a greater equalization than now exists. I think it would be for the interest of all political parties and of every patriot citizen in this land if the subordinate 

positions were nearly equally divided between the g1·eat political parties, and then leave them open to the honest, fair competition of Democrats and Republicans, Republicans and Democrats, under a Democratic or a Republican administration, and let them be selected because 

of their qualifications and fitness for the position, and let them understand that once being selected under the civil-service law does not give 

them a life tenure to that office, and that t.hey may be removed, as the 

la.w does not guard the exit from office. It leaves that door wide 

open, justly eo and properly so, because then the appointees under the 

law always have some incentive to the performance of their duties. 

They know that there is no law to bold them in places which they un- worthily fill. · I do not believe in retaining employes in the Government service for 

life and pensioning them on the Government. I do not believe in a civil pension-list in any shape, manner, or form. I believe that the 

Government pays its employes a full equivalent for all the service they 

render to the Government, and that the Government is in no manner in debt to them; that it is under no obligation to them. They voluntarily seek the office; they voluntarily take the office; they voluntarily 

and gladly take the salary; and when their length of service is com- pleted by being turned out or being disabled, or in any other manner, 

they have no cla.im upon the bounty of the Government for pensions or any other kind of remuneration. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. If my friend will pardon me--

X IX--571 

M:r. COCKRELL. Certainly. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. On the philosophical principle he is speaking 

about, there being no check on the power of removal, which is the 

present law clearly, and which I think is a great defect if what we call 

civil service in respect of minor offices and places is really good for 

anything, suppose I, being the Secretary of the Treasury, have cert.i.-

fied to me to-day a list of the three highest persons for three places, 

and ~t happens by accident that they are all Democrats. By '' accident," I mean by the event of a fair and impartial scrutiny. 

Mr. COCKRELL. They may all be Democrats or all Republicans. 

It is unavoidable. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I am supposing this case to illlli\,trate the philos .. - ophy of this thing to my friend and get his opinion about it. Suppose 

I am a Republican Secretary of the Treasury, and the three peo-ple to 

fill the vacancies that_exist, which were made to exist by my remov- ing three Democrats the day before, are Democrats. I find on looking over the list below, who almostcame up to the standard, thereare 

three Republicans. I am supposing myself to be a Republican Secretary of the Treasury. I must appoint these three men who are certified. They are Democrats, but they are not the kind I want for that reason merely. I must appoint them. Day after to-morrow I cause my secretary to send them a notice tba t '' your services will be no longer required after the 1st of the month," treating them wHh perfect fairness. I give them a month's pay. On the 1st of the month 

they will go out. The next three are my political friends; I do not mean my personal friends, but gentlemen who think there ought to 

be a protective tariff, or there ought to be this thing or that which is 

my political opinion. 

Then by a mere act of my will and my political prejudice, 'if you call 

it that, my political opinion, I get rid, conformably to law, ofthethree 

best men on the list of the one hundred who were examined, who happened to be Democrats and not Republicans, and at the end of that 

month I get three men of my political persuasion. That can go on from 

day to day, from month to month, without violating any law, because, as the Senator says, the power of the beads of the Departments in the case of these departmental appointments, and if there be any that fall 

under the President his power to dismiss from office with reason or without reason is absolute and complete. 

In the end, in my opinion, if we go on with this business, as I hope we shall, in its true and right way, it will be necessary to correct that 

evil, just as in every State where the people are sovereigns, and elect 

and appoint their officers in the municipalities and in the State, -the 

term for which officers hold is a fixed term, and no governor, no judge 

of a county, no supervisor, no anybody can turn them out until they 

have a chance to be heard, and are turned out for a cause which is 

mademanifestupon ab·ial in s<;>meway. In my opinion, thereisnot a State in this Union that would stand any such system as we have now in respect of these minor appointments. 

l\fr. COCKRELL. I am sorry that the Senator has been led into a mistake in the supposition which he has made. The case he bas 

supposed can not occur under the civil-service Jaw. He supposes 

that a long list is certified; that three are put at the head of it; that 

the Secretary of the Treasury, he being the Secret:uy and a Republican, could find out that the three first from whom the selections had 

to be made were Democrats, and the three next were Republicans; and 

therefore he would reject the three Democrats, or appoint them for a month, and then discharge them and select the other three. That is 

not the law, and that is not the regulation, and that is never done. It never has been done. The Senator is entirely mistaken if he supposes 

that that kind of lists bas ever been sent to the Departments under a Democratic administration. 

l\1r. EDMUNDS. I think I remember, if my friend will pardon me, one rather notable instance. I think it was in the city of New York, 

where for some reason (I shall not characterize it, because it may have 

been a good one or a bad one) the whole list was directed to be certified. That is a mere matter of regulation with the President, who has 

control of the whole thing. Out of that whole list the surveyor, or whoever the officer was, was authorized to make his choice. So it is 

merely in the power of the President or the head of Department, be he 

Republican or Democrat, to get rid of anybody who is in. We all 

agree to that. Then it is in his power, by his regulations, to so adjust 

matters that his particular penny will come face up, to use a boyish 

illustration of our school days. 

1\'Ir. COCKRELL. No; the Senator is mistaken entirely. Under 

the Republican administration, when a vacancy occurred in the Interior Department or in any other Department, the head of the Department notified the Civil Service Commission to certify the names of eligibles for appointment, and the Civil Service Commission certified four names for the place. The Secretaryofthe Interior could not tell who 

would be certified. The Secretary of the Interior could not control the 

certification. They had to be certified in a regular routine around 

through the States, in accordance with population. The Secretary 

could not know who were the next four names on the list of eligibles, or from what State they were. All that the Department knew was the four namel\ that were certifie~ to it. The Department does not 

know, the Civil Service Commission will not let it be known, wh~ are 
9122 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. OCTOBER 3, 

on the list. of eligibles on their books. Therefore the Secretary does not 

have before him all these names; he has the three and only the three, 

and there are sent to the Department in a great big beautiful square 

paper box all the papers showing the examination. There is the grading; there is the classification. The Democratic Administration has 

reduced the number to three; now there are three names. 

Mr. TELLER. I suggest to the Senator that I think they do not 

send the examination grading except upon the call of the appointing 

officers. 

.Mr. COCKRELL. They always call for them, necessarily. 

Mr. TELLER. No, I think not. 

Mr. COCKRELL. A.s a ru1e, I apprehend they do, because the appointing pbwer'wants to know the grading in the different branches of 

the examination in order to determine which one to take. 

Mr. TELLER. If the Sen,ator will allow me, I will state that t.bey 

most certify the highest in that study. Consequently the appointing 

officer knows he will get no higher grade. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I have gone over it all, and I understand it thoroughly. The highest may be the best in one branch of the service aud 

he may be the lowest in another. The grading is given, and the average is given. A man may be in history 100; he may be in mathematics 60; be may be in some other branch only 75; but the average 

is above the limit of 65, as it used to be; I believe it is 70 or 75 now; 

it bas been increased. However, his averagegradingisabovethat. It 

is this average gradinJt; that is sent. It is absolutely necessary for the 

appointing power to know the grading in order to make an intelligent 

selection. He might just as well cast beads and tails if he does not 

have the grading before him. He must know the relative standing in 

the different studies in order to determine the fitness of the applicant 

for the particular place. For example, you want a clerk in an auditor's office where there are constant calculations being made from day 

to day. The work required is a mere matter of calculation. Whom 

do you want? You want a man who writes a good hand and who is 

an adept in :figures. You have a certification of three names. One man 

stands 90 in his. average, another stands 80, and another one stands 70, 

supposing that 65 is the minimum of the standard. When you examine these three you find the man whose average is only 70 is bette1· 

in mathematicS and writes a fairer hand than either of the other two. 

For your purpose he is the man you want, although his grading is 2{J 

below the highest one. Therefore you select him. It is for that purpose that the papers are sent to the head of the Department. You 

may in another place want simple writing, where there are no great 

intellectual qualifications called into play. You make your,examination and you find that a man who stands very low yet writes a beautiful, legible band. He is way below, he is only 50, or he may be only 

60 in mathematics; but he is very high in writing. You take him because that i the kind of work you want him for. This is absolutely 

necessary in the selection. 

Mr. President, I have detained the Senate much longer than I intended when I rose. I intended simply to show these laws, but I have 

been gratified at the great interest my Republican friends are taking 

in this matter, and I am gratified that I have bad the opportunity of 

laying the subject before them in the light that others see it, and in the 

light thatt the country sees it. President Cleveland has redeemed and 

sacredly kept every pledge ever made in regard-to the civil service :md 

its administration, and this constant picking here and there by this one 

and that one is only to di \'ert attention from the great cardinal policy 

which he has pursued in the matter, and from the great contrast of his 

administration with the previous Republican administration under the 

civil-service law. 

Think of it, 1\Ir. President. A Republican Presi~ent, in possession 

of all the offices, having everything in his own hands, and operating 

under the civil-service law which he has approved, turns out and discharges 432 Republican incumbents during the last year of his administration, and a Democratic successor coming in and following him displaces only 239 in the first year, only 392 in the second year, and in 

the second half of the third year only 155. 

:Mr. TELLER. Will the Senator allow me to interrupt him? 

Mr. CE>CKRELL. Certainly. 

Mr. TE.LLER. He should bear in mind that about that time there 

was a very large number of new appointments made by an act of Congress, especially with reference to the pension laws. One hundred and 

fifty were appointed at one time, which must come out of the number 

stated. "They were new offices. 

l'tir. COCKRELL. But these were not removals where the vacancies 

were not filled. These were removals where the appointments were 

made·of those certified under the civil-service law. They were not 

removals made because the officers were no longer needed. They were 

removals made and the vacancies filled. 

1\Ir. TELLER. To what year does the Senator refer now? 

l'tlr. COCKRELL. I refer to the period from January, 1884, to January, 1885. .l\!r. TELLER. In that year there was a very great number of additional clerks provided for, and they are included in the Senator's 

statement. 

Mr. COCKRELL. Four hundred and thirty-two was _the number 

removed in the last year of the Republican administration. 

Mr. TELLER.. Those were new appointments. 

Mr. COCKRELL. The Senat.or from Maine m'akes a great parade 

about the Secretary of War. I do not know whether the Secretary 

of War ever gave such instructions or not. This is all hearsay. I 

have no objection in the world to the passage of the resolution. I hope 

the Secretary of War will answer it, as he doubtless will, fully and . 

fairly. The complaint is made that be directed General Ben6t to tell 

the officers in the various armories and arsenals that· on the dismissal 

of Republicans he wanted Democrats given the preference in appointments. Mr. President, tnat was right; it was morally right; it was 

politically right. I see no crime, I see no wrong in turning out aRepublican soldier and putting in a Democratic soldier. I see no wrong 

in a Democratic administration finding twenty Republican soldiers in 

office in a certain bureau or Department and turning out ten of them 

and putting in ten Democratic soldiers just as deserving and meritorious. I fail to see any crimein that. I do not understand the law 

that requires preference to be given to the ex-soldiers of our country to 

be that preference is to bo git"eu to Republican soldier . The Democratic soldier is just as much entitled to precedence and re<:ognition as the Republican. If Republican soldiers under Republican administrations have been placed in all these positions; it is right and just and 

the duty of a Democratic administration to displace enough of them to 

equalize the offices and to give one-half of them to Democratic soldiers. 

Mr. BLAIR. May I ask the Senator a question? 

The PRESIDENT pro tempo1·e. Does the Senator from Missouri 

yield? 

Mr. COCKRELL. Certainly. 

Mr. BLAIR. What would the Senator think of the propriety of appointing some of these Democratic soldiers instea.tl of ex-Confederate 

soldiers? 

l\Ir. C CKRELL. Oh, that has nothing to do with this case. 

Mr. BLAIR. I did not know but that it might ha,-e omethina to 

do wit.h it. o 

l\Ir. C8CKRELL. The Senator from New Hamp. hire need not concern himself so much about the ex-Confederates. They will take care of themselves. 

Ur. BLAIR. Being in co!ltrol of the Government, they are likely 

to do so. 

Mr. COCKRELL. They will take care of themselves. 

Mr. BLAIR. But it does seem to me that if the Senator is anxious 

about the men who were sold1ers, and Democratic soldiers, it would 

be well to consider their claims when they come in com])etition with 

the appointment of ex-Confederate soldiers. That was simply the suggestion I made. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I state again that when the Democratic administration came into power and found in a certain Department twenty Republican soldiers it was the duty of the Democratic admmistratiou to 

turnontten Republicansoldie1-sandputinten Democi·aticsoldiers so as 

to equalize them, and no man has any tight to complain of that. It is 

a matter of justice and fair dealing and right. The preference is given 

to Union soldier~, soldiers of onr countl·y, soldiers who bore the beat 

and burden of the greatest conflict that was ever waged in this world; 

and when they are Democrats and Republic..'\ns, because the law requires 

preference to be given to the soldier, is no reason why-preference shou1d 

be given to Republican soldiers alone. The Democrats are entitled to 

their full recognition and share in these matters. 

Even if the Secretary of War directed that circular to be issued and 

directed that preference should be giYen to Democrats in the Department~, he simply did what I believe was his duty. There is no apology necessary for it. As a matter of course, the Secretary of War, in 

my judgment, never directed any confidential circular to be issued. 

How tlid that confidential circula-r get out if there are so many Democrats in these Departments? How do all these things leak out? How 

do the confidential papers of the Assistant Postmaster-General and other 

beads of Departments get into the newspaper press of the country if 

all the employes in the Departments are Democrats? How did this 

.confidential circular find publicity in a Republican newspaper if all the employts in that Department are Democrats? 

No, ll!r. President: there is no harm in the even distribution of the 

offices, and it is right and fair and just. It is right and fair and just 

under the civil-service Jaw, and I have no apologies to make, no excuses to offer for any Democratic official who has tried to equalize the 

appointments of the subo1dinates under him betweep Democrats and 

Hepublicans, and who therefore always give3 preference to :Bemocrats 

in the appointments. 

1\Ir. HALE obtained the floor. 

Ur . .MANDERSO~. Will the Senator from Maine yield to me for a 

moment that I may submit a report from the Committee on Printing? 

::&fr. HALE. I yield to the Senator from Nebr~ka. 

PRINTING OF .REVENUE BILL. 

Mr. MANDERSON, from the Committee on Printing, to whom was 

referred the following resolution, reported it wi.thou t amendment, and 

it was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to: 

.Resoh;ed, That there be printed 2,000 additional copies of the bill (H. R. 0051) 

"to reduce taxation and simplify the laws in relation to the collection of tbe 

rev-enue," as reported to the Senate; l,OOOfor the use of the folding·rooni of. the 

Senate, and 1,000 copies for the use of the Committee on Finance. 
.· . 

1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 9123 

Mr. MANDERSON. I am directed by the Committee on Printing, 

to whom was referred a resolution to print 10,000 copies of Honae bill 

9051, to report it 'with an amendment, and I ask for its present consideration. 

There olution was read, as follows: 

Resolved, That 10,000 copies of the bill H. R. No. 9051 as reported to the Senate 

be printed in pamphlet form, 9,000 for the use of the Senate and 1,000 for the use of the Committee on Finance. 

The Senate, by unanimous consent, proceeded to consider the resolution. 

The amendment of the Committee on Printingwas to add to the res- olution: 

And that the Public Printer insert at the beginning of said bill the following note of explanation: . "The part of the bill stricken out, being the first forty-one sections, is the bill as it passed the House of Representatives. The part following, being new sec- tiom., from 1 to 43, inclusive, is the amendment in the nature of a substitute pro- posed by the Senate Committee on Finance." 

The amendment was agreed to. 

The resolution as amended was agreed to. 

.A.LIE"N MINING CORPORATIONS ~ TilE TERRITORIES. _ 

Ur. STEW AH.T submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Expenses 

of the Senate: 

R esolved, That the Committee on 1\I~es and 1\Iining be instructed to asoertain 

and report to the Senate at the beginning of the next session of Congress the 

number of aliens, foreign companies, and corporations owning or working mines 

in the Territories of the United States, together with the length of time they ha>e been so engaged, the amount of capital invested by them in mining opera- tions, us near as practicable, the amount of dividends paid, and the amount oi money expended by t.heru in such ruining operations, and what effect the own- ing and operatin~ of mines by aliens, foreign companies, and corporations has 

had upon the growth and prosperity of the •.rerritories; and for that purpose the committee, or any subcommittee thereof, may hold its se sions at such times and places as it mav deem proper, and employ such cle ical assistance as mny be necessary. The expenses of such investigation shall be paid out of the con- tingenHund of the Senate. 

REDUCTION OF LETTER PORTAGE. 

Mr. MITCHELL. I desiJ:e to give not.ice that on Friday morning, 

if the Senate is in session on that day, immediately after the morning 

business, I shall ask ihe indulgence of the Senate to submit a few remarks in support of the bill I introduced a few days since, being the 

bill (S. 3558) to reduce letter-postage to 1 cent per ounce. · 

MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE. 

A message from the Honse of Representatives, by Mr. CLARK, its 

Clerk, announced that the Honse insisted upon its amendment to the 

bill (S. 307) for the relief of Margaret Kennedy, disagreed .to by the 

Senate; agreed to the conference asked -by the Senate on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses thereon, and had appointed Mr. STONE of 

Kentucky, Mr. LAWLER, and Mr. BROWER the managers at the con- ference on the part of the House~ 

ENROLLED BILLS ·siGNED. 

The measage also announced that the ~ker of the Honse had 

signed the following enrolled bills and joint resolutions; and they were thereupon signed by the President p1·o tempore: 

.A. bill (S. 330} granting a pension t() Manon Vangordon; 

.A. bill (S. 1264) granting a pension to Martha V. Coleman; 

A bill (S. 3141) granting an increase of pension to Jonas Doering; 

A bill (H . . R. 2696) for the relief of John J. Crooke; 

A bill (H. R. 5248) for the relief of the American Grocer Association; 

Joint resolution (H. Res. 210) authorizing the printing of the third 

annual report of the CommissionGr of Labor; and 

Joint resolution (S. R. 110) in aid, of the sufferers from yellow fever. 

POLITICAL RE:MOV .ALS FROM .A.RMOlUES AND .A.RSEN ALS. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempo1·e. The question recurs on agreeing to 

the resolution submitted by the Senator from Maine (1\I.r. H.A.LEj. 

AI.r. HALE. Mr. President, the Senator from l'tfis onri [Mr. CoCKRELL], who is the thick-and-thin defender of the present Administration, and for long months after that Administration came in was almost 

the only thick-and-tlun defender of it on that side of the Chamber, has 

not been able in two hours of speech to say one single word in defense 

of this'rough order, in which the War Depa~tment proclaims its war of extermination on women and· children. All that he has said goes 

wide of that mark, and the reason is that he, with all his ingenuity, 

is not able to defend the order. When he says that it is simply in the 

direction of dividing the offices, he does not strike at the brutal force 

of that order. 

I said the other day that the American people had been obliged to 

wait until this year before a department of the Government was found 

seeking out women and children in humble places and :making them 

the subject of political proscription. S.ince then I have been looking 

at the 1;eeords to see who are the class of people, the women and children, who are to be reached by the Secretary of War in this confidential order, which was not proclaimed to the puhlic, but was sent out 

under the stamp of confidence to the officers to enforce. 

Those women and children occupy' very humble places. These arsenals are scattered from the Pacific to the Atlantic, and all but two 

'• 

or three are in Northern States. The women and children who have 

found refuge there and who have lived upon the small pay that they 

gain in these p~ces are largely made up of the representatives of Union 

soldiers. The work that they do is not important. Here and there 

in these arsen~ is fonnd a woman who, doing some kind of clerical 

duty, receives as pay perhaps as much as $40 per month; in a few cases, 

$60 a month. There are none that I can find beyond ~hat· sum, but 

below that are found the poor women who keep the gates, who do the 

sweeping, who care for the cleanliness and general management inside 

doors of these public buildings, and receive not more than $20 or $30 

per month. Here and there is found a boy, the child of an ex-soldier, 

who is engaged in the running of errands and carrying of messages, receiving a little pay, a few dollars a week, in order perhaps to eke out 

the subsistence ~ined by his mother, who may be there or elsewhere. 

It was reserved for this civil-service reform Administration, which 

came into office upon pledges that the public service should be divorced 

from politics, and thereby gained votes enough to secure its election, 

t.o send out such an order, making this-war upon women and children; 

and if that were not sufficient, the order winds up by declaring, lest 

some poor woman or boy or girl should escape, that this order "will 

be strictly enforced.'' 

Nothing can be said in favor of such an order, and yet nobody will 

be called to account for it. Nobody will be summoned before the Executive and asked in stern fashion why it was that this scandal and 

shame has been visited not only upon this Administration but upon 

the American people. Nobody will be removed because of the order. 

Uneasy as the Administration may be about it., like everything else of 

this sort that has happened, nobody will be called to account and be 

punished because of it. 

The investigation is likely to show that this is not the only order of 

the kind that has been issued touching just such cases as this, touching persons in the lower grades of employment in the War Department 

and perhaps in other Departments. It will be shown quite likely (and 

I purpose that this investigation shalt be extended so that we may get 

at all the facts) that just such orders as this have been issued elsewhere -

than in the Ordnance Bureau of the War Department. 

The Senator from Missouri has -consumed mnch time in defending 

the Administration generally. IIe has declared that the arraignment 

which has been made by myself and others has been that the President 

has violated the civil-service act. The civil-servicelaw is the narrowest 

phase of this subjectonwhichtheAdministrationstandsto-day charged 

before the American people with P!etenses that it has not carried out, 

with hypocrisy in conducting the Administration differently from 

what it had pledged itself to conduct it. 

The number of employes of the Government who come under the 

classified grades is small compared with the entire official-force of the 

Government. I venture to say that in all the army of office-holders-

! use the words that the President himself has used-in the horde of 

office-holders seeking for partisan favors and desiring to render service 

to it becanse of those favors, not one in five of this great army of officeholsiers is included in the cla sified grade.s. They constitute a. more 

limited portion of the patronage of the Administration. In the arraignment I h a>e made here of the Administration heretofore I have 

never once suggested that the charge was simply that the President 

had violated the civil-service law. It is much more than that. . 

'rhe President came into power because of his declarations, not made 

in a modest way, that Congress had p~ed a civil-service act and he 

would endeavor to administer it, but going f~.r beyond and outside of 

that. and declaring that the public service was a public trust and must 

be divorced from polities. In the letters that he wrote, in the interviews that he had with civil-service reformers, in his letter of acceptance! in his first and other messages, he iterates and reiterates this declaration, never in any way confining it to the narrow class that is 

included in the classified grades under the ci vii-service law. 

His assertions in this matter luwe been read time and time again. 

I shall not take up much of the time of the Senate upon them, or perhaps not any. Everybody recalls them. They apply not to the classified grades alone, but to all grades of offices in and out of that class. 

Every body knows, set.ting aside and paying no attention to the figures 

the Senator has given about this narrow class, largely here in Washington, that the great army of office-holders outside, in the different 

Departments of the Government, have been made the subject of almost 

a clean sweep in dt>fiance of the declaration of the President that appointmenta should be made upon merit. 

How is it with that great army of officers throughout the country in 

the Internal-Revenue Department of the Government who are not subject to the classification of the civil-service law? There is hardly a man left who is anything except a Democrat. How is it with the customs service, except in a few of the larger offices, from the collectors 

down to the tide-waiters and the smaller officers? EveTy man has been 

removed. How is it with that larger army under the Post-Office Department, nearly sixty thousand in all? You may search with a. microscope, as the Senator from Missouri has said, throughout the country in a post-office that is worth the holding, in his State or mine, or 

in any other State, and the ruthless sweep has gone on, the Republicans have gone out and t.he Democrats have come in. 
9124 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. OOTOBER 3, 

To-day, throughout the country, this army of office-holders thus appointed by the President is doing its political work, fighting its battles and taking charge of its local organizations and leading, being the 

captains of tens and the captains of hundreds and of thousands in the 

great political battle. 

As the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. HoAR] has suggested to me, 

take tl1e offices which are judicial, which ought not to be political, and 

there has been the same clean sweep in the Territories of the United 

States. . -

- Let it be understood once for all that I am not complaining of this a.s a Republican. I am not complaining of this as a civil-service re- former. I have never posed in any way as a civil-service reformer. 

What I am seeking to do, and what it is legitimate and right to do, is 

to arraign the Administration for its hypocrisy with regard to these 

things. Had the President come in and not begun to preach of his 

superior virtue, had he not begun to set up a standard that no other 

Presidential candidate or President has ever set up, he would not have 

been subjected to these ctrictures; but from the beginnintr, from the 

day of his nomination down to the present time, he has been preaching his own superior virtue, and has been claiming that his administration is run better, and more justly, and mm·e fairly, and more upon 

civil-service rules, than any other .Administration. It is because every one of those things has been violated that I have arraigned the Administration. 

No Republican complains that he has been turned out of office; but 

when it has been said that he shall not be turned out, and on some pretense and on some charge which he has never been allowed to see, 

he has been removed from office and a Democrat put in his place, and 

in that way he is attacked in his personal character, it may be, he has a right to complain. 

It is not surprising to me that this army of office-holders is to-day en- gaged in fighting the battles of the President. It has excited no won- der. It ic;; nothing more than what has been expected. But what 

should 'be kept before the American people constantly, and what a great 

many of the American. people are thinking of a good deal, is that another 

thing has been promised; that it has been declared that this is a reform 

administration; that it is proceeding under different rules and under 

different principles, and that, to use the language of the Senator from 

Missouri, Grover Cle-veland is a true and sincere reformer. If he ia, and 

_if the declarations that he has made and the claims that are set up for 

his Administration are true, somebodyought to be punished underhi!i 

.Administration for violating every single principle that he has advanced as the gu~de and rule of his Administration. I have waited and I have 

looked forward and expected to see somebody disciplined. No punishment has been visited upon anybody ihus far. 

I have here an inst ance ofthe present campaign in the State of New 

York of the kind of circulars that are sent by the Democratic committee to office-holders who have been appointed by the President. I do 

not believe that we shall bear that anybody hl:\8 been punished for 

writing a letter like the following: 

DEAR Sm: You will kindly contribute $"....5 towards the expense of the Demo- oratic campaign this fnll. Remittances should be made to the undersigned on or before October 1, and will be duly acknowledged. • Yours, 1

truly, S. A. BEARDSLEY, Chai1·man. 

It is said that in the same kind of a circular the sum demanded is 

increased to $40 in the case of railway-postal clerks and from thirty to 

fifty-five dollars for the clerks in the city office. 

A great deal has been said about voluntary contributions. The 

Senator from Missouri has read an old circula,r issued by a Republican committee long before the civil-service act became a law, in the days 

when all parties were engaged in such things; That circular, which I 

knew somethin~ about, was submitted to no less an authority on civilservice reform than Carl Schurz, who approved it, declaring that it 

simply called for voluntary contributions if anybody sent anything 

under that notice. But here is something imperative. Here js the 

declaration that "you will contribute $25 towards the expense of the 

Democratic campaign." 

Every man who recei>es a circular of that kind from the authorities 

of the Democratic party knows what it means. It will be seen that 

if any man holding office, after getting a circular of that kind, refuses or declines or fails to pay, he will be the man who will be disciplined. 

The committee that sends out this circular will not be disciplined. 

The national committee, composed partly as it is of members of the 

House and Senators, will not in any way be disciplined. Why should 

the bead of the Administration, who has himself contributed, as every-· 

body says and nobody denies, $10,000 to the national committee, made 

up in part of office-holders, discipline others for contributing in reply 

to a circular of that kind? 

Mr. UOCKRELL. Mr. PresidentThe PRESIDENT pro temp01·e. Does the Senator from Maine yield,? 

Mr. HALE. Certainly. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I wish to ask just one question. Where wa.s that circular published, and what is it? I did not catch the name. M:r. HALE. It is dated 87 Genesee street; Utica, September 19, 

1888-two weeks ago. 

1tir. COCKRELL. What is the date of the paper? 

Mr. HALE. I have not the date of the paper. . Mr. COCKRELL. In what paper was it published? 

Mr. HALE. I do not know that, even. lt!r. COCKRELL. Wnat is the date of the letter itself? 

Mr. HALE. September 19. It is evidently a genuine document be- cause .the date and place are given, 87 Genesee street, Utica, September 19, 188tl. • 

Mr. COCKRELL. By whom is it signed? 

Mr. HALE. S . .A.. Beardsley. 

Mr. COCKRELL. To whom is it addressed? 

Mr. HALE. It was Eent to all the mail-carriers in that city. That 

is the statement. - Mr. COCKRELL. In the city of Utica? 

Mr. HALE. In the city of Utica. 

Mr. COCKRELL. It was sent to the letter-carriers? 

Mr. HALE. It was sent to the letter-carriers. 

Mr. COCKRELL. Who is Mr. Beardsley? 

Mr. HALE. That I do not know. He signs his name, and a<'!ds 

''chairman.'' I never heard of him before. 

Mr. COCKRELL. He is chairman of what? 

Mr. HALE. I do not know that, even. 

111r. COCKRELL. Is_he chairman of the Republican,. committee up 

there? 

Mr. HALE. It is the Democratic committee. 

1t1r. COCKRELL. How does the Senator know that? 

Mr: HALE. The circular is headed ''Democratic county committeeroom." I am notidentifyingthesemen. Here appears in public print · a circular with a date, the location, with the signature. I do not know 

that any such man as this Beardsley ever lived, but I am quoting from 

the records as they appear in the public newspapers, where the names and date and ev-erything are given. If the Senator believes that some- body has made this up, he is at liberty to investigate it. I have no doubt that it is true; that any investigation will show it to be true; 

and not only that, but if anybody cared to rake and haul over the things 

that are now being done under this ci vii-service reform Administration 

in the way of circulars that are being sent around to clerks, both women and men, the ~pplications that are being ma<le in person, showing that 

the whole army js to be taxed and tithed over and over again, evidence 

enough would be accumulated to take up the rest of the time of this 

session of the Senate. 

Everybody knows it, l'l!1·. President. I have seen the circulars myself. I have seen the cards that are distributed here in Washington. 

Some of them have come to Senate employes by the order of the Democratic national committee that has taken an office here and announced 

it by advertisements in Washington. I have seen those circulars here today, sent to Senate employes. There is nothing surprising in it. The 

surprising thing is that a candid man like the Senator from Missouri 

dares to get up here and declare that Grover Cleveland is an honest re- former and that the .A.dm.inistration is a bet,ter reform administration 

than any preceding administration has been. 

The order that is now the subject of this contl'oversy in the Senate 

is only a natural emanation from all the things that are going on. The 

War Department could not stand the pressure, conservative as that Department is, outside largely of political currents, with a Secretary who 

has not been engaged in active politics either here or in the country 

or in his own State, as the Senatot from Massachusetts knows. He 

could not stand the pressure. 

What is the foundation of the order as shown? Not that it was de- - clared that removals were needed, not that women and children were not performing their duty, but the Secretary told the Chief of the Bu- reau of Ordnance that the presSure upon him was so great for new Democratic appointments that he had to make this war upon women and children; nothing else would satisfy the Dcmocra.t.ic party in its 

eager search for more places. 

'£hat is all there is in this circular. The country should know it; 

and it has been brought forward only that it may be an additional 

piece of evidence to show that the pretenses of the Administration are nothing but pretenses; that the whole thing is condncted in the oldfashioned Democratic way, and will be until after the election. 

Mr. CHANDLER. 1\Ir. President, when the circular which is the 

subject-matter of the resolution no·w before the Senate was shown to me several days ago, I refused to belie>e that it was genuine, and ad-

·vised the correspondent of the Indianapolis .Journal to call upon Gen- eral Benet alfd ask him whether it was genuine or a forgery. It was not until I was informed that General Benet acknow !edged the circular 

and stated the circumstances under which it was issued that I believed 

it possibl~ that even the partisanship of this .Administration had sought 

out the women and the children at work in the arsenals of the country 

in order to drive them from their employment. 

The Senator from Missouri justifies t11-is order. lle does it with vigor 

and with boldness, and asserts that it is legitimate politics to inquire 

whether the women engaged in the arsenals are Republicans or Democrats, whether the children engaged in the arsenals of the country are Republicans or Democrats, and to turn them out if the character of Republican can be attributed to them, and to seek out other women and 
1888. - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 91~5 • 

other children and attach to them the character of Democratic, and 

then employ them in the places of the women and children who have 

been ejected. 

nut it seems to me that this circular is the most discreditable of all 

the emanations in violation of the civil-service :reform professions ot the 

President and of the Democratic party. There have been one hundred 

years of the Government under this Constitution, and I believe that 

never before have the politics of female employes or of children in the 

workshops of the Gover.nment been ascertained as a reason either for 

discharging Qr employing them. 

I supposed when I first realized that this was a genuine circular that 

it was an unlawful order. I thought that there were laws forbidding 

the discharge of War Department employes on account of their politics; 

but I do not find them. If there are such laws I hope that attention 

may be called to them. But although my search with reference to the 

Army bas not shown me any such statutes, I do find that there are explicit laws in reference to the Navy of ~e United States. Section 1546 

of the Revised Statutes is as follows: 

THE GRAli'D BOUNCE-LOST A PLACE IN THE NAVY-YARD FOR SUPPORTING THE LABOR PARTY-''JACK." FROST'S BOLD UANDIWORK-PATRONAGE-!IIOKGERING AT 

THE CITY HALL-illNTS FORMA YOR CHAPIN AND CONTROLLER LIVINGSTON. 

Several of tlie workingmen's unions at the lower end of the city are very much 

excited over the summary dismissal from the navy-yard last week of a laborer 

named Daniel Downey. Not that there is anything unusual or exciting about 

the dismissal of one laborer or a hundred from the yard. Either is a common occurrence enough; but the circumstances surrounding Downey's dismissal were of a peculiarly brutal chanwter and an outrage on associated labor everywhere. 

Downey lives in a room on the top floor of 72 Duffield street, and is evidently in a dire state of pove1·ty. Last week, in blissful ignorance of his impending fate, while he was at work in the yard, where he bad been fortunate enough t-o secure a job only a few days before, a sub-boss of Boss Fluey suddenly appeared before him. · ''Sa-ay, Dc;wney I" came from the npparition. 

"011, good morning, Mr. Frost I How do you do?" Downey replied with 

forced cheerfulness. 

"Sa-ay, didn't you peddle the United Labor party ticket in the Fifth ward last 

fall?" . "Well-er, yes, I did; but it was only for my friend Brown." 

Then Frost. in harsh tones, passed this sentence on the poverty-stricken la!>oring man: "Now, look here, Downey, we don'twant anybody but Democrats in 

the yard, and you'll have to get out." 

Out Downey was put accordingly. llis neighbors said to-day that he was in 

No officer or employe of the Government shall require or request any work- New York trying to get work. '£he Brown be referred to was J. Vincent Brown, 

ingman ir, any navy-yard to contribute or pay any money for political pur- of Gold street, who was the United Labor party's candidate last year for assem- poses, nor shall nny workingman be removed or discharged for political opin- bly, fourth district, with a Republican indorsement. He is a member of Mact 

ion; and any officer or employe of the Government who shall offend against kenzie Post, Grand Army of t·he Republic, of which George R. Baldwin, of Revthe provisions of this section shall be dismissed from the service of the United enue Collector Black's office, is commander. The Frost who paid him the visiStates. is a character and known as Jack Frost. His full name is John F. Frost, and 

In section 1544 we further ha\'e the rule declared _that ought to pre- he holds the position under Comptroller Livingston of chief clerk of the bureau . . . of taxes and assessments at a salary of $1,900 a year. He appears to have a su- vailin the employment of laborers m the several navy-yards: pervisory power over navy-yard patronage, as far as laborers and mechanics 

SEc. 1544. Laborers shall be employed in the several navy-yards by the proper are concerned, and undoubtedly bosses the fifth ward and perhaps some of the 

officers in charge with reference to skill and efficiency, and without regard to surrounding districts. What he does relieves J?e~ocro. tic leaders like John Meother considerations. Carty from numerous petty annoyances, and 1t 1s always understood that the 

These two statutes make the rule which is to govern the Navy De- su~reme arbitrator, if any dispute ar~e~,1s ~illiam A. Furey, the c<;>mmissioner 

partmen.t, and under them a cucular of the kmd which has been IS- tice underaRepublicanadministration,andistolerablyfamilili.rwiththephases 

. . . . I of Jurors. Years ago Frost served h1s time m the yard as a blacksmith's apprensued by General Benet would be punishable as a violation of law. Yet of work ~nd of polit!callife wlt!J.in its w:alls. . . 

th S to f M . · b ldl · t•fi d · db th W TheretsanotherdisgrncefulsJdetothlSsUbJect,andonewithwhlchfrequent- e ena r ro~ .~our1 0 Y JUS I es an or er ISSUe Y . e ar ers of the cit-y hall are only too familiar. It is one in which every t~x-payer of 

Department which If Issued as to Navy employes would be a dehberate the city, too1 bas a direct personal interest. Mr. Frost holds a very responsible 

violation of an express statute ! position unaer the city government, and by far too much of his time is taken 

In · f th 1 h. •h I h ted · . t• to th N up by navy-yard patronage matters. Sometimes a dozen or a. score of men v1ew 0 • e aw "! IC • ave qu? In re erence e avy stand for hours in the rotunda of the city ball waiting to get a note from Frost 

Department, It seems Impossible to believe that the Secretary of the to this or that boss in the yard. It is certainly a violation of the spirit of the 

Navy, who has suddenly discovered that the needs of the public service ~ivil-se!vice la~:-this spending o~ the time, which is the money of the public, 

require a large increase in the number of employes at the Brooklyn m partlSau pohttcs. ~ayor Chapm frequently brushes agaJnst ~he cro~ds of . . . men who want to get mto the yard as he goes to or returns from his officem the 

navy-yard, mtends m makmg the new employments to pay any atten- hall. His natural instinct would revolt against the turning of a city govt>rntion to the politics of the laborers who may be taken on in pursuance me~t department into a_patronage brok~r's office; but his recent severe cas~iof his recent order There is a statute of the United States enacted gatiOn by the Democrat!~ feneral committee seems ~ have ta.med hts splrtt. · . ' And so of Comptroller L1vmgston. He has a splendtd reputatiOn, but he is a on the 30th of June, 1876, to be found m volume 19, page 69, of the candidate for renomination, which he can not get without the consent of the 

statutes, as follows: • Will~:mghby street gang .w.hose member~ are the patrons of Mr. Frost.. Is it 

And no increase of the force at any navy-yard shall be made at any time possible that Walter L. L1vmgston kn<!wmgly permits. an office over wh1ch ~e within sixty days next before any election to take place tor President of the has contr?l to be so degraded? Perhaps, after all, his control of the office 19 

United States or member of Congress, except when the Secretary of the Navy only nommal. 

shall certify that the needs of t.be public service make such increase necessary Here we have the charge made by a well known and respectable 

at that time, which certificate shall be immedia~ly publisbe~ when mad_e. newspaper that two navy-yard bosses have been created by the SecreI find th!lt the. Secretary of the Navy has ISsued a certifir:ate, which bas tary of the Navy, that they control the discharge and employment of 

been published m the newspapers of New Yor~{, and I w1ll read an ex- men in the Brooklyn navy-yard, and that Mr. Downey and others have 

tract from the New York Press of Sunday mormng, September 30, 1888, been discharged for political reasons. · If that is the case, the diswhich contains the certificate. It is as follows: charges are in direct defiance of a clear and distinct law of Congress, 

THE SECRETARY OF TUE NAVY NEEDS MANY LABORERS. and if employment~ are made ll this Way the employments are made 

The people of the United States have become accustom-ed to seeing the laws in distinct violation of the act of Congress which I have read, which 

of the country violated by the Democratic authorities in Washington and the says that laborers shall be employed in the several navy-yards by the South, but it bas remained fvr Secretary Whitney to show the utter contempt which the Democrats have for the laws of Congress when such laws interfere proper officers in charge with reference to skill and efficiency and withwith the possible success of that party at the polls. out regard to other considerations. 

Several years ago the Republican Congress, realizing how powerful a factor Th N y k T ·b f 0 ~~b 1 1888 blish d th fi ll · patronage was in the determination of a political contest, passed a law prohib- e ew or n une 0 CON er ' ' pu e e 0 owmg: 

iting the employment of new men in the public Departments within sixty days TUE EMERGENCY ORDER RATHER LATE-NO DOUBT ABOUT THE REAL REASON FOR 

of an election. The law was pas.<;ed with especial reference to the abuse of the EXTRA ME..~ AT THE NAVY-YARD. 

appointing of hundreds of new men in the navy-yards a few days prior to election as a bribe to secure their votes. "You will observe that Secretary Whitney has issued his emergency order. 

Owing to tardiness in the preparation of requisitions, which are made the which, under the law, permits him to increase the force atthe navy-yard,"said basis of appropriations, it was found this year that the men could not be em- one of the officers there yesterday. He continued: "The Tribune was the first 

ployed two months before the election, and for a time the Democratic managers and only Republican paper to call attention to the increase of the force by one were disconsolate at losing such a powerful lever as the patronage of the navy- hundred and thirty-two men in one day a week ago, and not one of the Demoyard. Secretary Whitney was appealed to, and the following notice was issued cratic papers had the honesty or independence to refer to this clear violation of 

yesterday: the law which prohibits an increase of the force within sixty days of an election. 

"[Certificate.] That sixty days' limit began on September 7, and the one hundred and thirty-

"In compliance with an act ofCongress,approvedJune30, 18i6, I herebycer· two employes were put on on September 20. But since then there ha\'e been 

tify that the needs of the pub1io service make it necessary to increase at this men discharged because they were Labor party adherents and good Democrats 

time the force of the navy-yard, Brooklyn, N.Y., for the prosecution of the put on in their places, and others in addition. For instance, on September 21 work upou the Yantic, Galena, Miantonomoh, and Terror, and for other neces- there were 1,5119 workmen of all kinds employed, and on Friday the numbeJ: 

sary purposes. was above 1,600, but not until Saturday did the Secretary publish his emer- "W. c. WIDTNEY, Secretary of the Navy." gencyorder. Now, then, is he not liable for a violation of the law before be issued his emergency order? In this Mr. Whitney says that the emergency Secretary Whitney's order is, of course, a mere e>asion of the provisions or arises i.n the fitting out of the Galena, Yantic, ~1iantonomoh, and Terror. Is 

the sixty days' law. The law upon which the order is based has never been there any emergency that requires haste in completing tile two big ironclads, 

utilized before, and w s placed upon the statute-books simply to anticipate any the Terror and Miantonomoh? Are we on the eve of war ? But he says nothpossible trouble with foreign nations which would necessitate the rapid fitting ing about the new cruiser Maine, upon which additional wen are being em- out of war vessels. ployed from day to day. The fact is that when the Secretary was at the navy• While the intention and effect of the order was and will be to till the navy- yard a. few days ago Furey and other politicians impressed upon him the · yard with Democratic voters, the local Democratic gang has already served political emer~ency which could only be relieved by employing more men in 

notice that no one who has been identified with the labor movement need ap- the navy-yard." ply. The latest victim to the rapacity of the gang is Daniel Downey, of75 Duffield street, Brooklyn, who waa discharged from the navy-yard a few days ago Upon these statements it is bard to resist the conclusion that the 

because of his active participation in the labor movement in Brooklyn last Secretary of the Navy bas declared an - emergency at the Brooklyn 

ynris said Alderman Divver and all the other ward bosses have been given navy-yard at this time and published this certificate in compliance with 

fifteen tickets each, by which that number of men will obtain employment at the statute more for the purpose of having a large force in that navythe navy-yard. yard on the 6th of November, at the time of the Presidential election, 

In the Standard-Union, of Brooklyn, of the 29th of September, 1888, than on account of any necessity of fitting out the North Atlantic 

the following statement is made in connection with the dismissal of squadron. It is understood that this squadron is to be ready for sea 

Daniel Downey, mentioned in the extmct from the Press which I have on the lOth of November. By that time we may infer that there will 

read: be necessary more discharges of men from the Brooklyn navy-yard. 

I . 
9126 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. OCTOBER 3, 

It is to be hoped that the Secretary of the Navy will, when be makes 

such discharges, at least then regard the provisions of the statute, and 

discharge no man because of his political opinion. 

Mr. President, there is not only some reason to fear that the laws in 

reference to the employment of men in the navy-yards are being disregarded by tbis Administration, but I think it is very clear that the 

civil-service law forbidding contributions from one public officer to 

another public officer is being openly and boldly violated. The statute 

of the 16th of January, 1883, concerning which the Senator from !liissom·i bas ·had a great deal to say, contains three sections to wbkh I 

ask the attention of Democratic Senators: and also Democratic officials, 

those who are now members of political committees and those who are 

making contributions to political committees. These sections are 11, 

14, and 15 of the act of Jan nary 16. The law is found in the statutes 

of 1889..-'83, page 406: 

SEc. 11. That no Senator, or Representative, or Territorial Delegate of the Cougress, or Senator, Representative, or Delegate elect, or any officer or em- ploye of either of said Houses, and no executive, judicial, military, or naval officer of the United States, and no clerk or employe of any Department, branch., or bureau of the executive, judicial, or military or naval service of the United States, shaU, directrly or indirectly, solicit or I'eceive, or be in any manner con- cerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscrj.ption., or contribution for any political purpose 'ivhatever, from any officer, clerk, or employe of the United States, or anY department, branch, or bureau thereof, o1· from any per- rSon receiving any salary or compensat-ion from moneys deriv-ed from the Treas- ury of the United States. · SEc. 14. That no officer, clerk, or other person iu lhe service of the United States shall, directly or iudirectly, give or hand over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator or Member of the House of Representatives, or Territori&l Delegate, any money or other val- uable thing on a.coount of or to be applied to the promotion of any political ob- ject whatever. - SEC. 15. That any pe1.-son who sha.U be guilty of violating any provision of the four foregoing s-ections shall be deemed guilty ~fa misdemeanor, and shall, on conviction thereof, be punished by a tine not exceeding $5,000, or by imprison- :ment for a. term not exceeding three years, o.r bY such fine and imp.riso.nment 

both, in the discretion of the court. 

The meaning of this law is very clear. No Senator or Representative can solicit or receive or be in any Jllanner concerned in soliciting 

or receiving any contribution for political purposes from any officer, 

clerk, or employe under the Government of the United States. No 

office:r, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States can , 

give a contribution to any Senator or Member of the Honse of Representatives for the promotion of any politi<:al <Object whatever;· and 

cffenses against these two sections are made penal. They are punishable by fine and imprisonment. . I wish now to place upon the records of the Senate a statement of 

the view taken of this statute by Republican officiaJ.s and members of 

Republican committees. I first reJid the circular to which the Senator 

from Maine has referred, two copies of which have been handed me 

to-day, addressed to clerks of the Senate. It niust be admitted that 

in making these solicitations of employes of the United States in violation of law the Democrats who are .sending out the -circulars are impat·tial, for they appear to have sent them to Republican and Demo-

.cratic employes of the Senate alike. I ask the Secretary to read the 

crrcular and also the communication of Edward McPherson, secretary 

of the Republican Congressional committee, published .in the Washington Post of September 20. 

The Secretary read as follows: 

NATIONAL l>EMOCRATIC OO.IUMITTEE. 

The rooms of the advisory committee and treasurer for the District of Co- l umbia are at 939 F street northwest. second floor. . 1\laj. Charles S . .Jones will be in attendance from 8 a . m. untU 11 p.m., and has authority to r"Cceipt for all contributions made to hil:n. Remittances bv mail should be addressed to Ja.mes L.Norris, advisory com- mitt~e and treaSurer, lock drawer 322, Washi.naoton, D. C., and will receiy-e 

pxompt acknowledgment. 

LE'l"rERS FRO~ THE PEOPLE-POLU'ICA.L OONTRIBUTLONS. 

To the ~itor of the Was[tington. Post: 

:Mr. James L. Norris announces himself in your paperofthisdate as the" au- thorized representative in Washington of the national Democratic commit- tee." As such he states that he will be glad to receive contributions of encour- agement from Democrats and all citizens and office-holders wishing Dem.ocratic success, and the same shaH be promptly remitted to the national committee. So far as this invitation applies to office-holders of the United States it is a tt·ansaction forbidden by the laws of the United States: Section 11., ch•il..service · act, January l5, 1883, forbids any officer or employe of the United States frmn directly or indirectly soliciting or receiving or being in any manner coneerned in soliciting or receiving contributions for anypolitical purpose whatever from any other officer or employe of the United States. · Section 14 of the same act prohibits any person in the service of 'the United States from directly or indirectly giving to another person in the service of t-he United-States any money" to be applied to the promotion of any political object whatever." Section 15 makes a violation of these provisions a. misdemeanor, punishable on conviction by both fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court .. 'What the Democratic national committee can not do by itself it can not law- fullv do by another. pon the national committee as members there are both Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the United St~s. A gift t-o the committee is a gift to each member of the committee, and it is clearly within the p1·ohibition of the law, and was so intended. • Undoubtedly offi'Cials of the United States have a right to contribute their funds to political purposes, but they can notlawfuL'y do so to committees com- _po ed in whole or in part of persons in the service of the Uuited States. The plain object of the a.ct was to break up a.nd forever prohibit all political com- merce between classes of United States officials. 1\Ir. Norris further states in the interview that "Government officials and some others of very high position bave given liberally." This ma.y refer to the nnnounced contributions of the President and certain members of his Cabinet. lf these officials have made such <Jontributions to the Democratic national com-

.. mittee, it is plain that tbey have thereby rendered themselves liable to punish- ment under this act, and public decency requires that this flagrant case shall be .considered by the officers of the law in this District. If this Jaw is fit only to be violated, it ought to be repealed. If it is fit to stand upou the statute-book it ought to be faithfully enforced. 

'EDWARD 1\IcPHERSON. WASHINGTON, September 19. 

1\Ir. CHANDLER. I also desire the Secretary to read a subsequent 

letter of Ur. McPherson, published in the Capital of September 30. 

The Secretary read as follows: 

ON POLITICAL CO!I."TRRBUTIONS BY UNITED llTATES OFFICIALS. 

To the Editor : 

Sm: Since the passage of tne act of 18831 have in every way discouraged its violation, and any statement to the contrary in your article of the 23d is ipcor· rect. The Clapp com=ittee of 188!, to which you refer, was the agent of a. commit- tee on which there were no office-h-olders of the United States, andwhich,therefore, bad a right to receive contributions. This year both of the national com- mittC¥scontain UnitedStatesoffice-holdera,and coutributions can not be lawfully made to either by any officials of the United States. Private citizens have, of course, the right to contribute to• either. The Republican Congressional com· mittee, of which I bave been secretary for many years, has to my certain know l- edge not received one cent fro:m any office-bolder of the United States since the passage of the act o.f 1&!3. Upon the other hand I have uniformly refused such :contributions when tendered, as they sometimes were in ignorance of the law. Your point that Senators and Representatives are not included in the prohi· bitions of the civil-service act is met by the faet that in the eleventh and fonr· teenth sections they are specifically brought within them. This is a llUIJked point of difference between the act of 1876 .and the act of 1883. The eleventh section of the act of 1883 provides that "no Senator or ·Representative or Terri· torial Delegate of the Oongress, or Senator or Representative or Delega,teelect 

shall, directly o1· indirectly, solicit or receive contributions or subscriptions." The fourteenth section prohibits "any officer, clerk, or other person in the serv- ice of the United States from giving or handing over to nny other officer clerk, or other person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator, Repre- sentative, or 'l'crritorial Delegate any money or other valuable thing to be ap- plied to the promotion of any political object whatever." These provisions are very searching and sweeping, and reach every executive, judicial, military, or naval officer. They are more searching than met the views of the Democratic Senators, who wanted to restrict the prohibitions to ''executive officers, clerks, - and employes of the United States." The act of 1876 did not include Senators or Representatives, but the act of1883 does distinctly include them. Personally, I care not whether tlre President or his Cabinet, or his subordi- nates give or do not give to the DemoC1'atic national committee, except as I care to see the law regarded by those charged with its enfo1·cement. As for indictments, :J<)U appear to hn.ve forgotten that it required one couvic• tion to vindicate the act of 1876. That act was sneered at as the act of 1883 is sneered at. General Curtis, of New York, o.n.office-holderoHbe UuitedSt.ates, became, while it was law, the treasurer of .a political committee. To tbat com=ittee another United Sta.tes office-holder made n payment. General Cur· tis did not receive the money, and did not personally know of the pay:ment. A subordinate, acting for the treasurer, received the m.oney and gave the :receipt. But General Curtis was indicted for the act; :md he was convicted, on the ground that the act of his agent was his net, and that the payment was in violation of law. He was fined $1,000. The Supreme Court of the United States on appeal 

(volume 106, page 371) held the statute to be constitutional, and General Curtis paid the tine. It may require a.n example like unto this to vindicate in the District of Ool111Dbi& the act of 1883. Very respectfully, yours, EDWARD l\lcPHERS0N. W ASRINGTON, September 28. 

Mr. CHANDLER. Mr. President, in -order to ·ascertain whether or 

not members of Congress or Government officials are members of the 

Democratic National Committee, I purchased at Breni:ano's, in this city, 

yesterday, "The Campaign Text-Book-of the Democratic Party of the 

United States for the Presidential Electi-on-of1888,'' which states upon 

the title page that it is "prepared by direetion of the National Democratic Committee. " I invested $1 in this publication, largely attracted by the headline on the :first page, wbich identifies it as aDem· 

ocratic document: 

''Public office is a public trust." 

On thesecondpageis given the listoftheDemocraticNati.onal Committee, b~aded: 

William H. Barnum, chairman; S. P. Sheerin, Rec:retary; Edward B. Dickin- son, assistant secretary and official stenographer; Charles :J. Oanda, h'easurer. 

And as members of the committee are· the following, -who will be 

;recognized as members of the Fiftieth Congress: 

Florida, SAMUEL PAsco. Maryland, A. P. GoRM.AN. 

North Carolina, M. W . RU"SSM. 

Pennsylvania., WILLIAM L. ScroTT. 

On the executive committee, a1SQ, are the names of -:l'!Iessrs. P .Asco, 

GoRMAN, and ScoTT. Upon the campaign committee there .are the 

names, GoRliiAN, HAKSOl\I, and ScoTT. And Mr. Canda, the treasurer, in a slip, which is pasted within the book beaded ''National 

Democratic Committee, Campaign of 1838, 10 West Twenty-ninth 

street, New York City, William H. Barnum, chairman, Calvin S. 

Brice, chairman campaign committee," asks that the person receiyjng 

this book will remit to him $1 by ID.fl,il, which will cover the cost of 

the same and postag-e. .Now, Ur. President, if Government officials of any character have 

been contributing money to this national Democratic .committee, I understand they have been violating the statutes to wbich I have called 

attention. 

Mr. HAWLEY. 1\f.ay I ask the Senator if the 1\fr. Canda referred to 

is the United States treasurer at New York? 

Mr. CHANDLER. He is the treasurer -of the committee. 

Mr. HAWLEY. Is be in cb.a:rge .of the subtreasury in New Ynrk? 

1\fr. CHANDLER. That I am not able to say. 
i888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 9127 

Mr. HAWLEY. I think that is the name of the officer who was Treasurer of the United States and is now assistant treasurer at New 

York. 

Mr. CHANDLER. I am not sure as to ·that. 

I have in my hand a slip from the New York Sun of September 25, 

1888, which sayB: All doubt has been removed, if any has ~ecently existed, that the President con ribut~d 10,000 to the crunpaign fund by the check being presented for pay- men~. The check was drawn on one of Riggs & Co.'s regular check blanks to the orde r of Charles J. Cauda . It did not specify that Mr. Cauda. was treasurer of the national Democratic committee, but simply used the name "Charles .J. Cauda." The $10,000 was writt en out in words and put in figures. The check -was presented to Riggs & Co. for p ayment last week. It had passed through the \Vestern National Bank of New York, of which Conrad N. Jordan, formerly United States Treasurer, is president, and with which 'Chades J. Can<la is now 

connected. 

Another article from the New York Sun reads as followEr: 

CAMPA I GN CONTRIBUTIONS. 

When "President Cleveland ga ve his magnificent contribution of$10,000 to the funds of the Demom·atic campaign committee, he was not alone in that work of national beneficence. .A.t the same time with the President's check the commHtee received a check for $10,0JO from Hon. Thomas F. Bayard; a. check of $10,000 from Hon. Charles S. Fairchild; a check for 510,000 from Hon. William C. Whitney; a check for $10,000 from Hon. Don M.. Dickinson; in all, from the President and Cabinet, the handsome sum of 550,000. But three members of the Cabinet, Sec- retat·y Endicott, Secretary Vilas, and the Pan-Electric .A.ttorney-Genet:al gave nothing. 

However, to maK:egood eTery deiiciency, Hen. WILLIAlll L. ScoTT, of Penn- sylvania, gave 82{),0'!0; Mr. Sidney T. Fairchild, Secretary Fairchild's ·father, and 1\Ir. J. J. Hill, the Democratic hustlerofl'ifinnesota, ga.ve $10,000 apiece; the Paynes, of Cleveland, gave liberally, and other personal friends of .President Cleveland clubbed in. swelling the aggregate contribution to the impressive total of 5150,000. · 

Mr. BLA.IR. r should like -toask my colleague a question. I have 

been out of the Chamber, and I wish to inquire whether he understands 

that these several contributions are money that these officers had col- l~cted in their several Departments or whether they were personal contributions of their own funds? 

1.1r. CH.A.NDLEll. My colleague must ask somebody other than 

my elf ·where these funds come from. I am only giving current bistery, ana I am not vouching for the truth of the averment that these 

contribution~ have been made. But I will say that although it has 

been published for many days in the newspapers that they have 'been 

made there has been no contradiction wnatever of the assertion. 

I have, however, in a copy of a New York dispatcn to the Cincinnati 

Enquirer, a Democratic paper, what is said to be a true account of 

Pre ident Cleveland's contribution to the Democratic campaign fund, 

which I will ask the Secretary to read. 

The Secretary read as follows: 

CLE\ELAND'S $10,000 CHll:CK.-IS THIS THE "TRUE STO"RY OF HIS CO~""T.Illll1J:TIO~ 

TO THE DlnlOCllATIC CAL'"PAIG.N FUND? 

[New York dispatch to Cincinnati Enquirer, Democratic.] 

Some hints ·or facts concerning the alleged contribution by President Cleve- land of li10,000 to the Democratic campaign fund came. to my ears to-day. It will be remembered that theTe was great consterna tion at Democratic national headquartersw..heu the statem.en.t w a s given ont that Mr. Cleveland had sent a $10,000 check: to its treasurer. ShortJy a fterward the statement was denied in a semi-official way. At the same time it was announced that Myron H. Bangs bad given the committee a check fox $1:0,030. These two announcements are now put together in a curious way. Mr. Bangs was formerly a banker at Fayetteville, where Mr. ~leveland once lived. His bank suspended several years ago, and up to 1884. Mr. Bangs ~as not a ble to have contributed 10,000 cents to any campaign fund. He had been a Republican, but, purely from "friendship, voted for Mr. Cleveland. Twenty-five or thirty years ago l\fr. Bangs was interested in a profitab1.e Gov- ernment dredging contract iu the Mississippi River. Immediately after l\1r. Cleveland went into office 1\lr. Bangs began to hustle around 'Vashington to get another dredging contract, and through White Honse influence he was finally awm·ded "the contract for dredging Charleston harbor, out of which he made 5160,000 in a single year. Last year he got another profita.ble ·contract, and the ,report is thst it was _part of the unde s~ding when he secured these fat Gov- ernment slices that he tihould put up for President Cleveland in this campaig-n, and that when his check for $10,000 was received it was understood t-o be the President's contribution. 

.l'IIr. CHANDLER. All the extracts which I have read arefrom Democratic newspapers. Thesnggestion thus comes that the President has 

not made this $10,000 contribution, bu-t that the alleged remittance 

has been confused with a contribution sent by Mr. Bangs. ·n does see:n that the Presidentoughtnotto be expected toma"keany such iarge 

contribution, because it is stated in one of the extracts I have had 

read that Mr. ScoTT and Mr . .Brice have 'eacn given $20,000, and it 

certainly would be a large contribution for the Democratic party :to ex- pect or to exact from their President when they have men of such 

we:tlth as Messrs. ScoTT and Brice possess in charge of their national 

committee. I have here a description of the gentlemen who are members of the 

national campaign committee of the Democratic party, and this, like 

all the other extracts, is taken from a Democratic newspaper, the Democrat, of Dover, N. H., published by Joshua L. Foster, a life-long Democrat, who, I must, however, confess, is not very well J_)leased with the 

present leaders of the Democratic party or with the _presentnemocratic 

Administration. I ask the Secretary to read the article. 

Mr. SA. ULSBURY. Mr. President, I believe the immediate question is on the resolution offered by the Senator from Maine, which has 

given rise to a very desultory discussion. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Delaware rise to object to the reading of the extract sent to the desk by the Senator from New Hampshire? 

Mr. SAULSBURY. No, sir; I thougbt the Senator from New 

Hampshire was through. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from New Hampshire 

had asked that an extract be read by the Secretary. 

Mr. SAULSBURY. I beg pardon. 

The Secretary read as follows: 

COBPOR-ATION MOliOPOLISTS AT THE HEAD. 

If thereis one thing on earth tha.t the Democracy of this eonntry h~ve de- nounced and pledged themselves against, over and o-ver again, times without number and in the most emphatic terms, it is oppressive corporation monop- oly. And now, since they have resolved themselves into a Cleveland party, in discussing the tariff question tbeirchief argument is that a protective tariff pro- motes, builds up, and maintains monopoly, and they paint monopoly and its agents and tools as the most horrid enemies o-f liberty and the most ferocious and soulle s tyrants and oppressors of labor ever known or heard of in this country. This is the talk and chatter of the Clevelandites continually. Now, let us see bow-their ta.lk and their conduct agree. The Cleveland canvass this year is to be contro-lled and managed wholly by 

corporation monopolists. It is a railroad management exclusively. The four principal figures in their national executive committee are: Calvin Stewart Brice, of Lima, Ohio, and New York City; Arlliur Sewall, of Bath, .1\le.; Will- iam. L. Scott, of Erie, Pa., and illiaro H. Barnum, of Lime Rock, Conn. Mr. Barnum is president of the Housatonic, and a director of the Honsa.toni~ 

the Danbury and Norwalk, the Hartford and Connecticut Western, the Jackson- ville, Tampa and Key West, the Richmond and Alleghany, and the ·west Vir- ginia Central and Pittsburgh-six railroads. .1\lr. Sewall is president of the Maine Central, president of the Eastern, presi- dent of the Portland, Saco and Portsmouth, prP.sident of the Portsmouth, Great Falls and Conway, president of the Chelsea Beach Rail way, and directo1· in those companies, besides the Portland and Rochester and the S~ John Bridge and Railway .Extension Company-seven railroads. - Calvin S . .Hrice is vice-president of the Lake Erie and Western, vice-president of the .East Tennessee, Virginia and Georgia, vice-president of the Memphis and Charleston., vice-president of the Duluth, Soulli Shore and Atlantic, vice-presi- (lent of the Marqnelte, Houghton and Ontonagon, and a director of all three companies, and also of the Richmond and Alleghany, the Richmond and West Point '!'m:minal, the Kentuck y Central, and the Den-ver, Utah and Pacific- nine railroads. WILLIAM L. SooTT is president of the Erie and Pittsburgh, and a. director in (he Erie and Pittsburgh, the Sharpsville, the Newcastle and Beaver Valley, the New York, Philadelphia and Norfolk, the Chicago and Northwestern, the Chicago, St. PaW. Minneapolis and Omaha, the Lake Shore and Michigan 

Southem, .the MiChigan Ceut.ral, the Chicago and Canada Sou.tbe.rn, the Mich- igan Midland and Canada, the Toledo, Canada Southern and Detroit, the Rich- mond and Alleghany, and the Canadian Pacific-thirteen railroads. AE.TH.UR P. GoRlliAN,of l\1a1·yland, is a direct-or of the West Virginia Central and Pittsburgh Railroad. Johu S. Barbour, of Virginia, is-vice-president of the Virginia. railroad. The other members of the campaign committee are Senator RANSOM, of N orlh Carolina, E . ?11. Phelps, of Illinois, and 1\Iiles Ross, of New Jersey, all railroad directors. 

These are not all of the members of the Cleveland national committee, but they are the men of the committee to whom h-as been intrusted the whole and entire control and management of the campaign. It\vill be-readily seen tbat it is a corporation monopolistic conce1n from end to end, and we pity the tnan who is so green as to suppose .they will not look out for their own corporate interests fir&t, last, and all the time. Isn't this Cleveland party, which bas not a particle of true Democracy about it, a. pretty lot of fellows to be pmttling about the abominations of what they call tarift' mo- nopoly? Well, we sbould say so. 

"Mr. CHANDLER. Certainly if this Democratic editor in New Hampshire is correct in his narrative it is a most undue exaction of this Demo- cratic national committee to call for or to receive a $10,000 contnlmtion from their candidate for President, particularly when he is now an officer of the United States, who if he makes the contribution, giving 

the money to a national committee composed of members of the Oongressofthe United States, thereby possibly subjects himself to the penal- ties of the st.'l.tute which I have read. It is therefore most devoutly ·to 

be hoped that the check about whichsomuch has been said in the news- papers is not the check of the President, but iB the check of Mr. Bangs. 

Mr. President, I commend to the Senator from Missouri a more care- ful study of the ci vii-service-reform statute. He has given a-great deal 

of attention to alleged mu.lfea.sa.nces of recent Repnblican administra- tions, but I think the existing statut-e more needs his attention in con- nection with the acts of Democratic Federal officials. Instead of wor- rying OV"er the delinq nencies of the Republican party in the past, h e had better give his attention to the delinquencies of the Democratic party in the present, those which have been called to his attention by 

the Senator from Maine, and those which I have now placed :upon the 

records of the Senate. 

I do not stand here to defend anything which happened during the 

twenty-four years of Republican administration that -can not be j nsti- fied. I do not in tend to try to excuse any act that was Republican misconduct in office, but I simply say that the present ·issue before tho 

American people is what has been the conduct of this civil-service-reform Administration of the Democratk part.y which came into power 

with such loud pretenses that it would .reform the Government of the 

United States. 

Mr. President, I wish here again to q note from Democratie authority. Formerly in the Senate of the United States was General Franklin 

Pierce~ of New Hampshire, afterwards President, .and in Hawthorne's 

Life of Pierce there appears a statement, which I wish to read. 

Mr. Hawthorne says of General Pierce, in connection with the e.::.tra 

session of 1841: 

In the course of this session he made a very powerful speech in favor of Mr. Buchanan's .resolution calling on the President to furnish the names of persona 
9128 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. OCTOBER 3, 

removed from office since the 4th of 1\Iarch, 1841. The Whigs in 1840, as in the 

subsequent cam·ass of !818, had pr_ofessed ~ purpose~ abo~ish the syste~ of 

official removals on account of politiCal opmwn, but 1mmed1ately on commg into po~ er bad comme?ced a prosc_rilJtion infinitely b~yond the exa~pl~ of the 

Democratic party. This course, with an army of office-seekers bestegmg the 

Departments, was unquestionably difficult; to avoid, and perhaps, on the whole, not desirable to be a"\"oided. But it was rendered astounding by the sturdy effrontery with which the gen- tlemen in power denied tha t their present practice had falsified any of their 

past professions. A few of the closing paragraphs of Senator Pierce's hi~bly 

effecti"\"e speech, being more easily separable than the rest, may here be mted. 

One word more..nnd I leave this subjec~a painful one to me from the beginning to the end. The Senator from North Carolina. in the course of his remarks 

the ot.her day, asked, "Do gentlemen expect that their friends are to be retained in office against the will of t-he nation?. A..re they so unre!Lsonable as to expect 

what the circumstances and the necessity of the case forbid?" 

Then Senator Pierce said: 

What our expectations were is not tile question now; but what were your pledges and promises before the people. On a previous occasion , the distin- ·guished Senator from Kentucky made a similar remark: "An ungracious task, 

but the nation demands it!" Sir, thisdemand of the nation-this plea of state necessity-Jet me tell gentlemen, ia as old as the history of wrong and oppres- sion •. It has been the standing plea, the never-failing resort of despotism. 

I also wish to quote from yet another distinguished Democratic President of the United States, Mr. Buchanan, who made a speech on Monday, February 4, 18287 attacking the administration of President Adams, 

and I beg the Senator from .• issouri, who justifies the spoils system 

of President Cleveland, notwithstanding the pledges and promises by means of which be came into power, to consider .Mr. Buchanan's description of the extent to whi.ch the possession of power changes men. 

Mr. Buchanan said: 

The very possession of power has a strong-a natural tendency, to corrupt 

the heart. The lust of dominion grows with its possession, and the man who 

in bumble life was pure, and innocent, and just., bas ofLen been transformed by 

the long possession of power into a monster. In the Sacred Book, which con- tains lessons of wisdom for the polit-ician, as well as for the Chrh•tian, we find a happy illustro.tion of the corrupting influence of power upon the human heart. 

When Hazael crune to consult Elisha, whether his master, the King of Syria, woulq recm:er from a dangerous illness, the prophet, looking through the vista 

of futurity, saw the crimes of which the messenger who stood before him would 

be guilty, and he wept. Ha.zael asked, why weepest my lord? The prophet 

then recounted to him the murders and the cruelties of which he should be 

guilty towards the children of !F:rael. Hazael, in the spi~it of virtu~ us indignation, replied: "Is thy servant a dog that he should do this great ~hmg?" A~d 

Eli:>lm answered, the L<lrd hath shewed me, that thou shalt be kmg over Syria. 

And Mr. Buchanan adds: 

This man afterwards became king, by the murder of his master, and was guilty of enormities, the bare recital of which would make us shudder. 

I commend to all Democrats when studying the civil-service conduct of the administration of President Cleveland the warning words of Mr. 

Bncbanan. 

:M:r. BLAIR. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration 

of the bill (S. 373) for the relief of women enrolled as Army nurses. Mr. H ALE. . Let us have the pending resolution disposed of. 

M1-. BLAIR. I am willing to let the vote be taken on the resolu-

~. ~ 

The PRESIDENT p1·o tempore. The question is on the •adoption of 

the resolution oftered by the Senator from Maine. · 

:1\fr. HALE. I offer an amendment in the form of an additional 

resolution, which I ask may be read. 

The PRESIDENT pro temp01·e. The amendment will be reported. 

The SECRETARY. It is proposed to add the following as an additional 

resolution: 

Resolved, That the Secretary of War is further directed to transmit to the Sen- uto copies of a.ny ful'ther orders or circulars relating to the employment of per- sons in any part of said Department since March 4,1835, together with copies of all correspondence between the Department and any of its officers or subordi- nates or ll.IlY other person relo.ting to the politics·of any of its employes. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is upon agreeing to 

the amendment. 

Mr. HAWLEY. Mr. President, so much has been placed upon record 

in this matter, taken from letters, public and private, newspapers and 

public documents, that I wish to add just a few words of testimony. 

I beg, by the way, in the first place, to invite the earnest attention 

of our Democratic friends to the facts disclosed at length with great 

particularity by the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. CHANDLER] 

concerning the President's pecuniary contribution to the campaign. 

The civil-service law does not pretend to interfere with contributions 

made by any civilian to any other civilian. It does not forbid any 

civilian to ask an office-holder for money, provided he does not go into 

any navy-yard, arsenal, or other public building or ground to do it. 

The discriminations of the law are made with very great care. It does 

forbid with particularity :my person holding any office _of any descrip· 

tion under the United States, any person drawing a salary from the 

United States, to solicit or receive, in any way, directly or indirectly, 

from any other such person holding any office or drawing a salary, a 

subscription or contribution for political objects. It gets at them all 

by its sweeping clauses. It forbids the one from asking or receiving 

in any form anything for political purposes from the other. This is 

the eleventh section. 

The fourteenth section forbids any person in the service of the United 

States to give to any other person in like service, or to any Senator or Member of the House or Territorial Delegate, any money_or other valuable thing for any political object whatever. 

I do not know the facts in this case: but if it be true, as is alleged 

by the Democratic papers, that the President of tbe United States has 

sent $10,000 to a; political committee, upon which committee are prominent and eminent officers of the United States Government, or mem- bers of the Senate or House, it is inevitably to be concluded that he 

bas committed an offense punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 or 

imprisonment for not exceeding three years, or both. So tbe fifteenth 

section of the act says, and says constitutionally. That precisely was 

decided in the famous General R . .U. Curtis case, which was carried 

to the Supreme Court, and-the constitutionality of the judgment below was affirmed by said conrt. 

Now I ask Senators wb9 believe in the civil-service-reform professions of this Administration to make a feeble endeavor to explain this 

matter. I say if the President has sent his $10,000 to that committee, 

unquestionably the other terms of the problem are there. There are United States Senators upon that committee. It may be said that Mr. 

GoRMAN and others who are membersofthecommitteewere not aware of this contribution. Neither did Mr. Curtis know. that his subordinate received the money in question. Yet he was convicted and he paid 

his fine of$1.000. 

Mr. CHANDLER. The Senator will allow me to suggest that Mr. 

Curtis never received the money. It was some subordinate who received the money. 

Mr. HAWLEY. It was paid in to the committee by a custom-house 

employe, I think. 

Mr. CHANDLER. 1tlr. Curtis knew nothing of it whatever. 

Mr. H.A WLEY. And yet he was convicted. 

Mr. CHANDLER. Being a member of the political committee, the 

organization which received the money, be was held to be guilty un- der this statute. ~Ir. HAWLEY. He indirectly received the money for political purposes. 

One thing more. I do not ask the Senator from Missouri to accept 

my judgment that the Democratic party has proved unfaithful to the 

civil-service law. The judgment of the country is that it is not only 

unfaithful to that law, but there is no thing that will provoke a louder roar oflaughter in a Democratic conference than to pretend that it is. 

It is only in the Senate that a man makes that pretense without its 

being received with unbounded ridicule-received either with pity for 

his credulity or contempt for hi..;; audacity. 

But the Senator from Mi::osouri need not take my evidence at all upon 

the matter. I can not give him higher evidence than I am now about 

to present. 

Four years ago a class of honorable and cultivated and able gentlemen 

attained the title of :M:ugwumpe, otherwise Big Indians. They were among the best men in our party, but they were greatly dissat;isfied 

with a. certain nomination, and they supported the Democratic ticket. 

Many of them being in reality free traders, stay with the Democracy, but some of them assume the title of Independents. 

There were no more valuable champions of l\1r. Cleveland four years 

ago than these same gentlemen. They carried, no doubt, a. considerable number of Republicans with them. ·They pledged themselves to 

the men they brought to accompany them that Jrlr. Cleveland was devoted heart and soul to this law and woulll enforce it entire, in letter, 

spirit, :::md truth. 

This is the famous Christmas-gift letter of Mr. Cleveland to Mr. George William Curtis, and it is printed day by day iu many Republican newspapers. I will read it: 

I know that they (abuses in the civil service) are deeply rooted, and tha~ the spoils system has been supposed to be intimately 1·elated to success in the main- t enance of party organization, and I am not sure that all those who profess to be 

the friends of this reform will stand firmly among it.'i advocates when they tind 

it obstructing their way to patronage and place. But fully appreciating the trust committed to my charge, no such consideration shall caUS"e a relaxation on my part of an earnest effort to enforce this law. 

1\fr. Curtis called that- a Christmas gift of the best omen to the American people, a new emancipation 

proclamation of the freedom of the people from mere vartisan ensl4vement. 

ln the address of the Independents of July 22, 1884, is this: 

HisMr. Cleveland'spersonal convictions proved by his official nets, mot·e decisive than any platform declaration, are the guaranty that in its spirit and in its letter the reiorm would be enforced in the national Administration. -

'fhe famous Evening Post, a valuable champion of that party, nominally independent, hut with unexampled persistence and I may say 

ferocity attacking the Republicans and supporting the Democrats-the 

EYening Post of February 6, 1.1385, said: 

_ ~ o President since the era of emancipation hilS had a grander opportunit-y to be useful in his day and generat-ion, and no one has formed a clearer conception 

of the duty w hich he owes to his country. 

Presto, change, in two and three years. 

The following is from a resolution of the National Civil Service 

League passed in August, 1887: . The change in the unclassified civil service is so great as to forebode its' com plete partisan reconstruction by the close of the Administration. _ 

I leave it to Senators generally, of either party, to say whether it is 

not true that outside of the twelve or fomteen thous:md reached by the 
.· 

1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 9129 

civil-service law, there is little or no regard-no regard I ought truthfully to say-paid to any spirit or letter or rule of civil-service reform. 

I know that in my region of country just as fast as the postal-railway 

clerks could be changed without absolutely throwing the mails into 

fatal confusion they were changed, until now about five out of six of 

them are Democrats. Many experiments were made with unfit men who abandoned the attempt to make themselves postal-railway clerks. 

Persistent ~ttemp s have been made to educate at the expense of 

the Government enough Democrats to conduct the railway postal 

service, and similar industry has been employed in various and all o.ther branches outside of tbe classes strictly covered by the htw. Save 

where that law commands, there is no regard paid to the ideas of the 

reformers. 

The New York Evening Post of May 28, 1888-and this is worth reading-says: 

The painful truth is, that we doubt if a single independent voter in this State, 

of the thousa nds who supported President Clevelan d in 1884, any longer at- taches any importance to the utterances of the members of the administration on the subject of civil-service reform, or any longer refuses to believe that the 

President's promises and professions have been violated or d isregarded, on a. great scale, with the utmost boldness, in sundry places and in divers manners, and that men like Judge .Maynard and Surveyor Beattie have actually been detailed or told oft to practice as much civil service abuse as can be readily con- cealed or disguised when they are found out and exposed. 

And I will add that that same Post is to-day, nevertheless, supporting 

Mr. Cleveland, having frankly owned within six months that there are othersubjectsof great importance besides civil-service reform. The Post 

is a determined free-trader. 

Harper's Weekly of September 17, 1887, says, referring to officeholders in the Democratic State convention of Pennsylvania: 

This defiance (by office-holders in the Pennsylvania. Democratic convention), 

like the notorious conduct of Higgins, Rasin, and Thomas, in Baltimore, if it 

llhonld pass without notice or reproof from the PresidentAnd, sir, it has never been reproved or rebuked.:_ 

could be interpreted but in one way, as showing a want of the very independ- ence and courage, beliefin which not only elected the President but which bas 

given him great public confidence. 

I believe that these staunch friends of Governor Cleveland in 1884 are telling the truth about his abandonment of their pet doctrine of 

civil-service reform,and I believe they are tellin~ the truth as it appears 

to them when they say that, in their judgment, after all, there are other 

matters of as much or more consequence, and they will continue to support Cleveland. " 

CHIP PEW A INDIANS. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I move that the Senate do now adjourn. 

Mr. SABIN. I beg the Senator to 'vithhold the motion just a mo- ment while I ask leave to call up Order of Business 2375, being House 

bill 7935. It is a short bill and I ask its consideration now, ru; I shall 

be obliged to leave the city before the Senate meets again. 

The PRESIDENT p1·o tempm·e. The title of the bill will be stated. 

The SECRETARY. A bill (H. R. 7935) for the relief and civilization 

of the Chippewa Indians in the State of Minnesota. 

:Mr. SABIN. The bill has been before the Committee on Indi an Affairs since last March waiting the adjustment of differences between 

the committee and the Department, and has been unanimously agreed on and reported. I want to get it into the Honse of Representatives 

for a conference, if possible. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. If the Senator from Minnesota is obliged to go 

away to-morrow, I suppose I can bardly object, but it is not a good 

time of day to pass a bill. I withdraw the motion to adjourn subject 

to objection to the bill when we hear it read. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. If there be no objection, the bill is 

before the Senate as in Committee of the Whole, and will be read at 

length, subject to objection. 

Mr. DAWES. I suggest that, instead of reading the original bill, 

the amendment, which is a substitute for the whole bill, be read. 

The PRESIDEL~T pro temp01·e. That course will be pursued if there 

be no objection. 

The Secretary read the amendment of the Committee on Indian .Affairs, which was to strike out all after the enacting clause and insert: 

That the Secretary of the Interior is hereby authorized and directed, within 

sixty days afl;er the pas age of this act, to designate and appoint three commis- sioners, one of whom shall be a citizen of Minnesota, whose duty it shall be, a.<J 

soon as practicable after their appointment, to negotiate with all the-different 

bands or tribes of Chippewa Indians in the State of Minnesota for the complete cession and relinquishment in wl'iting of all their title and interest in and to all 

the reservatf'ons of said Indians in the State of Minnesota, except the White 

Earth and Red Lake reservations, and to all and so much of these two reser- vations as in the judgment of said commission is not r equired to make and fill 

the allotments required by this and ex:i~ting acts, and shall not have been re- served by the commissioners for said purposes, for the purposes and upon the t-erms hereinafter stated; and such cession and relinquis hment shall be deemed 

sufficient as to each of said several reservations, except as to the Red Lake res- ervation, if made and assented to in writing by t.wo-thirds of the male adults 

ove1· ei_l!'hteen years of age of the band or tribe of Indians occupying and belonging to such reservations; and as to the Red Lake reservation the cession and 

relinquishment shall be deemed sufficient if made and assented to in like man- ner by two-thirds of the male adults of all the Chippewa Indians in Minnesota· 

and provided that all agreements therefor shall be ratified by Congress befor~ taking effect. And for the purpose of ascertaining whether the proper number 

of Indians yield and give their a ssent as aforesaid, and for t.he purpose of making- the allotments and payments hereinafter mentioned, the said commission- ers shall, while engaged in securing such cession and relinquishment as aforesaid and before completing the same, make an accurate census of each tribe or 

band, classifying them into male and fe male adults, and male and female 

minors; and the minors into tho who are orphans and those who a re not orvbans, giving t.he exact numbers of each class, and making such census in 

duplicate lists, one of which shall be filed with the Secretary of the Interior, and 

the other with the official head of the band or tribe; and the acceptance and 

approval of such cession and relinquishment by the Secretar y of the I n terior 

shall, after said agreements of cession shall have been ratified by Congress, and not before, bp deemed full and ample proof of the assent of the Indians, and 

shall operate as a complete extinguishment of the Indian t itle without any other or further a.ct or ceremony whatsoever for the purposes and upon the terms in this act provided. 

SEc. 2. That the said commissioners shall, before entering upon the discharge 

of their duties, each give a bond to the United States in the sum of$10,000, with 

sufficient suret·ies, to be approved by the Secretary of the Interior, and conditioned for the faithful discharge of their duties under this act; and they shall 

also each take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and to faithfully discharge the duties of their office, which bonds and oaths shall be 

filed with the Secretary of the Interior. Said commissioners shall be entitled to a compensation of SlOper day for each day actually employed in the discharge 

of their duties, and for their actual traveling ex:pense.s and board, not exceeding $3 per day. Said commissioners shall also be authorized to employ a competent 

interpreter while engaged in the performance of their duties at a compensation and allowance to be fixed by them, not in excess of that allowed to each of them 

under tbis act. 

SEc. 3. That as soon as the census bas been taken and the cession and reHn- quishment has been obtained, approved, and ratified. as specified in section 1 of 

this act, all of said Chippewa. Indians in the State of rt1innesota, except those on the Red Lake reservation, shall, under the direction of said commissioners, be 

removed to and take up theil· residence on the White Earth reservation, and 

thereupon there shall, as soon as practicable, under the direction of said com- missioners, be allotted lands in severalty to the Red Lake Indians on Red Lake reservation, and to all the ot.her of said Indians on White Earth reservation, in 

conformity with the act of February 8, 1887, entitled" An act to provide for the 

allotment of lands in severalt.y to Indians on the various reservations, and to extend the protection of the laws of the United States and the Territories over the Indians, and for other purposes; " and all allotments heretofore made t-o any of said Indians on theW hitc Earth reservation are hereby ratified and con- firmed with the like tenure and condition prescribed for all allotments under 

this act: Provided, however, That the amount heretofore allotted to any Indian on Whit.h Earth reservation shall be deducted from the amount of allotment to which he or she is entitled under this act: PrO'IJidedfurther, That any of the 

India ns residing on any of said reservations may, in hiS discretion, take his allotment in severalty under this act on the reservation where he lives at the time 

of the removal herein provided for is effected, instead of being removed to and 

taking such allotment on White Earth re!lervation. 

SEC. 4. That as soon as the cession and relinquishment of said Indian title bas 

been obtained and a pproved as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of the Commissioner of the General Land Office to cause the Iande so ceded to the United 

States to be surveyed in the manner provided by law for th~ survey of public 

lands, and as soon as practicable after such survey bas been made, and the re- port, field-notes, and plats thereof filed in the Gen.eral Land Office, and duly a pproved by the Commissioner thereof, the said Secretary of the Interior, upon notice of the completion of such surveys, shall appoint a sufficient number of competent and experienced examiners, in order that the work may be done 

within a reasonable time, who !>hall go upon said lands thus surveyed and per- sonally make a careful, complete, and thorough examination of the eame by 40- a cre lots, for the purpose of ascertaining on wbicb lots or tracts there is standing or growing pine t.imber, which tracts on which pine timber is standing or g ro"!ing for the p urp oses of this act shall be termed "pine lands," the minutes of such examination to be at the time entered in books provided for that pur- pose1 showing w ith pa rticularity the amount and quality of all pine timber standing or growing on any lot or tract, the amount of snch pine timber to be estimated by feet in the manner usual in estimating such timber, which esti- m ates and reports of all such examinations shall be filed with the Commissioner 

of the aeneral Land Office as a part of the permanent records thereof, and there- upon that officer shall cause to be made a list of all such pine lands, describing 

each 40-a cre lot or tract thereof separately, and opposite each such description be shall place the actual cash value of the same, according to his best judgment 

and information, but such valuation shall not be at a rate of less than S3 per thousand feet, and thereupon such lists of lands so appraised shall be trans- mitted to the Secretary of the Interior for approval, modification, or rejection, as he may deem proper. If the a ppraisals are rejected as a whole, then the 

Secretary of the Interior shall substitute a new appraisal and the same or original list as approved or modified shall be filed with the Commissioner of the 

General Land Office as the a ppraisal of said lands, and as constituting the minimum price for which said lands may be sold, as hereinafter provided, but in no eyent shall said pine lands be appraised at a rate of less than $3 per thousand feet. Duplicate lists of said lands as appraised, together with copies of the 

fie ld-notes, surveys, and minutes of examinations shall he filed and kept in the 

office of the register of the land office of the district within which said lands may be situated, and copies of said lists with the appraisals shall be furnished to any person desiring the same upon application to the Commissioner of the 

General Lund Office or to the register of said local land office. 

'£be compensation of the examiners so provided for in tbis section shall be 

fixed by the Secretary of the Interior, but in no event shall exceed the s um of 

S6 per day for each person so employed, including all expenses. All other lands acquired from the said lndiaus on said reservations other than 

pine lauds are for the purposes of this act termed "agricultural lands." 

SEc. 5. That after the survey, examination, and appraisals of said pine lands 

has been fully completed they shall be proclaimed as in m a rket and offered for 

sale in the following manner: The Commissioner of the General Land Office 

shall cause notices to be inserted once in each week for four successive weeks 

in one newspaper of general circulat.ion published in Minneapolis, St. Paul, 

Duluth, and Crookston, Minn.; Chicago, IlL; 1\lilwankee, Wis.; Detroit1 l\lich.; 

Philadelphia and Williamsport·, Pa. , and Boston, Mass., of the sale of eatd lands 

l'lt public auction to the highest bidder for cash at the local land office of the 

district within which said lands are located. said notice to state the time and 

place and terms of such sale. At such sale said lands shall be offered in 40-a.cre 

parcels, except in case of fractions containing either more or less than 40 acres, which shall be sold entire. In no event shall any parcel be sold for a less sum than its appraised value. The residue of such lands remaining unsold aftersnch 

public offering shall thereafter b~ subject to private sale for cash at the ap. praised value of the same upon application at the local laud office. 

SEc. 6. That when any of the agricultural lands on said reservation not allotted 

under this act nor reserved for the future use of said Indians have been sur• veyed, the Secretary of the Interior shall give thirty days' notice tbereoft.hrough at least one newspaper published at St. Paul and Crookston, in the State of Min· 

nesota, and, at the expiration of thirty days, the said agricultural lands so sur• veyed shall be disposed of by the United States to actual settlers only, under the 

provisions of the homestead law: Pnwided, That each settler under and in accord• ance with the provisions of said homestead laws shall pay to the United States 

for the land so t!l.ken by him the sum of 111.25 for each and every acre, in five 

equnl annual payments, and shall be entitled to a. patent therefor only at the 

expiration of five yeat·s from the date of entry, according to said homestead 

-. _,-
9130 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. OCTOBER 3, 

laws, and after the full payment of said $1.25 per acre therefor, and due proof of occupancy for said period of five years; and any conveyance of said lands so · taken as a homestead, or any contract touching the same, prior to the date of final entry, shall be null and '""oid : PrO'Vidcd, Thn.tnothing in this act shall be held to authorize the sale or other disposal under its provision of any tract upon which there is a subsisting valid pre-emption or homestead entry, bu~ any such entry shall be proceeded with under the regulations and decisions in force at the date of its allowance, and if found reg11lar and valid patents shall issue thereon: Provi<led, That any person who has not heretofore had•the benefit of the homestead or pre-emption law, and who has failed from any cause to per- fect the title to a tract of land heretofore entered by him under either of said laws rna.v make a second homestead entry under the provisions of this act. SEc. 7. ·That all money accruing from the disposal of said lands in conformity with the provisions of this act shall, after deducting all the expenses of making the census, of obtaining the cession and relinquishment, of making the removal and allotments, and of completing the surveys and appraisals, in this act pro- vided, be placed in tbe Treasury of the United States to the credit of all the Chippewa Iudians in the State of 1\finnesota as a permanent fund, which shall draw interest.attherateof5percent. per annum, payableannuallyfor the period of fifty years, after tbe allotments provided for in this act have been made, and which interest and permanent fund shall 'be expended f01: the benefit of said ln- diansin manner following: One-half of said interest shall, during the said period of fifty yeaxs, except in the cases hereinafter otherwise provided, be annually 

paid in cash in equal shares to the heads of families and guardians of orphan minors for tl.Jeir use; and one-fourth of said interest shall, during the same period and with the like exception, be annually paid in cash in equal shares per capita to all other classes of said Indians; and the remnining one-fourth of said interest shall, during the said period of fifty years, under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, be devoted exclusively to the establishment and main- tenance of a. system. of free schools among said Indians, in their midst and for their benefit; and at the expiration of the said fifty years.t the said perman~nt 

fund shall be divided and paid to all of said Chippewa Inaians and their issue then living, in cash, jn equal shares: Provid£d, That Cong1·ess m.<ty, in its dis- cretion, from time to time, during the said period of fifty years, appropriate, for the purpose of promoting civilization and self-support among the said Indians, a portion of said principal sum, not exceeding 5 per cent. thereof. The United States shall. for the benefit of said Indians, advance to them as such interest as aforesaid the sum of 800,000 annually, counting from the time when the removal and allotments provided fo1· in this act shall have been made, until such time as said permanent fund,exclusive of the deductions hereinbefore provided for, shall equal or exceed the sum of $3,000,000, less any aetnal interest that may in the mean time a.acrue from accumulations of-said permanent fund; the pay- ments of such interest to be made yearly in advance, and, in the discretion of the Secretary of the Int.-rio:r, may, as to three-fourths thereof, during the first five years be expended in procuring live-stock, teams, farming implements, and seed for such of the Indians to the extent of their shares as are fit and desire to engage in farming, but as to the rest, in cash; and whenever said permanent fund sha.Il exceed the sum of $3,000,000 the United States shall be fully reimbursed out of such xcess for all the advances of interest. made as herein contemplated and other expenses hereunder. Sxc. 8. That the sum of $150,000 is hereby appropriated, -or so much thereof as may be necessary, out of anymoneyin the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to pay for procuring the "CeSsion and relinquishment, making the censm; sur- veys, appraisals, removal and allotments, and the first annual pa,yment of inter- est herein contemplated and provided for, which money shall be expended un- der the direction of the Secretary of the Interior in conformity with the provis- ions of this act. A detailed statement of which expenses, except the interest af01·esaid, .shall be reported to Congress wllen the expenditures shall be completed. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. I nsk th,e chairman of the Committee on Indian 

Affairs to explain this bill. It seems to me to be a very important one. 

Mr. DA. WES. The Senator from Minnesota [Mr. SABIN] reported it. 

lli. EDMUNDS. I was askin.e: the chairman who I knew h!ijl charge 

of the Indians, the h~d mugwump, to tell us what he knew about it. 

Mr. DAWES. Mr. President, this is quite an elaborate bill. It is 

an attempt to bring into one enactment plans that have been undertaken in different ways to manage and finally dispose of the Chippewa 

Indians of .Minnesota, <me of the greatest bodies of Indians that remain 

on the continent. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. How extensive are these lands? 

Mr. DAWES. These Indians occupy at the present time quite a 

number of reservations in Minnesota. The White Earth reservation 

is thirty-siX townships. The Red Lake reservation is about 3,000,000 

~es. The other reservations are one million and odd acres. The 

Senator from Minnesota [Mr. SAniN] says there are in all 4,010,{)()() 

.acres. The greatest value of all these reservations, except the White Earth 

reservation, is in the pine timber, which has become of immense value. 

The land upon which this pine timber grows is of scarcely any valu~ 

to anybody, least of all to Indians. 

The idea of the bill originally was to bring these Indians down on - to the White Earth reservation, which is in the central part of Minnesota, and contains, as I said, thirty-six townships, which is as lfine a 

tract of land, I suppose, as there is in all Minnesota. 

Mr. PLA.TT. Have the Indians in any way signified their willingness to go there? 

Mr. DAWES. That is embodied in the bill. Therewasanattempt 

two years ago by a commission authorized by act of Congr~ and appointed by the Interior Department, to go out and negotiate with all 

'these Indians for this ultimate purpose. They made an agreement 

with them, all except the Turtle 1\Ieuntain and another band of Indians, small bands, who held by such a peculiar title that they could 

not be negotiated with successfully. · The agreement which was brought here was reported to both Houses 

of Congress for ratification. It did not meet the approval of t;he Representatives and Senators from Minnesota, nor of either committee for 

different reasons, the committee of the Senate having obj~ctions to it 

ior one reason and the committee of the House for another reason. In the mean time there sprang up in one or two of these reservations 

opp9sition to this agreement which had been entered into. I thought 

myself it was a good agr.eement, although it did not cope with the main 

trouble, the disposition of the pine lands~ but as far as it went I thought 

it was a goou agreement. One of the Senators from !Iinnesota, the Senator not present, the Senator from Alabama [Mr. 1\IORGAN], and myself 

went there, and we found these reservations in a very demoralized state. 

· Out of this p-ew a bill reported to the HouseofRepresentatives from 

the Indian Committee, drawn by a member of that committee from Minnesota, which pas ed the House of Representatives and was referred to 

the Committee on Indian Affairs of the Senate; bnt it did' not meeb the 

views of the Indian Committee of the Senate. 

They have been trying to devise a measure all along; they have been . 

endeavoring to get some method to dispose of the pine timber upon 

these reservations for the benefit of the Indians-in other words, to 

capitalize it-and they have brought into this bill a plan for that pur· 

pose, which is the resnltof consultations with lumbermen of the West 

who have no interest in this matter, and who could not possibly in any 

way derive any benefit from the sale of this timber; but their experience in the lumber business and the confidence the committee have 

in the authorsofthat partofthis bill have led them toadoptitas it has 

been mapped out by those to whom the committee appealed for their 

exp·erience. That is a part of this bill which involves probably fiveor 

six and it may be ten million dollars' worth of pine timber. If it can be capitalized honestly, it will provide a fund for these Indians probably larger than any fund ever provided for any Indians heretofore. 

1tfr. EDMUNDS. Where are the Indians to go in case of gi-ring up 

these lands? 

Mr. DAWES. I was going to say that in the meantime this measure 

provides for th& removal of all the Chippewa Indians to the White 

Earth reservation and to the Red Lake reservation, not being able to 

bring them all down to the White Earth reservation, and also provides 

for the allotment to all these Indians of agricultural lands under the 

severalty law upon these two reservations, and then provides for the 

sale, for the benefit of the Indians, of the balance of the agricultural 

lan-ds upon these two reservations whi-ch the commission provided for 

shall deem not necessary for the future use of the Indians. That is the 

general plan. Then the whole of this plan is to be submitted to all of 

the!'le Indians for their approval; two-thirds of the Indians-upon the 

White Earth reservation and all the other reservations but the Red Lake 

to signify their assent to it in writing. 

As to the Red Lake reservation, which the Indians of 1\Iinne~ota 

claim that all of them have a right to, although that is not admitted 

by the Indians-upon the Red Lake reservation, It is required that there 

shall be the assent of all the Chippewa Indians to the transfer of that 

property to the United States for this purpose. 

The plan is, first, to transfer the title of all this land to the United 

Btates, except so much as is to be allotted, and then the United States are to take it and capitalize it as pine land for the benefit of the Indians. That is the general plan. There is a great deal in it. 

I will say, as the Senator from Minnesota reminds me of it, that, 

after all, these agreements are to be approved by the Secretary of the 

Interior and proposed to Congress for ratification before they take effect. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. That I notice; butwefindthatthese ratifi-cations, 

the first step being taken, go almost as a matter of course. What I 

wish to ask is whether these Indians are to be removed .from where 

they are now to these two reservations except by their consent? The 

Senator used the wOTd "meantime." 

Mr. D.A. WES. They are notto be removed until they consent to this 

general arrangement, part of which is that they shall go to these res- . 

ervations. 

Mr. EDMUNDs. May I ask further what is the nature of the title 

which these Indians now have to these lands? 

Mr. DAWES. The title to the White Earth reser-rntion is an act of 

Q:lngress setting apart for the sole use of these Indians thirty-six townships of land. The title to the Red Lake reservation is the old original 

title ·of the Indians, the title of occupancy, recognized. by Congress and 

supplemented by treaties in which, without u ing words of grant, it has 

been covenanted that they shall forever ba ve the use or forever occupy, 

free from disturbance by white me.:::, these lands, which is equivalent 

in point of fact, substantially, to a fee, though not exactly. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. Then do I unaerstand my honorable friend from 

Massachusetts to mean that, according to his observation of acts of Congress and treaties and so on, the titJe of these Indians is merely a . corporate title in the whole body of them as a band or triQ,e, or whether 

there is anything in any of these acts of Congress which gives the individual members of these tribes a property right in the land? If the 

answer is affirmative to the first inquiry, then, of con.rse, it would be 

competent fo.r Congress to provide that these tribes in their corporate 

chamcter., by a majority or two-thirds or whatever Congress may think 

fit, may dispose of them. If, on the other hand, any individual Indian of these tribes on any of these reservations is in the attitude of 

having a private property right, then it would seem to be somewhat 

difficult for Congress to say that two-thirds of his neighbors may take 

it away from him. I should like to know how that is. _ 

Mr. DAWES. The treaties with all these Indians contain a stipulation that any Indian may have an allotment in severalty on these lands 

and shall have a certificate-they do not call it a patent, but a certifi· 
· 

; 

1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE. 9131 

cate-that he bas· taken an allotment under the treaty. They are 

treated by the United States as sole owners; but there has been, so far 

as I know, no allotments actually taken under the treaty. 

The White EDrth Indians;" whose reservation is a beautiful square of 

thirty-six townships, claim that that was set apart for their sole use, 

and tbat they own it,. and that, therefore, the United States have no 

business to bring other Indians on there; and hence it is provided that 

they, with the others, shall consent to .all this arrangement before it 

shall take effect. 

They have, in point of fuct, all of them had allotments. They did, 

in anticipation of the passage of the severalty act, go out voluntarily 

themselves, under the advice of their agent, and have allotments all 

over the White Earth reservation, which have never gone through the 

formalities either {)f ratification by Congress or of ratification under the 

severalty act; but they are substantially themselves occupying tract.s 

in severalty. It is a very :complicated arrangement; it is very difficult 

of solution. The Indians there are in a sad state. The Committees 

on Indian Affairs in the House and in the Senate have labored with 

this thing Yery much. Whether this is a wise provision or not will 

depend upon the future. I would not guaranty that it will work 

without friction; but in so far as our committee is able to see this is 

about as wise a solution of the trouble up there as it can recommend. 

Mr. PLATT. ML President, l should like to ask the chairman of 

the committee whether this takes the land of the Fond du Lac, the 

Creur d'Oreille, the Flambeau, and the Bad River reservations. 

Mr. SARIN. They are in another State. 

1\fr. DAWES. I understand that the reservations named by the Senator from Connecticut are in the State of WISConsin. I will not assert 

positively that they are. 

Mr. PLATT. Not all. 

Ur. DAWES. I have gone on the supposition that they are in the 

State of Wisconsin. 

:Mr. PLATT. I think not aU of them. I should like to inquire of 

the Senator from Jew Hampshire whether any of the following reservations are in the State of Wisconsin: Fond duLac, Creur d'Oreille, 

Flambeau., and Bad River, and whether some of these reservations are 

not in the State of Minnesota? 

:Mr. CHANDLER. The Fond du Lac reservation is in the St.'l.te of 

Minnesota. 

Mr. PLATT. And the others -are in Wisconsin? 

:Mr. CHANDLER. The other three are in Wisconsin. 

Mr. DAWES. I ha-ve been largely influenced in giving my consent 

to this bill by the fact that any possible arrangement which may be 

made has to be reported here for reyjsion and for ratification before it 

becomes effective. 

Mr. PLATT. I should like to make this further inq_uiry, whether 

upon all the reservations which I have named there have not been considerable portions of the land already allo~ to portions of the Indians? 

l\Ir. DAWES. In the Fond dn Lac .and the other French names t.hat 

I can not speak, there bas been a curious operation going on for the 

last six or eight months, which has possibly stimulated the committee 

to do something. Under their old trea.ty, as I .stated the other day, the privilege of 

taking allotments and having certificates of allotmentR has been exercised. Although theseveraltyact has been alawfor two years, within 

the last year there has been a process going on in those reservations of 

alloting land under the treaty rather than under the law, and giving a 

certificate, because the men who held it under the treaty they thought 

bad the power to sell the pine timber on it; so they were allotted all 

over that pine region most valuable pine lands which were good for 

nothing under heaven but for the pine that was on them, and then before the certificates got here to Washington . for approval the poor Indian had sold all the pine on his 160 acres, and he had nothing in the 

world but stumps. 

Mr. PLATT. Does the Senator understand that these same Indians, who have received their allotments or certificates and sold their 

lands, are to be treated j nst like all the rest of the Indians that are removed to the White Earth reservation and are to get their share of 

this fund over again? 

1\lr. DA. WES. Well, I am a little stumped by that interrogatory, 

Mr. President. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. It is all stumps. [Laughter.] 

Mr. DAW.EH. I have trusted to the future revision of this contract 

by Congress. 

Mr. HOA.R. I should like to ask my colleague whether~ -considering the unusual importance of this transaction, which, I suppose, is the 

mostimportantone bearing upon Indian interests we have had for many 

years here, as I judge from his statement, it would not be well to vest 

the power of personal responsibility of ad vising and assenting to it .before it is reported to Co~crress in the President of the United States 

instead of the Secretary of the Interior? I think if the personal responsibility were upon the President, it would gi\re the transaction a 

dignity which it would not possess through a Department officer. 

As I understand the bill, the scheme which is to be reported by this 

commission to consist of three persons, one of whom is to. be a citizen 

of Minnesota, is to be approved by the Secretary of the Interior before 

it is reported to Congress. 1\Iy question is whether it would not be 

well, considering the great importance of the affair, to clothe the President of the United States himself with that responsibility in this case? 

Of course he would have the benefit of the advice of the Secretary of the 

Interior, but where Congress pursued the unusual coruse of imposingthat duty upon the President in person, the transaction would be pretty 

sure to receive an unusual scrutiny before it came back to us here. 

Mr. DAWES. I think there is force in the s-gggestion of my colleague. .A.s this bill came from the House of Representatives the agreement for all this disposition, involving so many millions of dollars and 

so many acres of land, was to take effect upon the approval of the Secretary of the Interior, without any report whatever to Congxess. 

Mr. HOA.R. I will move tl~ ~mendment I have suggested, if my 

colleague has nu objection. 

Mr. DAWES. .And it was in order to keep it under the control of 

Congress that it was modified so as to require the approval of the Secretary of the Interior. I think it will be further improved by requiring the approval of the President instead of the approval of the Secre- tary of the Interior. · 

1\IT. HOAR. I move that the words "Secretary of the Interior," in 

line 3 of the :first section! on page 11 of the amendment, be stricken 

out, and the words "President of the United States" inserted. 

Mr. D.A. WES. The Senator from Minnesota has charge of the bill, 

and I do not consider myself authorized to indicate )Vhat would be the 

vo]ce of the committee. I should rather the Senator from Minnesota 

would speak. It was onJy at his request that I have explained it. 

Mr. SABIN. The Senator from Uassachusetts [Mr. DAWES] being 

the author of the bill as it stands, I prefer to have him make his explanation. He bas disemboweled the original bill and substituted 

one {)f his own. 

Mr. HOAR. I move to amend the amendment of the committee, in 

section l, line 3, on page 11, by striking out the words '' Se~retary of 

the Interior" and substituting "President of the United States;" and 

then, in the same section, in lines 41 and 42, I move to strike out the 

words "Secretary of the Interior" and substitute "President of the 

United States." 

The P.RESIDE.l'TT 11ro tempm·e. The amendment proposed by theSenator from Massachusetts [Mr. HoAR] will be stated. 

The SECRETARY. In section 1, line 3, of the amendment, after the 

words "that the," it is propo ed to s~e out "Secretary of the Interior~' and insert "President of the United States." 

The amendment to the ru:nendment was agreed to. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Tlle next amendment of the Senator 

from M:assacbusetts will be stated. -

The SECRETARY. In section 1 of the amendment, line 41, after the 

words ''relinquishment by the,'' strike out'' Secretary of the Interior'' 

and insert '' President of the United States.'' • 

The amendment to the amendment was agreed to. 

1\Ir. CALL. I ask the chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs 

if this bill is unanimously rooommended and adopted by the committee? 

Mr. DAWES. The Senator from Minnesota [Mr. SABIN] can an mer 

better than myselL So far as I know, it has received the approval of 

the Committee on Indian Affairs. 

I will say, as the Senator from Minnesota was kind enough tJ remark that it was my bill, that I drew the bill. I have been trying to 

make something out of the House bill for a good while, and I have been 

at work upon this bill, but the Senator from Minnesota has taken charge 

of the bill, and I believe honestly that it is t.he best bill that can be 

made to dispose of this whole matter. 

Mr. PLATT. I ought to say perhaps that this bill might have been 

considered at some meeting of the committee when I was not present; 

I think so; at any rate I do not remember to have heard of the bill. 

Mr. DAWES. The Senator from Connecticut was in Connecticut 

during the last meeting of the committee, but it has been before the 

committee several times. 

Mr. PLATT. I think it ·would have struck me, because I know 

something about the land ~f some of the Indians, -and something of 

the operations which have been going on up there, but I feel quite delicate about saying anything in relation to the bill, because I -am on the 

committee. Still, if I can have the attention of the ch-airman for a moment, I want to make n. suggestion as to whether this is the best 

thing that can be done for the civilization -and the development of the 

Indians of that race. l have a very decided feeling myself that the 

worst thing you can do for a tribe of Indians is to make a great fund 

for them .and paytbem the interest upon it, and these Indians up there 

are now somewhat advanced on the road towards civilization. A good 

·many of them wear citizens' clothes. 

1\11;.. DAWES. Every Indian on the White Earth reservation wears 

citizens' clothes, except the medicine man, who goes there to see if be 

can not make a little money out of them. 

llr. PLATT. These Indians have already advanced somewhat towards civilization. My judgment3 without thinking a great deal <On 

the subject, is that to make a fund of 510,000,000 for these Indians 

will be, for the bands on the Fond du Lac reserva.tion and the other 

reservations I have been talking about, more than $2,000,000. 

-

•" 

. 

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' I 

9132 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-. HODS~. OCTOBER 3, · 

Mr. SABIN. They are not included in this. 

Mr. PLATT. I think they are all included. If they get the worth 

of the timber this fund will run up to a very considerable sum. It 

will be more than $5,000,000, I think. 

Now, I believe the very worst thing that can be done for these Indians is to sell their land and put the proceeds into a fund and have 

them paid the interest regularly on that fund for fifty years, and possibly, as the bill provides, 5 per cent. of the principal in an emergency. 

M:r. SABIN. Make it 3 per cent., then. 

Mr. PLATT. I think the result will be that at the end of fifty 

years these Indians will not be a particle more advanced toward civilization than they are to-day. The truth is that the hardest Indians 

in the United States to civilize are the richest ones, and in proportion 

to the amount of their riches. You can not break up the tribal relation in a rich tribe of Indians with one-half the case that you can 

among Indians that ha\e no money. Riches bring a kind of aristocracy among them, and they maintain their manpers and their customs 

and resist every possible attempt to civilize them. Yon may take their 

children and send them to school at Carlisle, and when thl3y go back 

to the tribe they have either to be driven out or to go and adopt the 

customs and submit themselves to the regulations of the tribe. 

Mr. D.A. WES. I should like to ask the Senator a question. Admit 

all that to be true, and then admit that this pine timber belongs to 

these Indians, and I ask the Senator what is he going to do? Is he 

going to let tltis timber lie until the solution of this question, or·is he 

going to take this money upon the principle that it is going to hurt its 

owner and do something else with it? What would he do with it? If 

he will enlighten me on that subject, be will help me in this business. 

Mr. PLATT. I know the difficulties of this problem, I think. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. Will my friend from Connecticut yield to me? 

Mr. PLATT. I will, if you will permit me to say one other word. 

:Mr. EDMUNDS. I will. 

Mr. PLATT. I say this, :Mr. President, ns my judgment of a general principle, you are never going to elevate any human being in this 

world very much or advance him very far along the road to social de· 

velopment unless he has the spending of his own money. 

Mr.- EDMUNDS. This bill is very important, and the Senate is 

thin, and as I am not ready at this present moment to vote for it, 

although I may be when I consider it more, I think I ought to insist 

on my motion to adjourn; but I will state, as my friend from Minnesota wishes t.o go away to-morrow, that I will vote, if he wishes it, immediately after the morning business to-morrt~tw morning to take the 

bill up and we can consider it with a. full Senate. And now, subject 

to the Chair's desire to lay some papers before the Senate, I renew my 

motion to anjourn. 

PENSACOLA AND MEMPHIS RAILROAD. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Before submitting the motion the 

Chair will lay before the Senate the amendment of the Honse of Representatives to the bill (S. 3573) granting the right of way t-o the Pensacola and Memphis Railroad Company over and through the public 

lands of the United States in the States of Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee, and granting the right of way to said railroad 

company over and through the United States naval and military reservations near Pensacola, in the State of Florida. 

The amendment will be stated. 

The SECRETARY. On page 1, line 22, strike out "eighteen " and 

insert '' three.'' 

Mr. CALL. I move that the Senate concur in the House amendment. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. What does that amendment mean, Mr, President? 

I wish to bear it explained. 

Mr. CALL. The original bill as passed by the Senate gave to the 

Pensacola and Memphis Railway Company, a corporation organized 

under the States of Alabama and Tennessee, which is now building a railroad to Pensacola, the right of way through the naval reservation, or rather the use of 1,800 feet of the water-front for their wharves, 

subject to its value to be appraised by the Secretary. The House amendment limits it to 300 feet. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. ·The question is on concurring in the 

amendment of the House of Representatives. 

The amendment was concurred in. 

HOUSE :BIT~LS REFERRED. 

The following bills from the House of Representatives were severally read twice by their titles, and referred to the Committee on Commerce: A bill (H. R. 11107) to amend an act entitled "An act to authorize 

the Fort Smith and Choctaw Bridge Company to construct a bridge across the Poteau River, in the Choctaw Nation, near Fort Smith, 

. Ark. ; " and 

A bill (H. R. 11338) to authorize the construction of a. bridge across the Coosa River, at Gadsden, in the State of Alabama. 

The following bills were severally read twice by their tiUes, and re- ferred to the Committee on Military Affairs: 

A bill (H. R. 6782} for the relief of James Ba;llard; and 

A bill (H. _R. 8557) for the relief of Dr. David Bell. 

The bill (H. R. 10098) to refer t;he claims of Richard H. Parkam, adruinish·ator of George Gorman, deceased, and RobertS. McDonald to 

the Court of Claims, was read twice by its title, and referred to the 

Committee on Claims. 

ORDER OF :BUSL.~ESS. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolutions that were not concluded to-day, if there be no objection, w.ill be considered as in the 

order of current business for to-morrow morning. The Chair bears no 

objection. The Chair announces-the unfinished business, being the bill 

(H. R. 9151) to forfeit certain lands granted to the Northern Pacific 

Hailroad Company, and for other purposes. 

Mr. EDMUNDS. Now I renew my motion. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Vermont moves that the Senate do now adjourn. 

The motion was agreed to; and (at 5 o'clock and 32 minutes p. m.) 

the Senate adjourned until to-morrow, Thursday, October 4, 1888, at 

12 o'clock m. · 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

WEDNESDAY, October 3, 1888. 

The House met at 12 o'clock m. Prayer by Rev. J. H. CuTHBERT, 

D. D. 

The Journal of the proceedings of yesterday was 1·ead and approved. 

PUJ3LIC·LAND DECISIONS, ETC., INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. 

The SPEAKER laid before the House theSenateamendmentstothe 

joint resolution (H. Res. 101) providing for the printing of decisions 

of the Interior Department with regard t-o public lands and pensions 

for sale. 

Mr. RICHARDSON. I ask unanimous consent to consider the Senate amendments now and concur in them. They are only formal 

amendments. 

The SPEAKER. The amendments will be read, subject to objection. 

The amendments were read at length. 

Mr. RICHARDSON. It does not require any money eventually, for 

it goes back into the Treasury. It is simply to sell the decisions. 

There being no objection, the amendments were considered, and 

agreed to. DR. JOHN :B. READ. 

The SPEAKER also laid before the House the amendments of the 

Senate to the bill (H. R. 10633) for the relief of Dr. John B. Read. 

Mr. FORNEY. Ur. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to concur in 

the Senate amendments. 

The SPEAKER. The amendments will be read, subject to objection. , The amendments were read at length. 

There being no objectjon, the Senate amendments were considered, 

and agreed to. 

LBCOLN I.-AND DISTRICT, NEW MEXICO. 

The SPEAKER also laid before the House the bill (S. 3390) to create 

the Lincoln land district in the Territory of New Mexico; which was 

read a first and second time. 

1\Ir. McRAE. Mr. Speaker, in behalf of the Delegate from New 

Mexico, who is temporarily absent, I ask leave to consider that bill now. 

It has been favorably reported upon by the House committee. 

The SPEAKER. The bill will be read, after which the Chair will 

ask for objection. 

The .bill was read, as follows: 

Be it enacted, etc., That a.U tha.t portion of the Territory of New Mexico em- braced within the boundaries of the county of Lincoln shall be constituted a separate land district, to be known as the Lincoln land district, the office of 

which said land district shall be located at the town of Roswell, Territory of New Mexico. 

SEc. 2. That the President shall appoint, by and with the advice a.nd consent of the Senate, a register and receiver of the public moneys of the United States 

for said district; and sa.id officers shall reside in the place where the land office 

is located, and they shall have the same power and receive the same emolu- ments as are or may be prescribed by law in relation to other land officers in the 

Territories of the United States. 

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the present consideration of 

the bill? 

Mr. DINGLEY. Before consent js given, I would like to inquire if 

a similar bill bas been reported by the House committee? 

Mr. McH.AE. It has. 

Mr. DINGLEY. And meets the approval of the Secretary of the 

Interior? 

Mr. 1\fcR.AE. It has the approval of the Land Commissioner. 

Mr. DINGLEY. I have no objection t-o its consideration. 

There being no objection, the bill was considered, ordered to a third 

reading; and it was read the third time, and passed. 

:M:r. McRAE moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the 

table. 

The latter motion was agreed to.